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Given By
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THIRD ANNUAL REPORT
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BTJEEAU OF ETHNOLOGY
SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
1881-'82
J. ^V. POAVELL
DIRECTOR
WASHING TON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1884
1
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Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of Ethnology,
Washington, B. C, October 26, 1883.
Sir: I have the honor to submit my Third Annual Report
as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.
The first part consists of an explanation of the plan and
operations of the bureau. The second part consists of a series
of papers on anthropologic subjects, prepared by my assistants,
to illustrate the methods and results of the work of the Bureau.
I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and
wise counsel relating to the work under my charge.
I am, with respect, your obedient servant,
Pro£ Spencer F. Baird,
Secretary Smithsonian Institution.
m
CONTENTS.
REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.
Pago.
Introductory xin
Publications xiv
Observations on cup-shaped and other lapidarian sculptures, by Charles
Rau XIV
On prehistoric trephining and cranial amnlets, by Robert Fletcher XV
A study ot the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas xvi
Field work xvill
Work of Mr. Cushins? xviil
Work of Mr. Stevenson XX
Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff xxi
Work of Mr. Hillers xxi
Work of Mr. Gatschet xxii
Work of Mrs. Ermionie A. Smith xxiii
Work of Dr. W. J. Hoffman xxiil
Explorations in mounds xxiv
Office work XXV
Work of Mr. Gatschet xxv
Work of Rev. J. Owen Dorsey xxv
Work of Mr. Pilling xxvi
Work of Lt. Col. Mallery xxvi
Work of Mr. Hensh.iw xxviii
Work of Mr. Holmes XXVIII
Work of Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith xxviii
Work of Dr. Yarrow xxix
Work of Mr. Cushing xxix
Work of Prof. Mason xxix
Work of the Director xxix
Papers accompanying the report xxix
Notes on certain Maya and Mexican Manuscripts, by Cyrus Thomas xxx
On masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal customs, by W. H. Dall xxxi
Navajo weavers, by Dr. Washington Matthews xxxi v
Omaha Sociology, by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey xxxv
On kinship and the tribe xxxvin
On kinship and the clan XLVi
On tribal marriage LVi
Prehistoric textile fabrics of the United States, by William H. Holmes Lxn
Catalogue of collections made during the field season of 1881, by William H.
Holmes lxiii
Catalogue of the collections from New Mexico and Arizona in 1881, by James
Stevenson LXiv
On activital similarities LXV
Classification of expenditures LXXiv
V
VI CONTENTS.
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.
NOTES ON CERTAIN MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS, BY CYRUS THOMAS.
Page.
Tableau Ues Bacab 7
Plate 43 of the Borgiau Codex 23
Plate 44 of the Fejervary Codex 31
Symbols of tUe cardinal points 36
ON MASKS, LABRETS, AND CERTAIN ABORIGINAL CUSTOMS, BY WILLIAM II. DALL.
Prefatory remarks 73
The evolution of masks 74
Ln bretifery 77
Classification of masks 93
Ou the practice of preserving the whole or part of the human head 94
On the distribution of masks 98
Masks of the South Sea 98
Masks of Peru 103
Masks of Central America and Mexico 104
Masks of Nevr Mexico and Arizona 105
Masks of Norrhwest American Indians 106
Tlinkit and Haida masks 110
Masks of the Innuit, north to the Arctic Ocean 121
Innuit of Prince William Sound 124
Inuuit of Kadiak Island 128
Innuit of Kuskokwim River 129
Innuit of Norton Sound and the Yukon Delta 132
Innuit of Bering Strait 135
Innuit of Point Barrow, Arctic Ocean 136
Masks of the Uniinguu or Aleuts 137
Masks of the Iroquoi-s (supplemental) 144
Summary and speculations 146
Plates and explanatious 153
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY, BY J. OWEN DORSEY.
Chapter I. — Introduction 211
Early migrations of the (Jegiha tribes 211
Subsequent migrations of the Omahas 213
Present state of the Omahas 214
Chapter II.— The State 215
Differentiation of organs in the State 215
State classes 216
Corporations 216
Chapter III. — The Gentile system 219
Tribal circles 219
The Omaha tribal circle 219
The sacred tents 221
The sacred pipes 221
Law of membership 225
The Wejiocte or Elk gens 225
The luke-sabS, or Black shoulder gens 228
The Hanga gens 233
The (/latada gens 236
The ^a^ze gens 241
The Ma^^nuka-gaxe gens 242
The xe-sinde gens 244
The xa-da or Deer-head gens 245
CONTENTS. VII
Pag&
Chapter III. — The Gentile system — Continued.
The liig^^e-jide gens 247
The Ictasanda gens 248
Chapter IV. — The kinship system and marriage laws 252
Classes of kinship 252
Marriage laws 255
Chapter V.— Domestic life 259
Courtship and marriage customs 259
Domestic etiquette — bashfulness 262
Pregnancy 263
Children 265
Standing of women in society 266
Catamenia 267
Widows and widowers 267
Rights of parents and others 268
Personal habits, politeness, etc 269
Meals, etc 271
Chapter VI. — Visiting customs 276
Chapter VII. — Industrial occuiiations 283
Hunting 283
Fishing 301
Cultivation of the ground 302
Chapter VIII. — Industrial occupation (continued) 303
Food and its preparation 303
Clothing and its preparation 310
Chapter IX. — Protective industries 312
War customs 312
Defensive warfare 312
Offensive warfare 315
Chapter X. — Amusements and corporations 334
Games 334
Corporations 342
Feastiujj societies 342
Dancing societies 342
Chapter XI. — Regulative industries 356
The government 3.56
Religion 363
Chapter XII.— The law 364
Personal law 364
Property law 366
Corporation law 367
Government law 367
International la w 368
Military law 368
Religious law 368
NAVAJO WEAVERS, BY DR. WASHINGTON MATTHEWS.
Navajo weavers 371
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS OF THE UNITED .STATES, DERIVED FROM IMPRESSIONS
ON POTTERY, BY W. H. HOLMES.
Introductory 397
First Group 401
Second Group _ 404
Third Group 413
Fourth Group 416
Fifth Group 417
VIII CONTENTS.
Page.
Sixth Group 418
Miscellaneous 420
ILLTISTBATED CATALOGUE OF A PORTION OP THE COLLECTIONS MADE DUMNG THE
FIELD SEASON OF 1881, BY W. H. HOLMES.
Introductory 433
Collections from Jackson County, North Carolina 434
From the Cherokee Indians 434
Collections from Cocke County, Tennessee 438
From the fields at Newport 438
From a mound at Pigeon Eivor .. 440
Collections from Sevier County, Tennessee 442
The McMahon Mound 442
From the fields of Sevierville 453
Collections from Roane County, Tennessee 457
Mound at Taylor's Bend 457
From field at Taylor's Bend 458
Vicinity of Kingston 460
Mound at Niles Ferry 461
Mounds near Paint Eock Ferry 461
Collections from Jeft'erson County, Tennessee 463
Mound on Fain's Island 463
From the fields of Fain's Island 465
Collections from Mississippi County, Arkansas 468
Pemisscott Mound 468
Chickasawba Mound 468
Mounds on Carson Lake Township 468
Mounds at Pecan Point 469
Field graves and fields in vicinity of Pecan Point 470
Collections from Arkansas County, Arkansas 476
Mounds at Arkansas Post 476
Field graves about Menard Mounds 477
Collections from Monroe County, Arkansas 486
Mound at Lawrenceville 486
Mounds at Indian Bay 487
Collections from Ohio 490
From mounds and fields 490
Collections from Oregon 492
Collections from Kentucky 493
Collections from Missouri 495
Collections from other States 507
Collections from Peru 508
ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE OF THE COLLECTIONS OBTAINED FROM THE PUEBLOS OP
NEW MEXICO AKD ARIZONA IN 1881, BY JAMES STEVENSON.
Letter of transmittal 517
Introductory 519
Collections from Zuui, New Mexico 521
Articles of stone 521
Articles of clay 531
Vegetal substances - 575
Animal substances 586
Collections from Wolpi, Arizona 567
Articles of stone 587
Articles of clay 587
Vegetal substances 588
Animal substances 593
Index 595
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Page.
Plate I.— Fac-similo of the Tableau des Bacab 7
II. — The Tableau des Bacab restored 12
III-— Fac-simile of Plate 44 of the Fejervary Codex 32
IV.— Copy of Plates 65 and 66 of the Vatican Codex B 56
V. — Prehistoric Aleutian labrets 155
VI. — Prehistoric Aleutian labrets 157
VII. — Maskoid from Caroline Islands 159
VIII. — Maskette from New Ireland 161
IX.— Maskettes from New Ireland and the Friendly Islands 163
X. — Maskoid from New Ireland 165
XI. — Mortuary maskoids from Pern 167
XII. — Moqui maskettes from Arizona 168
XIII.— Indian masks fr >!■, ihe northwest coast of America 171
XIV.— Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 173
XV. — Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 175
XVI. — Indian masks from the northwest coa.st of America 177
XVII. — Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 179
XVIII. — Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 181
XIX.— Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 183
XX.— Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 185
XXI.— Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 187
XXII.— Iroquois mask and Haida medicine-rattle 189
XXIII.— Inunit masks from Prince William Sound 191
XXIV. — Innuit masks from Prince William Sound 193
XXV.— Innuit masks from Prince William and Norton Sounds li)5
XX VI.— Innuit masks from Kadiak and Norton Sound 197
XXVII. — lunuit maskette and finger mask I99
XXVIII. — Aleut dancing and mortuary masks 201
XXIX. — Aleut mortuary masks 203
XXX.— Map showing the migrations of the Omahas and cognate tribes. 212
XXXI. — Tent of Agaha-wacuce 237
XXXII. — Omaha system of consanguinities 253
XXXIII.— Omaha system of afSnities 255
XXXIV. — Navajo woman spinning 37g
XXXV.— Weaving of diamond-shaped diagonals 380
XXXVI.— Navajo woman weaving a belt ^84
XXXVII. — Zuui women weaving a belt 388
XXXVni.— Bringing down the batten 39O
XXXIX.— Pottery, with impressions of textile fabrics 397
XL. — Polishing pottery 535
XLI. — Zuui vases and canteen 538
XLII. — Drilling turquoise 5g2
XLIII. — Moki method of dressing hair 583
XLIV. — Moki method of spinning 590
rx
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Figure 1. — The four cardinal symbols 8
2.— Scheme of tbe Tableau des Bacab 13
3. — Copy from Plates 18 and 19, Codex Peresianus 19
4._Copy of Plate 43, Borgian Codox 24
5._Copy of Plates 51 and 52, Vatican Codex, B 27
6. — Scheme of Plate 44, Fejervary Codex 34
7. — Symbols of the four cardinal points 3G
8. — Calendar wheel, as given by Duran 44
9. — Calendar wheel, from book of Chilan Balam 59
10. — Engraved shells - 61
12.— The Omaha tribal circle 220
13. — Places of the chiefs,' etc., in the tribal assembly 224
14.— Iuke-sab6 tent 230
15. — luke-sabe style of wearing the hair 230
10. — Inke-sabe Gentile assembly 231
17. — The sacred pole 234
18. — Wasabe-hit'aji style of wearing the hair 237
19. — jLe-sinde style of wearing the hair 244
20. — The weawa", or calumet pipe 277
21. — Kattles used in the pipe dance 278
22. — The Dakota style of tobacco pouch used by the Omahas in the
pipe dance 278
23. — The position of the pipes, the ear of com, etc 279
24. — Decoration of child's face 280
25. — Showing positions of the long tent, etc., within the tribal circle . 295
26. — Figures of pumpkins 306
27.— The Webajabe 310
28.— The Weubaja" 311
29. — Front view of the iron 311
30.— Old Ponka fort 314
31. — Diagram showing places of the guests, messengers, etc 315
32.— The banange 336
33.— The sticks 336
34 — Na^baoau ha 336
35.— C^abifi" au ha 337
36. — Diagram of the play-ground 337
37.— The stick used in playing jiJ(|i"-jahe 338
38.— The wa^fMgije 338
39. — The stick used in playing loti^-bu^a 341
40. — The waq^^qf e-'a^sa 352
41. — The Ponka style of hauga-3ti'a"z6 3.59
42. — The Omaha style of hanga-3^i'a°ze 361
42. — Ordinary Navajo blanket loom 378
43. — Diagram showing formation of warp 379
44. — AVeaving of saddle-girth 382
45. — Diagram showing arrangement of threads of the warp in the
healds and on the rod 383
46. — Weaving of saddle-girth 383
47. — Diagram showing arrangement of healds in diagonal weaving . . . 384
48.— Diagonal cloth 334
49-55.— N.-ivajo blankets 385-388
56. — Diagr.im showing formation of warp of sash 338
57. — Section of Navajo belt 389
58.— Wooden heald of the Zuuis 389
ILLUSTEATIONS. XI
Page.
Figure 59. — Girl weaving (from an Aztec picture) 391
60. — Cord marked vessel, Great Britain 399
61. — Cord and fabric marked vessel, Pennsylvania 400
62. — Combination of threads in coffee sacking 401
63. — Section of same 401
64. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of New York 402
65.— Fabric from the ancient pottery of District of Columbia 402
66. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Arizona 402
67. — Fabric from the caves of Kentucky 403
68. — Fabric from the Swiss Lake Dwellings 403
69-70. — Fabrics from mounds in Ohio 403
71. — Section of the same 403
72.— Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee 405
73. — Section of same 405
74. — Diagram showing method of weaving 405
75. — Device for making the twist 406
76. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee 406
77. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Georgia 407
78-80. — Fabrics from the ancient pottery of Tennessee 407-408
81. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Arkansas 408
82-83. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Illinois 409-410
84. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Missouri . 410
85. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee 410
86. — Fabric from a copper celt, Iowa 411
87. — Fabric from Vancouver's Island 412
88-90. — Fabrics from the Lake Dwellings of Switzerland 412-413
91.— Section of third form of fabric 4 14
92. — Device for weaving same 414
93-96.— Fabrics from the ancient pottery of Tennessee 414-415
97. — Fabric from the Northwest coast 4ir,
98. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee 416
99. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Alabama 416
100. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Iowa 417
101. — Plaiting of an ancient sandal 417
102. — Braiding done by the Lake Dwellers 418
103.— Fabric from the ancient pottery of District of Columbia 419
104-105. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of North Carolina 419-420
106. — Net from the Lake Dwellings 420
107-109.— Fabrics from the ancient pottery of New Jersey 421-422
110. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Pennsylvania 422
111. — Impression on the ancient pottery of Ohio 423
112. — Impression on the ancient pottery of New Jersey 423
113.— Impression on the ancient pottery of Alabama 423
114. — Impression on the ancient pottery of Maryland 424
115. — Impression on the ancient pottery of Alabama 425
116. — Stone implement, Tennessee 439
117. — Sections of earthen vessels, Tennessee 440
118. — Earthen vessel, Tennessee 444
119-128. — Shell ornaments, Tennessee 447-452
129-135. — Stone implements, Tennessee 454-459
136-138.— Shell beads, Tennessee 462
139. — Earthen vessel, Tennessee 464
140-141. — Shell ornaments, Tennessee 460
142. — Stone implement, Arkansas 47O
XII ILLUSTRATIONS.
Page.
Figure 143-150.— Earthen vessels, Arkansas 471-471)
151 .^Stone implement, Arkansas 477
152-171. — Earthen vessels, Arkansas 478-489
172. — Method of plaiting sandals 493
173. — Method of plaiting mat 493
174-197. — Earthen vessels, Missouri 495-506
198.— Wooden mask, Peru 509
199. — Stone net-sinker, Peru 510
200.— Copper fish-hooks, Peru 510
THIRD ANNUAL REPORT
BUKEAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
BY J. W. POWEIiL, DIRECTOR.
INTRODUCTORY.
Researches among the North American Indians, as directed
by act of Congress, have been diligently prosecuted during
the fiscal year 1 881-82. Operations have been continued on
the plan established in previous years, which may be briefly
set forth as follows:
First. The direct employment of scholars and specialists to
conduct investigations and prepare the results for publication.
The names of those so employed, with notice of the special
line of work in which each one is engaged, will appear under
the sevei'al headings of this report.
Second. The stimulation and guidance of research by col-
laborators who voluntarily contribute the results of their work
for publication or other use. This collaboration has been ob-
tained by wide and gratuitous circulation of all the publica-
tions of the Bureau, and by instituting correspondence with
many persons whose abilities and opportunities appeared to
render it desirable. Such contributions are again invited, and
will always be thankfully acknowledged. When in the shape
of material objects they will be deposited in the National Mu
seum, and the depositors will receive acknowledgment there-
from.
The work of the Bureau during the year may be conven-
iently divided into (1) Publications, (2) Field work, (3) Office
work. The last class of work, however, is not independent of
XJV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
field work, but supplementary to it, being the study, compila-
tion, and arrangement of material obtained in the field, with
such additions as can be procured from literature and corre-
spondence, and with the preparation of requisite illustrations.
PUBLICATIONS.
Three papers were published during the year, in the order
given below. A small edition of each was issued separately,
but the main publication comprised the three papers together
(separate paginations being preserved) as Volume V, "Con-
tributions to North American Ethnology," a quarto volume of
421 pages, exclusive of 53 full-page plates, and containing 105
illustrations in the text.
OBSERVATIONS ON CUP-SHAPED AND OTHER LAPIDA-
RIAN SCULPTURES, BY CHARLES RAU,
Dr. Charles Rau is well known to the scientific world as
Curator of the Department of Archseology in the Smithsonian
Institution, and as the author of several standard works in the
branch of study to which he has long been devoted. His
present paper discusses a remarkable and widely distribixted
class of ancient sculptured objects, called by the French
pierres a ecuelles, and by the Germans Schalensteine, to which
he has applied the English term "cup-stones." They may be
described as stones or rocks in which cup-shaped cavities, vary-
ing in size, numbei", and arrangement, have been made by the
hand of man. They are often associated with engraved fig-
ures of a different character. A point of much interest re-
garding them is that they are found in the United States and
in other parts of the Western hemisphere, in form and under
conditions analogous to those long known in the Eastern con-
tinent as subjects of antiquarian research aff'ording little sat-
isfactory result. This is an additional example of the many
similarities in prehistoric praccices between the Old World and
the New from which diverse theories are deduced.
Dr. Rau has described and analyzed, with acumen and eru-
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XV
dition, the whole sum of present knowledge concerning these
enigmatical inscriptions of antiquity and the objects related to
them, presenting in orderly arrangement a mass of valuable
information never before collected. His suggestions toward a
solution of the problem are cautious and judicious.
ON PREHISTORIC TREPHINING AND CRANIAL AMULETS,
BY ROBERT FLETCHER, M. R. C. S. ENG., ACT. ASST. SUR-
GEON, U. S. ARMY.
The subject of this paper is a problem which has occupied
physiologists and anthropologists for a number of years. Hu-
man skulls of the neolithic age have been discovered in dol-
mens and other ancient depositories, with poi'tions removed
showing such evidence of natural cicatrization as to prove that
the operation of trephining was performed during life and some-
times has ended many years before death. Also separated por-
tions of such skulls adjoining a segment of the original aper-
ture were found, named from their foi"m rondelles, and later
considered to be amulets. This latter practice has been termed
posthumous trephining.
Dr. Fletcher contributes an exhaustive review of the whole
evidence on the subject, together with an examination of the
theories entertained and the method of trephining practiced in
modern times by uncivilized tribes. He presents, as his own
deduction from the evidence, the theory that the object of pre-
historic trephining was to relieve disease of the brain, injury
of the skull, epilepsy, or convulsions, and that it was performed
by scraping. A remarkable confirmation of his views has been
made known since the publication of his paper by the mention
in "Samoa" by George Turner, LL. D. [London, 1884], of
the practice as existing but a few years ago in the group of
volcanic islands in Central Polynesia long known as Navi-
gator's Islands, but correctly termed Samoa. The operation
there was to slip up and fold over the scalp, and to scrape
the cranial bone with a fine-edged shell until the dura mater
was reached. Very little blood was allowed to escape. In
some cases the aperture was covered over with a thin piece
of cocoanut shell; in other cases the incised scalp was simply
XVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
replaced. This practice by the present generation of what
was evidently that of the neolithic age was for the same pur-
pose as suggested by Dr. Fletcher, viz, to relieve pain in the
head. The "cure" was death to some, but most of the sub-
jects recovered. The precise operation of trephining has not
been found to be practiced among the tribes of North Amer-
ica; but they very generally scarify or otherwise wound parts
of the body where pain is seated, or supposed to be. Their
philosophy of pain is, that it is an evil spii'it which they must
let out. The early writers, who believed in the benefits of
phlebotomy more than is now the custom, gave much credit to
the Indians for this practice. It was to them one of the proofs
of the advance of American natives in medical and surgical
science, which was admitted while knowledge in most other
branches was denied. A suggestion occurs that the custom of
cutting of the breast, arms, and some other parts of the body,
at the mourning ceremonies of Indians, as of other jieoples,
may have originated in the idea of letting grief, the pain of
sorrow, out of the mourner.
A STUDT OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO, BY C. THOMAS,
PH. D., WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY D. G. BRINTON, M. D.
The manuscript, or codex, styled Troano, sometimes more
simply Tro, w^as found at Madrid in 1864, in the possession of
Don Juan de Tro y Ortolano, Professor of Paleography and a
descendant of Hernan Cortez. It was recognized by the Abb^
Brasseur de Bourbourg, after his return from Yucatan, as a spec-
imen of the graphic system of the Mayas, and was named by
compounding the two names of its owner. It is written on a
long strip of maguey paper folded fan-like, forming thirty-five
leaves, written on both sides, making seventy pages, and is
universally admitted to be a valuable record of the ancient cult-
ure of Yucatan. Its full interpretation would probably repro-
duce much of the arts, social life, and philosophy of a people
for which all Americans must entertain deep interest, and the
successful act of interpretation would elucidate points of impor-
tance in the evolution of written language.
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XVII
The introduction to the paper, by the distinguished anthro-
pologist Dr. Daniel G. Brinton, is a perspiciious summary of the
amount of knowledge upon the graphic system and ancient
records of the Mayas existing prior to the publication of Pro-
fessor Thomas's paper. The latter work exhibits admirable
industry and felicitous sagacity, bringing to light many im-
pressive details in addition to his general conclusions, the most
important of which are as follows:
That the work was intended chiefly as a ritual or religious
calendar to guide the priests in the observance of religious
festivals, and in their numerous ceremonies and other duties.
That the figures in the spaces are in some cases symbolical,
in others simply pictographic, and, in quite a number, refer to
religious ceremonies; but that in many instances they relate
to the habits, customs, and occupations of the people.
That the work appertained to and was prepared for a people
living in the interior of the countiy, away from the sea-shore.
That the people of the section where it was prepared were
peaceable and sedentary, supporting themselves chiefly on
agricultural products, though relying upon gins and traps and
the chase to supply them with animal food.
That the execution and character of the work itself, as
well as its contents, bear testimony that the people were com-
paratively well advanced in the arts of barbaric life. But
there is nothing to warrant the glowing descriptions of their
refinement and general culture given by some of the earlier
as well as more modern writers. They correspond with what
might be inferred from the architectural remains in some parts
of Yucatan.
That the characters, while to a certain extent phonetic,
are not true alphabetic signs, but syllabic. Some appear to
be ideographic, and others simply abbreviated pictorial repre-
sentations of objects. They seem, in their several elements to
represent different stages of the growth of picture writing into
alphabetic writing.
That the work (the original, if the one now in existence
be a copy) was probably written about the middle or in the
later half of the fourteenth century.
3 ETH II
XVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
FIELD-WORK.
WORK OF MR. CUSHING.
In the early summer of 1881, Mr. Frank Hamilton Gushing
carried on, under increasing facilities, investigations into the
home life of the Zunis, mentioned in the second annual report
of this Bureau, and prepared to visit the little-known, isolated,
and semi-hostile tribe heretofore vaguely mentioned as the C090-
ninos. He was anxious to investigate the relationship mutually
claimed between these Indians and the Zunis, and thus, if pos-
sible, to supplement his researches among the latter. He was
furnished by Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. A., surgeon
at Fort Wingate, New Mexico, with means, which had failed
to reach him in time, and by General L. P. Bradley, U. S. A.,
commanding that post, with two pack mules and appurtenances.
He secured the services as guide of a Zufii Indian named
Tsai-iu-tsaih-ti-wa, who had before visited the country of the
Co(joninos, and was accompanied by Tits-ke-mAt-se, a Chey-
enne Indian, who had been sent by Professor Baird, secretary
of the Smithsonian Institution, as an assistant. The party
proceeded at once across the country to Moki. At the pueblo
of Te-wa Mr. Gushing also secured an interpreter and addi-
tional guide, a native trader named Pu-la-ka-kai, who was
familiar with the Zufii language. After a journey of about one
hundred miles the great Ganon of Gataract Greek was reached,
and proceeding twenty miles down the trail leading through that
canon, the party arrived at the village of the Go(joninos, less than
seven miles due south from the Grand Ganon of the Colorado,
and more than three thousand feet below the level of the sur-
rounding plains. Here were found about thirty huts, occupied
by two hundred and thirty-five Indians — men, women, and
children. This is probably the village from which smoke was
seen by the daring surgeon of the Ives Expedition, who nearly
lost his life in an endeavor to penetrate the canon. Aside from
mention given by the latter in his report, the exact site of the
habitations of the Go9oninos had never been officially stated.
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XIX
During the four days Mr. Gushing was able to pass among the
CoQoninos, who call themselves Ha-va-su-pai, "People of the
willows," he collected a vocabulary of more than four hundred
words, recorded some of the myths of the ti'ibe, and succeeded
in securing valuable notes regarding the manners, customs, in-
dustries, and religion of these people. Dispatching his Moki
and Zuni Indians back to their respective pueblos, he proceeded
with Tits-ke-mdt-se, in company with a prospector named
Harvey Sample, as guide, to Fort Whipple, Arizona. Here he
was kindly received and greatly aided in the investigations of
ancient ruins in the neighborhood of Prescott and Fort Verde,
by General 0. B. Willcox, U. S. A., and officers of his com-
mand, particularly Lieutenant W. W. Wotherspoon.
Between Camp HuA-la-pai (Walapai), in Western Arizona,
and the cliff ruins of the Rio Verde, he discovered a remarka-
ble series of mesa strongholds, exhibiting a crude form of
what he regarded as incipient Pueblo architecture.
Mr. Gushing had long been desirous of entering the Order of
the Bow, a I'emarkable esoteric and religious organization of
warriors among the Zunis, with the object of increasing his
opportunities of research. After his return to Zuni from the
trip above described he was for the first time able to make the
preliminary arrangements necessary for his initiation, and was
admitted to membership in this society. His initiation and its
consequent immediate advantages enabled him to ascertain
that he had but made a beginning in the study of the native
religious institutions. He was soon after elected, by virtue of
his membership, Assistant Ghief to the Governor, or Head Ghief
of Zuni, which election was followed within a few months by
nomination and subsequent confirmation to the Head War
Ghieftaincy of the tribe.
In order that he might study the dance societies, or Ka'-ka,
of the Zunis, it became necessary for him either to marry into
the tribe or to perform some service to the Indians which should
increase their faith in him and exalt their opinion of him. He
determined, therefore, to efi'ect, if possible, a tour through the
East with some of the principal chiefs and priests of the tribe,
especially as the latter were desirous of securing sacred water
XX ANNUAL KEPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
from the Atlantic Ocean, or the "Ocean of Sunrise"; and they
promised him, through their influence in the Ka'-ka, admission
to it, could he realize for them this desire. Receiving the con-
sent and co-operation of the Director of the Bureau, he started
with a delegation of six of the Indians for Washington, where
he arrived on the 28th of February, 1882. After spending a few
days in Washington, he took the delegation to the shore of the
Atlantic, near Boston, where ceremonies were performed re-
counted elsewhere in detail.
The devotion, energy, and tact exhibited by Mr. Gushing
during his researches among the Zunis, extending over several
years, have been fruitful in contributions to ethnologic science,
some of which have already been published, but much more
remains for future presentation.
WORK OF MR. STEVENSON.
During the field season of 1881 a party in charge of Mr.
James Stevenson was directed to continue ethnologic and ar-
chseoloffic researches amonof the Pueblo Indian tribes and the
ancient ruins of Arizona and New Mexico, the Pueblo of Zuni
and the Moki tribes of Arizona being the designated fields of
operation. The large quantities of valuable material, both
ancient and modern, possessed by the Pueblo tribes made it
important that the work of collecting should be prosecuted
energetically, in order to secure as much as possible before the
objects should be carried away by visitors and speculators, who,
since railroads make the region accessible, are frequently visit-
ing that country.
The party spent about two months at Zufii, after which it
proceeded to the Moki Pueblos, constituting the ancient prov-
ince of Tusayan, in Northeastern Arizona, remaining there one
month. The collection from the Moki Pueblos is especially
valuable, as but few specimens had been secured from these
tribes except those collected by the Director of the Bureau
many yeai's before, during his exploitations of the Colorado
River of the West.
Among them are some beautiful vases elaborately decorated
with unknown designs, and of forms and structure differing
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXI
from any hitherto found. The tribes from which they were
obtained had no knowledge of the origin of these vases, but
they were in all probability made by the people who resided
in a village of considerable size, about 12 miles east of Moki,
called by the Navajos Tally-hogan, or singing houses. It is
probable that some of these people have been absorbed in the
Tusayan villages. An examination of this village, which is
now in ruins, I'evealed immense quantities of fragments of pot-
tery, on all of which were designs and figures similar to those
on the ancient vessels of the Moki, above referred to. The
amount of material secured from Moki is about 12,000 pounds,
and that from Zufti 21,000 pounds. Both of these collections
have been deposited in the National Museum.
The value and variety of the objects collected in Zuili and
the Moki Pueblos appear so clearly in the illustrated and de-
scriptive catalogues of them forming part of the Second Annual
Report, and of the present volume, that they need not be spe-
cially recapitulated in this jalace.
The Director desires to renew the expression heretofore made
of his appreciation of the industry and skill shown by Mr.
Stevenson in securing these exhaustive and valuable collections.
WORK OF MB. VICTOR MINDELEPF.
Mr. Victor Mindeleff, with several assistants, completed a
survey of Zuiii for the purpose of constructing a model of this
village on a scale of one-sixtieth. The model was subsequently
completed, and is now on exhibition in the National Museum.
The area covered by Zuni is 1,200 by 600 feet, not including
the goat and sheep corrals and gardens, which occupy a much
larger area. The model, however, illustrates all those features.
The preparation of this model by Mr. Mindeleff required much
labor and skill. It is executed in papier machd, and presents
the true colors of the village as well as of all the details.
WORK OF MR. HILLERS.
During the season, Mr. J. K. Hillers, the accomplished and
skillful photographer of the Geological Survey, in addition to
XXII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
the o^eographic and geologic illustrations made by him, se-
cured a large number of photographic views of all the Moki
villages and of Zufii, as well as of several ruins in the region
surrounding them, among which are character sketches of the
people, interiors of their houses, eagle pens, corrals, portraits
of men, women and children, many views of the people while
in the act of baking pottery, drying meat, dancing, etc. This
work will be continued.
"WORK OF BIR. GATSCHET.
In November of 1881, Mr. Albert S. Gatschet repaired to
South Carolina to investigate the Kat4ba Indians settled on
the river of the same name, in York County. They live in
the woods, eight miles south of a place called Rock Hill (rail-
road station), on a reservation of one square mile. The Ka-
tdba Indians resident there number 85, and thirty to forty live
in the neighborhood, working for farmers, and a few also have
joined the Mountain Cherokees in Graham County, North Caro-
lina. The large majority of these Indians are mixed bloods, and
it is doubted whether there are more than seven full bloods left.
They seem to have forgotten much that pertains to their for-
mer customs, traditions, beliefs, and superstitions, and are igno-
rant of their history, which was one of the most creditable and
glorious. Mr. Gatschet gathered texts, sentences, and about
fifteen hundred terms of their vocalic language, which they
speak unmixed with foreign elements. Only about twenty Ka-
t4bas still speak the language.
The ChAta, which he visited subsequently at New Orleans,
Louisiana, and on the north side of LakePontchartrain, are pooi',
shy, and bashful ; live off their vegetable products, which they
sell at the French market at New Orleans. They seem to have
been reduced to this condition by the raids made upon them
during the last war, by which their settlements north of Lake
Pontchartrain were broken up. As soon as it was perceived
that their dialect differed in grammar and pronunciation from
the one spoken by the ChAta in the Indian Territory, Mr. Gat-
schet concluded to gather as many as possible of their words
and sentences (^ texts were not obtainable), although their utter-
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXIII
ance made it exceedingly difficult to obtain material of per-
manent value.
The Shetimasha Indians of Saint Mary's Parish, on Bayou
Tfeche, Louisiana, whom he visited afterwards, live at Charen-
ton. They number 35, while 18 others live in the woods north
of Grand Lake, or Lake of the Shetimashas, as anciently called.
These Indians are, except five or six, all mixed bloods, speak
the Creole French, are gay, kind, and amiable to strangers,
cultivate small farms, help in cultivating the sugar fields, and
in winter remove cypress trees from the flooded swamps. Like
the Katdba, they speak their language with considerable pur-
ity, and circumstances favored the obtaining of ethnologic
texts. The phrases, sentences, and terms gathered in Shetima-
sha, where a stay of two weeks was made, amount to nearly
two thousand.
A search for the historical AtAkapas, AdAyes, and Taensas
throughout Louisiana was not attended with any results.
WORK OF BIRS. ERMINNIE A. SMITH.
Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith continued her Iroquoian investiga-
tions, first visiting the Onondaga Reservation in New York
State, and there filling a chrestomathy on the Onondaga dia-
lect, and collecting folk-lore. Later she visited the Six Nations
Reserve upon the Grand River in Canada, collecting folk-lore
and comparing the dialects.
WORK OF DR. W. J. HOFFMAN.
Dr. W. J. Hoffman prosecuted investigations in gesture-
language and pictographs among the Mandan, Hidatsa, and
Arikara Indians living at Fort Berthold, Dakota. Similar in-
formation was also obtained from Indians visiting that locality,
prominent among which were Dakota, Pani, Absaroka, or
Crows, Blackfeet (Satsika), and Ojibwa. On the return journey
a small delegation of Dakota Indians from the southern part
of Dakota was met at Mendota, Minn., from whom similar in-
formation was obtained. The material collected consisted
chiefly of extensive lists of gesture-signs, both those peculiar
XXIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
to individual tribes and those in common use between the
several tribes mentioned ; vocabularies of the languages with
special reference to the subject of gestures ; signals, and picto-
graphs, with interpretations ; mnemonic characters and marks
of personal distinction worn upon the person of the individual
or upon personal property.
A topographic map was also made of the Indian village,
showing the relative locations of the modern dwellings and
the earth lodges, as well as the portions of the village now
occupied by the several tribes mentioned.
EXPLORATIONS IN MOUNDS.
The act making appropriations for sundr}^ civil expenses of
the Govei'nment for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1882,
directed that five thousand dollars of the appropriation made
for the purpose of continuing ethnologic researches among the
North American Indians should be expended in continuing
archseologic investigations relating to mound builders and pre-
historic mounds. In accordance with this direction investiga-
tions were made as follows :
In Tennessee and Arkansas, by Dr. Edward Palmer. A
large collection was received from him containing some ex-
tremely rare and even unique objects.
In West Virginia and adjacent portions of Eastern Ohio,
by Dr. W. DeHass.
In Tennessee, by Mr. W. J. Taylor, who has furnished a num-
ber of specimens similar in character to those of Dr. Palmer.
In Florida, by Mr. S. T. Walker. His collections show some
peculiarities in the contents of prehistoric mounds and graves
in that State as compared with those of Tennessee and Ar-
kansas.
A detailed statement of the collection obtained from the
mounds, in connection with other objects received during the
year, appears in the illustrated catalogue prepared by Mr. W.
H. Holmes, and published in the present volume.
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXV
OFFICE WORK.
Mr. Albert S. Gatschet was engaged during the early part
of the year in carrying through the press Part I of the Diction-
ary of the Klamath Language, in which he had before been
occuj)ied. After this he was for several mouths at work in the
collection of new material for the synonymy of the Indian
tribes of North America. In this undertaking the tribes of the
Mexican States have not been included, with the exception of
those which serve to complete a linguistic stock, a large por-
tion of which is embraced within the territory of the United
States, e. g., the tribes of the Californian Peninsula and of por-
tions of the State of Sonora, Mexico (Yuman); the Apache
(Athabascan) and those which may be ascertained to belong
to the Coahuiltecan stock, probably extending into Texas.
The tribes of British America were included, because a great
portion of them extend into, or have representation in the ter-
ritory of the United States, e. g., the Eskimauan, Siouan, Ath-
abascan, Algonkian, Wakashan, Salishan, and Kitunahan.
After his return from field work, Mr. Gatschet transliterated
the four hundred Cherokl words obtained by him on the Ka-
tdba Reservation, and translated the Shetimasha material ob-
tained in French. He then resumed work upon the Klamath
Dictionary, Part II, one-half of which was completed at the
end of the year. When completed, his material will form Vol.
II of the series entitled Contributions to North American Eth-
nology.
Rev. J. Owen Dorsey was engaged from July, 1881, to May,
1882, in preparing a manuscript of (^Jegiha Myths, Stories, and
Letters for the press, amounting to 544 quarto pages in type
and stereotyped, to form Vol. VI of the above series.
He was also engaged in reading proof of the Rev. S. R.
Riggs's Dakota Dictionary, making corrections and inserting
cross-references and synonyms, to form Vol. VII of the series.
He also examined tlie census schedules of the following
tribes : Omaha, Ponka, Osage, Kansas, Iowa, and Oto, revis-
ing the spelling as well as the translations of the Indian names.
XXVI ANNUAL, REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
He collected vocabularies of the Pani, Ankara, Kaddo, Kichai,
and Wichita languages, to be used by the Director for compari-
son purposes. He obtained the gentes of the Kaddo and
Wichita, and the gentes, subgentes, and phratries of the Iowa
tribe.
During the month of May, 1882, he was engaged in the pre-
paration of a paper on Omaha Sociology, which appears in the
present volume.
Mr. J. C. Pilling continued the compilation of the Bibliog-
raphy of North American Languages during the fiscal year,
on the plan outlined in former reports, giving to it such time
as could be spared from his regular administrative work. Brief
visits to some of the prominent libraries of New York and New
England were made during the month of July, and again late
in the fall, and much new material was collected. In October
the first "copy" was sent to the printer, and in December
type-setting was begun. The proof-reading of such matter
is necessarily slow, and at the close of the fiscal year but 128
pages had been received. So far as possible these proof-sheets
were submitted to the prominent workers in Indian languages
in this country, and many additions and corrections were re-
ceived from these sources.
Brevet Lieut. Col. Garrick Mallery, U. S. Army, contin-
ued researches into gesture-language among the tribes of North
America with verifications and corrections of material previ-
ously collected fi-om them and additions to it. The result indi-
cated is, that while one system of gesture-speech has long
existed among the Indians, it is not to be regarded as one formal
or absolute language, several groups with their centers of
origin being disclosed. In regard to diversity the gesture-
signs of speaking men are found to correspond with those of
deaf mutes. Not only do many of the particular signs of deaf
mutes in America differ from those used with the same signifi-
cation in some countries of Europe, but a similar disagreement
is observed among the several institutions for deaf mute in-
struction in the United States. When the diverse signs are
purely ideographic they are, however, intelligible to all per-
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXVII
sons familiar with the principles of sign expression, but when,
as often occurs, they are conventional, they cannot be under-
stood without the aid of the context or without knowledge of
the convention. The instances of diversity among the Indian
signs are so numerous that a vocabulary would be insufficient
and misleading if it was confined to the presentation of a
single sign for each of the several objects or ideas to be ex-
pressed and did not supply variants and designation of the
several groups of tribes using them. There being no single
absolute language, each of the several forms of expression
resembling dialects has an equal right to consideration, and
without this comprehensive treatment a vocabulary must either
be limited to a single dialect, or become the glossary of a jargon.
For this reason the collection of the gesture-signs of the Indians
for scientific investigation involves many minute details and
requires much time.
The fi-equent presence of delegations of Indian tribes in
Washington has been of great value to supplement field-work
in the study of their signs. During the year a large collec-
tion of gesture-signs was obtained from Pani, Ponka, and
Dakota Indians who visited the seat of government on busi-
ness connected with their reservations, by Dr. W. J. Hoffman,
who has assisted Colonel Mallerj'- in the whole of this branch
of study.
Special endeavor was made to procure for collation and com-
parison collections of gesture-signs from tribes and localities in
parts of the world from which little or no material of this kind
has ever been obtained. The voluminous correspondence and
other persevering exertions to accomplish that object have been
rewarded by collections from Turkey, Sicily, the Hawaiian
and the Fiji Islands, Madagascar, and other distant regions, but
of greatest interest are those from the Gilbert Islands and
Japan. The result shows that where observers can be found
who comprehend the subject of inquiry and are willing to
take the requisite pains in research, communication by gesture,
either as an existing system or the relic of such system, has
nearly always been discovered.
When some expected responses shall have arrived from
XXVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
points whence mails are unfrequent, and the whole material
shall be collated, an attempt will be made to ascertain the laws
governing the direct visible expression of ideas between men.
The stndy of pictographs and ideographs has a close con-
nection with the study of sign language, as in them appears
the direct visible expression of ideas in a permanent form.
This has been continued by Colonel Mallery, and a considerable
amount of material has been collected from North America.
It appeared, however, that so small an amount was accessible
from other parts of the world in such shape as to be useful for
study and interpretation, that it was deemed necessary to issue
* for wide circulation a preliminary essay as an Introduction to
the Study of Pictographs before attempting any comprehensive
treatise on the subject for publication. Such an introduction
has been prepared.
Colonel Mallery was also engaged during the year in execu-
tive duty connected with the preparation and filling up of the
schedule for the census of Indians in the United States and in
the study of the statistics of population thereby obtained.
Mr. H. W. Henshaw was engaged in the preparation of a
paper on animal carvings from the mounds of the Mississippi
Valley, which was published in the Second Annual Report of this
Bureau and also in that of a paper on Indian Industries, as illus-
trated both by recently gathered statistics and by historical rec-
ords. This study, not yet completed, embraces the advance of
the tribes toward civilized industry, together with an exhaustive
account of their pristine industries and means of subsistence.
He was also closely occupied in executive work connected with
the Indian census.
Mr. William H. Holmes, in addition to other and varied du-
ties, studied the shells and the objects made from them as found
chiefly in the mounds of North America, the result of his re-
searches appearing in the paper "Art in Shell of the Ancient
Americans" published in the Second Annual Report.
Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith, in addition to her field work, else-
where mentioned, continued the preparation of a Dictionary
of the Tuscarora Language.
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXIX
Dr. H. C. Yarrow continued his work of compilation upon
the Mortuary Customs and the Medical Practices of the North
American Indians, conducting a large amount of correspond-
ence upon these subjects.
Mr. F. H. Gushing, while in Washington, commenced a paper
on the Sociologic and Governmental Institutions of the Zuuis,
to complete which it became necessary for him to revisit that
people.
Prof. Otis T. Mason was engaged during the entire year in
collecting material for the purpose of compiling a History of
Education among the North American Indians.
The Director has continued the connected and tedious work
before explained; first, of classifying on a linguistic basis all
the tribes, remaining and extinct, of N'oi'th America. Second, of
establishing their synonymy, or the reference of their many
find confusing titles as given in literature and common usage
to a correct and systematic standard of nomenclature. Third,
the ascertainment and display on a series of charts, of the hab-
itat of all tribes when first met by Europeans, and at subse-
quent periods. Much progress has been made in this work
recognized as essential to the proper study of Indian anthro-
pology.
PAPERS ACCOMPANYING THIS EEPOET.
The plan heretofore explained by which the several branches
of North American Ethnology are systematically presented in
Annual Reports is continued in operation. The progress of
investigation is shown in them so far as the intervening time
and the amount appropriated by Congress allowed. The
papers in the present volume embrace researches in the fields
of Philosoj^h}', Sociology, and Technology, as is indicated in the
following brief references to them severally in the order fol-
lowed in the volume. The extensive linguistic studies prose-
cuted, report of which has been made above, will generally
require publication in separate volumes.
XXX ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
NOTES ON CERTAINMATA AND MEXICAN MAKUSCRIPTS,
BY CYRUS THOMAS.
In this paper Professor Thomas continues his study of the
symbols and calendar systems of Central America. His at-
tention is chiefly directed to two remarkable leaves, together
constituting one plate, of the Maya Manuscript known as the
Codex Cortesianus, which is considered to furnish a connecting
link between the Maya and the Mexican symbols and calen-
dars. This is compared with the Mexican plate No. 43 of the
Borgian Codex, and with plate No. 44 of the Fejervary Codex,
believed to be a Tezcucan Manuscript. Illustrations and quo-
tations from a variety of sources are also furnished.
The study of the graphic systems of Mexico and Central
America is important for comparison with the origin of writing
in the Eastern Hemisphere. The evidence at this time is to
the effect that these systems had entered into a transition stage
from a simple pictography, in which not merely the idea was
presented, but the sound to express the idea in spoken lan-
guage began to be figured. Proper materials for this study
have only recently been obtained and are still meager both in
quantity and in determinative value. Professor Thomas has
properly considered that the calendar and religious observ-
ances were the great and absorbing topics of those persons of
the Nahuatlan tribes who were concerned in their graphic
systems, and those topics as presented in their paintings and
sculptures, rather than imperfect traditions handed down
through old Spanish authors, may be expected to indicate the
true explanation.
The views taken in the paper regarding the plates discussed
lead the author to make the following deductions :
First. That the order in which the groups and characters are
to be read is around to the left, opposite the course of the sun,
a point of vital importance, formerly much disputed.
Second. The confirmation of a former generally received
supposition that the cross was used among these nations as a
symbol of the cardinal points.
Third. That the bird figures were used to denote the winds.
X
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXI
This also gives a signification to the birds' heads on the
engraved shells found in the mounds of the United States, a
full account of which was given by Mr. W. H. Holmes in his
paper published in the Second Annual Report of this Bureau.
If this supposition be correct, it not only confirms Mr. Holmes's
suggestions, but also indicates that the people who built the
mounds followed the same custom in this respect as the Na-
huatlan tribes.
Fourth. Another and more important result is the proof fur-
nished of an intimate relation between the Mayan and the
Nahuatlan tribes, which suggests an ingenious theorj- pre-
sented, though not insisted upon, by the author.
ON" MASKS, LABRETS, AlfD CERTAIIS^ ABORIGINAL CUS-
TOMS, BY WILLIAM H. DALL.
Masks have been used by many peoples widely scattered
throughout the world, and they have a high historic antiquity.
In these masks great diversity of form and structure is ob-
served, and they have been used for many purposes. Mr.
Dall explains the development of the use of masks in the fol-
lowing manner :
Masks were jjrobably at first mere shields or protections to
the face, supported by the hand, but afterwards were adapted
to the form of the face, and were supported upon the head and
shoulders. Impenetrability being the first desideratum, exte-
rior appearance or ornamentation was secondary, but subse-
quently a moral value was sought in capacity to inspire terror,
so that by the increase of devices adding to frightfulness the
mechanical value became unimportant. Individual variation
then began, embracing personal or tribal insignia, and often
connected with totemic and Shamanistic systems. By several
lines of evolution masks became on the one hand associated
with supernaturalism, filling their place in religious parapher-
nalia, and on the other with buffoonery appropriate to public
games and noticeable in the paraphernalia of secret associa-
tions. When the mask has developed into a social or religious
symbol it has sometimes been worn elevated above the head
of the wearer to increase apparent height, and, losing the no
longer needed apertures for sight and breathing, has become a
XXXII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
head-dress formed often as a conventionalized model of a face,
or of a whole figure, or of a group of figures. By another line
of development the ideas symbolized by the efiig}^ cease to be
connected with any wearer and the mask becomes an inde-
pendent object in significance and employment. A custom of
preserving and ornamenting an actual human face or head,
especially when the posterior part of the cranium is removed,
has relation by kindred conceptions and in geographic lines to
some of the uses of masks as above indicated.
The science of anthropology is inchoate. A multiplicity of
facts have been collected which have not yet been assigned to
their proper places in the system; so that the sequence of
events in the course of human culture is but partly made out.
Yet anthropologists are everywhere attempting to discover and
explain the origin and growth of arts, customs, and all other
phenomena that relate to the activities of mankind. Such ex-
planations as Mr. Dall's, when based upon extensive knowl-
edge and clear insight into the principles of anthropology, are
suggestive and valuable.
With regard to the origin of masking, there is another pos-
sible hypothesis, which seems to be more in consonance with
the facts relating to this practice observed among the lower
tribes of the world. Dramatic representation has its origin
quite early in the state of savagery. Savage mythology deals
largely with animal life, and savage drama is intimately asso-
ciated with savage mythology. Among very many of the
tribes of North America, some of which are lowest in culture,
crude dramas are enacted at winter camp fires from night to
night. The old men and women who transmit mythic lore are
listened to with great interest, and as the stories of the doings
and sayings of the ancient god-beasts are told, resort is had to
dramatic personification, to give zest and vigor to the mythic
tales. Ofttimes the myth teller is assisted by others, who take
parts and act scenes in costume made of the skins of the ani-
mals represented. Sometimes the actor assumes the garb of
the elk or the bear by covering and disguising himself with the
skin of the beast to be imitated. Sometimes he simply wears
the skin across his shoulders or dangling from his belt, or per-
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXIII
chance carried in his hand, especially if the animal represented
is one of the smaller species. But perhaps the most common
method is found in the use of the skin of the animal for a
head-dress. The Director lias seen a duck's skin with head
and neck stuffed and tail supported by a slight wooden frame
used as a head-dress on such an occasion, as well as many
other birds' skins thus used. He has often seen the skin from
the head of a wolf or a wildcat used in like manner. Very
many Indian tribes use the skin from the head of the deer or
the mountain sheep, with horns preserved in place and ears
erect. Such costuming' is very common, and constitutes a part
of the dramatic customs of savagery.
There is yet another origin for the dramatic costumes often
appearing among the Indians. A clan having an animal totem
may use the skin of the animal as its badge. Sometimes feath-
ers from the bird totem, or the tail of the mammal totem, or
the carapace of the turtle totem is used. These totemic badges
are very largely used on festival occasions, and mark the play-
ers in games when clan contests with clan.
It has hence been suggested that masking had its origin in
the drama; and it must be understood that the drama in sav-
agery is largely mythic and i-eligious.
Mr. Dall provides an excellent classification of the objects of
his study into masks, maskettes, and maskoids, noting under
each head the several uses to which each form in the evolu-
tionary series has been applied. He then explains their ob-
served distribution in the following geographical order, viz:
1. North Papuan Archipelago.
2. Peru.
3. Central America and Mexico.
4. New Mexico and Arizona.
6. The region occupied by Indians from Oregon to the
northern limit of the Thlinkit.
. 6. The Aleutian Islands.
7. The Eskimauan region from Prince William Sound to
Point Barrow.
Similar geographic relations are found in connection with
the practice of labretifery. The labret, among American abo-
3 ETH III
XXXIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
rigines, is well known to be a plug, stud, or variously-shaped
button, made from diverse materials, which is inserted at or
about the age of puberty through a hole or holes pierced in
the thinner portions of the face about the mouth. Usually after
the first operation has been performed, and the original slender
pin inserted, the latter is replaced from time to time by a
larger one, and the perforation is thus mechanically stretched,
and in course of time permanently enlarged.
Numerous variants of the object and of its mode of attach-
ment are however observed. The practice or "fashion" is
traced by Mr. Dall along nearly the whole of the western line
of the Americas with some easterly overflows, especially in
the middle and South American regions, and its remarkable
westerl}^ restriction farther north is noted. It seems to be not
sporadic in America, but existing in lines of contact. Its dis-
tribution so far as ascertained in other parts of the world is
also examined. A suggestion of its origin is made in the early
custom of submitting a boy at puberty to a trial of his reso-
lution and endurance before being admitted to the privileges
of a member of the community and as a sign of his admitted
membership. In this relation it is connected with tattooing
and circumcision, the latter practice being known in the Pacific
island region as an incident of puberty, suggesting that the
rite of infant circumcision, familiar elsewhere, was a later and
idealized version with the same general intent.
Mr. Ball's work of research exhibits his own industry and
ingenuity supplemented by copious illustrations and quota-
tions, and presents much valuable and novel collateral matter
relating to customs and superstitions. From the evidence of
the objects and practices discussed he deduces a theory, before
entertained by other authors from different considerations, of
accessions to the western shores of America from the islands
of the Pacific Ocean.
NAVAJO WEAVERS, BY DR. WASHINGTON MATTHEWS,
U. S. A.
Dr. Matthews, assistant surgeon in the United States Army,
has continued to utilize his tour of official duty at Fort Win-
gate, New Mexico, by researches in anthropology through
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXV
close observation of the neighboring tribe of the Navajos.
The present paper, as connected with the general topic of
aboriginal industries, is supplementary to that by him on
Navajo Silversmiths, published in the Second Annual Report
of this Bureau.
The Navajos are pre-eminent as weavers among the native
tribes north of Mexico, and though possibly some of their
skill has been learned from the Spaniards through the Pueblos,
the art is undoubtedly of earlier origin, and its advance has
been through native invention and ingenuity. At one time the
textile fabrics were composed of cotton, the fibers of yucca
leaves and other plants, the hair of some quadrupeds, and the
down of birds. They now are woven from the wool of the
domestic sheep, large herds of which are reared.
Dr. Matthews describes clearly, and with the aid of copious
illustrations, the whole process, including the dyes, their origin
and employment, with the ingenious mechanical appliances for
forming the different styles of fabrics and the wonderful variety
of designs. The paper is not only of much interest as an
account of a valuable and unique product of the loom, but
also as exhibiting the power of voluntary adaptation of the
Indian mind to novel materials, and its self-improvement within
a period ascertained to be brief Such characteristics noticed
among the tribe of Indians least influenced by civilization, are
conclusive against the feroi natures theory, sometimes urged an
excuse for the destruction of the natives of America. This is
now happily vanishing with other errors, all tending to portray
the Indian as an exceptional part of the human race, instead
of being, as he is, a living example of our own prehistoric past.
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY, BY KEY. J. OWEN DORSEY.
Mr. Dorsey, who had, in the year 1871, entered upon
service as a missionary among the group of Indians, one tribe
of which is the subject of this paper, and thereby thoroughly
understanding then* language and habits, has re-examined their
social systems in the field since he has made a special study
of the science of anthropology. His exhaustive and well-
arranged production, the work of fourteen years in preparation
XXXVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
and execution, throws a flood of light upon many problems of
social evolution applicable to the whole human race. The
Omahas, who belong to a separate group of the Siouan lin-
guistic stock, were interrupted by civilization in their autoge-
nous development at a time when they admirably represented
a culture stage, called by Morgan the older period of barba-
rism, and by the Director the closing stage of savager}', and
its characteristic details have never yet been more thoroughly
explained and illustrated than in the present paper. A careful
student of it will observe many customs and institutions which
have been evolved into those appearing in the first dawn of
history among the progenitors of the English speaking people.
This paper will form a part of the basis of a work by the
Director upon the general subject of Sociology.
Mr. Dorsey's paper first sets forth the classification of the
group formed by the cognate tribes and the migration and his-
tory of the Omahas so far as ascertained. It then explains
that among these tribes the primary unit is the gens or clan,
composed of a number of consanguinei, claiming descent from
a common ancestor and having a common taboo or taboos.
The largest division of the tribe is into two half tribes, not
strictly phratries, and each composed of five gentes. Each
gens is divided into subgentes, of which there are traces of
four to each gens. The group of men thus organized is a kin-
ship state, that is, one in which the governmental functions are
performed by men whose positions in the government are de-
termined by kinships, and in it rules relating to kinship and
the reproduction of the species constitute the larger body of
the law. The law regulates marriage, allowing but narrow
limits of personal choice, and prescribes the rights and duties
of the several members of a body of kindred to each other.
Individuals are held responsible chiefly to their kindred, and
certain groups of kindred are held responsible to other groups
of kindred.
The differentiation of organs in the state is discussed, with
state classes, servants, and corporations, the latter being chiefly
societies for religious and industrial objects The gentile sys-
tem is minutely described; the kinship system and mari'iage
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXVII
laws analyzed. The topic of domestic life includes courtship
and marriage customs, domestic etiquette, treatment of chil-
dren, standing of women, widows and widowers, rights of pa-
rents, personal habits, and politeness. Visiting customs and
dances are explained. Industrial occupations are divided into
those relating to the sustenance of life, to the protection of life,
and to tlie regulation of life. The mass of information con-
tributed, with clear exposition and illustration, will be equally-
interesting to the special student and to the general reader.
Many important facts are brought out in the treatment of
the Omaha gens or clan, and it is believed that a genei'al char-
acterization of the clan, and of the tribe, of which it forms an
integral part, especially as they are found in North Amex'ica,
will shed some light upon the subject of which Mr. Dorsey
treats in liis paper.
ON KI^^SHIP AND THE TRIBE.
So far as is now known, tribal society is everywhere based
on kinship. In the simplest form of which there is any knowl-
edge, the tribe consists of a group of men calling one another
brother, who are husbands to a group of women calling one
another sister. The children of these communal parents call
all the men fathers, and all the women mothers, and one another
brother and sister. In time these children become husbands
and wives in common, like their pai'ents. Thus the kinship
system recognizes husbands and wives, fathers and mothers,
sons and daughters, brothers and sisters, and grandparents and
grandchildren. The only kinship by affinity is that of husband
and wife. The only collateral kinships are those of brother and
brother, sister and sister, and brother and sister. The lineal
kinships are father and son, father and daughter, mother and
son, mother and daughter, with grandparents and grandchil-
dren also recognized. There is no recognized father-in-law,
mother-in-law, brother-in-law, nor sister-in-law ; there is no
uncle, no aunt, no cousin, no ne^Dhew, no niece recognized.
It will thus be seen that all of the collateral kinships of uncle
and aunt and nephew and niece are included in the lineal kin-
ship of parent and child, and cousins of whatever degree are
reckoned as brothers and sisters. Let any person be desig-
nated as Ego. Then all the men of the antecedent generation
are his fathers, and all the women his mothers; all the males
of his own generation are his brothers, and all the females his
sisters; and all tlie males of the following genei'ation are his
sons, and all the females his daughters. Selecting the Ego
from any generation and reckoning from him the antecedent
and subsequent generations, the following consanguineal kin-
ship groups will be found: Ego will be one of a group of broth-
ers ; there will be a group of sisters, a group of fathers, a
group of mothers, a group of grandfathers, and a group of
grandmothers ; there may also be a group of sons and a group
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXIX
of daughters, a group of grandsons and a group of grand-
daughters.
In the use of the terms "brother," "sister," "father,"
"son," "mother," "daughtei"," "grandfather," "grandson,"
"grandmother," and "granddaughter" in this manner, it must
be clearly understood that in every case the term applies to
every one of the members of a group, only a part of whom
bear the relation which that term implies among civilized peo-
ples, who classify by degrees of consanguinity.
Thu^, the father-group embraces the father and all his own
brothers; but as the father calls all his male cousins brothers,
it also includes the father's male cousins. The father-group
therefore includes the fatlier and all of those persons whom the
father calls by the name of "brother."
Ego calls all the sons of his father and mother brothers; he
calls also all his father's brothers' sons, and his father's sisters'
sons, and his mother's brothers' sons, and his mother's sisters'
sons, brothers. And if there be male cousins of the second,
third, fourth, fifth, or any other degree, he calls them all alike
brothers. The brother-group, therefore, may be very large.
In like manner the mother-group, the sister-group, the son-
group, and the daughter-group may be correspondingly large.
The grandfather-group and the grandmother-group include all
collateral kindred of that generation; and in like manner the
grandson-group and the grandduughter-grouij include all the
collateral kindred of their generation. Under this system all
kinships may be thrown into a very few groups, and each one
of these groups is designated by the kinship term properly be-
longing to the person in the group nearest of kin to Ego.
The essential principle of this method of reckoning kinship
is that collateral kinship is not recognized. All of the kindred
are included in the lineal groups; and in every generation a
group of brothers is constituted, including all of the males of
that generation, and a group of sisters is constituted, including
all of the females of that genei-ation.
That such a kinship body has ever existed is a matter of in-
ference; its discovery as an objective fact has not been made.
However, it is predicated upon very strong inferential evi-
XL ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
dence. In the forms of society actually found among the
lower tribes of mankind, institutions are discovered that are
believed to be survivals from such a form of tribal organiza-
tion. And the philologic evidence is perhaps still stronger; in
fact, the h)' pothesis was originally based solely upon linguistic
data, as languages have been found in which terms for hus-
band, wife, father, mother, son, daughter, elder brother, younger
brother, elder sister, and j^ounger sister occur, together with
those expressive of the kinships that arise through the recog-
nition of grandparents and grandchildren, while terms for col-
lateral kinships are not found.
All tribes that have yet been carefully studied present a
more elaborate form of social organization than that above de-
scribed. This more highly developed structure is usually ex-
hibited, among other things, in a more elaborate system of
classifying kinships. Additional groups are constituted, so that
certain collateral kinships are differentiated.
In the brothers and sisters of parents four natural kinships
are possible, namely, (a) paternal uncle, called by the Romans
patruus; (b) maternal uncle, called by the Romans avunculus;
(c) paternal aunt, called by the Romans amita; and (cZ) ma-
ternal aunt, called by the Romans matertera. The recognition
of these four groups would lead to the recognition of the cor-
relative cousins, in four classes, male and female in each class;
and if terms were used distinguishing sex, eight classes of
cousins would arise through the four classes of uncles and
aunts. In this direction the first step in the differentiation of
additional kinships is made. Let us call paternal uncles ijat-
ruates, maternal uncles avunculafes, paternal aunts amitates, and
maternal aunts materterates.
Let us suppose that the relation of husband and wife is not
the same as the relation of brother and sister; that is, that men
do not marry their own sisters, but that a brother-group mar-
ries a sister-group in common. In this case fathers' sisters will
no longer be mothers, but will constitute a group of amitates.
In like manner, mothers' brothers will no longer be fathers,
but will constitute a group of avunculates. The institution of
a group of amitates will necessitate the establishment of the
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XLI
correlative cousin-groups. Thus, with the reduction of the
father-group there will be a corresponding reduction of the
brother and sister groups; and with the reduction of the
mother-group there will be an additional corresponding reduc-
tion' of tlie brother and sister groups; that is, the paternal
aunts and maternal uncles will carry with them their correla-
tive nephews and nieces, and such nephews and nieces will be
substracted Irom the brothers and sisters. In this stage of kin-
ship development there is still communal marriage. It may
not always be actual, as gradually restrictions are thrown
around it; but if not actual, it is always potential. The form
of kinship now reached is not an inference from philology and
the survival of customs, but is an observed fact among some
of the tribes of the earth.
The recognition of patruates (paternal uncles) must next be
considered. Such a recognition results in the establishment of
two additional cousin-groups, as the sons and daughters of
patruates are taken out from the "brothers" and "sisters" of
Ego. At this stage brothers and sisters are still own (natal)
and collateral, but the collateral brothers and sisters include
only the children of mothers' sisters, and this because a group
of materterates is not established.
We have now reached that kinship system which is perhaps
the most widely distributed among existing tribes of mankind.
It will be well, then, to describe it once more, that it may be
clearly understood:
The brother-group consists of the sons of a woman, together
with the sons of all of her sisters, own and collateral; and the
sister-group is of like extension. The son-group is coextensive
with the brother-group to which the son belongs; the daughter-
group is coextensive with the sister-group to which the daughter
belongs; the father-group is coextensive with the brother-
group to which the father belongs; and the mother-group has
a like extension. The patruate-group is coextensive with the
brother-group of the paternal uncle; the amitate-group is co-
extensive with the sister-group to which the pateriial aunt
belongs ; the avunculate-group is coextensive with the brothei--
XLII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
group to which the maternal uncle belongs; but there is no
materterate-group (maternal aunt).
The essential characteristic of this system of kinship is that
the brother- group consists of own brothers, together with the
collateral brothers that come through maternal aunts; and that
the sister-group consists of own sisters, together with the col-
lateral sisters that come through maternal aunts; and it matters
not whether maternal uncles and paternal uncles are distin-
guished from each other. They may or may not be thrown
into one group. The cousins which arise from the discrimina-
tion of paternal and maternal uncles and paternal aunts may
be thrown into two, four, or six groups; but the general sys-
tem does not seem to be affected thereby. Where this system
of kinship prevails, the brother and sister groups are on the
mother's side, the children belonging to their mothers and not
to their fathers; and descent is said to be in the female line.
There is another s}^stem of tribal organization which widely
prevails In this the mother's sisters are recognized as mater-
nal aunts, and a materterate-group is constituted of the mother's
sisters, own and collateral, and the cousins arising therefrom
are taken out from the brother and sister groups. But in this
.case the father's brothers, own and collateral, are still consid-
ered as fathers; there is no patruate group. The brother-group
is thus composed of the sons of the father with the sons of all
his brothers, own and collateral. It is therefore a large group,
and the sister-group corresponds therewith. When the brother
and sister groups arise through paternal uncles, children belong
to their fathers, and descent is said to be in the male line.
From the above statements it will be seen that one of the
fundamental principles used in classifying kinships in tribal
society is that which arises from the discrimination of genera-
tions. The simple communal form first described is classed in
groups of kindred on characteristics of generations and sex,
and in the various systems which develope from it the charac-
teristic of distinct generations still remains, although collateral
descents are to some extent differentiated from lineal descent.
It would seem that generation-groups extending collaterally
many degrees would speedily become confused, as a series of
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XLIII
generations might be much shorter in one line than in another.
If three sisters have each three daughters, the eldest daughter
of the eldest sister may be many years older than the youngest
daughter of the youngest sister, and in several generations the
discrepancy of ages might become very great. We do not
know in all cases how this confusion is avoided, but in some
tribes a metliod of adjustment has been discovered which is
very simple.
It must always be remembered that relative age is expressed
in the kinship terms of this stage of culture. Thus there are
two terms for brother, one signifying elder brother, the other
younger brother. There are also two terms for sistei' — elder
sister and younger sister. In the Shoshonian cases to which
reference is here made, if a male child is born who is a "group"
brother of Ego's father, but younger than Ego, Ego does not
call him father, but younger brother. In one case discovered,
Ego calls the "group" father born after himself, son. Among
the same tribes, in the case of uncles, the uncle born after the
nephew is called nephew.
A case like the following has been discovered: Thei-e are
two brothers born of the same mother; the elder brother calls
a particular person son, because that particular person was
born after himself; but the younger calls him father, because
he was born prior to himself This method of adjusting gen-
erations has been discovered in but few cases, viz., among the
Shoshonian tribes, and perhaps among the Wintuns. In this
stage language frequently lends its aid to adjustment. This is
the case when the kinship name is a reciprocal term with a
termination signifying elder or younger. Thus, in a Shosho-
nian tribe ain is such a reciprocal term used by uncle and
nephew; the termination sen is a diminutive. The nephew calls
his uncle ain, the uncle calls the nephew ainsen or aitsen, little
uncle; and in this case, if the uncle was born after the nephew,
the nephew would be called ain and the uncle aitsen. A recip-
rocal relationship term, i. e., one designating a relationship and
used by both parties, is common.
In some of the cases adjustments are known to have been
made by convention, and individuals have been taken from
XLIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
one generation and placed in another, by agreement of the
elder women of the clan.
Unadjusted kinships are frequently discovered, so that the
kinships claimed seem strange to civilized persons accus-
tomed only to the kinships recognized in the higher states
of culture. Thus it has frequently been found that an adult
has claimed a child for his grandmother and a babe for his
father. The subject is one of interest, and deserves careful
study.
The method of classifying and naming by kinship terms the
six groups of cousins, their children and their children's child-
ren, has been neglected, in order that the general subject might
not be buried in details, and from the further consideration that
the principles of tribal organization can be set forth without
the aid of such additional facts.
In the above statements the fundamental principles of tribal
kinship have been explained, and they may be restated as fol-
lows :
I. — A body of kindred constituting a distinct body-politic
is divided into groups, the males into groups of brothers and
the females into groups of sisters, on distinctions of genera-
tions, regardless of degrees of consanguinity; and the kinship
terms used express relative age. In civilized society kinships
are classified on distinctions of sex, distinctions of generations,
and distinctions arising from degrees of consanguinity.
II. — When descent is in the female line, the brother-group
consists of natal brothers, together with all the materterate
male cousins of whatever degree. Thus mother's sisters' sons
and mother's mother's sisters' daughters' sons, &c., are included
in a group with natal brothers. In like manner the sister-group
is composed of natal sisters, together with all materterate fe-
male cousins of whatever degree.
III. — When descent is in the male line, the brother-group
is composed of natal brothers, together with all patruate male
cousins of whatever degree, and the sister-group is composed
of natal sisters, together with all patruate female cousins of
whatever decree.
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XLV
IV. — The son of a member of a brother-group calls each one
of the group, father; the father of a member of a brother-group
calls each one of the group, son. Thus a father-group is coex-
tensive with the brother-group to which the father belongs. A
brother-group may also constitute a father-group and grand-
father-group, a son-group and a grandson-group. It ma}^ also
be a patruate-group and an avunculat^-group. It may also be
a patruate cousin-group and an avunculate cousin-group; and
in general, every member of a brother-group has the same
consanguineal relation to persons outside of the group as that
of every other member.
The principles enunciated above may be stated in another
way, namely: A kinship body is divided into brother-groups
and sister-groups, and group is related to group lineally and
collaterally; and every group bears a distinct relationship to
every other group.
It will thus be seen that the brother-group and the sister-
group constitute the fundamental units of tribal society.
A tribe may be deiined as follows: A tribe is a congeries
of brother-gi'oups and sister-groups, and every group recog-
nizes a distinct correlative consanguineal kinship with every
other group; and series of groups are related to series of groups
by the ties of affinity, i.e., marriage; to explain which necessi-
tates the consideration of the clan.
ON KINSfilP AND THE CLAN.
In tribal society the tribe, or body-politic, is divided into
groups of brothers and groups of sisters. One form of the
brother-group includes not only the sons of one women, but
also the sons of her sisters; and not only the sons of her natal
sisters, but also the sons of her collateral sisters; i. e., the broth-
er-group includes the natal brothers, together with all of the
male cousins of the first, second, or n"" collateral line, reckoning
always through females. Sister-groups are constituted in like
manner.
Another form exists in which to the natal brothers are added
all male cousins to the «"' degree that come through paternal
uncles, reckoning always through males. Sistei'-groups are
constituted in like manner.
With some tribes the brother and sister groups arise from
male descent; but a much larger number of tribes have these
groups constituted through female descent. The two systems
of kinship are at the base of two distinct systems of clan organ-
ization.
When the brother and sister groups arise through female de-
scent, a larger group is constituted, reckoning kinship through
females only. The constitution of this larger body, a group
of groups, must be clearlj^ understood. Every brother-group
has its correlative sister-group. Take, then, a brother-group
and a sister-group that are thus correlated and call them the
JEgo group. The mothers of the Ego group constitute another
sister-group within themselves, and the brother-group to which
they are correlated are the avunculates of the Ego group. Call
this brother and sister group the first ascendent of the Ego
group. The mothers of the first ascendant group constitute
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XLVII
another sister-group within themselves, and the brother-group
to which they are correlated are the avunculates of the first
ascendent group. Thus a second ascendant brother and sister
group is constituted. In the same manner third, fourth, and
w"" ascendant brother and sister groups may be constituted.
Returning now to the Ego group. The sisters of the Ego
group have sons and daughters who are brothers and sisters to
one another, and they constitute a first descendant brother and
sister group. The sisters of the first descendant group have
children who are brother and sister to one another and con-
stitute a second descendant group. In the same manner the
third, fourth, and «'* descendant group may be constituted.
The Ego group, together with the ascendant groups and de-
scendant groups, constitute a lineal series of brother and sister
groups, reckoning always through females. Such a body is
here called a group of enates, and kinship thus reckoned is
called enatic kinship. On the other hand, if the brother and
sister groups come through paternal uncles, and the lineal se-
ries is reckoned exclusively through males, it is called a body
of agnates, and the kinship is called agnatic kinship.
Whenever enatic or agnatic kinship is recognized, the tribe
becomes much more highly composite than in the case of the
communal family. There are always several co-ordinate
groups of people united into a larger group, the tribe. For the
present let us use the term "tribe" for the name to distinguish
the group of the highest order, and the term "clan" to distin-
guish each of the co-ordinate groups of the second order into
which the tribe is divided.
The first characteristic of the clan is thus reached: A clan is
one of the co-ordinate groups into which a tribal state is divi-
ded.
The tribe itself is a body of intermarrying cognates; so that,
in the tribe, kinship by consanguinity and affinity is recognized.
Within the clan, kinship by affinity is not recognized; that is,
the husband and wife do not belong to the same clan, and kin-
ship by consanguinity is limited to kinship traced through
females, or to kinship traced through males, as the case may be;
and in both, but a part of the cognates are included. In one
XLVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
case tlie clan is enatic, and in the other it is agnatic. In the
one case descent is through females, in the other through males.
An enatic clan consists of a brother-group and a sister- group in
each of the generations represented in the clan, and the kinship
ss reckoned only through females. An agnatic clan consists of a
brother-group and a sister-group in each of the generations rep-
resented in the clan, and the kinship is reckoned only through
males.
A second characteristic of a clan may therefore be given: A
clan is a body of either enatic or agnatic kindred.
When the clan is enatic it usually has a common worship of
a tutelar god. This must be distinguished from the tribal wor-
ship, which is more miscellaneous, and based upon polytheism.
The tutelar god, or totem, is often an animal; or sometimes it
may be a river, a mountain, the sun, or some other object; in
which case the members of the clan call themselves the chil-
dren of the animal, the river, the mountain, or the sun, as the
case may be. When the clan is agnatic, the tutelar god is
usually some ancestor who has distinguished himself for valor
or wisdom.
A third characteristic of a clan is thus reached: A clan is
a bod}' of kindred having a tutelar god, totemic or ancestral,
who is considered to be the fother of the clan.
When the clan is totemic it usually takes the name of its
tutelar god as its name, and the picture-writing, or symbol of
the tutelar god is used as a badge to distinguish the clan.
That the members of a clan have descended from a common
parent, seems at present to be usually a legal fiction. In' tribal
society age is greatly revered, and "elder-rule" largely pre-
vails; so the gods are spoken of as "fathers," or more usuallj^
"grandfathers," or even "ancient fathers," and sometimes sim-
ply as "ancients," that is, "the venerable." But the tutelar
god is especially the guide and protector of the clan, and is
therefore called "father," and it seems that in many cases a
myth is developed, explaining this fatherhood as being real.
When the tutelar god is a real ancestor (and such seems to be
the case when the clan is agnatic) the clan takes the name of
the ancestor.
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XLIX
A fourth characteristic of a clan is therefore reached: A clan
is a body of kindred having a common name, the name of its
tutelar deity.
The clan, whether enatic or agnatic, is composed of brothers
and sisters in each generation; and in the custom-law of this
stage of culture brothers and sisters cannot intermarry. In
like manner, when the clan is enatic, by the same custom-law
a mother cannot marry her son, natal or fictitious; and when
the clan is agnatic a father cannot marry his daughter, natal
or fictitious. Thus it is that marriage within the enatic or
agnatic group is incest, and is usually punished with death.
The rules for marriage outside of the clan are various, and the
subject need not here be entered upon. It is sufficient to note
that the gi'oup is exogamous. It will be seen that the term
"exogamy" is here used in a sense altogether different from
that given it by McLennan and the writers of his school.
The fifth characteristic of a clan, therefore, is reached: A clan
is a group of exogamous kindred.
As a clan is a bi'other-group and sister-group in each gen-
eration, though these ties are in small part real, and in large
part artificial, yet they are considered to be the closest, and to
combine the group into the firmest union. The body, there-
fore, constitutes a feud-group to secure one another's rights
and to avenge one another's wrongs. The clan is held re-
sponsible by the tribe for the conduct of its members. All con-
troversies arising within the clan are settled by the clan ; con-
troversies arising between members of difi"erent clans are set-
tled by the tribe. For personal injury, especially for maiming
and min-dering, every clan holds every other clan responsible.
Out of this arises the blood-feud, and out of blood-feud arises
outlawry; for when a clan finds that one of its members has
become so outrageous in his conduct that the other members
no longer wish to hold themselves responsible therefor, the clan
formally declares that the culprit no longer constitutes one of
the community. The off'ender is expelled from the clan and
becomes an outlaw, and any one may kill him.
3 ETH IV
L ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
A sixth characteristic of a clan has been reached: A clan is
a feud-group of kindred.
In tribal society great wealth is not accumulated. The in-
direct personal relations which arise through propert}' are of
minor importance as compared with direct personal relations,
vA'hich are regulated by kinship and relative age. The insti-
tution of personal property is verj^ slightly developed, and
such property, especially in the lower forms of tribal society,
is destroyed at the death of the individual. It is a widely-
spread law in savage society that personal property is inher-
ited by the grave. The tenure to the greater part of property
is communal, and inheres in the clan.
A seventh characteristic of a clan has therefore been reached:
The clan is the chief property-holding group.
It has already been mentioned that elder-right, in some form
or other, is universally recognized in tribal society. In gen-
eral, cceteris j^aribus, the elder has authority over the younger,
and in all tribal languages a special device is found to facili-
tate this custom, viz., individuals must always address each
other by kinship terms in which relative age is expressed:
thus, there is no general term for "brother," but a special term
for "elder brother," and another for "younger brother." This
elder-rule applies to the clan, as the eldest man of the clan is
its chief, and such a chief, whose rulership is by right of supe-
rior age, will here be called the presbyarch.
An eighth characteristic of a clan has therefore been reached:
A clan is a presbyarchy.
Let these characteristics be combined into a definition: A
clan is one of the co-ordinate groups into which a tribe of
cognatic people is divided, and is based upon enation or ag-
nation, has a totemic or ancestral tutelar god, a common name
for its members, is exogamous, is a feud-group, a proprietary
gx'oup, and is ruled by a presbyarch.
There are many other characteristics of a clan that are found,
now here, now there. For example, sometimes a clan will not
eat the animal or some portion of the animal whose name
it bears; it will thus have what is usually called a "taboo."
Sometimes the several clans of a tribe will claim as their
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LI
own, particular hunting or fishing grounds. Sometimes a clan
will have a body of personal names to be given to its mem-
bers, which the clan claims as its own. Often a clan has a
particular place assigned to it as the site for its residence or
residences in the village group, and will occupy the same rel-
ative place in the village wherever the tribe may have a j^er-
manent or tempoi'ary residence Thus there are many rights
and duties which inhere in a clan and which may be said to
characterize it. But the eight characteristics included in the
above definition are those most commonly found. In the defi-
nition of the clan thus given, the tribe has been assumed to be
of very simple structure — as composed of a number of co-or-
dinate clans. But this simple structure is not universal — in fact,
a more complex structure is more common. Whenever a tribe
has a more complex structure, the characteristics above enu-
merated may not all inhere in every one of a number of co-or-
dinate groups, but may be distributed among groups of differ-
ent orders. It occasionally happens, also, that some of these
characteristics are not found in any group. Some of these
cases must next be considered.
Let one of the most frequent cases be taken first. Suppose
that a tribe, becoming very large, divides in such a manner
that segments from every one of the clans separate from the
parent tribe and organize a new tribe with the same clans.
Thus the clans found in the parent tribe are represented in the
new tribe. Suppose that this fissiparous generation of tribes
continues until there are five, ten, or twenty tribes, every one
having the same clans as every other. Under such circum-
stances the same clan extends through many tribes, and any
one tribe has in its body-politic no more than a segment of any
clan ; but every tribe is composed of like segments. Now, such
a uniform division of tribes is rarely found. The division is
usually more irregular, from the fact that the departing body
which is organized into a new tribe usually takes with it seg-
ments of only a part of the clans; and as these divisions occur
from time to time, no two tribes are likely to have representa-
tives of exactly the same clans, and it may sometimes happen
that two tribes may be found in the same body of cognate
LII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
tribes that will have entirely diverse clans. The segmentation
of clans in this manner complicates the definition of a clan. It
is no longer one of the co-ordinate gronps of a tribe. These
co-ordinate groups are but segments of clans, and each such
segment is likely to become a distinct feud-group and a distinct
proprietary group. Sometimes in such a case all the segments
will yet recognize one jDresbyai'ch, but oftener a distinct pres-
byarch for each segment is developed. Enatic or agnatic dis-
tinctions, the common tutelar god, the common name and the
characteristic of exogamy are more likely to remain perma-
nent.
This fissiparous generation of tribes leads to a complication
in the definition of the term "tribe," as such cognate tribes are
likely to unite into confederacies, with a council and a chief
presiding over the larger body thus constituted; and in the
various changes which may be wrought upon the different
groups of several orders in a confederacy by many redistribu-
tions of characteristics, it sometimes becomes difficult to say
just what order of groups shall be called tribes. Confederacies
also form alliances, and though they are apt to leave the con-
federacies or tribes of which they are composed independent
and autonomous, except for offensive or defensive purposes
against more foreign peoples, they doubtless sometimes continue
and become more thoroughly cemented by the development of
kinship ties and governmental organizations.
Sometimes clans divide into sub-clans, while yet remaining
in the same tribe. The nature of this division in enatic clans
is not clearly understood. It may be that it does not occur
normally but that the apparent instances are due to the re-
coalescing of tribes. Be this as it may, it occurs with agnatic
clans. Agnatic clans may be ruled by a presbyarch, and may
be divided into segments, each one of which is ruled by a
patriarch, the patriarchies being subordinate groups within a
presbyarchal agnatic clan. Under these circumstances, how-
ever, the authority of the presbyarch is likely to wane, and the
patriarchies are likely to be more enduring, and so the clan is
divided into sub-clans. Thus it happens that the presbyarchy
is not always a characteristic of a clan.
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LIII
Again, the members of enatic clans do not always have a
common name. This has been found true of most of the Sho-
shonian tribes of North America, of the Wintuns, and of other
peoples in the western portion of the United States. Whether
a common name was never used, or whether such common
names have been lost in the flux of time is uncertain. A com-
mon name, therefore, is not an invariable characteristic of a
clan.
The most enduring characteristics of a clan, therefore, are
these: enatic or agnatic kinship, exogamy, and feud-protection.
But even these may be distributed among different groups; so
that the ideal definition of a clan above given will apply in all
its parts to but few clans; yet in most of its parts it will apply
to nearly all clans. But there are cases when these character-
istics are so distributed through the various groups of a body-
politic that it will be well nigh impossible to decide which
should be called the clan. Under such circumstances it per-
haps will be best to apply the term "clan" to the group based
upon enation or agnation, as the case may be, and perhaps it
will always be found that such a group is exogamous.
In Australia there seems to be another complication. Fison
and Howitt describe a very peculiar condition of affairs which
seems to extend through many of the tribes of that great island.
Among them, marriage within a prescribed group still remains.
Enatic kinship, a tutelar god, and a common name still attach
to the clan, but clans are divided into many segments constitut-
ing the different tribes. It seems also that a limited marriage,
or the right to temporar^^ sexual association, is still communal.
It seems further that two or more systems of tribes are in
somewhat the same stage of institutional culture. These dif-
ferent systems of tribes ap])ear not to be cognate, or, if cog-
nate, they are very remotely so. But having been long asso-
ciated, and having common institutions in the respects above
named, the clans in the different non-cognate tribes have be-
come assimilated, so that a clan with a totemic name in one
group of tribes has come to be considered as the equivalent of
another clan having another totemic name in another group
LIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
not cognate to the first; that is, the clan of one group is sup-
posed to be equivalent to the clan of another group, and tem-
porary marriage rights extend across the lines which demar-
cate non-cognate groups.
Some of the Australian clans present another interesting
variation. It must be understood that a clan is composed of a
lineal series of brother-groups, one for each generation, together
with a lineal series of sister-groups, one for each generation.
In the case under consideration the series of brother-groups is
distinguished from the series of sister-groups by a different
name. Thus the clan is divided, the males from the females,
and the enatic kindred are separated into two groups, the
daughters falling into the group of their mothers, and the sons
falling into the group of their mothers' brothers.
Still other tribes in Australia have a clan system in which
the brother-group of one generation is distinguished from the
brother-group of the next generation by a different name, but
the brother-group of the third genei'ation takes the name of the
brother-group of the first generation. The same change of
names occurs in the series of sister-groups. The grandmother
belongs to a group having the same name as the granddaughter.
The typical tribe which has been described, is a body of
kindred divided into brother and sister groups, every group
having some kinship with every other group. Marriage is
without the clan but within the tribe, therefore a man cannot
marry into his own sister-group, but must marry into some
cousin-group. To the consanguineal tie an afiinital tie is added.
A male cousin becomes the husband, and a female cousin be-
comes the wife. In many cases the brother-group of the hus-
band becomes a husband-group, and the sister-group of the
wife becomes a wife -group. The brother-group of the husband
is related to all the other groups of the tribe, and the sister-
group of the wife is also related to all the other groups of the
tribe. It is interesting to study the effect which marriage (real
or potential) has in changing the consanguineal kinships into
affinital kinships. Among the tribes of North America there
is much diversity in this respect, but the subject is too much
burdened with details to be considered here.
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LV
It has been stated above that clans are organized on two
different principles, namely, on enatic kinship and on agnatic
kinsliip. Some years ago the Director proposed that the enatic
group be called a clan, and the agnatic group a gens, and this
suggestion has been followed by Mr. Dorsey, who therefore
treats of the gens in Omaha Sociology.
TRIBAL MARRIAGE LAW.
A tribe cannot be developed through the expansion of a clan.
The clan is not the antecedent of the tribe, nor is the tribe the
antecedent of the clan. A clan is an integral part of a tribe,
and there is no tribe without the clans of which it is composed,
and no clan without the tribe of which it is a part. The com-
munal family seems to be the antecedent of the tribe; but a
single communal family could not develop into a tribe. A tribe
seems to have primitively been a federation of communal
families. Whatever its primitive origin, the special organiza-
tion of any particular tribe must have been accomplished by
combining bodies-politic that were previously distinct, and the
basis of federation must have been one of intermarriage. In
the simplest form two such distinct bodies could unite by mak-
ingf an agreement that the women of each should become the
wives of the other. If three bodies-politic combine, the women
of A might become the wives of the men of B, the women of
B wives of the men of C, and the women of C wives of the men
of A. In the thirty-fourth chapter of Genesis we read:
"And Hamor the father of Shechem went out unto Jacob
to commune with him.
*******
"And Hamor communed with them, saying. The soul of my
son Shechem longeth for your daughter: I pray 5'ou give her
him to wife.
"And make ye marriages with us, and give your daughters
unto us, and take our daughters unto you.
"And ye shall dwell with us: and the land shall be before
you; dwell and trade ye therein, and get you possessions
therein."
The essence of tribal organization is this: The institution of
a tribe is an institution for the regulation of marriage; and
hence marriage is primitively by prescription. But the selec-
tion of wives by legal appointment vdtimately develops into
selection by personal choice, and tribal organization is greatly
modified thereby.
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LVII
A definition of the term "law," that will hold good under
all circumstances, must be divested of the many theories of its
origin, the source of its authority, and its ethical character-
istics, which are expressed or implied in customary definitions,
and laws must be considered as objective facts. The follow-
ing definition will perhaps do under all circumstances: A law
is a rule of conduct which organized society endeavors to enforce.
In civilization, law is theoreticall}^ founded on justice; but
in savagery, principles of justice have little consideration.
There are two fundamental principles at the basis of primitive
law: viz., first, controversy should be prevented; second, con-
troversy should be terminated. A third is derivative from
them; namely, infraction of law should be punished. These
principles enter into primitive law in many curious ways.
It was customary among the tribes of North America for
individuals to mark their arrows, in order that the stricken
game might fall to the man by whose arrow it had been de-
spatched.
A war-party of Sioux surprised a squad of sleeping soldiers,
who were all killed at the first volley from the Indians. Their
arms, blankets, and other property were untouched, because,
the attacking party being large, it could not be decided by
whose bullets the soldiers were killed.
It has been widely believed that the practice of placing the
property of deceased persons in their graves when they are
buried has its origin in religion, and testifies to the universal
belief that the dead live again, and will need such articles in
their new life. But many tribes of North America who have
not yet been long in contact with white men avow that, there
being no owner for the property, its disposition might lead to
controversy, and hence it is destroyed. Many examples of this
fact have been collected. Ownership to the gi'eater part of
property in savagery is communal, some classes of property
being owned by the clan, others by the tribe; and for such
thei-e is no proper inheritance, as the clan and tribe do not die;
but purely personal property is inherited by the grave. It
seems pi-obable that such is the origin of the custom of bury-
LVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
ing various articles with tlie dead. Subsequently it has religi-
ous sanctions thrown about it, as have many social customs.
There is a law, among the tribes of North America, that
superior age gives authority. This law is widely spread, and
perhaps universal, and exercises a profound influence in tribal
societ)', as the occasions for its applications are multifarious.
No man knows his own age; but every man, woman, and child
in the tribe knows his relative age to every other person in the
tribe — who are older and who are younger than himself — for, in
addressing any other person in the tribe, he must necessarily
use a term which implies that the person addressed is older or
younger. The law that authority inheres in the elder is a sim-
ple and ingenious method of preventing controversj^.
Tiie above is the explanation of another custom observed
among savage tribes ; namely, that it is illegal to address a
person by bis proper name. Kinship terms are used in direct
address, proper names in speaking of a third person. It is
hardly necessary to state that by this device controversy is
prevented.
An interesting form of outlawry exists among some tribes.
When a man has frequently involved his clan in controversy
with other clans by reason of quarrels or other outrageous
conduct, his own may decide no longer to defend him, and
will formally announce in tribal council that such person is no
longer under their protection. If the person thereafter by
his conduct maltreats any member of the tribe, the injured
party may do as he will with the offender, and not be held
accountable by the kindred of the outlaw.
The few illustrations here given are sufficient, perhaps, to
make clear what is meant by the statement that a large class
of savage laws are designed to prevent controversy. Many
other illustrations might be given, for they are found on every
hand.
Three especial methods of terminating controversy are widely
spread among the tribes of North America.
When controversy arises in relation to ownership, the prop-
erty is usually destroyed by the clan or tribal authorities.
Thi;s, if two men dispute in bartering their horses, a third steps
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LIX
in and kills both animals. It seems probable that the destruc-
tion of property the ownership of which is in disj^ute is com-
mon to all tribes.
A second method of ending controversy is by the arbitra-
ment of personal conflict f^or example: if two persons disagree
and come to blows (unless the conflict end in the maiming or
killing of one of the parties), it is considered a final settlement,
and they cannot thereafter appeal to their clans for justice. By
conflict a controversy is barred. This law seems to be uni-
versal.
Tlie third method of terminating controversy is by the estab-
lishment of some day of festival — sometimes once a month, but
usually once a year — beyond which crimes do not pass. The
day of jubilee is a day of forgiveness. The. Avorking of this
principle might be illustrated in many ways.
Law begins in savagery through the endeavor to secure
peace, and develops in the highest civilization into the en-
deavor to establish justice.
Society is organized for the regulation of conduct, and con-
duct is regulated by law in the several stages of human progress
in relation to those particulars about which serious disagree-
ment arises. In the early history of mankind it appears, from
all that we may now know of the matter, that the most serious
and frequent disagreements arose out of the relations of the
sexes. Men disagreed about women, and women about men.
Early law, therefore, deals to a large extent with the relations
of the sexes. The savage legislator sought to avoid contro-
versy by reg^ilating marital relations; and this he did by deny-
ing to the individual the right of choice, and providing that
certain groups of men should take their wives from certain
groups of women, and, further, that the selection of the woman
should not be given to the man, nor the selection of the man
to the woman, but that certain officers or elder persons should
make the marriage contract. This method of selection is here
called legal appointment.
Now, selection by legal appointment exists among all North
American tribes, and elsewhere among savages in Australia
and other portions of the globe; it exists in diverse forms,
LX ANNOAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
wbicli may not here be recounted for want of space. But the
essential principle is this: in order that controversy may be
avoided, marriage selection is by legal appointment, and not
by personal choice.
But the second fundamental principle of pi'imitive law greatly
modifies'selection by legal appointment, and gives rise to three
forms of marriage, which will be denominated as follows: first,
marriage by elopement; second, marriage by capture; third,
marriage bv duel.
It very often happens in the history of tribes that certain of
the kinship groups diminish in number, while others increase.
A group of men may greatly increase in number, while the
group of women from whom they are obliged to accept their
wives diminishes. At the same time another group of women
may be large in proportion to the group of men to whom they
are destined. Under these circumstances, certain men have a
right to many wives, while othei's have a right to but few. It
is very natural that 3'oung men and young women should
sometimes rebel against the law, and elope with each other.
Now, a fundamental principle of early law is that controversy
must end; and such termination is secured by a curious pro-
vision found among many, perhaps all, tribes. A day is estab-
lished, sometimes once a moon, but usually once a year, at
which certain classes of offenses are forgiven. If, then, a run-
away couple can escape to the forest, and live by themselves
till the day of forgiveness, they may return to the tribe and
live in peace. Marriage by this form exists in man}^ of the
tribes of North America.
Again, the group of men whose marriage rights are curtailed
by diminution of the stock into which they may marry, some-
times unite to capture a wife for one of their number from some
other group. It must be distinctly understood that this cap-
ture is not from an alien tribe, but always from a group within
the same tribe The attempt at capture is resisted, and a con-
flict ensues. If the capture is successful, the marriage is there-
after considered legal; if imsuccessful, a second resort to cap-
ture in the particular case is not permitted, for controversy
must end. When women are taken in war from alien tribes
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LXl
they must be adopted into some clan within the capturing-
tribe, in order that they may become wives of the men of the
tribe. When this is done, the captured women become by legal
appointment the wives of men in the group having marital
rights in the clan which has adopted them.
The third form is marriage by duel. When a young woman
comes to marriageable age, it may happen that by legal ap-
pointment she is assigned to a man who alread}' has a wife,
while there may be some other young man in the tribe who is
without a wife, because there is none for him in the group
within which he may marry. It is then the right of the latter
to challenge to combat the man who is entitled to more than
one, and, if successful, he wins the woman; and by savage
law controversy must then end.
All three of these forms are observed among the tribes of
North America; and they are methods by which selection by
legal appointment is developed into selection by personal
choice. Sometimes these latter forms largely prevail ; and
they come to be regulated more and more, until at last they
become mere forms, and personal choice prevails.
When personal choice thus prevails, the old regulation that
a man may not marry within his own group still exists; and
selection within that group is incest, which is always punished
with great severity. The group of persons within which mar-
riage is incest is always a highly artiiicial group; hence, in
early society, incest laws do not recognize physiologic condi-
tions, but only social conditions.
The above outline will make clear the following statement,
that endogamy and exogamy, as originally defined by Mc-
Lennan, do not exist. Every savage man is exogamous with
I'elation to the class or clan to which he may belong, and he
is to a certain extent endogamous in relation to the tribe to
which he belongs, that is, he marries within that tribe; but in
all cases, if his marriage is the result of legal appointment, he
is greatly restricted in his mari-iage rights, and the selection
must be made within some limited group. Exogamj- and en-
dogamy, as thus defined, are integral parts of the same law,
LXII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
and the tribes of mankind cannot be classed in two great
groups, one practicing endogamy, and the other exogamy.
The law of exogamy is universal. Among all peoples thei-e
is a group, larger or smaller, and natural or artificial, within
which marriage is prohibited. Exogamy is a derivative insti-
tution; its antecedent is marriage by legal appointment within
a prescribed group. Marriage by prescription falls, but mar-
riage within the enatic or agnatic group is still considered in-
cest. Until, therefore, the right of marriage extends to all
clans but that of the individual himself, exogamy is not fully
established.
This may be restated: The primitive institution is marriage
by prescription; this develops into marriage by personal
choice. But there remains as a survival from the primitive
institution a prohibition which may be called exogamy, the
violation of which is a crime called incest.
Tribal society is of great antiquity; and in the vicissitudes
of tribal life kinship society has undergone many changes,
though these changes are restricted to narrow limits. Yet,
within these limits the changes are very many, and the sub-
ject is thereby greatly complicated, and cannot be understood
without long and careful research Passing travelers can no
more set forth the institutions of tribal society than they can
give a proper description of the flora of a country, the fauna
of a region, or the geologic structure of a continent.
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS OF THE UI^ITED STATES,
BY WILLIAM H. HOLMES.
This paper is complementary to the preceding one by Dr.
Matthews. The latter describes an existing industry which
has been long continuously practiced in an Indian tribe with
but little influence from civilization, while Mr. Holmes has re-
produced the details of the same industry as in prehistoric
activity from fragments of pottery, most of them undoubtedly
ancient. The ingenious method of discovery arose from the
observation that nets or sacks of pliable material had evidently
been used in the construction of many vessels taken from the
mounds of the United States in or upon which fabrics such
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LXIII
vessels bad been built. They had been generall}'- applied to
the surface of the vessels, sometimes covering the entire exte-
rior and sometimes only the body or parts of it. The inte-
rior surface was occasionally subjected to similar application.
The impressions left in the soft clay, remaining after the proc-
ess of burning or drying, permanently preserved evidence of
the nature and details of texture of the fabrics used, and from
these impressions Mr. Holmes, with minute precision and cer-
tainty, exhibits illustrations and descriptions of the ancient tex-
tile art. The various methods of fabrication were in all cases
verified through the assistance of Miss Kate C. Osgood, em-
ployed in the Bureau, who successfully reproduced in cord
by simple appliances all the varieties that had been discovered
and portrayed by the authoi''s artistic skill.
The forms are presented in clearly arranged groups, their
geographic distribution being noted, with comparisons of simi-
lar fabrics, ancient and modern, found in several parts of the
world. The extent to which the marks at first produced by
the requirements of construction became evolved into orna-
mentation is also discussed.
An important deduction made by Mr. Holmes from this dis-
covery is that the illustrated and described work of the people
who built the mounds, though varied and ingenious, shows
that none of its characteristics were, in execution or design,
superior to or specificall}' different from the work of the his-
toric and modern Indian. This eliminates one more source of
error cherished by lovers of the mysterious to establish and
exalt a supposed race of " Mound Builders."
CATALOGUE OF COLLECTIOKS 3IADE DURING THE FIELD
SEASON OF 1881, BY WILLIAM H. HOLMES.
This catalogue notes the most important portions of the ob-
jects collected during the year from mounds and other places
of deposit, not including those from New Mexico and Arizona.
Its primary classification is by locality with material as sec-
ondary. The localities represented are chieflv in North Caro-
lina, Tennessee, Arkansas, Ohio, Oregon, Kentuck)', and Mis-
souri. The materials are stone, pottery, clay, shell, metal,
LXIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
and several vegetal and animal substances, the latter including
human remains.
The descriptions by Mi\ Holmes are enriched by judicious
comparisons and discriminative notes. With the aid of the
numerous illustrations, students unable to have access to the
National Museum are provided with a large amount of mate-
rial for study of the evolution of forms and ornamentation in
art, as also for suggestions in mythology and ethnic relations.
CATAXiOGUE OF THE COLiLECTTOKS FROM NEW MEXICO
AND ARIZONA, IN 1881, BY JAMES STEVENSON.
An account has been given above of the field-work of the
party in charge of Mr. Stevenson by which this large collec-
tion of nearly five thousand specimens has been secured. It
is sufficient to characterize it as illustrating the whole social
domestic and religious life of one of the most interesting
tribes. A valuable feature of the catalogue is the presenta-
tion, through the assistance of Mr. Frank H. Gushing, of the
Indian names of many of the objects, thus through etymology
assuring accuracy as to their use and origin.
ON ACTIVITAL SIMILARITIES.
Some remarks on the interpretation of activital similarities
seem to be called for here, from the fact that inferences appear.
in the papers of this volume which although ingenious and
suggestive may perhaps not be in harmony with sound prin-
ciples of interpretation.
Those who survey human activities over a broad field, from
landtoland and from people to people, discover very many unex-
pected similarities, and are apt to take them as suggestions of
genetic relationship existing between the peoples among whom
such similarities are found. Much research has been devoted
to the classification of peoples and the complementary study
of ethnic characteristics, and the similarities mentioned have
been used for such purposes in many and diverse ways.
The conditions of life and progress under which man inhab-
its the globe are largely homogeneous in the various regions
which he occupies. Within this general homogeneity there is
a variety in conditions of habitat, confined to somewhat narrow
limits. All men obtain their subsistence from biotic life; all
men protect themselves from the inclemency of the weather;
all men defend themselves from enemies; where men have lived
near streams and other bodies of water they have constructed
rafts and boats by which they may float on its surface. And
in a broad survey of human activities we find men everywhere
to a large extent performing the same functions. These func-
tional similarities are so common that they do not challenge
attention. On the other hand, the means by which activital
functions are performed are more varied. The savage by the .
sea-shore may use a shell for a knife; the savage by the obsid-
ian clifi"s may use a stone flake for a knife. The savage who
dwells among the hills of steatite uses stone vessels; the sav-
age who lives by the banks of clay makes vessels of pottery.
The savage living among the glacial fields of the north con-
structs his shelter of ice ; the savage who inhabits the deep for-
est constructs a shelter of wood; the savage who roams the
3 ETH ^v I-XV
LXVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
plains with the buffalo constructs his shelter of skins; the sav-
age who lives on the shore of the reedy lake constructs his
shelter of tules; the savage who lives among the rocks builds
him a house of loose stones. These diverse means for accom-
plishing the same ends apply not only to the arts of man but
also to his institutions, his languages, and his opinions. It is
to these organic similarities in the activities of mankind that
attention is here drawn. Such similarities may exist with va-
rying degrees of resemblance. Knives may resemble each
other because they are made of stone ; knives made of different
materials may have resemblance in form. And all such re-
semblances may be very close or may be even fai--fetched.
Similarities may be autogenous or syngenous; that is, the
similar phenomena may have been developed independently
or they may have a common origin.
Autogenous similarities may be due to concausation, or they
may be entirely adventitious. Syngenous similarities may be
due to cognation or to acculturation. Some illustration of the
meaning of this statement may be necessary.
Throughout the world many tribes still existing are known
to use or to have used stone implements, say, for example, stone
arrow-heads. With relation to this fact we may suppose that
various tribes developed the use of the stone arrow-head inde-
pendently, in which case the art would be autogenous from
many centers; that is, like conditions developed this art in its
several centers of origin. The hypothesis is that the origin of
the stone arrow-head art in many places throughout the earth
was due to concausation. But it is possible for us to suppose
that there was but one origin for the art, and that the people
who practice it were one, in some remote past time, and that
they have spread throughout the earth since that time, and that
they now practice the art because they are cognate peoples and
inherited it from common ancestors. The arts of these varioiis
peoples would thereby be syngenous. Again, as the art is ex-
pressed in material form, it is possible to suppose^ that it spread
from people to people, that one tribe leai'ned it of another until
it was distributed throughout the earth. In this case many
tribes would have the art by acculturation. Now, with regard
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LXVII
to widely diffused arts of this character, the utilities and pur-
poses of which are obvious, it is usually assumed that they are
autogenous in different regions among different peoples, that
they may have developed from several centers ; and this would
not exclude the hypothesis that many tribes learned such arts
by imitation, i. e., by acculturation.
Now let us suppose that the stone arrow-head art had been
discovered only in one tribe, say in British America, and that
it was generally supposed to be peculiar to such tribe. Then
suppose further that an anthropologist should discover this same
ai't in a tribe of Mexico. Under such circumstances the first in-
terpretation put upon it would be that these two tribes originally
constituted one people, and that the art practiced by them was
inherited fi'om common ancestors. Seeking for further confir-
mation of this, if it was found that the two peoples spoke the
same language, or allied languages, this hypothesis would be
strengthened ; if it was found that they had other arts in common,
that their institutions were alike in many respects, and that their
mythologies were substantially the same, the view that the two
tribes belong to the same stock would be accepted. But if no
other important affinities between the tribes were discovered,
such a theory would be abandoned, and explanation would be
sought elsewhere. The next most plausible hypothesis would
be that these peoples had been associated, and that one had
acquired the art from the other. But if no evidence was dis-
covered of a former association, the anthropologist would seek
for explanation of the common art in the environment, the con-
ditions of life surrounding the two peoples, supposing that these
instances of the practice of a common art had a common cause.
Among the Iroquoian Indians the members of a tribe or of a
clan are accustomed to address each other by kinship terms,
and it is considered an offense to address a man by his proper
name. In these kinship tei'ms this peculiarity is discovered,
that a kinship name conveys also an idea of relative age. This
is very simple in the case of father and son, or in the case
of uncle and nephew; but for the common noun "brother"
two terms are used, one signifying elder brother and the other
younger brother. For the common noun "cousin" two terms
LXVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
are likewise used. Thus in the body of kinship terms relative age
is usually expressed. It is found among these same tribes that
within a clan or other body of kindred superior age confers au-
thority, and as people in this stage of culture have no record of
births, and have such a limited arithmetic that ages are not kept,
so that a man never knows his age, this linguistic device serves a
valuable purpose. Among the Algonkian tribes the same phe-
nomena are discovered, and kinship terms express relative age,
and within certain limits authority inheres in seniority. The
same thing is true among the Wintun Indians of California,
among the Shoshonian Indians of Utah, among the Atha-
baskan Indians, and in every tribe that has yet been inves-
tigated in North America. The same phenomena are observed
in the tribes of South America, in Australia, in Africa, and
Asia, and even to some extent in Europe; and we know his-
torically that peoples who have passed beyond the grade of
savagery once had such a system of kinship names. It would
appear from this that in savage society the legislators or coun-
cil-men established customary laws regulating personal rela-
tions, by which under certain conditions the elder should
exercise authority or control over the younger. It is a very
simple method of regulating personal relations, quite in conso-
nance with what we know of the methods of reasoning among
savage peoples. In order that this rule should. be observed it
was a very obvious and simple plan to establish the further
regulation that the individuals composing bodies of kindred
should address each other by termswhich claim or recognize this
authority by the use of words expressing relative age. Now,
we may suppose that such a custom, scattered as it is through-
out the world, may have arisen at many independent centers.
It may have been autogenous here and there; and it may,
however, have been borrowed sometimes — one tribe may
have learned it from another, and, thinking it a wise device,
adopted it. But it seems probable, and most anthropologists
would perhaps agree, that we ought to consider such a custom
so widely spread as this as being substantially autogenous, and
that it sprung up in its several centers of development from
like causes, namely, the desire to regulate personal relations
OF THE BUREAU OP ETHNOLOGY. LXIX
within a body politic, and the belief that such personal rela-
tions ought to be regulated so as to confer authority upon the
elder, because age is sujiposed to give wisdom.
Yet it is quite possible to suppose that this custom had its
origin among a people far back in antiquity, and that this
original people ultimately broke into segments and scattered
from time to time throughout the habitable earth; and in this
case this custom of the different tribes would have a syngenous
origin; the custom would have come down to the tribes by
cognation from the ancestral tribe who invented it. But sucli
a supposition would not be very probable for many reasons.
The tribes among which it is found speak very different lan-
guages, and belong to diverse stocks of language. The names
used do not belong to one language or to one family of lan-
guages. No possible genetic relationship has yet been discov-
ered between the languages or between these kindred terms as
used among the different stocks of people where the custom
prevails. To suppose, then, that the custom had an origin
anterior to all of the languages spoken at the present time by the
tribes among whom this phenomenon is discovered is not very
reasonable. Again, we are led to believe from archseologic
evidence that mankind was widely scattered throughout the
habitable earth anterior to the development of known stocks
of languages, and anterior to the development of any but the
very rudest arts, and this supposition demands that we should
believe that the institution should have been invented by a
people yet devoid of organized speech, and almost devoid of
all the arts of life. And we must further infer from this hy-
pothesis that this institution, in its primitive simplicity, existed
during all that period of time through which arts and insti-
tutions have had their growth to the present time. It will
be safer, thei'efore, to conclude that this custom is autogenous
by concausation in many centers. If we take a broader survey
of the habits and customs of a people we shall find many
other customs and regulations equally widespread ; all of
which we are compelled to believe are autogenous from various
centers of origin. On the other hand many customs are found
which are not so widely distributed, and the reasons for which
LXX ANNUAL REPORT OP THE DIRECTOR
ai'e not so manifest. In such cases they may yet be consid-
ered as autogenous from different centers, but many of them
doubtless are syngenous. The people among which they are
found can be traced back by linguistic or other evidence to
common progenitors, and in such cases the institutions are
syngenous by inheritance. Again, we have abundant evi-
dence, in relation to institutions, that they are borrowed from '
time to time, and such institutions are syngenous by accult-
uration.
The study of linguistic similarities has been largely carried
on, and important lessons may be derived therefrom. Func-
tional similarities are very general, because certain classes of
ideas are universal. Wherever the relation of father and son
exists and is recognized, there must be words corresponding
to "father" and "son." Wherever men have recognized that
some things must be high and others low, corresponding terms
must be used. Wherever anger is observed it is named; and
wherever men walk, a term signifying "to walk" must be
used. But it is not with functional similarities that we now
deal, but only with the means or instrument by which func-
tions are performed — that is, with organic similarities. Many
languages have been studied and compared, and out of this
comparison has resulted the establishment of many groups of
cognate languages, called "families" or "stocks." But, as lan-
guages have been grouped into families where evidence of
common origin has been discovered, so the families have been
separated from each other for want of such evidence. They
are considered to be autogenous — that is, to have been devel-
oped from distinct centers. During the course of this research
certain rules have been established for the interpretation of
linguistic similarities. To a large extent, similar words per-
forming similar functions are believed to establish the relation
of cognation between them. It is on this basis that the various
languages of the Aryan family, stretching from Asia westward
over Europe, and of course spoken by Europeans in America,
are so related that they are believed to have had a common
origin in some primitive language, now lost as such, but from
which the peoples who speak the several languages composing
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LXXI
the stock have inherited the fundamental elements of their
languages. These languages, then, are cognate, but there are
many words in each which have not been derived from the
primitive stock inherited by all, but which have been borrowed
from other peoples with whom the Aryans have from time to
time associated. Such words are similar by acculturation.
Many similarities are discovered in languages which have no
cognate or cultural relation. In English we call a certain animal
a "deer." In several Shoshone languages a deer is called "tia."
When first heard among the tribes of Utah this word was sup-
posed to have been borrowed from white men ; but in some of
the languages and dialects of the stock it is found that "tiats"
is used, and "tiav" in others; and the three are therefoi-e con-
sidered to be cognate with each other, but entirely a different
word, and not to have been derived from the English "deer."
The similarity is one of mere accident. Such accidental re-
semblances are often found, and tyro philologists frequently
assemble them for the purpose of demonstrating linguistic re-
lationship. Such adventitious similarities are discovered in all
departments of human activities, and have no value for com-
parative purposes.
Many similarities in the opinions of men, as they are scat-
tered over the world, are discovered. Lessons may be derived
from these similarities as they appear in myths. Very many
savage tribes believe that the winds are the breathings of
mythic beasts. Of course savages recognize the fact that they
can blow from their mouths, and they easily reach the child-
ish conclusion that wind is breath; and tribes scattered widely
tliroughout the earth might arrive at this common opinion;
and such opinions are usually supposed to be concaused.
Wherever primitive man, in the childhood of reasoning, re-
flected upon the origin of winds, he may have reached such a
conclusion. Such opinions are manifestly concaused, and au-
togenous from many centers.
A second explanation of the origin of wind is found sometimes
among savage tribes, but it is more frequently found among
barbaric tribes. Among these peoples winds are interpreted
as fannings, and in early hieroglyphic writing the four quar-
liXXII ANNUAL REPOET OF THE DIRECTOE
ters of the earth are frequently symbolized by four birds,
from whom the north and south and east and west winds
have their origin, and the winds are supposed to rise from
under their wings. At this stage it must be remembered that
the people have not yet discovered that there is a circumam-
bient air which may be stirred or fanned, but fanning in this
stage of culture is supposed to be a creation of something
called the wind. This opinion is doubtless autogenous at many
centers, and is concaused.
All along the course of culture scientific opinion, or real
knowledge, has been gradually replacing mythic opinion, or
pseudo knowledge. When the real nature of the wind was
discovered by more advanced philosophers, such knowledge
spread far and wide. True, it may have been discovered by
different peoples at different times, but real knowledge spreads
far. more rapidly and widely than mj^thic opinion. Scientific
opinion, therefore, is much more likely to obtain footing by
acculturation than by concausation.
The foregoing explanation of various classes of similarities
perhaps furnishes a sufficient basis for the following statements
of certain principles of interpretation relating thereto:
1. The arts of life have their origin in the endeavor to sup-
ply physical wants. They result everywhere in primitive life
from the utilization of the materials at hand. Many wants are
universal, felt by all men in all lands. The want for a ham-
mer is general ; the use of a stone for a hammer would readily
be suggested to the nascent mind of the lowest savage, and
the stone-hammer art may have easily sprung up anywhere at
any time. The use of stones for knives, for arrow-heads, for
scrapers, and for a variety of other purposes, may easily have
had many independent origins; and so on through almost the
entii'e list of savage and barbaric arts which have been de-
veloped to supply the wants of life. With regard, then, to the
arts of life, the presumption is in favor of independent origin
by concausation.
2. In so far as arts are expressed in material forms they con-
stitute simple object-lessons, easily learned, and observation
would spread them far and wide. Whenever, therefore, the
OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LXXIII
origin of such an art cannot be explained by the principle of
concausation, the presumption would be in favor of its origin
by acculturation.
3. Institutions, languages, and opinions are not expressed
in material forms, and do not so easily pass from place to place
and from people to people. The presumption, therefore, is
that similarities discovered in these three classes of activities
are not derived by acculturation.
4. When many similarities among two or more peoples are
discovered in institutions, languages, and mythic opinions, the
presumption is that they all have a common origin in some
ancient stock from whom the savage tribes have been derived.
5. When similarities in institutions are discovered between
peoples not related in language, the presumption is that such
similarities are autogenous by concausation.
6. When many verbal similarities are discovered among dis-
tinct peoples, the presumption is that they have a syngenous
origin by inheritance; when few verbal similarities between
different peoples are discovered, it becomes necessary to in-
quire into the history of the people to discover whether they
have their origin in acculturation or in adventition.
7. When similarities in opinion are discovered among peo-
ples, if such peoples belong to difl'erent linguistic stocks the
presumption is that they have their origin in concausation.
8. When similarities in opinions are discovered in peoples
of the same linguistic stock, it becomes necessary to inquire
into the history of the peoples and to determine the period of
their separation, and if such opinions are probably so primi-
tive that it is reasonably to be supposed that they were en-
tertained in the stage of culture in which the primitive stock
existed, the presumption is in favor of the theory that the simi-
larities are such by cognation.
9. When similarities of opinion are discovered between peo-
ples speaking languages of the same stock, if such opinions
properly belong to a stage of culture subsequent to the sepa-
ration of a primitive stock, it is probable that such opinions
had their origin in concausation.
3 ETH VI
LXXIV
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
Many other principles of interpretation applicable to activ-
ital similarities might be enunciated, but these seem to be the
most fundamental, and are sufficient for present purposes.
CLASSIFICATION OF EXPENDITUEES MADE DURING THE
FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30, 1882.
Classification.
Amount expended.
A . — Services
B Traveling expenses
C — Transportation of property
It — Field subsistence
E. — Field supplies and expenses
F.— Field materiiil
G. — instruments
H.^Laboratory material
I. — PhotograpMc materi:U
K.— Books and maps
L. — Stationery and drawing material . -
M. — Illustrations for reports
N . — Office rents
0 — Office furniture
P.— Office supplies and repairs
Q. — Storage
E. — Correspondence
S. — Articles for distribution to Indians
T. — Specimens
Total
$18, 233 57
1,231 08
156 27
!, 147 19
161 41
39 75
0
0
96 00
221 25
38 19
12 00
0
1, 258 24
43 03
0
6 14
1, 810 52
546 34
25, 000 00
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.
1-2
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
IST O T E S
ON CKRTAIX
MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
PROF. CYRUS THOMAS.
3-4
CONTENTS.
I'age. •
Tableau des Bacab 7
Plate 43 of theBorgian Codex 23
Plate 44 of the Fejervary Codex 3C
SyiubolB of the cardinal points 36
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Plate I. — Fac-simile of the Tableau des Ba.cab 7
II. — The Tableau des Bacab restored 12
III. — Fac-simile of Plate 44 of the Fejervary Codex 32
IV.— Copy of Plates 65 and (16 of the Vatican Codex B 56
Fig. 1. — The four cardinal symbols 8
2. — Scheme of the Tableau des Bacab 13
3. — Copy from Plates 18 and 19, Codex Peresianus 19
4. — Copy of Plate 43, Borgiau Codex 24
5. — Copy of Plates 51 and 52, Vatican Codex, B 27
6. — Scheme of Plate 44, Fejervary Codex 34
7. — Symbols of the four cardinal points 36
8. — Calendar wheel, as given by Dnran 44
9. — Calendar wheel, from book of Chilan Balam 59
10. — Engraved shells 61
11. — Withdrawn.
5
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
wm^-a::
<MII!.'l^.f 'U'tiL'^Jl'^.JH-.-jg^^
'TABLEAU OES BACAB'
ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PI 1
CODEX CORTESIANUS.
NOTES ON CERTAIN MAYA AND MEXICAN MANU-
SCRIPTS.
By Cyrus Thomas.
" TABLEAU DES BACAB. "
Having receiitlj' come iuto possession of Leon de Kosn.v's late work
entitled "ies Documents ecritsde I'Antiquite Americaine,"^ I find in it a
photo-lithogiapbic copy of two plates (or rather one plate, for the two are
but parts of one) of the Maya Manuscript known as the Codex Corie-
sianus. This plate (I shall speak of the two as one) is of so uiuch impor-
tance in the study of the Central American symbols and calendar systems
that I deem it worthy of special notice ; more particularly so as it fur-
nishes a connecting link between the Maya and Mexican symbols and
calendars.
This plate (Nos. 8 and 9 in Eosuy's work), is entitled by Rosny " Tah-
lean des Bacab" or "Plate of the Bacabs," he supposing it to be a rep-
resentation of the gods of the four cardinal points, an opinion I believe
to be well founded.
As will be seen by reference to our Plate No. 1, which is an exact
copy from Eosny's work, this page consists of three divisions : First.
an inner quadrilateral space, in which there are a kind of cross or sacred
tree ; two sitting figures, one of which is a female, and six characters.
Second, a narrow space or belt forming a border to the inner area, from
which it is separated by a single line ; it is separated from the outer
space by a double line. This space contains the characters for the twenty
days of the Maya month, but not arranged in consecutive order. Third,
an outer and larger space containing several figures and numerous
characters, the latter chiefly those representing the Maya days. This
area consists of two distinct parts, one part containing day characters,
grouped together at the four corners, and connected by rows of dots
running from one group to the other along the outer border; the other
part consisting of four groups of figures, one group opposite each of the
four sides. In each of the four compartments coutainiug these last-
mentioned groups, there is one of the four characters shown in Fig. 1
(a b c d), which, in my "Study of the Manuscript Troano," I have con-
cluded represent the four cardinal points, a conclusion also reached in.
dependently by Eosny and Schultz Sellack.
■ Published in 13S2, as a memoir of the Soci6t6 d'Ethnographie of Paris.
8 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Before entering iipou the discussiou of this plate I will insert here
Rosny's comment, that the reader may have an opportunity of compar-
ing his view of its signification with the opinion I shall advance.
1 intend to close this report with some observations on the criticisms which have
been written since the publication of my " Essay ou the Decipherment of the Hieratic
Writings," as much regarding the first data, for which we are indebted to Diego de-
Landa, as that of the method to follow in order to realize new progress in the interpre-
tation of the Katounic texts. I will be permitted, however, before approaching this
discussion, to say a word on two leaves of the Codex Cortesianus, which not only con-
firm several of my former lectures, but which furnish us probably a more than ordi-
narily interesting document relative to the religious history of ancient Yucatan.
The two leaves require to be presented synoptically, as I have done in reproducing
them on the plate [8 and 9^], for it is evident that they form together one single rep-
resentation.
This picture presents four divisions, in the middle of which is seen a representation
of the sacred tree ; beneath are the figures of two personages seated on the ground
and placed facing the katounes, among which the sign of the day Ik is repeated
three times on the right side and once with two other signs on the left side. The
central image is surrounded by a sort of framing in which have been traced the
twenty cyclic characters of the calendar. Some of these characters would not be rec-
ognizable if one possessed only the data of Landa, but they are henceforth easy to
read, for I have had occasion to determine, after a certain fashion, the value of the
greater part of them in a former publication.
These characters are traced in the following order, commencing, for example, with
Mulnc and continuiusr from left to right: 6,2,18,13,17,14,5,1,16,12,8,4,20,15,11,7,
19, 3, 9, 10. * * *
In the four compartments of the Tablet appear the same cyclic signs again in two
series. I will not stop to dwell upon them, not having discovered the system of their
arrangement.
Besides these cyclic signs no other katounes are found ou the Tablet, except four
groups which have attracted my attention since the beginning of my studies, and
which I have presented, not without some hesitation, as serving to note the four
cardinal points. I do not consider my first attempt at interpretation as definitely
demonstrated, but it seems to me that it acquires by the study of the pages in ques-
tion of the Codex Corlesianua, a new probability of exactitude.
These four katounic groups are here in fact arranged in the following manner:
Fio. 1. — The four cardinal symbols.
Now, not only do these groups include, as I have explained, several of the phonetic
elements of Maya words known to designate the four cardinal points, but they oc-
'Rosny says by mistake "Planche VII- VIII."
TH0MA6.J ROSNY ON TABLEAU DES BACAB. 9
cnpy, besides, the place which is necessary to them in the arraugement (orientation),
t,o wit :
West.
5 o
3 3-
o S
East.
I have said, moreover, in my Esaay, that certain characteristic symbols of tl e gods
of the four cardinal points (the Bacab) are found placed beside the katounic groups,
which occcpy me at this moment, in a manner which gives a new confirmation of my
interpretation.
On Plates 23, 24, 25, and 26 of the Codex Cartesian us, where the same groups and symbols
are seen reproduced of which I have just spoken, the hierogrammat has drawn four
figures identical in shape and dress. These four figures represent the " god of the long
nose.' Beside the first, who holds in his hand a flaming torch, appears a series of katou-
nes, at the head of which is the sign Ean (symbol of the south), and above, a defaced
group. Beside the second, who holds a flaming torch inverted, is the sign iluluc
(symbol of the east), and above, the group which I have interpreted as east. At the
side of the third, who carries in the left hand the burning torch inverted and a scep-
ter (symbol of Bacabs), is the sign Ix (symbol of the north), and above, the group
which I have translated as north. Finally, beside the fouith, who carries iu his left
hand the flaming torch inverted and a hatchet iu the right hand, is the sign Cauac
(symbol of the west), and above, not the entire group, which I have translated as
west, but the first sign of this group, and also au animal characteristic of the Occi-
dent, which has been identified with the armadillo. I have some doubts upon the
subject of this animal, but its aflSnity with the qualification of the west appears to
me at least very probable.
We see from this quotation that Eosn,y was unable to give any ex-
planation of the day characters, dots, and L-shaped symbols in the
outer space ; also that he was uuable to suggest any reason for the pe-
culiar arrangement.of the day symbols iu the intermediate circle orquad-
rilateral. His suggestions are limited to the foui- characters placed
opposite the four sides, and which, he believes, and I think correctly, to
be the symbols of the four cardinal points. Whether his conclusion as
to the points they respectively refer to be correct or not, is one of the
questions I propose to discuss in this paper. But before entering upon
this, the most important question regarding the plate, I desire first to
offer what I believe will be admitted to be a correct explanation of the
object and uses of the day symbols, dots, &c., in the outer space, and the
intermediate circle of day characters.
If we examine carefully the day characters and large black dots in
the outer space we shall find that all taken together really form but 07ie
continuous line, making one outward and two inward bends or loops at
each corner.
For example, commencing with Cauac (No. 31) (see scheme of the
plate, Fig. 2), on the right side, and running upward toward the top
along the row of dots next the right-hand margin, we reach the charac-
ter Ghuen (No, 32^ ; just above isEb (No. 33) ; then running inward to-
ward the center, along the row of dots to Kan (No. 34) ; then upward
to Chicchan (No. 35) ; then outward along the row of dots toward the
10
MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
outer corner to Cabaii (Xo. 36) ; theu to the left to Ezanab (Xo. 37) ;
then inward to Oc (No. 38) ; theu to the left to Chuen (No. 39); outward
to Albal (No. 40), aud so ou arouud.
Before proceediug further it is ueeessary that I introduce here a Maya
calendar, in order that my next point may be clearly understood. To
simplify this as far as possible, I give first a table for a single Canae
year, in two forms, one as the ordinary counting house calendar (Table
I), the other a simple continuous list of days (Table II), but in this
latter case only for thirteen mouths, just what is necessary to complete
the circuit of our plate.
As explained in my former paper,' although there were twenty days
in each Maya mouth, each day with its own particular name, and al-
ways following each other in the .same order, so that each month would
begin with the same day the year commenced with, yet it was the cus-
tom to number the days up to 13 and then commence again with 1, 2,
3, and so on, thus dividing the year into weeks of thirteen days each.
For a full explanation of this complicated calendar system I must
refer the reader to my former paper. But at present we shall need only
an understanding of the tables here given. I shall, as I proceed, refer
to Table I, leaving the reader who prefers to do so to refer to the list
of days marked Table II, as they are precisely the same thing, only
differing in form.
Table I. — Maya calendar for one year
Xos. of the months.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
.3
14
IS
10
17
18
Cauac
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
I
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
I
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
ID
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
»
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
S
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
I*
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
i
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
0
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
1
2
3
4
5
0
I
9
10
U
12
13
1
2
1
Tmii
"i
Ik ...
6
Akb.il
R
0
Cimi
Manik
1?
l'
1?
Oc
1
?
Eb
Been
Ix
3
4
Men
n
Gib
7
It
Ezanab
9
Table II.
1st Month.
. 1. Cauac.
2. Abau.
3. Imix.
4. Ik.
5. Akbal.
6. Kan.
7. Chicchan.
8. Cimi.
9. Manik.
10. Lamat.
11. Muluc.
12. Oc.
13. Chuen.
1. Eb.
2. Been.
3. Ix.
4. Men.
5. Cib.
C. Caban.
7. Ezanab.
2d Month.
8. Cauac.
9. Abau.
'A study of the Manuscript Troano.
MAYA CALENDAR.
11
10. Ymix.
11. Ik.
12. Akbiil.
13. Kan.
1. Chicchan.
2. Cimi.
3. Mauik.
4. Lamat.
6. Muluc.
6. Oc.
7. Chuen.
8. Eb.
9. Beeu.
10. Ix.
11. Men.
12. Cib.
13. Caban.
1. Ezanah.
3d Month.
2. Cauac.
3. Ahau.
4. Ymix.
5. Ik.
6. Akbal.
7. Kau.
8. Chicchan.
9. Cimi.
10. Manik.
11. Lamat.
12. Muluc.
13. Oc.
1. Chuen.
2. Eb.
3. Beeu.
4. Ix.
5. Men.
6. Cib.
7. CaToan.
8. Ezanab.
4th Month.
9. Cauac.
10. Ahau.
11. Ymix.
12. Ik.
13. Akbal.
1. Kan.
2. Chicchan.
3. Cimi.
4. Manik.
5. Lamat.
6. Muluc.
7. Oc.
8. Chuen.
9. Eb.
10. Been.
11. Ix.
12. Men.
13. Cib.
1. Caban.
2. Ezanab.
oTH Month.
3. Cauac,
4. Ahau.
5. Ymix.
6. Ik.
7. Akbal.
8. Kan.
9. Chicchan.
10. Cimi.
11. Manik.
12. Lamat.
13. Muluc.
1. Oc.
2. Chuen.
3. Eb.
4. Been.
5. Ix.
C. Men.
7. Cib.
8. Cabau.
9. Ezanab.
6th Month.
10. Cauac.
11. Ahau.
12. Ymix.
13. Ik.
1. Akbal.
2. Kan.
3. Chicchan.
4. Cimi.
5. Manik.
6. Lamat.
7. Muhic.
8. Oc.
9. Chuen.
10. Eb.
11. Been.
12. Ix.
13. Men.
1. Cib.
2. Cabau.
3. Ezanab.
7Tn Month.
4. Cauac.
5. Ahau.
6. Ymix.
7. Ik.
8. Akbal.
9. Kan.
10. Chicchan.
11. Cimi.
12. Mauik.
13. Lamat.
1. Muluc.
2. Uc.
3. Chueu.
4. Eb.
5. Been.
6. Ix.
7. Men.
8. Cib.
9. Caban.
10. Ezanab.
8th Month.
11. Cauac.
12. Ahau.
13. Ymix.
1. Ik.
2. Akbal.
3. Kan.
4. Chicchan.
5. Cimi.
6. Manik.
7. Lamat.
8. Muluc.
9. Oc.
10. Chueu.
11. Eb.
12. Been.
13. Iw.
1. Men.
2. Cib.
3. Cabau.
4. Ezanab.
9th jNIonth.
5. Cauac.
6. Ahau.
7. Ymix.
8. Ik.
9. Akbal.
10. Kau.
11. Chicchan.
12. Cimi.
13. Manik.
i. Lamat.
2. Muluc.
3. Oc.
4. Chuen.
5. Eb.
(j. Beeu.
7. Ix.
8. Men.
9. Cib.
10. Caban.
11. Ezanab.
IOth Month.
12. Cauac.
13. Ahau.
1. ¥mix.
2. Ik.
3. Akbal.
4. Kan.
5. Chicchan.
6. Cimi.
7. Manik.
8. Lamat.
9. Muluc.
10. Oc.
11. Chuen.
12. Eb.
13. Been.
1. Ix.
2. Men.
3. Cib.
12
MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
4. Caban.
7, Been.
9. Lamat.
11.
Akbal.
5. Ezauab.
8. Ix.
10". Muluc.
12.
Kan.
llTH Month.
9. Men.
11. Oc.
13.
CMcchan.
6. Cauac.
10. Cib.
12. Chueu.
1.
Cimi.
7. Ahaii.
11. Caban.
13. Eb.
2.
Manik.
8. Ymix.
12. Ezanab.
1. Been.
3.
Lamat.
9. Ik.
12th Month.
2. Ix.
4.
Muluc.
10. Akbal.
13. Cauac.
3. Men.
5.
Oc.
11. Kan.
1. Aliau.
4. Cib.
6.
Chueu.
12. Chicchau.
2. Imix.
5. Caban.
7.
Eb.
13. Cimi.
3. Ik.
6. Ezanab.
8.
Been.
1. Manik.
4. Akbal.
13th Month.
9.
Ix.
2. Lamat.
5. Kan.
7. Cauac.
10.
Men.
3. Muluc,
6. Chicchau.
8. Ahau.
11.
Cib.
4. Oc.
7. Cimi.
9. Ymix.
12.
Cabau.
5. Cbueu.
8. Manik.
10. Ik.
13.
Ezanab.
6. Eb.
Now, let us follow around this outer circle comparing it with our cal-
endar (Table I), or list of days (Table II), which, as before stated, are
for the Cauac year only.
As this is a Cauac year, we must commence with the Cauac charac-
ter No. 31, on the right border. Immediately to the left of this charac-
ter and almost in contact with it we see a single small dot. We take
for granted that this denotes 1 and that we are to begin with 1 Cauac.
This corresponds with the first day of the first month, that is, the top
number of the left-hand column of numbers in Table I or the first day
in Table II. Turning to the plate we run up the line of dots to the
character for Chuen (No. 32) ; immediately to the left of this we see two
little bars and three dots '-^-^ or 13.
Turning again to our table and running down the column of the first
month to the number 13 we find that it is Chuen, which is followed by
1 Eb. Turning again to the plate we observe that the character imme-
diately above Chuen is Eb., and that it has adjoining it below a single
dot, or 1. Eunuing from thence down the line of dots toward the cen-
ter we reach Ean, immediately above which is the character for 13.
Turning again to our table and starting with the 1 opposite Eb and
running to the bottom of the column which ends with 7 and passing to
8 at the top of the second column, and running down this to 13, or fol-
lowing down our list of days (Table II), we find it to be Kan, which is
followed by 1 CMcchan. On the plate we see the character for CMcchan
(No. 35) immediately above that of Kan (No. 34), with a single small dot
touching it above. Eunning from this upward along the row of large
dots toward the outer corner we next reach the character for Caban (No,
36), adjoining which we see the numeral character for 13.
Eiiuning our eye down the second column of the table, from 1 oppo-
site CMcchan to 13, we find it is opposite Caban, thus agreeing with
what we find in the plate.
BUBKAU OF ETIINOIX)ar
ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. n
THE TABLKAU DES UACAB nESTORED.
THOMAS. 1
SCHEME OF THE TABLEAU DES BACAB
13
This will enable the reader to follow up the names and numbers on
the table as 1 will now give them from Caban (No. 3G), in the manner
above shown, remembering that the movement on the plate is around
the circle toward the left, that is, up the right side, toward the left on
the top, down the left side, «&;c., and that, on the tables, after one column
is coQipleted we take the next to the right.
From Caban (No. 36) we go next to Ezanab No. 37 (the single dot is
here effaced); then down the row of dots to Oc, No. 38, over which is
the numeral for 13 ; then to Chuen, No. 39, immediately to the left (the
single dot is dimly outlined immediatel3- above it) ; then up the row
of large dots to Akbal No. 40 (the numeral character for 13 is immedi-
ately to the right); then to Kan No. 1, immediately to the left (the sin-
gle dot adjoins it on the right); then to the left along the border row of
dots to Cib No. 2, in the upper left-hand corner, immediately under
which we find the numeral character for 13.
Without following this further, I will now giv^e a scheme or plan of
the plate (Fig. 2), adding the names of the effaced characters, which the
o© o oooooo©
'Cr^CDll/o"!!)©!!.:
©•
0
'•©©
• e
o o
o
0
©
0
(:5)V®0 (D 0 ©Ti
o
o
0
o
O . a
© e ® e
° e(^ (i)'QOo o CO o
>0
■@
%®or»o.. '-^^m
o
•^^»^
%
o o o o o o
Fig. 2.— Sclieme of the Tableau des Bacfib.
14
MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS
table enables ns to do by foliowiug it out in the manner explained. I
also give iu Plate II another figure of the plate of the Cortesian Codex,
with the eifaced characters inserted, and the interchange of Caban and
Eb which will be hereafter explained. This plate corresponds with the
plan or scheme shown in Fig. 2.^
Iu this we commence with Kan, numbered 1, iu the top row, moving
theuce toward the left as already indicated, following the course shown
by the numbers.
By this time the reader, if he has studied the plate with care, has
probably encouutered one difHculty in the way of the explanation given ;
that there are usually twelve large dots instead of eleven, as there should
be, between the day signs ; as, for example, between Kan No. 1 and
Cib No. 2, in the upper row. This I am unable to explain, except on
the supposition that the artist included but one of the day signs in the
count, or that it was not the intention to be very exact in this respect.
The fact that the uumber of dots in a row is not always the same, there
being in some cases as many as thirteen, and in others but eleven,
renders the latter supposition probable. In the scheme the uumber of
dots in the lines is given as nearly as possible as on the plate.
As there are four different series of years in the Maya calendar, the
Cauac years, Kan years, Mnluc years, and Ix years, it is necessary that
we have four different tables, similar to that given for the Cauac years,
to represent them, or to combine all in one table.
As I have adopted in my former work' a scheme of combining them
I will insert it here (Table III).
Table III. — Condensed Maya Calendar.
Canac
Kan
Mnluc
Ix
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
column.
colamn.
column.
column.
14
IS
8
16
2
17
9
18
3
10
4
11
S
12
6
13
Cauac.
Kan.
Mulno.
Ix.
1
7
Abaa.
Chiccban.
Oc.
Men.
2
9
3
10
4
11
5
12
6
13
7
1
8
Ymix.
Cimi.
Cbuen .
Cib.
3
10
4
11
5
12
6
13
7
1
8
2
9
Ik.
Manik.
Eb.
Caban.
4
11
5
12
6
13
7
1
8
2
9
3
10
Akbal.
Lamat.
Ben.
Ezanab.
5
12
6
13
7
1
8
2
9
3
10
4
11
Kan.
Mulnc.
Ix.
Cauac.
6
13
7
1
8
2
9
3
10
4
11
5
12
Cbicchan.
Oc.
Men.
Aban.
7
1
8
2
9
3
10
4
11
5
12
6
13
Cimi.
Cbuen.
Cib.
Ymix.
8
2
9
3
10
4
11
5
12
6
13
7
1
Manik.
Eb.
Caban.
Ik.
9
3
10
4
11
5
12
6
13
7
1
8
2
Lamat.
Hen.
Ezanab.
Akbal.
10
4
11
5
12
6
13
7
1
8
2
9
3
Mnluc.
Ix.
Cauac
Kan.
n
s
12
6
13
7
1
8
2
9
3
10
4
Oc.
Men.
Aban.
Cbicchan.
12
6
13
7
1
8
2
9
3
10
4
U
5
Cbnen.
Cib.
Tmix.
Cimi.
w
7
1
8
2
9
3
10
4
11
5
12
6
Eb.
Caban.
Ik.
Manik.
1
8
2
9
3
10
4
11
5
12
6
13
7
Bell.
Ezanab.
Akbal.
Lamat
2
9
3
10
4
11
5
12
6
13
7
1
8
Ii.
Cauac.
Kan.
MuUic.
3
10
4
n
5
12
6
13
7
1
8
2
9
Men.
Abau.
Chiccban.
Oc.
4
U
S
12
6
13
7
1
K
2
9
3
10
Cib.
Tmix.
Cimi.
Cbueu.
5
12
6
13
7
1
8
2
9
3
}"
4
11
Caban.
Ik.
Manik.
Eb.
6
13
7
1
8
2
9
3
10
4
11
5
12
Ezanab.
Akbal.
Lamat.
Ben.
7
1
8
2
9
3
10
4
11
5
12
6
13
< As the reduction of tlie cut prevents the insertion of the names of the d.ays, let-
ters have been substituted for them in the quiidrilateral or inner ring as follows:
In the top ;ine.— Ymix, a; Chiechan, h; Muluc, c; Been, d, and Caban, e.
In the left column.— Cimi, f; Ik, g; Oc, h; Ix, t, and Ezanab, j".
In the bottom (iiie.— Akbal, k; Manik, I; Chnen, m; Men, n, and Cauac, o.
In the right coiunui.—Kau, p ; Lamat, q; Eb, r; Abau, 8, and Cib, (.
» Study of the Manuscript Troano, p. 11.
TBOMAS] EXPLANATION OF THE TABLEAU DES BACAB. 15
But I must request the reader to refer to that work for au explana-
tion of the method of using it.
By using the different columns in this table, viz, the Cauac column,
the Kan column, the Muluc column, and the Ix column, in the same
way as we have that of the previous Table I^o. I, we shall find that the
plate is intended to apply in the same way to each of the four years.^
A further correspondence will also be found in the fact that the thirteen
figure columns of our table just complete the circuit of the plate, and that
for the other months (or rather weeks) we commence again at the first,
just as the table.
For the Kan years we commence on our scheme (Fig. 2) or the plate
(No. II) at Kan No. 1, at the top, and moving around to the left, as
shown, we end the thirteenth column of the calendar (1^5 Akbal) with
Akbal No. 40. For the Muluc years we commence with Muluc No. 11,
of the left side of the scheme, and end with Lamat No. 10. For the Ix
years we begin with Ix No. 21, at the bottom, and end with Been No. 20.
For the Cauac years we begin with Cauac No. .31, at the right side, and
end with Ezanab No. 30.
By following this plan we will find that the characters and numerals
in the plate agree in every case with the names and numbers of the
days in the table, showing that I have properly interpreted this part of
the plate. It is impossible that there should be such exact agreement
if I were wrong in my interpretation.
This, it seems to me, will show beyond controversy the respective
quarters to which the different years are assigned in the plate — Kan
to the top, where this year begins ; Muluc to the left ; Ix to the bottom,
and Cauac to the right hand ; and, as a consequence, that the top is
the east ; left, north ; bottom, west, and right hand, south. But this is
a point to be discussed hereafter.
Our next step is to ascertain the object in view in placing the twenty-
day characters around the inner space in the order we find them. Here
I confess we shall encounter greater difficulty in arriving at a satisfac-
tory explanation ; still, I think we shall be able to show one object in
view in this singular arrangement, although we fall short of a complete
interpretation.
If we commence with Ymix, in the upper line of the quadrilateral,
and move around it to the left, as heretofore, noting the days in each
side in the order they come on the plate, we find them to be as follows:
In the top line: Ymix, Chicchan, Muluc, Been, Eb.
Left column : Cimi, Ik, Oc, Ix, Ezanab.
Bottom line: Akbal, Manik, Chuen, Men, Cauac.
Eight column (upward) : Kan, Lamat, Caban, Ahau, Cib.
Now let us take the twenty days, in the order they stand in the cal-
* It is worthy of note that the namerals on the plate apply only to the years 1 Cauac,
1 Kan, 1 Muluc, and 1 Is, the first years of an Indication or week of vears.
16 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
endar, commencing with Kau, writing tbem in four columns, jilaciug
one name in each in succession, thus:
Kan.
Chicchan.
Cimi.
Manik.
Lamat.
Muhic.
Oc.
Chueu.
Eb.
Been.
Ix.
Men.
Oib.
Gabau.
Ezanab.
Cauac.
Ahau.
Ymix.
Ik.
Akbal.
If we commence with any other day the groups will contain respect-
ively the same days, as, for example, if we begin with Ymix as here
shown (Table IV).
As I am inclined to believe the author of the plate adopted this order
I shall use and refer to this table in speaking of these groups.
Table IV.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Ymix.
Ik.
Akbal.
Kan.
Chicchan.
Cimi.
Manik.
Lamat,
Muluc.
Oc.
Chueu.
Eb.
Been.
Ix.
Men.
Cib.
Caban.
Ezanab.
Cauac.
Ahau.
Examining the five names in the third column we find they are the
same as those in the bottom line of the quadrilateral of the plate, and
also in the same order. Those of the second column are the same as
those in the left column of the plate, though not precisely in the same
order; those in the first column the same as those in the top line of the
plate, except that in our column we have Caban in place of Eb ; and
those in the fourth column the same as those in the right column of the
plate, except that in our column we have Eb instead of Caban. I am
satisfied, therefore, that the artist who made the plate has transposed
the characters Eb and Caban ; that in place of Eb, the left-hand char-
acter of the upper line, there should be Caban, and in place of Caban,
the middle character of the right column, there should be Eb, aud have
made this change in my scheme (Fig. 2) and in Plate II.
This, I admit, has the appearance of making an arbitrary, change to
suit a theory ; but besides the strong evidence in favor of this change
shown by the arrangement of the days in four columns just given, I
propose to present other testimony.
That the characters here interpreted Eb aud Gabon are the same as
those given by Landa, and in the Manuscript Troauo we have jjositive
evidence iu the tortous line in the outer space, of which we have already
given an explanation. Hence there is no escape ft'om the difficulty by
supposing the artist had reversed the characters in their reference to
the names. Either he has reversed them as to place, or we are mis-
taken in our supposition as to how the four groups were obtaiued.
TIlOM^s.| EXPLANATION OF THE TABLEAU DES BACAB. 17
If we turn, now, to the Manuscript Troano, and examine the day col-
umns, comparing them with these four groups as I have corrected them
by this single transposition, I thinii we shall find one clue at least to the
object of the arrangement we observe on this plate. As but few are
likely to have the Manuscript at hand, I will refer to Chapter VII of my
work {A Study of the Manusaipt Troano), where a large luiinber of these
day columns are given. In making the comparison I ask the reader to
use my scheme (Fig. 2). Commencing with the first column on page
165, we find it to be Manik, Cauac, Chuen, Akbal, Men, precisely the
same days as in the bottom line. The next two on the same page are
first Akbal, IMuluc, Men, Ymix, Manik, and second, Ben, Cauac, Chic-
chan, Chuen, Caban, takeu alternately from the bottom and top lines
of the quadrilateral.
On the lower part of the same page (165) is another column with the
following days, Aliau, Oc, Eb, Ik, Kan, Ix, Cib, Cimi, Lamat, taken al-
ternately from the right and left .sides of the plate as given in our scheme.
But there are only nine names in the column, when the order in which
they are taken would seem to require ten. By examiuing the plate (IV)
in the Manuscript the reader will see that there are indications that one
at the top has been obliterated. By examining the right and left col-
umns of our scheme we see that the omitted one is Ezanab. By counting
the intervals between the days, as explained in my work, we find them
to be alternately two and teu, and that by this rule the missing day
is Ezanab. The reader will notice in these examples that Eb and Caban
belong to the positions I have given them in my scheme (Fig. li).
Turning to i)age 166 we find the first column (from "second division,"
Plate IV) to be Kan, Cib, Lamat, Ahau, Eb, the same days as in the
right column of our scheme. The second column, Cauac, Chuen, Akbal,
Men, Manik, the same as the lower line of the scheme. The first column
on page 167 has the same days as the right column of the plate, as cor-
rected iu my scheme and our Plate II. The second column of this page
presents a new combination. We have so far found the names of a day
column all in a single group or line of our plate, or taken alternately
from opposite sides ; here we find them takeu alternately from each of
the four sides of the quadrilateral moving around to the left in the order
I have heretofore explained. The days in this column are Caban, Ik,
Manik, Eb, Caban. One is taken from the ui)per line (as corrected),
then one from the left side, next from the bottom line, tiieu from the
right side (as corrected), and then the same from the top line.
It is unnecessary for me to give more examples, as the reader cau
make the comparison for himself; and he will, as I believe, find my
theory sustained.
The only real objection I cau see to my explanation of the arrange-
ment of the days in this circle is the fact that it necessitates the trans-
position of two characters, but it is not unreasonable to suppose that
the artist may have made this oue mistake.
3 ETH 2
18
MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Fortunately we flud ou Plates 18 aiul 19* of the Codex Peresiauus *
what appears to be a complete confirmation of the theory here advanced.
This is a kind of tabular arrangement of certain days, with accom-
panying numbers, as shown in our Fig. 3, which is an exact copy of
those portions of Plates 18 and 19 of the Codex Peresiauus, to which I
refer.
I also give in Table V the names of the days and the numbers cor-
responding with the symbols and characters of Fig. 3. In this table the
erased days and obliterated numerals are restored, these being in italics
to distinguish them from those on the plate.
10. Kan. 8. Cib.
70. Lamat. 8. Ahau.
10. Eb. 8. Kan.
10. Gib. 8. Lamat.
10. Ahau. S. Bb.
13. Kan.
13. Lamat.
13. Eb.
13. Cib.
13. Ah-M.
3. Kan.
3. Lamat.
3. Eb.
3. Cib.
3. Ahau.
/;. Cib.
11. Ahau.
U. Kan.
II. Lamat.
II. Eb.
1. Cib.
1. Ahau.
1. Kan.
1. Lamat.
1. Eh.
Table V.
6. Lamat.
6. Eb.
6. Cib.
6. Ahau.
6. Kan.
9. Lamat.
9. Eb.
9. Cib.
9. Ahau.
9. Kan.
12. Lamat.
12. Eb.
12. Gib.
12. Ahau.
12. Kan.
4. Ahau.
i. Kan.
1. Lamat.
4. Eb.
4. Cib.
7. Ahau.
7. Kan.
7. Lamat.
7. Eb.
7. Cib.
2. Eb.
2. Cib.
2. Ahau.
2. Kan.
2. Lamat.
5. Eb.
5. Cib.
5. Ahau.
5. Kan.
5. Lamat.
An inspection of this table shows us that the five days repeated in
each column are the same as those on the right of the quadrilateral of
our scheme (Fig. 2), and are exactly in the order obtained by arranging
the days of the month in four columns in the manner heretofore shown.
(See column 4, Table IV.)
If I am correct in my supposition, we then have one clue to, if not a
full explanation of, themethodof obtaining the day columns in the Man-
uscript Troano.
' Manitscrll dil Mexiciiiu Xo. 2. — The Bureau of Ethnology has had the good fortuue to-
obtaiu a copy of Diiniy's photographic reproduction of this Manuscript, of which, ac-
cording to Leclerc (Bibliotheca Americana), only ten copies were issued, though Bras-
seur in his Bibliotheqiie Mosico-Guat^uialienne (p. 95) affirms that the edition con-
sisted of tifty copies. The full title is as follows : " Mauuscrit (lit Mexicuin Xo. 2 (Ic la
Bibliotheqiie Imperiale Pholoyraphie {aans reduction). Par ordre de S. JC. M. ■Duriiy, iliii-
intre de V Instrnction puhlique, President de la Commission scientijique du Mejciquc. Paris,,
1864."
Rosny has given a facsimile copy from the two plates here referred to in Plate XVI
of his Essai sur le Dechiffrement de VEcriture Sieratique.
THOMAS.]
TABLE FROM THE CODEX PERESIANCS.
19
Not this onlj-, foi- this table of the
Codex Peresianus furnishes us also the
explanation of the red numerals found
over the day columns in the Manuscript
Troano. Take, for example, Plate XIX,
flrst or upper division, given also in my
Study of The Manuscript Troano, p.
176, here the number is IV, correspond-
ing with column 4 of the above table
(V), where the days are the same and
the numeral prefixed to each day is 4.
Plate XXVI (Study Manuscript Tro-
ano, p. 177), lower division, the days are
the same and the number over the col-
umn is XIII, corresponding with the
sixth column of Table V. This corrob-
orates the opinion I expressed in my
former work, that the number over the
column was to be applied to each day
of the column.
Why is the order of the numerals in
the extract from the Codex Peresianus
precisely the same as the numbering of
the Ahaues? I answer, because each
column, if taken as referring to the four
classes of years, will, when the number
of the month is given, determine just
the years of an Ahau ; or a fancy of the
artist to follow an order considered
sacred.
To illustrate, let us take the next to
the right-hand column of the table where
the numeral is 1, and let us assume the
month to be Pop, or the 1st. Then we
have 1 Cib, 1 Ahau, 1 Kan, 1 Lamat,
and 1 Eb of the flrst mouth, and from
this data we are to find the years. As
there can be four years found to each
of these days, that is a Cauac year with
1 Cib in the first month, a Muluc year
with one Cib in the first mouth, a Kan
year with one Cib in the flrst month,
an Ix year with one Cib iu the flrst
mouth, a Kan year with one Ahau in
the first month, &c., it is evident that
tliere will be, as the total result, just
twenty years.
I: I! I! h it
©© © @ 9
1. 1. |. |. |.
III II: It! 11! It:
nil w liii
|:|: |: |: |:
Mill
•
«
-;>/
20 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
As I cannot repeat here, without occupying too much space, the
method of finding the years, I must refer the reader to Study Manuscript
Troano, p. 23, et al. Hunting them out, by using our Table III, we find
them to be as follows :
1 Cib.
1 Ahau.
1. Kan.
1. Lamat.
1 Eb.
Tears ...
.10 Cauac.
13 Cauac.
9 Cauac.
5 Cauac.
1 Cauac.
Years . . .
. 2 Kan.
11 Kan.
1 Kan.
10 Kan.
6 Kan.
Years ...
. 7 Muluc.
3 Muluc.
12 Muluc.
8 Muluc.
11 Muluc.
Years . . .
.12 Ix.
8 Ix.
4 Ix.
13 Ix.
9 Ix.
If we turn now to Table XVII (Study Manuscript Troano p. 44), we
will find that these are precisely the counted years (those in the space
inclosed by the dotted lines) in Ahau number VI.
If we assume the month to be the 11th then the numbers of the
Ahaues will correspond exactly with the numbers of the columns of our
Table V.^
As it may be supposed that using the same numeral to any five days
of the twenty in this way will produce a similar result, let us test it by
an example. For this purpose we select the same column of our fore-
going table, No. V — that with the number 1 prefixed — Cib, Ahau, Kan,
Lamat, Eb, but in place of Lamat we insert Cimi. Hunting out the
years as heretofore we find them to be as follows :
1 Cib.
1 Ahau.
1 Eav.
1 Cimi.
1 £b.
Years ..
..10 Cauac.
13 Cauac.
9 Cauac.
7 Cauac.
1 Cauac.
Years ..
.. 2 Kau
11 Kan.
1 Kan.
12 Kau.
6 Kau.
Years ..
. . 7 Muluc.
3 Muluc.
12 Muluc.
10 Muluc.
11 Muluc.
Years ..
..12 Ix.
8 Ix.
4 Ix.
2 Ix.
9 Ix.
If we try to locate these years in an Ahau in Table XVII (Study Man-
uscript Troano p. 44), we shall find it impossible to do so, nor can we
locate them in any table that can be made which has either twenty-four
or twenty years in an Ahau, while on the other hand the twenty years
obtained by using a column of the table from the Codex Peresianus
can be located in some one of the Ahaues obtained by any division of
the Grand Cycle into consecutive groups of twenty -four years that can
be made. It would require too much space to prove this assertion, but
any one who doubts its correctness can test it.
As the extract we have given from the Codex Peresianus relates only
to one of the four groups of days — that on the right of the quadrilat-
eral— I will supply in the following tables, ISTos. VII, VIII, and IX, the
arrangement of the group.s of the other three sides ; adding the other
(Table VI), also, so as to bring the four together in the order of the
sides of the quadrilateral, commencing with the line on the right, next
the upper one, and so on.
While this is undoubtedly the order in which they are to be taken;
which is the proper one to commence with? is a question yet to be dis-
cussed.
8Au illustration can be seen on pp. 36-40, Study Mauuscrijjt Troauo.
THOMAS.]
TABLE FEOM THE CODEX PERESIANUS.
21
Table VI.
10. Kan.
8. Gib.
6. Lamat.
4. Ahau.
2. Eb.
10. Lamat.
8. Ahau.
6. Eb.
4. Kan.
2. Cib.
10. Eb.
8. Kan.
6. Gib.
4. Lamat.
2. Ahau.
10. Gib.
8. Lamat.
6. Ahau.
4. Eb.
2. Kan.
10. Ahau.
8. Eb.
6. Kan.
4. Gib.
2. Lamat.
13. Kan.
11. Gib.
9. Lamat.
7. Ahau.
5. Eb.
13. Lamat.
11. Ahau.
9. Eb.
7. Kan.
5. Gib.
13. Eb.
11. Kan.
9. Gib.
7. Lamat.
5. Ahau,
13. Gib.
11. Lamat.
9. Ahau.
7. Eb.
5. Kan.
13. Ahau.
11. Eb.
9. Kan.
7. Gib.
5. Lamat.
3. Kan.
1. Gib.
12. Lamat.
3. Lamat.
1. Ahau.
12. Eb.
3. Eb.
1. Kan.
12. Gib.
3. Gib.
1. Lamat.
12. Ahau.
3. Ahau.
1. Eb.
12. Kan.
Table VII
10. Ymix.
8. Been.
6. Ghicchan.
, 4. Gaban.
2. Muluc.
10. Chicchan.
8. Gaban.
6. Muluc.
4. Ymix.
2. Been.
10. Muluc.
8. Ymix.
6. Been.
4. Ghicchan.
2. Gaban.
10. Been.
8. Chicchan,
. G. Caban.
4. Muluc.
2. Ymix.
10. Gabau.
8. Muluc.
6. Ymix.
4. Been.
2. Chicchan
13. Ymix.
11. Been.
9. Chicchan
. 7. Gaban.
5. Muluc.
13. Chicchan.
11. Gabau.
9. Muluc.
7. Ymix.
5. Been.
13. Muhic.
11. Ymix.
9. Been.
7. Ghicchan.
5. Caban.
13. Been.
11. Ghicchan.
9. Gaban.
7. Muluc.
5. Ymix.
13. Gaban.
11. 3Iuluc.
9. Ymix.
7. Been.
5. Ghicchan,
3. Ymix.
1. Been.
12. Chicchan.
3. Ghicchan.
1. Gaban.
12. Muluc.
3. Muluc.
1. Ymix.
12. Been.
3. Been.
1. Ghicchan.
12. Gaban.
3. Caban.
1. Muluc.
12. Ymix.
Table VIII.
10. Oc.
8.1k.
6. Ix.
4. Cimi.
2. Ezanab.
10. Ix.
S. Cimi.
6. Ezanab.
4. Oc.
2. Ik.
10. Ezanab.
8. Oc.
6.1k.
4. Ix.
2. Cimi.
10. Ik.
8. Ix.
6. Cimi.
4. Ezanab.
2. Oc.
10. Cimi.
8. Ezanab.
6. Oc.
4.1k.
2. Ix.
22
MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
13. Lc.
11. Ik.
9. Ix.
7.
Cimi.
5. Ezanab,
13. Ix.
11. Cimi.
9. Ezanab.
7,
, Oc.
5.1k.
13. Ezanab.
11. Oc.
9. Ik.
7.
Ix.
5. Cimi.
13. Ik.
11. Ix.
9. Cimi.
7.
Ezanab.
5.0c.
13. Cimi.
11. Ezanab.
9. Oc.
7.
Ik.
o.lx.
3.0c.
I.Ik.
12. Ix.
3. Ix.
I. Cimi.
12. Ezanab.
3. Ezanab.
1. Oc.
12. Ik.
3.1k.
1. Ix.
12. Cimi.
3. Cimi.
1. Ezanab.
12. Oc.
Table IX.
10. Men.
8. Mauik.
6. Cauac.
4.
Chuen.
2. Akbal.
10. Cauac.
8. Chuen.
6. Akbal.
4.
Men.
2. Mauik.
10. Akbal.
8. Men.
6. Manik.
4.
Cauac.
2. Chuen.
10. Manik.
8. Cauac.
6. Chuen.
4.
Akbal.
2. Men.
10. Chueu.
8. Akbal.
6. Men.
4.
Manik.
2. Cauac.
13. Men.
11. Mauik.
9. Cauac.
7.
Chuen.
5. Akbal.
13. Canac.
11. Chuen.
9. Akbal.
7.
Men.
5. Mauik.
13. Akbal.
11. Men.
9. Manik.
7.
Cauac.
5. Chueu.
13. Manik.
11. Cauac.
9. Chuen.
i .
Akbal.
5. Men.
13. Chuen.
11. Akbal.
9. Men.
7.
Manik.
5. Cauac.
3. Men.
1. Manik.
12. Cauac.
3. Cauac.
1. Chuen.
12. Akbal.
3. Akbal.
1. Men.
12. Manik.
3. Manik.
1. Cauac.
12. Chuen.
3. Chuen.
1. Akbal.
12. Men.
There is still another and somewhat probable supposition in regard to
the object of this division of the days of the month into groups of live,
which will obviate one objection to the explanation given in my former
work, viz, the very large number of dates given in the Manuscript
Troano on the supposition that there are four years to each numeral
connected with the day columns. It is possible that the days of one
group indicate the year intended ; that is, whether it is a Cauac, Kan,
Muluc, or Ix year.
For example, column No. 4 (Table IV), or some other one of the four,
may relate to Kan years ; No. 1 to Muluc years ; No. 2 to Ix years, and
No. 3 to Cauac years. Assuming this to be correct, then the example
heretofore given, where the days named are 1 Cib, 1 Ahau, 1 Kan, 1
Lamat, and 1 Eb, and the month the first (Pop), would indicate only the
years 7 Muluc, 3 Muluc, 12 Muluc, 8 Muluc, and 11 Muluc. These would
all come in Ahau No. VI, as before, but would indicate that the fes-
tival, or whatever they referred to, occurred but once every four years,
THOMAS. I DAY COLUMNS IN THE DRESDEN CODEX. 23
in the first month of the year. Heuce if the five days of a cohimu (as
of the Manuscript Troauo) are all taken from one side of the quadrilat-
eral of our scheme they will refer to years of one dominical sign only ; if
alternately from opposite sides, then to the years of two dominical .signs,
but if taken alteimately from the four sides they would refer to the four
classes of years. This will reduce the number of dates in the ]Manu-
script Troano very considerably from the other supposition, but will not
in any way change the position of the Ahaues in the Grand Cycle.
As one further item of evidence in regard to this method of arranging
the twenty days of the month in four groups or columns, I call attention
to what is found on Plate 32 of the Dresden Codex. Here we find the
four columns of five days each, corresponding precisely with the ar-
rangement of the Maya days into four groups, as heretofore. I present
here the arrangement as found on this plate :
Table X.
a.
h.
c.
d.
Manik.
Cib.
Chicchan.
Ix.
Chuen.
Ahau.
Mulnc.
Ezanab,
Men.
Kan.
Been.
Ik.
Canac.
Lam at.
Caban.
Cimi.
Akbal.
Eb.
Ymix.
Oc.
It will be seen by comparing this grouping with that in Table IV
that column a of this plate contains the same days as column 3 of the
table; column h the same as column 4; column c the same as column 1,
and column d the same as column 2.
But so far I have found no entirely satisfactory explanation of the
order given in many of these columns and in three of the sides of the
quadrilateral of the Cortesian plate.
As this discussion is preliminary to a discussion of the assignment of
the symbols of the cardinal points, it becomes necessary, in order to
bring in all the evidence bearing upon the question, to examine certain
points of the Mexican calendar system, as given by various authors and
as exhibited in the Mexican Codices.
If we refer now to Plate 43 of the Borgian Codex, as found in Kings-
borough's " Mexican Antiquities," Vol. Ill, a photo-engraved copy of
which is presented in our Fig. 4, we shall, as I believe, not only find ad-
ditional confirmation of the views I have advanced in reference to the
peculiar arrangement of the days around the quadrilateral in the plate
of the Cortesian Codex, but also strong evidence of a common origin of
the Mexican and Central American calendars.
This plate of the Borgian Codex, which is Mexican and not Maya,
consists of four groups, the whole airanged in the form of a square ; each
group, also a square, is sun-ounded by a serpent, the heads of the four
■serpents being brought near together at the center, which is indicated
p. 24
Fig. 4. — Copy of plate 43. Borgian Codes.
THOMAS.]
DAY GROUPS IN THE MEXICAN CODICES.
25
by the figure of the sun. Each of these serpents, as I have hereto-
fore intimatecl,^ probably denotes one of the four-year series of the
cycle of fifty-two years, just as in the Maya cycle we would say "the
Cauac series," "Kan series," etc.>° The thirteen years of each series
is denoted by the small circles on the serpents. The four large figures
are, as we shall hereafter see, fanciful representations of certain ideas
held by this people in regard to the four cardinal points, each probably
with its significant color as understood by the artist, and each probably
indicating one of the four-year bearers.
But at present our attention is directed to something else to be found
on this plate. In each of the four spaces and around each of the large
figures we observe five Mexican day symbols connected usually with the
main figure by heavy- waved colored lines. What is the signification
of these day symbols in this connection ? Precisely the same, I believe,
as those in the four sides of the quadrilateral in the Codex Cortesianus.
But first I would remark that the waved, colored, connecting lines have
no other signification than to denote the parts of the body to which the
days are here severally assigned ; hence, as they have no bearing on the
questions now under discussion, I shall have no occasion to take any
further notice of them.
If we arrange the Mexican days in four columns as we did the Maya,
that is, placing the first name iu the first column, the second in the sec-
ond column, and so on, following the usual orthography and the order
given, the groups will be as follows :
Table XI.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Cipactli.
Ehecatl.
Calli.
Cuetzpalin.
Coatl.
Miquiztli.
Mazatl.
Tochtli.
Atl.
Itzquintli.
Ozomatli.
Malinalli.
Acatl.
Ocelotl.
Quauhtli.
Cozcaquauhtli
Ollin.
Tecpatl.
Quiahuitl.
Xocbitl.
Or, to give them their English equivalents as we usually find them, as
follows :
Table XII.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Dragon.
Wind.
House.
Lizard.
Snake.
Death.
Deer.
Rabbit.
Water.
Dog.
Monkey.
Grass.
Cane.
Tiger.
Eagle.
Vulture.
Movement.
Flint.
Eain.
Flower.
9 Study Manuscript Troano, p. 86.
■"Possibly each serpent represents one indication of thirteen years, but the proper
answer to this question Is not Important in the present investigation.
26 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Couipariiig these columns witli the symbols around each one of these
large figures we find that to eachoneof the latter are assigned the days of
one of these four columns. In the lower left-hand square, to the large
green figure, those in column 1 ; thus, at the left foot, the Dragon ; to the
back of the head, the Snake ; to the eye, Cane ; in the right hand.
Water ; and below the elbow, but connected with the mouth, Ollin or
movement (sometimes translated earthquake). To the yellow figure, in
the lower right-hand square, are applied those of the second column ; to
the black figure, in the upper right-hand square, those of the third
€olunui ; and to the red figure, in the upper left-hand square, those of the
fourth column. There is therefore scarcely any doubt that this arrange.-
ment is for precisely the same purpose as that iu the plate of the Codex
Cortesianus.
As proof that the Mexicans used these combinations in much the same
way as the Maya priests I call attention to the following examples :
On Plate 59, of the same (Borgian) Codex, we find two columns of
•days, one on the right and the other on the left, as follows :
Left column. Right column.
Tochtli. Quauhtli.
Ehecatl. Atl.
Cozcaquauhtli. Calli.
Itzquiutli. Ollin.
Cuetzpaliu. Ozomatli.
Tecpatl. Coatl.
Maliualli. Quiahuitl.
Miquiztli. Acatl.
Xochitl. Mazatl.
Ocelotl. Cipactli.
Comparing these with the names in the four columns (Table XI), we
find that those on the left were taken alternately from columns 4 and 2,
and those on the right alternately from columns 3 and 1. On Plates
61 and 62 we find substantially the same arrangement, or at least the
same idea as the extract from Codex Peresianus, heretofore referred to.
■On these two plates (embracing all of 61, and the lower left-hand square
of 02) we find five squares, each one bordered on two sides with the
symbol of a single day repeated thirteen times and accompanied by
numeral signs.
Commencing with the square on page 62, where the repeated day
■symbol is Cipactli, and reading the line from left to right and up the
<johimn, we find the numbers to be as follows, filling out the effaced
ones in the line :
{JipactU, 1, S, 2, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5, 12, 6, 13, 7 (the symbol being re-
peated with each number.)
DAY GROUPS IN THE MEXICAN CODICES.
27
In the next, the lower right-hand square
on Plate 61, where the day is Coatl, the
numbers, reading the same way, are as
follows (filling out one efifaced one) :
Coatl, 5, 12, 6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3,10, 4, 11.
Taking the lower left-hand square next,
the day Atl, and reading in the same
direction, we find the numbers to be as
follows (filling out two effaced groups) :
Atl, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5, 12, 6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2.
We take the upper left hand next, read-
ing from left to right and up :
Acatl, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5, 12, 6.
Lastly, the upper right-hand square,
reading the same way as the last. s
Ollin, 4, 11, 5, 12, 6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3, 10. ^
^Ye have only to turn to our abridged ^
calendar (Table III) to find this exjilained. 2,
If we take the Ix column and select every »
fourth day, to wit, Ix, Ezanab, Ik, Gimi, %
and Oc, and read the line of numbers op- g
posite each, we shall find them corres- g
ponding precisely with those mentioned <
here. For instance, those opposite Ja; the s
same as those opposite CipactU, &c. ^
We further notice that these five names, I'
H
CipactU, Coatl, Atl, Acatl, and Ollin, or, w
to use the Englisli names, Dragon, Snake,
Water, Cane, and Movement, are pre-
cisely those of column 1 of the arrange-
ment of the Mexican days as heretofore
given (Table XI).
On plates 13-17 of the Vatican Codex,
B, Kingsborough, Vol. Ill, we find pre-
cisely the same arrangement as that just
described, and where the numerals are so
distinct that there can be no doubt in
regard to any of them. The days are
exactly the same — Cipactli, Coatl, Atl,
Acatl, and Ollin — and in the same order,
but the plates are to be taken in the re-
verse order, commencing with 17, and
the columns and lines are to be read
ffi
28
MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
thus: Commeucing at the bottom at the right hand, upward to the top,
aud then along the line toward the left.
On Plate 58 of the Borgian Codex we find six Hues of days with five in
each line. Five out of these six lines are composed of the five days just
named, simply varied as to the respective positions they occupy in the
line, but maintaining the same order.
On Plate 17, same Codex, we see two lines corresponding with the first
and second columns of the arrangement of the daj's heretofore given.
But without further reference to these smaller or isolated groups, we
have conclusive proof of this method of arranging the days among the
Mexicans, in three extended series — one found on Plates i9-o6 of the
Vatican Codex B ; one on Plates 31-38 of the Borgian Codex, and an-
other on Plates 1-8 of the Bologna Codex.
I give here the arrangement found in the first, which is precisely the
same as that of the Borgian Codex, except that this is to be read from
the left to the right, and that of the Borgian Codex from the right to
the left, both commencing with the bottom line (numbered 5 in the
following list) :
A photo-engraved copy of one plate of the former is also given in
Fig. 5, as it furnishes proof that the days and the order in which they
follow each other are the same as I have given them.
For the benefit of English readers the list is given in the English
equivalents of the Mexican names."
Table XIII.
1. Water.
Dog.
Monkey.
Grass.
Cane.
2. Movement.
Flint.
Rain.
Flower.
Dragon.
3. Snake.
Death.
Deer.
Rabbit.
Water.
4. Cane.
Tiger.12
Eagle.
Vulture.
Movement.
5. Dragon.
Wind.
House.
Lizard.
Snake.
1. Tiger.
Eagle.
Vulture.
Movement.
Flint.
2. Whul.
House.
Lizard.
Snake.
Death.
3. Dog.
Monkey.
Grass.
Cane.
Tiger.
i. Flint.
Eain.
Flower.
Dragon.
Wind.
5 Death.
Deer.
Rabbit.
Water.
Dog.
1. Eain.
Flower.
Dragon.
Wind.
House.
2. Deer.
Rabbit.
Water.
Dog.
Monkey.
3. Eagle.
Vulture.
Movement.
Flint.
Rain.
4. House.
Lizard.
Snake.
Death.
Deer.
5. Monkey.
Grass.
Cane.
Tiger.
Eagle.
" In order to accommodate the list to the paging it, is divided into sections, the sec-
ond section to follow to the right of the first; the third to the right of the second,
and so on to the last, as though extended continuously to the right. Those numbered
1 would then form one continuous transverse line, as would also those numbered 2,3,
4 and 5 respectively.
'- In the original. Deer, certainly an error.
THOMAS 1 I
)AY GROUPS J
[N THE MEXI
CAN CODICES.
2y
1. Lizard.
Snake.
Death.
Deer.
Rabbit.
2. Grass.
Cane.
Tiger.
Eagle.
Vulture.
3. Flower.
Dragon.
Wind.
House.
Lizard.
4. Rabbit.
Water.
Dog.
Monkey.
Grass.
5. Vulture.
Movement.
Flint.
Rain.
Flower.
1. Water.
Dog.
Monkey.
Grass.
Cane.
2. Movement.
Flint.
Rain.
Flower.
Dragon.
3. Suake.
Death.
Deer.
Rabbit.
Water.
4. Caue.
Tiger.
Eagle.
Vulture.
Movement.
5. Dragon.
Wind.
House.
Lizard.
Snake.
1. Tiger.
Eagle.
Vulture.
Movement.
Flint.
2. Wind.
House.
Lizard.
Snake.
Death.
3. Dog.
Monkey.
Grass.
Cane.
Tiger.
4. Flint.
Rain.
Flower.
Dragon.
Wind.
5. Death.
Deer.
Rabbit.
Water.
Dog.
1. Rain.
Flower.
Dragon.
Wind.
House.
2. Deer.
Rabbit.
Water.
Dog.
Monkey.
3. Eagle.
Vulture.
Movement.
Flint.
Rain.
4. House.
Lizard.
Snake.
Death.
Deer.
5. Monkey.
Grass.
Cane.
Tiger.
Eagle.
1. Lizard.
Snake.
Death.
Deer.
Rabbit.
2. Grass.
Cane.
Tiger.
Eagle.
Vulture.
3. Flower.
Dragon.
Wind.
House.
Lizard.
4. Rabbit.
Water.
Dog.
Monkey.
Grass.
5. Vulture.
Movement.
Flint.
Rain.
Flower.
1. Water.
Dog.
Monkey.
Grass.
Caue.
2. Movement.
Flint.
Rain.
Flower.
Dragon.
3. Snake.
Death.
Deer.
Rabbit.
Water.
4. Caue.
Tiger.
Eagle.
Vulture.
Movement.
5. Dragon.
Wind.
House.
Lizard.
Suake.
1. Tiger."
Eagle.
Vulture.
Movement.
Flint.
2. Wind.
House.
Lizard.
Snake.
Death.
3. Dog.
Monkey.
Grass.
Cane.
Tiger.
4. Flint.
Rain.
Flower.
Dragon.
Wind.
5. Death.
Deer.
Rabbit.
Water.
Dog.
1. Rain.
Flower.
2. Deer.
Rabbit.
3. Eagle.
Vulture.
4. House.
Lizard.
5. Monkey.
Grass.
13 In the original, Deer.
30 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
If we examine the columns of this list, we see that each one contains
the days of some one of the four columns of the arrangement hereto-
fore given ; not always in precisely the same order, but the same days.
Without stopi^ing to attempt a further explanation of this calendar
or TonalamatJ, which is not within the scope of our present purpose, I
merely remark that it is evidently a representation of the Mexican
"cycle of two hundred and sixty days," or thirteen months, the common
multiple of 4, 5, 13, and 20, and hence a cycle, at the completion of which
the day, numeral, &c. (except the month), will be the same as at the
beginning.
PiATE 44 OF THE FEJERTARY CODEX.
As a connectiug link between the particular topic now iiiifler discus-
sion and the consideration of tbe symbols of the cardinal points, I wish
to refer to one plate of the Fejervary Codex, to wit, Plate 44, a fac-
simile of which is presented in Plate III:
A little careful inspection of this plate will suffice to convince the
reader that it was gotten np upon the same plan and for the same ])ur-
pose as the "Tableau des Bacab," or plate copied from the Codex Cor-
tesianus, which is reproduced in our Plate I.
The sacred tree or cross, which is represented but once in that plate,
and that in the central area, is here shown four times — once in each of
the four outer spaces opposite the four sides of the inner area.
It is true we do not find here the intermediate ring (or quadrilateral)
of days, but these are not wanting, for the four groujjs, corresponding
with those on the four sides of the quadrilateral, are here tbuud at the
four corners wedged in between tbe colored loops, one group of five at
each corner. The chief marked resemblance is to be found in the
outer looped line, in which the day characters are connected by rows of
dots. But here the lines and loops, although almost i)recisely in the
form and relation to each other as in the plate of the Cortesian Codex,
are variously and brightly colored, and the rows of dots are inclosed
by lateral lines.
Xow for the proof that it is designed for the same purpose as the
looped line on the other plate. But it is necessary that I ])resent first,
in a tabular form, a Mexican calendar (Table XIV) similar to the con-
densed Maya calendar heretofore given.
I also give, immediately following, a list of Mexican days for thirteen
months, the number necessary to make the circuit of the plate, just as
the list of Maya days heretofore given. In this case I have used the
English equivalents of the Mexican words for the benefit of English
readers.
»1
32
MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Table XIV. — Condensed Mexican calendar.
TochtU
years.
Acatl
years.
Tpcpatl
years.
CaUi
years.
Numbers of the months.
5
6
18
3
10
4
n
5 12
6 13
7
1
8
2
9
3
10
4
11
h
12
6
13
7
1
8
2
9
3
10
4
11
5
12
B
13
7
1
8
2
9
3
8 9 10 11 12
13
Cozcaquauh
tli.
OUin
Tecpatl ....
<3uiahuill . . .
Xochitl
Cipuctli
Ebecatl
Calli
Cuetzpalin..
Coatl
Miquiztli . . .
Mazatl
Tochtli
Atl
ItzcuiDtli...
OzomatU ...
MalinalU ...
Acatl
Oeelotl
QaanUtli
Cipactli
Ehecatl
CaUi
Cuetzpalin..
Coatl
Miquiztli. ..
Mazatl
Tochtli
Atl
Itzcuinlti - . .
OzomatU —
Malinalli
Acatl
Oeelotl
Qaauhtli
Cozcaqnauh
tli.
OUin
TecpaU
Quiahnitl . . .
Xochitl
Miquiztli . . .
Mazatl
Tochtli
AU
ItzcuintU. ..
OzomatU. ...
MalinaUi . . .
Acatl
Oeelotl
Quaahtli
CJozcaquatih-
tli.
OUin
Tecpatl
Quiahnitl. . .
Xochitl
Cipactli
Ehecatl
CaUi
CnetzpaUn .
Coatl
OzomatU ■
MalinaUi
Acatl
Oeelotl
QuanhtU
Cozcaquauh-
tli.
OUin
Tecpatl
Quiahuitl . . .
Xochitl
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Cipactli 11
Ehecatl 12
CaUi
CnetzpaUn..
Coatl
MiqulztU . . .
Mazatl
TochtU ..
Atl
ItzcnintU .
2 9
3 10
12 I 6
13 ; 7
1 8
11 5 112
6 13
7 I 1
8 2 I
12 6 |13
13 I 7 1
1 8 1 2 i 9
2 I 9 I 3 10
3 .10 4 11
9 ' 3 ilO I 4
10
4
11
5
11 i 5 12
6
12
6 13
7
13
7 1
8
1
8 2
9
2
9 3
10
3
10
4
11
4
11
5
12
3 10
4 11
5 12
6 13
This calendar begins the year Acatl with Cipactli to correspond with
what I believe to have been the plan on which the Fejervary plate
wa.s made; this, as will be seen, does not agree with wliat is generally
sujiposed to have been the usual method. The following table of days
can be used for either year, but commences as the Acatl years in the
preceding calendar.
Table XV. — A List of Mexican Days for Thirteen Months.
[The dark lines indicate the points where the mouths etid.]
1. Dragon.
2. Wind.
3. House.
4. Lizard.
5. Snake.
€. Death.
7. Deer.
S. Eabbit.
9. Water.
10. Dog.
11. Monkey.
12. Grass.
13. Cane.
1. Tiger.
2. Eagle.
3. Vulture.
4. Movement.
5. Flint.
G. Eaiu.
7. Flower.
8. Dragon.
9. Wind.
10. House.
11. Lizard.
12. Snake.
13. Death.
1. Deer.
2. Rabbit.
3. Water.
4. Dog.
5. Monkey.
G. Grass.
7. Cane.
8. Tisjer.
9. Eagle.
10. Vulture.
11. Movement.
12. Flint.
13. Eain.
1. Flower.
2. Dragon.
3. Wind.
4. House.
5. Lizard.
G. Snake.
7. Death.
8. Deer.
9. Rabbit.
10. Water.
11. Dog.
12. Monkey.
13. Grass.
1. Cane.
2. Tiger.
3. Eagle.
4. Vulture.
5. Movement.
G. Flint.
7. Rain.
8. Flower.
9. Dragon.
10. Wind.
11. House.
12. Lizard.
13. Snake.
1. Death.
2. Deer.
3. Rabbit.
BLltEAL' OF ETllKOLOIiV
AXNUAI, KErOKT 1882 PL. Ill
MlLWAiio-.c LlTmi AKKr.l! I
FAC-SIMIMC OF PLATE 44, FKJEKVAUY CODEX.
THOMAS.)
MEXICAN
CALENDAR.
4. Water.
10.
Tiger.
3. Eain.
9. Lizard.
5. Dog.
11.
Eagle.
4. Flower.
10. Snake.
6. Moukey.
12.
Vulture.
5. Dragon.
11. Death.
7. Grass.
13.
Movement.
6. Wind.
12. Deer.
S. Caue.
1.
Flint.
7. House.
13. Eabbit.
9. Tiger.
o
Eain.
8. Lizard.
1. Water.
10. Eagle.
3.
Z
Flower.
9. Snake.
10. Death.
2. Dog.
11. Vulture.
Dragon.
3. Monkey.
12. Movement.
5.
Wind.
11. Deer.
4. Grass.
13. Flint.
6.
House.
12. Eabbit.
6. Cane.
1. Eaiu.
7.
Lizard.
13. Water.
6. Tiger.
2. Flower.
8.
Snake.
1. Dog.
7. Eagle.
3. Dragon.
9.
Death.
2. Monkey.
8. Vulture.
4. Wind.
10.
Deer.
3. Grass.
9. Movement.
5. House.
11.
Eabbit.
4. Cane.
10. Flint.
6. Lizard.
12.
Water.
5. Tiger.
11. Eain.
7. Snake.
13.
Dog.
6. Eagle.
12. Flower.
8. Death.
1.
Monkey.
7. Vulture.
13. Dragon.
9. Deer.
2.
Grass.
8. Movement.
1. Wind.
10. Babbit.
3.
Cane.
9. Flint.
2. House.
11. Water.
4.
Tiger.
10. Eaiu.
3. Lizard.
12. Dog.
5.
Eagle.
11. Flower.
4. Snake.
13. Monkey.
6.
Vulture.
12. Dragon.
5. Death.
1. Grass.
7.
Movement.
13. Wind.
6. Deer.
2. Cane.
8.
Fliut.
1. House.
7. Eabbit.
3. Tiger.
9.
Eain.
2. Lizard.
8. Water.
4. Eagle.
10.
Flower.
3. Snake.
9. Dog.
6. Vulture.
11.
Dragon.
4. Death.
10. Monkey.
Q. Movement.
12.
Wind.
5. Deer.
11. Grass.
7. Flint.
13.
House.
6. Eabbit.
12. Cane.
8. Eain.
1.
Lizard.
7. Water.
13. Tiger.
9. Flower.
2.
Snake.
8. Dog.
1. Eagle.
10. Dragon.
3.
Death.
9. Monkey.
2. Vulture.
11. Wind.
4.
Deer.
10. Grass.
3. Movement.
12. House.
5.
Eabbit.
11. Cane.
4. Flint.
13. Lizard.
6.
Water.
12. Tiger.
6. Eain.
1. Snake.
7.
Dog.
13. Eagle.
6. Flower.
2. Death.
8.
Monkey.
1. Vulture.
7. Dragon.
3. Deer.
9.
Grass.
2. Movement.
8. Wind.
4. Eabbit.
10.
Cane.
3. Flint.
9. House.
5. Water.
11.
Tiger.
4. Eain.
10. Lizard.
6. Dog.
12.
Eagle.
5. Flower.
11. Snake.
7. Monkey.
13.
Vulture.
6. Dragon,
12. Death.
8. Grass.
1.
Movement.
7. Wind.
13. Deer.
9. Cane.
2.
Flint.
8. House.
1. Eabbit.
3eth —
-3
33
34 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
2. Water. 5. Grass. 8. Eagle. 11. Fliut.
3. Dog. 6. Cane. 9. Vulture. 12. Kain.
4. Moukey. 7. Tiger. 10. Movement. 13. Flower.
Although the Mexican equivalents of these names may be inferred
from what has already been given, I will iusert the Mexican and English
names of the twenty days here, opposite each other.
Table XVI.
Mex. Eng. Hex. Eng.
Cipactli (Dragon). Ozomatli (Monkey).
Ehecatl (Wiud). Malinalli (Grass).
Calli (House). Acatl (Cane).
Cuetzpalin (Lizard). Ocelotl (Tiger).
Coatl (Snake). Quauhtli (Eagle).
Miquiztli (Death). Cozcaquauhtli (Vulture).
Mazatl (Deer). Ollin (Movement).
Tochtli (Rabbit). Tecpatl (Flint).
Atl (Water). Quiahuitl (Rain).
Itzcuintli (Dog). Xochitl (Flower).
Examiuiug the looped liue, Plate III, we notice at each of the outer
and inner bends one of the day symbols. (In the plate of the Cortesiau
Codex there are two.) We therefore take for granted that this is the first
day of the week, or indication of thirteen days, hence we should commence
with Cipactli (or Dragon). This we find at the upper right hand corner
of the inner square or right base of the large red loop. Judging from the
direction of the birds' heads and other facts heretofore noted, we presume
the direction in which we are to move is around toward the left. Count-
ing the day symbol as one, and each of the twelve dots up the red line as
one day, we come to the symbol in the upper right-hand corner of the
loop as the first day of the next week. This we find is Ocelotl (Tiger),
just as we fiud it to be in the calendar table and list of days. Moving
along the upper red line to the corner at the left we find the next char-
acter is Mazatl (or Deer), agreeing exactly with the calendar and list.
Moving down the left red line to the inner corner we come to the symbol
for Xochitl (or Flower), also agreeing with the calendar and list. Pro-
ceeding from thence up the white line we reach next the symbol for the
day Acatl (Cane) in the red circle surrounded by a yellow line. Here
we see a marked distinction between this and the other day symbols
we have named, a distinction which applies only to the four at the cor-
ners— the four year symbols — Acatl, Tecpatl, Calli, and Tochtli.
In order that the reader may compare the names in this looped line
with the calendar, I present here a scheme of it similar to that given of
THOMAS.]
EXPLANATION OF THE FEJERVARY PLATE.
35
the plate from the Gortesian Codex. The explanation given of the other
will enable him to make the comparison without further aid.
Fio. 6.— Scheme of Plate 44, Fejervary Codex.
The numbers in the little circles at the corners and loops replace the
days of the original as follows: 1, Cipactli; 2, Ocelotl; 3, Mazatl ; 4,
Xochitl; 5, Acatl; 6, Miqnlztli ; 7, Quiabnitl; 8, Maliualli; 9, Coatl ;
10, Tecpatl ; 14, Ozomatli ; 12, Ciietzpalin ; 13, Ollin ; 14, Itzcuintli ; 15,
Oalli;16,Cozcaquauhtli; 17,Atl; 18,Echecatl; 19,Quauhtli; 20,Tochtli.
As before stated, the four groups of five day symbols are found wedged
in between the loops at the corners.
In the upper left-hand corner we see the following : Cipactli, Acatl,
Coatl, Ollin, and Atl (or, to give the English equivalents in the same
order. Dragon, Cane, Snake, Movement, and Water), the same as those
of column 1 of Tables XI and XII. In the lower left hand corner,
Ehecatl, Itzcuintli, Tecpatl, Miquiztli, and Ocelotl (Wind, Dog, Flint,
Death, and Tiger), the same as column 2; in the lower right-hand
corner, Quauhtli, Calli, Ozomatli, Quiahuitl,and Mazatl (Eagle, House,
Monkey, Eain, and Deer), the same as column 3; and in the upper right-
hand corner, Tochtli, Cozcaquauhtli, Cuetzpalin, Mallnalli, and Xochitl
36 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
(Eabbit, Vulture, Lizard, Grass, Flower), the same as column 4. But
the arrangement of the days in the respective columns, as in the "Table
of the Bacabs," varies from that obtained by placing the days of the
month in four groups, as heretofore explained.
Turning again to the plate of the Cortesian Codex, as shown in our
Plate 2, I call attention first to the heavy black L-shaped figures. I
presume from the number — eighteen — and the fact that they are found
in the line of weeks they are symbols of, or denote the months, but am
unable to suggest any explanation of their use in this connection. I
find nothing to correspond with them in either of the plates of the Mex-
ican Codices referred to.
STIMBOLS OF THE CARDIISTAL POI>TS.
We .ire now preijared to enter upon the discussion of the symbols of
the cardinal points, of which figures have already been given in connec-
tion with the quotations from Rosny's work (Fig. 1), but as I shall have
occasion to refer to them very frequently I again present them in Fig. 7.
Flc. 7. — Symbols of the cardinal points.
As it is conceded by all who have discussed this subject, that « and
c must be assigned to the east and west or equatorial points, the only
dispute being as to which should be referred to the east and which to
the west, it follows that the others must be referred to the polar prints.
As each one of the four areas or compartments contains one of these sym-
bols— the top or upper comiiartraent «, the left-hand b, the bottom c,
and the right-hand d — we naturally infer that the other figures in these
compartments have some reference to the cardinal points with which
they are respectively associated.
I think that Rosny is correct in assuming that this plate places these
symbols in their proper positions, and hence that if we can determine
one with satisfactory certainty this will determine the rest. If their
correct positions are given anywhere it would seem that it would be
here, in what is evidently a general calendar table or possibly a calendar
wheel.
I have already discussed the question of the assignment of the cardi-
nal symbols to some extent in my former work, '^ and will take for granted
that the reader is familiar with what is there stated.
That one of the two characters a and c (Fig. 7), denotes the east or
sunrise and the other icest or sunset, may, I think, be safely assumed
from what is given in the work mentioned, and from the evidence pre-
37
" Study Mauascript Troano, pp. 69-74.
38 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
sented by Eosuy,'* and Scliultz-Sellack.'^ But whicli east and which
west is the rock ou which the deductions have been, so far, s^ilit asunder;
Eosny and SchultzSellack maintaining that a is west and c east, and
I that a is east and c west. If we admit that they are correctly placed
on this plate it necessitates the admission on my part that 1 have been
incorrect in my reference of two of them. If a is east then I have re-
versed those denoting north and south; if it is west, then I was correct
as to those denoting north and south, but have reversed those indicating
east and west.
Without at present stating the result of my re-examination of this
subject I shall enter at once upon the discussion, leaving this to ap-
pear as we proceed.
It is well known that each of the dominical days or year-bearers
(Cucli-haab, as they were termed by the Mayas), Kan, Muluc, Ix, and
Oauac, was referred to one of the four cardinal points. Our first step,
therefore, is to determine the points to which these days were respect-
ively assigned.
I have given in my former paper " my reasons for believing that Cauac
was referred to the south, Kan to the east, Muluc to the north, and Ix
to the west, from which I quote the following as a basis for further ar-
yumeut:
" Landa, Cogulludo, and Perez tell us that each of the four dominical
(lays was referred by the Indians to one of the four cardinal points. As
the statem^its of these thi-ee authorities appear at fii'st sight to conflict
with each other, let us see if we can bring them into harmony without
resorting to a violent construction of the language used. Perez' state-
ment is clear and distinct, and as it was made by one thoroughly con-
versant with the manners and customs of the natives, and also with all
the older authorities, it is doubtless correct.
" He says, ' The Indians made a little wheel in which they placed the
initial days of the year. Kan at the east, Muluc at the north, Oix or
Hix at the icest, and Cauac at the south, to be counted in the same or-
der.'
" The statement of Cogulludo, which agrees substantially with this, is
as follows : ' They fixed the first year at the east, to which they gave
the name Guch-haah ; the second at the west, and called it Hiix ; the
the third at the south, named Cauac, and the fourth, Muluc, at the
north.'
" Turning now to Landa's work (Relac. de las Cosas, §§ XXXIV), we are
somewhat surprised to find the following language : ' The first of these
dominical letters is Kan. • • • They placed this on the south side.
• • • The second letter is Muluc, which is placed on the eastern
side. • • ♦ The third of these letters is Ta;, • • • anditsigni-
"> Les. Doc. Ecrit. I'Antiq. Ameriq.
'«Zeit8. flirEtbn., 1879.
"Study Manuscript Troano, pp. 68-70.
THOMAS.) ASSIGNMENT OF DAYS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 39
fled the northern side. The fourth letter is Cauac, which is assigned
to the western side.'
" This, as we see, places Kan at the south, Muluc at the east, Ix at
the north, and Cauac at the west, conflicting directly with the state-
ments made by CoguUudo and Perez. If we turn now to the descrip-
tion of the four feasts as given by Landa, and heretofore quoted, I think
we shall find an explanation of this difference. From his account of
the feast at the commencement of the Kan year (the intercalated days
of the Cauac year) we learn that first they made an idol called Kan-u-
uayeyab, which they bore to the heap of stones on the south side of the
village ; next they made a statue of the god Bolon-Zacah, which they
placed in the house of the elected chief, or chief chosen for the occasion.
This done they returned to the idol on the southern stone heap, where
certain religious ceremonies were performed, after which thej' returned
with the idol to the house, where they placed it vis-a-vis with the other,
just as we see in the lower division of Plates XX-XXIII of the Manu-
script Troano. Here they kept constant vigil until the unlucky days
(Uayeyabhaab) had expired and the new Kan year appeared; then they
took the statue of Bolon-Zacab to the temple and the other idol to the
heap of stones at the east side of the village, where it was to remain
during the year, doubtless intended as a constant reminder to the com-
mon people of what year was passing.
" Similar transfers were made at the commencement of the other
years; at that of Muluc, first to the east, then to the house, and then
to its final resting place on the north side; of Ix, first to the north, then
to the west ; of Cauac, first to the west, then to the south.
" This movement agrees precisely with the order given by Perez ; the
final resting places of their idols for the year being the cardinal points
of the dominical days where he fixes them ; that is, Kan at the east,
Muluc at the north, Ix at the west, and Cauac at the south. There is,
therefore, no real disagreement between these authorities on this
point."
Most of the modern authors who have touched upon this topic,
although in some cases apparently at sea, without any fixed opinion on
the subject, are disposed to follow Landa's statement, without compar-
ing it with his account of the supplemental days, and appear to rely
upon it rather than upon the statements of CoguUudo and Perez ; and
hence they refer Kan to the south, Muluc to the east, Ix to the north,
and Cauac to the west.
Brasseur, in his Ristoire des Nations civilisSes du Mexique et de VAmS-
rique Centrale,^' assigns Kan to the east, Muluc to the north, Hix to the
west, and Cauac to the south. But in his supplement to jStudes sur le
Manuscrit Troano,^^ and in his note to Landa's Relacion,^ refers Kan to
the south, Muluc to the east, Ix to the north, and Cauac to the west,
"Vol. Ill, p. 471. "P. 234. "P. 209.
40 MAVA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
although afterwards, in the same work, in a note to Perez' Gronologia,
he quotes CoguUudo's statement without explanation or objection.
Dr. Brintou, in his Myths of the Netc World,'^ places these dominical
days at the same points to which I have assigned them — Kan at the east,
&c. — although referring in a note at the same place to the very page of
Lauda's Relacion, where they are assigned as given by Eosny. In a
subsequent work. Hero Myths, referring to the same passage in Landa,
an.d with CoguUudo's work before him, he assigns them to the same
points as Eosny — Kan to the south, &c. — yet without any reference
whatever to his former expressed opinion.
SchultzSellack, in an article entitled Die Ameril;armchen Goiter der
vier Weltrichiungen und ihre Tempel in Pala7iquc,mthe Zeitschrift fiir Eth-
nologie for 1879," comes to the same conclusion as Eosny.
Eosny's opinion on this subject has already been quoted."
From these fixcts it is evident that the assignment of the dominical
days to their respective cardinal points has not as yet been satisfactorily
determined, but that the tendency at the present day is to follow Lan-
da's simple statement rather than CoguUudo and Perez. This is caused,
I presume, in part, by the fact that certain colors — yellow, red, white,
and black — were also referred to the cardinal points, and because it is
supposed that among the Maya nations yellow was appropriated to Kan,
red to Muluc, white to Ix, and black to Cauac; and as the first appears
to be more appropriate to the south, red to the east or sunrise, white to
the north or region of snow, and black to the west or sunset, therefore
this is the correct assignment.
But there is nothing given to show that this was the reason for the
selection or reference of these colors by the inhabitants of Central
America.
This brings another factor into the discussion and widens the field of
our investigation ; and as but little, save the terms applied to or con-
nected with the dominical days, is to be found in regard to the Maya
custom in this respect, we are forced to refer to the Mexican custom as
the next best evidence. But it is proper to state first that the chief,
and, so far as I am aware, the only, authority for the reference of the
colors named to the four Maya days, is found in the names applied to
them by Landa.^*
According to this writer, the other names applied to the Bacah of Kan,
were Hobnil, Kanil-Bacab, Kan-Pauahtun, and Kan-XibChac; to that
of Muluc, Ganzienal, Ghacal-Bacab, Chac-Patiahtun, and GhacXib-Ghac ;
to that of Ix, Zac-Ziui, Zacal-Bacab, ZacPaitahtun, and Zac-Xib-Chac ;
and to that of Cauac, Hozen-Ek, El-el-Bacab, EkPauahtun, and Ek-Xib-
Ghac. As Kan or Kanil of the first signifies yellow, Gliac or Chacnl of
the second signifies red, Zac or Zacal, of the third white, and Ek or Ekel,
« p. 82. *>See also hisDechiff. Ecrit. Hierat., p. 42.
MP. 209. « Relacion, p.208.
TH0MA6.1 ASSIGNMENT OF COLORS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 41
of the fourth black, it has been assumed, and, I think, correctly, that
these colors were usually referred to these days, or rather to the cardi-
nal points indicated, respectively, by these day symbols. If there is
any other authority for this conclusion iu the works of the earlier writers,
I have so far been unable to find it.
If the figures in our jjlate are properly and distinctly colored in the
original Codex Cortesiauus, this might form one aid in settling this
point, but, as we shall hereafter see, the colors really afford very little
assistance, as they are varied for different i)urposes.
Rosny gives us no Information on this point, hence our discussion
must proceed without this knowledge, as we have no opportunity of re-
ferring to the original. I may remark that it is the opinion of the artist,
Mr. Holmes, from an inspection of the photograph, that the plate was
at least partially colored.
M. de Charencey, who has studied with much care the custom of identi-
fying colors with the cardinal points in both the Xew and Old World, be-
lieves that in Mexico and Central America the original system was to
refer yellow to the east, black to the north, white to the west, and red
to the south.^'
When we turn to the Mexican system we find the data greatly in-
creased, but, unfortunately, the difficulties and confusion are increased
in like proportion. Here we have not only the four dominical days and
the four colors, but also the four ages, four elements, and four seasons,
all bearing some relation in this system to the four cardinal points.
It will be necessary, therefore, for us to carry along with us these sev-
eral ideas in our attempt to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion on this
complicated and mystified subject.
Before referring to the codices I will present the conclusions of the
principal authorities who have devoted any attention to this question.
Sahagnn says, " The names that they gave to the four parts of the
earth are these: Vitzlampa, the south; Tlapcopcopa, the east; Mict-
lampa, the north; Coatlampa, the west. The names of the figures
dedicated to these parts are these : Tochtli, the rabbit, was dedicated
to Vitzlampi, the south ; Acatl, the cane, to the east; Tecpatl, the flint, to
the north ; Calli, the house, to the west j » * * * and at the end of
fifty-two years the count came back to Cetochtliacatl, which is the figure
of the reed, dedicated to the east, which they called Tlapcopcopa and Tla-
vilcopa, nearly towards the fire or the sun. Tecpatl, which is the figure
of a flint, was dedicated to Mictlampa, nearly towards hell, because
^Dea couJeurs cousiderea comme Symhotes des Points de VHorizon chez des Peuples du Xo-
veau Monde, in Acles de la Societe Philologique, tomo VI. See also his Recherchis am-
ies Xoma dea Points de VEapace, in Mem. Acad. Nat. Sex. et Arts et Belles Leitres de Caen,
1882.
Since the above was written I have received a copy of his Agea ou Soleila, in ■which
he gives the Mexican custom of assigning the colors as follows: blue to the south,
red to the east, yellow to the north, and green to the west. — P. 40.
42 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
they believed that the dead went towards the north. For which rea-
son, in the superstition which represented the dead as covered with
mantas (cloths) and their bodies bound, they made them sit with their
faces turned toward the north, or Mictlampa. The fourth figure was
the house, and was dedicated to the west, which they called Cioatlampa,
which is nearly toward the house of the women, for they held the opin-
ion that the dead women, who are goddesses, live in the west, and that
the dead men, who are in the house of the sun, guide him from the east
with rejoicings every day, until they arrive at midday, and that the de-
funct women, whom they regard as goddesses, and call Cioapipiltin,
come out from the west to receive him at midday and carry him with
rejoicing to the west."^
Veytia's statement in regard to the same subject is as follows :
"The symbols, then, which were used in the aforesaid monarchies for
the numeration of their years were these four : Tecpatl, that signifies
flint; Calli, the house; Tochtli, the rabbit; and Acatl, the reed.
• * • The material signification of the names are those just
given, but the allegories that they wished to set forth by them are the
four elements, which they understood to be the origin of all composite
matter, and into which all things could be resolved.
" They gave to fire the first place, as the most noble of all, and sym-
bolized it by the flint. • • * By the hieroglyphic of 'the house'
they represent the element earth, and gave it the second place in their
initial characters.
"By the rabbit they symbolized the air, • * • and represented
it in various ways, among which was the sign of the holy cross. » * *
" Finally the fourth initial character, which is the reed, which is the
proper meaning of the word Acatl, is the hieroglyphic of the element
water.'"
At page 48 : " It is to be noted that most of the old calendars — those
of the cycles as well as those of years and months, which they used to
form in circles and squares, ran from the right to the left, in the way
the orientals write and not as we are accustomed to form such figures.
* * * But they did not maintain this order in the figures that they
painted and used as hieroglyphics in them, but placed them some looking
to one side and some to the other."
Gemelli Carreri" writes as follows in regard to the Mexican calendar
system :
" A snake turned itself round into a circle and in the body of the
serpent there were four divisions. The first denoted the south, in that
language call'd Vutzlumpa, whose hieroglyphick was a rabbit in a blew
field, which they called Tochtli. Lower was the part thatsignify'd the
east, called Tlacopa or Tlahuilcopa, denoted by a cane in a red field,
" Hist. Gen. de las Cosas de Nueva Espana, tome 2, p. 256.
" Hist. Ant. Mex., vol. 1, p. 42.
«»Chnrchill'8 Voyages, vol. IV, pp. 491, 492.
raouAs] ASSIGNMENT OF COLOES TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 43
call'd Acatl. The bieroglyphick of the north, or Micolampa, was a sword
poiuted with flint, call'd Tecpatl, in a yellow field. That of the west or
Sihuatlampa, was a house in a green field, and called Cagli. • * •
"These four divisions were the beginning of the four terms that made
up the age. Between every two on the inside of the snake were twelve
small divisions, among which the four first names or figures were success-
ively distributed, giving every one its number to thirteen, which was the
number of years that composed an indication ; the like was done in the
second indication with the same names from one to thirteen, and so in
the third and fourth, till they finished the circle of fifty-two years.
* • • From what has been said above, there arise several doubts ;
the first is, why they begin to reckon their years from the south ; the
second, why thej' made use of the four figures, of a rabbit, a cane, a flint,
and a house."
• He then goes on to state that the Mexicans believed the sun or light
first appeared in the south, and that hell or inferno was in the north;
then adds the following :
" Having found this analogy between the age and the year, they would
carry the similitude or proportions on further, and, as in the year there
are four seasons, so they would adapt the like to the age, and accord-
ingly they appointed Tochtli for its beginning in the south, as it were,
the spring and youth of the sun's age ; Acatl for the summer, Tecpatl
for the autumn, and Cagli for his old age or winter.
" These figures so disposed were also the hieroglyphicks of the ele-
ments, which is the second doubt ; for Tochtli was dedfcated to Teva-
cayohua, god of earth; Acatl to Tlalocatetuhtli, god of water; Tecpatl to
Chetzahcoatl, god of air ; and Cagli to Xiuhtecuhil, god of fire. • • •
" The days Cipactli, Michitzli, Ozomatli, and GozcaquauJitli are com-
panions to — that is, in all respects follow — the order of the four figures
that denote the years of an age, viz, Tochtli, Acatl, Tecpatl, and Cagli,
to signify that every year whose symbol is Tochtli will have Cipactli
for the first day of the month ; that whose symbol or distinctive mark
is Acatl will have Michitzli for the first of the month ; Tecpatl will have
Ozomatli, and Cagli will have CozcaquauhtU."
Clavigero^' agrees with Gemelli in reference to the correspondence of
the year symbols with the first days of the years, and inserts the follow-
ing remark in a note :
"Cav. Boturini says that the year of the rabbet began uniformly
with the day of the rabbet, the year of the cane with the day of the
cane, &c., and never with the days which we have mentioned ; but we
ought to give more faith to Siguenza, who was certainly better informed
in Mexican antiquity. The system of this gentleman is fantastical and
full of contradictions."
From this statement we infer that Siguenza held the same opinion on
this point as Clavigero and Gemelli.
»Hi8t. Mex. Cnllen's Transl., I, 392.
44 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Boturini™ gives the followiug arrangement of the "symbols ot the
four parts or angles of the world," comparing it with that of Gemelli.
"Gemelli "Boturiui.
1. Tocbtli= South. , 1. Tecpatl=South.
2. Acatl =Ea8t. 2. Calli =East.
3. Tecpatl = North. 3. Tochtli =North.
4. Calli =West.» 4. Acatl =West.''
SYMBOLS OF THE FOUK ELEMENTS.
"Gemelli. "Boturini.
1. Tochtli= Earth. 1. Tecpatl=Fire.
2. Acatl = Water. 2. Calli =Earth.
3. Tecpatl=Air. 3. Tochtli =Air.
4. Calli =Fire." 4. Acatl =Water."
Herrera speaks only of the year symbols and colors, and, although
he does not directly connect them, indicates his understanding in regard
thereto by the order in which he mentions them : ''
"They divided the year into four signs, being four figures, the one of
a house, another of a rabbit, the third of a cane, the fourth of a flint,
and by them they reckoned the year as it passed on, saying, such a
thing happened at so many houses or at so many flints of such a wheel
or rotation, because their life being as it were an age, contained four
weeks of years consisting of thirteen, so that the whole made up fifty-
two years. They painted a sun in the middle from which issued four
lines or branches in a cross to the circumference of the wheel, and they
turned so that they divided it into four parts, and the circumference
and each of them moved with its branch of the same color, which were
four, Green, Blue, Red, and Yellow ; and each of those parts had thir-
teen subdivisions with the sign of a house, a rabbit, a cane, or a flint."
From this statement I presume his anangement would be as follows:
Calli — Green.
Tochtli —Blue.
Acatl —Red.
Tecpatl — Yellow.
Still, this is at best but a supposition. It is evident that he had be-
fore him or referred to a wheel similar to that figured by Duran in his
Hintoria de las Indias, as his description agrees with it in every respect,
except as to the arrangement of the colors.
According to Duran ^ "The circle was divided into four parts, each
part containing thirteen years, the first part pertaining to the east, the
second to the north, the third to the west, and the fourth to the south.
''"Idea de Una Nueva Historia General de la America Septentrional, pp. 54-56.
" Hist. Amer. Dec. II, B. 10, Chap. 4. Transl. vol. 3, pp. 2'21-222.
'^ Historia de las Indias de Nuera Espana, ilexico, 1880. Tom. II., pp 252-253.
THOMAS] ASSIGNMENT OF COLORS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 45
The first part, which pertained to the east, was called the thirteen years
of the Cane, and in each honse of the thirteen was painted a cane, and
the number of the corresponding year. * * * The second part ap-
plied to the north, in which were other thirteen houses (divisions), called
the thirteen houses of the Flint, and there were also painted in each
one a flint and the number of the year. * » * The third part, that
which appertained to the west, was called the thirteen Houses ; there
were also painted in this thirteen little houses, and joined to each the
number of the year. * * * In the fourth and last part were other
thirteen years called the thirteen houses of the Babbit, and in each of
these houses were also likewise painted the head of a rabbit, andjoiued
to it a number."
The plate or tigure accompanying this statement " is a wheel in the
form shown in Fig. 8, the quadrant a green, with thirteen figures of the
Fig. 8 — Caleudiir wheel from Duran.
cane in it; bred, with thirteen figures of the flint in it; c yellow with
thirteen figures of the house m it, and d blue, with thirteen figures of
^'Traf. 3» Lam 1".
46 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
the rabbit's head in it, each figure with its appropriate numeral. At the
topis the word "Oriente,"at the left "Norte," at the bottom " Occi-
dente," and at the right " Sur."
Although this figure was evidently made by this author or for him, it ex-
presses his understanding of the assignment of the years and arrange-
ment of the colors as ascertained from the data accessible to him.
His arrangement will therefore be as follows :
Acatl — East — Gieen.
Tecpatl— North — Eed.
Calli —West —Yellow.
Tochtli — South — Blue.
We find the same idea frequently expressed in the codices now ac-
cessible, as, for example, the Borgian and the Vatican B, though the
colors do not often correspond with Duran's arrangement.
ShultzSellack,^* in his article heretofore quoted, arranges the colors
in connection with the dominical days in the Maya system as follows :
Kan —South — Yellow.
Muluc — East — Eed.
Ix — North — White.
Cauac — West — Black.
He does not appear to be so clear in reference to the Mexican system,
in fact he seems to avoid the question of the assignment of the year
symbols. His arrangement, as far as I can understand it, is as follows:
— ? Quetzalcoatl — South — Wind — Yellow.
— ? Huitzilopuchtli — East — Fire — Eed.
— 1 Tezeatlipoca — North — Water — White.
— ? Tlaloc —West —Earth —Black.
Orozco y Berra^ gives his preference to the opinion of Sahagun, which
has already been quoted, and which is the same as that held by Tor-
quemada.^
The most thorough and extensive discussion of this subject which has
so far been made, is by Dr. D. Alfredo Chavero, in the Anales del Museo
Nacional de Mexico J"
According to this author, who had access not only to the older as well
as more recent authorities usually referred to, but also to the manu-
script of Fabrigat and the Godex Chimalpopoca or Quauhtitlan, tbe
order of the year symbols or year bearers — Tecpatl, Calli, Acatl, and
Tochtli — varied '■^segun les pueblos,^' the Toltecs commencing the cycle
with Tecpatl, those of Teotihuacan with Calli, those of Tezcuco with
"Zeit. fur Ethnologie, 1879.
^Anales Mus. Mex., I, Entrag. 7, p. 299.
^Monarq. Indiana, lib. X, cap. 36.
"Tom. I, Entrag. 7, torn. II, and continued in torn. III.
THOMAS.] REFERENCE OF ELEMENTS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 47
Acatl, and the Mexicans with Tochili.^ He also shows that the relation
and order of the four ages or creations and elements in regard to the
cardinal points, are by no means uniform, not only in the Spanish and
early authorities, but iu the codices and monuments (supposing his in-
terpretation to be correct).
His arrangement, as derived from the leading codices, is as follows:
Tochtli — South — Earth.
Acatl — East — Water.
Tecpatl — North — Fire.
Calli — West — Air.
In order that the various views may be seen at a glance, I give here
a tabulated rhumi:
MEXICAN SYMBOLS OF THE CARDINAL POINTS.
Veytia.
1. Tecpatl — Flint —Fire.
2. Calli — House — Earth.
3. Tochtli —Rabbit— Air.
4. Acatl — Cane — Water.
Sahagun.
1. Tochtli — Eabbit — South.
2. Acatl — Cane — East. "Toward the fire or sun."
3. Tecpatl— Flint —North. "Nearly towards hell."
4. Calli — House — West. "Towards the house of women."
Qemelli.
1. Tochtli — Eabbit — South — Blue — Earth — Cipactli.
2. Acatl —Cane —East —Red — Water— Michiztli.
3. Tecpatl — Flint — North — Yellow — Air — Ozomatli.
4. Calli — House — West — Green — Fire — Cozcaquauhtli.
Botiirini.
1. Tecpatl — Flint —South — Fire.
2. Calli — House — East — Earth.
3. Tochtli —Eabbit— North — Air.
4. Acatl — Cane — West — Water.
Herrera.
Calli — House — Green.-
Tochtli — Eabbit — Blue.
Acatl — Cane — Eed.
Tecpatl — Fliut —Yellow.
"A fact mentioned by Leon y Gama (DosPiedras, pt. I, p. 16), and Veytia (Hist. Antiq.
Mej., torn. I, p. 58). See, also, MUUcr, Reisen, tom. Ill, p. 65, and Botnrini, Idea, p. 125.
48 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Duran.
1. Acatl — Cane — East — Green.
2. Tecpatl —Flint —North —Red.
3. Calli — House — West — Yellow.
4. Tochtli — Eabbit— South —Blue.
SchuUz-SeUaeJc.
l._ ? _ Quetzalcoatl —South — Wind — Yellow.
2.— ? — Huitzilopuchtli — East —Fire — Eed.
3.— ? _ Tezcatlipoca — North -Water— White.
4._ ? _ Tlaloc — West — Earth — Black.
Ghorencey.
l._?_Bast —Yellow.
2.— ? — North — Black.
3._?_West —White.
4.— ? — South — Eed.53
Orozco y Berra.
1.
Tochtli —Eabbit —South
— Air.
2.
Acatl — Cane — East
— Water,
3.
Tecpatl —Flint —North
— Fire.
4.
Calli —House —West
— Earth.
Ghavero.
1. Tochtli — Eabbit — South — Earth.
2. Acatl — Cane — East — Water.
3. Tecpatl — Flint — North —Fire.
4. Calli — House — West — Air.
Judging from the differences shown in these lists, we are forced to
the conclusion that no entirely satisfactory result has been reached
in reference to the assignment of the different symbols to the cardi-
nal points ; still a careful analysis will bring out the fact that there is
a strong prevalency of opinion on one or two points among the earlier
authorities. In order that this may be seen I present here a list in a
different form from the preceding.
^I see from Charencey's "Ages ou Soleils," just received, that he concludes the ar-
rangement by the Mexicans was as follows:
1. Tochtli —Rabbit —Blue -Earth —South.
2. Acatl — Cane — Red — Water — East.
3. Tecpatl —Flint —Yellow— Air —North.
4. Calli — House — Green — Fire — West.
South
Gemelli
— Blue
Durafl
— Blue
Charencey*"
— Red
iiroMAs.) REFERENCE OF ELEMENTS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 49
REFERENCE OF THE YEARS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS.
Tochtli — Jcail — Tecpail — CalH.
Sahagun — South — East — North — West.
Gemelli — South — East — North — West.
Durau — South — East — North — West.
Orozco y Berra — South — East — North — West.
Chavero — South — East — North — West.
Torquemada — South — East — North — West.
Boturini — North — West — South — East.
REFERENCE OF COLORS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS.
— East — yortk — JTest.
— Red — Yellow — Green.
— Green — Red — Yellow.
— Yellow — Black — White.
Schultz-Sellack — Yellow — Red — White — Black.
REFERENCE OF ELEMENTS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS.
Smith — East — North — West.
Gemelli —Earth —Water — Air*! —Fire.
Boturini — Fire — Earth — Air — Water.
Schultz-Sellack — Air —Fire — Water — Earth.
Ghavero — Earth — Water — Fire — Air.
REFERENCE OF THE ELEMENTS TO THE YEARS.
Tochtli — Acatl —Tecpatl— Calli
Veytia — Air — Water — Fire — Earth.
Gemelli — Earth — Water — Air — Fire.
Boturini — Air — Water — Fire — Earth.
Chavero — Earth — Water — Fire — Air.
Orozco y Berra — Air — Wate«- — Fire — Ear^Ji.
As will be seen from this list, there is entire uniformity in the assign-
ment of the years or year symbols to the cardinal points, with the single
exception of Boturini. As this authoi"'s views in regard to the caleu
dar are so radically different from all other authorities as to induce the
belief that it applies to some other than the Aztec or true Mexican
■calendar we will probably be justified in eliminating his opinion from
the discussion.
Omitting this author, we have entire uniformity among the authori-
ties named in regard to the reference of the years to the cardinal points,
as follows :
Tochtli to the south; Acatl to the east; Tecpatl to the north, and
Calli to the west.
*'See note 39 ou page 47.
■" By " ail' " in this connection "wind " is really intended.
3 ETH i
50 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Tbe refereuce of the colors aud the elements to the cardiual points is
too varied to afford us any assistance in arriving at a conclusion in this
respect. In the assignraeut of the elements to the years we lind that
water is referred by all the authorities named to Acatl, and Are by all
but one (Gemelli), to Tecpatl.
One thing more must be mentioned before we appeal directly to the
codices. As the groups of live days, so often heretofore referred to,
were assigned to tlie cardinal i)oints, it is proper to notice here what is
said on this point. So far, I have found it referred to only in the Ex-
position of the Vatican Codex and by Schultz-Sellack in the article be-
fore cited.
As the latter refers to them by numbers only, I give here a list of
the Mesicm days, with numbers corresponding with the j^ositions they
severally hold in their regular order. >
Flmt cohimn. Second column. Third column. Fourth column.
1. Cipactli. 2. Ehecatl. 3. CalJi. 4. Cuetzpalin.
5. Coatl. C. Miquitzli. 7. Mazatl. 8. Tochtli.
9. Atl. 10. Itzquintli. 11. Ozomatli. 12. Malinalli.
13. Acatl. 14. Ocelotl. 15. Quauhtli. 16. Cozcaquauhtli.
17. Ollin. IS. Tecpatl. 19. Quiahuitl. 20. Xochitl.
Using the numbers only, 1, 5, 9, 13, and 17 will denote the first col-
umn ; 2, G, 10, 14, and IS the second, &c.
Schultz-Sellack states that:
4, 8, 12, 16, 20 were assigned to the south.
1, 5, 9, 13, 17, to the east.
2, 6, 10, 14, 18, to the north.
3, 7, 11, 15, 19, to the west.
But, as he only quotes from the explanation of the Vatican Codex as
given by Kingsborough,'*- 1 will iiresent here the .statement of this au-
thority :
" Thus tliey commenced reckoning from the sign of One Cane. For ex-
ample: One Cane, two, three, &c., proceeding to thirteen; for, in tlie
same way, as we have calculations in our repertories by which to find
what sign rules over each of the seven days of the week, so the natives
of that countr\' had thirteen signs for the thirteen days of their week ;
and this will be better understood by an example. To signify the first
day of the world, they painted a figure like the moon, surrounded with
splendor, which is emblematical of tbe deliberation which they saj' their
god held respecting the creation, because the first day after the com-
mencement of time began with the second figure, which-was One Cane.
Accordingly, completing their reckoning of a cycle at the sign of Two
Canes, they counted an Age, which is a period of fifty-two years, because,
■I- Kinssboroiigh, vol. VI, [ip. I'.KJ, 197.
THOMAB] ASSIGNMENT OF THE DAY GROUPS. 51
on account of the bissextile years which necessarily fell in this sign of
the Cane, it occurred at the expiration of every period of fifty-two years.
Their third sign was a certain figure which we shall presently see, re-
sembling a serpent or viper, by which they intended to signify the pov-
erty and labors which men suffer in this life. Their fourth sign repre-
sented an earthqualce, which they called Nahuolin, because they say
that in that sign the sun was created. Their fifth sign was Water, for,
according to their account, abundance was given to them iu that
sign. [The five days Cipactli, Acatl, Coatl, Ollin, Atl.] These five
signs they placed in the upper part, which they called Tlacpac,
that is to say, the east. They placed five other signs at the south,
which they named Uitzlan, which means a place of thorns — the first of
which was a flower, emblematical of the shortness of life, which passes
away quickly, like a blossom or flower. The second was a certain very
green herb, in like manner denoting the shortness of life, which is as
grass. The third sign was a lizard, to show that the life of man, be-
sides being brief, is destitute, and replete with the ills of nakedness and
cold, and with other miseries. The fourth was a certain very cruel spe-
cies of bird which inhabits tliat country. The fifth sign was a rabbit,
because they say that in this sign their food was created, and accordingly
they believed that it presided over drunken revels [Xochitl, Malinalli,
Cuetzpalin, Cozcaqiiauhtli, Tochtli.] They placed five other signs
at the west, which region they called Tetziuatlan. The first was a
deer, by which they indicated the diligence of mankind in seeking
the necessaries of life for their sustenance. The second sign was a
shower of rain falling from the skies, by which they signified pleasure
and worldly content. The third sign was an ape,' denoting leisure
time. The fourth was a house, meaning repose and tranquillity. The
fifth was an eagle, the symbol of freedom and dexterity. [.Mazatl,
Quiahuitl, Ozomatli, Calli, Quauhtli.] At the north, which they
call Teutletlapan, which signifies the place of the gods, they i»laced
the other five signs which were wanting to complete the twenty.
The first was a tiger, which is a very ferocious animal, and accordingly
they considered the echo of the voice as a bad omen and the most un-
hicky of any, because they say that it has reference to that sign. The
second was a skull or death, by which they signified that deatli com-
menced with tne first existence of maulviud. The third sign was a razor
or stone knife, by which are meant the wars and dissensions of the ,
world ; they call it Tequepatl. The fourth sign is the head of a cane,
which signifies the devil, who takes souls to hell. The fifth and last of
all the twenty signs was a winged head, by which they represented the
wind, indicative of the variety of worldly affairs." [Ocelotl, Miquiztli,
TecpatI, Itzquiutli, Ehecatl.]
According, therefore, to this author the first column was assigned to
the East, the second to the North, the third to the West, and the fourth
52 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
to the South. He also says that the counting of the years began with
1 Cane."
Turning now to Plate 44 of the Fejervary Codex (our Plate III), we
notice that the symbols of the days of the first column are wedged in
between the loops of the upper left-hand corner, and that here we also
find the symbol of the year-bearer, Acatl, in the red circle at the outer
extremity of the loop. Here, then, according to the expounder of the
Vatican Codex, is the east, and this agrees also with all the other au-
thorities except Boturini. As these day symbols are between the red
and yellow loops, the next point to be determined is to which of the
two they belong.
This is a very important point, the determination of which must have
a strong bearing on our decision as to the cardinal points. As it is here
that the apparently strongest evidence against my conclusion is to be
found, it is necessary that I explain somewhat fully my reasons for de-
ciding against this apparent evidence.
If we take for granted that the day columns relate to the large an-
gular loops, then the column in the upper right-hand corner would seem
to belong to the top or red loop and not to the oue on the right ; and
the column in the upper left-hand corner to the left or yellow loop.and
not to that at the top, and so on. This I concede is a natural inference
which it is necessary to outweigh by stronger evidence.
In the first place it is necessary to bear in mind that although the
sides of the plate, that is to say the large loops, are spoken of as facing
the cardinal points, yet it is possible the artist intended that the corner
or round loops should indicate the cardinal points, as here are found the
days assigned to these quarters.
Even admitting that the large angular loops indicate the cardinal
points, we must suppose the figures of one corner, either those at the
right or left, belong respectively to them. As the symbols of the year-
bearers Acatl, Tecpatl, Calli, and Tochtli have peculiar marks of dis-
tinction, we are justified in believing that this distinction is for the
purpose of signifying the quarter to which they belong. Examining
carefully the bird on the symbol for Acati in the uijper left-hand corner
loop, we find that it can be identified only with that on the tree in the
top or red angular loojj. It is true the identification in the other cases
is not so certain, but in this case there can be very little doubt, as the
green top-knot, the peculiar beak, and green feathers are sufficient of
themselves to connect the upper left-hand white loop and figures of
this corner with the top red loop and figures embraced in it.
Studying the plate carefully and also our scheme of it — Fig. 6 — we
observe that Cipactli is found at the right base of the red loop, Miquitzli
at the right base of the yellow loop (the center of the plate being con-
sidered the point of observation), Ozomatli at the right base of the blue
••^See also Cbavero's statement to the same purpose, Anales Mus. Hex., torn. 11,
entrap. 4, p. 244.
THOMAS] ASSIGNMENT OF THE DAY GROUPS. 53
loop, and Cozcaqnauhtli at the right base of the green loop (but in this
case it can be determined only by the order, not by the figure). These
are the four days, as is well known, on which the Mexican years begin.
I take for granted, therefore, that the year Acatl or Caue applies to
the top or red loop. This, I am aware, necessitates commencing the
year with 1 Ciiiactli, thus apparently contradicting the statement of
Gemelli that the Tochtli year began \\ ith Cipactli. But it must be borne
in mind that this author expressly proceeds upon the theory that the
counting of the years began in the south with Tochtli. If the couut be-
gan with 1 Cane, as both the expounder of the Vatican Codex and Uuran
afQrm, Cipactli would be the first day of this year, as it appears evident
from the day lists in the Codices that the first year of all the systems
commenced with this day. That Acatl was assigned to the east is
affirmed by all authorities save Boturini, and this agrees very well
with the plate now under consideration. There is one statement made
by the expounder of the Vatican Codex which not only enables us to
understand his confused explanation, but indicates clearly the kind of
painting he had in view, and tends to confirm the opinion here ad-
vanced.
He says thiit "to signify the first day of the world they painted a
figure like the moon," &c. Let us guess this to be Cipactli, as nothing
of the kind named is to be found. The next figure was a cane; their third
figure was a serpent ; their fourth, earthquake (Olliu) ; their fifth, water.
" These five signs they placed in the upper part, which they called Tlacpac,
that is to say, the east.^^ That he does not mean that these days fol-
lowed each other consecutively in counting time nnist be admitted.
That he saw them placed in this order in some painting may be inferred
with positive certainty. It is also apparent that they are the five days
of the first column in the arrangement of the Mexican days shown in
Table No. XI, though not in the order there given, which is as follows:
Dragon, Snake, Water, Cane, Movement.
The order in which they are placed by this author is this :
Dragon ? Cane, Serpent, Movement, Water.
Which, by referring to page 35, we find to be precisely the same as
that of the five days wedged in between the loops in the upper leff -hand
corner of Plate 44 of the Fejervary Codex ; thus agreeing in order and
position with this author's statement. Duran, as we have seen, also
places the east at the top. The same thing is true in regard to the
calendar wheel from the book of Chilan Balam hereafter shown.
Accordingly, I conclude that the top of this plate — the led loop — will
be east ; the left-hand or yellow loop, north ; the bottom or blue loop,
west, and the right-hand or green loop, south. This also brings the year
Acatl to the east, Tecpatl to the north, Calli to the west, and Tochtli to
54 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
the south. As the commeucement was afterwards changed to Tochtli,
as we are informed by Chavero (and as appears to be the case in the
Borgiau Codex), it would begin at the south, just as stated by Gemelli
and other early writers, who probably refer to the system in vogue
at the time of the conquest.
ShultzSellack alludes to this plate in his article heretofore quoted,
but considers the red loop the south, notwithstanding his assignment of
red among the Aztecs to the east. He was led to this conclusion, I
presume, by two facts : First, the close proximity of the fourth column
of days to this red loop, and second, the figure of the sun at the foot
of the tree or cross, the sun of the first creation having made its ap-
pearance, according to Mexican mythology, in the south. But it is far
more likely that the artist intended here to be true to known phe-
nomena rather than to a tradition which was in contradiction to them.
The presence of this figure above the horizon is, I think, one of the
strongest possible proofs that this part of the plate denotes the east.
According to Gemelli''^ the south was denoted by a "blue field," and
the symbol Tochtli ; east by a red field, and the symbol Acatl ; the
north by a "yellow field," and the symbol Tecpatl, and the west by
a "green field," and the symbol Calli. In this plate we have precisely
the colors he mentions, red in the east, and yellow in the north, but
green is at the south, and blue at the west.
Sahaguu remarks*^ that "at the end of fifty-two years the count came
back to Cetochtliacatl (one-Eabbit-Caue), which is the figure of the reed
dedicated to the east, which they called Tlapcopcopa and Tkiinlcopa, nearly
towards the fire or sun."^
This language is peculiar and important, and indicates that he had
a Mexican painting similar to the plate now under discussion before him,
in which the year symbols were at the corners instead of at the sides.
On this supposition only can we understand his use of the term " Ge-
tochtliacatl,^^ and the expression " nearly towards the fire," &c. His use
of the term "fiie" in this connection undoubtedly indicates red. His
language is therefore in entire harmony with what we find on this plate.
According to Gemelli and Chavero the element earth was assigned to
the south ; in this plate, in the right space inclosed by the green loop,
we seethe great oi)en jaws representing the earth out of which the tree
arises. From a careful examination of this figure, so frequently found
in this and other Mexican Codices, I am convinced it is used as the sym-
bol of the grave and of the earth. The presence of this symbol and of
the figure of death in this space, as also the figures of the gods of death
and the under world in the corresponding space-of the Cortesian plate,
"I.e. See also the colored wheel in Kingsborough, Mex. Aiitiq., Vol. IV. Copied
from one iu Boturini's collectiou, the same as Gemelli's.
■•M.c.
*Y acabados los eiucuenta y dos aiioa toruaba la cueuta -S cetocitliacatl, que es la
caSa figura dedicada al oriente que llamaban tlapcopcopa. y tlavilcopa, casihacia la
lumbre, 6 al sol.
THOMAS.] POSITIONS OF THE CARDINAL SYMBOLS. 55
Strongly inclined me for a time to believe that this should be considered
the north, as in the Aztec superstitions one class of the dead was lo-
cated in that region ; but a more thorough study leads me to the con-
clusion that these figures are intended to represent the earth and to
symbolize the fact that here is to be found the point where the old cycle
end.s aud the new begins. I will refer to this again when 1 returu to
the description of the Cortesian plate.
All the authorities, except Boturini, refer the year Tecpatl or Flint
to the north, which agrees with the theory I am advancing, and in the
lower left-hand corner we find in the red circle the figure of a flint,
which according to my arrangement apijlies to the north, represented
by the yellow loop.
How, then, are we to account for the presence of this symbol on the
head of the right figure in the red or eastern loop ? Veytia says, " They
(the Mexicans) gave to fire the first place as the most noble of all (the
elements), and symbolized it by the flint." This I acknowledge present,s
a difiiculty that I am unable to account for only on the sui)positiou that
this author has misinterpreted his authorities, for no one so far as I can
find gives the " sun" or " age of fire" as the first, the only diflerence
in this respect being as to whether the "suu of water" or the "sun ot
earth " was first. This difference I am inclined to believe (though with-
out a thorough examination of the subject) arises chiefly from a varia-
tion of the cardinal point with which they commence the count, those
starting at the south commencing with the element earth, those begin-
ning at the east with water.''" Not that the authors themselves always
indicated these points, but that a jiroper interpretation of the original
authorities would have resulted in this conclusion, supposing a pi-oper
adjustment of the different calendar systems of the Nahua nations to
have been made. I think it quite probable that the artist who painted
this plate of the Fejervary Codex believed the first "sun "or "age"
should be assigned to the east, aud that here the flint indicates origin,
first creative power or that out of which the first creation issued, an
idea which I believe is consonant with Nahua traditions. I luay as well
state here as el.sewhere that notwithstanding the statement made by
Gemelli and others that it was the belief or tradition of the Mexicans
that the sun first appeared in the south, I am somewhat skeptical on
this point.
Such a tradition might be possible in an extreme northern country,
but it is impos.sible to conceive how it would have originated in a trojii-
cal region.
The calendar and religious observances were the great and all-absorb-
ing topics of the Nahua nations, aud hence it is to these, and especially
the first, that we must look for an explanation of their paintings and
■" See the various views presented by Chavero, Anales Mus. Mei. Tom. II Entrag. 2,
and authorities referred to by Bancroft, Native Races, II. p. 504, note 3.
56 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
sculpture, and not so much to the traditions given by the old Spanish
authors.
Finally, the assignment of the year symbols to the four points at
which we find them was not, as these early authors supposed, because
of their significance, but because in forming the circle of the days they
fell at these points. This fact is so apparent from the plates of the
Codices that it seems to me to forbid any other conclusion.
In the bottom, blue loop, which we call the west, we see two female
figures, one of them with cross-bones on her dress. This agrees pre-
cisely with the statement of Sahagun heretofore given, to wit, " forthey
held the opinion that the dead women, who are goddesses, live in the
west, and that the dead men, who are in the house of the sun, guide
him from the east with rejoicings every day, until they arrive at mid-
day, and that the defunct women, whom they regard as goddesses and
call Cioapipiltin, come out from the west to receive him at midday (or
south?), and carry him with rejoicing to the west." Before compar-
ing with the plate of the Cortesian Codex, we call attention to some
other plates of the Mexican Codices, in order to see how far our inter-
pretation of the plates of the Fejervary Codex will be borne out.
Turning now to Plates 65 and 66 of the Vatican Codex B " (shown in
our Plate IV), we observe four trees (or crosses) each with an individual
clasping the trunk. One of these individuals is red, the other white,
with slender red stripes and with the face black, another green, and the
other black. On the top of each tree, except the one at the right, is a
bird ; on the right tree, or rather broad-leaved tropical plant, which is
clasped by the black individual, is the figure of the tiger or rabbit. As
these are probably intended to represent the seasons (spring, summer,
&c.), the ages, or the years, and consequently the cardinal points, let us
see with what parts of the plate of the Fejervary Codex they respect-
ively correspond.
By turning back to page 60 the reader will see that the days of the
first column, viz, Cipactli, Coatl, &c., or numbers 1, 5, 9, 13, 17 were
referred to the east, the second column 2, 6, 8, 12, 16 to the north, &c.
Each of the four trees has below it, in a line, five day characters. Below
the fourth one are Xochitl, Malinalli, Cuetzpalin, Cozcaquauhtli, and
Tochtli, precisely those of the fourth column, and which, in accordance
with our interpretation of the Fejervary Codex, are assigned to the
south.
Keferring to the first or left-hand of these four groups, we observe
that the clasping figure is red, and that the days in the line underneath
are 1, 5, 9, 13, 17, those of the east, agreeing in all respects with our
interpretation of the Fejervary plate.
The days below the second group, with the white and red striped in-
dividual, are 2, 6, 10, 14, 18, indicating the north, and those below the
third, with the green individual, 3, 7, 11, 15, 19, denoting the west.
■•sKingsburougb, Mex. Antiq., Vol. III.
JiUIIGAl' OF KTIISOI.OIiV
ASSUAL IIEI'ORT J8(i2 PL. IV
COPY IIF PLATE Ci"), VAITCAX CDDKX, IS.
I'lU^ UU.\VAI'U£i: LlTIIO.JLtlX
COl'V OK PLATK (Hi, VATICAN CODEX, J3.
PLATES 9 AND 4, BORGIAN CODEX.
57
So far the agreement with our theory of the other plate is jierfect,
but iu this case we have taken the figures from the left to the right,
this being, as we have seen in the Tonalumatl, or table of days, copied
from this Codex, the direction in which they are to be read when in a
line.
We notice also that the bird over the first tree, although diftering iu
some respects from it, is the same as that in the top or red loop of the
other plate, and that over the third tree the same as that in the blue or
bottom loop, agreeing also in this respect.
From these facts we understand that the black figure is sometimes
at least assigned to the south.
I am fully aware of the difficulties to be met with in attempting to
carry out this assignment of colors, in explanation of other plates of
this and other Codices, nor do I believe colors can be relied upon. They
form some aid in the few plates of general application to the calendar,
and where there are reasons, as iu the cases given, to suppo.se tlie cardi-
nal points will be indicated in some regular order. The same thing is
true also in regard to the Manuscriiit Troano. For example, if we sup-
pose character a of Fig. 7 to denote the east, b north, c west, and d
south, we shall find them arranged in the following difl'erent ways :
d a
abed c d a b
d h
a d
c b
e d
a b
Combine with these colors and other distinctive marks, then vary
them in proportion, and we should have an endless variety, just as we
see in the Mexican Codices. We can only hope to solve the problem,
therefore, b,y selecting, after careful study, those plates which appear
to have the symbols arranged in their normal order.
Turning to plate 43 of the Borgian Codex, we find it impossible to
make it agree, either with the plate of the Fejervary Codex or the Vat-
ican Codex. Here we find the days 1, 5, 9, 13, 17 associated with the
green figure in the lower left-hand square; 2; G, 10, 14, 18 with the
yellow figure in the lower right-hand square ; 3, 7, 1 1, 15, and 19 with
the black figure in the upper right-hand square, and 4, 8, 12, 16, 20
with the red figure in the upper left-hand square. What adds to the
difficulty is the fact that the symbol of the Cane accompanies the black
58
MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
figure, tbus apparently iudicating that this denotes the year Acatl.
That these groups are to be taken in the same order as those of Plate
44 of the Fejervary Codex, that is around to the left, opposite the sun's
course, is evident from the days and also from Plate 9 of this (Borgiau)
Codex, where the twenty days of the month are placed in a circle.
In this latter the order of the four years is indicated by the first days
of the years, viz, GipaciU, Miquiztli, Ozomatli, and Gozcaquaulitli placed
in blue circles at the corners in the following order :
Ozomatli.
Miquiztli.
Cozcaquauhtli. Cipactli.
In the lower right-hand corner of Plate 4, same Codex, is a square
with the four quadrants very distinctly colored and arranged thus :
Yellow.
Blue
Green.
Bed.
and a large red circle in the center, on the body of what is evidently
intended as a symbol of GipaciU. As this appears to be a figure of
general application, we presume that it commences with Gipactli, the
day on which the cycles began. As the four names of the days with
which the years began probably show, as arranged in tlie above square,
their respective positions in the calendar wheel, I infer that, in their
normal arrangement, GipaciU (;orresponded with the led, Miquiztli with
the green, Ozomaili with the yellow, and CozcaquavhtH with the blue.
This brings the colors in precise accordance with those on the cross in
the lower right-hand square of Plate 43; and if we suppose the black
figure to correspond with the blue it brings the colors in the same order,
but the day groups are shifted around oue.point to the left. It is prob-
able therefore that this plate, like a number of others in the same Codex,
is intended to denote the relation of colors and day groups to each other
in some other than the first or normal year, or possibly to the seasons or
the four Indications of the cycle.
But be this as it may, I do not think the difficulty in reconciling the
arrangement of the colors and days in this Codex will warrant the le-
jection of our explanation of the plates of the other codices. That Plate
44 of the Fejervary Codex is one of general application must be admitted,
as is also the "Table of the Bacabs" from the Cortesiau Codex ; and if
the true assignment to the cardinal points is made anywhere it will cer-
taiidy be in these. Turning now to the latter, as shown in our Plate II,
THOMAS. I CALENDAR WHEEL OF CHILAN BALAM. 59
where the erased characters are restored, we note the followiug facts,
and then with some general remarks conclude our paper, as we have no
intention of entering upon a general discussion of the Mexican Calendar,
which would be necessary if we undertoolv to explain fully even the
plates of the codices we have referred to.
As before remarked, the Cortesiau plate is arranged upon the same
plan as that of the Fejervary Codes, evidently based upon the same
theory and intended for the same purpose. In the latter the four year
symbols are placed in the outer looped line at the four corners, and so
distinguished as to justify us in believing they mark their respective
quadrants. In the former we find the four Maya year-bearers, Cauac,
Kan, Muluc, Ix, in corresponding positions, each distinguished by the
numeral character for 1 (see 31, 1, 11, and 21 in our scheme, Fig. 2), the
first, or the right, corresponding with the green loop and the year
Tochtli; the second, at the top, corresponding with the red loop and
the year Acatl ; the third, at the left, corresponding with the yellow
loop and the year Tecpatl, and the fourth, at the bottom, corresponding
with the blue loop and the year Calli. This brings Cauac to the south,
Kan to the east, Muluc to the north, and Ix to the west, and the cor-
respondence is complete, except as to the colors, which, as we have
seen, cannot possibly be brought into harmony. This view is further
sustained by the fact that the god of death is found on the right of each
plate, not for the purpose of indicating the supposed abode of the dead,
bat to mark the point at which the cycles close, which is more fully ex-
pressed in the Cortesiau plate by piercing or dividing the body of a
victim with a Hint kuife^' marked with the symbol of Ezanab (the last
day of the Ix years; and the symbol of Ymix, with which, ia some way
not yet understood, the counting of the cycles began.
In the quotation already made from Sahagun we find the following-
statement : " Tecpatl, which is the figure of a flint, was dedicated to
MicUampa, nearly towards hell, because they believed that the dead
went towards the north. For which reason, in the superstition which
rei)resented the dead as covered with mantas (cloths) and their bodies
bound, they made them sit with their faces turned toward the north or
Mtctlami)2L.'"
Although he is referring to Mexicau customs, yet it is worthy of note
that in this Cortesiau plate there is a sitting mummied figure, bound
with cords, in the left space, which, according to my interpretation, is
at the north side.
Since the foregoing was written I have received ft-om Dr. D. G. Brin
■"Dr. Brintou, "The Maya Chronicles," p. 53, informs us that "the division of the
katuns was on the principle of the Belran system of numeration, as xel u ca katun,
• thirty yeais ; ' xeluyox katun, 'fifty years.' Literally these expressions are, 'dividing
the second katun,' 'dividing the third katun,' xel meaning to cut in pieces, to divide
as with a knife." This appears to be the idea intended in the figure of the Cortesiau
plate.
60
MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
tou a photo lithograph of the " wheel of the Ah cuch-haab " found in
the book of Chilau Balam, which he has kindly allowed nie to use.
This is shown in Fisr. 9.
Fig. 9. — Calendar wheel from book of Cbilan Balam.
In this (smaller cirele) we see that Kan is placed at the top of the
cross, denominated Laldn, or east ; Cauac at the riglit, Nohol, or south ;
Mulac at the left, Xaman, or north ; and Hiix at the bottom, Chikin, or
west.
Although this shows the marks of Spanish or foreign influence, yet
it afl'ords corroborative evidence of the correctness of the view advanced.
The upper and larger circle is retained only to show that the reading
was around to the left, as in the Cortesian jjlate.
THOMAsl ENGRAVED SHELLS FROM MOUNDS. 61
This result of our investigations, I repeat, forces us to the conclusion
that a, Fig. 7, is the symbol for east, as stated in my former work, h of
north, c of west, and d of south.
Among the importaut results growing out of, and deductions to be
drawn from,-my discovery in regard to these two plates, I may mention
the following :
First. That the order in which the groups and characters are to be
taken is around to the left, opposite the course of the sun, which tallies
with most of the authorities, and in reference to the Maya calendar con-
firms Perez's statement, heretofore mentioned.
Second. That the cross, as has been generally supposed, was used
among these nations as a symbol of the cardinal points.
Third. It tends to confirm the belief that the bird figures were used to
denote the winds. This fact also enables us to give a signification to the
birds' heads on the engraved shells found in the mounds of the United
States, a full and interesting account of which is given by Mr. Holmes in a
paper published in the Second Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnol-
ogy.'" Take for example the three shells figured on Plate LIX— repro-
duced in our Fig. 10 — ITos. 1, 2 and 3. Here is in each case the four-looped
circle corresponding with the four loops of the Cortesian and Fejervary
plates, also with the looped serpent of the Mexican calendar stone, and the
four serpents of Plate 43 of the Borgian Codex. The four bird heads on
each shell are pointed toward the left, just as on Plate 44 of the Fejer-
vary Codex, and Plates 65 and 66 of the Vatican Codex B, and doubtless
have the same signification in the former as in the latter — thcfouricinds,
or winds of the four cardinal points. If this supposition be correct, of
which there is scarcely room for a doubt, it not only confirms Mr. Holmes's
suggestions, but also indicates that the mound builders followed the
same custom in this respect as the Nahua nations, and renders it quite
probable that there was more or less intercourse between the two peoples,
which will enable us to account for the presence in the mounds of cer-
tain articles, which otherwise appear as anomalies.
Fourth. Another and more importaut result is the proof it furnishes
of an intimate relation of the Maya with the Xahua nations. That all
the Central American nations had calendars substantially the same in
principle as the Mexican, is well known. This of itself would indi.'ate
a common origin not so very remote; but when we see two contif.uous
or neighboring peoples making use of the same conventional signs of a
complicated nature, down even to the most minute details, and those of
a character not comprehensible by the commonalty, we have proof at
least of a very intimate relation. I cannot attempt in this place to dis-
cuss the question of the identity or uon-i,lentity of the Maya, Toltec
and Aztec nations, nor the relations of one to the other, but follow the
usual method, and speak of the three as distinct.
»P. 281, pi. 69.
62
MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Fig. 10,— Engraved shells from mounds.
THOMAS] RELATION OF MAYA TO MEXICAN SYMBOLS. 63
If Leon y Gama is correct iu his statement,*^ " No todos couieuzabau
&, coatar el circlo por un misoio auo ; los Toltecos lo empezaban tlesde
Tecpatl; los de Teotilmacau desde Calli ; los Mexicaiios desde Tochtli;
y los Tezcocanos desde Acatl," and the years began with Vipactli, we
are probably justified iu concluding that the Fejervary Codex is a
Tezcucan manuscript.
Be this as it may, we have in these two plates the evidence of au in-
timate relation between the Maya and Nahua nations, as that of the
Cortesiau Codex certainly appertains to the former and the Fejervary
as certainly to the latter.
Which was the original and which the copy is a question of still
greater importance, as its proper determination may have the efi'ect to
overturn certain opinions which have been long entertained and gener-
ally conceded as correct. If an examination should prove that the
Mayas have borrowed from the Nahuas it would result in proving the
calendar and sculptures of the former to be much more recent than has
been generally supposed.
It must be admitted that the Mexican or Xahua manuscripts have
little or nothing in them that could have been borrowed from the Maya
manuscripts or inscriptions; hence, if we find in the latter anyihing
belonging to or found in the former it will indicate that they are bor-
rowed and that the Mexican are the older.
In addition to the close resemblance of these two plates, the following-
facts bearing upon this question are worthy of notice. In the lower
part of Plate 52 of the Dresden Codex we see precisely the same figure
as that used by the Mexicans as the symbol of GipactU.
The chief chai-acter of the hieroglyphic, 15 R. (Rau's scheme), of the
Palenque Tablet is a serpent's head (shown correctly only on the stone in
the Smithsonian Museum and iu Dr. Rau's photograph), and nearly the
same as the symbol for the same Mexican day. The method of repre-
senting a house in the Maya manuscripts is substantially the same as
the Mexican symbol for Calli (House). The cross on the Palenque
Tablet has so many features in common with those in the blue and red
loops of the Fejervary Codex as to induce the belief that they were de-
rived from the same type. We see in that of the Tablet the rei)tile
head as at the base of the cross in the blue loop, the nodes, and proba-
bly the bird of that iu the red loop, and the two human figures.
What is perhaps still more siguificant, is the fact that in this plate of
the Fejervery Codex, and elsewhere iu the same Codex, we see evidences
of a transition from pictorial symbols to conventional characters; for ex-
ample, the yellow heart shaped symbol in the lower left-hand corner of the
Fejervary plate which is there used to denote the day Ocelotl (Tiger). On
the other hand we find in the manuscript Troano for example, on i)late
III, one of the symbols used in the Tonalamati of the Vatican Codex
B and in other Mexican codices to signify water. On Plate XX V* of
"Dos Piedras, pt. 1, p. 16.
64 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS.
the same manuscript, under the four symbols of the cardinal points,
we see four figures, one a sitting figure similar to the middle one with
black head, on the left side of the Cortesiau plate; one a spotted dog
sitting on what is apparently part of the carapace of a tortoise; one a
monkey, and the other a bird with a hooked bill. Is it not possible that
we have here an indication of the four days — Dragon, Death, Monkey,
Vulture, with which the Mexican years began ?
In all the Maya manuscripts we find the custom of using heads as
symbols, almost, if not cpiite, as often as in the Mexican codices. Xot
only so, but in the former, even in the purely conventional characters,
we see evidences of a desire to turn every one possible into the figure
of a head, a fact still more apparent in the monumental inscriptions.
Turning to th« ruins of Copan as represented by Stephens and others,
we find on the altars and elsewhere the same death's-head with huge
incisors so common in Mexico, and on the statues the snake-skin so
often repeated on those of Mexico. Here we find the Cipactli as a huge
crocodile head,^^ also the monkey's head used as a hieroglyphic.^'
The pendant lip or lolling tongue, which ever it be, of the central
figure of the Mexican calendar stone is found also in the central figure
of the suu tablet of Palenque" and a dozen times over in the inscrip-
tions.
The long, elephantine, Tlaloc nose, so often repeated in the Mexican
codices, is even more common and more elaborate in the Maya manu-
scripts and sculptures, and, as we learn from a Ms. paper by Mr. Gus-
tav Eiseu, lately received by the Smithsonian Institutiou, has also been
found at Copan.
Many more points or items of agreement might be pointed out. but
these will suffice to show that one musi have borrowed from the other,
for it is impossible that isolated civilizations should have produced such
identical results in details even down to conventional figures. Again
we ask the question. Which was the boi rower f We hesitate to accept
what seems to be the legitimate conclusion to be draw7i from these
facts, as it compels us to take issue with the view almost universally
held. One thing is aj)parent, viz, that the Mexican symbols could
never have grown out of the Maya hieroglyphics. That the latter might
have grown out of the former is not impossible.
If we accept the theory that there was a Toltec nation jn-ecediug the
advent of the Aztec, which, when broken up and driven out of Mexico,
*- Travels in Ceut. Amer., vol. I, p. 156. Slomiment N, plate. Mr. Gustav Eisen,
in a Ms. lately received by and now in possession of the Smithsonian Institution, also
mentions another similar head as found at Copan. -This, he says, is on the side of an
altar similar to that described hy Stephens, except that the top wants the hieroglyphics.
The sides have human figures similar to the other ; on one of these is the head of an
•"Alligator."
"3 Ibid., 2d plate to p. 158.
'''Stephens' Trav. Ceut. Aincr. Ill Froutisiiioce.
THOMAS] PLATES 65 AND 66, VATICAN CODEX, B. 65
proceeded southward, where probably colonies from the main stock had
already been planted, we may be able to solve the enigma.
If this people were, as is generally supposed, the leaders in Mexican
and Central American civilization, it is possible that the Aztecs, a more
savage and barbarous people, borrowed their civilization from the for-
mer, and, having less tendency toward development, retaine'd the origi-
nal symbols and figures of the former, adding only ornamentation and
details, but not advancing to any great extent toward a written lan-
guage.
Some such supposition as this, I believe, is absolutely necessary to
explain the facts mentioned. But even this will compel us to admit
that the monuments of Yucatan and Copan are of much more recent
date than has generally been supposed, and such I am inclined to be-
lieve is the fact. At any rate, I think I may fairly claim, without ren-
dering myself chargeable with egotism, that my discovery in regard to
the two plates so frequently mentioned will throw some additional light
on this vexed question.
Note. — Since the foregoing was printed, my attention has been called
by Dr. Brinton to the fact that the passage quoted from Sahaguu (see
pages 41 and 54), as given in Bustamente's edition, from which it was
taken, is incorrect in ccmbiniiig Cetochtii and Acatl into one word, when
in fact the first is the end of one sentence and the second the com-
mencement of another. I find, by reference to the passage as given in
Kingsborough, the evidence of this erroneous reading. The argument
on page 54, so far as based upon this incorrect reading, must fall.
3 ETH 5
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
O N
MASKS, LABRETS, AND CERTAIN ABORIGINAL CDSTIS,
AN INQUIRY INTO THE BEARING OF THEIR
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION.
WILLIAM HEALEY DALL,
Assistant U. S. Coast Scrvby; Honorary Curator U. S. National Museum.
67
CONTENTS.
Page.
Prefatory remarks 7:5
The evolution of masks 74
Labretifery 77
Classification of masks 93
Of the practice of preserving the whole or part of the human head 94
On the distribution of masks 98
Masks of the South Seas 98
Masks of Peru 103
Masks of Central America and Mexico 104
Masks of New Mexico and Arizona 105
Masks of Northwest American Indiana 106
Customs at Cape Flattery, according to Swan 107
Tlinkit and Haida masks Ill
Masks of the lunuit, north to the Arctic Ocean 121
Inuuit of Prince William Sound 124
Innnit of Kadiak Island 128
Innuit of Kuskokwin River 129
Finger masks 131
Innuit of Norton Sound and the Yukon Delta 132
Innuit of Bering Strait 135
Innuit of Point Barrow, Arotio Ocean 136
Masks of the Unungun or Aleuts 137
Masks of the Iroquois (supplemental) 144
Summary and speculations 146
Plates and explanations 153
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Plai i: V. — Prehistoric Aleut iau labrets I'jJi
VI. — Prehistoric Aleut iau labrets 157
VII. — Maskoid from Caroliue Islands 159
VIII.— Maskette from New Irelaud 161
IX. — JIaskettes from New Irelaud aud the Friendly Islands 163
X. — Ma.skoid from New Irelaud 16;'
XI. — Mortuary maskoids from Peru 167
XII. — Jloqui maskcttes from Arizona 1 9
XIII. — Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 171
XIV. — Indian masks from the northwest coast of America I7i
XV. — Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 175
XVI — Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 177
XVII. — Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 179
XVIII. — Indian masks from the northwest coast of America.. Idl
XIX. — Indian masks from the northwest coast of America 183
XX. — Indian masks froiu the uorthwest coast of America 185
XXI. — Indiau masks Iroui the northwest coast of America 187
XXII. — Iroquois mask and llaida medicine-rattle 189
XXIII. — luuuit masks from Prince William Sound 191
XXIV. — lunuit masks from Prince William Sound 193
XXV. — lunuit masks from Priuce William aud Norton Sounds 195
XXVI. — Innuit masks from Kadiak aud Norton Sound 197
XXVII. — Innuit maskette and linger mask 199
XXVIII. — Aleut dancing and mortuary masks 201
XXIX. — Aleut mortuary masks 203
71
ON MASKS, LABRETS, AND CERTAIN ABORIGINAL CUSTOMS, WITH AN INQUIRY
INTO THE BEARING OF THEIR GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION.
By W. H. Dall.
PREFATORY REMARKS.
Some years since, at the suggestiou of tlie Director of the Bureau of
Ethnology, I took np the subject of masks, with special relation to those
of the Pacific coast of America. Circumstances prevented an immedi-
ate prosecution of the work to a close: meanwhile, in 1878, I had the
opportunity of exauiining material bearing on this topic contained in
the principal museums of Great Britain and of Northern Europe, except
Eussia. The study of these collections resulted in a conviction that
the subject was one of deeper import, and more widely extended rami-
fications than I had, np to that time, had any conception of; and that
one who had thoroughly mastered it would be possessed of the keys to
the greater part of the mystery which locks from us the philosophical
religious and social' development of uncivilized or savage man.
This conviction led to a disinclination to attempt a superficial treat-
ment of a subject of such importance. Under the circumstances it
appeared in the highest degree uTilikely that it would be practicable
for me to devote to it a study which would be appropriately thorough.
Partly through the claims of oflBcial duties of a different character, and
partly in the hope that some one else would take the subject up with
time and opportunity of giving to it the attention it deserves, prepara-
tions for publication of the projected article have, until recently, been
deferred.
Xo one coming forward with such a purpose, it has become necessary
that the original promise should be, in some part at least, fulfilled; and
therefore the present article has been prepared, rather in the hope that
it may prove a stimulus to more adequate investigation of the topic,
than with any idea that it contains more than suggestions toward di-
recting future researches into suitable channels. It will be avowedly
a matter of sketching land-marks and indicating openings to possible
harbors, rather than a survey with soundings and sailing directions.
' Considered in its public or communal aspect, especially that of public games or
amusements.
7.3
THE EVOLUTION OF MASKS.
Tlie word niaslr, accordiDg to Webster, is derived from the Arabic,
lueauing a thing which excites ridicule or laughter; that this, however,
is a comparatively modem conception of the mask idea in the course
of the development of culture, will, I think, on consideration appear
certain.
1. The ultimate idea of a mask is a shield or ijrotection for the face;
probably first held in the hand.
2. The adaptation of it to the form of the face and its support upon
the head or shoulders were probably subsequent to the introduction of
peep-holes, but must have been nearly or quite, coincident with the use
of a lireathing hole.
3. As a protection, its appearance or ornamentation originally must
have been quite secondary in its importance to impenetrability, or me-
chanical protectiveness.
4. If communities agreed among themselves, and differed from out-
siders in the form or appearauce of their masks, the characteristics of the
mask-form adopted by any group of peculiar ferocity or powers, wouhl
begin to have a moral value apart from its capability of arresting or
diverting missiles. The terror inspired by the wearers would begin to
be associated with their i)anoply,
5. With the adaptation of the mask to the head and shoulders, a re-
duction in weight, and consequently of resisting power would be neces-
sary. Its moral value due to its capacity for inspiring terror would
constantly tend to increase, as compared with its defensive usefulness.
G. With the realization of this fact, devices to add to tbefrightfulness
would multiply until the mechanical value would be comparatively un-
important. It is to be borne in mind that it is the lowest grades of cul-
ture which are in question.
7. With this growth individual variation would come into play; each
warrior would bear a more or less jicrsoual device. If remarkable for
destroying enemies of the tribe, or for the benefits resulting to it from
his prowess, death, lapse of time, and traditions, snowball-like accret-
ing as they descended, would tend to the association of superhuman
qualities (in form of hero mytii) with him and with his distinctive battle
emblem or device. It his device were derived or conventionalized from
some predatory, shrewd, or mysterious animal, a mental blending of the
ideals of each might be expected, and the seeds sown of a totemic or
polytheistic system.
8. With the advance of culture, in its feeble begiuuings, humorous
74
DALL.) EVOLUTION OP MASKS. 75
perceptions are well kuowu to be of relatively slow development. How-
ever, we can perceive that, with the growth of supernaturalisiu, the
emblem of the hero, already merged in the hero-myth, would, from the
first, be associated with any formal recognition by the community of its re-
lations to the supernatural. Thus masks would take their place among
religious paraphernalia, not onlj" of the community in its general direct
relations to the supernatural, but in the probably earlier form of such
relation through an intermediary individual, in the form of a shaman
or his logical predecessors in culture.
9. Ou the other hand, it may be supposed that the exhibition of a
device popularly associated with ill-success, cowardice, or incapacity in
its owner, while liable in time of war to excite aversion, contempt, or
even hostility in the other members of the community, might well pro-
voke in time of peace the milder form of ridicule, closely allied to scorn,
which seems in savagery to constitute the sole rudiment of humor;
and that, in time, a certain set of devices, originally segregated in some
such manner from the generality, might come to be typical of buffoonery,
and to be considered as aijpropriate to public amusements and rollick-
ing communal games.
10. From such beginnings the application of nmsks to the purposes
of secret societies, associations or special classes of the community in
their formal relations to the rest, or to outsiders, is easy to imagine,
and no attempt need here be made to trace it in detail. The transition
to that stage of culture where masks are merely protections against
recognition ou festive occasions, or the vehicle of practical jokes at the
hands of children or uneducated adults, is long, but presents no difiti-
culties. As illustrative of the survival of the earlier stages of the process
in a comparatively cultured race to very modern times, the war and
other masks, till very lately in vogue among the Chinese, may be alluded
to. On the other hand, the theatrical masks of the Japanese belong to
a stage of much higher culture both in an aesthetic and moral sense, the
idea of terror in connection with them seemingly having qnite passed
away, their object being to excite amusement or express similitude.
A process in the development of masks which should be noticed is
not uufrequently recognizable in the paraphernalia of aboriginal peoples.
The original idea of protection for the face, whose evolution in a par-
ticular line has been sketched as above, may develop in another way,
which would find a termination in the helmet of the middle ages, the
idea of mechanical protection either remaining predominant or at some
stage of culture coming in again and rendering the moral effect wholly
subordinate. Again, after the mask has developed into a social symbol
(as in religious ceremonies or games), the idea of rendering the whole
panoply more effective (as bj- indicating a stature greater than that
natural to man), or of making it more convenient for singers or orators,
has in some cases resulted in raising the mask proper above the face of
the wearer to the upper ]tart of the head-dress, with the consequence of
7G MASKS AND LABRETS.
gradually losiDgthe apertures for sight and the breathing hole, then no
longer needed. The mask then becomes a more or less conventional-
ized model of the face, or even of the whole figure or a group of figures.
This stage is recognized in the Moqui masks figured, which have be-
come head-dresses, worn as in the doll, also illustrated ; or even with a
mask, properly so called, worn over the face beneath in addition. This
is also shown in many Tlinkit head-dresses and others of Mexico, Peru,
and of the western lunuit.
Still another line of evolution is that in which the ideas symbolized
by a mask reach such a stage of identification with it that a wearer, to
give life-like motion to the total effigy, is no longer required by the im-
agination. The mask may then be set up as an independent object of at-
tention. It may be in this case associated with the bodies of the dead
as in Peruvian graves, or erected in connection with religious rites;
a practice widely spread and not to be confounded with statues or idols
which approach the same end by a dift'erent path ; or finally be attached
to the altar or building devoted to such rites. In the last case weight
is of no consequence and, in general, durability is of importance, from
whence are derived the stone models of faces or stone masks of which
Mexico and the Caribbean Islands have afforded such remarkable ex-
amples.
Other and less clearly kindred customs are those, prevalent in the
same geographical lines (though widely spread elsewhere as well), in
which the actual face or head, with more or less of its integuments, is
preserved and ornamented. The probabilities aie against the direct
connection of this practice with the evolution of the artificial mask, but
these preparations are frequently termed masks, especially when the
back part of the cranium is removed, and therefore deserve notice, as
well on that account as because of their partly parallel distribution.
LABRETIB'ERY,
lu this connection it is worth while to draw attention to the geograph-
ical distribution of another practice which is not, like the use of masks,
world-wide, but, as far as I am at present informed, appears to be almost
entirely peculiar to two totally distinct ethnological regions, i. e., Cen-
tral Africa, which as being beyond doubt an independent center need
not here be further alluded to ; and America, especially the western
border. 1 refer to the use of labrets, which for brevity may be called
labretifcry.
The I'avages of civilization, as dispensed by freebooters and fanatics,
began at so early a period on the shores of Darieu and the western
coast of South America that the data are most imperfect for the man-
ners and customs of the people in their primitive state. There are many
customs of which the vestiges were swept away probably within two
generations after the original incursion of the Spaniards, and to which
only the most brief and often inaccurate allusions are made iuthe works
of the earliest writers. The proper elucidation of these requires an
amount of search and careful studj- of these ancient sources which it has
been impossible for me to give, and the citations here may be taken
merely as hints to the ethnologist in search of a speciality which opens
an attractive vista for a thorough and not too exuberant iuvestigator.
To such I am confident the subject ofi'ers ample rewards.
Bulwer, in his quaint "Anthropometamorphosis,"' has compiled from
many of the earlier writers an account of various methods of self-
mutilation for aesthetic or religious purposes affected by various natious;
and among others gives several references to the practice of wearing
labrets, which I have, in nearly all cases, taken opportunity of verify-
ing from the original authorities. As Bulwer does not cite page or edi-
tion, and the works referred to are rarely indexed, this has been a task
involving much labor. The result has been to confirm his' general ac-
curacy (barring such misprints as Pegu for Peru); hence I feel less
hesitation in quoting him in a few cases which I have not had oppor-
tunity of verifying.
The labret, among American aborigines, is well known to be a plug,
stud, or variously-shaped button, made from various materials, which
is inserted at or about the age of puberty^ through a hole or holes
'Bulwer, John. Anthropometamorphosis (etc.) 8° (or sm. 4to.), pp. 528, 15 1. unp.,
London, IF. HunI, 1653. Illustrated.
'^In some cases a small perforatiou is made at au earlier period, but on the appear-
ance of the sigus of puberty it is formally enlarged, and among the northwestern'tribes
the original operation is usually deferred till that period arrives.
78 MASKS AND LABRETS.
pierced in the tbiuner portions of the face about the mouth. Usually
after the first operation has been performed, and the original slender
pin inserted, tbe latter is replaced from time to time by a larger one,
and the perfora-tion thus mechanically stretched, and in course of time
permanently enlarged.
They are worn in some tribes by women only, in others by men only,
iD still others by both sexes, in which case the style of the labret is dif-
ferent for each sex. There are sometimes several small ones forming a
sort of fringe about the sides of and below the mouth (in America
the upper lip is or was very rarely perforated), as in the MSg'emut
women of the Yukon delta ; most generally the perforation is made
either just below the corners of the mouth, one on each side (Western
Eskimo, males) ; in the median line below the lower lip, (Tlinkit
women; Aleut men of ancient times; Mexicans; Botokudos; Mosquito
coast males) ; both at the sides and in the middle (occasional among
the Aleuts when first known and at present by the females among
certain tribes of Bering Sea Eskimo); and, lastly, two small ones close to
the median line (females among some of the Western Eskimo). It will
be noticed that these fashions shade into one another, but that the
median single labret, when the prac ice was in full vogue, was almost
always (in adults) nuich larger than any of those used in lateral posi-
tions even when both sorts were employed by the same person.
From this custom several names for tribes have been derived, and
passed into ethnological literature, such as Botokudo, from the Portu-
guese botoque, a plug or stopper, and Kaloshian, from the Eussian
ta/MsM-a, "a little trough," in allusion to the concave surfaces of the
great labrets worn by elderlj" Tlinkit women in the time when their
archipelago was first explored by tbe Russians.
In most regions which have been brought closely into relations with
civilization the practice is extinct or obsolete. The Botokudo and the
northwestern Eskimo still use labrets of the original sort; with the
Tlinkit only a little silver pin represents in marriageable girls the odious
kalushka of the past, while among tbe Aleuts the practice is extinct,
as also, as far as known, it is among the people of the western coast of
the Americas from Puget Sound southward.
Other changes are to be noticed antedating the historic i)criod, which
is, for the Aleuts, only about a centui-y and a half. Thus, in discussing
the evolution of culture as exhibited in tbe stratified shell heaps of the
Aleutian Islands ' (1. c. pp. 88-89, and plate), I have shown that in
the shell heaps belonging to a very remote period, a form of labret was
in use among the Innuit of Aliaska Peninsula and at least as far west
as Unalasbka Island, precisely similar to tbe Tlinkit kalushka, but
which bad passed entirely out of use at tbe time these people were
discovered by the expeditions of tbe Russians and other civilized nations.
' Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. 1. Tribes of the extreme North-
west. 4°. Washington, Government Printing Office, lti77, pp. 41-91.
BALL.) LABRETIFERY. 79
This is a particularly significaut fact, taken into consideration with the
geographical distribution of the labret custom, and could it be ascer-
tained that the latter was in the early historic or prehistoric period in
vogue among any of the South Sea people, such a discovery would be
of the highest interest.
The nearest a])praximation to it, actually in use among living abo
rigines of Melanesia, is described in the reports of various voyagers
on the practice of piercing the nasal alte, and inserting the teeth
of a pig or some other animal. These will be again referred to. But
in Schmeltz's annotated catalogue x)f the ethnological treasures of the
Museum Godeffroy at Hamburg. 1 find that certain masks from New
Ireland show, in one, an Sshaped flat piece of wood inserted, labret- wise,
between the mouth and the nose; in two others wooden representations
of boar tusks, one on each side, curving upward, with between them
a flat perforated wooden carving ending anteriorly in an arrow-shaped
point similarly jjlaced between the mouth and the nose like lateral and
median labrets; in another there is only the median piece; and in still
another there is a tusk only on one side of the upper lip (1. c, p. 23).
Rings are said to be worn in the lower lip as well as in the nasal alse
by girls in some i)arts of India, but I have not discovered any evidence
of this practice in the island peoples of Polynesia.
The geographical distribution of the custom, though interesting, had
little significance as long as it was apparently sporadic and, between
the regions where it was known to exist, no line of contact could be
traced over the vast intervening areas where it was not known. It
is but recently, partly from old documents read in the light of pres-
ently discovered facts, and partly from the results of recent explora-
tion and collections, that these gaps appear to be very materially dimin-
ished, though not wholly bridged. While the reserve imperative upon
serious students, in view of the vast flood of inconsequent theorizing
in ethnological literature, deters one from claiming more than a chain
of suggestive facts for which a tentative hypothetical explanation is
submitted for criticism, it would seem as if the chain was of sufiQcient
strength and significance to warrant serious consideration and renewed
investigation.
Taken in connection with what may fairly be called the remarkable
coincidences of form and fashion between some of the masks hereafter
to be described from the Indo-l'acific and from the Northwest Ameri-
can region, manifest is the importance of tracing the labret custom, as
begins to seem possible, independent of tribe, language, or race along
nearly the whole western line of the Americas, with its easterly over-
flows, especially in the middle and South American region, and its
equally remarkable westerly restriction further north.
Before proceeding to indicate the facts of distribution, it is necessary
to consider the nature of the custom and its limitations.
So far as known at present, labretifery is a particularly human and
80 MASKS AND LABRETS.
individual rite. It may have takeu its rise in the early custom of sub-
mitting the boy at puberty to a trial of his resolution and manly endur-
ance previous to his being admitted to the privileges of a member of
the community, including as a chief feature communal rights in inter-
course with the unmarried females of the tribe.
Tattooing is primarily a rite of this nature, beside, by its fashion, in-
delibly indicating the individual's particular commune in which his
rights might be exercised. ' The attainment of these communal rights
either bj' desire of the individual or by the necessity arising from Lis
forced adoption by a member of the commune, whose badge he must
therefore be made to wear, is the object and almost the only object of
the tattooing to which white waifs in the South Sea Islands have occa-
sionally been subjected or have submitted themselves. Other explana-
tions have been given, chiefly through shame, but that this is the true
explanation I am most reliably informed. That it is not always i-e-
quired in these days as a condition precedent to such intercourse is the
result of a bi'eaking down of the aboriginal practice by civilization and
not necessarily to any primary difference in the form of it.
It is not improbable that circumcision took its rise in a similar way,
as up to a very recent date in the Pacific region it was an incident of
puberty with many tribes. Infant circumcision would then be a spirit-
ualized version, substituting the adoption into the spiritual communion
of the soul, considered as spiritually adult at birth, and therefore an
altogether later and idealized rite.
Similar tests for endurance in youth occur among most uncivilized
peoples and need not be recapitulated, since every one is familiar with
them.^
' Speaking of the tattooed lines on the chin used by all the Innuit and many of the
West American coast nations from Mexico north, and which he observed at Point
Barrow among the Innuit, Simpsou states that some undergo the operation earlier
than others. In connection with the fact that sexual intercourse is forbidden to boys
of this region until they have killed a deer, wolf, or seal, the idea that the operation for
labretifery was originally a test of manhood and a passport to the good graces of the
girls of the tribe, gains some corroboration from the following extract, which inci-
dentally shows that the same proofs of prowess as a hunter were required before a
youth was entitled to have it performed:
"The same irregularity exists with regard to the age at which the lip is perforated
for labrets in boys, who, as soon as they take a seal or kill a wolf, are entitled to have
the operation performed. But, in truth, no rule obtains in either case; some, led by
the force of example, submit to it early, and others delay it from shyness or timidity.
A man is met with occasionally without holes for labrets, but a woman without the
chin marks we have never seen." (J. Simpson on the Innuit of Point Barrow, 1. c,
p. 241.) See, also, apropos of tattooing, the remarks of Dr. Graeffe in Schmeltz,
Ethn. Abth., Mus. Godeffroy, pp. 478, 479.
■^ There seems to be something analogous in the ceremony of incising the ears
among the females of the region of New Britain, though this is done before puberty.
However, most such customs change, in time, what were originally important feat-
ures of the rite.
This wide slittiug aud extension of the ears of women, according to Kubary (cf.
"*'•'•' LABRETIFERY. 81
Though perhaps not realized in its full force by anthropologists, and
obscured by the degradation resulting from contact witli civilization,
the separation of the immature youth of the two sexes is a feature
originally strongly insisted upon in the social practice of all the North-
west American tribes I have been in intimate contact with, and with-
out doubt of all our aborigines when their culture was in its pristine
vigor. The evil results of other causes would be evident to less intelli-
gent observers, and the loss of force it would entail in the community
would mean, in the long run, defeat, captivity, and extinction amid the
struggle of adjacent communities for a continued existence or the in-
crease of power.
It must, of course, be clearly understood that the rite of piercing,
circumcision, or tattooing, as such, was, in most if not all cases, not the
sole ceremony or condition upon which full community in tribal privi-
leges was granted. But each or either of them was originally a part if
not the whole prerequisite, and was looked forward to by the youth as a
key to that door which opened on the field where his aspirations and
desires might find untrammeled exercise.
In the first instance, therefore, it was probably restricted to males;
vigor and endurance of pain being attributes more necessary to that sex
than to the other, in the preservation of the community. As a symbol
of maturity and the privilege or obligation of the individual, in connec-
tion with communal rights, it njight naturally in time be extended to
the other sex.
I believe that the idea of ornament in connection with the object worn
as a symbol would always follow, though closely, its adoption on other
grounds. The idea that it was a symbol of vigor, fortitude, and mature
development would connect with the symbol the admiration naturally
excited by the qualities it symbolized, which are in the highest esteem
in uncivilized peo])les ; and therefore it would be considered as an or-
nament without reference to any inherent elegance of form, material, or
•color. These would afterward be developed, as a matter of course, with
the develoi)meiit of aesthetics in other direetion.s, and if this develoj)-
meiit in other lines did not take place, the original rudeness of the sym-
bol (as in the wooden plug of the Botokudos) would be likely to remain
unchanged.
In most cases the communal sexual freedom it typified would remain
the fundamental idea up to a pretty high degree of culture. Among
the Tlinkit the labret was forbidden to slaves, and sexual intercourse
with slaves was considered disgraceful to a free man of the community.
Scbmeltz, ). c, p. 551-'2) is a peculiarity Melanesiaii trait, finding very full expres-
sion at the Anchorites Islands of the New Britain group. Among the Mikronesians
simple or nearly simple piercing is known, while among the Polynesians the nose is
not pierced and the ears not commonly. In the fir.st-mentioned locality a peculiar
siguitieance is attached to the operation, which takesplace about the age of six years,
and males are rigidly excluded from the ceremony ; but boring the nose among males
is attended with no ceremony, although the practice is general.
3 ETH 6
82 MASKS AND LABRETS.
As is well known, this race has reacbed a more tban ordinary stage
of culture, and promiscu oiis rights in the unmarried females bad be-
come, at the time of tbeir discovery by the whites, to a great extent
eliminated from their social code, though in certain contingencies not
extinguished. Among their Innnit neighbors it prevailed np to a recent
date, and the theory is still held by them, in spite of their partial civil-
ization by the Eussi in missionaries, though not openly put in practice.
The labret (formerly a slender bone or wooden pin, now generally of
silver) among the Tlinkit now means, and has long meant, maturity
only, and chastity in young girls is (away fiom civilized influences) a
matter of high importance, to which there is recent testiinouy of a re-
liable kind. The marriage of a girl was followed by the substitution of
a larger plug, which was gradually enlarged, and typified the power,
privileges, and respect enjoyed by the real head of the family. This
practice has now gone out of date entirely,' owing, no doubt, to the in-
fluence of the adverse opinion of the whites upon the younger people
of the tribe.
In none of these j)eople does development of culture seem to have
arrived at that stage where a religious significance would attach itself
to the rite or to the symbol of it. It is for this reason, it may be sup-
posed, that the labret appears only on those masks which were used in
social amusements, jollifications, and, so far as I have observed, on
none of those used in incantations by the Shamans or those indisputa-
blj- connected with the exercise of some religious or mystic rite. For
the same reason it would be and is absent from those images or carv-
ings having such a connection among the Northern races, and from most
of the Mexican stone carvings.
Were the pi'actice coincident with the distribution of certain race-
stocks, it would have less significance. It is its occurrence on certain
orographic lines, among people of nearly every American linguistic
family when located in such vicinity ; its absence among kindred
branches geographically otherwise distributed, and the geogra])hical
relations of the lines along which it is found, which gives it its impor-
tance.
Deferring speculations in regard to the origin or cause of this state
'III regard to labrets among the Haida women, Dr. George M. Dawson, writing in
1878, states that "Until lately the females among the Haidas all wore labrets
iu the lower lip. * * Only among the old women can this monstrosity be now
found in its original form. Many middle-aged females have a small aperture iu the
lip, through which a little beateu silver tube of the size of a quill is thrust, project-
ing from the face about a quarter of an inch. The younger women have not even
this lemnant of the old custom. The piercing of the lip was the occasion of a cere-
mony and giving away of property. During the operation the aunt of the child
must hold her. The shape of the Haida lip-piece or sfai-e/i was oval. Among the
Tsimpsean and Stakhin-kwan (Indians of Port Simpson and Stikine River Tlinkit)
it was with the former more elongated and with the latter circular. (Dawson on the
Haida Indians, in the Report of Progress for 1878-'79, Dominion Geological Stirvey,.
Montreal, 1880, pp. 108, 109 B.)
"A'l-l LABRETIFERY. 83
of things uutil all the testimony in regard to both labrets and masks
has been submitted, it is now in order to indicate the observed traces
of labretifery along the eastei'u border of the Pacific.
Beginning at the southward and eastward, the Botokudos,' appar-
ently alone in South America, still retain the practice which less wild
and more cultured tribes have discontinued.
The iuhabitants of MaLhaila have the iieather lip hored and within the same they
carry a piece of thin cane about halfe a finger thick. (Purchas, Pilgiim., ir, lib. vii ;
Balwer, 1. c., pp. 178-179.)
"The BrasUians have their lips bored wherein they wear stones so big and long that
they reach to their breast which makes them show filthy tine" according to Purchas
"which another notes is not practiced by the women. They bore holes in their boies
under lips wherein they stick sharp bone as white as ivory, which they take out and
put in as often as they will, and being older they take away the bones and instead
thereof wear great Jasper stones being a kind of bastard emeralds inwardly Hat with
a thick end because they shall not fall out ; when they take out the stones they play
with their tongue in the holes which is most ugly to behold for that they seem to
have two mouths one over the other." (Linschoten, lib. 2; Bulwer, 1. c, p. 180.)
Maginus" saith that the Brasilians as a pleasant phantasie, wherein they take sin-
gular delight, have from their tender age long stones of no value inserted in their
lower lip onely, some in their whole face a cruel sight to behold. The selfsame fashion
is in request among the Margajates^ of Brasll, yet not i)racticed by the women.
(Bulwer, pp. 160-181.)
Of the Brazilians it is said by Purchas (1. c. III, p. 906) :
'■ In their nether lips weare long stones for a gallantry, which being removed they
seem in a deformed manner to have a double mouth • ♦ • Vesputius weighed
the long stones, which they used to weare in their faces, about sixteen ounces • • •
Lerius saith the men weare in their nether lip a Pyramidall stone, which braverie
weigheth down their lip, and subjecteth the face to great deformity. Some others
also not content with this, adde two others in their cheekes to like purpose." These
stones were "great at one end and little at the other; in their infancie it is a bone
and after a greene stone, in some as long as ones finger; they will thrust out their
tongues at the hole when the stone is removed " (1. c, p. 908).
Peter Carder, one of Drake's company, was captured by these people
on the north bank of the Eio de la Plata and afterward escaped. He
reported that for each enemy "they kill, so many holes they make in
their visage beginning at the nether lip and so proceeding to the cheeke,
eye browes and eares." He gives their name as " Tappanbassi." (1. c, p.
909.) Anthony Kuivet, of Candishe's company, in 1591 cast on the Bra-
' See Bigg- Withers, Pioneering in South Brazil, 1878, quoted by Flower, Fash-
ion in Deformity, New York, 1882, p. 6.
- Compare Magini, Geogr. Ptolem. Descr. dell. America, Part II, XXXIIII, p. 207
bis, Venetia, 1597. This is the only reference to labrets I have come across in this
edition of Maginus, and it refers specifically to the Peruvians and not to the Brazil-
ians. There are many editions, and doubtless a reference to the labret-wearing tribes
of Brazil may be found in some of them. For our purposes the quotations from Pur-
chas are quite sufficient.
^ These are the Botokudos, or at any rate are described as living in the region
where the Botokudos now reside.
84 MASKS AND LABRETS.
ziliaii coast near St. Sebastian, traveled much through the interior. He
tells of the " Petivares":
They inhabit from Baya to Eio Grande, their boilies are carved with fine worl^es;
lu their lips is a hole made with a roebuck's home, which at man's estate they cut
bigger with a cane, and weare therein a greeue stone ; otherwise they esteeme a man
no Gallant but a Pesant. * * * They travel with great store of Tobacco aud have
continually a leaf thereof along the mouth between the lip aud teeth the rheume
runuiug out at the lip-bole. • « • The Maraquites are between Pernambuc and
Baya ; other Indians call them Tapoyes (or wild men). They have holes in their lips
but carve not their bodies. The Topinaques have their dwelling .at Saint Vincent's.
and wear great stones in their lips. * * * The Tories dwell an hundred miles
iuliind.'
"Tho.so cauibals who are called Pories have three great holes in their r;:ce, one in
the under lip and one on either side of the mouth and in every hole stands a fair green
stone." (Bulwer, 1. c, p. 178.)
"In Peru= they make holes in their cheeks in which they put turquoises aud
emeralds."
Ill Eeiss and Stiibel's "Necropolis of Ancon in Pern," Plate 06, fig.
1, represents a face painted on an earthen jar with two disks or circles
on the cheeks which recall the Innnit labrets. They may, however, be
intended to represent car ornaments, though much luisplaced. I have
seen no undoubted labrets froiu Peru, but specimen tablet No. 17509.
collected by J. V. Norton in Peru, contain s three small carved articles,
of which one has some resemblance to a labret, though very possibly
not intended for one.
In Darien ' " the women wear rings in their eares and noses, with
quaint ornaments in their lips."
In Dominica the women have their lips bored as au especial note of bravery.
(Purchas, 1. c.) The women of Surucusis have chrystall of a .skie color hanging at
their lips. (Purcha.», 1. c )
The "fair green stones," "emeralds,"' and "bastard emeralds" were,
without doubt, in most cases, the green turquoislike mineral called
chalchihuitr by ethnologists, and which was extensively used for jewels
aud ornaments from Mexico to Peru by the natives at the time of their
discovery.
The natives of the islands off the Mosquito coast of Central America
" have a fashion to cut holes in the lips of the boys when they are young,
close to their chin, wiiich they keep open with little pegs till they are
fourteen or fifteen years old ; then they wear beards in them made of
turtle or tortoise shell, in the form you see in the margin." The figure
represents a Hat plate with the form of a balloon upside down, with the
pointed end suddenly widened to a stird-like projection, which, extend-
ing inside the mouth, prevents the labret from falling cut. The author
goes on to say : " The little notch at the njiper end they put in through
the lips, where it remains between the teeth and the li)) ; the under part
hangs down over tlieir chin. This they commonly wear all day, aud
'PuiiCiiAS, America, Book IX, chap. 4, pp. 'JU9-911, edition of 162(j.
= Maginus, 1. c, p. 207 his. LinsCHOTEN, lib. 2. Both quoted by BuLWEii, 1. c, p.
1G4. I have verified the first reference.
'PriiCHAS, 1. c, book IX, chap. 1, p. 872, edition of KiUti.
PALT.] LAURETIFERY. 85
when they sleep they take it out." (Dampier, voy. 1, p. 3li, edition of
IJIT.) The labret is extremely similar to some of the wooden ones used
by the Botokudos.
As regards Mexico the evidence is particularly fidl and decisive, and
yet it seems to have been overlooked almost eutirely by late writers in
treating of the Botokudos and others, and the obsidian labrets whicli
are not uncommon in collections have seldom been recognized as such.
The following quotations from Purchas give a verj- clear idea of the
elegant labrets worn by the upper classes iu Mexico. When discovered
the commoner sort do not appear to have attracted much attention :
Among tlie rest or rather aloofe oft' from the rest [of tlie Mexicans met liy Cortez at
San Juan de Ulloa on his first expedition^ were eertaine Indians of ditt'eiing hahit,
higher than tlio other and had the gristles of their noses slit, hanging over their
monthes, and rings of jet and amber hanging thereat: their nether lips also bored and
in the holes rings of gold and Tnrkesse-stoues which weighed so much that their lips
hung over their chinnes leaving their teeth bare. These Indiaps of this New Cut
Cortez caused to come to him and learned that they were of Zerapoallan a citie distant
thence a dayes journey whom their Lord had sent; » » » being not subject to
Mutezuma but onely as they were liolden in liy force. '
There was another idol in Mexico much esteemed which was the God of repentance
and of Jubilees and pardons for their sinues. Hee was called Tezcatlipuca, made of
a shining black stone attired after their manner with some Ethnike devices; it had
earriugsof gold and silver and through the nether lip a small canon of Cbrystall halfe a
foot long in whicli they sometimes put an Azure feather, sometimes a greeue, so re-
sembling a Turfjueis or Emerald. (1. c. p. 870).
Of the six priests who performed the human sacrifices it is said
the name of their chiefe dignitie [who cut out the heart of the victim and oftered it
to the idol] was Papa aud Topilzin ; » • * uuder the lip upon the midst of the
beard hee had a peece like unto a small canon of an Azured stone. (1. c. p. 871. See
also the Ramirez codex).
In that town which was governed by Quitalbitoi under Mnteczuma, king of that
province of the West Indies [Mexico] the men bore whatsoever siJace renniineth be-
tween the uppermost part of the nether lip and the roots of the teeth of the nether
chap : aud as we set pretious stones iu Gold to weare upon our fingers, so in the hole
of the lips they weare a broad plate within fastened to another on the outside of the
lip and the Jewell they hang thereat is as great as a silver Caroline dollar aud as
thick as a man'sfinger. Peter Martyr (Dec. 4) saith that he doth not remember that
he ever saw so filthy and ngly a sight, yet they think nothing more fine and comely
underthe circle of the Moone (Bulwer, 1. c, p. 177-8.)
In the Anthropological Museum of Berlin I .saw about a pint of lab-
rets, beautifully polished aud neatly rounded, of obsidian of a smoky
color, which had been obtained from excavations made in Mexico. They
were precisely of the form of the most common sort of Eskimo hibret,
namely, subcylindrical, wider at the outer end, which was circula", tlat,
and polished, diminishing slightly toward the base, which is the part
which tests withiu the lip, and a right-angled parallelogram in shape
with the corners iu many cases more or less rounded off. The base is
» PUKCHAS Pilgr. vol. V, boot viii, chap. 9, p. 859, 4th ed. London, 1626. The image
of a Zapotec chief with a very ornate labret in the lower lip, and also several labrets,
were found in a tomb in Tehuantepec iu 187r>, and are figured by Nadaillac in I'Amer-
ique Pr^historique, pp. 309, 370, 1883.
86 MASKS AND LABRETS.
quite thiu usually uot exceeding 3.0 ™™. through aud 20.0™". in leugth.
It is usually concavely arched to fit the curve of the outside of the jaw.
Similar labrets from Mexico are in the collection of the United States
ifational Museum, and some years since I saw a photograph of some
antique Mexican bas-relief human figures, of which several showed a
circular knob projecting from the cheek just below the outer angles of
the mouth, such as the Eskimo labrets produce on the face of the
wearers.
Sahagun, one of the earliest and best authorities, speaking of the
Mexican " lords " and their ornaments, says they
wear a cliin ornament, (barbote) of elialcbiuitl set iu gold fixed iu the beard. Some
of th 'se barbotes are large crystals with blue feathers put in them, which give them
the ap; parance of sapphires. There are many other varieties of precious stones which
they use for barbotes. They hare their lower lips slit and wear these ornaments in
the openings, where they appear as if coming out of the flesh; and they wear iu the
same way semiluncs of gold. The noses of the great lords are also pierced, aud in
the openings they wear fine turquoises or other precious stones, one on each side.'
(Hist, de Nueva Espaua, lib. viii, cap. ix.)
The obsidian labrets pre. iously referred to were doubtless worn by
the lower classes, to whom ohalchihuitl was not permitted. Beside
those of the usual "stovepipe-hat" shape there are some slender T-
shaped, with the projecting stem long and taper, much like the bone
ones of the Inuuit women near Gape Eumiautzotf, which, however, are
uot straight, but more or less curved or J -shaped. Were these worn
by women or were they the initiatory labrets of boys ?
Among the Mexican antiquities figured from Du Paix' expeditions i.s a
tom-tom, or hollow cylindrical drum, with one end carved into a human
head. In the upper lip two disks appear, one under each nostril. No
connection with the nasal septum is indicated, and they much resemble
the round flat ends of the hat-shaped obsidian labrets. (Ant. Mex. 2nd
Exp., pi. Ixiii, fig. 121.) Supplementary plate ix shows an earthen
vase, the front of which is a very spirited model of a human figure with
open mouth. There is what appears to be a hole iu each cheek behind
the corner of the mouth as if for a pair of labrets. It came from Pa-
lenque.
Between the Mexican region and that occupied by the Tlinkit there
is a wide gap over which no bridge has yet been found. The extracts
given above have, however, bridged more or less perfectly the much
greater gap between Mexico and that portion of the west coast of South
America opposite to the region occupied by the Botokudos, and which
is also the part nearest approached by any of the Polynesian Islands.
Behind this part of the coast are the Bolivian Andes, far less formida-
ble a barrier than those nearer the equator, among which rises the Pil-
comayo Eiver, discharging into the Paraguay close to the mouth of the
' The inhabitants of New Ireland, near New Guinea, pierce the nostrils, in which
they place the small canine teeth of a pig, one on each side (Turner); aud the same
practice is reported from the adjacent islands and from the southern coast of New
Guinea. (Jukes, Voy. H. M. S. Fly, 1, p. 274.)
DAU, 1 LABRETIFERY. 87
Parana, whose headwaters come near to draining the Botokudo terri-
tory. If the progenitors of these people were wanderers from the Pa-
cific coast the road was ready made for them. At all events, we know
that the practice was once widely spread through Brazil, and if it orig-
inated on the western coast, once past the barriers of the Andes, there
was no reason why it might not have spread all over South America.
Northward from Mexico, beginning with the people of the Columbian
Archipelago, and continuing along the coast and islands peopled by the
diverse races of Tlinkit, Aleut, Tinneh, snd Innuit, there is uo inter-
ruption of the chaiu of labretifera until Bering Sea and Strait are
reached on the west and the icy desert between the Colville and the
Mackenzie on the east.
Utterly unknown in Northeastern As^a, and carried to its highest de-
velopment only in Middle America by the most cultured American
aborigines known to history; spi'ead on a geographical line along two
continents; characteristic of the most absolutely diverse American eth-
nic stocks along that line ; unknown in North America among their kin-
dred away trom that line; it seems certain that the fashion spread from
the south rather than from the north and west. That it was an acci-
dental coincidence of identical inventions, due to a particular stage of
IJrogress reached independently by different peoples, it seems to me is
simply inconceivable. If so, why did not kindred tribes of these same
stocks develop the custom in Middle and Eastern North America?
A few words will formulate what we know about labretifery northward
from Puget Sound :
All the married women (of Port Bucareli) had a large oi)ening iu the lower lip, and
this opening is filled by a piece of wood cut into an oval, of which the smaller diam-
eter is almost an inch. The older the woman the larger is the ornament, which ren-
ders them frightful, above all, the ohl women, whose lip, deprived of its elasticity
and under the weight of this decoration, hangs down iu a very disagreeable way.
The girls wear only a copper needle which pierces the lip in the spot which the orna-
ment is destined to occupy. (Voyage of Manrelle in the Princesa iu 1779; translated
in the voyage of La Perouse, vol. 1, pp. 330, 331.)
Among the Sitka Tlinkit, says Lisianski:
. A strange custom prevails respecting the female sex. When the event takes place
that implies womanhood, they are obliged to submit to have the lower lip cut and to
have a piece of wood, scooped out like a spoon, fixed in the incisiou. As theyonng
woman grows up the incision is gradually enlarged, by larger pieces of wood being
put into it, so that the lip at last projects at least four inches, and extends from side to
aide to sis inches. Though this disfiguring of the face rendered to our eyes the hand-
somest woman frightful, it is considered here as a mark of the highest diguity, and
held in such esteem that the women of consequence strive to bring their lips to as
large a size as possible. The piece of wood is so inconveniently placed that the wearer
•can neither eat nor drink without extreme difficulty, and she is obliged to be con-
stantly on the watch lest it should fall out, which would cover her with confusion.
(Lisianski's Voyage. 4". London, Booth, 1814, pp. 243, 244.)
On p. 255, however, he speaks of a Sitkan child three months old
which had the lower li^j pierced. The larger plug was inserted at ma-
turity.
88 MASKS AND LABRETS.
At Litiiya Bay, in July, 17SG, La Peronse observes:
All, without exception, liave in the lower lip at the level of the gums a perforation
as wide as the month, in which they wear a kind of wooden howl without handles,
which rests against the gums, so that the lix) stands out like a shelf in front, two or
three inches. (Atlas, plates 23 and 24.) The young girls have only a needle in the
lower lip; the married women alone have the right to the howls. We endeavored
several times to induce them to remove this ornament, which they did very reluct-
antly, seeming emharrassed without it. The lower lip falling on the chiu presented
as disagreeable a spectacle as the first. (Voyage aut. du Monde de La Peronse, vol.
ii, pp. •JOO-202.)
Dixon records the use of the kalushka, or large median labret, at Yak-
utat, Sitka Sound and Queen Charlotte Islands. He figures a remark-
ably large one, ornamented on its upper surface with a piece of Haliotis
shell, set in a copper rim, and also a woman of the Queen Charlotte
Islands, showing how they were worn. They were confined to the fairer
sex. (See Dixon's Voyage, pp. 172, 187, and 208. The plates are not
numbered.)
The women of the Xaas, Haida, and Tlinkit nations wlien discovered,
in general wore labrets; the men did not. The labret, inserted at the
first evidences of womanhood, was placed through the lower lip under
the nasal septum, and at first was a slender bone or wooden peg, shaped
like a small nail or long tack. After marriage the plug was gradually
enlarged, and in some very old women was of enormous size. I possess
one which measures two and a half inches long by two inches wide, and
half an inch thick near the margin. The groove around it is a (juarter
of an inch deep, and the upper and lower surfaces are made concave
to diminish the weight. It is made of black slate, oval and much worn.
I have seen one other which was a little larger. They were made gen-
erally of wood, of a sort of black shale, or sometimes of white marble
or bone. At jireseut a silver pin, manufactured out of coin by the In-
dians themselves, replaces the bone pin with unmarried girls. The large
labret, or kalushka, is entirely out of use, unless with some ancient
dame in some very remote settlement. Many of the women from Sitka
south have abandoned the practice entirely.
Among the Innuit of Chugach or Prince William Sound the males
formerly wore lateral labrets, like those of the Western Eskimo. A dried
mummy sent to the Jfational Museum from this bay still showed the
apertures in the cheeks distinctly, though they were empty.
Cook gives the following description of the labrets of the Innuit of
Prince William Sound and Cook's Inlet, a form which, so for as known,
has passed entirely out of use, and of which I am not aware ihat any
specimens are in existence. They were worn by both sexes. He says
the under lip was slit parallel with the mouth, the incision being com-
menced in infancy. In adults it was often two inches long. In it was
" inserted a flat, narrow ornament, made chiefly of a solid shell or bone,
cut into little narrow pieces like small teeth, almost down to the base
or thickest part, which has a small projecting bit at each end, which
UA1.L.] LABRETIFERY. X9
supports it wlieu put iuto" the iucision, the dentate edge of the labret
theu appearing outside. Others have the lower lii> "perforated iuto
separate holes, and then the oruameut consists of as many distinct shelly
studs, whose points are pushed through these holes."' The heads of
the studs a])]ieiired within the lower lip, almost like a supplementary
outer row of teeth. He ligures the latter kind, in each case four studs.
Beads were often hung- to the points of these studs. At Cook's Inlet
the labrets were exactly like the above described ones from Prince Will-
iam Sound, but less commonly worn. (See Voyage, vol. ii, pp. 309, .370,
pi. 40, 47, 1778.)
In speaking of the women seen in Prince William Sound, Maurellc. in
177',i, descibes them as distinguished by pieces of glass or other material
which are placed through the lips on each side of the mouth in a man-
ner similar to the median labret of the women at Bucareli (1. c, p. 340).
In regard to the practice of labretifery at Kodiak, it seems to have
rapidly dinnnished after the Eussian occupation, since, in ISO.j, Langs-
dorff observed (ii, p. 63) that the slit iu the under lip was even then
rarely seen, while tweuty-tive years before it was universal.
It basbeeu nifutioued above that the inbabitauts of Kodiak and the ctlier Aleiitiau
Islands are iu the iiractice of slitting the under lij) parallel with the month and lu-
trodnciug into the opening ornaments of glass beads, muscle shells, or enamel. The
Kaluschian women [of Sitka Sound] carry this idea of ornament much farther. When
a girl has attained her thirteenth or fourteenth year a small opening is made directly
in the center of the under lip, into which is run at first a thick wire, theu a double
wooden button or a small cylinder made somewhat thicker at each end. This open-
Lug once made is by degrees enlarged, till at leugth it,will contain an oval or elliptic
piece of board or sort of small wooden platter, the outward edge of which has a rim
to make it hold faster in the opening. The women thus look as if they hail large flat
wooden spoons growing iu the tlcsh of their under lips.
This oruanient, so horrible iu its appearance to us Europeans, this truly singular
idea of beauty, extends along the northwest coast of America from about the fiftieth
to the sixtieth degree of latitude. All the women, without distinction, have it, but
the circumference of the piece of board seems to mark the age or rank of the wearer.
The usual size is from two to three inches long, about an inch and a half or two inches
broad, and at the utmost half an inch thick ; but the wives of the chiefs have it much
longer and broader. I have even seen ladies of very high rank with this ornament
full tive inches long and three broad, and Mr. Dwolf, who is very far from being likely
to exaggerate, and who is well accjnainted with all this part of the coast, from hav-
ing so often traded hither fm- sea-otter skins, assured me that at Chatham Strait he had
seen an old woman, the wife of a chief, whose lip ornament was so large that by a
peculiar motion of her under lip she could almost conceal her whole face with it.
(Langsdorff's Travels, vol. ii, p. 114, 180.5.;
According to Lisianski :
The people of Kadiak are very fond of ornaments. Both sexes pierce the ears all
round and embellish them with beads. The women also wear beads on the neck,
arms, and feet. Formerly they wore strings of beads suspended from apertures in the
lower lip, or else placed iu these apertures small bones resembling a row of artificial
teeth, and had besides a bone passed through the gristle of the nose; while the men
had a stone or bone four inches long in a cut made iu the lower lip (PI. iii. Fig.
d), but these embellishments are now (ISC'!)) seldom seen. The fair sex were also
fond of tattooing the chin, breasts, and back; but this again is much out of fashion.
(Lisianski's Voyage, London, Booth, 1(314, p. 195.)
90 MASKS AND LABRETS.
The incisious in the lips aud uose were made twenty days after birth
the end of the period of puritication of mother and child. (Lisiauski,
1. c , p. 201.)
The Aleuts, when first known by the whites, wore labrets, both men
and women. These are figured by Cook and others, and for the males
at least were cleat-shaped, with hanging beads attached in many cases,
aud the incision was median. Two masks, used in dances, are here repro-
duced (Plate XXVIII, Figs. 71-72) from the illustrations to Billings's
voyage,' which show the form of the labret at that time. Cook de-
scribes the median labrets of the Aleuts and figures them. (See official
edition of his third voyage, ii, p. 417 plates, 4S, 49.) They were worn
by both sexes. He states, however (p. 509, 1. c), that it was as rare at
Unalashka to see a man wearing one as to see a woman without one.
It is evident from this remark that the practice of labretifery among
these people lay primarily with the women, as among the Tlinkit and
other tribes to the south aud east. This was in 1778.
In the voyage of Captain Saricheflf (with Billings, 1785-'90), published
by Schuoor, in St. Petersburg, in 1802, consisting of two volumes, iu the
Russian language, and a folio atlas of fifty-one plates, he illustrates both
masks and labrets. He gives an excellent plate of a Kadiak woman
wearing a labret much like that figured here (Plate XXVIII, fig. 71
A), and with a broad, flat strip of bone through the nasal septum. The
Kadiak man is represented with two rounded studs inserted side by
side through the lower lip under the nose, aud a rounded bone like a
quill through the uose (\iol. ii, p. 38). An TJnalashka woman is repre-
sented with beads or studs set in the whole rim of the outer ear, two
strings with beads on them hanging to the nasal septum, and lastly, with
a hole below the outer corner of the mouth on each side, from which
projects a labret of a kind I have seen no other record of. These are
apparently of bone and resemble a dartrhead, but are curved, and with
barbs only on one side. In Sarichefi"'s figure they stand out laterally,
with the curve convex upward and the notches on the coucave side (vol.
ii, pp. 16-18). This explains the nature of the objects found iu the
Kagamil cave aud figured by me in Smithsonian Contributions toKuowl-
edge, 318, Plate 10, figs. 17260 a, b, and c, and referred to on page 23
as problematical. The TJnalashkan man has no ornaments in nose, ears,
or lips, according to Saricheff's figures (vol. ii, p. 16). Another jilate
showing both sexes full length agrees with the preceding. It is not
evident how these labrets were kept iu, but they might have been
l.v;hed to the ends of a thin strip of whalebone, as the specimens in
the Smithsonian collection were arranged to be lashed to something.
Sauer, in his account of Billings' voyage, figures a man and woman
of Unalashka wearing the slender, <}leat-shaped labret, like that figured
by Cook from the same locality (Plate V). He also figures (Plate VI)
'Au account of a geographical and astronomical expedition, etc., made by Comnio-
doie Joseph Billings, 1785-'94, by Martin Saner, London, 1802.
VM.L] LABRETIFERY. 91
a man of Kadiak with a broad labret like that described by Cook as seeu
ill Priuce William Sound and Cook's Inlet. Langsdorft' (vol. ii, pi. ii,
flg. 6) figures the eleat-shai^ed labret of the Aleuts in a clearer manner
than any other author :
At Unala^hka a mode of ornameut which appears very strange to us Europeans,
and which indeed decreases in use among these islanders, is the boring the under lip
a little below the mouth, and sticking various objects through the slits so made. A
commou sort of oruament is made of glass beads, somewhat after the manner of our
buckles. (Laugsdorff 's Travels, vol. ii, pi. ii, fig. G, p. 39, 1805.)
But an earlier form of which the early voyagers say uothing, and
which was doubtless ob.solete before their time, is preserved for us iu
the burial caves aud shell heaps. This diflers but little from the Tliu-
kit kalushka in some specimens, but the older ones are more rude and
heavy. That the cleat-shaped form was a very late development is evi-
dent from the fact that not a single specimen has yet been found after
long-continued researches in the Aleutian shell heaps. A tolerably full
description of these appeared in the first volume of the Contributions
to North American Ethnology/ and the figures are reproduced here for
clearness' sake (Plates V, VI, figs. 1-i). The Aleutian women seem
to have worn labrets like the males.
From the peninsula of Aliaska northward^ the use of labrets is still
common, but in most cases confined tothen.ales. The Innuit man has
usually two lateral labrets, of which the most common form is hke a
" stove-pipe" hat, and made of bone or stone. The brim or ledge of
the hat is inside, the crown projecting. Some few of the Tiuueh living
in proximity to the Innuit have adopted the custom which is unknown
aiiiong those who have no intercourse with the Innuit. Some of the
Innuit women wear small J-shaped labrets, very light and thin, two
close together near the middle line of the lower lip, but this is excep-
tional. Usually the women do not wear them, and the kalushka is en-
tirely unknown among them. The form of those used by the males i.s far
from uniform, except that it is always more or less stud-shaped. Into
the projecting part ornaments may be set in, or it may be expanded
like an enormous sleeve-button. A favorite ornament is half of a large
blue glass head, cemented on to the outside of the stud. A fan-shaped
appendage of mottled green and white serpentine is not rarely used.
This practice extends northward to Point Barrow,^ and eastward to
-' Pp. H7-89, figur-.s 12991, 14933, 16138, and 16139.
2 Cook describes the natives of Norton Sound in 1778 as wearing the double lateral
labrets as at the present day. His language is a little obscure, but there is little
doubt that the practice was confined to the males. See oflicial edition of the voyage,
ii, p. 483. The people he saw were Innuit.
3 At Point Barrow the lower lip in early youth is perforated at each side opposite
the eye tooth, aud a slenderpiece of ivory, smaller than a crow quill, having one end
broad and flat like the head of a nail or tack, to rest against the gum, is inserted from
within, to prevent the wound healing up. This is followed by others, successively
larger during a period of six mouths or louger, until the openings are sufficiently di-
lated to admit the lip ornaments or labrets. As the dilation takes place iu the direc-
92 MASKS AND LABRETS.
near the mouth of the Colville Eiver, which falls iuto the Arctic Ocean.
Eastward from that poiut the practice is eutirelj' unknowu to the lu-
luiit, aud no labrets have ever been found in the shell heaps of eastern
Arctic America. It is equally unknowu amoug the Innuit who have
(long since) colonized on the Asiatic side of Bering Strait, and the
earliest information we have of these people, from the report of Simeon
Ueshiieff in 1G48, describes them as at war with the people who wore
labrets. It is true that about 1820 some of the Tsau-chfi or Chukchi re-
ported to a liussian navigator the supposed existence of labret- wearing
people near Cape Shelagskoi, but this was i)robably due to a tradition
of the travels of some marauding patty of American Innuit, who are
notorious for their loug jouruey.s in their skin canoes.
Practically the labret practice is unknowu in Northeastern Asia ; it
has died out within two generations among the Alents and is dying out
among the Tlinkit and those Innuit who are brought into intimate con-
tact with the whites. In a comi)aratively short period it is probable that
the practice will be as much forgotten in Northwest America as it is now
iu Mexico aud Peru.
tion of the libers of the muscle Burrounding the mouth, the incisions ajipear so very
uniform as to lead one to suppose each tribe had a skillful operator for tlie purpose :
this, however, is not the case, neither is there any ceremony attending the operation.
The labrets worn hy the men are made of many diifereut liinds of stone, and even
of coal, but the largest, most expensive, and most coveted, are each made of a flat
circular piece of white stone, an inch and a half in diameter, the front surface of
which is flat, aud has cemented to it half of a large blue bead. The back surface is
also flat, except at the center, where a projection is left to fit the hole iu the lip. with
a broad expanded end to prevent it falling out and so shaped as to lie in contact with
the gum. It IS surprising how a man can face a breeze, however light, at 3(1- or 40°
below zero, with pieces of stone iu contact with his face, yet it seems from habit the
unoccupied openings would be a greater inconvenience than the labrets which till
them. (J. Simpson, on the Western Eskimo, Arctic papers of the Royal Geographical
Society, London, 1875, pp. 239-40.)
The Point Barrow natives informed Professor Murdoch, of the Sigual Service party
lately stationed there, that very long ago, so long that it was only known by tradi-
tion, the men wore large median labrets like one which he purchased. But that
fashion is now entirelv extinct.
ClASSIMCATIOX OF MASKS.
From the preliminary remarks it will be realized that ibe term viask
is not a specilic, but rather a family name, aud that the ehissitieation of
objects so denominated is somewhat complicated.
To begin with, we have three principal types to distinguish, for which
it is necessary to cciu terms, since thei'e are none in the English {if
indeed iu any other) language which discriminate between them.
1. The Mask. — An opaque object intended to be worn over the face,
aud to conceal or defeud it, normally with breathing and peep holes.
2. The Maskette. — An object resembling a mask, but intended to be
worn above or below the face, formally without perforations.
3. The Maskoid. — Au object resembling a mask or face, but not in-
tended to be worn at all. Normally, and almost invariably, imper-
forate.
EVOLUTIONARY SEItlES.
Type 1. — Masks.
A. For defense against physical violence, human or otberwise. Relations individual.
a. Passive. — Characterized by the purpose of offering a mechanical resist-
ance to the opposing force, with or without aestlictic n.oditication.
Transitional series from the simplest type to the metallic helmet.
6. Active. — Characterized by the purpose of exerting a moral intlneiice on
the agent of the opposing force by exciting terror, either by direct hide-
ousness or by symbolizing superhuman agencies supposed to be friendly
to the wearer. Transitional series from the ordinary war mask aesthetic-
ally modified, to that of the shaman or of the priest.
B. Symbolical of social agencies, associations, orders, professions, superuatnralism.
Relations ordinal or tribal.
<•. Illustrative of the connection of the wearer with a particular association,
baud, order, or profession, having a common relation to the rest of the
community.
Examples. — Masks used by the Iroquois " False-faces ; " the Zuui members of
the order of the Bow ; organizations for public games, dances, or theatri-
cals ; the " medicine men " or shamans ; ecclesiiistics; the Tlinkit clans
or totems.
fi. Illustrative of special rites, irrespective of the individual acting in ritual.
Erample.—i'iasks used in religious ceremonies not purely ecclesiastical ; death
jnasks.
Type 2. — Maskettes.
A. Symbolical of social agencies, as in subdivision B, sections a aud b of Type 1.
Type 3.— Maskoids.
A. Symbolical of relations with the supernatural.
fl. Of the individual.
h. Of the community.
All types and forms of masks, except, in some cases, the preserved
fragments of actual humanity, will fall into oue or another of the pre-
ceding sections, which are, however, not divided from one another l)y
-sharp lines of demarkation, but rather tend to a gradual transition.
OF THE PRACTICE OF PRESERVING THE AVHOLE OR PART
OF THE HUMAK HEAD.
This practice is widely spread, aud perhaps among savages more re-
markable in the breach thaji in the observance. It is aud has been
particularly notorious in regions west (Borneo) and southwest (Aus-
tralia) of the south central Melanesian region, where this inquiry into
the subject of masks may be said to make its starting point. The in-
habitants of this archipelago are well known to indulge in it, and such
a preparation is figured by Turner in an article' on masks, etc., from
near j^ew Guinea, and bears a curious resemblance to the celebrated
specimen from Mexico figured by Waldeck, Squier, and Brocklehurst.
In Blanche Bay, Matupi Island, Captain Strauch^ reports skulls as
painted, supplied with artificial hair, and used in the dance. This is
distinctly related to the mask-idea. According to Schmeltz^ the death
mask of the Shaman is placed in his late residence above the place
where he was wont to sit, while those of enemies are preserved as tro-
l)hies.
The Museum Godeffroy possesses seven crania aud nine human masks
painted and adorned much like ttose described by Turner and Strauch,
and which were obtained in the interior of New Britain at Barawa and
Ealuana, near Matapu. Schmeltz figures two of them (1. c, t. iii, figs.
3, i). In one of these the nasal alae are bored and teeth of discus in-
serted. Another mask, exactly imitating those with a part of the skull
for a foundation, is wholly made of a kind of putty or paste and came
fcom New Britain. (L. c, p. 435.)
In Hermit Island, north of New Guinea, the dead were formerly
burned, the skull, ornamented with flowers, was hung in a tree, the
lower jaw reserved as a neck ornament or hung up in the house.
(Schmeltz, 1. c, p. 458.)
In the New Hebrides, at the island of Mallicollo, the skeletons of the
dead are exhumed and the fleshy parts imitated by the application to
the bones of vegetable fiber or material, presumably cemented; these
pseudo mummies are placed in the sacred houses or temples. A skull
so treated is in the Museum Godefl'roj'. These iteople also alter the
shape of the ci'auium by i)ressure in infancy as did some of the people
of the western coast of both North and South America. (Peru, Mexico,
Oregon, British Columbia.)
' Journ.-il of Au.at. and Physiol, xiv, p. 475 el seq., plate xxx, 1S80.
-Scbiidel iiiasken ron Neu Britannien, Zeitschr. f. Ethu. xii, 1880, p. 404, pi. xvii.
'Cf. Ethn. abth. Mils. Godeffroy, Hamburg, 1&81, p. 20, t. v, f. 1 ; p. 435, 2, 1 ; p.
487, t. sxiii, xxxv.
94
iJALL.j SCHIZOCEPHALY. 95
lu the Marquesas skulls were preserved and ornamented, the eyes
replaced by pieces of pearl shell, and the lower jaw fastened to the
upper by cords. According to Schmeltz (1. c, p. 242) the Marquesaus
used various methods of preserving the dead, who were frequently em-
balmed and preserved for a long time, or laid in caves or in trees. A
little house, high in the mountains or among the pinnacles of the rocky
coast, was used as a mausoleum. Here, until the flesh had disappeared
from the bones, were useful articles, food, and drink brought for the use
of the dead from time to time. Finally the skull is brought to one of
the sacred "taboo" places and secretly deposited there. This duty was
performed by one of the children of the dead, who, as well as others
who know of the act, does not speak of it to any one. The skull is the
only part which is regarded as holy ; the remainder of the skeleton is
destroyed.
This recalls the observations of early writers among the Tlinkit, who
burned or destroyed the body and skeleton of the dead, and placed the
preserved head or skull in a little separate ornamented box near by or
upon the chest containing the ashes of the remainder of the frame.
The i)oint on the western coast of South America nearest to the Poly-
nesian Islands, as before pointed out when si^eaking of labretifery, is
in the region of Bolivia. Here we find the remarkable heads, from
which the bone has been extracted with its contents, and the remainder,
by a long course of prepai-atiou, finally reduced to a dwarfish miuia-
ture of humanity, supposed to be endcn'ed with marvelous properties.'
A similar practice is reported from Brazil by Blumenbach, in the Isst
century.^ The preserved heads from New Zealand are in most ethno-
graphic museums.
How far the use or application of these remains may vary, or have
varied, among the different races who prepared them, there are no
means of knowing. The variations developed during an indefinitely
long period must be supi^osed to be great, however uniform the incipi-
ent practice. Thus, in Borneo the Dyak head hunter seeks trophies of
valor in his ghastly preparations, whatever associations they may also
have with the supernatural. The Australian widow carries for years
her badge of former servitude and present misery in the shape of her
husband's prepared cranium. These ideas are quite difierent from
those of the people we are considering, with whom the prepared re-
mains have a dii'ect connection with their idolatry or fetichism, and
were, both in the Archipelago and in America, placed on or by the
idols at certain periods or continuously. But the bare fact of any use
or value being connected with such relics among certain peoples, while
to others the corpse and all its belongings become objects of terror and
' See also J. Barnard Davis, Thesaurus Cranioriim, p. 249. This piuctice has also
been reportetl from the Amazon region.
'Blumenbach, Decas Craniorimi, Gottingeu, 1790; cf. pi. xlvii.
96 MASKS AND LABRETS.
aversion, or uuclean, lias evidently, in connection with other ethnic facts,
a certain bearing or weight.
The most remarkable and interesting instance of this practice known
to anthropologists is that of the human mask now in the Christy collec-
tion, forming part of the British Museum. This is believed to have
lieen brought to Spain shortly after the Spanish conquest and formed
l>art of several collections, being at last secured by Mr. Henry Christy.
In this specimen the eyeballs are replaced by polished hemispheres
of pyrites ; the nasal septum masked by pieces of shell, and a mosaic of
small bits of dark obsidian and green turquoise or chalchihuitl, inlaid
in broad bands across the face. The part of the skull behind the ears
is cut away, so as to admit of placing this human mask over the face of
an idol, where it was fastened by leather thongs, which still remain
attached to it. It was elegantly figured in colors by Waldeck in Bras
seur de Bourbourg's Monuments Anciens du Mexique, plate 43, p. viii.^
It was then in the Hertz collection.
The following account of its use is given by Sahagun,^ as quoted by
Bourbourg :
An mois Izcalli on fabriqnant im mannequiu du Dieu du feu Xiuliteuctli * « »
on lui mettait uu masque en mosaiquc 'out travaill^ du turquoises avec quehiues
bandcs de pi rres verte appele^ chalchuibuitl traversant la visage; ce masque ^tait
fort Ijeau et respleudissan'.
This mask, therefore, belonged to the third type, and might properly
be classed near the stone maskftids, of which Mexico has produced so
niany.^ (Cf. Ant. Mex., 1st esp. Du Paix, pi. xv, f. IG.)
Farther north I have come upon no distinct record of such a practice,*
tliouuh Mearesand some others represent Callicum and Maquinna, chiefs,
at Nutka and vicinity, as j)cese.rving the skulls of their enemies, while
I It is also represented by a cut derived from Waldeck by Squier iu his article on
tbalcliibuitls from Mexico and Ceutral America, Ann. Lye. Nat. Hist., N. Y., IHOit ;
and m colors by Brocklehurst iu his receut work on Mexico.
-Hist. Gen. de la Cosas de Nueva Espana, ii, chap, xxxvii.
^The Museum Godett'roy has received from New Britain a mask .so small and of
such a character that .Schmeltz supposes it to have been intended to be placed over
the face of one of their idols (1. c, p. 48a).
< In 1787 Di.xou observed that the Tlinkit of Yakutat Bay in disposing of the dead
sip.arated the heads from the bodies, x)reserving the bodies in a sort of chest above
ground (as do the Northern lunuit on the Yukon River at the present day),, with a
frame of poles over it. The head was separately preserved in a carved and orna-
mented box painted in various colors and placed on the framework about the chest.
In Norfolk Sound, now known as Sitka Sound, one of his party observing a cave in
tlic hillside, entered it and found one of these boxes containing a head which seemed
to have been newly placed there. Nothing is said of any body or chest as bcinir in
the cave. (See Dixon's Voyage around the World, Loudon. 1789, pp. 17.'), Irtl.)
Among the Tlinkit of Sitka, according to Lisiauski, iu 180.'), bodies of thedead were
burned, but of bodies of those who fell iu war the head was preserved and placed in
a separate woodeu box from that iu which the ashes and bones were placed. (Lisian-
• ski. 1. c. p. ■241.)
DALL) SCHIZOCEPHALY. 97
the njanusciipt voyage of the Eliza, Captaiu Rowan, to the Northwest
coast iu 1799 determines definitely, not only that the blood-thirsty sav-
ages of Queen Charlotte Islands and the adjacent ihainland decapitated
and scalped their victims, but that these tro])hies were very highly
valued among themselves and sold for extraordinary prices, judged by
either Indian or civilized standards. Thus CaiJtain Rowan endeavored
to recover the scalps of several whites murdered by the Queen Char-
lotte Islanders, and found they had been sold to a Naas chief for sea-
otter skins to the value of several thousand dollars. So far as is
known, the native tribes bordering on these, northward and eastward,
knew nothing of such practices, and never adopted this particular bar-
barity. Isor are masks in use among them (excluding the coast tribes),
except where they have been visibly adopted itfrare instances of imi-
tation.
I have not had time to investigate the relations to this practice ol
the tribes of the Antilles, and indeed have been able to hardly more
than touch upon the more salient features of the whole topic.
3 ETH 7
OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF MASKS WITH RELIGIOUS AND
SOCIAL RITES AND EXERCISES ASSOCIATED WITH
THEM, GEOGRAPHICALLY CONSIDERED.
It is quite certain that iu early stages of culture social festivals ami
religions or superstitious rights were separated by no distinct line, and
probable t'lat the social ones grew out of those which were, to a consid-
erable extent, if not wholly, of a religious character. However, among
the aborigines of the Northwest coast, at the time of their discovery
the distinction between the games or semi-theatrical performances, illus-
trative of tribal myth^, legends, and traditions, aud those of a religious
nature performed by or under the direction of a shaman or priest, had
become quite well marked. Our knowledge of the myths and religious
beliefs or superstitions of the vicious and extremely savage islanders
of the Ai'chi|)elago north of New Guinea is extremely imperfect, and
for many of them altogether wanting. Hence it is impossible for the
most part to formulate a comparison between their ideas and those en-
tertained by the peox>le of West America. For the latter, even, we have
but little authentic information, much of which is derived from persons
ignorant of the fundamentals of ethnography, and whose assumi)tions,
made in good faith Irom the facts before them, may often incorporate
unintentional error. Turn in what direction we may, on every hand are
gaps in the evidence, miscouiitrehensions of savage philosophy, and a
tantalizing incomi)leteness of material. Our best endeavors are but
groping in the twilight.
In this condition of things it only remains for us to bring together by
regions such evidence as we may, trusting to time and further research
to bridge the chasms.
For the present purpose, the geographical order adopted is as fol-
lows:
1. North Papuan Archipelago.
2. Peru.
3. Central America and Mexico.
4. New Mexico and Arizona.
5. The region occupied by Indians from Oregon to the northern limit
of theTlinkit.
C. The Aleutian Islands.
7. The Innuit region from Prince William Sound to Point Barrow.
MASKS OF THE SOUTH SEAS.
The Papuan Archipelago.— Oua of the earliest papers on the masks of
this region is that of Captain Strauch, of the German navy, in the Zeit-
9H
DALL.) SOUTH SEA MASKS. 99
schrift fur Etlinologie.' He figures a number of masks aud maskettes,
beside other articles. Heuotesthat the larger ones are figures of a relig-
ious nature and the smaller ones festive. Several of the latter are nota-
ble for distortion of the mouth with the view of making them more ludi-
crous or terrifying. Those figured by him were collected by the Gazelle
at the islands known as New Hannover. Some of them show ai)ertnres
for earrings. D'Urville notes in the voyage of the Astrolabe' that the
people of New Holland pierce the alae of the nose iu one or two places,
in which they insert the small canine teeth of a pig. A mask from this
vicinity shows these.
The following masks are figured by Schmeltz in Der etbnographisch-
anthropologische Abtheiluug des Museum Godefi'roy in Hamburg (S»,
692 pp., 40 pi., 1 map; Hamburg, Frederichsen & Co., ISSl); t. tig. 1,
l)p. 436, mask from New Hannover ; t. iii, figs. 3, 4, pp. 20, 434, masks
of Luman skulls from New Britannia; t. v, fig. 1, p. 20, mask from New
Ireland; t. x, fig. 6, p. 70, small dance-oruament in imitation of a face
and arms, provided with a finger stall, recalling the finger masks of the
Innuit of the Knskokwim Eiver, Alaska ; t. xxii, fig. 4, p. 120, mask from
Lutiuar Island, New Hebrides; t. xxix, fig. 1, p. 301, mask from Mortlock
Islands; t. xxxi, fig. 1, p. 439, maskette from New Ireland!; t. xxxiii,
tigs. 1, 2, 3, p. 487, masks from Newlreland; t. xxxiv, fig. 1, p. 487, mask
from New Ireland. J'roni this valuable work of Schmeltz, based upon
the finest existing museum of South Sea ethnology, I have extracted
the following notes on masks, dances, aud related customs of the Mela-
nesian peoi^les :
In the New Hebrides group of islands masks are used iu dances which
the womeu are prohibited from seeing. They are built up on a founda-
tion of cocoanut shell, colored with red, black, and white; the mouth
and nose are large; a boartusk perforates the flesh on each side of the
mouth, the points turned up to the forehead; they are called "NaBee;"
one in the Museum Godeffroy came from Lunuar Island, near the south
coast of Mallicolo. A hat-shaped head ornament is used iu this regiou
during a feast which takes place at the time of the Yam harvest, similar
to the Duk-Duk hat of New Britain. For some of these hats Schmellz
believes European models have served, one being much in the shape of
a "cocked hat" formerly used in European navies, others like ibolscaps,
and still another like a very- old-fashioned female's hat. These resem-
blances, however, may be derived from the very nature of the article, as
some of the helmet- masks greatly resemble the ancient Greek helmet
iu form, and not due to imitation.
In one mask from New Ireland a flat carving pierced or carved out
(tongue?) projects from the mouth, with an arrow piercing a fish upon
it, which Schmeltz states resembles a carving which the natives are
accustomed to hold in the mouth while dancing (1. c, p. 21). Again
' Vol. viii, 1877, p. 48 et seq .; taf. ii-iv.
«Vol.l, pi. 99; vol. iv, p. 736, cf.; also Juke's Voy. Fly. i, p. 274.
100 MASKS AND LABRETS.
Others from the same locality sbow, in one, an S-shaped flat piece of
wood inserted labretwise bettreen the mouih and the nose; in two others
wooden boar-tusks, one on each side, with, between them, a flat perfo-
rated wooden carving ending anteriorly in an arrow-point, similarly placed
between the mouth and nose, like lateral and mebian ladiets; in another
there is only the median piece; and in still another there is a tusk only
on one side of the upper lip ; (1. c, p. 23). Some of these masks were
intended to be held on by a mouth -bar between the teeth, placed on the
inside behind the mask-mouth as on the northwest coast of America.
Maskettes or carvings for the headdress similar in many respects to the
masks are also characteristic features of the paraphernalia of the dauce
in Ifew Ireland and New Britain ; (1. c, p. 32, 3.)
Hubuer describes part of the Duk-Duk ceremony, as it is practiced
in New Britain, as follows:
If any of the chief's family are ill, a Duk-Duk will probably be performed, since
only these rich people can afford such a luxury. This ceremony lasts about a week,
and the natives say that when a sick man sees a Duk-Duk he either gets well or soon
dies. This ceremony or religious performance takes place in a tabooed inclosure
where women aud children may not go on pain of death. One or more men are en-
tirely covered with leaves, excepting only their legs, which are bare and visible, aud
their heads, upon which a Duk-Duk mask is placed, usually made of bast from the
wild cherry tiee.
In this array the wearer now runs through the island, begging from everybody ;
even the whites are expected to give tobacco or shell-money. Women and children,
under the severe penalties which follow their seeing the Duk-Duk messenger, must
hide themselves during this time ; above all they must not say that this garb conceals
a fellow-countryman, but Turangen, one of their deities. Probably the performer
will tirst take a canoe to another island aud thence come back and make his first ap-
pearance coming out of the water. If the mask comes off the performer's head or
falls so that the sharp point at the top sticks in the ground, he will be killed.
I learned from one of the chiefs that the dress of the Duk-Duk is composed entirely
of single chaplets of leaves, the undermost, attached to two strings passiug under
the shoulders, hangs directly over tbe hijjs. More and more of the chaplets are i)ut
ou until the uiau is covered to the neck, when the Duk-Duk hat is put on his head.
Duriug this solemnity those present indulge in a sort of mock tight, screaming
aud roaring; the youug jieople run to one of the elder persons and perhaps after three
applications, each i)resents his back to the old man, who strikes it with a stout club,
upon which the beaten person cries Boro (i. e., pig), and runs away. This agrees with
the custom that the "Tambu " people who are entitled to enter into the ceremony
may not eat jiork. Upon their connection with the Duk-Duk ceremonial, I can say
nothing further, becau.se the people who are not "Tambu" know uothiug, and those
who are will .say nothing about it. If any one will become " Tambu" he must re-
main in a sitting posture in a house in the first Tambu inclosure for a month, silents,
and without seeiug any woman. However, he is well fed and naturally gets fat.
This done, he must then perform a dance. He can then be seen of women and is
" Tambu." He must, however, abstain forever from pork and the flesh of sea auimals,
otherwise, as is universally believed, he will die. (Schmeltz, 1 c, pp. 17-19, plate
iii, fig. 1.)
Compare with this ijerformance Swan's account of the Tsiahk dauce
or ceremony for the sick among the Indians of Cape Flattery (1. c,
pp. 73-4) and with Schmeltz's figure of the Duk-Duk performance
Swan's figure of a female performer in the Tsiahk dance. The fact that
BALLl SOUTH SEA MASKS. 101
one of the mediciue dances of the Cape Flatterj- ludiaus is called Diik-
wally is of course a mere accidental coincidence to which no importance
should be attributed.
The hat-shaped mask of the DukDuk ceremony is surrounded witli
tresses of bast which conceal the face and are colored red below ; the
body of it is conical, with along stick extending vertically from its apex.
The lower part of this is painted red, with triangular figures on two
sides ; the upper part is more or less covered with bast, and has a bunch
of leaves at the point. These leaves and those of the dress are from
the Pandanus tree. A similar hat is placed on their idols, according to
Captain Briick, in New Britain, and recalls the curious conical hat with
a succession of small cylinders rising from its apex one above another
carved on some of the old T'linkit and Haida totem posts, but which
no oue has reported as actually worn, if, indeed, they exist anywhere
except on the totem posts and iu museums. A club or staff is held in
the hand in both the Indian and Melanesian ceremonies.
The following notes are from specimens actually examined :
20651 (Plate IX, figs. 9-10).— This mask was obtained by H. S. Kirby
near Levuka, Friendly Islands. It is composed of a wood resembling
spruce, of which the unpainted surface forms the groundwork of the
coloration. The interior is slightly concave, with a small stick to be
held in the teeth. The front is rather flattish. There are two rounded
ears over the forehead which, with the peculiarly formed month, indicate
that some sort of animal with a pointed muzzle and upright rounded
ears was intended to be symbolized. The chin, mouth, nose, lower edge
of eyebrows, and a band around the edge of the ears are colored red.
The other markings indicated by the figure are black. There is a white
band round the mouth which also served as an eyehole. In front of
the ears and around the upper edge of the mask are peg-holes, by pegs
in which hair, feathers, or fiber was probably once fastened. There are
traces of gray downy feathers which had been pegged on each side of
the chin. There had been an operculum or something of the sort, once,
to serve as pupil for each of the eyes of the mask which are not per"
forated. There is a knob with a hole in it carved at the top of the mask,
probably for the purpose of putting a cord into by which the article
might be suspended. In the record book no history is attached to this
mask, other than the details mentioned. The figure is one-fifth the
linear size of the original.
Plate VII, figs. 5-6. This is a wooden maskoid from Mortlock or
Young William's Island, Caroline group, South Seas. The original is
deposited in the American Museum of Natural History, Central Park,
New York City. I am indebted to the director. Prof. Albert S. Bick-
more, for the privilege of figuring it. It strongly resembles some
Innuit masks in general appearance. Its dimensions are 28J by 16^
inches, and from front to back it is about 8 inches in greatest depth.
The disk is shield-shaped, and about 3 inches in greatest thickness.
102 MASKS AND LABRETS.
The face is colored white with a sort of lime-wash, which Las scaled off
iu spots. The margin is blact, with radiating white lines nearly effaced.
There is a fiided band of red on the border and nuder the brows. The
eyes are indicated by mere grooves, nea-ly closed. Touches of white in
the mouth indicate teeth. A rounded lump of wood is attached at one
of the upper corners, which has been much bored bj' ants or boring
Crustacea. The wood seems to have been drift-wood. At the back is
a roughly-hewn keel through a hole iu which passes a cord of vegetable
tiber by which it was tied to a wall or i)ost. There is a small wooden
projection behind the right upper margin, which is pierced with a hole.
Use and history unknown.
From the Mortlock Islands of the Caroline group the Museum Godef-
froy has several masks or maskettes very similar to the one here fig-
ured from the museum in New York. They are used in the dance, and
are called by the natives " To-pa' nu." There is only one wooden knob
above, as iu the figured specimen.
Plate VllI, fig. 7 ; Plate IX, fig. 8. This is a wooden maskette or
helmet recalling some of the Tlinkit dancing masks, and was probably
put to a similar use. It is said to have come from New Ireland, near
NewGuiuea. Itis one of a collection deposited in the American Museum
of Natural History, New York City, with the preceding, and figured
with the kind permission of Pi-ofessor Bickmore. The wood is that
known as "burau" in the South Seas ; the hair is of vegetable fiber of
the natural (dark) grayish color. The base coloration is dull red, with
white tracery in a sort of thick lime-wash. The pupils of the eyes are
formed of the calcareous opercula of Turbo petholatus Linn6, exactlj' in
the way iu which the opercula ot PacJiypoma gibberosum are used on the
northwest coast of America.
From the lower part of the front edge to the top of head is 10^ inches.
The total width, exclusive of the hair, is about 8 inches; the spike on
top of the head is 5J inches; and from the back to the front edge is
about 15 inches. The lower part of the face is not represented. His-
tory and exact uses unknown.
Plate X, figs. 1 1-12. This is a maskoid carving similar to some which
have been considered by Schmeltz to be idols, or ornaments for boats
intended to be set into a post or socket. It is stated to have come from
New Ireland, and belongs to the same series as the two preceding speci-
mens. From the base on which the figure stands to the top of the ap-
pendages over the head is about 2 feet, the diameter is about 6 inches.
It is of "burau" wood, with a fringe of cocoa fiber, eye pupils of the
Turbo operculum, colors dull red, black, and chalky white. The head
somewhat resembles the maskette just described ; except that fiber used
for hair is of the cocoa husk. The two appendages over the head may
be supposed analogous to the lump of wood on the first- mentioned speci-
men from Mortlock.
This specimen is figured as the best accessible Melanesian example of
CALL.) PERUVIAN MASKS. 103
the iieeiiliar attitude aud conibiuation seen in some Mexican terracottas
and in many maskettes, maskoids, and rattles from the Indians of the
northwest coast of America.' That is to say, the mouth is open, the
tongue protrudinfT and continuous, with the tongue of an animal (in this
case a snake) which is held in the hands of the main figure and hangs
down between the knees. In one specimen in the same collection the
serpent is continuous with or attached to the male organ of the sustain-
ing figure, which would indicate an idea, or association of the idea, of
life aud transmission of spiritual influence or life similar to that enter-
tained by the natives of the northwest coast of America.
In the present instance, the figure is represented as without legs, un-
less the stick-like supports for the hands be considered as recurved con-
ventionalized limbs. The mouth is open, the tongue protruding aud its
tip held in the mouth of a doubled-headed serpent, whose opposite head
hangs down near the base, also with the tongue visible. The upper
head has the triangular form belonging to poisonous serpents. The
lower head is narrower and more cylindrical. Just behind the latter,
from its neck, two leaves or palm branches start out, and, rising in the
form of a lyre, their tips are attached, one on each side, behind the un-
der lip of the princii)al figure. About midway these branches are held
by the hands of the latter, each of which is also supported by a straight
stick rising from the base. Each elbow is s pported in the mouth of a
serpent which rises from the base for that purpose. The history aud
uses of the specimen are unknown.
Several others in the same collection reproduced the same attitude,
but the animal supported was sometimes an enormous beetle, with
branching horns, aud sometimes a bird with a long beak, like the sha-
manic kingfisher of the Haida rattles.
MASKS OF PERU.
The use of masks seems to have been much the same as in Mexico
and on the northwest coast. Purchas states, on the authority of Vega
(lib. 8, eh. 1, p. 2), that at Cuzco, at the feast of Corpus Christi, the
Peruvians joined in the festivities and procession accurding to their
habit in celebrating their own feast :
After their wonted Pagan rites : vi:, Some clotlied with lion's slsins, their heads en-
closed iu those of the beasts, because (they say) the Lion was beginner of their stocke;
* * * others in monstrous shapes with visors [i. e. masks] with skins of beasts
with strange gestures, and fayuing themselves Fooles, &c. « » ♦ Thus had they
used to solemnize the Feasts of their Kings and thus in my time, sayth Vega, they
solemnized the feast of the most holy sacrament. (Purchas, America, book is, chap.
12, p. 946, edition of 16-26.)
' Which are noted under their appropriate heads.
104
MASKS AND LABRETS.
Maskoids of wood aud terra cotta are not uiicouimou. lu Squier's
Peru (i>. ro) lie figures a niaskoid of wood, which is reproduced here
(figure 13). It is of rather rough constrnctiou,
smeared with a reddish ochre aud bears a not-
able resemblance to some found much fur-
ther north. He states that it was found at
rachecaunic, buried at the feet of a body,
under a pile of stones. This specimen is now
in the American Museum of >!atural History
in New York City and is number Ooi of the
Squier collection.
In the " Necropolis of Ancon in Peru "' the
authors ' figure several mummies in their
wraps. At the heads of several of them are
attached very similar maskoids, projecting
outside of the cerements aud with various ap-
pendages attachfd at the back and sides. This recalls the Aleutian
and Mexican custom of covering the face of the dead with a mask.
It is entirely probable, from their similarity, that Squier's specimen had
been originally attached in like manner and become displacetl.
The United States National Museum has recently received a fine speci-
men of this sort of mortuary wooden maskoid, which is represented by
tig. 14, Plate YI. Like the others, it is rudely carved, reddened with
ochre and originally had several little cloth bags and other appendages
attached to it. The original condition is restored as far as possible in
the figure. The whites of the cj'es are comi)osed of oval pieces of white
shell, set into excavations in the wood. ^V number of little locks of hair
were put beneath them and the hair projecting around the edges well
represents eyelashes. The irides are represented by bluish circular
pieces of mussel {Mytilu.s) shell cemented on to the whites. This speci-
men, number G5376 of the museum register, was obtained by Ct. H.
Hurlbut at or near Lima, in Peru. Its total length is 12i inches.
MASKS OF CENTRAL AMERICA AND MEXICO.
It is unnecessary to refer at length to the use of masks and maskoids
in this region. The use of the human mask inlaid with obsidian and
turquoise has already been described under another head. P>eside this
relic of humanity so strangely adorned, there is in the Christy collec-
tion a very similar wooden mask, iidaid with similar materials as well
as red aud white shell. This is figured in a nmgniiicent manner by
Waldeck,- and was used as described in the quotation from Sahagun
' Reiss and Stiibel. See plates 14, 15, 18, and 19.
'Mon. Auc. da Mexiijue, p. viii, pi. 4/!. Another is iu the Berlin Museum.
DAI.L.J MASKS OF NEW MEXICO AND ARIZONA. 105
(p. 96). Maskoids of stone, terra cotta, jasper,' and jadeite from this
region are to be fonud in most antlircpological museums and are figured
in all works on Mexican antiquities. Satirical maskoids in terra cotta
are common. Some of the gold articles found in the graves at Chiriqui
in Central America were of a maskoid character, though most of them
were rude flgui'es.
Some recent illustrations of antique Mexican paintings^ show con-
ventionalized figures wearing exactly the maskette head-dresses figured
in this article from the Moqui villages.
After the death and shrouding of their " king " a painted mask set
with jewels was put over his face.' Tne use of the Peruvian maskoids
and the Innuit and Aleutian death-masks for the same purpose are to
be noted in this connection.
MASKS OF NEW MEXICO AND ARIZONA.
In the National Museum there are quite a number of maskettes and
head-dresses from New Mexico and Arizona, one of which, together
with a doll showing the method of wearing them, is figured in this paper.
22:'30 (Plate XII, fig. 15).— A doll obtained at the Moqui villages in
Arizona, by Maj. J. W. Powell, and presented to the National Museum.
It is figured to show the method of wearing the maskette headdress
about to be referred to, and also as illustrating the progress in conven-
tionalizing the forms of which the head-dress is composed. Originally
intended for human figures the forms became such as are figured on the
headdress (22942), and by a further progress the bare block patterns
which we see on the head of this doll.
The colors are varied and their distribution only to be made intelligi-
ble by a colored figure. The doll's painted dress is white with red
stripes. One- stocking is green the other is partly yellow, both have
black borders ; the arms and eyes are black, the head-dress is green,
red, black, and yellow, while the face is ornamented with blue, red,
yellow, green, and white. The figure is one-eighth the length of the
original.
22942 (Plate XII, figs. 16-17).— Moqui maskette headdress collected
by Maj. J. "W. Powell at the Moqui villages in Arizona for the United
States National Museum. The right-hand figure shows the front of the
head dress, the left-hand one the back of it. The height of the original
is seventeen times that of the figure. No less than thirteen figures are
indicated ou the arch of the head-dress, the principal one in the center
with two supporters, then an intermediary, and finally four others at
'Ant. Mex., Du Paix, Ire exp^d., pi. xv., figs. IG, 16a.
'^Anales de Museo Naciouale, vol. iii.
'Purcbas, ed. 16"26, book vlii, ch. ix, page 872.
106 MASKS AND LABRETS.
each side. The wbole is brilliantly colored with a variety of colors.
Precisely similar head-dresses are represented iu old Mexican pictures
x'eprodnced in the Anales of the Museo Nacionale of Mexico. The exact
meaning of these and analogous articles used by the Zuiii Indians we
shall probably learn eventually from the report of Frank N. Cashing,
who has given some inklings of their nature in his recent articles in the
Century Magazine.
MASKS OF THE INDIAN TRIBES OF THE COAST AND ISLANDS OF
WESTERN NORTH AMERICA, FROM WASHINGTON TERRITORY TO
PRINCE WILLIAM SOUND.
The products of this region must be taken together for our present
purjioses, since it is well known that their customs, as regards masks,
&c., are essentially similar, and also that it is a regular matter of trade
for Indians of one locality and linguistic stock to make masks for sale
to and final decoration by people of other stocks and habitat ; so the es-
sential features of a mask used by a Makah or Tlinkit Indian may have
been designed and executed by a member of the Haida nation. '
Among the Haida and Tlinkit especially, the style of ornamentation
is artistic and characteristic, though iu the last few years beginning to
lose its purity before the march of civilization. It comprises a rather
wide I'ange of conventional figures, which are apijlied to many different
articles beside masks, maskettes, and the totem-posts, considered as
maskoids. The shamanic paraphernalia includes masks as a principal
item, one for each of his familiar spirits, or at least diflerent masks or
maskettes, which are put on with strict reference to the particular
power to be appealed to. In combination with them the rattle is a
particular and essential item, and may be regarded as, in some sort, the
shamanic scepter. ' ■
In their dances, of which Swan has given us the best, though a too-
evideutly incomplete idea, masks play, perhaps, the most importaut
part ; and here the invention of the Indian tiuds its widest scope. I
have described a large number of the more interesting specimens in the
National MuseuQi. which, in this department, is richer for Northwest
America than any other iu the world.
They are divisible into dancing masks and head-dresses of which a
niaskette forms the most conspicuous part; helmets and shamanic
masks of varied patterns,' and decoys.'
' Cook speaks of the great variety and grotesqueness of the masks used at Niitka
and the rattles used by the medicine-man and at dances. He also devotes a quarto
plate to figures of theiu. (See Cook's Third Voyage, vol. ii, London, 1784, p. 306,
pi. 40.)
" According to Meares, the people of Nutka had iu 1788 a dress for war, composed
of thick moose skin, which was "accompanied with a mask representing the head of
DAI.1.] MAKAH CEREMONIAL. 107
CUSTOMS AT CAPE FIATTERV.
In Swan's monograph of the Indians of Cape Flattery ' some account
of their tamdnawas or religio- superstitious ceremonies and rites are
given, together with the more social or semi theatrical performances
which take place about the same time. The reader is referred to the
original for the full account which is only summarized here. The facts
contained in it are very valuable, though it is evident that the writer
has not thoroughly mastered the true inwardness of what he describes,
and indeed he freely admits this to be the case.
The figures of masks given by Swan are reproduced here, and com-
prise five masks and one bird's-head maskette. There is no special
history given of them further than that they were used by the Makah
Indians on the Cape Flattery reservation in the dances about to be de-
scribed, and were mostly carved by Indians resident on Vancouver
Island and sold to the Makahs, who paint them to suit themselves. See
plates XIII, figs. 19-20; XIV, fig. 23 ; XVI, fig. 30; XVIII, fig. 40.
According to Swan, at certain periods, generally during winter, the
Makah Indians have ceremonies or mystical performances, of which
there are three kinds. These are the Dukwalli, T'siark, and the Do-
h'tlub. The latter is rarely performed, requiring much expense and
many participants.
All these ceremonies are commenced in private, only the initiated be-
ing allowed to be present. What occurs is not known. Subsequent
portions of the ceremonial are performed in public and sj)ectators are
admitted.
Swan infers from what he has seen that the Dukwalli is a ceremonial
to propitiate the T'hlukloots or "Thunder-bird," who seems with the
iMakahs to take precedence over all other mythological beings. Into
these ceremonies both sexes, and even children, are initiated, but this is
entirely distinct from the jirocess by which the youth selects his totem,
familiar or guardian spirit, which is done in solitude and by night.
Swan believes that iu these ceremonies there is nothing approaching
our idea of worship. The Indians state categorical Ij' that there is not.
some animal ; it is made of wood, with' the eyes, teeth, &c., aud is a work of consid-
erable ingenuity. Of these masks they have a great variety, which are applicable to
certain circumstances and occasions. Those, for exarajjle, which represent the head
of the otter or any other marine animals, are used only when they go to hunt them."
(Meajes' Voyage, London, J. Walter, 1790, p. 254.) "The seal is also an anim,il
very difficult to take on account of its being able to remain uuder water. Artifices
are therefore made use of to decoy hira within reach of the boats; aud this is done,
iu general, by means of masks of wood made in so exact a resemblance of nature,
that the animal takes it for one of his own species and falls a prey to the deception.
On such occasions some of the natives put on these masks, and, hiding their bodies
with branches of trees as they lie among the rocks, the seals are tempted to approach
so near the spot as to put it in the power of the natives to pierce them with their ar-
rows. Similar artifices are employed against the sea-cow and otters occasionally.
(Meares, 1. c, p. 261.)
' Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge No. 220, 1869.
108 MASKS AND LABRETS.
The Makahs, like most American Indians, believe that all living things,
even trees, had formerly human shape, and have been transformed for
pnnishiiient or otherwise into their present condition. This was chiefly
the work of two persons; brothers of the sun and moon, who came upon
the earth for the purpose, and there is a large variety of myths and le-
gends as to the reasons for and circumstances connected with particu-
lar transformations.
The above-mentioned ceremonies are exhibitions intended to repre-
sent such incidents. There are no persons set apart as priests for the
purpose ; some expert performers may take a principal part in each
ceremony, but they are as likely to be slaves or common people as men
of mark, and, except while so engaged, are not regarded as distinguished
from the rest.
The Indians state that the i)aiticular ceremonies originate not with
themselves, but with their guardian spirits, who communicate to one of
them what should be done. He thinks out for himself, with such as-
sistance, tlie mode of the exhibition, the songs and dances, and when
the plan is perfected announces it to a select few, who are drilled in
secret. When all is perfected the representation takes place suddenly
and without announcement before the astonished tribe.
If any performance is a success it is repeated and gradually comes to
be looked upon as one of the regular ceremonies of the kind; if it does
not satisfy the audience it is laid aside. So it happens that they have
some which have been handed down from remote ages, while others are
of comparatively recent date.
The great ceremony of the Dukwalli originated with a band of Nitti-
nat Indians, living near Barclay Sound, Vancouver Island, and was by
them communicated to the Makahs. The legend npon whicli it is al-
leged to be founded is given in full by Swan in the paper referred to.
The performance is given at the expense of some individual, who
often saves for a long time in order to accumulate property enough to
carry it out. It is kept secret until nearly ready. Notice is given the
night before the first day's performance by hooting and howling, firing
guns, &c., and the initiated gather in the lodge and create a tremen-
dous din. Torches are tlashed through apertures in the roof of the
lodge followed by a noise made to resemble thunder, after which all
whistle in a manner to represent the wind. The uninitiated fly in ter-
ror. Every house is visited and the inmates invited to the ceremonies.
The first five days are devoted to secret ceremonies and initiations
The first public performance is a procession on the fifth day of males
and females naked, or nearly so, with their limbs and bodies scarified
and bleeding. Invited guests receive presents. Every evening after
the first secret days are over is devoted to masquerades, when each
lodge is visited and a performance enacted. The masks are chiefly
made by the Klyoquot and Nittinat Indians from alder, maple, poplar,
&c., and sold to the Makahs, who paint them to suit themselves.
OALL.1 MAKAH CEREMONIAL. 109
They are keiJt coucealecl until the perforiuanee begius. Mauy of them
have the eyes, lower jaw, &c., movable by a cord. Oue such party
was composed of men with frightful masks,' bear skius on tlieir backs,
and heads covered witli bird's down. Tbey had clnbs iu their hands,
and as they danced around the lire struck wildly about, caring little
what or whom they struck. One of the number was naked, a rope
around his waist and a knife in each hand, making a fearful howling.
Two others held the rope as if to restrain him. Boxes and utensils
were smashed and much damage done.
On another occasion the performers, who were males, with masks
resembling owls, wolves, and bears, crouched down with their arms
clasped about their knees, their blankets trailing on the ground and
fastened around their necks with a .single pin. After forming in a circle
with their faces toward the fire they commenced jumping sidewise
around it, their arms still clasped about the knees. Their exertions
were continued several minutes; they were succeeded by about thirty
women with blackened faces, heads covered with down, and a girdle
drawing their blankets tightly to the waist. These danced around tlie
fire singing as loud as they could scream, accompanied by the specta-
tors, and beating time with sticks on boards placed before them for the
purpose.
During the day performances were going on on the beach. Repre-
sentations of all sorts were given. For instance, two naked boys,
rubbed with flour, and with white cloths around their heads, symbol-
ized cold weathei". Others who wore masks resembling a bird's beak,
and tufts of feathers in their hair, moved slowly near the water, raising
and lowering their heads, and were intended to symbolize cranes.
At the end of the performance a young girl came out on the roof of
the lodge wearing a mask representing the head of the thunder bird,
which was surmounted by a topknot of cedar bark dyed red and stuck
full of white feathers from eagles' tails. A smaller girl had a black
mask to represent the ha-hek-to-ak, or lightning fish. The masks did
not cover the face, but were on the forehead, from which they projected
like horns. The ceremony closed with a reception, performance, and
distribution of presents at the lodge, and the whole wound up with a
feast. This Dukwalli is repeated at one or more villages every winter.
In the T'siark, which is a medical or curative ceremony, no masks are
reported as used, but peculiar headdresses are worn.
For the Do-h'tlub the reader is referred to the original, it being of es-
sentially the same character as the ceremony of the Dukwalli, though
older, and of course dift'ering in all its details.
The Makah denominate these ceremonial masks hu-kau'-itl-ik.
From this summary the reader can form a very good idea of the way
in which the dancing masks are used and how multifarious their variety
may be.
' See Plate XIII, fig. 18.
110 MASKS AND LABRETS.
The masks strictlj' belongiug to the medicine man are generally heir-
looms, and mostly used in secret. The shaman is said to have one for
each familiar spirit, in some way symbolical of that si)irit, and which is
put on when it is to be summoned by means of the magician's rattle.
This instrument is worthy a more extended notice. They are generally
elaborately carved and painted, and in old as well as modern specimens
of remarkably uniform size.
TLINKIT AND HAIDA MASKS.
With regard to the present use of masks among the Haida, the
following information is extracted from Dr. Dawson's report on that
tribe :
A cloali or blauliet very much prized by the Haida, and called nakhin, is obtained
in trade from the T'simpsian. It is shaped somewhat like asbawl, with ablaut point
behind, and surroundtd by a deep and thick fringe of twisted wool. The cloaks are
made in many small separate pieces, which are afterward artfully sewu together. The
colors of wool used are white, yellow, black, and brown, and the |iattern bears a rela-
tion to the totem, so that an Indian can tell to what totem the cloak belongs. They
are used specially iu dancing, and then in conjuuction with a peculiar head-dress,
which consists of a small wooden mask (maskette), ornameuted with mother-of-pearl.
This ttands up from the forehead, and is attached to a piece fitting over the head,
ornamented with feathers, &c., and behind supporting a strip of cloth about two feet
wide, which hangs down to the feet, and is covered with skins of the ermine. (Pp.
lOOB, 107B, 1. c.) One of these is figured by Bastian, taf. 1, fig. 2, 2a.
Six kinds of daucing ceremonies are distinguished among the Haida. One is called
Ska-dul ; the women occupy a prominent place iu this dauce, being carefully dressed
with the liltle masks and cloaks above mentioned. It requires uo paiticular number
of people, tbo more the better, and occurs only when a man desires shortly to build
a house. One man performs on a tambourine, beating time, to which they all sing.
The song is a sort of eulogy of the builder as well as the dancers, celebratiug their
strength, riches, &c., and is iu the T'.-'impsean languiige, which many of the Haida
speak fluently, and from which tribe many of their ceremonies appear to have been
derived iu comparatively recent time.
Another dauce is called Skariil. Ouo man (usually a hired dancer) performs tb is
dance. It takes place some days before a distribution of property, on the occasion of
such an event as the tattooing of a child, or death nf a relative or friend. The dauce
is performed by a single man, naked, except for a breech-clout. In the first part of
the dance, which .appears to be iutended to simulate a sort of possession or frenzy,
one of the grotesnne woodeu masks is worn, and this is the only dauce in which they
are used. The wearing of the mask, however, is not absolutely necessary, but a m.at-
ter of choice with the perrormer. Getting heated iu the d.anco he throws the mask
away, snatches up the first dog he can find, kills biui, and tearing pieces of his flesh,
eats them. This dance is not performed in the house as the others are, but at large
through the village. (Pp. 1'28B, 1296.)
Masks are to be found in considerable number iu all the villages, and though I could
hear that they were employed for a single dauce only, it is probable that there nuiy
be other occasions for their use. The masks may be divided iutotwo classes: the first
those which represent human faces ; the second those representing birds. [Figuri s
are given by the author on Plate VI, representing three masks and two maskettes.
BALL.] HAIDA CEREMONIAL. Ill
one-tenth natural size.] They are carved iu wood. Those of the tirst class are usu-
ally amply large enough to cover the face. In some cases they :ire very neatly carved,
generally to represent an ordinary Indian type of face without any grotesque idea.
The relief is generally a little less than in nature. Straps of leather fastened to the
sides of the mask are provided to go round the head of the wearer, or a small loop of
cedar-bark Btriufc is tixed in the hollow side of the mask to be grasped by the teeth.
The top of the forehead is usually fringed with down, hair, or feathers. The eyes are
pierced to enable the wearer to look ont, aud the mouth is also often cut through,
though sometimes solid aud representing teeth. Grotesque masks are also made ia
this style, but none were observed to have a smiling or humorous expression. The
painting of the masks is, according to taste, iu bars or lines, or the peculiar curved
lines with eyelike ovals (stated by Swan to be derived from the spots on the lateral
fins of a species of skate-fish native to these waters) found so frequently iu the de-
signs of the coast Indians. The painting of the two sides of the face is rarely sym-
metrical, a circumstance not arising from any want of skill, but inteutional. Of the
second class of masks, representing birds, there are various kinds. Oue obtained at
the Klue village had a beak 5 or 6 feet long projecting from the center of a mask not
much unlike those 'above described. The beak was painted red, and the whole evi-
dently intended to represeut the oyster catcher common to this coast (HoJinaJo/jiis
niger). Another represents the head of a pufiBn (Fratercula). It is too small within to-
include the head and must have been worn above the head. (L. c, pp. 1;57B, 138B.)
The carviugs oii the rattles of the Tliukit, especially those of the
soiitberu part of the Archipelago, are matters belongiug particularly to
the shaman or medicine man, ami characteristic of his profession.
Among these very generally, if not invariably, the rattle is composed
of the figure of a bird, from which, near tlie head of the bird, or carved
upon the back of the bird's head is represented a human face with the
tongue protruding.
This tongue is bent downwards and usually meets the mouth of a frog
or an otter, the tongue of either appearing continuous with that of the
human face. In case it is a frog, it usually appears impaled upon the
tongue of a kingfisher, whose head and variegated plumage are repre-
sented near the handle in a conventional way. It is asserted that this
represents the medicine man absorbing from the frog, which has been
brought to him by the kingfisher, either poison or the power of producing
evil eflects on other people. (See Plate XXII, fig. 50.)
In case it is an otter, the tongue of the otter touches the tongue of
the medicine man, as represented on the carving. The hands of the
figure usually take hold of the otter's body by the middle, sometimes
by the forelegs. The hindlegsof the otter rest either upon the knees
of the figure representing the medicine man, or upon a second conven-
tionalized head, which is in front of and below the knees. The tail of
the otter hangs down between his hindlegs. A somewhat similar rattle
is figured by Bastian (1. c. taf. 4, fig. 4, 4a), from near Port Simpson.
This carving is represented, not only on rattles, but on totem posts,
fronts of houses, and other objects associated with the medicine man,
the myth being, as has been elsewhere described,' that when the young
aspirant for the position of medicine man goes out into the woods, after
' See Alaska and its resources, page 425, 187U.
112 MASKS AND LABRETS.
fasting for a considerable period, in order that bis to be familiar spirit may
seek him and that he may become possessed of the power to communi-
cate with supernatural beings, if successful, he meets with a river otter,
which is a supernatural animal. The otter a])proaches him and he seizes
it, kills it with the blow of a club and takes out the tongue, after which
he is able to understand the language of all iuanimate objects, of birds,
animals, and other living creatures. *He preserves the otter's tongue
with the utmost care in a little bag hung around his neck. The skin
he also preserves; audit forms an important part of his paraphernalia.
This ceremony or occurrence happens to every real medicine man.
Consequently, the otter presenting his tongue is the most universal type
of the profession as such, and is sure to be found somewhere in the para-
phernalia of every individual of that profession. In this way, these
carvings, wherever found, indicate an association of the object carved
with the medicine man. They may be either his property, or carved in
memory of him. The last case seems to be confined to the totem poles.
This remarkable form of carving, namely, that representing a figure
w ith the tongue out, and communicating with a frog, otter, bird, snake,
or fish, is one of the most characteristic features of the carvings of the
people who live between Oregon and Prince William Sound.
The same thing is found to a certain extent in Mexico. A cast of a
terracotta figure in the jSTational Museum (No. 7267), collected by E. H.
Davis, represents in an almost identical attitude a seated figure, hold-
ing an animal, probably a fox, in its hands, whose tongue is continuous
with that of the figure itself. Another (No. 10699), is very similar to No.
7267. One of the lava images from Nicaragua in the National Museum
represents a human figure and animal in the same posture.
In the autumu of 1878, while passing through New York, I observed
in the window of a shop devoted to curiosities, two masks from the
South Seas, alleged to be from the Solomon Islands. From the mater-
ials of which they were composed and the oi^ercula with which they
were ornamented, there was no doubt as to their having come from the
Indo-Pacific region, and the locality given was probably correct.
One of these masks represented a figure in the identical position above
mentioned. The tongue protruded, the hands clasping by the middle a
conventionalized animal, which I could not recognize. The fore legs of
the animal touched the shoulders of the figure composing the mask.
The hind legs rested upon his knees. The tail hung down between the
hind legs, and touched the base of the mask. There was a space of an
inch or more between the bellies of the two figures, as is usually the
case with the figures represented on the rattles and other carvings from
the northwest coast of America, previously referred to.
Afterwards, in attempting to secure this mask for the National Mu-
seum, being much struck with the extraordinary resemblance in nearly
all its details to the masks made by the Tlinkits, it was found to have
been disposed of, and could not be traced. Since then, in the American
CALL.! TLINKIT AND HAIDA MASKS. 113
Museum of Natural History, iu New Yoi-k, I have observed numerous
iustauces of a somewhat similar position of the figures composing masks
from New Ireland and the vicinity of New Guinea.
The object with which the tongue was iu communication was some-
times a snake, which then was furnished with other snakes or with
branches resembling palm leaves proceeding from its body in imitation
of arms and legs, and was very frequently either a bird or a very large
beetle, of the kind which have enormous horns or jaws extending in
front of the head. One of these is represented on Plate X, figs. 11-12,
and, with others, has been referred to under its proper geographical
head.
E. G. Squier has called attention to the fact that in carvings the
tongue has been used by most (and especially by west) American peoples
as an index to life or death in the object symbolized. The tongue firmly
held forth indicates life or vigor and spirit; the tongue dangling help-
lessly from one corner of the half-open mouth signifies death or captivity
doomed to end in death. The Mexican antiquities indicate this with
great clearness, and from our knowledge of the Tlinkit myths, we are
justified iu considering that the touch of the tongue, as in the case of
the otter, frog, and kingfisher, symbolized to them the transmission
of spiritual qualities or powers. I learned from an old Aleut, who
had been well educated and held positions of trust under the Rus-
sian regime in Alaska, that, formerly, among his people, the wife desir-
ing sons of especial vigor took her husband's tongue between her lips
during the generative act, and men who had no progeny were re-
jn-oached as "short toiigued." This appears to be an enlargement of
the same idea, and that something of the same kind is symbolized by
the South Sea Islanders, in their carvings of tongue-touching forms, is
sutiiciently evident from some of these articles which cannot be fully
described here.
The following masks from the northwest coast have been examined:'
2658. Plate XIV, fig. 24. The mask was collected by Mr. Scar-
borough, of the United States exploring expedition under Wilkes. The
locality may have been anywhere between California and British Colum-
bia, as it is simply recorded as from Oregon, which name covered at
that time a much larger area than at present. It is likely to be of
Haida workmanshi]). It is one of the oldest specimens in the Museum,
as the number indicates, and the most artistically carved of any I have
seen from that region. It is made of Alaska cedar, smoothly carved,
but brown and polished by age and use ; mostly uncolored. The eye-
ball around th* iris is whitened, the hair and other markings on the
face are black. The hair of the mustache, beard, and head had been iu-
'Sincetbis paper was put in the priuter's Lands I have been able to consult a new
■work in which a number of masks from the Northwest Coast are most beautifully
illustrated iu colors and described. This is Dr. Bastian's Amerikas nordwestkiiste
neueste ergebnisse ethnologischer reisen, etc., folio, Berlin, Asher, IrfdS.
3 ETH S
114 MASKS AND LABRETS.
(licated by some kiud of furry skiu, now hardly determinable, but which
had beeu cemented to the wood with spruce gum. The mask is very
light and thin. There are two holes above the corners of the mouth,
into which a cord was probably pegged on the inside, to hold in the
teeth when worn. It was doubtless used in games or dances, and has
no indications of use in connection with religious or medical rites. In
fact it is entirely different from masks used on such occasions. It pro-
bably is a very accurate representation of the i>hysiognomy of the peo-
l>le by whom it was made and used. The figure is one fifth the linear
size of the original.
2659 (Plate XIII, fig. 18).— Mask collected by E. K. Waldron, of
the United States exploring expedition under Wilkes, on " the north-
west coast of America." Exact locality and history not stated. This
is a remarkable and well-executed specimen, but thick and heavy. It
is carved of Alaska cedar, which comes to the surface on the lighter
parts of the ribbed marginal band. The parts representing the face
are black. On the upper part of the back, on the cheeks, on and
between the eyebrows, on each side of the nasal septum, and on the
forehead are spots where bits of mica have been fastened on with
spruce gum. The whiskers, represented by transverse lines, the form of
the nose, and other features suggest that the carver may have had a sea-
otter in mind. There are pegs on the posterior edge whose use may
have been to retain a netting or lattice by which the mask was held on
the head. A withe, knotted and twisted, arranged to be held between
the wearer's teeth, is fastened to the concave interior on each side of the
nasal septum. The article is evidently of great age, and bears signs of
having been long in use. The figure is one-fifth the linear size of the
original.
A very similar mask from Nahwitti, on the northwest end of Vau-
couver Island, is figured by Bastian (1. c. taf. 2, fig. 2), with the in-
formation that it is worn in the medicine dances by the so-called "wild-
men" who, as described by Swan, are given to assaulting the bystand-
ers indiscriminately, and hence are to be avoided. This mask, however,
is painted with red and other bright colors, and is adorned with whit-
ish feathers. It is said to be called " nutlematlekuU."
20S92 (Plate XVII, figs. 31-32).— A dancing mask; obtained from the
Haidas of the Kleuimahoon village. Prince of Wales Island, Alaska, by
James G. Swan. This mask is carefully carved of Alaska cedar. The
ears, nostrils, lips, edges of the eyelids, and the continuous stripes across
the face are red. The short dashes forming a band between the stripes
are lead-colored, and appear to have been made with a soft piece of
micaceous iron ore. The eyebrows and mustache are stripes of blue
blanket cloth fastened on with pegs. Hairs from a fox-skin ai-e pegged
into the chin, and it looks as if other hair might have been so fastened
on the upper edge of the mask. Within there is a loop of withe to be
held in the teeth. The mask is thin and light.
DALL.1 TLINKIT AND HAIDA MASKS. 115
21573 (Plate XVllI, figs. 42-i2). — Another incomplete or uulinished
dancing mask, probablj- of Haida make, obtained by Dr. White, of the
United States Army, in Alaska, for the National Museum. This one was
evidently made for sale, and had never been used or made fit for use.
The wood was fresh and unstained, and no peep-holes or breathing holes
or arrangement for fastening the mask on a wearer's head had been
made. It represents a face with a tiaraof bear's claws over the forehead.
The lips, ears, nostrils, and band below the tiara are red, colored with oil
paint obtained from the whites, as is the rest of the painted work. The
bear's claws, pupils of the eyes, and the hair are black ; the irides green-
ish ; and the dark tracery on the face, shown in the figure, as well as
the upper bar of the head-dress are blue. The light parts of the figure
in the original show the uncolored natural wood. This is one specimen
of many which have of late years been brought from the northwest
coast, which have been made expressly for sale as curiosities, and which
want essential parts which should be found in an article used or in-
tended for use. A ring made of brass wire is inserted in the nasal sep-
tum, but such is rarely, if ever, now worn by the people of the Archi-
pelago. The figure is one-fifth the linear size of the original.
20570 (Plate XVI, figs. 28-29).— Dancing mask from Bellabella, Brit-
ish Columbia, collected by J. G-. Swan. The upper mandible was carved
sepai'ately and permanently pegged to the face. The lower mandible is
movable, and was made to rise and fall by pulling a line of twisted sinew
which passes back and out behind over a rounded stick, pulley-fashion.
The mask was held on by cords behind. The interior is quite roughly hol-
lowed out. The surface of the face was whitened before being painted ;
that of the bill is bare wood, except where painted. The eyebrows and
pupils are painted black ; the eyes, inner edges of the mandibles and nos-
trils and light lines on the forehead, red; the quadrangular figures on
the forehead, blue; other painted parts, bluish green. The mask is
pi-obably a conventional representation of the head of the sea-eagle or
" Thunder bird " of Tlinkit mythology, of which mention is made else-
where. It is not possible to determine exactly the meaning of some of
these carvings, for, as observed by Swan, the Indians allow their fancy
the wildest flights in the manufacture of dancing masks, while the con-
ventional figures, having tolemic or ritualistic function, are quite care-
fully maintained in their chief characteristics. The figure is on a scale
of one-fifth, linear.
30209 (Plate XVII, figs. 33-34).— Dancing mask, representing a death's
head, bought at Barclay Sound, Vancouver Island, of the natives be-
longing to the tribe usually termed Nutka, by J. G. Swan. This is an
extremely old mask, and the soft sx)ruce wood of which it is made shows
signs of decay ; perhaps was selected as appropriate for the purpose on
that account. It bears a ghastly resemblance to the visage of a dried-up
corpse. The inside of the mouth is black ; the general surface has been
rubbed with a whitish earth, giving it a moldy appearance. It is pro-
116 MASKS AND LABRETS.
Tided with bushy eyebrows of wolverine skin {Gulo lusciis L.), between
which is a notch in the wood from which something once attached there
has fallen away. It was fastened to the head of the wearer by cords
which were attached at a hole within behind the forehead, and also
one at each side. The length of the original is 11 and its breadth
9 inches. Another very similar mask from Neeah Bay, figured in Swan's
paper on the Indians of Cape Flattery is reproduced here (Plate XVII,
fig. 35).
20578 (Plate XIII, fig. 21). — A well-carved modern mask, collected by
J. G. Swan for the National Museum at Bellabella, British Columbia, near
Milbank Sound ; history wanting. It is carved of Alaska ceilar. rather
thick and heavy. The ears, nostrils, lips, upper forehead, bauds around
the face and across the cheeks are colored red ; the eyebrows and irides
are black. The remainder of the portions dark-shaded in the figure
are blue, powdered while wet with triturated mica, which adhered when
the paint had hardened. The surface of the wood is bare in some of
the lighter shaded portions. The eyes are not perforated, the wearer
peeping through the nostril holes. This mask was held on by cords
passing through its ears and around the nasal septum. The interior is
soiled with red paint, which appears to have been rubbed off the painted
face of the weai-er. This is also evidently a festival mask, not used in
connection with, or, at least, not symbolical of, superstitious or totemic
i-itual. The figure is one-fifth the linear size of the original.
23440 (Plate XVIII, figs. 38-39).- Dancing helmet from Neeah Bay,
collected for the National Museum by J. G. Swan. This is carved of al-
der wood, and was probably made by the natives of Vancouver Island
for sale to the Makahs of Neeah Bay, near Cape Flattery. It represents
the head of a hawk or eagle. The under part of the beak is hollowed
out for lightness, but a cross-bar is left for strength. Three cords ex-
tend across the ba«k from one edge to the other over the head ; the
points where they are fastened are shown in the figure. The dark por-
tions in the figure are black in the original, the next lighter are red ;
the parts represented as white in the figure are the natural color of the
wood. The length is 14 and the breadth 8 inches.
20890 (Plate XIX, figs. 43-44).— Dancing helmet or maskette, from
Kaigahuee Strait, Prince of Wales Islands, Alaska, collected by J. G.
Swan for the National Museum in 1876, and obtained at the Klemma-
hoon village. The head and dorsal fin are of alder wood; the back, tail
and lateral fins of hide or leather painted over. Underneath the top is
a broad band of sealskin to go behind the head and hold the helmet on,
and there are some strips of buck or moose skin to tie under the chin.
The fringe at tlie back of the dorsal fin is composed of locks of human
hair pegged in. The figure was reported as intended to reiiresent a
sculpin ((7o<<J(s), but it is more likely to be a killer whale (Orca), to which
the long dorsal fin and flat tail certainly belong. It may have been in-
tended as a sort of combination. The upper half and base of the dorsal
DALL.] TLINKIT AND HAIDA MASKS. 117
fin, the pupil, eyebrows, the outliues of tracery on flus and tail, all black.
Teetb, nostrils, eyeballs and basis of tracery on flus and tail, white.
Area around the eyes and nostrils and the chin blue. On the stout
hide, composing the fins and tail, something like white paper seems to
have been pasted, upon which the black tracery is painted. The figure
is on a linear scale of one-fifth the size of the original.
30210 (Plate XIV, fig. 22.). — Dancing mask from Nutka, Vancouver
Island, made of pine wood, collected for the National Museum by J. G.
Swan. The lips, the margin of the mask, and the baud on the left
cheek are red : eyebrows, tracery around the eyes and narrow band on
right cheek, black. The remainder is the natural color of the wood.
The hair is made of the cambium layer of bark of some tree washed
free of sap, dried and beaten into threads. The cords by which it was
fastened are gone ; some remnants still remain around the margin of
the mask. A sort of wooden lattice is pegged behind the mouth, inside
the cross pieces seen through the opening from in front, and marked by
a transverse black line to imitate teeth. There is a loop within to be held
in the teeth. The resemblance between this and the South Sea mask
figured on Plate IX is noticeable. The figure is on a linear scale of one-
eighth.
30211 (Plate XV, figs. 25-27). — Dancing mask with movable wiugs
from Nutka, Vancouver Isla"nd, collected for the National Museum by J.
G. Swan in 1870. The material is the same as in 30210, with the addi-
tion of a row of upright feathers in the top of the wiugs and face. The
hair is of bark like the latter, but has the down of some feathers stripped
fi'om the shaft and mixed with it. The upright feathers over the face
are in front of the tair, and are lashed to a bent stick behind the upper
margin of the face. The hinder side of the wing has an eye-like spot
painted upon it. The front.has a rude humau figure in black and red ;
a red line below the chin and around the cheeks ; eyebrows aud irides
black, eyeballs white. The remainder of the surface is of the natural
color of the wood. The peepholes are through the nostrils. The wings
are lashed firmly in three places to an axis, whicli plays in a wooden
spool at top and bottom. These spools were firmly fastened to the
mask by lashings not shown in the figure to avoid confusion. The dia-
gram shows the framework by whicli the mask was held on tlie head,
and the ingenious mechanism for flapping the wings. A lepresents the
upper part of the left wing near whose upper edge a cord, B, is jiegged to
the outside, passing over the upper margin of the mask, and down
through a hole in the medial bar of the frame; thence backward through
a hole in the rounded end of a transversed bar of the frame, and then
(C) downward to the hand of the wearer. The wings were hung so that
they naturally tended to swing backward ; a pull on the cord would send
them forward, and they would recoil of their own weight. When worn,
a large mass of the same sort of stuff as the hair was put into the upper
118 MASKS AND LABRETS.
l»art of the frame as a cushion for the head, and to raise the peepholes
nearer to the eyes. The figure is one-sixth the linear size of the original-
2G62 (Plate XXI, fig. 47).— Maskette from the northwest coast of
America collected by E. Very during the Wilkes Exploring Expedition.
The material is birch wood and the mask has been hollowed out by a
small gouge probably made from a beaver's tooth. The light places in
the figure at the eyes, teeth, spots below the claws, &c., are thin flat
pieces of haliotis (H. Kamcliatkana. native to the region) fastened on with
spruce gum, mostly with a hole in each piece of shell. The colors are dark
brown or black, red and green ; the bare wood shows in a few places.
The part of the carving which is behind the lower figure was applied
to the forehead and is hollowed out for that purjjose, showing signs of
having been worn. The head-dress to which it was attached did not ac-
company it. The lower figure in the front is a conventionalized figure
of the sparrow hawk, [Tinnunculus sparverius L.); the upper larger one
that of the beaver ; a close inspection shows that the apparent beak was
intended to represent the two large incisors. The figure which is on a
scale of one-fifth linear represents it as more rounded iu front than in
reality, and the median line dividing the two incisors, which is quite in-
distinct in the original, has been overlooked by the artist. The cancel-
lated ai)pendage between the feet is intended to represent the tail of the
beaver.
9259 (Plate XXI, fig. 48).— Maskette collected near Sitka by Dr. A.
H. Hoff, U. S. A., for the Army Medical Museum and transferred by that
institution to the United States National Museum. The figure is oue-
lourth as long as the original. The eyes and certain patches visible above
the hands and feet are formed of pieces of Haliotis shell cemented with
spruce gum. The arms, tongue, and feet are red. The rest is more or
less blackened. The figure above is the ottei', with his tongue out ; that
below is the frog ; both are familiars of the medicine-men, to one of whom
this carving undoubtedly appertained. The head-dress, of which it
originally formed a part did not come to hand. This belonged to some
shamanic paraphernalia.
20581 (Plate XX, fig. 46). — Maskette, used with a head covering, col-
lected at Fort Simpson, Briti.sh Columbia, by J. G. Swan for the United
States Xational Museum. The figure is one-fifth the length of the original.
It represents the features of an old woman with her face painted and
wearing a labret or kalushka. It is made of spruce wood. The tracery
on the front of the cheeks and on the foreliead is cobalt blue. The sides
of the cheeks, the hair-i^arting, ears, and mouth are red. The hair is
black, with some red streaks ; the'pupils are black, with a small perfora-
tion burned through ; the remainder of the face of the natural color of the
wood, somewhat darkened by age and use. The eyebrows are of bear-
skin, the strips only tacked at the outer ends. To the inner ends threads
are attached which pass through four pinholes in the forehead and
through a staple oi)posite the chin inside. By pulling these threads
"^'''-l TLINKIT AND HAIDA MASKS. 119
the eyebrows could be raised or lowered at the pleasure of the wearer.
There is au arched mouthbar iuside to be held iu the teeth wheu dan-
cing, in order to keep the head dress steady.
2666 (Plate XX, fig. 45).— Dancing maskette, representing a woman's
face with a very large kalushka or labret, collected by the Wilkes Explor-
ing Expedition on the northwest coast of America iu 1841. ISTo history.
Probably of Haida make. Paiuted with a dull red stripe around the
right side of the face ; a few narrow lines on the left cheek. Length 7i,
width 7 inches. This is figured chiefly to show how the kalushka was
worn.
Xo. 2785. Tlinkit dancing maskette, collected by .J. G. Swan, Sitka,
Alaska. This specimen represents a heavy wooden helmet of a rounded
conical shape, with a mask carved upon it, forming part of the same
piece of wood. This mask represents a grinning face, half red, half
blue, with broad, black eyebrows, white teeth, mustache and goatee of
bear skin, and hair, which apparently once stood upright, pegged iu
ou the top of what would have been the head. This is a fair instance
of those cases in which the mask serves as a mere ornamentation to the
helmet. It is understood that this particular helmet was used in danc-
ing; but there is no doubt that similar ones were— and the thickness
of this is such that it might be— used as a means of defense in war.
In the National Museum collection are a great variety of these danc-
ing helmets and a few of those intended for defense. They represent
%arious animals, conventionalized iu the usual manner and similar to
those which are used in the mask proper. Those masks which are at-
tached to the helmets, or form part of them in those cases where the
helmet is a single piece of wood, are, of course, not perforated or pierced
in any way except for nose or ear rings or other appendages. As the
object is intended to be placed entirely on top of the head, there is no
necessity for any perforation for sight or respiration.
In some cases the upper part of these head-dresses represents a fish,
whose body is partially opened, or is so carved that it appears like a
hollow lattice work, within which may be seen a human figure. This
is in allusion to a particular myth, of which I have been unable to ob-
tain the details.
2661 (Plate XVII, figs. 36-37).— Shamanic mask, .symbolical of the
eagle or totemic " thunder bird," obtained by the United States exploring
expedition under Wilkes on the northwest coast of America. The eye*^
brows and bill are black, the caruncle over the back of the bill and the
tongue within it are red. It is a thin and light carving of cedar wood,
trimmeil with swan-skin, having the down attached. It was held upon
the head by means of a netting made of cord twisted from bark fiber, and
which was once attached in many places to holes in the posterior outer
and upper edges of the mask. This form is not uncommon, I have seen
several in collections. The figure is one-sixth the size, linear, of the
original. The myth of the "Thunder bird" refers to a gigantic bird
120 MASKS AND LABRETS.
wliicb takes whales in its claws and devours them, the flapping of
■whose wings produces thunder, and who launches (at Neeah Bay) a
supernatural fish' {Hippocamims), which appears to mortals as light-
ning. The THukit form of the mj'th may be found in Alaska and its
Eesources, pages 423, 424.
This myth, in some form or other, seems to be very widespread on the
West American coast. I have been informed that the ancient Mexican
mythology included a belief in such a creature. Further north it is
known to be spread from Washington Territory to Prince William
Sound, where the Innuit begin to occupy the coast. Prof. E. W. Nel-
son astonished me by declaring that it exists among the Innuit of the
shores of Bering Sea, and proved his point by jiroducing a carving of
the very bird from the Diomede Islands in Bering Strait.
This is another of the links which bind diverse West American na-
tions into a mysterious partnership.
' See Swan, Indians of Cape Flattery, pp. 8, 9.
MASKS OF THE INISTJIT.
It is generally known that the luuiiit or Eskimo form one of the
most distinct, sharply defined, and homogeneous aboriginal stocks in
America. Their only ofifshoots are the Aleuts, who have undergone a
local development under special conditions, which has altered them in
many respects from the parent stock ; and the Yuit of the Asiatic side
of Bering Strait, forced emigrants from America, who, from hunger,
privation, constant association with the alien Chukchi, and separation
by hostility from people of their own race, have become to a certain ex-
tent degraded and crushed.
Apart from these, in language, traditions, arts, handiwork, mode of
hunting, and even for the most part, in physique, the lunuit of Labra-
dor and those of Aliaska Peninsula are separated by no difl'erences of au
essential kind. Their lives are, of course, modified to their particular
euvironment, but it is said, and I believe with truth, that a man, un-
derstanding thoroughly the dialect of either extreme, could pass from
village to village, from Greenland to Labrador, from Labrador to Ber-
ing Strait, and thence southward to the Copper or Atna River, staying
five days in each halting jjlace, and that in all that journey he would
encounter no greater differences of speech and customs than he could
master in the few days devoted to each settlement.
Probably there is no other race in the world distributed over an equal
territory, which exhibits such solidarity.
From this Dr. Rink argues that they must at some time have been
distributed in much more compact fashion, and attained nearly their
present degree of culture before their separations and migrations began,
a coQclusion which seems eminently sound.
It is possible that the Aleuts branched off somewhat earlier, but we
have every reason for supposing that the Yuit have passed into Asia
within three hundred years at most. According to Gibbs and Swan,
the Indians of Fuca Strait have distinct traditions of the Innuit as a
race of dwarfs, who live in "the always dark country" on the ice, dive
and catch whales with their hands, and ])roduce the aurora borealis by
boiling out the blubber, it being the reflection from their fires on the
sky. They are magicians, and their names must not be pronounced.
As the Western Eskimo, on the whole, are nearly as tall and quite
as athletic as the Indians, this idea has probably been transmitted from
Xorth to South with its attendant modifications in passing from mouth
to mouth, rather than derived from any actual contact in the past.
However, the point to be brought into the strongest light is the fact
that, notwithstanding the homogeneousness of the Innuit race, the prac-
121
122 MASKS AND LABRETS.
tice of labretifery and the use of death masks, as well as the profuse
adornment of themselves with dancing masks for pantomimic mythic
ceremonies, are confined to those Innuit west of the Eocky Mountains
and the Colville Eiver, and these features, especially labretifery, are
practically unknown to their kindred in the east, with whom, never-
theless, they have annual communication for jjurposes of barter.
On the other hand, the ceremonies and use of masks, particularly iu
pantomimes, are extremely and essentially similar to those of the Tlin-
kit, Haida, and Makah previously described.
Tbe adjacent Tinneh, a weak and cowardly people, have imitated these
customs as they have the Innuit dress; but the inland Tiuoeh, two or
three hundred miles inland, know nothing of them.
The use of masks among the Innuit, as elsewhere, is shamanic, pan-
tomimic and ceremonial ; and in some exceptional cases mortuary.'
The Aleuts will be separately considered. The Innuit of Prince Will-
iam Sound, from the ancient masks herein described, seem to have had
less than the usual artistic taste and ability. However, this lot may
have been made for a temporary purpose with the idea of throwing them
away when that had been accomplished (as was a not uncommon prac-
tice), and therefore may not afford a fair criterion.
From Kadiak Island northward to Norton Sound there appears to be
great similarity, though it is only where the whites are little known that
these matters ret.ain a pristine vigor. On the Lower Kuskokwim, and
on the Yukon delta, especially the southern part, is a region which was
found by Mr. Nelson particularly rich. The collection of masks ob-
tained by him seems exhaustive, and is not equaled in variety and in-
terest iTi any other museum in the world. Unfortunately, his health has
sutfered from liis too great devotion to science, and he has not yet
found himself able to classify and describe these treasures, or this chap-
ter need not have been written.
Beyond Norton Sound some \ery rude but curious masks were ob-
tained by Nelson at the Diomede Islands, Bering Strait, and at Point
Barrow, the northernmost extreme of Alaska, a few artistic and interest-
ing masks were obtained. The latter, however, judging from those col-
lected, are almost wholly wanting in the element of the grotesque which
is so rife in Bristol Bay, or the Kuskokwim and Yukon deltas.
Further information in i-egard to these northern people will probably
' It seems that they were occasioually used as decoys, as previously noted liy Meares
among the Tlinkit. Lisiauski says: "Next to the otter the most valuable animal
iu the estimation of the Kadiak men, is the si>ecies of seal or sea-dog called by the
Russians nerpa. It is caught with nets made of the same material as the line of the
sea-otter arrow ; or killed when asleep; or, which is the easiest manner of taking it,
enticed toward the shore. A fisherman concealing the lower part of his body among
the rocks puts on his head a wooden cap or rather casque resembling the head of a seal
(Plate iii, fig. c), and makes a noise like that animal. The UQSuspicious seal, im-
agining that he is about to meet a partner of his own species, hastens to the spot and
is instantly killed. (Lisianski, 1. c., p. 205).
CALL.] INNUIT MASKS. 123
soon be available on the return of the party lately stationed at Point
Barrow by the Signal Service.
The figures will give a better idea of the masks and their appendages
than can be expressed in words. A few remarks in regard to the ob-
ject of these pendants, &c., may not be out of place.
When the wearer is dancing the feathers and other appendages at-
tached flexibly to the margin of the mask will move backward and for-
ward in correspondence with the motions of the wearer, a feature which
is considered by these people as a very important part of their appear-
ance while partaking in the dance.
These dances are usually made to the sound of a parchment drum or
tambourine struck with along wand by one of the older men of the vil-
lage. He is frequently accompanied between the intervals of drum-
ming by some person who sings a few words alternating with a uniform
chorus in the customarj' Innuit fashion. To this the spectators, most
of whom are women, add their voices in chorus. These songs are de-
scriptive of some event such as might occur on a hunting, fishing, or
other expedition, generally relating either to some of their mythic le-
gends, or to actual events which have taken place to the knowledge of
those present. At some crisis in the song, the little doors of the mask
will be thrown open, and the chorus will be suddenly changed. The
disclosure of a humorous or terrifying face, where none was seen before,
by suddenly opening the little doors (which are pulled open by small
strings which pass inside the mask), is supposed by these people to
have something particularly humorous or startling about it.
The finger-masks, of which some descriptions will be given, are worn
by the women on their forefingers during the dance, and are, perhaps,
peculiar to the two deltas. They are also variable in character, and
represent often heads of animals as well as the faces of human beings.
The latter are sometimes normal and sometimes ludicrously distorted.
Often small figures, representing on a much diminished scale the com-
plex maskettes which we have just described and like them furnished
sometimes with miniature doors or flapping wings, are attached to the
borders of large masks, to portions of the dress, or to wands or other
articles held in the hand by the dancers. Many such are contained in
the collection of the National Museum.
Among the humorous or ludicrous masks, which reiiresent conven-
tionalized animals or ijortions of animals, there are some winch show
either human faces or whole human figures, either concealed by flaps
or carved in depressions on the surface of an animal mask. Some rep-
resent in a rude manner the head of a merganser, or saw-billed duck.
The head is, however, resolved into a rounded, convex, anterior jior-
tion like the bottom of the bowl of a very large ladle. The bill, with
its long teeth represented by pegs, is bent backward over the top of the
head almost exactly as the handle of a ladle. The rounded part, how-
ever, has lost all resemblance to a bird's head, and is carved to repre-
124 MASKS AND LABRETS.
sent a liuman face more or less distorted, from which the groove between
the two halves of the bill passes perpendicularly upward, and then
backward over the head, starting at the root of the nose belonging to
the human face.
In other cases, as for instance when the head of a seal is represented,
the carver not unfrequently represents, instead of the eye, on the other
half of the mask corresponding to that which is carved in aliormal
manner, a small human face, perhaps on the broad grin, supplied with
hair in little locks pegged in, with teeth, ear-rings, or miniature labrets.
The masks most commonly carved in this way are those representing
the bead of a fox, wolf, or seal. It is a common thing in all the masks,
human and animal alike, to have the tongue loose, so that it will rattle
or move with the motions of the dance, or to have miniature arms, legs,
or wings attached to the mask at the margin, which are intended to
move in the same way. They are generally lashed to the stump of a
feather, the quill of which is pegged in and whittled to a point outside,
to which the appendage is attached and which gives it the necessary
flexibility.
Masks of the kind above mentioned may be found in the National
Museum collection under the numbers 38865, 38733, 38861, 48985, etc.
Most of these were collected by Mr. E. W. Nelson. The masks from
Point Barrow are particularly distinguished by an artistic finish and
the extremely ftiithful way in which they represent the features of the
Innuit of that vicinity, who bear a stronger resemblance to their Green-
land relations than do the Innuit of Alaska further south, a circum-
stance doubtless due in part to the fact that their surroundings are
much more like those of Greenland than is the case with those of the
coasts of Norton Sound and Bristol Bay.
Labrets are of comparatively rare occurrence on these masks, al-
though all the male members of the tribe wear them.
INNUIT OF PRINCE WILLIAM SOUND OR CHUGACH BAY, ALASKA.
An interesting series of rude and evidently very old and much weath-
ered masks was received some years ago by the National Museum from
the Alaska Commercial Company of San Francisco. They had been
collected by their agent at Port Etches, in response to a general order
from the company requesting such collections.
These masks were carved out of nearly flat slab-like pieces of Sitka
spruce {Abies Sitlcensis), and exhibit little or no artistic skill. They had
originally been ornamented with feathers and with rude attempts at
decoration with red argillaceous iron ore, the only source of the red
color known to these people before vermilion and other civilized paints
were introduced bv the whites. It is a curious fact that some one had
BALL] CHUGACHIGMUT MASKS. 125
made an attempt to furbish up the old painting by daubing oji a little
vermilion and by sticking a few new feathers into the holes, whence the
old ones had rotted away. I suppose that these masks were old danc-
ing masks, which, as was sometimes the custom, were thrown away after
the festival was over into some convenient and perhaps habitual rock-
shelter. There they had lain many years, for wood decays with great
slowness in this climate when not actually subjected to iieriodic soak-
ings and dryings. When the agent had appealed for " curios" to the
natives of the adjacent villages, some one had thought of these old
masks as a means of procuring some tobacco, and having brought them
in, supposed a little brightening up would not make the price any
smaller, and so, before presenting them to the agent, added the ver-
milion and new feathers. At least this is the way I interpret the evi-
dence of the specimens.
The attempts at humor in the make-up of these masks give one a
very poor idea of the wit of the makers. These efforts are confined to
elevating one eyebrow and depressing the other; to tipping the straight
gash by which the mouth is represented up or down at one corner ; to
representing the left eye as half-closed, closed, or even absent ; painting
one eye red and leaving the other blank.
It is to be remarked that though these people are the most south-
eastern of all the West American Innuit, and in constant communica-
tion with people of Tlinkit stock, there is not the slightest similarity
of style between their masks and those of their Indian neighbors. In-
deed, they are not much like those of the present Innuit tribes of the
peninsula and eastern coast of Bering Sea, nor of the Aleuts in de-
tails. But the style is distinctively Innuit, nevertheless.
These masks are described below and figured, as it seemed they were
well worth it, notwithstanding their rude execution.
Iv^one of the present inhabitants of Prince William Sound appear to
wear labrets ; at least I saw none with them, though they were formerly
worn by the males, and of the usual Innuit type, i. e., that resembling
as nearly as possible a " stove-pii^e" hat.
W'ith the exception of fig. 20265, these masks are figured on a scale
of one-eighth the size of the originals.
20265 (Plate XXIII, figs. 54-56).— Dancing mask made of white
spruce wood, very rude and cumbersome, contributed to the National
Museum by the Alaska Commercial Company, collected at Prince Will-
iam Sound by their agent. History wanting, but they all bear evidence
of much weathering and were doubtless obtained from some rock-shelter,
where they had lain many years. The figure shows the shape, which
resembles the conventional form adopted by the Innuit of the western
coast for the head of the " bowhead " whale (Balaena viysticetus, L.). A
similar carving, very minute, but representing the same subject, was
dug out of shell heaps at Port Moller by me in 1874, and figui-ed in the
first volume of the Contributions to American Ethnology (P. .87, fig.
126
MASKS AND LABRETS.
16089). It is also in fashion of a mask and was probably lashed to some
part of a head-dress. The figure is reproduced here for comparison
(Plate XXIII, figs. 57-5S).
There is a fainttraceof redochreonthemediaukeelofthiscarviugaud
on the upper back edges, and there are numerous holes aloug the outer
edges where feathers had once been pegged in. There is nothing to in-
dicate how it was to be held on the head. The original is 20 inches iu
length and 9^ iu breadth.
20203 (Plate XXIII, figs. 51-53). — Dancing mask ; record the same as
that of the preceding. The figure shows the shape. There is a band of
red ochre over and under the lips and on the border of the lower bevel.
On the upper bevel is a half moon and some irregular blotches, now quite
faint, but originally intended to indicate seals or fishes. There was
originally a lattice behind with three cross-sticks and two uprights to hold
it on, besides a mouth-bar of wood, which, however, showed no tooth-
marks. There was no indentation to accommodate the neck. There had
been one feather pegged to the upper margin over the nose. There was
no indication whatever of a left eye in this one, and it does not seem to
have been much used.
202G7. — Dancing mask from Prince William Sound ; history similar
to the preceding numbers ; rude and heavy. This mask is well rep-
resented by the figure ; it is somewhat de-
cayed fi'om exjiosure and must be very old.
There is a shallow groove with a red blotch
under it for a left eye. There are traces of
red ochre around the mouth and on the upper
border. The right eye is not colored. There
was a feather pegged iu at the top on each
side. This is known by the decayed remains
of the quill around the peg. Head lattice
gone, but places where two cross-sticks were
lashed still visible.
20269 (Plate XXV, figs. 63-64).— Dancing
^°^^''- mask; same record as the preceding. Upper
border indented by a rounded notch, as seen iu the figure. Origiually
there was one feather in each horn or process at the sides of the
notch. In the furbishiug-up already alluded to a new feather had
been stuck into one of the old pegholes. The forehead is perforated.
The nostrils, as in all this series, serve as peepholes. Above them
on the back of the mask and below the forehead perforation the red
ochre from the wearer's forehead had been rubbed off on the wood.
Such incidents give a human interest to these relics which otherwise
they seem almost to lack, like fossils. The nose was greenish, and a stripe
of the same runs uji to the point where the feather was pegged iu, one
on each side. There is some red around the mouth, radiating streaks
about the forehead hole (sun ?) ; the moon on forehead is red and also
CALL.] CHUGACHIGMUT MASKS. 127
the right eye aud in general the edges of the mask. The back has uo
neck indentation, but a heavy lattice bar, to which aijparently were once
attached three or five lattice sticks.
20268. (Plate XXIV, figs. 60-G2).— Dancing mask; material and his-
tory as in the preceding specimens from Prince William Sound. The fig-
ure gives a suflScient idea of its form. Eemains of red ochre are percep-
tible in a band around the mouth and around the edge of the mask; the
riglit eye is red, also concentric circle and radii around the hole in the
forehead (to rejiresent the sun?) and a red half moon above it. Red
paint from the wearer's face also visible in the interior of the mask
where the two had come in contact. A V-shaped groove extends from
the root of the nose upward to the insertion of two feathers, one on
each horn of the mask. On each side there were originally six feathers,
pegged in; peepholes at the nostrils where a fragment of sinew thread
indicates that a nose ornament was hung, and, inside, a small bar of
wood lashed with strong sinew by the middle and by a cord about an
inch long to the nasal septum. This was held in the teeth and took
the i^lace of the ordinary arched mouth-bar, fastened at both ends.
The lower margin of the mask is indented or excavated in the middle,
the better to receive the front of the neck. The lattice mostly gone.
To show the way in which these masks were usually held on, a res-
toration of the back of this or a similar mask has been figured. The
notch for the neck, the ±-shaped mouth-bar, and the lattice are shown
in a way the imperfect and decayed condition of the originals would
not admit of.
A strong bar was lashed horizontally near the top of the mask by
its ends. A variable number of uprights were rigidly lashed to this
bar and their free ends to a loose bar. The torsion exerted on the
upper horizontal bar, when the head was inserted between the lattice
and the mask, held the latter like a spring upon the head, and more
steadiness was added by the mouth-bar being held between the teeth.
There were numerous small variations on this i)lan, but the essential
principle was in nearly all cases the same.
20264. (Plate XXV, fig. 65).— Dancing mask from Prince William
Sound; record as above. This specimen is impeifect. There are rem-
nants of blackish coloration on the nose, running up to a point on the
forehead. On the upper bevel of the mask red blotches rudely indicate
two fish on each side, aud a seal in the middle with a narrow crescent
below them. From the projecting ball of each eye a seal is represented
as hanging, facing the nose; a seal is represented on the side of the fore-
head and two on the cheeks looking outward ; on the right side there
are three, and on the left four red circles above the upper lip, which,
as well as the lower slope of the eyebrows, is reddened. The left eye
■was originally reddened. A strip of whalebone and a feather were
stuck into the upper lip on each side. A bit of fur had been bound
around the upper edges. The mouth-bar was attached to the nasal
128 MASKS AND LABRETS.
septum by a cord around the middle. The lasbiugs were of siuew, and
there are many peg-holes at the sides, but the ornaments they fastened
long since disappeared.
20266 (Plate XXIV, fig. 59).— Dancing mask from Prince William
Sound; record and general appearance much likethe last, as will be seen
by the figure. There are traces of red ochre over the lip, on the right
eye, on the eyebrow, and some nearly effaced figures on the forehead.
A number of feathers had been pegged to the side margins. The left
eye had not been colored. The peep-holes were through the nostrils,
the lattice entirely gone.
From the same locality as these masks a dried body was sent, which
still showed labret holes in its withered cheeks and a perineal incision,
by which the viscera had been extracted in order to dry the remains.
No record of particulars accompanied the specimens other than that
above referred to.
INNUIT MASKETTE FROM KADIAK ISLAND.i
16268. (Plate XXVI, fig. 67.)— Maskette of the Kaniaguiut Innuit, ob-
tained at Saint Paul, Kadiak Island, Alaska, by William H. Dall. The
size of the disk is S by 5 inches. It is imperforate. The disk is rather
heavy and thick, but carefully carved after one of the ancient model
by one, or under the direction of one, of the old men of the village. It is
painted white, with lines and tracery on it of red, blue, and black. The
disk is surrounded by a narrow, flat hoop, through which are passed the
quills of three large dark feathers on each side. A little in advance of
'The customs of these savages (Innuit of Kadiak) are nearly allied to those of the
Ooualashkans. They have the same kind of instruments, darts, and boats, or baidars,
but much worse made ; nor are they so active upon (he water. Their dances arc proper
touiuaments, with a knife or lance in the right hand and a rattle in the left ; the rattle
is made of a number of thin hoops, one in the other, covered with white feathers, and
having the red bills of the sea-parrot suspended on very short threads; which, being
shalceu, strike together, and make a very considerable noise ; their music is the tam-
bourine, and their songs are warlike. They frequently are much hurt, but never lose
their temper in consequence of it. In these dances they use masks, or paint their
faces very fantastically. (Sauer, in Billings' Voyage in 1792, on Kadiak Innuit, p.
176.)
November they spend in visiting each other, feasting in the manner of the Oona-
lashkans, and dancing with masks and painted faces. (Sauer, 1. c, p. 178.)
They still observe their annual danco in masks, and with painted faces ;. the masks
are called kuguh, and I discovered that some particular ornaments of their dress used
upon this occasion were regarded as charms, having power to prevent any fatal acci-
dents, either in the chase or in their wars ; but in the latter they now never engage.
(Sauer, 1. c, p. 272.)
In 1305 Langsdorft' (vol. ii, p. 49) observed of the Kadiak natives that "the masks
which earlier travelers observed these jieople to wear at their festivals seem now
entirely laid aside.
°-*^'-' KANIAGMDT MASKETTE 129
the feathers are inserted the stems of nine semilunar bits of carved
wood, of which one is figured on an enlarged scale, which are whitened
and ornamented with a pattern of lines and dots. The presence of these
appendages on this mask explains the purpose of the myriads of leaf-
shaped and variously formed appendages which was discovered in the
rubbish of the Unga rock-shelter. Taken by themselves, having lost
all connection with their originals, most of which had become dust or
so broken as to be unrecognizable, these little articles were incompre-
hensible.
Behind the disk of this maskette was a strong arch-shaped hoop, to
which strips of skin from the neck of the winter reindeer, with the long
hair attached, were fastened to form a sort of aureole or fringe. Three
of the supports of the hoop project beyond the fringe, and to each is
attached by a sinew-thread a leaf-shaped appendage. In use, these
hang down and move with the motion of the wearer, but in the figure,
for the sake of clearness, they are represented as pointing outward ; one
is represented on an enlarged scale. The attachment of such swinging
or pendulous pieces to the head-dress, mask, or garment used in the
dance was universal. The response of their motion to the swaying of
the wearer's body in time with the tambourine in the dance was justly
considered graceful and attractive, as was the swaying of the fringes
and feathers.
INNUIT MASKS PROM THE KUSKOKWIM RIVER.
No. 64241.— Dancing mask from the Innuit of the Kuskokwim River,
collected by E. W. Nelson ; nearly flat, circular, with white goose feathers
inserted into holes around the outer edge, and supported behind by a
small wooden hoop. The face, in the center, is regularly formed ; the
eyes, nostrils, and mouth perforated. The disk is 14 inches in diam-
eter, exclusive of feathers. Mouth furnished with natural teeth, proba-
bly of a dog. Four rude animal heads, about 2 inches long, are in-
serted at equal distances from each other near the margin ; a black circle
is painted outside of the face. The groundwork of the mask is white;
the relief around the face, the hair, etc., is colored a dull green, the outer
edge of nostrils and a broad mustache, are black. Two hands, about
7 inches long, are pegged to the front outer margin ; there is a hole
through the centerof each, and they are roughly colored red. The mask
projects in relief about 3 inches.
No. 61244.— Kuskokwim River Innuit dancing mask, collected by Mr.
E. W. Nelson. Disk of the mask about 8 inches in diameter. Margin
fringed with deer hair, much destroyed by moths. Two hoops of
wood exterior to the disk probably once supported a fringe of feathers.
Five or six small wooden appendages, shaped like the blade of a pad-
3 ETH — 9
130 MASKS AND LABRETS.
die, belong to it ; these were originally pegged to the forehead fonuiug
a sort of arch over it, they are whitened. Belief of the disk black ; the
cheeks and around the eyes, white. Two large wooden appendages
about 8 inches long, somewhat saber-shaped, are loosely fastened one
on each side just outside the cheek. One eye circular with a dash of
blue around it ; the other, semi-lunar. Mouth wide, arched upward,
center reamed out circularly, with an appendage like a beak about 2
inches long, one part above and one below this central perforation.
No. 64257. — Innuit dancing mask from the Kuskokwim River, col-
lected by E. W. Nelson. Length, about 20 inches. Shape, oval. Disk
somewhat, concavely arched. At the lower end something rudely re-
sembling a seal's head is attached, with two round jirojecting pegs, prob-
ably rei^resenting eyes. The disk as a whole is probably intended to
represent a seal, or other animal, conventionalized. This part of the
mask is blackened. The whole area of the back, with the exception of
a margin about IJ inches wide, is excavated and whitened. There are
here represented, in the center, two eyes inclined downward at the in-
ner corners, two oval nostrils, and a semi-lunar mouth, concave down,
ward, with blackened wooden pegs for teeth. The eyebrows and a line
over the nose, and another below the lower lip, are blackened. A rude
face is represented in the upper portion by black lines. In the outer
portion of the margin, are two large round holes nearly equi-distant from
the ends and from each other. The interior of i hese holes is colored red.
Owls' feathers are pegged into the outer margin at about four places on
each side, and are supported by two hoops which are lashed to each
other, to the lower pair of round holes in the margin, and also to a squar-
ish hole at the upper end.
No. 30775. — Maskette found on the ice floating in the sea off Una-
lashka Island, having probably drifted from the Yukon River, or Kus-
kokwim River, on the ice. Disk elongated, about 22 inches long and
7 inches wide, bioad and rounded at the lower end, tapering and trun-
cated at the upper end. In the center a circular si;ace is excavated,
about 8 inches in diameter, in which is a face carved in relief, with
perforated G shaped irides, the pupils of which are represented by cir-
cular bits of wood, supported by bits of wood not cut out. The mouth
is semi-lunar, arched upward, with six teeth carved in the wood above
and below. There are two pegs in the chin and two in each cheek.
The hair was formerly blackened. The whole mask has the appeai'ance
of having been washed in a river or on the sea-shore, so that the color-
ation is mostly gone. Below the carved face (one on each side) are two
round disks of tinned iron, about t^ inches in diameter, let into the
wood, and having the appearance of eyes. The whole mask seems as
if it was intended to represent the dorsal surface of a whale. To the
outer margin large feathers were formerly pegged in, of which only the
shafts remain.
No. G4216. — Maskette used by the Innuit of the Kuskokwim River,
DALL] FINGER MASKS. 131
collected by E. W. Kelson. This specimen considerably resemWes, in
most respects, ifo. 33109 (described above). It is, however, smaller, be-
ing about 14 inches in length over all ; and the face carved on the body
is covered by two small doors, hinged at the sides, which, when they
are closed, conceal it — -the body then appearing smoothly convex over
its whole surface. When these little doors, which meet when closed
and open iu the middle, are opened, the face carved upon the body is
made visible. The inside of these doors is painted with figures of rein-
deer and seals in black, on a white ground. The legs and arms attached
to the disk are grooved on the front surface, reddened, and pegs re-
sembling teeth stuck in at the edges of the groove.
This description of mask appears under a great many diiferent forms.
Sometimes the mask itself represents a face with a beak or other ap-
pendage attached to it; and the ears are represented by wing-like
appendages, which move backwards and forwards, and are painted with
figures of animals, as in the case just mentioned.
In other cases, the disk of the mask represents the body or the head
of an animal, or in some cases the body of a fish. On the front sur-
face of this, that is to say the back of the animal, similar little doors
will be placed, which, when opened, disclose another face with gaping
jaws, or some other unexpected carving. The variety is difficult to de-
scribe. Hardly any two of them are alike. Most of them are more or
less ornamented with deer hair, feathers, seal's whiskers, or something
of the kind, which, in many cases in the Museum specimens, has been
lost or destroyed. The object of these appendages, such as doors or
wings, is by opening them suddenly to give a surprise to the spectators
during the course of the dances in which they are worn.
FINeSB MASKS.
No. 36236. — Finger mask from Chalitmut, Yukon delta, collected by
E. W. Nelson. This is about 3 inches high, not including fringe. Disk
circular, concavely excavated, surrounded by a narrow frame joined to
the disk by four projections, the intervening spaces carved out. Cen-
tral disk representing a round face with an obsolete nose, not perfor-
ated, mouth narrow, concavely arched upward, coloration white, mar-
gin surrounded with a fringe composed of a strip of skin from the rein-
deer's throat, with the long white hair attached to it.
No. 36231. Finger mask, collected by E. W. Nelson, iu the south part
of the Yukon delta, at the village of Kang-egik-nog emiit. Disk circular
connected by a narrow stem with the stall for the fingers. The whole,
about 5^ inches long, exclusive of fringe. Fringe of deer hair, with
two or three tail-feathers of the old squaw duck. Disk without a mar-
gin. The right eye brow forming a semicircle, or nearly so, with the
bridge of the nose with which it is continuous. Beneath it is a semi-
lunar perforation representing the eye. At the lower end of the ridge
another perforation representing the nostrils. Month commencing on
132 MASKS AND LABRETS.
the right side, curviug to the left, a little downward, aud theu following
the curve of the right margin upward to a point above the right eye-
brow. There is no left eye or eyebrow.
No. 37130 (Plate XXVII, fig. C9).— Finger mask about 4 inches long,
collected by E. W. Nelson on the Lower Kuskokwim Kiver. A circular
disk of 3 inches, connected with a J-shaped handle below, and no per-
forated fingerstall. Disk somewhat excavated, with nariow margin.
Center occupied by a round face. The bottom of the groove separating
the face from the margin is marked with a red line. The left eye, and
the space around it, is concave ; the eye semi-lunar and perforated. A
single nostril is indicated, the outer point of which is somewhat turned
up on the left side. The right eye is represented by a round, projecting
peg. There is no right nostril. The mouth commences below the mid-
dle of the left eye, on the left side, and curves up over what would be
the right cheek to a point midway between the peg which represents
the right eye and the groove surrounding the face. The whole is carved
in very slight relief. The margin is surrounded with a strip of deer
skin, retaining the hair like the others, and one or two strips of bird's
skin which formerly had the feathers upon them, to the end of which a
single white feather is fastened. The workmanlike smoothness and
artistic finish of the disk is poorly represented by the wood cut, which
has an appearance of rudeness not characteristic of the original.
INNUIT MASKS FROM NORTON SOUND AND THE YUKON DELTA.
No. 33113. — From the Innuit of Norton Sound, Alaska; collected by
E. W. Nelson; collector's number, 1 428. A maskette of oval form,
about 2 feet 2 inches over all in length, aud 10 inches \\'ide in the middle.
The disk is about 14 inches in length, and apparently represents in the
center a kyak with a deep groove, colored red, on each side of it, about
1^ inches wide, outside of which is the margin of the mask, whitened.
The groove is set with pegs, resembling teeth, alternately placed, those
on the inside alternating with those on the outside ; there are about
seven on each side. In the kyak, where the hole for the sitter would
be, is represented a face in relief, with perforated eyes. Mouth aud
nostrds not perforated. The main groundwork of the whole mask is
whitened ; the outlines touched in in black. The mouth of the face is col-
ored red ; the nostrils and eyes black. Something resembling a beard
is represented by dashes of black. The nostrils point nearly forward,
and are circular. Above this face is a rectangular thin piece of wood
about 4 inches long by 2J high, fastened at the bottom somewhat in the
manner of a sounding-board, and on it is represented the figure of a
seal in black. At the top and bottom ends of the oval disk, under the
bow and stern of the kyak, are represented two large hands, about 6
DALL.1 MASKS FROM NORTON SOUND. 133
inches long by 5 inches wide, the Augers red, the palms of the hands
white, with a black line across each. In the lower hand is represented
the fignre of a seal in wood, pegged on ; this is whitened with an ash-
colored back. Both hands are represented as nearly wide open.
No. 38857. — Dancing mask from the Yukon River ; collected by E.
W. Nelson ; collector's number, 1620 ; obtained from the Innuit of Eas-
boinikskoi village ; height of disk about 6 inches, somewhat oval, face
carved in relief. Above the mouth and below the eyebrows it is whit-
ened ; the remainder is of a greenish color. The margin is marked with
a red line inside and outside ; between the lines it is of the natural
color of the wood. Mouth large, arched downward, semi-lunar, eyes
and mouth perforated, fringe composed of feathers pegged into the outer
margin.
24334 (Plate XXVI, fig. 68).— Shamanic mask from Saint Michael's,
Norton Sound, Alaska, collected for the National Museum by L. M. Tur-
ner. This broad shield-shaped mask or rather maskette is said to have
been the property of a shaman and to symbolize a lynx or wild-cat. It is
17 by 13J inches. The upper and lateral margins are ornamented by stiff
feathers inserted into holes and secured by pegs ; they are still further
stiffened by a cord which passes from quill to quill fastened strongly to
each and drawn taut between the feathers. To the middle of the upper
margin part of the skin of a ptarmigan (Lagopus alhus) is attached by
a cord. It is in the brown summer plumage. Two little rude heads,
intended for mink, are placed in the upper part of the mask, one at each
corner. The face in the center is provided with pointed projecting ears,
separately carved. One of the mink heads and one of the ears are
represented on a larger scale in the figure as well as a section of the
mask showing its relief. The face is whitened with some red stripes oa
it ; the general field of the disk is greenish. The mouth is furnished
with real teeth, perhaps of seals, set in, and a rudely carved paw is at-
tached on each side of the face. The whiskers are represented by some
small narrow feathers set in over the upper lip.
There are quite a number of such masks in the collection, that is of
the same general character, and they are alleged to represent some
mythical animal spirit which has appeared to the shaman during his
solitary meditations.
It is to be hoped that when Mr. Nelson has recovered his health he
will unravel for ethnologists the mysterious web of fact and fancy which
veils to us the relations and uses of the Innuit masks. No one is per-
haps so well qualified to do it, and it is certain that there is no existing
collection which approaches in number or variety the assortment of
these objects which the National Museum owes to his energy and
sagacity.
24328 (Plate XXV, fig. do). — Maskette resembling a seal's head, ob-
tained from the Unaligmut Innuit at the village near Saint Michael's,
Norton Sound, Alaska, by L. M. Turner. Dimensions, lOf by 7^ inches.
134 MASKS AND LABEETS.
This maskette is a fair representative of a very common type; its color-
ation is chiefly black and white and it has no perforations. It was
doubtless attached to the head-dress and worn in one of thepantomimic
dances. From this variety to the other, in which the face is distorted or
a small human face looks out from the side of that of the animal, the
distance is not great.
No. 30109.— Collected by E. W. Nelson, south of the Lower Yukon ;
collector's number, 1445. Innuit maskette over all about 18 inches in
length, representing a figure with arms and legs extended and bent for-
ward. The disk of the mask consists of the body of this figure, to which
the head and neck, arms and legs of the figure are attached. These are
also supported by a small wooden hoop in front, at a distance of about
2 or 3 inches from the body. The body of the mask is of a squarish form,
beveled oft' to meet the neck and also to the attachments to the limbs.
It is white. The central part of it circularly excavated. In the bottom
of the excavation is a round face with perforated mouth and eyes. The
edge around the face is colored red with round white spots, about ten in
number, at nearly equal intervals. The face is white. The eyebrows are
black and a black line passes around the eyes above and below and over
the nose, like the frame of a pair of spectacles. There is a black line over
each nostril. The nostrils themselves, a mustache (divided in the mid-
dle by a white line), and a sort of goatee — all these are black. The lips
are red, mouth concave downward, without teeth, and nearly closed.
The head has a long neck and an oval face, with ears and mouth red,
dotted black mustache and eyebrows; black eyes, not perforated; and
the usual black mark on the chin. The groundwork is whitened. The
arms and legs of the first joint from the body, are white, surrounded by
a black baud, with a white spot on it. The distal joint of each limb is
reddened, with a white spot. Something has, at one time, been pegged
to the palm of each hand and to the ankle of each leg. Between the
arm and the leg on each side, and nearest to the former, has been
pegged in one feather, and a piece of wood rudely carved to represent
a hand, fastened by the shaft of a feather so that it will move when the
mask is shaken.
. — Innuit maskette probably from Norton Sound, with-
out a number; collected by E. W. Nelson. Height of disk about S inches,
diameter about 0, nearly flat, margin reddened, forehead of a bluish
green, cheeks between eyebrows and mouth whitened. The right eye-
brow reddened, also the mouth. A round hole in the center of the fore-
head, about three-quarters of an inch in diameter. The leit eye repre-
sented by a similar round hole. The nose is curved to the right very
strongly. No nostrils are represented. The right eye is represented
(almost closed) by a curved perforation slightly concave upwards. In
the center of the right cheek is a j)rominence, with a circular hole in it,
and a nearly flat margin. The nose appears as if it was tui-ued some-
what towards this prominence. The mouth is narrow, sharply pointed
DALL.] MASKS FROM BERING STRAIT. 135
to the left, with four short pegs representing teeth, is nearly below the
nose, and perforated throughout the gi'eater part of its length. At the
right corner of the mouth is another circular perforation, with a red bev-
eled margin, immediately beneath the pei'fo ration of the cheek, and about
three-quarters of an inch in diameter. This has four pegs representing
teeth in the upper part, and three in the lower part. It is evidently in-
tended to represent a sort of supplementary mouth. This mask -was
held on bj- a deer-skin thong, which is still attached to it, and appar-
ently went around the back of the head.
]S"o. 38G46 (Plate XXVII, fig. 70).— Innuit maskette, collected by E.
W. Xelson at Big Lake, near Cape Rumiantsoff. It is of an oval shape,
about 8 inches long, smaller at the upper end, with the left margin
slightly concave, and the right margin considerably convex, I'ounded
below and also above. The left eye arched upward, represented as
nearly closed, the curve of the eyebrow forming nearly a semi-circle
with the left side of the ridge of the nose. The nose is represented
without nostrils. The right eye is represented nearly at right angles to
the other, and as fnlly opened. It is also perforated. The outer an-
gle points nearly upward. The eyebrow extends from a point about an
inch above this perforation, curving slightly to the left, and then curv-
ing strongly to the left near the end of the nose. The mouth is repre-
sented asrounded at the left end, where it is also perforated with a nearly
circular hole. It curves below the nose for a short distance, and then
nearly parallel with the right side of the disk. It is reddened inside, and
contains numerous pegs of uncolored wood, representing teeth. There
is no perforation in the bottom of the groove representing the mouth,
except the rounded one below the left eye. The general surface of this
mask is not colored. According to Mr. Nelson, it is intended for use in
some legendary festival.
INNUIT MASKS FROM BERING STRAIT.
No. 64216.— Innuit maskette, collected by E. W. Nelson, at the Dio-
mede Islands, Bering Strait. Maskette of a squarish-oval form, very
rough ; about 9 inches in length by 6 in width. Very i-oughly carved.
Wood not smooth. Most of it is rubbed with a whitish earth. The
upper portion of it, where the hair would be, is blackened. The upper
half contains, below the two eyebrows, two narrow, nearlj- horizontal
perforations for eyes, of which the right one is somewhat higher than
the other, and between them a rough, irregularly carved projection rep-
resenting the nose. Below this, and a little to the left, on the flat part
of the face, are two i^erforations, somewhat resembling nostrils. A
little further to the left, and below, is a perforation or slit representing
the mouth, and nearly horizontal, except that the right end is turned
136 MASKS AND LABEETS.
downward nearly at right angles. To the right of the nose, above de-
scribed, and of the nostrils mentioned, below the right eye, is another
similar nose, carved on what otherwise would be the right cheek. The
whole carving is of the roughest and most ordinary description. It
appears to have been held on by a thong, passing through two holes in
the margin, just below the level of the eyes, one at each side.
INNUIT MASKS FROM POINT BAEROW, ARCTIC OCEAN.
No. 64230.— Mask used by the Arctic Innuit of Point Barrow, Alaska
collected by E. W. Nelson. About 8 inches in leugth. Face about 5J
inches wide, and from tip to tip of the wings, about 19 inches. Mask
of an oval form, rather convex, and carved rather thin. Much weather-
beaten or washed. Represents very faithfully the features of the Innuit
of Point Barrow. A black line crosses the face over the eyes, which
are represented as nearly closed. The interior of the mouth is black-
ened, the lips are red, ornamented with teeth taken from seals and
inserted in the upper and lower jaw of the mask. A black streak on
the upper lip, and another on the chin, represent a moustache and a
little goatee. A groove surrounds the disk of the mask, in which it is
probable that a strip of reindeer heir, or cord, with feathers in it, was
originally placed, but of which no portion remains. At each side of
the mask is a triangular wing, the base extends from the level of the
outer corner of the eye to the level of the outer corner of the mouth,
and is hinged on with a cord, made of sinew, to the margin of the mask,
so that it will move backward and forward. On these wings are repre-
sented figures of whales, birds, and a boat with people iu it. They are
drawn in black upon the clean surface of the wood. The upper mar-
gins of the wings are smooth and nearly horizontal. The lower margins
are somewhat arched, and are ornamented with notches. The margin
all around is reddened with red chalk, or similar coloring matter. The
main body of this mask appears not to have been colored, or, if colored
at all, to be merely rubbed with the white earth, to which reference has
been made.
ALEUTIAN MASKS.
As Las elsewhere beeu stated the Aleuts or UnuDgQn, protected and
isolated by their iusular habitat from an extremely distant period, seem
to have developed in particular directions to a greater extent than any
other known branch of the lunuit stem. This is especially evident in
their language, religious exercises, and certain details of handiwork,
such as embroidery, and grass-fiber weaving.
The early advent of bigoted and fanatical priests, whose promotion
to a more congenial sphere depended in part on the number of converts
and communicants they were able to report, aided by brutal and un-
sympathetic traders as masters of all, resulted in a total breakup of
everything resembling their original state of culture, except such
branches of it as related to hunting and daily labor.
For fifty years the Aleuts were treated as slaves. Hundreds of them
were lost in long journeys at sea in their frail skin canoes. Their wom-
en were taken from them to serve the purposes of their brutal mas-
ters (being first baptized that lust might not be defiled by relations
with paganism, a practice in vogue with some of the Russians in the
Yukon region' as lately as 1867 to my personal knowledge). In every
way they were ground to the earth. The priests when they came bap-
tized them ; subjected them to tithes ; prohibited their festivals and
pantomimic dances as heretical and blasphemous; taught them that
their forefathers, being all pagans, were eternally damned, and that
everything appertaining to them and their shamanism and other cus-
toms, as well as their very tombs and dead bodies savored of hell-fire.
So thoroughly were they taught this lesson that today the ethnologist
may rifle their fathers' graves in the sight of all, and the only emotion
it excites in their minds is astonishment that any one will risk eternal
torment by touching the accursed remains. About 1830 Veniaminoff
came, and in seven years spread the gospel and taught the Aleuts for
the first time that Christianity was not necessarily the symbol of things
brutal, licentious, selfish, cruel, and depraved. The race had imbibed
a sort of melancholy, in strange contrast to their original light-heart ed-
ness, and of this they have not yet shaken oft' the evidences. But,
with a living example of love, care, piety, generosity and self denial
before them in the person of Veniaminoff, for seven years, a new life
arose In the minds of the people. From the hunters they turned to the
church for solace, aesthetic gratification, and leadership, and, as a peo-
>Thi8 knowledge refers not to the Aleuts who have all heen "Christians" since
1830, hut to wild Indians of the interior. It was formerly equally tiue of the Aleuts.
137
138 MASKS AND LABRETS.
pie, have never swerved from this course. It is true they are very ig-
norant, and that many of the old superstitions are still secretly believed
in, as among civilized folk, but, as a general statement, it may be said
that the character and nature of their ancient rites are almost wholly
extiuguished from memory and entirely from actual practice, and have
been for many years. With the present generation almost all that re-
mains of the knowledge of these things will absolutely pass away.
The idea that the knowledge of these things is sinful has been so per-
sistently instilled into their minds that no passing stranger can induce
them to reveal what they know. After some years pretty close inter-
course a few hints have been dropped, or a few explanations vouch-
safed, from time to time, but even then an inquiry would cause an im-
mediate relapse into a wilful and stony ignorance in regard to anything
of the sort. For this reason I can offer only a repetition of remarks
which have been printed before' in various places touching their cere-
monial use of masks. They had the usual method of dancing with
masks on during the progress of several sorts of ceremonies, and added
to that another practice, spoken of before as practiced in Mexico,
namely, covering the face of the dead with a mask.
In 1840, in his "Notes on the Unalashka District," Father Veniami-
noff wrote in regard to the Aleuts.
Their original pantheism has entirely disappeared. Their songs and dances are now
quite different from those described by the early voyagers. The idolatrous custom of
dancing with masks on in their secret rites has passed away.
If the missionaries had sent the pantheistic paraphernalia as trophies
to the Imperial Academy of Sciences, with a description of the details
of the paganism they supplanted, their defects might be covered with
the veil of charity, but, on the contrary, they destroyed on the spot
everything they could get at, and even went so far as to rifle all conven-
iently situated tombs'' and to destroy the carvings, masks, and relics
'6fe Alaska audits Resources. 8°. Boston, Lee ^f Shej)anl, IS'O, pp. 388-390; also,
Contributions to N. Am. Ethnology, vol, 1, pp. 8'J-!)1, 1875 ; and Remains of later pre-
historic man obtained from caves (etc.), of the Aleutian Islands. 4°. Smithsonian
Contributions to Knowledge, No. 318, Washington, 1878, pp. d8-32.
-Their only music is the tambour, to the beat of which the women dance. Their
holidays, which are kept in the spring and autumn, are spent in dancing and eating.
In the spring holidays they wear masks, neatly carved and fancifully ornamented. I
believe that this constitutes .some religious rite which, however, I could not persuade
them to explain. I attribute this to the extraordinary and superstitious zeal of our
illiterate and more savage priest, who, upon hearing that some of our gentlemen
had seen a cave in their walks, where many carved masks were deposited, went and
burnt them all. Not satisfied with this, he threatened the natives for worshii)ing
idols, and, I believe I may say, forced many to be christened by him without being
able to assign to them any other reason than that they might now worship the Trin-
ity, pray to St. Nicholas and a cross which was hung about their necks, and that
they would obtain whatever they asked for, adding that they must renounce the
devil and all his works to secure thera eternal happiness. It appeared to me that
they regarded this as an insult; be that as it may, however, they were not pleased,
but had not power to resent. (Account of the Aleuts of Unalashka in Sauer's Ac-
count of Billings' Voyage, 1792, p. 160; the masks are figured on Plate xi.)
DALL.J ALEUTIAN MASKS. 139
they contained. Venianiinoff, as his boobs show, wouhl have been
more rational, but the mischief antedated his service in the district.
They were originally very fond of dances and festivals, which, on the
whole, correspond pretty well with those of the Innuit and the people
of the Sitkau Archipelago. These festivals, as among the continental
lunuit, were chiefly held in the month of December. Whole villages
were entertained by other villages. Successive dances of children,
naked men beating drums (or rather tambouiines), and of women curi-
ously attired were followed by shamaiiic incantations and feasting.
If a whale was cast on shore the natives assembled with joyous and
remarkable ceremonies. They advanced and beat tambourines of dif-
ferent sizes. The carcass was then cut up and a feast held on the spot.
The dances had a mystic signiticance, some of the men were dressed in
their most showy attire, and others danced naked iu large wooden
masks which came down to their shoulders, and rei)reseuted various
sea animals. They had religious dances and festivals in December.
During these, images or idols, temporarily prepared, were carried from
island to island, and strange ceremonies, of which we have only dim
traditions, were performed in the night. There were mysteries sacred
to the males, and others to the females. In some secret orgies both
sexes joined without reproach. Hundreds of women wearing masks
are said to have danced naked iu the moonlight, men being rigidly ex-
cluded and liable to death if detected intruding. The men had analo-
gous dances. An idea prevailed that while these mystic rites were
going on a spirit or power descended into the idol. To look at or see
him was death or misfortune, hence they wore large masks carved from
drift- wood, with holes cut so that nothing before them or above them
could be seen, but only the ground near their feet. After the dances
were over idols and masks alike were broken up and cast into the sea.
These masks were held by a cross-bar inside between the teeth and a
loop passing over the head. They were different from those masks used
in festivals not of a religious nature.
A further illustration of the same idea was shown in their practice of
putting a similar mask over the face of a dead person when the body
was laid in some rock-shelter. The departed one was supposed to be
gone on his journey to the land of spirits, and for his protection against
their glances he was supplied with a mask. For wealthy or important
pei'sons a particular process was employed to preserve the remains.
The bodies were eA'iscerated, cleansed from fatty matters in running
water, dried, and placed in wra])piugs of furs and fine grass matting.
The bodies were usually doubled up, encased, and suspended above the
ground in some place sheltered from the rain, as a cave or rock-shelter.
It is stated, however, that sometimes the prepared body was placed iu
a life-like posture dressed and armed. They were represented as if en-
gaged in some congenial occupation, such as hunting, fishing, or sewing.
With them were also placed effigies of the animals they were supposed
140 MASKS AND LABRETS.
to be pursuing, while the huuter was dressed in his wooden armor and
provided with an enormous mask, all ornamented with feathers, seal
vibrissiE, and tufts of hair, with a countless variety of wooden pendants
colored in gay patterns. All the carvings were of wood ; the weapons
even were only facsimiles in wood of real weapons. Among the arti-
cles represented were drums, rattles, dishes, weapons, effigies of men,
birds, fish, and mammals, and wooden armor.
I have elsewhere' given an account of my investigations in a cave or
rock-shelter near the entrance to Delarofit' Harbor, TJnga Island, Shuma-
gin Islands. M. Alphonse Pinart, has also published an account^ of
researches in the same vicinity, with figures of masks and other articles
of which he was able to make a collection.
In 1868 Captain Eiedell gave me a perfect mask from this locality
(No. 7G04), which I presented to the National Museum. Shortly after-
ward Dr. T. T. Minor, of the United States Revenue Marine, presented
another (No. 7946), obtained at the same place. In 1871 the cave was
visited by M. Pinart, who secured the cream of what was left, though
leaving much that was valuable. In 1873 I was able to visit the cave in
person, and collected everything worth having which remained, including
one large and very perfect mask (No. 13002). These are here figured.
Besides these, a very large number of fragments, halves of masks, and
so on, were obtained. Most of them were of a cork-like consistency from
great age, and were more or less broken or injured. So soft were they
as to crumble under the brush used to remove loose dirt.
These masks wore all different from one another in details, but made
on one general type. They would average 1 4 inches high and (exclud-
ing the convexitj') 10 or 12 in width. They were nearly all similar in
having a broad, thick, but not flattened, nose, straight, flat eyebrows,
thin lips, and a wide mouth, into which little wooden teeth were in-
serted. They also agreed in being painted in various colors, usually
black and red, in having bunches of hair pegged in to indicate a beard,
sometimes hair across the upper edge of the forehead, in being pierced
only in the nostrils and mouth, and in having the ears large, flat, and
usually pegged on much above the normal plane in human beings, gen-
erally at the upper posterior corners of the mask.
'Remains of later Prehistoric Man, etc., pp. 28-30.
-Piuart has issued an elegant puhlication, referring to this cave, which he entered
in September, 1871, and has illustrated several masks and parts of masks in color. He
seems to consider that there was a difference between masks placed over the dead, in
which he includes those without a perforated mouth, and those which were worn by
the mourners, which he believes to have been broken and thrown away at the time of
the funeral ceremonies. However this may be, I have not heard it referred to by those
from whom I have been able to obtain the few details I have given, and as I have
never had an opportunity of comparing notes on this subject with M. Pinart, I must
reserve my opinion. Certainly, I have found both kinds associated wi h the remains
of the dead and the kind with iierforated mouth much more common than the other
sort, and all the unbroken ones I have seen were of this kind. (Cf. La oaverne
d'Aknauh, Isle d'Onnga, par A. L. Pinart. 4°. Paris, Leroux, 1H75; and Comptes
Rendus, 1875, tome 80. pp. 103-2-1334.
DALLl ALEUTIAN MASKS. 141
Various curved lines were lightly chiseled or painted ou the cheeks
in many cases. A small roiiud bar extended from side to side within.
The ends, projecting through the mask below the corners of the mouth,
look as if labi-ets were intended to be indicated, but this is a mere ac-
cident, as this sort of mask never has labrets and the ordinary kind ex-
hibited only the median and not lateral labrets. The bar referred to
was held in the teeth, as the marks of biting testify. Various holes
about the edges were used for inserting feathers or little wooden pend-
ants gaily painted. These masks exhibit great ingenuity and skill in
carving, when we consider that it was all done with stone and bone
tools. The nose, being the thickest portion, is longest preserved, and
there must have been fifty such noses in the debris which covered the
floor of the cave. Such shaped noses I have observed only once on
masks not from Aleut caves. In that case the mask was one used in
Shamanic ceremonial from the Nushagak Eiver, Bristol Bay, collected
by Mr. McKay.
The most remarkable thing about these masks is that they bear no
resemblance whatever to the Aleutian physiognomy, though they agne
very well in type among themselves. On the other hand, the masks for
ordinary dances, not religious, are excellent illustrations of the Aleutian
type of face. Thus, figure A, from Billings' voyage, is a thoroughly
characteristic Aleutian face, and even the grotesque one figured by its
side (B) is of the same natural type.
These dancing masks, like those of the Makah or Haida, are im-
mensely variable and generally grotesque. None are found in any
American museum, and none, unless in Eussia, in the museums of
Europe. They were all destroyed by the missionaries, and even those
I have described from burial places owe their preservation to being in
out-of-the-way places. The practice of putting a mask over the face of
the dead seems not to have been universal, since no masks were found
in the Kagamil cave, but under what cii'cumstances they were used is
not known, except that they have been found with adults fi-om one end
of the Archipelago to the other, when the bodies were placed in rock
shelters. Those buried in the earth did not have masks, as far as
known, nor have any been obtained from underground caves, properly
so-called. It may be that the custom had something to do with the
placing of the bodies in comparatively open places, not secure agaiust
the visits of malevolent spirits ; but this is merely a speculation.
Plate XXVIII, fig. 71 (A). — Aleutian dancing mask, showing tiara
of feathers, ear-pendants, and labret with plate and beads attached, ob-
tained at Unalashka by Martin Sauer in 1792, while attached to Bill-
ings' expedition, and figured by him ou plate xi of his account of that
voyage, English edition.
Plate XXVIII, fig 72 (B and G). — Grotesque dancing mask from Una-
lashka, showing the cleat-shaped labret with a single pendant of beads
attached, from the same source as the preceding. The outline C shows
142 MASKS AND LABRETS.
a profile view of the labret, the lower part being that which was within
the mouth. Beads were attached to the labret only or chiefly on cere-
monial occasions.
13002 (Plate XXVIII, Fig. 73).— Aleutian death mask obtained in a
rock-shelter, near the cave previously mentioned, where only a single
body had been laid. The locality is near Delaroff' Harbor, just outside
the southeast point of entrance, Uuga Island, Shumagin Group, Alaska.
The original is 14 inches high and 13^ wide, excluding the convexity.
The front and both profiles are shown. It will be observed that the
two sides are not ornamenced alike, and it may be added that, through
exposure or pressure, the dead and corky wood has become somewhat
warped. The original bears faint traces of red and green color.
7604 (Plate XXIX, Figs. 74). — Aleutian death mask obtained from
the cave or rock-shelter of Aknanh at Delaroff Harbor, by Capt.
Charles Riedell, in 1868, and presented to the United States National
Museum by W. H. Dall. The size of the original is 12f inches high and
10 inches wide, disregarding the convexity. Slight traces of color re-
main upon it. The right ear remains, but the other is lost. The teeth
were represented by single pegs, inserted between the lips, across the
middle of which a black line was drawn to separate, in appearance, the
upper from the lower set of teeth.
7946 (Plate XXIX, Figs. 75). — Aleutian death mask from the same
localit.v, presented to the United States National Museum in 1868 by
Dr. T. T. Minor. It is 15J inches high by 10 wide, disregarding the
convexity.
In all these masks the nostrils are pierced vertically, and the mouth
horizontally. They were held in the mouth by a cross-bar between the
teeth, which generally shows marks of biting. As the ends of this bar
for greater strength are put clear through the mask, and are visible
below and behind the outer corners of the mouth, they might in the
figures be mistaken for au imitation of lateral labrets, which is not the
intention. Most of them retain traces of red coloration, produced by
red oxide of iron, which occurs in combination with clay, forming a sort
of red chalk formerly much used for ornamentation before the whites
introduced vermilion. The gi-een coloration was iiroduced by grinding
up a kind of mycelium, of a bright green color [Peziza), which occurs in
rotten birch wood ; it was usetl either alone or in combination with a
white chalky earth, to give it body. In the latter case it has a bluish
tint in the green. Charcoal and oil were used for black, and the above
white earth for white. Blue carbonate of copper, which is found on the
Kuskokwim River, and is an article of trade with the tribes along the
coast, and graphite from near Norton Sound were also used for color-
ing with, but were too rare to be had in most cases. The red bark of
a resinous tree, perhaps the Sitka spruce or hemlock, was also used for
coloring wooden articles ; a bit of the bark being wet with saliva and
rubbed on the clean fresh surface of the wood. The root of a plant
D-4I-L.1 ALEUTIAN MASKS. 143
funiisbed a pale yellow, but this I bave rarely seen. Perhaps it was
not permanent. The root of the alder was, and still is, used for color-
ing deer-skins a beautiful red-brown, but I have never seen it applied
to wooden ware or carvings.
Amber from the lignite beds was made into rude beads, and esteemed
of extraordinary value. Other beads were made of bits of gypsum,
shale, small hollow bones, cut in lengths, and variously colored bits of
serpentine. I have never seen any nephrite or jadeite, which is not
rare on the continent, especially near Norton Sound where there is a
mine of it, and is much valued ; but perhaps it was considered so very
valuable as to escape the shell heap and the tomb.
Note. — I take a last opportunity to insert here, out of its proper
place, a piece of valuable information which has reached me since this
paper was in type. I learn from M. Alp. Pinart, whose reputation as
an ethnologist is world wide, and who has recently spent six years on
the Isthmus and in Central America, that the labret is still in use
among the savage tribes from Darien to Honduras. It is worn only by
the women, and is placed in the lower lip below the nose. The large
labrets figured by Dampier have passed away; the women now wear
(as among the Tlinkit) only a small button or a little silver pin. This
fact fills quite a gap in the previously stated chain of evidence as to the
distribution of labrets.
MASKS AMONG THE IROQUOIS.
SUPPLEMENTARY,
The followiug note relating to the use of masks among the Iroquois
is worthy of attention in connection with the general subject. So little
has been preserved which is trustworthy in regard to the myths of
the Indians of Eastern America, that the remarks of the late Lewis H.
Morgan, here quoted, stand almost alone in offering, together with the
facts, an explanation of their relation to Indian life from a qualified ob-
server. The annexed figure (Plate XXII, Fig. 49) of an Iroquois mask
is copied from that which appears in Mr. Morgan's report on the fabrics,
inventions, implements, and utensils of the Iroquois, made to the Regents
of the University, January 22, 1851, and printed as an appendix to their
fifth annual report, pp. 67-117, Albany, New York, 18.52.
The tendency of the Iroquois to superstitions beliefs is especially exemplified in their
notion of the existence of a race of supernatural beings, whom they call False-faces.
This belief has prevailed among them from the most remote period, and still continues
its hold upon the Indian mind. The False-faces are believed to be evil spirits or de-
mons without bodies, arms or limbs, simply faces and those of the most hideous de-
scription. It is pretended that when seen they are usually in the most retired places,
darting from point to point, and perhaps from tree to tree by some mysterious power;
and possessed of a look so frightful and demoniacal as to paralyze all who behold them.
They are supposed also to have power to send plagues and pestilence among men, a«
well as to devour their bodies when found, for which reasons they were held in the
highest terror. To this day there are large numbers of the Iroquois who believe im-
plicitly iu the personal existence of these demons.
Upon this belief was founded a regular secret organization, called the False-face
baud, members of which can now be found in every Iroquois village both in this [New
York] State and Canada, where the old modes of life are still preserved. This society
has a species of initiation, and regular forms, ceremonies, and dances. In acquiring or
relinquishing a membership their superstitious notions were still further illustrated,
for it depended entirely upon the omen of a dream. If any one dreamed he was a
False-face [Ga-go-sa] it was only necessary to signify his dream to the proper person,
and give a feast, to be at once initiated ; and so any one dreaming that he had ceased
to be a False-face, had but to make known his dream and give a similar entertainment
to effect bis exodus. In no other way could a membership be acquired or surrendered.
Upon all occasions on which the members appeared in character they wore masks of
the kind represented iu the figune, the masks diversified in color, style, and configura-
tion, but all agreeing in their equally hideous appearance. The members were all
males save one, who was a female and the mistress of the band, fche was called Ga-
go-sa Ho-nun-uas-teso-ta, or the "Keeper of the False-faces" ; and not only had charge
of the regalia of the band, but was theonly organ of communication with the members,
for their names continued uukuown.
The prime motive iu the establishment of this organization was to propitiate those
demons called False-faces, and among other good results to arrest pestilence and dis-
ease, fa cooBse of time the band itself was believed to have a species of control over
diseases, and over the healing art; and they are often invoked for the cure of simple
144
DALL.J IROQUOIS MASKS. 145
diseases, and to drive awrfj- or exorcise the plague, if it had actually broken out in
their midst. As recently as the summer of 1849, when the cholera prevailed through
the State, the False-faces, in appropriate costume, went from house to house at Toua-
wanda, through the old-school " portion of the village and performed the usual cere-
monies prescribed for the expulsion of pestilence.
When any one was sick with a comi^laint within the range of their healing powers,
and dreamed that he saw a False-face, this was interjireted to signify that through
their instrumentality he was to be cured. Having informed the mistress of the band,
and jjrepared the customary feast, the False-faces at once appeared, preceded by their
female leader and marching in Indian tile. Each one wore a mask, or false-face, a
tattered blanket over his shoulders, and carried a turtle-shell rattle in his hand. On
entering the house of the invalid, they first stirred the ashes upon the hearth, aud then
sprinkled the patient over with hot ashes until his head and hair were covered; after
which they performed some manipulations over him in turn, and finally led him round
with them in the " False-face dance," with which their ceremonies concluded. When
these performances were over, the entertainment provided for the occasion was dis-
tributed to the band and by them carried away for their private feasting, as they
never unmasked themselves before the jieople. Ajuong the simple complaints which
the False-faces could cure infallibly were nose-bleed, tooth-ache, swellings and infla-
mation of the eyes." (Morgan, 1. c, i)p. 98-100.)
The mask figured (Fig. 49) was purcLased by Morgan from an Indian
of tbe Onondaga tribe of Grand River; another in the State collection,
not figured, came from Tonawauda.
It will be observed that while (1) the association of the mask with a
spiritual being and (2) an implied connection between the action of that
being upon a third party with the wearing, by a devotee of the sup-
posed spirit, of a mask symbolizing the latter, and, in general, the in-
vocation of spirits for medical purposes, are features common to wear-
ers of masks among savage peoples everywhere, yet the details of the
origin and symbolism of the Iroquois masks is quite different from any-
thing reported from the coast of Northwest America. Moreover, it ap-
pears to be certain that the use of masks among the people of the Mis-
sissippi basin and the Atlantic water-shed was rare, and foi-med no
prominent feature of their festivals or customs. The Eskimo (Innuit),
of Greenland, are stated by Bessels to know nothing whatever of the
use of masks or labrets.
•That is, through the part occupied by those Indians who still retained their origi-
nal beliefs aud customs, as distinguished from the more civilized.
3 ETH— 10
SU3IMARY A>rr> SPECUIiATIOXS.
It now remains to review the field and put the facts in orderly array
in Irnef synopsis.
It appears that (on their discovery) we have the western coast of the
Americas peopled by nations differing (as they still differ) in language,
color, physique, aesthetic and mental development, morals, and social
customs. The Peruvians, Botokudos, Mexicans, Pueblo people, Tinneh,
Selish, Haida, Tliukit, Inuuit, Aleut, and Nutka may be mentioned.
Many of these families or stocks are only partially located on the
western coast; as, for instance, the Tinneh and lunuit. Yet the
different branches of the family agree closely in language, physique,
and most social customs, both on the west coast and elsewhere.
The original population of America is too distant to form the subject
of discussion. There can be uo doubt that America was populated in
some way by people of an extremely low grade of culture at a period
even geologically remote. There is no reason for supposing, however,
that immigration ceased with these original people. Analogy would
suggest that fi'om time to time accessions were received from other re-
gions, of people who had risen somewhat in the scale elsewhere, while
the inchoate American population had been doing the same thing on
their own ground. Be this as it may, we find certain remarkable cus-
toms or characteristics geographically spread, north and south, along
the western slope of the continent Iti a natural line of migration with
overflows eastward in convenient localities. These are not pinmitive
customs, but things which appertain to a point considerably above the
lowest scale of development in culture.
Some are customs pure and simple ; e. g. labretifery ; tattooing the
chin of adult females ; certain uses of masks, etc.
Some are characteristics of culture ; e. g. n certain style of conven-
tionalizing natural objects, and, in a higher stage, the use of couveu-
tional signs in a hieroglyphic way ; a disposition to, and peculiar facil-
ity ill, certain arts, such as carvings in wood, etc.
Some .are details of art related to religious or mythological ideas, such
as the repetition of elaborate forms in a certain attitude, with relation
to myths therefore presumably similar in form or origin.
Some are similar myths themselves, a step further in the same retro-
spect.
If these were of natural American growth, stages in development out
of a uniform state of culture, it might fairly be expected that we should
find them either sporadically distributed without order or relation as
between family* and family wherever a certain stage of culture had
* Used in tbe sense of stock, race, or stiiuiiue.
14G
DAI.L.I SUMMARY. 147
been reached or distributed in certain families wherever their branches
were to be found. This we do not find.
The only other alternative which occurs to me is that these features
have been impressed upon the American aboriginal world from with-
out. If so, from whence f
Iforthern Asia gives us no help whatever. The characteristics re-
ferred to are all foreign to that region.
If nations from the eastern shores of the Atlantic were responsible,
we should expect the Atlantic shores of Ameiica to show the results of
the influence most clearly. This is not the case, but the very reverse
of the case.
We are then obliged to turn toward the region of the Pacific.
The great congeries of islands known to geographers as Polynesia and
Melanesia, stretch toward South America in latitude 25° south, as in no
other direction. Here we have a stream of islands from Papua to the
Paumotus, dwiudliug at last to single islets with wide gaps between,
Elizabeth, Ducie, Easter Island, Sala-y-Gomez, San Felix, St. Am-
brose, from which comparatively it is but a step swept by the northerly
current to the Peruvian coast. We observe also that these islands lie
south from the westerlj' south equatorial current, in the slack water be-
tween it and an easterly current and in a region of winds blowing to-
ward the east.
Here, then, is a possible way.
I have stated how the peculiar and remarkable identity of certain
carvings associated with religious rites turned my attention to the Me-
lanesian Islands.
The customs, etc., I have called attention to, are, particularly, the use
of masks and carvings to a more than ordinary degree, labretifery, hu-
man head lireserving ; identity of myths.
In Melanesia we have not yet found more than traces of labretifery,
but if the speculations of ethnologists, that these and the African race
had a common origin, have a reasonable foundation, we have in Africa,
as I have shown in America, a wonderful development of this practice,
which in that case might be due to a similar impulse from a parental
locality.
In Melanesia, and to a less extent in Polynesia proper, we find the art
of carving wonderfully developed, and (including New Zealand as a
southern offshoot) thence on the suggested way we have the prehis-
toric carvings and inscribed tablets of Easter Island, the sculptures and
picture-writing of Peru, Mexico, New Mexico, and Arizona, and the
northwest coast, forming a nearly continuous series with local develop-
ments wholly or mostly different in detail and showing local style, but
with a general agreement in fundamental character not elsewhere par-
alleled.
In his work on the geology of the provinces of Canterbury and West-
land, Haast expresses (1. c, pp. 407-431) the opinion that New Zealand
148 MASKS AND LABRETS.
was poiJulated in quaternary times by an autochthonic race, wlio were
the hunters of the moa, and who appear from their remains to have
more or less resembled the Melanesiau type. The Maori traditions in-
clude the idea of an older race who did not know the use of jade imple-
ments. The traditions of North Island Maoris place a race of wild men
in the interior as do those of the people of Chatham Island. These were
recognized as an older race by the Maories, and were dolichocephalic.
The people of Samoa, in deforming the head to make it more brachy-
cephalic,are suggested by Kubary (Schmeltz, 1. c, pp. 472-474) to have
been originally actuated by a desire to conform their appearance to that
of the higher, incoming, and conquering brachycephalic race which in-
vaded these islands, and overcame the original dolichocephalic mel-
anitic inhabitants. The chiefs and upper classes were held by pride
from mixing with the women of the subject race, and their descendants
show it in their purity of type as regards color, hair, and form. The
commoner sort, however, probably were less continent in this respect,
and therefore their descendants, jiroud of their ancestry on one side,
but with the blood of the conquered element conspicuous in the longer
shape of the head, sought by artificial means to modify this inheritance.
The Polynesian in its purity was a brachycephalic, couqueriug race.
As now found, it has mixed with the lower and conquered long-headed
people, aud both have been more or less modified by contact, example,
and intermai-riages.
The features most akin to those to which on the western coast of
America particular attention is now called are evidently related more to
those of the Melanesians or predecessors of the true Polynesians than
to the latter, except so far as the Polynesians have been modified by .
the customs of their forerunners. This would accord with the greater
antiquity which the circumstances seem to imperatively require.
In Melanesia we find human heads more or less habitually preserved,
painted, aud ornamented; the same again in New Zealand, in Bolivia,
in the interior of South America, in Mexico, and again on the north-
west coast. Here again, be it not forgotten, modes and details are
locally different, but the essential fact is the same. In the opposite
direction we have it in Borneo, and in Africa also.
In Melanesia we find carved figiires of a peculiar sort used in religious
rites, or with a religious significance, and, strangely euough, two or
more figures in a peculiar and unaccustomed attitude especially devoted
to these purposes. Again, in Central America and Mexico, we meet
the same attitude, and again on the rattle in the hand of the shaman on
the northwest coast, aud in the carvings on his head-dress and by his
door.
In Melanesia we find social festivals celebrated with masks upon the
face. We find the priest ofliciatiug in a mask, and masks hung up in
the morai, or temple of the dead, and in memory of the dead. In Peru,
in Mexico, on the northwest coast to the frozen borders of the icy sea,
CALL.] SUMMARY 149
we find parallel, and, in most cases, closelj' similar customs elaborately
developed, with local omissions or additions, but the thing at bottom
appears to be the same.
In Melanesia we yet know almost nothing of the mythology. As they
have no sea eagles, they probably have no "thunder bird," but his
voice is recognized, and his portrait drawn from Mexico to the Polar
Sea in West America.
I have already shown how the custom of labretifery passes from tribe
to tribe over ninety degrees of latitude, and I do not know how many
linguistic stocks. The custom of tatooing lines on the chins of girls is a
small thing, and widely spread. Perhaps it should be omitted from
this series as not sufficiently exclusively West American. However, it
prevails, or did prevail, from Melanesia to Peru, and from Mexico to
the Arctic, on the lines we have traced.
Now, I have not a word in ftxvor of any idea of common origin of the
people possessing these characteristics. Taken within visible limits I
consider it perfectly untenable. I believe, however, when we know
our aborigines better we shall be more surprised by the points on which
they agree than impressed, as we are now, by their remarkable difiter-
euces.
But from my point of view these influences have been impressed
upon people already developed to a certain, not very low, degree of
culture. I have stated why I believe it to have come to the western
Innuit since the chief and universal characteristics of that race, as a
whole, were flxed and determined. I have mentioned how such a
change may be seen in actual progress among the degenerate Tinneh on
the Lower Yukon. The adoption by the Haidaof the T'simpsian ritual
and mythological or social dances described by Dawson, the same ac-
quisition by the Makah from the Nittiuats, related by Swan, are cases
in point, though feeble ones.
Of course this influence has not been exerted without contact. My
own hypothesis is that it was an incursion from Melanesia via South-
eastern Polynesia which produced the impact; perhaps more than one.
In all probability too, it occurred before either Melanesian, Polynesian,
or American had acquired his present state of culture or his present
geographical distribution.
The impulse communicated at one point might be ages in spreading,
when it would probably be generally difl'used in all directions ; or more
rapidly, when it would probably follow the lines of least resistance and
most rapid iutercommunicatiou.
It is true that there is no such arrangement in savage society as that
by which a fiat in Bond street determines that within six months every
white man's head shall be roofed with a particular style of hat. Never-
theless communication among them is rapid, and in things they under-
stand, or are interested in, faithful and effective, even between unfriendly
tribes.
150 MASKS AND LABRETS.
But, it may be said, these things are mere accidental coincidences ;
sporadic occurrences, from which no sound hypothesis can be drawn.
This is the very question at issue, and I deny that such treatment of the
subject is scientific. The suggestions here put forward may be all and
singular erroneous ; even some of the data may be assailed ; but after
getting the present interrogation points out of the way the question
they merely indicate is as far from solution (if nothing else is done) as
ever.
The mathematical probability of such an interwoven chain of custom
and belief being sporadic and fortuitous is so nearly infinitesimal as to
lay the burden of proof upon the upholders of the latter proposition.
Even were it acknowledged to be fortuitous it would still be tbe result
of natural laws, and it would be interesting to inquire in such a case
why these laws should woi-k more effectively in a north and south than
in any other direction, and what the circumstances are that produce a
crop of labrets equally in Central Africa or in the Polar regions.
It has tome the appearance of an Impulse communicated by the gradual
incursion of a vigorous, masterful people upon a region already partly
peopled by weaker and receptive races, whose branches, away from the
scene of progressive disturbance, remained unaffected by the character-
istics resulting from the impact of the invader upon their relatives.
It by no means follows on this view that these practices were imposed
by conquerors on subjected tribes. On the contrary, i3eople actually
conquered, as in the case of Tlinkit slaves, would probably be denied
such privileges as those symbols which were characteristic of their
masters.
But people cognizant of the presence of a more vigorous or remarkably
courageous race, from whom they could with difficulty defend them-
selves, and which was marked by certain particularly notable customs,
unfanfRiar and astonishing to those who first became acquainted with
them, such as labretifery, might adopt customs with an idea that the
desired courage or vigor might follow the symbol if adopted among
tliemselves. The invaders would retain their original custom and con-
quer a place for themselves; the conquered would gradually disappear;
the uncouquered would exist in an intermittent sort of armed truce ad-
jacent to the region of the conquerors ; the custom would be propagated
by mere contact with and high estimation of the qualities of the in-
vaders by residents who remained uncouquered.
Such a change was to a certain extent in actual progress within a
recent period in the Yukon region. The Mahlemut lunuit, the most
bold and vigorous of the Orarian tribes of the region, would boldly carry
their skin canoes over mountains, launch them on the other side and
fearlessly invade the territory of the Tinueh Indians on the Lower Yukon,
carrying on a trade in which the buyer dictated the prices. The mis-
erable, though well-fed, Tinueh of this part of the river, constantly in
fear of the more energetic coast tribes, have adopted (wliether for this
DALL.]
SUMMARY. 151
or other reasons) the labret, the pipe,^the foot-gear, tonsure, and dress
of their alien superiors with slight modifications ; practices and customs
utterly unknown to the Tiuneh of the upper river, bold, warlike, and
enterprising, who would behold their unworthy relatives with utter
scorn.
It is well known to those who have studied the region that the west-
ern slope, especially of Middle and North America, is a region of boun-
teous food supi^ly, especially derived from the sea which washes it and
the rivers which drain it.
The progi'ess of conquest or armed migration, especially with people
who subsist upon the country they are in, must be largely guided by
the ability to tiud food. Any landfall of invaders on the western coast
would be influenced in their movements by the presence of the Andes
and the desert plains which boi der on the east the region of plenty near
the shores. Migration in a northerly or southerly direction, either of
the invaders or by those retreating before them, would be almost Iqi-
perative except where the granaries of Middle America open the width
of the continent to those who come, from whence to the nearer Antil-
les is but a step.
With its vast agricultural resources Squier has recognized in Central
America an important center of aboriginal distribution. George Gibbs
was confident that the region of Puget Sound — its creeks in season lit-
erally choked with salmon — was another. Indeed, the area from Puget
Sound to Cape Spencer, though hardly to be termed a center on account
of its extent, might be regarded as a sort of hive in which human
swarms might continually be fed to maturity and issue forth.
The people of this region from the earliest times were known as the
most vigorous, most warlike, most implacable, most subtile, most treacher-
ous, most cultured, and fondest of blood for its own sake of any Ameri-
can tribes known to history. The decimated crew of ChirikofiPs vessel,
the first to touch on those shores, was a type of what many successive
explorers suffered without having wronged the savages, and an exam-
ple of a temper in the latter which even yet has hardly cooled.
It is, however, undesirable to carry these speculations beyond that
point where they may excite investigation and inquiry, if not antago-
nism of a healthy kind, in the minds of others. I therefore bring them
to a close.
In terminating the discussion of this material I desire to express my
obligations to Prof. B. F. Baird, Director of the National Museum, for
facilities for study and inspection of material, and to Messrs. J. K. Good-
rich, of the Museum, and J. C. Pilling, of the Bureau of Ethnology, for
kind assistance in details bearing upon the preparation of this paper.
EXPLANATION OF PLATES.
153
154 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE V.
Fig. 1 (16139). — White marble labret, obtaiued from the uppermost layer of the
shell heaps at Port MoUer, Aliaska Peninsula, by W. H. Dall; (page 91).
Fig. 2 (16138). — Shale labret, from the same layer and locality; closely resembling
the Tlinkit kalushka. Collected by W. H. ball ; (page 91).
BUKEAU OF KTIINOLOGY
AXNL'AI. ItF-roRT 1882 IT.. V
PREHISTORIC ALEUTIAN LABRETS.
156 MASKS AND LABRET8.
PLATE VI.
Fig. 3 (14933). — Ancient Aleut labret, from uppermost layer Amaknak cave, Una-
lashka Island. Collected by W. H. Dall ; (page 91).
Fig. 4 (12991).— Another similar to the last, and from the same locality. Collected
by W. H. Dall. These two are carved of walrus-tusk ivory. It is uncertain
whether these were worn by males or females, as none such have been in use dur-
ing the historic period; (page 91).
DUllEAU OF ETIINOLOGV
ANNUAL ItEPORT 1882 PL. VI
PKEHISTOKIC ALEUTIAN LABRETS.
158 * MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE VII.
Fig. 5. Woodeu maskoid from Mortlock Island, Caroline group, from a specimen on
deposit in the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Fifrured
by permission of the director, Prof A. S. Bickmore; (page 101).
Fig. 6. Same in profile. (Page 101).
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOQV
ANNUAL KKPOUT 1882 TLr^'U
MASKOln FROM CAROLINE ISLANDS.
160 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE VIII.
Fig. 7. — Profile view of a wooden maskette, from New Ireland, figured from a speci-
men deposited in tbe American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Fig-
ured with the permission of the director, Prof. A. S. Bickmore ; (page 102).
nUKKAU 01" ETHNOLOGY
ANNUAL llKrOKT 1882 I'L. VIII
MASKETTE FUoM NEW IHELAND.
162 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE IX.
Fig. 8. — Front view of a woodeu maskette, from New Ireland, near New Guinea, from
a specimen in the Ameiican Museum of Natural History, New Yorli City. Figured
by permission of the director. Prof. A. S. Bickmore ; (page 102).
Figs. 9, 10 (20651). — Front view and section of a wooden maskette, from Levuka,
Friendly Islands. Presented to the UnitedStatesNationialMuseum by H. S. Kirby;
(page 101).
IIUREAU OK ETIINOLOC.T
AXXLAI. UEl'OHT 1882 I'L IX
MASKETTES FHOJI NEW HiELAND AND THE FlilENDLV ISLANDS.
164 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE X.
Figs. 11,1SJ. — Wooden luaskoid caiviug, from New Ireland, neai- New Guinea, in the
South Seas. Profile and front views showing the serpent biting the tougiio of
the etfigy. From a specimen deposited in the American Museum of Natural His-
tory, New York City, and figured by the kind permission of the director, Prof. A.
S. Bickmore ; (page 102).
BUREAU OF ETIiSOLOGT
AXXUAL HEl'OKT 1883 PI.. X
MASKOin I'noit xi;\v iueland.
166 MASKS AND I.ABRETS.
PLATE XI.
Fig. 13. — Wooden mortuary luaskoid, from the figure in E. G. Squier'e Peru (page 90),
found in a burial iilace at Pachecamac, Peru, and now forming part of the collec-
tion of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. (This figure
is inserted in the text, page 104. )
Fig. 14 (fi.^)37C). — Similar maskoid, from near Lima, Peru ; presented to the United
States National Museum by G. H. Hurlbut ; (page 104).
KUKEAU OK ETHNOLOGY
ANNUAL REPOUT 1882 TL. XI
^ .- ■? s"
(65370)
U
MORTUAIiV MASKOID FROM I'KRU.
168 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XII.
Fig. 15 (22930). — Doll sbowiug the mode of wearing, the maskette head-dress fig-
uretl below it. Presented to the U. S. National Museum by Maj. J. W. Powell,
who obtained it at the Moqui villages in Arizona ; (page 105).
Figs. 16, 17 (22942). — Front and rear of Moqui maskette head-dress used in dances ai
the Moqui villages. From a specimen in the U. S. National Museum. Collected
by Maj. J. W. Powell as above; (page 105).
I'UIiEAU OF ETHNOLOGY
ANXUAI, UF.rOKT 1882 n.. XII
MOQUI MASKF.TTES FROM AHIZONA.
170 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE X I r I.
Fig. 18 (2659). — Mask from the northwest coast of America in the U. S. National Mu-
seum, collected by R. R. Waldrou of t he U. S. exploring expedition under Wilkes;
(pages 109, 114).
Fig. 19.— Dancing mask used by the Makah Indians, of Cape Flattery, Washington
Territory. From a figure by J. 6. Swan ; (page 107).
Fig. 20.— Another ditto; (page 107).
Fig. 21 (20578). — Dancing mask from Bellabella, British Columbia, collected forthe
U. S. National Museum by J. G. Swan ; (page 116).
IIUREAU OF ETnXOLOGT
AMiUAL UEPOKT 1882 FL. XIII
^
INDIAN 5IASKS rUOlI THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA..
172 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XIV.
Figs. 2'2 (30210). — Dancing mask from Nutka Sound, Vancouver Island, collected for
the U. S. National Museum by J. G. Swan, front aud profile views; (page 117).
Fig. 83. — Dancing mask used by the Indians of Cape Flattery, Washington Territory.
From a figure by J. G. Swan ; (page 107).
Fig. 24 (2658).— Mask from the northwest coast of America, collected by Mr. Scar-
borough during the United States exploring expedition under Wilkes; (page 113).
BUREAU OF ETUNOLOr.Y
AIO.TJAL RErORT 1882 PI.. XIV
30210 I
26SB. 24
India:} masks from the northwest coast of America.
174 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XV.
Figs. 25-27 (30211). — Frout and profile views, and diagram of lattice etc., of a dancing
mask with movable wings (only one wing is shown), from Nutka Sound, Van-
couver Island, collected by J. G. Swan, for the U. S. National Museum ; (page
117)
UL'KEAU OF ETHNOLOGY
AKSUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XV
lijlj|MA..<js^'
25
IXDIAX MASKS FROM THK NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA.
176 M4.SKS AND LABUET8.
PLATE XVI.
Figs. 28, 29 (20570).— Front aud profile views of dancing mask, representing a .:)ird's
head, with movable lower jaw; obtained for the U. S. National Museum from the
Bella-bella Indians, British Columbia, by J. G. Swau ; (page Uu).
Fig. 30 (2714).— Dancing mask used by the Makah Indians, of Cape Flattery, Wa.sh-
ington Territory; collected by J. G. Swau for the U. S. National Museum ; (page
107).
BUREAU OF ETMNOLOCT
AXNUAI. ItCrORT 1882 I'L. XVI
30570
29
INDIAN MASKS KROM TUU NOKTUWEST COAST OP AMEP-ICA.
178 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XVII.
Figs. 31, 32 (,2dii92). — Dancing mask obtained from the Haida Indians of the Klem-
malioon village, Prince of Wales Islands, Alaska, for the U. S. National Museum
by J. G. Swan ; (page 114).
Figs. 33, 34 (3020!'). — Dancing mask representing a death's head used by the Nutka
tribe of Indians at Barclay Sound, Vancouver Island ; collected for the U. S. Na-
tional Museum by J. G. Swan ; (page 115).
Fig. 3.5 (1419). — Similar mask from theMakah Indiana at Cape Flattery, Washington
Territory; collected by J. G. Swan; (page 116).
Figs. 36, 37 (2fi61). — Shamanic mask representing the "Thunder bird," obtained on
the northvest coast of America by the U. S. exploring expedition under Wilkes;
(page 119).
BUREAU OF ETItNOLOr.V
ANNUAL REl'ORT 1882 PI,. XVII
S0892
32
INDIAN MASKS FROM TIIR NORTHWEST COAST OP AMERICA.
180 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XVIII.
Figs. 38, 39 (23440). — Dancing helmet from the Makah Indians at Neeah Bay, Wash-
ington Territory ; collected for the U. S. National Museum by J. G. Swan ; (page
116).
Fig. 4U. — Maskette representing a bird's head from the same locality as the preced-
ing ; from a figure by J. G. Swan ; (page 107).
Figs. 41, 42 (21573). — Haida (?) dancing mask; collected for the U. S. National Mu-
seum by Dr. White, U. S. A. ; (page 115).
llUliEAC OK ETIIXOr.OUV
ANNUAL REI'OUT 1882 I'L. XVIII
23i4U
39
IXUIAN MASKS FKOM 'IHH KOKTUWEST COAST OF A.MKUlCA.
182 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XIX.
Figs. 43, 44 (20890). — Dancing helmet of the Haida Indians; collected at the Klem-
mahoon village, Prince of Wales Islands, Alaska, by J. G. Swan for the U. S.
National Museum ; (page 116).
uniEAU OF KTHXOI.OGY
AXXUAI. REPORT 1882 TI.. XIX
IXniAN MASKKTTK FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA.
184 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XX.
Fig. 45 (2666). — Dancing maskette, showing the moile of wearing the kalushka
obtained (from the Haida Indians?) on the northwest coast of America during the
U. S. exploring expedition under Wilkes; (page 119).
Fig. 46 (20581). — Daucing maskette, representing the face of a woman with a small
kaluska, obtained from the T'sirapsian Indians, of Port Simpson, British Columbia,
for the U. S. National Museum by J. G. Swan; (page 118).
BUREAU or ETllNOLOGT
ANNUAL KF.l'ORT 1882 PI,. SX
INDIAN MASKS I'KOM THE NOUTHWEST COAST OP AMERICA.
1^6 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XXI.
Fig. 47 ^'2662). — Front view autl .section of niaskette collected on the northwest coast
of America during the United States exploring expedition nnder Wilkes, liy E.
Very, U. S. N.; representing the beaver totem; (page 118).
Fig. 48 (9259). — Maskette representing the otter and frog, front and profile \ie\v8,
obtained from the Tliukit Indians of Sitka by Dr. A. H. Hoff, U. S. A., for the
U. S. National Museum; (page 118).
BUREAU OF F.TIIXOLOGT
axxi;al repout 1882 pl. xxi
INDIAN' AriSKF.TTKS FROM THE NoIMIIWEST COAST OP AMERICA.
188 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XXII.
Fig. 49. — Iroquois mask used by the order of " Falsefaces," from a figure by L. H.
MorgaD, in the Fifth Annual Report on the State Cabinet by the Regents of the
University, Albany, 1852, p. 67; (page 144).
Fig. 50 (56470). — Shamanic rattle used by the Haida, from a specimen obtained by J.
G. Swan at Port Townsend, W. T., from a Queen Charlotte Island Haida, showing
the shaman, frog, and kingfisher with continuous tongues; (page 111).
BUKEAU OK ETHNOLOOY
ANNUAL REPORT 1682 PL. XXII
IROQUOIS MASK AND IIAIIIA MEDICINIC-RATTLE..
190 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XXIII.
Figs. 51-53 (UO-M'i). — Front aud rear views and section of mask used by the lunuit of
Prince William Sound, Alaska, presented to the U. S. National Museum by the
Alaska Commercial Company; (page 1"26).
Figs. 54-56 (20235). — Front, rear, and profile views of a mask used by the Innuit of
Prince AVilliam Sound, Alaska, presented to the U S. National Museum by the
Alaska Commercial Company; (page 125).
Figs. 57, 5b (16089). — Ivory carving, natural size, from the shell heaps of Port Miiller,
Aliaska Peninsula, collected by W. H. Dall for the U. S. National Museum, aud iig-
ured for comparison with the preceding ; (page 126).
nUKEAi: OF ETIISOLOGT
ANNUAL lIErOKT 18S2 P'.. XXIII
INNUIT MASKS FROM rUINCE WILLIAM SOUND.
192 MASKS AND LABRETS
PLATE XXIV.
Fig. 59 (20266). — Maek used by the Innuit, of Prince William Sound, Alaska, pre-
sented to the U. S. National Museum hy the Alaska Commercial Company ;
(page 128).
Figs. 60, 61, 62 (20268). Front and rear views and restored lattice of Innuit mask from
Prince William Sound, presented to the U. S. National Museum by the Alaska
Commercial Company ; (page 127).
BUKEAU OF ETHNOLOGY
A!INUAL r.EPOnT 1882 PL. XXIV
20268
62
INNUIT MASKS FUOM PRINCE WILLIAM SOUND.
194 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XXV.
Figs. C3, 64 (20269). — Frout and rear views of luuuit mask from Priuce William
Souud, Alaska, presented to the U. S. National Museum liy the Alaska Commer-
cial Company ; (page 126).
Fig. 65 (20264). — Front view of Inuuit mask from Prince William Sound, Alaska,
presented to the U. S. National Museum by the Alaska Commercial Company;
(page 127).
Fig. 66 (24328). — Maskette, representing a seal's head, obtained from the lunuit of
Saint Michael's, Norton Sound, Alaska, for the U. S. National Museum by L. M.
Turner ; (page 133).
BLUEAU OF KTHX01.0GV
iXXL'AI, KKl'OKT 1882 TI.. XSV
N. ^^ .srHfa, . .^
IN.NUIT MASKS FROM PRIXCE WILLIAM AND NORTON SOUNDS.
196 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XXVI.
Fig. 67 (16iJt)3). — Inuuit maskette obtained at Saint Paul, Kadiak Island, Alaska,
made by the Kaniagmut Inuuit, and presented to the U. S. National Museum
by W. H. Ball ; (page 1^8).
Fig. 68 C24334). — Front view, section, and enlarged views of accessories of lunuit
mask obtained at Saint Michael's, Norton Sound, Alaska, for the U. S. National
Museum, by L. M. Turner; (page 133).
BmiKAU OP EiHNOLOGV
AKNUAL liEl'OllT 1682 I'l.. XXVI
INNUIT MASKS IROM KADIAK AND NORTON SOIXD.
198 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XXVII.
Fig. 69 (37130). — Finger mask worn by the lunuit women on the forefinger during
dances; collected for the U. S. National Museum, by E. W. Nelson, on the lower
Kuskokwim River, Alaska; (page 132).
Fig. 70 (38646). — Innuit maskette worn during legendary pantomimic dances by
the natives of the Yukon and Kuskokwim deltas; collected for the U. S. National
Museum, at Big Lake, near Cape Rumiantsotf, by E. W. Nelson ; (page 135).
BfltEAU OF ETIIXOLOGT
AN-xuAL nr.roiiT 1882 fl. xxvii
(37130)
70
INNUIT FINGER MASK AND MASKETTE.
200 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XXVIII.
Fig. 71 (A). — Aleutian dancing mask, used during social festiv.ale among the Aleuts,
showing the method of wearing the labret then in vogue. From a figure in
Sauer's account of Billings' Voyage, plate si, iigure not numbered; 179'2 (page
141).
Fig. 72 (B). — A grotesque mask used on similar occasions, showing the cleat-shaped
liibret described by early u.avigators. C indicates the same labret in profile.
From a figure iu Sauer's account of Billings' Voyage, plate xi, figure not num-
bered ; (page 141).
Fig. 73 (13002).— Aleutian death mask, obtained from a rock shelter where the dead
were laid, near Delaroft' H.arbor, Unga, Shumagiu Islaud.s, Alaska. Obtained and
presented to the U. S. National Museum by W. H. Dall; front and both profiles
shown; (page 142).
BUIIEAU OF ETIIXOLOGY
AXXLAL KEl'OKT 1882 I'l.. XXVIII
72
ALEUT DANCING AND MORTUARY MASKS
202 MASKS AND LABRETS.
PLATE XXIX.
Fig. 74 (7G04). — Aleutian death mask, from rock shelter, near Delaroff Harbor, Uuga
Island, Shumagiu Islands, Alaska; collected by Capt. Charles Eiedell, and pre-
sented to the U. S. ISfational Museum by W. H. Dall; front and right profile
views; (page 142).
Fig. 7.5 (794G). — Aleutian death mask, from the same locality; collected by Dr. T. T.
Minor, U. S. R. M., and presented to the U. S. National Museum ; front and left
profile views ; (page 142).
nUKF.AL- OF ETllXOLOGY
AXXL'Ai. i;EroRr 18S2 tl. xxix
7004
y;5,(i»Piiiii,,,,
ALEUT MORTUARY MASKS.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
REV. J. OWEN DOKSEY.
(205)
SIOUAN ALPHABET.
[This 13 given to explain tlio pronunciation of the Indian words in tbo foUowinii papul ]
a, as in father.
'a, an initially exploded a.
a, as iu tehat.
% an initially exploded &.
a, as in hat.
c, as sh in she. See s.
0, a medial sh, a sonantsnrd.
c (Dakota letter), as ch in church.
^, as th in thin.
5, a medial 5, sonant-surd.
^, as th iu //le.
e, as iu thei/.
'e, an initially exploded e.
6, as in get.
'6, au initially exploded 6.
g, as in go.
g (in Dnkota), gh. See x.
li (iu Dakota), /;/(, etc. See q.
i, as in machine.
'i, an initially exploded i.
1, as in pin.
J, as z iu azure, or as j iu French
Jacques.
^[, a medial k, a sonant-surd.
k', au exploded k.
5, as vg in sing.
bn, its initial sound is expelled
tVom the nostrils, and is scarcely
heard.
o, as in no.
'o, an initially exploded o.
d, a medial b (or ])), a sonant-surd.
p', au exjjloded j).
q, as German ch in ach. See h.
s, a medial s (or z), a sonant-surd.
s (iu Dakota), as sh in she. See c.
^, a medial t, a sonant-snrd.
t', an exploded t.
u, as 00 in tool.
'u, an initially exploded u.
n, as 00 in foot.
n, a sound between 0 and n.
ii, as in German h'dhl.
X, gh, or nearly the Arabic ghain.
See g.
dj, asj iu judge.
tc, as (;/( in church. See 6.
tc', an exploded tc.
qo, a medial tc, a sonant-surd.
qs, a medial ts, a sonant-surd.
ts', au exploded ts.
z (in Dakota), as z in azure, etc.
See j.
ai, as iu aisle.
an, as 010 in coio.
yu, as n in tune.
The following have the ordinary English sounds : b, d, h, k, 1, m, n,
p, r, s, t, w, y, and z. A superior u (") after a vowel nasalizes it. A
plus sign (-^) after any letter prolongs it.
With the exception of the five letters taken from liiggs' Dakota Dic-
tionary, and used only in the Dakota words in this paper, the above
letters belong to the alphabet adopted by the Bureau of Ethnology.
206
CONTENTS.
Page.
Chapter I.— Introduction 211
E.arly migrations of the (]'egih.a tribes 211
Sub.seqnent migrations of tbc Omabas 213
Present state of the Omabas 214
Chapter II.— The State 215
Differentiation of organs in the State 216
State classes 210
Servants 217
Corporations 218
Chapter III. — The Gentile System 2li)
Tribal circles 211)
The Omaha tribal circli' 219
Rules for pitching the tents 220
The sacred tents 221
The sacred pi pes 221
Gahige's account of the tradition of the pipes 222
A^-ba-hebe's account of the same 222
Law of membership 225
The Weji" cte or Elk gens 225
The Inke-sabe or Black shoulder gens 228
The Haiiga gens 233
The (patada gens 236
TheWasabe-hit'ajIsubgens 236
TbeWajiuga-(j'ataji subgens 238
Thoxeda-it'aji subgens 239
The jjei" subgens 240
The Kanze gens 241
The Ma^f^inka-gaxe gens 242
The xe-sinde gens 244
The x^-da or Deer-head gens 245
The Ing(fejide gens 247
The Ictasanda gens 248
Chapter IV. — The Kinship System and Marriage Laws 252
Classes of kinship 252
Consanguineous kinship 253
AfSnities 2.')5
Marriage laws 255
Whom a man or woman cannot marry 256
Whom a man or woman can marry 2.57
Importance of the subgentes 258
Remarriage 258
Chapter V. — Domestic Life 259
Courtship and marriage customs 259
Domestic etiquette— bashfulness 262
Pregnancy 263
Children 265
(207)
208 CONTENTS.
1 -a'.;p
Chapter V. — Domestic Life — Continued.
Standing of women in society 266
Ciitaiuenia 2C7
Willows and widowers 267
Riglits of parents and others 268
Personal habits, politeness, etc 269
Meals, etc 271
Chapteh VI.— Visiting Customs 276
Chapter VII.— Ixdustrial Occupations 28:i
Hunting customs 283
Kisliiug cnstoms 301
Cultivation of the ground 302
Chapter VIII. — Industrial Occupations (continued) 303
Food and its preparation 303
Clothing and its preparation 310
Chapter IX. — Protective Industries 312
War customs 312
Defensive warfare 312
Offensive warfare 315
Chapter X.— Amusements and Corporations 334
Games 334
Corporations 342
Feasting societies 342
Dancing societies 342
Chapter XI. — Regitlative Industries 356
The government 356
Religion 363
Chapter XII.— The Law 364
Personal law 364
Property law 366
Corporation law 367
Government law 367
International law 368
Military law 368
Eeligious law 368
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Plate XXX. — Map showing the migrations of the Omahas and cognate
tribes 212
XXXI. — Teutof Agaha-wacuce 237
XXXII. — Omaha system of consanguinities 253
XXXIII. — Omaha system of affinities 255
Fig. 12.— The Omaha tribal circle 220
13. — Places of the chiefs, <ic., iu the tribal assembly 224
14.— liike-sabe tent 230
15. — luke-sabe style of wearing the hair 230
16. — luke-sabe Gentile assembly 231
17. — The sacred pole 234
18. — AVasabe-hit'aji style of wearing the hair 237
19. — x^-'^'ude style of wearing the hair 244
20. — The weawa" or calumet pipe 277
21.— Rattles used in the pipe dance 278
22. — The Dakota style of tobacco pouch used by the Omahas in the i)ipe
dance 278
23. — The position of the pipes, the ear of corn, &c 279
24. — Decoration of child's face 2':'0
25. — Showing positions of the long tent, the pole, and rows of " ja" withiu
the tribal circle 295
26. — Figures of pumpkins 306
27.— The Webajabe 310
26.— The Weubaja" 311
29. — Front view of the iron 311
30.— OldPonka fort 314
31. — Diagram showing places of the guests, messengers, etc 315
32. — The banauge 336
33.— The sticks 336
34. — Na^ba" au ha 336
35. — (J'abiti" au ha 337
36. — Diagram of the play-grouud 337
37. — The stick used in iilaying ja^ii"-jahe 338
38. — The wa((iglje 33tj
39. — The stick used iu playing I"ti"-bu}a 341
40. — The waq)(eq^te 'a"sa 352
41. — The Ponka style of hauga-5(i'a''ze 359
42. — The Omaha style of hauga-3[i'a"'ze 361
(209)
3 ETH — 14
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY,
By J. Owen Doksey.
OHAPTBK I.
INTEODUCTIOlSr.
§ 1. The Omaha Indians belong to the (/Jegiha gronp of the Siouau
family. The (pegiha, group may be divided into the Omaha-(pegiha and
the Kwapa-(|Jegiha. In the former are four tribes, speaking three dia-
lects, while the latter consists of one tribe, the Kwapas. The dialects
are as follows: Paiika, spoken by the Ponkas and Omahas; Waoaoe,
the Osage dialect ; 5ja"ze, that of the Kansas or Kaws, closely related
to the Waoaoe; and Ugaqpa, or Kwapa.
§ 2. (|)egiha means, "Belonging to the people of this land," and answers
to the Oto " xoiwere," aud the Iowa " j^oeiiiwere." Mr. Joseph La
Fleehe, who was formerly a head chief of the Omahas, also said that
(pegiha was about equivalent to " Dakota." When an Omaha was chal-
lenged in the dark, when on his own land, he generally replied, " I am
a (pegiha." So did a Ponka reply, under similar circumstances, when
on his own land. But when challenged in the dark, when away from
home, he was obliged to give the name of his tribe, saying, " I am an
Omaha," or, " I aui a Ponka," as tlie case might be.
§ 3. The real name of the Omahas is " Uma"ha"." It is explained by
a tradition obtained from a few members of the tribe. When the ances-
tors of the Omahas, Ponkas, Osages, and several other cognate tribes
traveled down the Ohio to its mouth, they separated on reaching the
Mississippi. Some went up the river, hence the name Uma°ha°, from
3]ima°ha", " to go against the wind or stream." The rest went down
the river, hence the name TJgdqpa or Kwdpa, from ugdqpa or ug4ha, " to
float down the stream."
EARLY MIGRATIONS OF THE ^EGIHA TRIBES
The tribes that went up the Mississippi were the Omahas, Ponkas,
Osages, and Kansas. Some of the Omahas remember a tradition that
their ancestors once dwelt at the place where Saint Louis now stands ;
and the Osages and Kansas say that they were all one people, inhabit-
ing an extensive peninsula, on the Missouri River.
(211)
212 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
On this peuinsula was a high mountaiD, wiiich the Kansas called
Ma^-daqpaye and Tce-dunga-ajabe ; the corresponding Osage name be-
Ma";aqpa(f'e.'
Subsequently, these tribes ranged through a territory, including
Osage, Gasconade, and other adjacent counties of the State of Missonri,
perhaps most of the country lying between the Mississippi and the
Osage Eivers. The lowas were near them ; but the Omahas say that
the Otos and Missouris were not known to them. The Iowa chiefs,
however, have a tradition that the Otos were their kindred, and that
both tribes, as well as the Omahas and Ponkas, were originally Winue-
bagos. A recent study of the dialects of the Osages, Kansas, and
Kwapas discloses remarkable similarities which strengthen the supposi-
tion that the lowas and Otos, as well as the Missouris, were of one stock.
At the mouth of the Osage River the final separation occurred. The
Omahas and Ponkas crossed the Missouri and, accompanied by the
lowas, proceeded by degrees through Missouri, Iowa, and Minnesota,
till they reached the neighborhood of the Red Pipestone quarry. This
must have taken many years, as their course was marked by a suc-
cession of villages, consisting of earth lodges.
Thence they journeyed towards the Big Sioux River, where they made
a fort. They remained in that country a long time, making earth lodges
and cultivating fields. Game abounded. At that time the Yanktons
dwelt in a densely wooded country near the head of the Mississippi ;
hence the Omahas called them, in those days, " Ja°'a^a ni'kaci°ga, The
people who dwelt in the woods." After that the Yanktons removed and
became known as Yanktons. By and by the Dakotas made war on the
three tribes, and many Omahas were killed by them. So at last the
three tribes went west and southwest to a lake near the head of Choteau
Creek, Dakota Territory, now known as Lake Andes {"?). There they cut
the sacred i^ole (see §§ 36 and 153), and assigned to each gens and subgens
its peculiar customs, such as the sacred pipe, sacred tents, and the taboos.
There were a great many gentes in each tribe at that time, far more than
they have at i)resent ; and these gentes were in existence long before
they cut the sacred pole.
After leaving the lake, known as "Waqifexe gasai' (jja", Where they
cut the sacred i)ole," they traveled up the Missouri River till they ar-
rived at Ni-ugacude, White Earth River. They crossed the Missouri,
' The writer was told by an Osage that Ma^iaqpaiie was at Fire Prairie, Missonri,
where the tirst treaty with the Osages was made by the United States. But that
place is on a creek of the same name, which empties into the Missouri River on the
south, ill T. 50 N., R. 28 W., at the town of Napoleon, Jackson County, Missouri.
This could not have baeu the original Ma°4aqpa^;e. Several local uaiiies have been
duplicated by the Kansas in the course of their wanderings, and there ai-e traces of
similar duplications among the Osages. Besides this, the Omahas and Ponkas never
accompauied the Kansas and Osages beyond the mouth of the Osage River; and the
Kansas did not reach the neighborhood of Napoleon, Missouri, for some time after
the senaratiou at the mouth of the Osage River.
BUREAl' OF ETnKOLOCr
ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXX
J* UE L J C XJX^Il-B^^
MAP SHOWING MlGatATlU>;;5 OF THE OMAUAS AND COG^'ATE TIUBES.
Legend.
1. Winnebaj;o habitat. 17.
2. lowababitat. 1?^.
3. Arkansas habitat. 19.
4. Kwapa habitat, after tho separation from the Omahas, etc. 20.
5. llouto uf tho Omabas. Ponkas, Kansas, and Osages. 22,
G. Their habitat at the mouth of the Missouri Eiver. l3,
7. Tbeir course along that river. 24.
8. Tlieir habitat at the mouth of Osage River. 25.
9. Subsequent cnurso of the Osages. 26.
10. Subserineut course of the Kansas. 27.
n. Course of tho Oiuahaa and Ponkas, according to some. 28.
12. Tbeir course, according to others. 30.
13. Where they met tho lowas. 31.
H. Course of ihe three tribes. 33,
15. Pipestone qnarrv. 35,
16. Cliffs 100 feet high on each bank. 37.
Fort built by the three tribes.
Lake Andes.
Sloutli of Whiti- River.
Mouth of the Niobrara River.
Omaha village on Bow Creek.
Iowa village on Ionia Creek.
Omaha village xUauga.jiuga and Zande bu:i,a.
Omaha village at Omadi.
Omaha village on Bell Creek.
Probable course of the lowas.
Omaha habitat on Salt Creek.
Omaha habitat at Ane nat'ai ifa".
Omaha habitat on Shell Creek.
Omaha habitat on the Elkhoru River.
Omaha habitat on Logan Creek.
Omaha habitat near Bellevue.
DOBSEY 1 MIGRATIONS OF THE OMAHAS. 213
above this stream, and occupied the country between tbe Missouri and
the Black Hills, though they did not go to the Black Hills.^ After
awhile, they turned down stream, and kej^t together till they reached
the month of the Niobrara, where the Ponkas stopped. The Omahas
and lowas continued their journey till they reached Bow Creek, Ne-
braska, where the Omahas made tlieir village, the lowas going beyond
till they reached Ionia Creek, where they made a village on the east
bank of the stream, near its mouth, and not far from the site of the pres-
ent town of Ponca.
Bj- and by the Omahas removed to a place near Covington, Nebr.,
nearly opposite the present Sioux City. The remains of this village are
now known as " j^i^au'ga jifi'ga," and the lake near by is called "(Jjix-
ucpa"-ug(fe," because of the willow trees found along its banks.
In the course of time the lowas passed the Omahas again, and made
a new village near the place where Florence now stands. After that
they continued their course southward to their present reservation.
The Otos did not accompany the Ponkas, Omahas, and lowas, when
they crossed the Missouri, and left the Osages and others. The Otos
were first met on the Platte Eiver, in comparatively modern times, ac-
cording to Mr. La Fl^che.
SUBSEQUENT MIGRATIONS OF THE OMAHAS.
§ 4. After leaving jji-c(anga-jiiiga, where the lodges were made of wood,
they dwelt at Zand6 bu;a.
2. Ta°'wa"-'4an'ga, The Large Village, is a place near the town of Omadi,
Nebr. The stream was crossed, and the village made, after a freshet.
3. On the west side of Bell Creek, Nebraska.
4. Thence south to Salt Creek, above the site of Lincoln.
5. Then back to Ta°wa°-;auga. While the people were there, A^ba-
hebe, the tribal historian was born. This was over eighty years ago.
6. Thence they went to AueuAt'ai fa", a hill on the -west bank of the
Elkhorn Eiver, above West Point, and near Bismarck.
7. After five years they camped on the east bank of Shell Creek.
S. Then back to Ta^wa^-jaiiga, on Omaha Creek.
9. Then on the Elkhorn, near Wisner, for ten years. While there,
A°ba-hebe married.
10. About the year 1832-'3, they returned to Ta^wan-jaiiga, on Omaha
Creek.
11. In 1841 they went to Ta^'wa-'-jiiigd fa°, The Little Village, at the
mouth of Logan Creek, and on the east side.
■2A Ponka chief, Bnffiilo Chips, said that, his trihe left the rest at White Earth
River and went as far as tbe Little Missouri River and tbe region of tbe Blacls Hills-
Finally, they returned to their kindred, who then began their journey down tbe
Missouri River. Other Ponkas have told about going to the Black Hills.
214 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY
12. lu 1843, they returned to Ta^wa" -^aBga.
13. In 1845 they went to a plateau west of Bellevue. On the top of
the plateau they built their eaith lodges, while the agency was at Belle-
vue.
14. They removed to their present reserve in 1855.
PRESENT STATE OF THE OMAHAS.
§ 5. Their reservation was about 30 miles in extent from east to west,
and 18 or 20 from north to south. It formed Black Bird County. The
northern part of it containing some of the best of the timber lauds, was
ceded to the Wiunebagos, when that tribe was settled in Nebraska, and
is now in Dakota County. The southern part, the present Omaha res-
ervation, is in Burt County. The Omahas have not decreased in popu-
lation during the past twenty-five years. In 1876 they numbered 1,076.
In 1882 there are about 1,100. Most of the men have been farmers
since 18G9; but some of them, under Mr. La Fl^che, began to work for
themselves as far back as 1855. Each man resides on his claim, for
which he holds a patent given him by the Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Many live in frame houses, the most of which were built at the exiiense
of their occupants.
CHAPTEE II.
THE STATE.
§ 6. "A state," said Maj. J. W. Powell, in his presideutial address to
tlie Antliropological Society of Washinstoii, in 1882, " is a body politic,
au organized group of ineu with au established goverumeut, aud a
body of determined law. In the organization of societies units of dif-
ferent orders are discovered." Among the Ouiahas and other tribes of
the Siouan family, the primary unit is the gens or clan, which is com-
posed of a number of consanguinei, claiming descent from a common an-
cestor, and having a common taboo or taboos. But starting from the
tribe or state as a whole, we find among the Omahas two half-tribes of
five gentes each, the first called " Haiiga-cenn," and the second, " Icta-
sanda." (See § 10.) These half-tribes do not seem to be phratries, as
they do not possess the rights of the latter as stated by Morgan : the
HaQgacenu gentes never meet by themselves apart from the Icta-sanda
gentes.
Next to the half-tribes are the gentes, of which the Omahas have ten.
Each gens in turn is divided into " u^iig^asne," or subgentes. The
number of the latter varies, at present, according to the particular
gens; though the writer has found traces of the existence of four sub-
gentes in each gens in former days. The subgentes seem to be com-
l)osed of a number of groups of a still lower order, which are provision-
ally termed "sections." The existence of sections among the Omahas
had been disputed by some, though other members of the tribe claim
that they are real units of the lowest order. We find among the Tito"-
wa" Dakotas, many of these groups, which were originally sections, but
which have at length become gentes, as the marriage laws do not afl'ect
the higher groups, the original phratries, gentes, and subgentes.
The Ponka chiefs who were in Washington in 1880, claimed that in
their tribe there used to be eight gentes, one of which has become
extinct; and that now there are ten, three subgentes having become
gentes in recent times. According to Mr. Joseph La Fl^che, a Ponka by
birth, who spent his boyhood with the tribe, there are but seven gentes,
one having become extinct; while the Wajajeand Nuqe, which are now
the sixth and seventh gentes, were originally one. For a fuller discus-
sion of the gentes see the next chapter.
The state, as existing aonong the Omahas and cognate tribes, may be
termed a kinship state, that is, one in which "governmental fnnctions
are i)erformed by men whose positions in the government are deter-
mined by kinship, aud rules relating to kinship and the reproduction of
(ai.->)
216 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
the species constitute tlie larger body of the law. The law regulates
marriage and the rights and duties of the several members of a body of
kindred to each other. Individuals are held responsible," chiefly " to
their kindred; and certain groups of kindred are held responsible," in
some cases, " to other groups of kindred. When other conduct, such as
the distribution of game taken from the forest or fish from the sea, is re-
gulated, the rules or laws pertaining thereto involve the considerations
of kinship," to a certain extent. (See Chapter XII, § 303.)
DIFFEEENTIATION OF ORGANS IN THE STATE.
§ 7. The legislative, executive, and judicial functions have not been
differentiated. (See Government, Chapter XI.)
Whether the second mode of difl'erentiation has taken place among
the Omahas, and just in the order described by Major Powell, is an open
question. This mode is thus stated : " Second, by the multiplication
of the orders o^' units and the si)ecializatiou of the subordinate units so
that subordinate organizations perform special functions. Thus cities
may be divided into wards, counties into towns." Subgentes, as well
as gentes, wei'e necessary among the Omahas for marriage purjioses, as
is shown in §§ 57, 78, etc. The recent tendency has been to centraliza-
tion or consolidation, whereas there are strong reasons for believing that
each gens had four subgentes at the first ; several subgentes liaving
become few in number of persons have been united to the remaining
and more powerful subgentes of their respective gentes.
The third mode of difterentiatious of organs in the State is " by uiul-
tiplicatiou of corporations for specific purposes." The writer has not
yet been able to find any traces of this mode among the Omahas and
cognate tribes.
§ 8. Two classes of organisation are found in the constitution of the
State, " those relating directly to the government, called major organ-
izations, and those relating indirectly to the government, called minor
organizations." The former embraces the State classes, the latter, cor-
porations.
STATE CLASSES.
These have not been clearly differentiated. Three classes of men have
been recognized : Nikagdhi, waniice, and cenujiii'ga.
In civil affairs, the nikagahi are the chiefs, exercising legislative, ex-
ecutive, and judicial functions. They alone have a voice in the tribal
assembly, which is composed of them. The wanace, policemen, or braves,
are the servants or messengers of the chiefs, and during the surround-
uonsEv. I
STATE CLASSES. 217
iug of a herd of bnflalo, they have extraordinary powers couferred on
them. (See §§ 140 and 297.)
The cenujinga, or young men, are the "common people," such as have
not distinguished themselves, either in war or in any other way. They
have no voice in the assemblj-, and during the buffalo hunt they must
obey the chiefs and wanace.
In religious affairs, which are closely associated with civil ones, we
find the chiefs having a prominent part. Besides the chiefs proper are
the seven keepers of the sacred pipes, or pipes of peace (see §§ 14-19.
287, 296), and the keepers of the three sacred tents (see §§ 13, 22-24.
36, 295). The functions of these keepers of the sacred tents, especially
those of the two Hanga men, appear to be both religious and civil. Of
these two men, jja(fi''-na"paji said : " The two old men, Waka°'-ma"(|;i°
and jeha°'ma°^i°, are the real governors of the tribe, and are counted
as gods. They are reverenced by all, and men frequently give them
presents. They mark the tattooed women." Frank La Fleche denied
this, saying that these two old men are the servants of the Hanga chief,
being only the keepers of the sacred tents of his gens. J. La Fleche
and Two Crows said that while there were some "nikaci"'ga qub6,"
sacred or mysterious men, among the Omahas, they did not know who
they were. Some of the chiefs and people respect them, but others
despise them. It is probable that by nikaci''ga qube, they meant ex-
orcists or conjurers, rather than priests, as the former pretend to be
" qube," mysterious, and to have supernatural communications.
There is no military class or gens among the Omahas, though the
Ponka (pixida gens, and part of the Nikadaona gens are said to be war-
riors. Among the Omahas, both the captains and warriors must be taken
from the class of cenujinga, as the chiefs are afraid to undertake the work
of the captains. The chiefs, being the civil and religious leaders of the
people, cannot serve as captains or even as subordinate ofiQcers of a war
party. Nor can they join such a party unless it be a large one. Their
influence is exerted on the side of peace (see §§ 191, 292), and they try
to save the lives of murderers. (See § 310.) They conduct peace ne-
gotiations between contending tribes. (See §§ 220, 292.)
All the members of a war party, including the captains, lieutenants,
and wanace, as well the warriors, are promoted to the grade or class of
(civil) wanace on their return from battle. (See § 210.)
SERVANTS.
There are no slaves; but there are several kinds of servants called
wag;iq(j;a°. In civil and religious affairs, the following are wagiiq(f;a".
The two keepers of the Haiiga sacred tents are the servants of the
Hanga chief. (See above, § 295, etc.) One of these old men is al\\ays
the servant of the other though they, exchange places. (See § 151.)
The keepers of the sacred pipes are the servants of the chiefs. (See §§
17-19). The (fatada Qujja man is the servant of the keepers of the
218 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
sacred tents. (See § 143.) Some of the Wasabe-hit'aji men are serv-
ants of the Weji"cte gens, acting as such in the sacred tent. (See §§
23, 24.) Some of the luke-sabe men are the servants of the Haiiga
when they act as criers (see §§ 130, 136, etc.), and so is a j^a^ze man
(§ 152). The wanace are the servants of the chiefs. The wag(J;a or
messengers acting as criers for a feast are the servants of the giver of
the feast for the time being.
In military affairs, the following are servants : The men who act as
wag^a for the preliminary feast ; the men who carry the baggage of
the captains and wait on them ; the bearer of the kettle ; the bearers of
the sacred bags when there is a large party ; the special followers of
each captain, including his lieutenant, the followers or warriors being
about equally divided between the captains ; and the wanace or police-
men. (See War Customs, Chapter IX.)
Social classes are undifferentiated. Any man can win a name and
rank in the state by becoming " wacuce," or brave, either in war or by
the bestowal of gifts and the frequent giving of feasts. (See § 224.)
COEPOEATIONS.
Corporations are minor organizations, which are indirectly related to
the government, though they do not constitute a jiart of it.
The Omahas are organized into certain societies for religious, indus-
trial, and other ends. There are two kinds, the Ik.igeki^6 or brother-
hoods, and the tjkikune(|^e, or feasting organizations. The former are
the dancing societies, to some of which the doctors belong. A fuller
description of them will be found in Chapter X.
The industrial organization of the state will be discussed in Chapters
VII, VIII, IX, X, and XI.
CHAPTER III.
THE GEXTIL,E SYSTEM.
TRIBAL CIRCLES.
§ 9. Tu former days, whenever a large cainxiing ground could not be
found, the Poukas used to encamp in three concentric circles; while the
Omahas, who were a smaller tribe, pitched their tents in two similar
circles. This custom gave rise to the name " Oyate yamni," The Three
Nations, as the Ponkas were styled by the Dakotas, and the Omahas
became known as the Two Nations. But the usual order of encamp-
ment has been to pitch all the tents in one large circle or horseshoe,
called "hu(j;uga" by the Indians. In this circle the gentes took their
regular places, disregarding their gentile circles, aud pitching the tents,
one after another, w:ithin the area necessary for each gens. This circle
was not made by measurement, nor did any one give directions where
each tent should be placed ; that was left to the women.
When the people built a village of earth-lodges, and dwelt in it, they
did not observe this order of camping. Each man caused his lodge to
be built wherever he wished to have it, generally near those of his kind-
red. But whenever the whole tribe migrated with the skin tents, as
when they went after the buffaloes, they observed this order. (See
§ 133.)
Sometimes the tribe divided into two parties, some going in one di-
rection, some in another. On such occasions the regular order of camp-
ing was not observed ; each man encamped near his kindred, whether
they were maternal or paternal consanguinities.
The crier used to tell the people to what place they were to go, and
when they reached it the women began to pitch the tents.
THE OMAHA TRIBAL CIRCLE.
§ 10. The road along which they passed divided the tribal circle into
two equal parts ; five gentes camped on the right of it and five pitched
their tents on its left. Those on the right were called the Hangaceuu,
and the others were known as the Ictasanda. Tlie Haiigacenu gentes
are as follows : W6ji°cte, Iiik6-s4b6, Haii'ga, ^atada, and ^ja^'ze. The
Ictasanda gentes are as follows : Ma^'^iiika-gdxe, j^e-siu'de, jfl-d^,
Iug((;6-jide, and Ictasanda.
According to Waha°-^i5ge, the chief of the jje-sinde gens, there used
(219)
220
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
to be oue hundred and thirty-three tents pitched by the Haugacenu,
and oue hundred and forty-seven by the letasauda. This was probably
the case when they went on the hunt the last time, in 1871 or 1872.
Fig. K.— Tbe Omaha tribal circle.
LEGEND.
HaSgacknu gentes.
A.
■We,ji°cte, or Elk.
B.
liike-sabe.
C.
HaDga.
D
(f atada :
a. Waaabe-liit'aj!
';. Wajiuga.<atajl
c. x«-<Ja-it'ajI.
d. 36- 'i».
E.
3ta»zc.
ICTASANDA GENTEB.
F. Man^iiika-gase.
G. le-slniie.
H. xa-da.
I. Ing(f.e.ji(le.
K. Ictasanda.
The sacred tents of the Weji^cte and Hafiga gentes are designated by ai>propriate figures : .so also
are the seven gentes which keep the sacred pipes. The diameter of the circle represents the road
traveled by the tribe, A and K forming the gentes in the van.
RBIES FOB PITCHING THE TENTS.
§ II. Though they did not measure the distances, each woman knew
whereto pitch her tent. Thusa^ja^ze woman who saw a Weji^cte tent set
up, knew that her tent must be pitched at a certain distance from that part
of the circle, and at or near the opposite end of the road or diameter of
the circle. When two tents were pitched too far ajiart one woman said
to the other, " Pitch the tent a little closer." Or, if they were too close,
she said, " Pitch the tent further away." So also if the tents of neigh-
boring gentes wei-e too far apart or too close together. In the first case
the women of one gens might say, " Move along a little, and give us
more room." In the other they might say, " Come back a little, as there
is too much space between us." When the end gentes, Weji"cte and
DORSET] TRIBAL CIRCLE SACRED TENTS. 221
Ictasanda, were too far apart there was sometimes danger of attacks of
enemies. On one occasion tbe Dakotas made a dash into the very midst
of the circle and did much damage, because the space between these
two gentes was too great. But at other times, when there is no fear of
an attack, and when the women wish to dress hides, etc., the crier said:
"Halloo ! Make ye them over a large tract of land." This is the only
occasion when the command is giveu how to pitch the tents.
When the tribe returned from the hunt the gentes encamped iu re-
verse order, the Weji"cte and Ictasanda gentes having their tents at
the end of the circle nearest home.
There appear indications that there were special areas, not only for
the gentes, but even for the subgeutes, all members of any subgens
having their lodges set up in the same area. Thus, in the Iiike-sab6
gens, there are some that camped next the Weji^cte, and others next
the Haiiga; some of the HaQga camped nest the liike-sabg, and others
next the (Jlatada, and so on. (See §73.)
§ 12. Within the circle were placed the horses, as a precaution against
attacks from enemies. When a man had many horses and wished to
have them near him, he generally camped within the circle, apart from
his gens, but this custom was of modern origin, and was the exception
to the rule.
THE SACRED TENTS.
§ 13. The three sacred tents were pitched within the circle and near
their respective gentes : that of the Weji^cte is the war tent, and it was
placed not more than .50 yards from its gens ; those of the Haiiga gens
are connected with the regulation of the bufl'alo hunt, etc.; or, we may
say that the former had to do with the protection of life and the latter
with the sustenance of life, as they used to depend mainly on the hunt
for food, clothing, and means of shelter.
THE SACRED PIPES
§ 14. All the sacred pipes belong to the HaSga gens, though Haiiga,
in ancient times, appointed the lOke-sabg gens as the custodian of
them. (J. La Flfeche and Two Crows.) The Inkesabg gens, however,
claims through its chief, Gahige, to have been the first owner of the
pipes; but this is doubtful. There are at present but two sacred
pipes in existence among the Omahas, though there are seven gentes
which are said to possess sacred pipes. These seven are as follows :
Three of the Haugacenu, the Inke-sabe, (|)atada, and \ja"ze, and four
of the Ictasanda, the Ma"(('ii)ka-gaxe, j^e-.siude, j^ada, and Ictasanda.
Til OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
The two sacred pipes still in existeuce are kept by the Inkesabg geus.
These pipes are called "Isiniba waqtibe," Sacred Pipes, or "Niniba
jide," Eed Pipes. They aie made of the red pipestone which is found
in the fiVinous red i)ipestone quarry. The stems are nearly flat and are
worked near the mouth-piece with porcupine quills.
OVHIOE'S ACCOUNT OF THE TRADITION OF THE PIPES.
§ 15. Gahige, of the liike-sabfi feens, said that his gens had the seven
pipes at the first, and caused them to be distributed among the other
gentes. He named as the seven gentes who had the pipes, the follow-
ing: 1. IQkesabe; 2. xe-da-it>aji sub-gens of the (patada; 3. Ma^f.iiika-
gaxe; 4. x^-"''^ 5 ^- X'^'^i"*^'® > ^- Ictasanda; 7. Haiiga {sic). In order
to reach the Haiiga again the seven old men had to go partlj' around
the circle a secoiul time. These are the gentes that had pipes and
chiefs at the first. The chiefs of the three remaining gentes, the We-
ji°cte, 5ja°ze, and liig^e-jide, were not made for years afterward. He
also said that the buffalo skull given to the xe-da-it'aji was regarded as
equivalent to a sacred pipe.
The writer is iucliued to think that there is some truth in what Gahige
has said, though he caunot accept all of his statement. Gahige gives
one pipe to the Hangagens; Two Urows intimated that his gens was
the virtual keeper of a pipe. But A"ba-hebe's story shows that it was
not a real pipe, but the flrebi'aud for lighting the pipes. In like man-
ner, j^eda-it'aji has not a real pipe, but the buffalo skull, which is con-
sidered as a pipe. Hence, it may be that the men who are called
" keepers of the pipes " in the ^a^ze, Ma"(j;inka-gaxe, x^da, xe-siude,
and Ictasanda gentes never had real pii)es but certain objects which
are held sacred, and have some connection with the two pipes kept by
the Iuke-sab6.
ABBA-HEBE'S ACCOUNT OF THE TRADITION OF THE PIPES.
§16. The following is the tradition of the sacred pipes, according to
A°ba-hebe, the aged historian of the Omahas:
The uld meu m.ide seven pipes and carried them .iroiind the tribal circle. They
first reached Wcjincte, who sat there as a male elk, and was frightful to behold, so
the old men did not give him a pipe. Passing ou to the Inke-sabe, they gave the first
pipe to the head of that gens. Next they came to H<auga, to whom they handed a
firebrand, saying, " Do thou keep the firebrand," i. c, " You arc to thrust it into the
pipe-bowls." Therefore it is the duty of Haiiga to light the pipes for the chiefs {sic).
When they reached the Bear people they feared them because tbey sat there with the
sacred hag of hlack bear-skin, so they did not give them a i^ipe. The Blackbird people
received no pipe because they sat with the .siiered hag of hird-skins and feathers.
And the old men feared the Turtle people, who had made a big turtle on the ground,
so they pas.sed them by. But wheu they saw the Eagle people they gave them a
pipe becanse they did not fear them, and the buffalo was good. (Others say that the
Eagle people had started oti' in anger when they found themselves slighted, but the
old men pursued them, and on overtaking them they handed them a bladder filled with
tobacco, and also a buffalo skull, saying, " Keep this skull as a sacred thing." This
DORSET.) THE SACRED PIPES. 223
appeased them, andtliey rejoined the tribe.) Nest the old men saw the jia"ze, part
of whom were good, and part were bad. To the good ones they gave a pipe. The
Ma°(tilika-gaxe peojile were the next gens. They, too, were divided, half being bad.
These bad ones had some stones at the front of their lodge, and they colored these
stones, as well as their hair, orange-red. They wore plumes (hi"(ipe) in their hair
(and a branch of cedar wrapped around their heads. — La Fleche), and were awful
to behold. So the old men passed on to the good ones, to whom the}' gave the
fourth pipe. Then they reached the j,e-sindc, half of whom made sacred a bufl'alo,
and are known as those who eat not the lowest rib. Half of these were good, and they
received the fifth pipe. All of the X'l-'Is^ (A^ba-hebe's own gens !) were good, and they
obtained the sixth pipe. The liigife-jide took one whole side of a bufl'alo, and stuck
it up, leaving the red body but partially buried in the ground, after making a tent
of the skin. They who carried the pipes around were afraid of them, so they did not
give them one. Last of all they came to the Ictasanda. These people were disobe-
dient, destitute of food, and averse to staying long in one place. As the men who had
the pipes wished to stop this, they gave the seventh pipe to the fourth subgens of the
Ictasanda, and since then the members of this gens have behaved themselves.
J. La Flfecbe aucl Two Crows say that " Weji°cte loved bis waqube,
the inii[asi, or coyote, aud so be did uot wish a pipe " which pertained to
peace. " Hauga does not light the pipes for the chiefs ", that is, be does
not altcays light the pipes.
§ 17. The true division of labor appears to be as follows : Hanga was
the soiu'ce of the sacred pipes, and has a right to all, as that gens bad
the first anthority. Haiiga is therefore called " I(J;ig<('a°'qti akd," as he
does what he pleases with the pipes. Hanga told luke-sabe to carry
the pipes around the tribal circle ; so that is why the seven old men did
so. And as Hanga directed it to be done, liike-sabe is called " Afi°' ake,"
The Keeper. Ictasanda fills the pipes. When the Ictasanda man who
attends to this duty does not come to the council the pipes canuot be
smoked, as no one else can fill them. This man, who knows the ritual,
sends all the others out of the lodge, as they must not hear the ancient
words. He utters some words when he cleans out the pipe-bowl, others
when he fills the pipe, etc. He does not always require the same amount
of time to perform this duty. Then all return to the lodge. Haiiga, or
rather a member of that gens, lights the pipes, except at the time of the
greasing of the sacred pole, when be, not Ictasanda, fills the pipes, and
some one else lights them for him. (See § 152.) These three geutes,
Hanga, liike-sabe, and Ictasanda, are the only rulers among the keep-
ers of the sacred pipes. The other keepers are inferior ; though said to
be keepers of sacred pipes, the pipes are not manifest.
These seven niniba waqube are peace pipes, but the niniba waqube of
the Weji°cte is the war pipe.
§ IS. The two sacred pipes kept by Iiike-sab6 are used on various cer-
emonial occasions. When the chiefs assemble and wish to make a de-
cision for the regulation of tribal affairs, Ictasanda fills both pipes and
lays them down before the two head chiefs. Then the liike-sabg keeper
takes one and the x^ tia it'aji keeper the other. Iiike-sab6 precedes,
starting from the head chief sitting on the right and jiassing around
224
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
half of tbe circle till he reaches an old mau seated opposite the head chief.
This old man (one of the Haiiga wag(J;a) and the head chief are the only
ones who smoke the pipe ; those sitting between them do not smoke it
when Inke-sabg goes around. When the old man has finished smoking
Inkesabe takes the pipe again and continues around the circle to the
starting-point, but he gives it to each man to smoke. When he reaches
tbe head chief on the left he gives it to him, and after receiving it from
him he returns it to the i:)lace on the gronnd before the head chiefs.
When Iiike-sab6 reaches the old man referred to j,e-da-il'aji starts from
the head chiefs with the other pipe, which he hands to each oue, in-
cluding those sitting between the second head chief and the old man.
Xe-da-it'aji always keeps behind Inke sab6 just half the circumference of
the circle, and when he receives the pipe from the head chief on the left he
returns it to its place beside the other. Then, after the smoking is over,
Ictasanda takes the pipes, overturns them to empty out the ashes, and
cleans the bowrls by thrusting in a stick. (See §§ 111, 130, 296, etc.)
In smoking they blew tbe smoke
upwards, saying, "Here, Wakanda,
is the smoke." This was done be-
cause they say that Wakanda gave
them tbe pipes, and He rules over
them.
§ 19. Frank La Fltehe told tbe
following :
The sacred pipes are not shown to the
commou people. AVlieu my father was
about to be installed ahead chief, Mahi^-zi,
whose duty it was to fill the pipes, let one
of them fall to tbe ground, violating a law,
and so preventing the continuation of the
ceremony. So my father was not fully in-
FlG. 13.— Places of tbe chiefs, etc., in the tribal . , _., '. , , „ ,, „„_*i„
assembly. itiated. When the later fall was partly
A -The tiTit head chief, on the Ieft_^ B.-The see- „oije Mahi"-zi died.
ond head chief, on the right. C— The twoHafiga °
wai^^a, one being the old man whom liike-sabe Wacuce, my father-in-law, was tlie Inke-
causes tu smoke the pipe. D.-The place wbere , » tppTif t nf the nines When the Otos
the two pipes are laid. The chiefs sit aronnd in ^aoe Keepf r or tne pipes, vvuen lue uios
a circle. E.— The giver of the feast. visited the Omahas (in the summer of
167ci), the chiefs wLshed the pipes to be taken out of the coverings, so they ordered
Wacuce to undo the bag. This was unlawful, as the ritual prescribed certain words
to be said l)y tbe chiefs to the keeper of the pipes previous lo the opening of the bag.
But none of the seven chiefs know the formula. Wacuce was unwilling to break the
law; but tbe chiefs insistid, and he yielded. Then Two Crows told all the Omahas
IJresent not to smoke the small pipe. This he had a right to do, as he was a HaiSga.
Wacuce soon died, and in a short time he was followed by his daughter and bis eldest
sou.
It takes four days to make any one understand all about the laws of the sacred
pipes ; and it costs many horses. A bad man, i. e., one who is saucy, quarrelsome
stingy, etc., cannot be told such things. This was the reason why tbe seven chiefs
did not know their part of the ritual.
uoRSEY.] SACRED PIPES THE ELK GENS. 225
LAW OF MEMBERSHIP.
§ 20. A child belongs to its father's gens, as " father-right " has suc-
ceeded " mother-right." But children of white or black men are as-
signed to the gentes of their mothers, and they cannot marry any women
of those gentes. A stranger cannot belong to any gens of the tribe,
there being no ceremony of adoption into a gens.
THE WEJI'XTE OR ELK GENS.
§ 21. This gens occupies the first place in the tribal circles, pitching
its tents at one of the horns or extremities, not far from the Ictasanda
gens, which camps at the other end. When the ancient chieftainship
was abolished in 1880, Mahi°-^iiige was the chief of this gens, having
succeeded Joseph La Flfeche in 1865.
The word "Weji°cte" cannot be translated, as the meaning of this
archaic word has been forgotten. It may have some connection with
" waji°'cte," to be in a had humor, but we have no means of ascertaining
this.
La Flfeche and Two Crows said that there were no subgentes in this
gens. But it seems probable that in former days there were subgentes
in each gens, while in the course of time changes occurred, owing to
decrease in numbers and the advent of the white men.
Taboo. — The members of this gens are afraid to touch any part of the
male elk, or to eat its flesh ; and they cannot eat the flesh of the male
deer. Should they accidentally violate this custom they say that they
are sure to break out in boils and white spots on ditt'ereut parts of the
body. But when a member of this gens dies he is buried in moccasins
made of deer skin.
Style of wearing the hair. — The writer noticed that Bi°ze-tig^e, a boy
of this gens, had his hair next the forehead standing erect, and that
back of it was brushed forward till it projected beyond the former. A
tuft of hair at the back extended about 3 inches below the head. This
style of wearing the hair prevails only among the smaller children as
a rule ; men and women do not observe it.
Some say that 'A"-wega°(j;a is the head of those who join in the wor-
ship of the thunder, but his younger brother, Qaga-ma"f i", being a more
active man, is allowed to have the custody of the Ing^a"^e and the
Iiig(fa"haiigac'a. J. La Fleche and Two Crows said that this might be
so; but they did not know about it. Nor could they or my other in-
formants tell the meaning of Iug^a''^6 and Iiig^a''haiigac'a. Perhaps
they refer either to the wild-cat (iQg(J;aiiga), or to the thunder (i5gi|;a°).
Compare the Ictasanda "keepers of the claws of a wild-cat."
3 ElH — 15
226 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
§22. The sacred tent. — Tlie sacred teut of the Elk gens is consecrated
to war, and scalps are given to it, but are not fastened to it, as some
have asserted. B(f,a"ti used to be the keeper of it, but be has resigned
tbe charge of it to the ex-chief, Mabi" ^■iQge.
The place of this sacred tent is within the tribal circle, and near the
camping place of the gens. This tent contains one of the wacfixabe, a
sacred bag, made of the feathers and skin of a bird, and consecrated to
war. (See § 196.) There is also another sacred bag in this tent, that
which holds the sacred !}ihaba or clam shell, the bladder of a male elk
filled with tobacco, and the sacred pipe of the gens, the tribal war pipe,
which is made of red pipe-stone. The 4ihaba is about nine inches in
diameter, and about four inches thick. It is kept in a bag of buffalo
hide which is never placed on the ground. In ancient days it was car-
ried on the back of a youth, but in modern times, when a man could not
be induced to carry it, it was put with its buffalo-skin bag into the skin
of a coyote, and a woman took it on her back. When the tribe is not
in motion the bag is hung on a cedar stick about five feet high, which
had been planted in the ground. The bag is fastened with some of the
sinew of a male elk, and cannot be opened except by a member of the
Wasabe-hit'aji sub-gens of the (|)atada. (See § 45, etc.)
§ 23. Service of the scouts. — "When a man walks in dread of some un-
seen danger, or when there was au alarm in the camp, a crier went
around the tribal circle, saying, "Maja"' i(f;6gasanga t6 wi 4^i"he-f !" I
who move am he icho xoill know irhat is the matter with the land! (i.
e., I will ascertain the cause of the alarm.) Then the chiefs assembled
in the war tent, and about fifty or sixty young men went thither. The
chiefs directed the Elk people to make the young men smoke the sacred
pipe of the Elk gens four times, as those who smoked it were compelled
to tell the truth. Then one of the servants of the Elk gens took out
the pipe and the elk bladder, after untying the elk sinew, removed some
of the tobacco from the pouch (elk bladder), which the Elk men dare
not touch, and handed the pipe with the tobacco to the Elk man, who
filled it and lighted it. They did not smoke with this pipe to the four
winds, nor to the sky and ground. The Elk man gave the pipe to one
of the bravest of the young men, whom he wished to be the leader of
the scouts. After all had smoked the scouts departed. They ran around
the tribal circle and then left the camp. When they had gone about
20 miles they sat down, and the leader selected a number to act as po-
licemen, saying, " I make you policemen. Keep the men in order. Do
not desire them to go aside." If there were many scouts, about eight
were made policemen. Sometimes there were two, three, or four leaders
of the scouts, and occasionally they sent some scouts in advance to
distant bluffs. The leaders followed with the main body. When they
reached home the young men scattered, but the leaders went to the Elk
tent and reported what they had ascertained. They made a detour, in
order to avoid encouuteriug the foe, and sometimes they v. ere obliged
DoiisEY) THE ELK GENS. 227
to flee to reach home. This service of the young men was considered
as equivalent to going on the war path.
§ 2i. Worship of the thunder in the spring.— When the first thunder is
heard in the spring of the year the Elk people call to their servants,
the Bear people, who proceed to the sacred tent of the Elk gens. When
the Bear people arrive one of them opens the sacred bag, and, after re-
moving the sacred pipe, hands it to one of the Elk men, with some of
the tobacco from the elk bladder. Before the pipe is smoked it is held
toward the sky, and the thunder god is addressed. Joseph La Flfeche
and Two Crows do not know the formula, but they said that the follow-
ing one, given me by a member of the Ponka Hisada (Wasabe-hit'aji)
gens, may be correct. The thunder god is thus addressed by the Pon-
kas : " Well, venerable man, by your striking (with your club) you are
frightening us, your grandchildren, who are here. Depart on high.
According to jj^^i"na°p6ji, one of the Wasabe-hit'ajl, who has acted as
a servant for the Elk people, "At the conclusion of this ceremony the
rain always ceases, and the Bear people return to their homes." But
this is denied by Joseph La Fl^che and Two Crows, who say, " How is
it possible for them to stop the rain ? *
While the Elk gens is associated with the war path, and the worship
of the thunder god, who is iuvoked by war chiefs, those war chiefs are
not always members of this gens, but when the warriors return, the
keejier of the sacred bag of this gens compels them to speak the truth
about their deeds. (See § 214.)
§ 25. Birth names of boys. — The following are the birth names of boys
in the Elk gens. These are sacred or nikie names, and sons used to
be so named in former days according to the order of their births. For
example, the first-born son was called the Soit Horn (of the young elk
at its first appearance). The second. Yellow Horn (of the young elk
when a little older). The next, the Branching Horns (of an elk three
years old). The fourth, the Four Horns (of an elk four years old). The
fifth, the Large Pronged Horns (of an elk six or seven years old). The
sixth, the Dark Horns (of a grown elk in summer). The seventh, the
Standing White Horns, in the distance (t. e., those of a grown elk in
winter).
Other proper names. — The following are the other nikie ^ names of
3. Nikie names are those referring to a mythical ancestor, to some part of his body,
to somo of his acts, or to some ancient rite which may have been established by him.
Niliie names are of several kinds, (o.) The seven birth names for each sex. (6.)
Other nikie names, not birth names, but peculiar to a single gens, (c.) Names
common to two or more gentes. There are two explanations of the last case. All
the gentes using the same name may have had a common mythical ancestor or .a
mythical ancestor of the same species or genus. Among the Osages and Kansas
there are gentes that exchange names ; and it is probable that the custom has ex-
isted among the Omahas. Some of these gentes that exchange names are those
which have the same sacred songs.
The following law about nikie names has been observed by the Omahas:
There must never be more than one person in a gens bearing any particular male name.
228 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
the Elk gens : Elk. Young Elk. Standing Elk. White Elk (near by).
Big Elk. 'A^-wega^^a (meaning uncertain). B^a^-ti, The odor of the
dung or urine of the elk is wafted by the wind (said of any place where the
elk may have been ). (A young elk) Cries Suddenly. Hidaha (said to mean
Treads on the ground in walking, or, Passes over what is at the bottom).
Iron Eyes (of an elk). Bullet-shaped Dung (of an elk). (Elk) Is coming
back — fleeing from a man whom he met. Muscle of an elk's leg. Elk
comes back suddenly (meeting the hunter face to face). (Elk) Turns
round and round. No Knife or No Stone (probably referring to the
tradition of the discovery of four kinds of stone). Dark Breast (of an
elk). Deer lifts its head to browse. Yellow Eump (of an elk). Walking
Full-grown Elk. (Elk) Walks, making long strides, swaying from side to
side. Stumpy Tail (of an elk). Forked Horn (of a deer). Water-monster.
The Brave Weji°cte (named after his gens). Woineti's names. — Female
Elk. Tail Female. Black Moose (?) Female. Big Second-daughter (any
gens can have it). Sacred Third-daughter (Elk and liike-sabg gentes).
Iron-eyed Female (Elk and Haiiga gentes). Land Female (Elk and
(fatada gentes). Moon that Is-traveling (Elk, liike-sabg, Haiiga, (fatada,
and 2ia"ze gentes) ; Na°-ze-i"-ze, meaning uncertain (Elk, (patada, and
Deer gentes). Ninda-wi° (Elk, (fatada, and Ictasanda gentes). Names
of ridicule. — Dog. Crazed by exposure to heat. Good Buffalo.
§ 26. According to j,e-da-u(};iqaga, the chief A°pa"-}anga, the younger,
had a boat and flag painted on the outside of his skin tent. These were
made " qube," sacred, but were not nikie, because they were not trans-
mitted from a mythical ancestor.
§ 27. This gens has furnished several head chiefs since the death of
the famous Black Bird. Among these were A^pa^-skS (head chief after
1800), A"pa'^-:jaiiga, the elder, the celebrated Big Elk, mentioned by
Long and other early travelers, and A^pa^-^anga, the younger. On the
death of the last, about A. D. 1853, Joseph La Flfeche succeeded him
as a head chief.
THE INKE-SABfi, OR BLACK SHOULDER GENS.
§28. This is a Bufl'alo gens, and its place in the tribal circle is next to
that of the Elk gens. The head chiefs of this gens in 1880 were Gahige
For iustance, when, in any household, a child is named Wasabe-jiBga, that name can-
not he given to any new-horn child oi' that geus. But when the first hearer of the name
changes his name or dies, another hoy can receive the name Wasabe-jinga. As that
is one of the seven hirth names of the Wasabe-hit'ajl it suggests a reason for having
extra nikie names in the gens. This second kind of nikie names may have been hirth
names, resorted to because the original birth names were already used. This law ap-
plies in some degree to girls' names, if parents know that a girl in the gens has a certain
name they cannot give that name to their daughter. But should that name be chosen
through iguorance, the two girls must be distinguished by adding to their own names
those of their respective fathers.
rofcEY.j THE INKE-SABE GENS. 229
(wlio died in 1SS2), and Duba-ma''iJ;i°, who "sat on oiii^osite sides of
the gentile fire pi ace. ^' Gahige's predecessor was Gahige-jiiiga or Icka-
dabi.
C red t ion myth, tokl by Gahige. — The first men created were seven
in number. They were all made at one time. Afterwards seven women
were made for them. At that time there were no gentes ; all the people
were as one gens. (Joseph La Fl^che and Two Crows never heard
this, and the following was new to them :)
Mythical origin of the Iiike-sab6, as related by Gahige. — The liike-
sab6 were buffaloes, and dwelt under the surface of the water. When
they came to the surface they jumped about in the water, making it
muddy; hence the birth-name for the first son, Ni-gaqude. Having
reached the land they snuffed at the four winds and prayed to them.
The north and west winds were good, but the south and east winds were
bad.
§ 29. Ceremony at the death of a member of the gens. — In former days,
when any member of the gens was near death, he was wrapped in a
buffalo robe, with the hair out, and his face was painted with the privi-
leged decoration. Then the dying person was addressed thus : "You are
going to the animals (the buffaloes). Tou are going to rejoin your ances-
tors. (Ani;a dtibaha hn6. Wackaii'-ga, i.e.) Tou are going, or, Your
four souls are going, to the four winds. Be strong ! " All the members
of this gens, whether male or female, were thus attired and spoken to
when they were dying. (La Fltehe and Two Crows say that nothing is
said about four souls, and that " Wackau-gS," is not said; but all the
rest may be true. See § 35 for a similar custom.) The " hanga-iii'a°ze,"
or privileged decoration, referred to above and elsewhere in this mono-
graph, is made among the Omahas by painting two parallel lines across
the forehead, two on each cheek and two under the nose, one being
above the upper lip and the other between the lower lij} and the
chin.
§ 30. When the tribe went on the buflfalo hunt and could get skins
for tents it was customary to decorate the outside of the principal liike-
sabi5 tent, as follows, according to j^e-da-ucfiqaga : Three circles were
painted, one on each side of the entrance to the tent, and one at the
back, opposite the entrance. Insid e each of these was painted a buffalo-
head. Above each circle was a pipe, ornamented with eagle feathers.
Frank La Fl^che's sketch is of the regular peace pipe; but his father
drew the calumet pipe, from which the duck's head had been taken and
the pipe-bowl substituted, as during the dancing of the Hedewatci. (See
§§ 40 and 153.)
A model of the principal j,e-da-it'aji tent, decorated by a native artist,
was exhibited by Miss Alice C. Fletcher, at the session of the American
Association at Montreal in 1882. It is now at the Peabody Museum.
Ifilce-saM style of wearing the hair. — The smaller bo.vs have their hair
cut in this style. A A, the horns of the buffalo, being two locks of
230
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
hair about two inches long.
It is about two inches lonsr.
B is a fringe of hair all around the bead.
The rest of the head is shaved bare.
Fig. 14.— Frank La FK'che's sketch of the luke-sahe tent, as he saw it when he went on the huffalo
hunt.
§ 31. Siihgentes and Taboos. — There has evidently been a change in
the subgentes since the advent of the white man. In 1878, the writer
was told by several, including La Fl^che, that there were then three sub-
gentes in existence, Wa(figije, Wata"'zi-iide (I'atitji, and Naq<f'^-it*abi'iji ;
the fourth, or Ieki(j'&, having become extinct.
Now (1882), La Fleche and Two Crows give the
three subgentes as follows: 1. Wafigije; 2.
Niniba t'a"; 3. (a part of 2) Ieki(('e. The second
subgens is now called by them " >Yata"'zi-ji'de
(f'ati'iji and Naq^e it'abaji." "j^a"(f'i"na"ba and
Nagu or Wafanase are the only survivors of the
real Niniba-t'a", Keepers of the Sacred Pipes."
(Are not these the true Naqfeit'abajl, They
who cannot touch charcoal? I. e., it is not their
place to touch a fire-brand or the ashes left in
the sacred pijies after they have been used.)
" The Sacred Pipes were taken from the ances-
tors of these two and were given into the charge of Ickadabi, the pater-
nal grandfather of Gahige." Yet these men are stillcalled 2slniba-t'a°,
while " Gahige belongs to the Wata^zi-jide (•ataji and Naqfe it'abaji, and
he is one of those from whom the Ieki(j;6 could be selected."
Fig
]5. — luke-sahS style
wearing the hair.
DORSUT.]
INKE-SABfi SUBGENTES AND TABOOS.
231
In 1878 La Fl^clie also gave the divisions and taboos of tlie Iuke-sab6
as follows: "1. Niniba t'a° ; 2. Wata^zi-jide <fatajT; 3. j^e-h^sdbg
it'^ji; 4. xe-^6ze^atdji;" but he did not state whetherthese were distinct
subgentes. The j^e-he-sabiS it'ajl, Those who touch not black horns
(of buffaloes), appear to be the same as the j,efeze ^ataji, i. e., the
Wa^igije. The following is their camping order : In the tribal circle,
the Wa^igije camp next to the Haiiga gens, of which the Wacabe people
are the neighbors of the Wa^igije, having almost the same taboo. The
other Ifjke-sabg people camji next to the Weji°cte gens. But in the
gentile "council-fire" a different order is observed; the first becomes
last, the Wa^igije having their seats
on the left of the fire and the dooD
and the others on the right.
The Wa^igije cannot eat bufialo
tongues, and they are not allowed
to touch a buffalo head. (See §§
37, 49, and 59.) The name of their
subgens is that of the hooped rope,
with which the game of " (ja(J;i°-
jahe"is iilayed. Gahige told the
following, which is doubted by La
Fltehe and Two Crows : "One day,
when the principal man of the
Wa^igije was fasting and praying
to the sun-god, he saw the ghost of
a buffalo, visible from the flank up,
arising out of a spring. Since then the members of his subgens have
abstained from buffalo tongues and heads."
Gahige's subgens, the Wata°zi jide ^ataji, do not eat red corn. They
were the first to find the red corn, but they were afraid of it, and would
not eat it. Should they eat it now, they would have running sores all
around their mouths. Another tradition is that the first man of this
subgens emerged from the water with an ear of red corn iu his hand.
The leki^e are, or were, the Criers, who went around the tribal ciicle
proclaiming the decisions of the chiefs, etc.
Prior to 1878, Wacuce, Gahige's brother, was the keeper of the two
sacred pipes. At his death, in that year, his young son succeeded him
as keeper; but, as he was very young, he went to the house of his
father's brother, Gahige, who subsequently kept the pipes himself.
§ 32. Gahige said that his subgens had a series of Eagle birth-names,
as well as the Buffalo birth-names common to the whole gens. This
was owing to the possession of the sacred pipes. While these names
may have denoted the order of birth some time ago, they are now be-
stowed without regard to that, according to La Fl^che and Two Crows.
Buffalo birth-names. — The first son was called "He who stirs up or
muddies the water by jumping in it," referring to a buffalo that lies
Fig. 16. — The Iflke-sabS GentUe Assembly. A. —
The Wa^igije, or Waq\Sbe giixe ak4, under Duba-
ma"iti°. B.— TheWata^zi-jide^atajI; the lekiiJS,
and the Naq^-it'abajL These were under Gahige.
232 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
'iown in the water or iiaws in the shallow water, making it spread out
in circles. The second son was "Buffaloes swimming in large numbers
across a stream." The third was Si-j{a°qega, referring to a buffalo
calf, the hair on whose legs changes from a black to a withered or dead
hue in February. The fourth was "Knobbj' Horns (of a young buffalo
bull)". The fifth was "He {i. e., a buffalo bull) walks well, without fear
of falling." The sixth was "He (a buffalo bull) walks slowly (because
he is getting old)." The seventh was called Gaqa^a-naji", explained by
the clause, " :jeniigawi"dqtci, jug(^e <ping6, a single buffalo bull, without
a companion." It means a very old bull, who stands off at one side
apart from the herd.
The Eagle hirth-names (see § 64), given by Gahige, are as follows :
Qi(f-a-i"^ (meaning unknown to La Fl^che and Two Crows; word doubted
by them). Eagle Neck. Waji°-hauga, He who leads in disposition.
Ki°ka-:(afiga, the first bird heard in the spring when the grass comes
up (the marbled god wit?). Bine Neck (denied by La Flfeche and Two
Crows). Eabbit (La Fltehe and Two Crows said that this name be-
longed to the Haiiga gens). Ash tree (doubted by La Fltehe and Two
Crows). A birth-name of this series could be used instead of the cor-
responding one of the gentile series, e. g., Gahige could have named
his son, Uka^adig^a", either Sijia°-qega or Waji°-haiiga. There were
similar series of birth-names for girls, but they have been forgotten.
§ 33. Principal liike-sabS names. — I. Men. — (Buffalo that) Walks
Last in the heard. (Buffalo) Euns Among (the people when chased by
the hunters). Four (buffaloes) Walking. Black Tongue (of a buffalo).
The Chief. Eeal Chief. Young Chief. Walking Hawk. Without any
one to teach him (i. e., He knows things of his own accord). (Buffalo)
Makes his own manure miry by treading in it. Horns alone visible
(there being no hair on the young buffalo bull's head). Little (buffalo)
with Yellowish-red hair. He who practices conjuring. Thick Shoulder
(of a buffalo). (Buffalo) Comes suddenly (over the hill) meeting the
hunters face to face. Swift Eabbit. Eabbit (also in Haiiga gens). He
who talks like a chief; referring to the sacred pipes. Big Breast (of a
buffalo). Seven (some say it refers to the seven sacred pipes). (He
who) Walks Before (the other keepers of the sacred pipes). Badger.
Four legs of an animal, when cut off. Bent Tail. Double or Cloven
Hoofs (of a buffalo). Yonder Stands (a buffalo that) Has come back
to you. Buffalo runs till he gets out of range of the wind. Little
Horn (of a buffalo). Two (young men) Eunning (with the sacred pipes
during the Hede-watci). Skittish ButtaloCalf. Foremost White Buf-
falo in the distance. Looking around. (Buffalo ?) Walks Around it.
(Buffalo) Scattering in different directions. Big Boiler (a generous
man, who put two kettles on the fire). (Buffalo) Sits apart fi-om the
rest. He who makes one Stagger by pushing against him. He who
'Probably Qiij-'a-hi", as the Osages have QUcta-hi", Eagle Feathers.
D0E8KT.] PERSONAL NAMES THE IIANGA GENS. 233
speaks saucily. Difficult Disposition or Temper (of a growing buffalo
calf). The Shooter. He who fears no seen danger. Young Turkey.
II. Women. — Sacred Third-daughter. She by Whom they were made
Human beings (see Osage tradition of the Female Eed Bird). Moon
in Motion during the Day. Moon that Is traveling. Moon Has come
back Visible. Foremost or Ancestral Moon (first quarter ?). Visible
Moon. White Ponka (female) in the distance. Precious Female. Visi-
ble one that has Eeturued, and is in a Horizontal attitude. Precious
Buffalo Human-female. Buffalo Woman.
THE HANGA GENS.
§ 34. Hafiga seems to mean, "foremost," or " ancestral." Among the
Omahas this gens is a buffalo gens ; but among the Kansas and Osages
it refers to other gentes. In the Omaha tribal circle, the Haiiga people
camp next to the Iuk6-sabe. Their two chiefs are Two Crows and Icta-
basude, elected in 1880. The latter was elected as the successor of his
father, " Yellow Smoke," or " Two Grizzly Bears."
Mythical origin of the gens. — According to Yellow Smoke, the first
Haiiga people were buffaloes and dwelt beneath the water. When they
were tliere they used to move along with their heads bowed and their
eyes closed. By and by they opened their eyes in the water ; hence
their tirst birth-name, Niadi-icta-ugab^a. Emerging from the water,
they lifted their heads and sa-sr the blue sky for the first time. So they
assumed the name of 3;efa-gaxe, or " Clear sky makers." (La Fl^che,
in 1879, doubted whether this was a genuine tradition of the gens ; and
he said that the name Niadi-icta-ugab<j!a was not found in the Haiiga
gens ; it was probably intended for Niadi-ctagabi. This referred to a
buffalo that had fallen into mad and water, which had spoiled its flesh
for food, so that men could use nothing but the hide. Two Crows said
that Niatlictagabi was au ancient name.)
§ 35. Ceremony at the death of a member of the gens. — In former days,
when any member of the gens was near death he was wrapped in a
buffalo robe, with the hair out, and his face was painted with the "hauga-
j[i'a°ze." Then the dying person was thus addressed by one of his
gens : " You came hither from the animals. And you are going back
thither. Do not face this way again. When you go, continue walk-
ing." (See § 29.)
§ 36. The sacred tents. — There are two sacred tents belonging to this
gens. When the tribal circle is formed these are pitched within it,
about 50 yards from the tents of the gens. Hence the proper name,
Ufuci-naji". A straight line drawn from one to the other would bisect
the road of the tribe at right angles.
The sacred tents are always together. They pertain to the buffalo
hunt, and are also " wfiwaspe," having a share in the regulative system
234
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
of the tribe, as they coutain two objects which have been regarded as
" Wakanda ^ga"," partaking of the nature of deities.
These objects are the sacred pole or " waqcf.exe," and the " !)e-sa'"-ha.''
The decoration of the outside of each sacred tent is as follows : A corn-
stalk on each side of the entrance and one on the back of the tent,
opposite the entrance. (Compare the ear of corn in the calumet dance.
See §§ 123 and 103.)
Tradition of the sacred pole. — The " waqcfexe," " ja"' waqiibe," or sa-
cred pole, is very old, having been cut more than two hundred years
ago, before the separation of the Omahas, Ponkas, and lowas. The
Ponkas still claim a share in it, and have a tradition about it, which is
denied by La Fleclie and Two Crows. The Poukas say that the tree
from which the pole was cut was first found by a Ponka of the Hisada
geus, and that in the race which ensued a Ponka of the Maka'' gens
was the fii'st to reach the tree. The Omahas tell the following :
At the first there were no chiefs in the gentes, and the jieople did not prosper. So
a council was held, and they asked one another, "What shall we do to improve our
condition?" Then the young men were sent out. They found many cotton-wood
trees beside a lake, but one of these was better than the rest. They returned and re-
ported the tree, speaking of it as if it was a person. All rushed to the attack. They
struck it and felled it as if it had been a foe. They then put hair on its head, making
a person of it. Then were the sacred tents made, the first chiefs were selected, and
the sacred pipes were distributed.
The sacred i)ole was originally longer than it is now, but the lower
part having worn out, a piece of ash-wood, about 18 inches long, has
been fastened to the cotton-wood with a soft piece of cord made of a
buffalo hide. The ash- wood forms the bottom of the pole, and is the
part which is stuck in the ground at certain times. The cotton-wood is
about 8 feet long.
Fig. it. — The sacred pole.
A. — The place where the two pieces of wood are joined.
E.— The aqande-pa or hi»-qpc-i(tiba", made of the down of the mi«xa (a swan. See the Ma'iiuka s^ix )
gens.)
f- — The scalp, fastened to the top, whence the proper name, Nik'umi"je, Indian-man's (scalp) couch.
Two Crows said that the pole rested on the scalp when it was in the
lodge. The proper name, Mi"-wasa», referring to the mi°xasa" or swan,
and also to the aqande-pa (B). The proper name, "Yellow Smoke"
(rather), " Smoked Yellow," or Cude-nazi, also refers to the pole, which
has become yellow from smoke. Thougli a scalp is flisteued to the top,
the pole has nothing to do with war. But when the Omahas encounter
enemies, any brave man who gets a scalp may decide to present it to
the sacred pole. The middle of the pole has swan's down wrapped
fORsEY] THE HANGA GENS. 235
around it, and the swan's down is covered with cotton-wood bark, over
which is a piece of ^^ha (buffalo hide) about 18 inches square. All the
^eha and cord is made of the hide of a hermaphrodite buffalo. This
pole used to be greased every year when they were about to return home
from the summer hunt. The people were afraid to neglect this cere-
mony lest there should be a deep snow when they traveled on the next
hunt.
When Joseph La Fl^chelost his leg, the old men told the people that
this was a punishment which he suffered because he had opposed the
greasing of the sacred pole. As the Omahas have not been on the hunt
for about seven years, the sacred tents are kept near the house of Wa-
ka-'-ma"^-.!". (See § 295.)
The other sacred tent, which is kept at present by Waka°-ma°^i", con-
tains the sacred " •}e-sa'"-ha," the skin of a white buffalo cow, wrapped
in a buffalo hide that is without hair.
Joseph La Fl^che had two horses that ran away and knocked over
the sacred tents of the Hauga gens. The two old men caught them and
rubbed them all over with wild sage, saying to Frank La Fl6che, " If
you let them do that again the buffaloes shall gore them."
§ 37. Suhgentes and Taboos. — There are two great divisions of the
gens, answering to the number of the sacred tents : The Keepers of the
Sacred Pole and The Keepers of the xe-sa°-ha. Some said that there
were originally four subgentes, but two have become altogether or
nearly extinct, and the few survivors have joined the larger subgentes.
There are several names for each subgens. The first which is some-
times spoken of as being "Ja^'ha-a^i^ica"," Pertaining to the sacred
cotton-wood bark, is the " Waq(fexe a^i°"' or the "Ja"' waqube a^i"',"
Keepers of the Sacred Pole. When its members are described by their
taboos, they are called the " x^ waqube ^at4ji," Those who do not eat
the ":)a" or buffalo sides; and "Mioxa-sa" (|;at4jl" and "j;6ta° (|!at^ji,"
Those who do not eat geese, swans, and cranes. These can eat the
the buffalo tongues. The second subgens, which is often referred to as
being" xe-sa^'-ha-^^fica"," Pertaining to the sacred skin of the white
buffalo cow, consists of the Wacdbe or Han'gaqti, the Eeal Hanga peo-
ple. When reference is made to their taboo, they are called the " j^e-
^6ze fatilji," as Ihey cannot eat buffalo tongues; but they are at liberty
to eat the " ija," which the other Hauga cannot eat. In the tribal circle
theWacabe people camp next to the luke-sabg gens; and the Waq(J;exe
a^i" have the Qaj[a of the (f atada gens next to them, as he is their serv-
ant and is counted as one of their kindred. But, in the gentile circle,
the Waq^exe a^i° occupy the left side of the "council-fire," and the
Wacabe sit on the opposite side.
§38. Style of tcearing the hair. — The Hafiga style of wearing the hair
is called " ^e-naii'ka-baxe," referring originally to the back of a buffalo.
It is a crest of hair, about 2 inches long, standing erect, and exti-nd-
ing from one ear to the other. The ends of the hair are a little below
the ears.
236 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
§ 39. Birthnames of boys, according to ja^i°-na''paji. The first is
Niadi ctagabi ; tbe second, Ja°-gap'uje, referring to the Sacred Pole.
It may be equivalent to the Daliota Tca°-kap'oja (Oag-kaiioza), mean-
ing that it must be carried by one unincumbered with much baggage.
The third is named Ma° peji, Bad Arrow, i. e., Sacred Arrow, because
the arrow has grown black from age! (Two Crows gave this explaua-
tioa. It is probable that the arrow is kept in or with the " ;e-sa°-ha.")
The fourth is Fat covering the outside of a buffalo's stomach. The
fifth is Bufl'alo bull. The sixth, Dangerous buffalo bull ; and the sev-
enth is Bufl'alo bull rolls again in the place where he rolled formerly.
§40. Principal Hanga names. I. Men. — (Buffalo) Makes a Dust by
rolling. Smoked Yellow ("Yellow Smoke"). (Buffalo) Walks in a Crowd.
He who makes no impression by Striking. Eeal HaQga. Short Horns
(of a bufl'alo about two years old). (Bufl'alo calf) Sheds its hair next to
the eyes. Two Crows. Flying Crow. He who gives back blow for blow,
or, He who gets the better of a foe. Grizzly bear makes the sound
"nide" by walking. Grizzly bear's Head. Standing Swan. He (a buf-
falo ?) who is Standing. (Bufl'alo ?) That does not run. (Buffalo) That
runs by the Shore of a Lake. Seven (bufl'alo bulls) In the Water.
Pursuer of the attacking foe. Scalp Couch. Pointed Rump (of a buf-
falo?). Artichoke. Buffalo Walks at Night. A Buffalo Bellows. Odor
of Bufialo Dung. Buffalo Bellows in the distance. (Sacred tent) Stands
in the Middle (of the circle). Seeks Fat meat. Walking Sacred one.
Corn. He who Attacks.
II. Women. — Iron-eyed Female. Moon that is Traveling. White Hu-
man-female Buffalo in the distance.
THE (JIATADA GENS.
§41. This gen occupies the fourth place in the tribal circle, being be-
tween the Hanga and the^a^ze. But, unlike the other geutes, its sub-
gentes have separate camping areas. Were it not for the marriage law,
we should say that the (patada was a phratry, and its subgentes were
gentes. The present leaders of the gens are jedegahi of the Wajiiiga-
^ataji and Cyu-jifiga of the Wasabehit'aji. When on the hunt the four
subgentes pitch their tents ia the following order in the tribal circle :
1. Wasabehit'aji; 3. Wajiiiga ifataji; 3. xe-da-it'aji; 4. 3;e-'i°. TheWa-
sabe-hit'aji are related to the Haiiga on the one hand and to tbe Wa-
jiiiga-^ataji on the other. The latter in turn, are related to the j^e-da-
itaji; these are related to the 5[e-'i°; and the ^e-'i" and ^a^ze are re-
lated.
THE WASABE-HIT'AJI SCBfiENS.
§ 42. The name of this subgens is derived from three words : wasabe,
a black bear ; ha, a sTcin ; and it'aji, not to touch ; meaning "Those who do
UUIIEAU OV UTHXOLOOy
AKNUAL KKFOltT 1882 I'l.. XXXI
TENT or AC.UIA-WACt'CE.
uoRSEv.] (fATADA GENS WASABE-HIT'AJI SUBGENS. 237
not touch the skin of a black bear." The writer was tokl in 1879, tliat
the uju, or principal man of this subgens, was Icta-duba, but La Fleche
and Two Crows, in 1882, asserted that they never heard of au " uju" of
a gens.
Taboo. — The members of this subgens are prohibited from touching
the hide of a black bear and from eating its flesh.
Mythical origin. — They say that their ancestors were made under the
ground and that they afterwards came to the surface.
§ -43. Plate II is a sketch of a tent which belonged to Agaba-wa-
cuce, the father of jja((;i°-na"paji. Hupecfa's father, Hupe^a II, owned it
before Agaha-wacuce obtained it. The circle at the top representing a
bear's cave, is sometimes painted blue. Below the zigzag lines (repre-
senting the different kinds of thunders "?) are the prints of bear's paws.
This painting was not a uikie but the personal "qube" or sacred thing
of the owner. The lower part of the tent was blackened with ashes or
charcoal.
§ 44. *S7i//e of irearinfi the hair. — Four short locks are left on the liead,
as in the following diagram. They are about 2 inches long.
Birth-names of hoys. — ja(f-i"-na"paji gave
the following : The fii'st son is called Young
Black bear. The second. Black bear. The
third. Four Eyes, including the ti'ue eyes aud
the two spots like eyes that are above the
eyes of a black bear. The fourth. Gray Foot.
The fifth. Cries like a Raccoon. (La Fleche
said that this is a Ponka name, but the
Omahas now have it.) The sixth, Nidaha",
Progressing toward maturity {sic). The
seventh, lie turns round and round suddenly
(said of both kinds of bears).
§ 4.5. Sections of the suhgens. — The Wasabe-
,.,,.. , T -1 1- ^ i- ,■ Fig. 18.— Wasabe-hit'ajl style of
hit'aji people are divided into sections, ja^i"- wearing th? hair.
na»paji and others told the writer that they consisted of four divisions :
Black bear, Raccoon, Grizzly bear, and Porcupine people. The Black
bear and Raccoon people are called brothers. Aud when a man kills
a black bear he says, "I have killed a raccoon." The j'oung black bear
is said to cry like a raccoon, hence the birth-name Mijia-xage. The
writer is inclined to think that there is some foundation for these state-
ments, though La Fleche and Two Crows seemed to doubt them. They
gave but two divisions of the Wasabehit'aji ; and it may be that these
two are the only ones now in existence, while there were four in ancient
times. The two sections which are not doubted are the Wasabe-hit'aji
proper, and the Quj[a, *. c, the Raccoon people.
When they meet as a subgens, they sit thus in their circle : The
Wasabe-hit'ajl people sit on the right of the entrance, and the Qujja
have their places ou the left. But in the tribal circle the Quj[a people
238 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
camp uext to tbe Haiiga Keepers of the Sacred Pole, as the former are
the servants of the Haiiga. The leader of the Qajja or Singers was
himself the ouly one who acted as qiijia, when called on to serve the
Haiiga. ja(|;i°na''paji's half-brother, Hupe^a, commonly styled x^-da-
u^iqaga, used to be the leader. Since the Omahas have abandoned the
hunt, to which this oflice pertained, no one has acted as qu5ia ; but if
it were still in existence, the three brothers, Dangerous, Gihaji, and
Ma°-^i'u-ke, are the only ones from whom the qujja could be chosen.
Qujia men. — Dried Buffalo Skull. Dangerous. Gihaji. Black bear.
Paws the Ground as he Reclines. Young (black bear) Runs. Mandan.
Hupe^a. Laugher. Maqpiya-qaga. j^ailga-gaxe. Crow's Head. Gray
Foot. J. La Flfeche said that Hupe^a, Laugher, Maqpiya-qaga, and
j^aiiga-gaxe were servants of the Elk gens ; but ja^i°-na"paji, their
fellow-gentile, jilaces them among the Quija. (See § 143.)
In the tribal circle the Wasabe-hit'aji proper camp next to the
Wajinga-^ataji. These Wasabe-hit'aji are the servants of the Elk peo-
ple, whom they assist in the worship of the thunder-god. When this
ceremony takes place there are a few of the Quj[a people who accom-
pany the Wasabe-hit'aji and act as servants. These are probably the
four men referred to above. Though all of the Wasabe-hit'aji proper
are reckoned as servants of the Weji''cte, only two of them, <ja^i"-
na°paji and Sidama°(fi°, take a prominent part in the ceremonies de-
scribed in §§ 23, 24. Should these men die or refuse to act, other mem-
bers of their Section must take their places.
Wasabe-hit'aji men. — He who fears not the sight of a Pawnee. White
Earth River. Four Eyes (of a black bear). Without Gall. Progress-
ing toward maturity. Visible (object?). Gaxekatiifsa.
Qu:;[a and Wasabe-hit'aji women. — Da°abi. Da^ama. Land Female.
Mi"hupeg(J;e. Mi°-^a°i"ge. She who is Coming back in sight. Weta"ne.
Wete wi°.
THE WAJINGA ((ATAjI SCBGENS
§ 46. This name means, "They who do not eat (small) birds." They
can eat wild turkeys, all birds of the mi^xa or goose genus, including
ducks and cranes. When sick, they are allowed to eat prairie chickens.
When members of this subgens go on the warpath, the only sacred
things which they have are the g^eda" (hawk) and nickucku (martin).
(See § 196.)
Style of wearing the hair. — They leave a little hair in front, over the
forehead, for a bill, and some at the back of the head, for the bird's tail,
with much over each ear, for the wings. La Fl^che and Two Crows do
not deny this; but they know nothing about it.
Curious custom during harvest. — These Wajinga-^atajT call themselves
" The Blackbird people." In harvest time, when the birds used to eat
the corn, the men of this subgens proceeded thus: They took some
corn, which they chewed and spit around over the field. They thought
DORsr.v.] WAJINGA-(j;ATAJI AND XE-<IA-IT 'A JI. 239
that such a procedure would deter the birds from making further inroads
upon the crops.
Wacka°-ma°(^i° of this subgens keeps one of the great wafixabe, or
sacred bags, used when a warrior's word is doubted. (See § 190.)
§ -1:7. Sections and subsections of the siibgens. — Wani;a-waqS of the
j;,ada gens told me that the following were the divisions of the Wajinga-
^ataji ; but La Flfeche and Two Crows deny it. It may be that these
minor divisions no longer exist, or that they were not known to the two
men.
I. — Hawk people, under Standing Uawk.
II. — Mang(J;iqta, or Blackbird people, under Waji°a-gahige. Sub-
sections: (a) White heads. (&) Red heads, (c) Yellow
heads, {d) Bed wings.
III. — Maug^iqtaqude, Gray Blackbird (the common starling), or
Thunder people, under Wa^idaxe. Subsections: {a) Gray
Blackbirds, (b) Meadow larks, (c) Prairie-chickens ; and,
judging from the analogy of the Ponka Hisada, [d) Martins.
IV. — Three subsections of the Owl and Magpie people are (a) Great
Owls, (b) Small Owls, (c) Magpies.
§ 48. Birth-names of boys. — The first son was called, Maiigf iqta, Black-
bird. The second. Red feathers on the base of the wings. The third.
White-eyed Blackbird. The fourth. Dried Wing. The fifth. Hawk
(denied by La Flfeche). The sixth. Gray Hawk. The seventh. White
Wings. This last is a Ponka name, according to La Fltehe and Two
Grows.
Wiijiiaga-^ataji men. — Red Wings. Chief who Watches over (any
thing). Becomes Suddenly Motionless. Poor man. Standing Hawk.
He from whom they flee. Rustling Horns. Scabby Horns. The one
Movnig towards the Dew (?). White or Jack Rabbit. Gray Blackbird.
White Blackbird. Four Hands (or Paws). Ni-^actage. Yellow Head
(of a blackbird). Fire Chief. Coyote's Foot. Buffalo bull Talks like a
chief. Bad temper of a Buffalo bull. White Buffalo in the distance.
Hominy (a name of ridicule). He who continues Trying (commonly
translated, " Hard Walker"). He who makes the crackling souud
"Gh+ !" in thundering. Bird Chief.
Wajiiiga-^atajT women. — (Female eagle) Is Moving On high. Moon in
motion during the Day. Turning Moon Female. Mi°daca°-f i°. Mi°-
tena. Visible one that Has returned, and is in a Horizontal attitude.
THE lE-jA-IT'AjI SUBGENS.
§ 49. These are the Eagle people, and they are not allowed to touch a
buffalo head. (See liike-sabg gens, §§ 30, 32.) The writer was told
that their uju or head man in 1879 was Maiige-zi.
He who is the head of the Niniba t'a°. Keepers of a (Sacred) Pipe, has
duties to perform whenever the chiefs assemble in council. (See Sacred
Pipes, § IS.)
240 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
The decoratiou of the tents in this subgens resemble those of the
luke-sabe.
§ 50. Birth names of boys. — The first was called Dried Eagle. ,^a^i°-
na°paji said that this really meant " Dried buffalo skull ; " but La Fleche
and Two Crows denied this, giving another meaning, "Dried Eagle
skin." The second was Pipe. The third, Eaglet. The fourth, Real
Bald Eagle. The sixth, Standing Bald Eagle. The seventh. He (an
eagle) makes the ground Shake suddenly by Alighting on it.
§ 51. Sections of the Stibgens. — Lion gave the following, which were
doubted by La FIfeche and Two Crows. I. Keepers of the Pipe, or
Workers, under Eaglet. II. Under The-Only-Hanga, are Pidaiga, Wa-
djepa, and Ma°ze-guhe. III. Under Real Eagle are his son. Eagle makes
a Crackling sound by alighting on a limb of a tree, Wasaapa, Gakie-
ma°(jii°, and Tcaza-^iiige. IV. To the Bald Eagle section belong Yellow
Breast and Small Hill. The Omahas reckon three kinds of eagles, the
white eagle, the young white eagle, and the spotted eagle. To these
they add the bald eagle, which they say is not a real eagle. These
probably correspond with the sections of the j,e-da-it'aji.
THE hE-'I". UB turtle 8UBGEN8.
§ 52. This subgens camps between the j^e-da-ifaji and the jja^ze, in
the tribal circle. Its head man in 1879 was said to be j,enugaja°-^iuke.
3[e'i° means "to carry a turtle on one's back." The members of this
subgens are allowed to touch or carry a turtle, but they cannot eat one.
Style of wearing the hair. — They cut oft' all the hair from a boy's head,
except six locks ; two are left on each side, one over the forehead, and
one hanging down the back, in imitation of the legs, head, and tail of a
turtle. La Flfeche and Two Crows did not know about this, but they
said that it might be true.
Decoration of the tents. — The figures of turtles were j)ainted on the
outside of the tents. (See the ISke-sab6 decorations, §§ 30-32.)
Curious custom during a fog. — In the time of a fog the men of this
subgens drew the figure of a turtle on the ground with its face to the
south. On the head, tail, middle of the back, and on each leg were
placed small pieces of a (red) breech-cloth with some tobacco. This
they imagined would make the fog disappear very soon.
§ 53. Birth names of boys. — The first son was called He who Passed
by here on his way back to the Water; the second, He who runs very
swiftly to get back to the Water; the ihird, He who floats down the
stream; the fourth, Red Breast; the fifth. Big Turtle; the sixth.
Young one who carries a turtle on his back ; the seventh. Turtle that
kicks out his legs and paws the ground when a person takes hold of
him.
Sections of the subgens. — Lion gave the following as sections of the
5je-'i°, though the statement was denied by La Flfeche and Two Crows.
"The first section is Big Turtle, under jahe-^ad'6, in 1878. The sec-
v.nnsEv.1 TURTLE SUBGENS HA^ZE GENS. 241
ond is Turtle that does not flee, under Cageska or i^istuma°(}'i°. The
tbird is I'ed-breasted Turtle, under xeiiugaja"-(J;iDke. The fourth is
Spotted Turtle with Eed Eyes, under Ehna"ju\vag^e."
Turtle men. — Heat makes (a turtle) Emerge from the mud. (Turtle)
Walks Backward. He Walks (or continues) Seeking something. An-
cesiral Turtle. Turtle that Flees not. (Turtle that) Has gone into the
Lodge (or Shell). He alone is with them. He Continues to Tread on
them. Turtle Maker. Spotted Turtle with Eed Eyes. Young Turtle-
carrier. Buzzard. He who Starts up a Turtle.
One of the women is Egg Female.
THE HA"ZE GENS.
§ 54. The place of the 5[a°ze or Kansas gens is between the ^je-'i" and
the Ma''^irikagaxe in the tribal circle. The bead man of the gens who
was recognized as such in 1879 was Za°zi-mande.
Taboo. — The ^^a^ze people cannot touch verdigris, which they call
" wase-^u," green clay, or " wase-cju-qude," gray-green clay.
Being Wind people, tbey flap their blankets to start a breeze which
will drive oft' the musquitoes.
Stibgentcn. — La Fltehe and Two Crows recognize but two of these:
Keepers of a Pipe and Wind People. Tbey assign to the former
jNIaja^bafi", Maja°-kide, &c., and to the latter Waji°-^icage, Za°zi
inande, and their near kindred. But Lion said that there were foursub-
gentes, and that Maja°ha^i° was the head man of the first, or Niniba
t'a°, which has another name, Those who Make the Sacred tent. He
gave Waji° ^-icage as the bead man of the Wind people, Za°zi-mandeas
the head of the third subgens, and Maja°-kide of the fourth ; but lie
could not give the exact order in which they sat in their gentile circle.
A member of the gens told the writer that Foui- Peaks, whom Lion
assigned to Za''zi-mand6's subgens, was the owner of the sacred tent :
but he did not say to what sacred tent he referred.
Some say that .Maja"l,a(f-i" wa< the keeper of the sacred pipe of bis
gens till his death in 1879. Others, including Frank La Flfeche, say
that Four Peaks was then, and still is, the keeper of the pipe.
According to La Flfecbe and Two Crows, a member of this gens was
chosen as crier when the brave young men were ordered to take part in
the sham fight. (See § 152.) "This was Maja°ha (|;i"" {Frank La Fleche).
§ 55. Names of Kansas men. — Thick Hoofs. Something Wanting. Not
worn from long use. He only is great in his own estimation. Boy who
talks like a chief. Young one that Flies [?]. He Lay down On the way.
Young Beaver. Two Thighs. Brave Boy. Kansas Chief. Young
Kansas. Making a Hollow sound. Gray Cottonwood. The one Moving
toward the Land. He who shot at the Land. Young Grizzly bear.
3 ETH— IC
242 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
White Grizzly bear near at hand. He started sviddenly to his feet.
Heartless. Chief. Four Peaks. Hair ou the legs (of a buffalo calf
takes) a withered appearance. Swift Wind. Wind pulls to pieces.
He Walks In the Wind. Buftalo that has become Lean again. Lies
at the end. Young auimal Feeding with the herd. He who makes an
object Fall to i»ieces by Punching it. Blood. He who makes them
weep. Bow-wood Bow.
Names of Kansas women. — Kansas Female. Moon that Is traveling.
Ancestral or Foremost Moon. Moon Moving On high. Last [?] Wind.
Wind Female. Coming tack Gray.
THE MA"(j;iNKA-GAXE GENS.
§ 56. This gens, which is the first of the Ictasanda gentes, camps next
to the ga^ze, but on the opposite side of the road.
The chief of the gens is Cange-ska, or White Horse, a grandson of the
celebrated Black Bird.
The name Ma°^inka-gaxe means " the earth-lodge makers," but the
members of this gens call themselves the Wolf (and Prairie Wolf)
People.
Tradition. — The principal uikie of the Ma"(J;inka-gaxe are the coyote,
the wolf, and the sacred stones. La Fleche and Two Crows say that
these are all together. Some say that there are two sacred stones, one
of which is red, the other black; others say that both stones have been
reddened. (See §16.) La Flfeche and Two Crows have heard that there
were four of these stones; one being black, one red, one yellow, and
one blue. (See the colors of the lightning on the tent of Agaha-wacuce,
§ 43.) One tradition is that the stones were made by the Coyote in an-
cient days to be used for conjuring enemies. The Usage tradition men-
tions four stones of different colors, white, black, red, and blue.
Style of wearing the hair. — Boys have two locks of hair left on their
heads, one over the forehead and another at the parting of the hair on
the crown. Female children have four locks left, one at the front, one
at the back, and one over each ear. La Fleche and Two Crows do not
know this, but they say that it may be true.
§ 57. Subgentes. — La Fleche and Two Crows gave but two of these:
Keepers of the Pipe and Sacred Persons. This is evidently the classi-
fication for marriage purposes, referred to in §78; and the writer is con-
fident that La Fleche andTwo Crows always mean this when they speak
of the divisions of each gens. This should be borne in mind, as it will
be helpful in solving certain seeming contradictions. That these two
are not the only divisions of the gens will appear from the statements
of Lion and (^auge-ska, the latter being the chief of the geus. Cange-
ska said that there were three subgentes, as follows : 1. Qube (includ-
DORSEV.I THK MA^C^INKA-GAXE GENS. 243
ing the Wolf people?). 2. Mniba t'a°. 3. Mi^'xa-sa" wet'dji. Lion gave
the following : 1. Mi' 5iasi (Coyote and Wolf people). 2. I'i"6 waqiibe,
Keepers of the Sacred Stones. 3. Niniba t'a°. 4. Mi"'xa-sa" wet'dji.
According to CaHge-ska, Qube was the name given to his part of the
gens after the death of Black Bird ; therefore it is a modern name, not
a hundred years old. But I°"6-waqube points to the mythical origin of
the gens ; hence the writer is inclined to accept the fourfold division as .
the ancient one. The present head of the Coyote people is jLaqie-tigiJ;e,
whose predecessor was Hu-^agebe. CaQge-ska, of the second subgens,
is the successor of his father, who bore the same name. Uckadaji is the
rightful keeper of the Sacred Pipe, but as he is very old Ca"ta''jinga
has superseded him, according to ja^i°-na"paji. Mi^xa-ska was the
the head ot the Mi°xa-8a° wet'ajl, but Manga'aji has succeeded him. The
name of this last subgens means '' Those who do not touch swans,"
but this is only a name, not a taboo, according to some of the Omahas.
Among the Kansas Indians, the Ma°yinka-gaxe people used to include
the Elk gens, and part of the latter is called, Mi^^xa unikaci°ga. Swan
people. As these were originally a subgens of the Kansas Ma°yiuka-
gaxe, it furnishes another reason for accepting the statement of Lion
about the Omaha Mi°xasa°-wet'aji.
§ 58. Birth-names of hoys. — (ja^i''-na''paji gave the following, but he
did not know their exact order : He who Continues to Travel (denied
by the La Fleche and Two Crows). Little Tail (of a coyote). Sudden
Crunching sound (made by a coyote or wolf when gnawing bones).
(Coyote) Wheels around suddenly. (Coyote) Stands erect very sud-
denly. Surly Wolf.
Names of men. I. Wolf subgens. — Sudden crunching sound. Wacicka.
Continues Running. Wheels around suddenly. The Standing one who
is Traveling. (Wolf) Makes a sudden Crackling sound (by alighting
on twigs or branches). Ghost of a Grizzly bear. Stands erect Very
suddenly. Little Tail. Young Traveler. He who Continues to Travel,
or Standing Traveler. Standing Elk. Young animal Feeding or graz-
ing with a herd. IL I"'ewaqube subgens. — White Horse. Ancestral
Kansas. Thuuder-god. Village-maker. Brave Second-son. Black
Bird {not Blackbird). Big Black bear. White Swan. Night Walker.
He whom they Eeverence. Big Chief. Walking Stone. Red Stone.
^ja^i°-na°paji said that the last two names were birth-names in this
subgens. III. Niniba-t'a° sM&fire?Js. — He who Hushes into battle. Young
Wolf. Saucy Chief. IV. Swan subgens. — He whom an Arrow Fails
to wound. Willing to be employed. A member of this gens. Tailless
Grizzly bear, has been with the Ponkas for many years. His name is
not an Omaha name.
Names of women. — Hawk-Female. New Hawk-Female. Miacte-cta°,
or Miate-cta°. Mi°-mi;ega. Visible Moon. (Wolf) Stands erect. White
Ponka in the distance. Ponka Female. She who is Ever Coming back
Visible. Eagle Circling around. Wate wi°.
244 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
THP- XE-SlNDE GENS.
§ 59. The x«?-sinde, or Buffalo-tail gens, camps between the Ma^cfiuka-
gaxe and the j,a-da gentes in the tribal circle. Its present chief is
Walia"-()-irige, son of Takunakicf'abi.
Taboos. — The members of this gens cannot eat a calf while it is red,
Iiut they can do so when it becomes black. This applies to the calf of
the domestic cow, as well as to that of the buffalo. They cannot touch
a buffalo heai^.—FranhLaFUcJie. (See §§ 31, 37, and 49.) They cnn-
not eat the meat on the lowest rib, '}e(fi}-ucag^e, because the 1 ead of the
calf before birth touches the mother near that rib.
/Style of wearing the hair. — It is called " j^aihi"-miixa-gaxai," Mane
marie muxa, i. e., to stand up and hang over a
little on each side. La Fleche and Two Crows do
not know this style.
§ 60. Birth names of boys. — ja(J'i" iia"pajl was un-
certain about them. He thought that six of them
were as follows: Gray Horns (of a buffalo). Uma-
abi, refers to cutting up a buffalo. (A buffalo that
is almost grown) Raises his Tail in the air. Dark
Eyes) A buffalo calf when it sheds its reddish-
yellow hair, has a coat of black, which commences
at the eyes). (BuffaloCalf) Unable to Run. Little
Fia. 19— xe-ainde stylo ouc (bufialo calf ) with rcddish-yellow hair.
of weariuj; the hair. ^ -t, r. 7 _i -t-^ • a_i
§ 01. ISitbgentes. — For marriage purposes, the gens
is undivided, according to La Fleche and Two Crows; but they ad-
mitted that there were at present two parts of the gens, one of which
was Tlie Keepers of the Pipe. Lion said that he knew of but two
subgentes, which were The Keepers of the Pipe, or. Those who do not
Eat the Lowest buffalo rib, under Wild sage; and Those who Touch no
Calves, or. Keepers of the Sweet Medicine, under Orphan. J. La Fleche
said that all of tlie jje-sinde had the sweet medicine, and that none were
allowed to eat calves.
§ 02. Names of men. — Wild Sage. Stands in a High and marshy place.
Smoke Coming back Regularly. Big ax. (Buffalo) Bristling with Ar
rows. Ancestral Feather. Orphan, or, (Buffalo bull) Raises a Dust by
I'awing the Ground. Unable to run. (Body of a buffalo) iJivided
with a kuife. Playful (?) or Skittish Buffalo. Little one with reddish-
yellow hair. Dark Eyes. Lies Bottom u])wards. Stands on a Level.
Young Buffalo bull. Raises his Tail in the air. Lover. Crow Neck
lace. Big Mime. Buffalo Head. He who is to be blamed for evil.
Names of women. — Mi"-akanda. Sacred Moon. White Buffalo-Fe-
male in the distance. Walks in order to Seek (for something).
DOUdET.] iE-SINDE AND XA-dA GENTES. 245
THE XA-dA OR DEER-HEAD GENS.
§ G3. The place of tbis geus in the tribal circle is after that of the
[£e-siiKle. The chief of the gens is Siude-xa°xa".
Taboo. — The members of this gens cannot touch the skin of any ani-
mal of the deer family; they cannot use moccasins of deer-skin ; nor
can they use the fat of the deer for hair-oil, as the other Omahas can
do ; but they can eat the flesh of the deer.
Suhgenfes. — La Fleche and Two Crows recognized three divisions of
the gens for marriage purposes, and said that the Keepers of the Sacred
Pipe were " ujja"ha jiijga," a little apart from the rest. Wani;a-waqp,
who is himself the keeper of the Sacred Pipe of this gens, gave four
subgentes. These sat in the gentile circle in the following order: On
the first or left side of the " fire-place" were the Niniba t'a°, Keeper.'^ of
the Pipe, and Jiiiga-gahige's subgens. On the other side were the
Thunder people and the real Deer people. The Keepers of the Pipe and
Jiiigagahige's subgeus seem to form one of the three divisions recog-
nized by La Fleche. Wanija-waqe said that his own subgens were
Ea;jle people, and that thej- had a special taboo, being forbidden to
touch verdigris (see 3;a°ze gens), charcoal, and the skin of the wildcat.
He said that tiie members of the second subgens could not touch char-
coal, in addition to the general taboo of the gens. But La Flfeche and
Two Crows said that none of the x^^a could touch charcoal.
The head of the Niniba t'a" took the name Wanijawaqg, The Animal
that excels others, or Lion, after a visit to the East ; but his real Omaha
name is Disobedient. ja^i"-gahige is the head of the Thunder sub-
gens, and Slnde-xa^xa", of the Deer subgeus.
§ 64. Birth-names for boys. — Lion said that the following were some
of the Eagle birth-names of his subgens (see luke-sabg birth-names,
§32): The thunder-god makes the sound "4ide"as he walks. Eagle
who is a chief (keeping a Sacred Pipe). Eagle that excels. White
Eagle (Golden Eagle). Akida gahige, Chief who Watches over some-
thing (being the keeper of a Sacred Pipe).
He gave the following as the Deer birth-names: He who Wags his
Tail. The Black Hair on the Abdomen of a Puck. Horns like pha-
langes. Deer Paws the Ground, making pajallel or diverging indenta-
tions. Deer in the distance Shows its Tail White Suddenly. Little
Hoof of a deer. Dark Chin of a deer.
§ Co. Ceremony on the Jifth day after a birth. — According to Lion, there
is a peculiar ceremony observed iu his gens when an infant is named.
All the members of the gens assemble on the fifth day after the birth
of a child. Those belonging to the subgeus of the infant cannot eat
anything cooked for the feast, but the men of the other subgentes are
at liberty to partake of the food. The infant is placed within the gen-
tile circle and the privileged decoration is made on the face of the child
246 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
with "wase-jidenika," or Indian red. Then with the tips of the index,
middle, and the next finger, are red spots made down the child's back,
at short intervals, in imitation of a fawn. The child's breech cloth (sic)
is also marked in a similar way. With the tips of three fingers aiv
rubbed stripes as long as a hand on the arms and chest of the infant.
All the x^tl*! people, even the servants, decorate themselves. Eubbing
the rest of the Indian red on the palms of their hands, they pass their
hands backwards over their hair; and they finally make red spots on
their chests, about the size of a hand. The members of the Pipe sub-
gens, and those persons in the other subgentes who are related to the
infant's father through the calumet dance, are the only ones who are
allowed to use the privileged decoration, and to wear hi°qpe (down) in
their hair. If the infant belongs to the Pipe subgens, charcoal, verdi-
gris, and the skin of a wild-cat are placed beside him, as the articles
not to be touched by him in after-life. Then he is addressed thus: "This
you must not touch; this, too, you must not touch ; and tiiis you must
not touch." The verdigris symbolizes the blue sky.
La Fleche and Two Crows said that the custom is different from the
above. When a child is named on the fifth day after birth, all of the
gentiles are not invited, the only person who is called is an old man who
belongs to the subgens of the infant.' He puts the spots on the child,
and gives it its name ; but there is no breech-cloth.
§ C6. Names of men. I. Pipe subgens. — Chief that Watches over some-
thing. Eagle Chief. Eagle that excels, or Eagle maker (?). Wags his
Tail. Standing Moose or Deer. (Lightning) Dazzles the Eyes, making
them Blink. Shows Iron. Horns Pulled around (?). Forked Horns.
(Fawn that) Does not Flee to a place of refuge. (Deer) Alights, mak-
ing the sound " stapi." Pawnee Temi)ter, a war name. White Tail.
Gray Face. Like a Buffalo Horn {!). Walks Near. Not ashamed to
ask for anything. (Fawn) Is not Shot at (by the hunter). White Breast.
Goes to the Hill. Elk.
II. Boy Chief's subgens. — Human-male Eagle (a Dakota name, J. La
Fleche). Heart Bone (of a deer; some say it refers to the thunder; J.
La Fleche says that it has been recently brought from the Kansas).
Fawn gives a sudden cry. Small Hoofs. Dark Chin. Forked Horns.
(Deer) Lea^js and raises a sudden Dust by Alighting on the ground. He
who Wishes to be Sacred (or a doctor). Flees not. Forked Horns of a
Fawn.
III. Thunder subgens. — Spotted Back (of a fawn). Small Hoofs. Like
a Buffalo Horn. Wet Moccasins (that is, the feet of a deer. A female
name among the Osages, etc.). Young Male animal. WhiteTail. Daz
zles the Eyes. Spoken to (by the thunder-god). Young Thunder-god
Dark Chin. Forked Horns. Distant Sitting one with White Horns
Fawn. Paws the Ground, making parallel or diverging indentations,
"^Tliis agrees substantially with the Osage custom.
PORSEY.l XA-JA AND ING(fE-JIDE GENTES. 247
Black Hair on a buck's Abdomen. Two Buffalo bulls. Eed Leaf (a
Dakota name). Skitti.sh. Black Crow. Weasel. Young Elk. Paw-
nee Chief.
. IV. Deer subgens. — (Deer's) Tail shows red, now and then, in the dis-
tance. While-horned animal Walking Kear by White Neck. Tail
Shows White Suddenly in the distance. (Deer) Stands Eed. (Deer)
Starts up, beginning to move. Big Deer Walks. (Deer that) Excels
others as he stands, or, Stands ahead of others. Small Forked Horns (of
a fawn). Four Deer. Back drawn up (as of an enraged deer or buffalo),
making the hair stand erect. Four Hoofs. He who Carves an iinimal.
Shows a Turtle. Runs in the Trail (of the female). (Fawn) Despised
(by the hunter, who prefers to shoot the full-grown deer). Feared when
not seen. White Elk.
Lion said that White Neck was the only servanf in his gens at pres-
ent. When the gens assembled in its circle, the servants had to sit by
the door, as it was their place to bring in wood and water, and to wait
on the guests. La Flfeche and Two Crows said that there were no serv-
ants of this sort in any of the gentes.
Yet, among the Osages and Kansas, there are still two kinds of serv-
ants, kettle-tenders and water-briugers. But these can be promoted to
the rank of brave men.
N^nmes of teamen in the gens. — Eona-maha. Habitual-Hawk Female.
Hawk Female. Precious Hawk Female. Horn used for cutting or
chopping (?). Ax Female. Moon-Hawk Female. Moon that is Fly-
ing. Moon that Is moving On high. Na°z6i°ze. White Ponka in the
distance. Ponka Female.
THE lNG(t;E-JIDE GENS.
§ 67. The meaning of this name has been explained in several ways.
In Dougherty's Account of the Omahas (Long^s Expedition to the Rocky
Mountains, I, 327) we read that "This name is said to have originated
from the circumstance of this band having formerly quarreled and
separated themselves from the nation, until, being nearly starved, they
were compelled to eat the fruit of the wild cherry tree, until their ex-
crement became red". (They must have eaten buffalo berries, not wild
cherries. La Fleche.) A°ba-hebe did not know the exact meaning of
the name, but said that it referred to the bloody body of the buffalo
seen when the seven old men visited this gens with the sacred pipes.
(See § 16). Two Crows said that the Iug(J;ejide men give the following
explanation: " x^jinga Idai t6di, iiag(fe zi-jide ^ga°": i. e., "When a
buffalo calf is born, its dung is a yellowish red."
The place of the lug^e-jide in the tribal circle is next to that of the
j,a-da. Their head man is He-musnade.
248 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
Taboo. — They do uoteat a buffalocalf. (See xe siude gens.) It appears
that the two Ictasauda buffalo gentes are buffalo calf geutes, aud that
the two Hangaceuu buffalo gentes are connected with the grown buffalo.
Decoration of sldn tents. — This consists of a circle painted on each side
of the entrance, withiu which is sketched the body of a buffalo calf,
visible from the flanks up. A similar sketch is made on the back of the
tent.
§ 68. Birth names of boys. — These are as follows, but tlieir exact order
has not been gained : Buffalo calf. Seeks its Mother. Stands at the
End. Horn Erect with the sharp end toward the spectator. Buffalo
(calf ?) Rolls over. Made dark by heat very suddenly. Ma°zeda", mean-
ing unknown.
Subf/cntes. — Theliig^ejidearenotdividedfor marriage purposes. Lion,
however, gave four subgentes; but he could not give the names and ta-
boos. He said that Eorn Erect was the head of the first. The present
head of the second is Little Star. Rolls over is the head of the third;
and Singer of the fouith.
Names of men. — Walking Buffalo. Buffalo Walks a little. (Buffaloes)
Continue Approaching. Tent-poles stuck Obliquely in the ground.
Becomes Cold suddeiily. Hawk Temper. Bad Buffalo. (Buffalo calf)
Seeks its Mother. (Buffalo bull) Eolls over. Stands at the End.
Singer. Crow Skin. Small Bank. Kansas Head. Eapid (as ariver).
Sacred Crow that speaks in Visions. White Feather. Walks at the
End.
Names of women. — Moou-Hawk Female. Moon Horn Female. (Buf-
faloes) Make the ground Striped as they run. Walks, seeking her o^ n.
THE ICTASANDA GENS.
§09. The meaning of " Ictasauda" is uncertain; though Say was told
by Dougherty that it signifies "gray eyes." It probably has some ref-
erence to the effect of lightning on the eyes. The place of the Ictasanda
is at the end of the tribal circle, after the IQg^e-jide, and opposite to the
Weji"cte. The head of the gens is Ibaha"bi, sou of Wanujiige, and
grandson of Wacka"hi.
Taboo. — The Ictasauda people do not touch worms, snakes, toads,
frogs, or any other kinds of reptiles. Hence they are sometimes called
the " Wagcficka nlkaci°'ga," or Eeptile people. But there are occasions
when they seem to violate this custom. If worms trouble the corn af
ter it has beeu planted, these people catch some of them. They pound
them up with a small quantity of grains of corn that have been heated.
They make a soup of the mixture and eat it, Lhiuking that the corn will
not be troubled again— at least for the remainder of that season.
§ 10. Birth names of boys. — Ibaha»bi said that the first son was called
Dont-Ev.) THE ICTASANDA GENS. 249
Gangig(febiia", wliicli probably lefei's to tLuudei' tbat Is passing by. The
secoud is, The Thmidei-god is Eoaring as he Stauds. The third, Big
Shoulder. The fourth, Walking Forkedlightuiug. The tifth, The thuu-
der-god Walks Eoariug. The sixth, Sheetlightniug Makes a Glare in-
side the Lodge. The seventh, The Thunder-god that Walks After others
at the close of a storin.
Birth names of girls. — The first is called The Visible ( Moon) in Motion.
The second, The Visible one that has Come back and is in a Horizontal
attitude. The third, Zizika-wate, meaning uncertain; refers to wild
turkeys. The fourth, Female (thunder?) who Eoars. The fifth, She
who is Ever Coming back Visibly (referring to the moon?). The sixth
White Eyed Female in the distance. The seventh, Visible ones in dif-
ferent places.
§71. iSubgentes. — For marriage purposes the gens is divided into
three parts, according to La Flfeche and Two Crows. I. Niniba-t'a",
Keepers of the Pipe, and Real Ictasanda, of which j^e-ujia°ha, gawaha,
Waji"-a"ba, and Si (fedejiSga are the only survivors. II. Waceta°, or
Eeptile people, under Ibaha"bi. III. Ing((!a°, Thunder people, among who
are Di(|;a"be-a"sa and Wanace-jiiiga.
Lion divided the gens into four parts. I. Niniba-t'a°, under j,e-uiia"ha.
II. Real Ictasanda people, under VVaji''-a"ba. III. Waceta" (referring
to the tliunder, according to Lion, but denied by Two Crows), Eeptile
people, under Ibaha"bi. These are sometimes called Keepers of the
Claws of the Wild-cat, because they bind these claws to the waist of a
new born infant, i)utting them on the left side. IV. The Eeal Thunder
people are called. Those who do not touch the Clam shell, or, Keei)ers of
the Clam shell, or, Keepers of tjie Clam shell and the Tooth of a Black
bear. These bind a clam shell to the waist of a child belonging to this
subgeus, when he is forward in learning to walk. (See §§ 24, 43, 45,
and 63.)
At the time that Wauija waqg gave this information, March, 1880, he
said that there were but two men left in theNinibat'a", j^eujia^ha, and
5jawaha. Now it iipjiears that they have united with Waji"a"ba and
Si(j;ede-jiiiga, the survivors of the Ictasandaqti. j^e uj(a"ha, being the
keeper of the Ictasanda sacred pipe, holds what was a very important
offlce, that of being the i)ersou who has the right to fill the sacred pipes
for the chiefs. (See §§ 17 and 18.) j^eu5|a'^h,i does not, however,
know the sacred words used on such occasions, as his lather, Mahi"zi,
died without communicating them to him.
But some say that there is another duty devolving on this keeper.
There has been a custom in the tribe not to cut the hair of children
when they were small, even after they began to walk. But before a
child reached the age of four years, it was necessary for it to be taken,
with such other children as had not had their hair cut, to the man who
tilled the sacred pipes. Two or three old men of the Ictasanda gens sat
together on that occasion. They sent a crier around the camp or vil-
250 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
lage, sayings, " You who wish to have your children's hair cut bring
them." Then the father, or else tbe mother, would take the child, with
a pair of good moccasins for the child to put on, also a present for the
keei)er oi'the sacred pipe, which might consist of a pair of moccasins,
some arrows, or a dress, etc. When the parents had arrived with their
children eacli one addressed the keeper of the pipe, saying, ''Venerable
man, you will please cut my child's hair," handing him the present at
the same time. Then the old man would take a child, cut off one lock
about the length of a finger, tie it up, and put it with the rest in a
sacred bufi'alo liide. Then the old man put the little moccasirs on the
child, who had not worn any previously, and after turning him around
four times he mldre.ssed him thus : " j^ucpaha, Wakan'da f.a'^^i^6-de
i[&ci ma"(Jnri'ka si d^ag^6 tat6 — Grandchild, may Wal:anda pity you, and
may your feet rest for a long time on the ground!" Another form of the
address was this : " Wakan'da (fa'efi^e tat^ ! Ma°(fiii'ka si a(fag^e tat^.
Giidihega" hnd tat6 ! — May WaJ^anda pity you ! May your feet tread the
ground! May you go ahead (?. e., may you live hereafter)!" At the
conclusion of the ceremony tlie parent took the child home, and on
arriving there the f;ither cut off the rest of the child's hair, according to
the style of the gens. La Fleche told the following, in 1879 : " If it was
desired, horns were left, and a circle of hair around the head, with one
lock at each side, over the ear. Some say that they cut off more of the
hair, leaving none on top and only a circle around the head." But the
writf r has not been able to ascertain whether this referred to any par-
ticiilar gens, as the Ictasanda or to the whole tribe. " It is the duty of
Waji^-a^ba, of the Real Ictasanda, to cut the children's hair. The
Keepers of the Tipe and the Real Ictasanda were distinct subgentes,
each having special duties." (Frank La Fleche.)
§ 72. Names of men. — j^e-ui[a°ha (Sentinel Buffalo Apart from the
herd) and his brother, g^^alja, are the only survivors of the Keepers of
the Pipe. Haiig;i-cenu and Mahi°-zi (Yellow Rock) are dead.
II. Reallctasanda people. — Waji°-a"ba and Small Heel are the only
survivors. The following used to belong to this subgens : Reptile
Catcher. (Thunder-god) Threatens to strike. Wishes to Love. Frog.
(Thunder) Makes a Roar as it Passes along. Night Walker. Runs (on)
the Land. Sacred Mouth. Soles of (gophers') Paws turned Outward.
The Reclining Beaver. Snake. Touched the distant foe. Rusty-yellow
Corn-husk (an Oto name). Young Black bear. He who Boiled a Little
(a nickname for a stingy man). Small Fireplace. He who Hesitates
about asking a favor. Maker of a Lowland forest. Stomach Fat.
HI. Waceta" subgens. — Roar of approaching thunder. He who made
the foe stir. He who tried to anticipate the rest in reaching the
body of a foe. Cedar Shooter. Flat Water (the Platte or Nebras-
ka). He is Known. Thunder-god) Roars as he Stands. Sharp Stone.
(Thunder that) Walks after the others at the close of a storm. Big
Shoulder. (Thunder) Walks On high. Wace-jifiga (Small Reptile?)
DoiJSET.] THE ICTASANDA GENS. 251
Wace-ta" (Standing Eeptilel) Wace-ta^-jifiga (Small Standing Rep-
tile?). (Snake) Makes himself Round. Sheet-lightning Flashes Sud-
denly. Forked lightning Walks. Thuudermakes he sound "z-f!" Black
cloud in the liorizon. Walks during the Night. White Disposition
(or, Sensible), fcjoio of the foot. He got the better of the Lodges (of
the foe by stealing their horses). Ibaha°bi (He is Known) gave the
following as names of Ictasanda men, but J. La Fl^che and Two Crows
doubt them. Large Spotted Snake. (Snake) Makes (a frog) Cry out (by
biting him)."= Small Snake.'' (Snake) Lies Stiff. Big Mouth. Black
Rattlesnake. (Snake that) Puffs up itself.
TV. Thunder subgens. — Sheet-lightning Flashes inside the Lodge.
Swift at Running up a hill. Young Policeman. Cloud. He Walks
with them. He who Is envied because he has a pretty wife, a good
horse, etc., though he is poor or homely.
Names of women. — Da"ama. She Alone is Visible. Skin Dress. She
who Is returning Roaring or Bellowing. She who is made Muddy as
she Moves. Moon has Returned Visible. Moon is Moving On high.'
^These names are found in the corresponding Ponka gens, the Wajaje or Osage, a
rei>ti]e gens.
' Many names have been omitted because an exact translation could not be given,
though the references to certain animals or mythical ancestors are apparent. It is
the wish of the writer to publish hereafter a comparative list of personal names of
the cognate tribes, Oraahas, Ponkas, Osages, Kansas, and Kwapas, for which con-
siderable material has been collected.
OHAPTEE IV.
THE KINSHIP SYSTEM AKH MARRIAGE LAWS.
CLASSES OF KINSHIP.
§ 73. Joseph La Fleche and Two Crows recognize four classes of kin-
ship :
1. Consanguineous or blood kinship, which includes not only the gens
of the father, but also those of the mother and grandmothers.
2. Marriage kinship, including all the aihuities of the consort, as well
as those of the son's wife or daughter's husband.
3. Weawa" kinship, connected with the Calumet dance. (See § 126.)
4. Inter-gentile kinship, existing between contiguous gentes. This
last is not regarded as a bar to intermarriage, e. </., the Weji°cte and
IDke sabe gentes are related ; and the Weji"cte man whose tent is at the
end of his gentile area in the tribal circle is considered as a very near
kinsman by the luke-sabg man whose tent is next to his. In like manner,
the Iiike-sabB Wa^igije man who camps next to the Hanga gens is a brother
of his nearest HaDga neighbor. The last man in the Haiiga area is the
brother of the first ^atada (Wasabe-hit'aji), who acts as Qusja for the
Hanga. The last (|)atada ^e'i" man is brother of the first g^a^ze man,
and so on around the circle.
Two other classes of relationship were given to the writer by mem-
bers of ttiree tribes, Omahas, Ponkas, and Missouris, but Joseph La
Fleche and Two Crows never heard of them. The writer gives author-
ities for each statement.
5. Nikie kinship. "Nikie" means ''Something handed down fjom
a mythical ancestor," or "An ancient custom." Nikie kinship refers to
kinship based on descent from the same or a similar mythical ancestor.
For example, Big Elk, of the Omah.i Weji°cte or Elk gens, told the
writer tliat he was related to the Krinsas Elk gens, and that a Weji"cte
man called a Kansas Elk man "My younger brother," the Kansas man
calling the Weji"cte " My elder brother."
Icta(|;abi, an liike sab6, and Ckdtce-yin'e, of the Missouri tribe, said
that the Omaha Weji"cte calls the Oto Hotatci (Elk gens) "Elder
brother." But Big Elk did not know about this. He said, however,
that his gens was related to the Ponka ]Srij[adaona, a deer and elk gens.
Ix;ta((;abi said that Omaha Iiike-sab6, his own gens, calls the Ponka
(pixida "Grandchild"; but others say that this is owing to intermar-
riage. Icta(fabi also said that Inke-sabe calls the Ponka Wajaje " El-
der brother" ; but some say t'.iat this is owing to intermarriage. Gahige,
252
AMXUAL nsrOKT ieS2 TL. XXXtl
BUttKAU OF ETIISOLOGV
Legend.
i EGO, a male.
A Fatber group. I"(ladi, my father.
(-^ Mother group. I'lua^Iia, m\j mother.
n Grandfather groap. WUigu" my grandfather.
c/j Graudinother {»roiip. Wii^a", my grandmother.
C Son group. Wijifige, my son.
C^ Daughter group. Wijange, my dauphUr.
)_/J^ Graudchitd group. Wijucpa. my grandchild. N. B — D denotes a graud-
8on, and .(y/, a granddaughter.
E Ehler brother group. \ViJi"f.e, my elder hrothi r.
V Younger IiiothiM' grnup. Wisauga, my younger brother.
^—^^^^ Sister group. Wijange, my sister. This term is also used by EGO, a
female, for "My younger sister"; but EGO, a male, does not distin-
guish between elder sister (O ) and younger Biater(ci« ).
G Sister's son group. Wi|a"cka, my sis/e/s son.
j^ Sister's daughter group. Wijija", my sister's daughter.
H Mother's brother group. Wiiiegi, my mo/Aw's brother.
^^^ Father's eUter group. Wi^imi, my father's sifter.
Aftiuity groups in this part of the plate :
a Wile's brother or sister's husband group. Wijaha", my brother-in-latv.
^ Wife's ^i8■cr or brother's wife group. Wihanga, my poleiitial wife,
c Son's wife group. Wi^iui, my son^a wife.
d Daughter's husband group. Wijaude, viy daaghltr^s hmhavd.
Legend.
i KOO, a female. A. C;/, B, q^, C, ^ D. 0,
above.
E Elder brother group. Wijiuu, viy elder brother.
E Elder sister group. Wija"^^e, my tlder sister.
^tJ5( Yomigcr histev group. Wiiauge, viy yoitvgcr aiater.
I Brother's sou group. Wi^ucka, my brother^s son.
F, II, and
,o^»
(-^ Brother's daughter group. VVi4UJauge, my brolhrr^H daiiyhlvr.
Affinity groups iu this part of the plate :
See above for explanation of ^ and d.
e Husband's brother group. Wici'e, my potential husband.
/ Ilusbatid's Mister group. Wiciy^a", my husband's si^ta:
OMAHA SYSTEM OF C0NSAX0UINITIE8.
DoubEV J CLASSES OF KINSHIP. 263
of the Iiike-sabg gens, calls Standing Grizzly bear of the Pouka Wajaje
his grandchikl ; and Standing Buffalo, of the same gens, his son. So
Ictacfabi's statement was incorrect.
Icta^abi and Ckatce-yiiie said that Inke-sabS calls the Oto Ariiqwa,
or Buffalo gens, " Grandfather ; " and that the Oto Eutce or Pigeon gens
is called " Grandchild" by liikesabi?.
Some said that the Omaha Wasabe-hit'aji called the Ponka Wasabe hi-
t'aji "Grandchild"; batjj4^i°-na°p^ji, of the Omaha Wasabe-hit'aji, said
tliat his subgens called the Ponka Wasabe-hit'aji "Younger brother";
and (pixida and Wajaje "Grandfather." Hui)e(f;a, another member of the
Omaha Wasabe-hit'aji, said that Ubiska of the Pouka Wasabe hit'aji was
his son ; Ubiska's father, his elder brother (by marriage); and Ubiska's
grandfather his (Hupe^a's) father. He also said that he addressed as
elder brothers all Ponka men older than himself, and all younger than
himself he called his younger brothers.
Fire Chief of the Omaha Wajinga-(};ataji said that he called Ke5[re5e,
of the Oto Tuna"'p'i° gens, his son ; the Ponka Wasabe-hit'aji, his elder
brother; the Kansas Wasabe and Mi^a, his fathers; the Kansas Eagle
people, his fathers; theKansasTurtle people, hiselder brothers; the Oto
Eiitce (Pigeon people), his fathers; the Oto MakAtce (Owl people), his
sisters' sons; and the Winnebago Ho^tc (Black bear people), his fathers.
Omaha i\Ia''(fiiika-gaxe calls Yankton-Dakota Tcaxii, " Sister's sons,"
but Tcaii'kut^, Iha-isd^ye, Watc^u°pa, and lkmu°', are "Grandsons."
jQa-da calls Oto j^o6xita (Eagle people) "Grandchildren"; and Ponka
Hisada " Grandfathers."
Icta^abi said that Ictasanda called Ponka Maka"' "Mother's brother";
but Ibaha"bi, of the Ictasauda gens, denied it. Ibaha'^bi said that he
called a member of a gens of another tribe, when related to him by the
nikie, " My father," if the latter were very old; "My elder brother," if
a little older ihan himself, and " My younger brother," if the latter were
Ibaha"lii's junior. Besides, Ibaha"bi takes, for example, the place of
Standing Bear of the Ponka Wajaje ; and whatever relationshii> Stand-
ing Bear sustains to the Hisadii, (|)ixida, Nikadaona, etc., is also sustained
to the members of each gens by Ibaha"bi.
G. Sacred Pipe kinship. Gahige, of the Omaha lnke-sab6, said that
all who had sacred pipes called one another " Friend." Ponka Wacabe
and Omaha luke-sabe speak to each other thus. But Joseph La Fleche
and Two Crows deny this.
CUNSANGVINEOVS KINSHIP.
§74. All of a man's consanguinities belong to fourteen groups, and a
woman has fifteen groups of consanguinities. Many afiBnities are ad-
dressed by consanguinity terms; excepting these, there are only four
groups of affinities. In the accompanying charts consanguinities are
designated by capital letters and affinities by small letters. Eoman let-
ters denote males and script letters females. Some necessary excep-
tions to these rules are shown in the Legends.
254 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
§ 75. Peculiarities of the Charta. — The most remote ancestors are called
graudfathers and grandmothers, and the most remote descendant is ad-
dressed or spoken of as a grandchild.
My brother's children (male speaking) are my children, because their
mother {(^) can become my wife on the death of their father. My
brother's son (I) and daughter (^), female speaking, are my nephews
and nieces. A man calls his sister's children his uejAews and nieces (G
and ^^ ), and they do not belong to his gens.
A woman calls her sister's children her own children, as their father
can be her husband. (See "e.") My mother's brother's son (m. orf. sp.)
is my mother's brother (H), because his sister (^3;^ ) can be my father's
wife. The son of an " H " is always an " H " and his sisters and daugh-
ters are always ",^;;;^'s." The children of (^^''^ are always brothers
and sisters to Ego (m. or f.), as are the children of A's. The husband of
my father's sister (m. sp.) is my brother-in-law (a) because he can marry
my sister ((^or (^^), and their children are my sister's children (G
and '-^^^ "). A brother of the real or potential wife of a grandfather is
also a grandfather of Ego (m. or f.). The niece of the real or potential
wife of my grandfather (m. or f. sp.) is his potential wife and my grand-
mother, so her brother is my grandfather.
§ 70. IJ'rom these examples and from others found in the charts, it is
plain that the kinship terms are used with considerable latitude, and not
as we employ them. Whether Ego be a male or female, I call all men
my fathers whom my father calls his brothers or whom my mother calls
her potential husbands. I call all women my mothers whom my mother
calls her sisters, aunts, or nieces, or whom my father calls his potential
wives.
I call all men brothers who are the sons of such fathers or mothers,
and their sisters are my sisters. I call all men my grandfathers who
are the fathers or grandfathers of my fathers or mothers, or whom my
fathers or mothers call their mothers' brothers. I call all women my
grandmothers who are the real or potential wives of my grandfathers,
or who are the mothers or grandmothers ot my fathers or mothers, or
whom my fathers or mothers call their fathers' sisters.
T, a male, call all males my sons who are the sons of my brothers or
of my potential wives, and the sisters of those sous are my daughters.
I, a female, call those males my nephews who are the sons of my
brothers, and the daughters of my brothers are my nieces ; but my sis-
ter's children are my children as their father is my potential or actual
liusband. I, a male, call my sister's son my nephew, and her daughter
is my niece. I, a male or female, call all males and females my grand-
children who are the children of my sons, daughters, nephews, or nieces.
I, a male or female, call all men my uncles whom my mothers call their
brothers. And my aunts are all females who are my fathers' sisters as
well as those who are the wives of my uncles. But my father's sisters'
husbands, I being a male, are my brothers-in-law, being the potential
BUBEAU OF ETltNOLOfiY
AN-NUAL hefort 1882 PL. xxxm
B-0
B^Q
hi
, . _ , /1\ A A A
a^ C4 Df D§ a (I i4 B c \C (n-d d § C S C £ B(J a 4 a^ Cif.
AAAAA AA AA
B-0
§J) D
-c w iiji iw B
AAA A AAA^^
Legend.
Affinities of f EGO, a male:
^ Wiyaijil-a", TTif/ Tcf/f.
a Wife's brother {ironp. Wijalia". my ivift's brother,
■fi Wife's Bister group. Wibau'ga, vii/ potential w'ift'.
Tbongli "My wife's niotbcr's si&ter's biisbantl" is wijiga", my grand-
father (see B"). that term, as api)li<'il to bim, is seemiugly without rea-
son.—Joseph La I'LfeCHE.
The husband <if my wife's aisler (/^ ) is not always my consaugninity,
but if be is a kiusman, I call him my elder (E) or younger (F) brother.
Affinities of i EOO, a female:
% Wieg^ange, mi/ huabaml.
e Husband's brother group. Wici'e. my potential husband.
/ lIuBbaud'a sister group. Wicfi[a", my hmhand^s 8ieter.
The wife of "e" is my sister (wija"^e or wi jange), my father's sister
(wijimi), or my brother's daughter (wiiujafige). if related to Ego, a
female. This kinship will be expressed by E, \^. C/r, or Os ac-
coiiliug to circumstances. Bee ^ in the chart.
Affinities common t(t both sexes:
B Giandfather group. Wiiig"". "'.'/ graiul/nlher.
<^/J GrutHlnmtbcr group. Wij[a", my granOmother.
r SoTi's wife group. Wi|iui, my «ow's wife.
d Daughter's husband group. Wijande, in y (hi ugh ter's husband.
C Son group. Wijinge. my eon.
Sp Daughter group. Wijafige my daughter.
D — ^^ Grandchild group. Wi^ucpa, my gratidvhUd {D, \( nisi]e] (^ . if female).
OMAHA SYSTRM "K AFFINITIES.
DOESEY.j CONSANGUINEOUS KINSHIP AFFINITIES. 255
or real busbands of my sisters; and tliey are uiy potential husbands,
when Ego is a female.
AFFINITIES.
§ 77. Any female is the potential wife of Ego, a male, whom my own
wife calls her ija'><fe (E), itauge (c^), itimi {^^ ), or itujange {3/). I,
a male, also call my potential wives those who the widows or wives of
my elder or younger brothers.
I, a male, have any male for my brother-in-law whom my wife calls her
elder or younger brother ; also any male who is the brother of my wife's
niece or of my brother's wife. But my wife's father's brother is my
grandfather, not my brother-in-law, though his sister is my potential
wife. When my brother-in-law is the husband of my father's sister or
of my own sister, his sister is my grandchild, and not my potential wife.
A man is my brother-in-law if he be the husband of my father's sister,
since he can marry my own sister, but my aunt's husband is not my
brother-in-law when he is my uncle or mother's brother (H). Any male
is my brother-ill law who is my sister's husband (a). But while my sis-
ter's niece's husband is my sister's potential or real husband, he is my
son-in-law, as he is my daughter's husband (d). I, a male or female,
call any male my son-in-law who is the husband 1 if my daugh' er (C^), my
niece {j^ or ^ ), or of my grandchild (/^ ), and his father is my son-
in-law.
When I, a male, or female, call my daughter-in-law's father my grand-
father, her brother is my grandchild (D).
Any female is my daughter-in-law (male or female speaking) who is
the wife of my son, nephew, or grandchild ; and the mother of my son-
in-law is so called by me. Any male afiflnity is my grandfather (or father-
in-law) who is the father, mother's brother, or grandfather of my wife,
my potential wife, or my daughter-in-law (the last being the wife of my
sou, nephew, or grandson). The corresponding female afiflnity is my
grandmother (or mother-in-law).
MARRIAGE LAWS.
§ 78. A man must marry outside of his gens. Two Crows, of the Haiiga
gens, married a Weji"cte woman ; his father married a j^e-siude woman;
his paternal grandfathei', a Hanga man, man-ied a Wasabe-hit'aji wo-
man ; and his maternal grandfather, a xe-sinde man, married a x^da-
it'aji woman. His son, Gai°'-baji, a Haiiga, married an liiliesabfi wo-
man ; and his daughter, a Haiiga, married Qi(J;ii-gah]ge, a x^"da man.
Caa"', a brother of Two Crows, and a Haiiga, married a x^da woman, a
daughter of the chief Sin'tlc-xa^'xa". Another brother, Mi°x4-ta°, also
a Hanga, married a ^a°ze woman.
Joseph La Flfeche's mother was a Ponka Wasabe-hit'aji woman; hence
he belongs to that Ponka gens. His maternal grandfather, a Ponka
256 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
Wasabe-bit'iiji, married a Ponka Wajaje womau. Her father, a Waja je,
married a Poiilia JIaka" woman.
Two Crows, being- a Hauga, cannot marry a Haiiga woman, nor can
lie m.irry a j^e-sinde woman, as tbey are all his kindred through his
mother. He cannot marry women belonging to the Wasabehit'aji and
xe-da-it'aji subgentes (" ujiig^asne") of the (patada gens, because his
real grandmothers belonged to those subgentes. But he can marry
women belonging to the other ^atada subgentes, the Wajingafataji
and 5£*^^'i") '^'^ tbey are not his kindred. In like manner Jose])h La
Fleche cannot marry a Ponka VVasabe-hit'aji woman, a Ponka Wajaje
woman, or a Ponka Maka" woman. But he can marry an Omaha Wasa-
be hit'aji woman, as she belongs to auother tribe.
Gai"baji cannot marry women belonging to the following gentes:
Hauga (his father's gens), Weji°cte (his mother's gens), ^e-sinde (his
paternal grandmother's gens), Wasabehit'aji, and j^e-da-it'aji.
Gai"-bajl's sou cannot marry auy women belonging to the following
gentes : liike-sabe, Haiiga, Weji°cte, j^e-sinde, or that of the mother of
his mother. Nor could he marry a Wasabehit'aji or j^e-da-it'aji wo-
man, if his parents or grandparents were living, and knew the degree
of kinship. But if they were dead, and he was ignorant of the fact
that the women aud he were related, he might marry one or more of
them. The same rule holds good for the marriage of Qi^a-gahige's son,
but with the substitution of j,a-da for luke-sab6.
Two Crows cannot marry any Inke-sab6 woman belonging to the
subgens of his son's wife ; but he can marry one belonging to either
of the remaining subgentes. So, too, he cannot marry a x* da wo-
man belonging to the subgens of Qi^a-gahige, his son-iulaw, but he
can marry any other xa-da woman. As his brother Caa°, had mar-
ried a x^i-da womau of Siude-xa°xa"'s subgens. Two Crows has a right to
marry any ^ada woman of her subgens who was her sister, father's
sister, or brother's daughter. He has a similar privilege in the 5ia"ze
geus, owing to the marriage of another brother, Mi°xa-ta".
An Oaiaha Hauga man can marry a Kansas Haiiga woman, because
she belongs to another tribe. A Ponka Wasabehit'aji man can marry
an Omaha Wasabehit'aji woman, because she belongs to a different
tribe.
WHOM A MAX OR WOMAN CAXNOT MAF.RY.
A man cannot marry any of the women of the geus of his father, as
tbey arc his grandmothers, aunts, sisters, nieces, daughters, or grand-
children. He cannot marry any woman of the subgens of his father's
mother, tor the same leason; but he can marry any womau beh)nging
to the other subgentes of his paternal grandmother's gens, as tbey are
not his kindred. The wouien of the subgens of his paternal grand-
mother's mother are also forbidden to him ; but those of the remainiug
subgeutes of that gens can become his wives, provided they are such
I.O.SEV.] MARRIAGE LAWS. 257
as have uot become his mothersin-law, daughters, or graudchiklreu.
(See § 7, 120, etc.)
A mau cauDot marry auy womeu of his motlier's geus, nor auy of his
maternal grandmother's subgeus, nor any of the subgens of her mother,
as all are his consanguinities.
A man cannot marry a woman of the subgens of the wife of his son,
nephew, or grandson ; nor can he marry a woman of the subgeus of
the husband of his daughter, niece, or granddaughter.
A mau cannot marry any of his female affinities who are his ij^a", be-
cause they are the real or potential wives of his fathers-in law, or of
the fathers-in-law of his sous, nephews, or grandchildren.
A man cannot marry any woman whom he calls his sister's daughter.
He cannot marry any woman whom he calls his grandchild. This in-
cludes his wife's sister's daughter's daughter.
He cannot marry the daughter of any woman who is his ihauga, as
such a daughter he calls his daughter.
He cannot marry his sister's husband's sister, for she is his ijuepa.
He cannot marry his sister's husband's father's brother's daughter, as
she is his i^ucpa ; nor can he marry her daughter or her brother's daugh-
ter, for the same reason. He cannot marry his sister's husband's (broth-
er's) daughter, as she is his sister's potential daughter, and he calls her
his i^ija".
A woman cannot marry her son, the son of her sister, aunt, or niece ;
her grandson, the grandson of her sister, aunt, or niece ; any man whom
she calls elder or younger brother ; any man whom she calls her father's
or mother's brother ; her i4iga° (including her consanguinities, her father-
in-law, her brother's wife's brother, her brother's wife's father, her broth-
er's son's wife's father, her brother's wife's brother's son, her father's
brother's son's wife's brother, her grandfather's brother's son's wife's
brother) ; or any man who is her i^ande.
WHOM A MIV OR WOMAN CAN MARRT.
A man can marry a woman of the gens of his grandmother, paternal
or maternal, if the woman belong to another subgens. He can marry
a woman of the gens of his grandmother's mother, if the latter belong
to another subgens, or if he be ignorant of her kinship to himself.
He can marry a woman of another tribe, even when she belongs to a
gens corresponding to his own, as she is not a real kinswoman.
He can marry any woman, not his consanguinity, if she be not among
the forbidden affinities. He can marry any of his affinities who is his
ihaiiga, being the ija°(fe, i;auge, i^imi, or i:^ujaiige of his wife. And vice
versa, any woman can marry a man who is the husband of her ija"(J;e,
i^ange, i;imi, or ijujaiige. If a man has several kindred whom he calls
his brothers, and his wile has several female relations who are his
ihanga. the men and women can intermarry.
3 ETH — 17
258 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
IMPORTAXCE OF THE SIBGE.MES.
Were it uot for the institution of subgeutes a mau would be com-
pelled to marry outside of his tribe, as all the womeu would be his kin-
dred, owing to previous intermarriages between the ten gentes. But in
any gens those on the other side of the gentile " une(|;e," or fire-place,
are not reckoned as full kindred, though thej- cannot intermarry.
REMARRIAGE.
§ 79. A man takes the widow of bis real or jDotential brother in order
to become the stepfather (i^adi jiflga, little father) of his bi'other's chil-
dren. Should the widow marry a stranger he might hate the children,
and the kindred of the deceased husband do not wish her to take the
children so far away from them. Sometimes the stepfather takes the
children without their mother, if she be maleficent. Sometimes the
dying husband knows that his kindred are bad, so he tells his wife to
marry out of his gens. When the wife is dying she may say to her
brother, " Pity your brother-in-law. Let him marry my sister."
UHAPTEE V.
DOMESTIC LIFE.
COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS.
§ SO. Age of puheriy and marriage. — It is now customary for girls to
be married at the age of fifteen, sixteen, or seventeen years among the
Omahas, and in the Ponka tribe they generally take husbands as soon
as they enter their fifteenth year. It was not so formerly; men waited
till they were twenty-five or thirty, and the women till they were twenty
years of age. Then, when a consort was spoken of they used to refer
the. matter to their friends, who discussed the characters of the parties,
and advised accordingly, as they proved good (i. e., industrious and
good-tempered, and having good kindred) or bad. Sometimes an Omaha
girl is married at the age of fourteen or fifteen ; but in such a case her
husband waits about a year for the consummation of the marriage.
When a girl matures rapidly she is generally married when she is six-
teen ; but those who are slow to mature marry when they reach seven-
teen. (See § 97.)
Dougherty states (in Long's Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, vol.
1, p. 230) that "In the Omawhaw nation numbers of females are be-
trothed in marriage from their infancy. * * * Between the ages
of nine and twelve years the young wife is occasionally an invited visit-
ant at the lodge of her husband, in order that she may become famil-
iarized with his company and his bed." But such is not the case among
the Omahas according to La Fl^che and Two Crows, who say that
Dougherty referred to a Kansas custom.
§ 81. Courtship. — The men court the women either directly or by
proxy. The women used to weigh the matter well, but now they hasten
to marry any man that they can get. Sometimes the girl told her
kindred and obtained their advice. Parents do not force their daugh-
ters to marry against their will. Sometimes a girl refuses to marry the
man, and the parents cannot compel her to take him. All that they can
do is to give her advice : " Here is a good young man. We desire you
to marry him." Or they may say to the people, " We have a single
daughter, and it is our wish to get her maiTied." Then the men go to
court her. Should the parents think that the suitor is not apt to make
her a good husband they return his presents. Suitors maj- ciirrj* favor
with parents and kindred of the girl by making presents to them, but
parents do not sell their daughters. The presents made for such a pur-
pose are generally given bj' some old man who wishes to get a very
young girl whom he is doubtful of winning. When a man courts the
259
2H0 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
girl directly this is unnecessary. Then be gives what he pleases to her
kindred, and sometimes they make presents to blm.
When men reach the age of forty years without having courted any
one the women generally dislike them, and refuse to listen to them.
The only exception is when the suitor is beneficent. Sucb a man gets
his father to call four old men, by wbom he sends four horses to the
lodge of the girl's father. If the latter consents and the girl be willing
be consults his kindred, and sends bis daughter, with four horses from
his own herd, to the lodge of the suitor's father. The latter often calls
a feast, to which he invites the kindred of the girl, as well as those of
bis son. When the girl is sent away by her parents she is plaied on one
of che horses, which is led by an old man. There is not always a feast,
and there is no regular marriage ceremony.
A man of twenty-five or thirty will court a girl for two or ±hree years.
Sometimes the girl pretends to be unwilling to marry him, just to try
bis love, but at last she usually consents.
Sometimes, when a youth sees a girl whom he loves, if she be willing,
be says to her, " I will stand in that place. Please go thither at night."
Then after her arrival be enjoys her, and subsequently asks her of her
father in marriage. But it was different with a girl who bad been
petulant, one who bad refused to listen to the suitor at first. He might
be inclined to take his revenge. After lying with her-, be might say,
"As you struck me and hurt me, 1 will not marry you. Though you
think much of yourself, I despise you." Then would she be sent away
without wiuuing him for her husband ; and it was customary for the
man to make songs about her. lu these songs the woman's name was
not mentioned unless she had been a " mi"ckeda," or dissolute woman.
One day in 1872, when the writer was on the Ponka Reservation in
Dakota, he noticed several young men on horseback, who were waiting
for a young girl to leave the Mission bouse. He learned that they were
her suitors, and that they intended to run a race with her after they
dismounted. Whoever could catch her would marry her ; butsbewould
take care not to let the wrong one catch her. La Pl^che and Two
Crows nuuutain that this is not a regular Ponka custom, and they are
sure that the girl (a widow) must have been a " mi^ckeda."
§ 82. Marriage by elopement. — Sometimes a man elopes with a woman.
Her kindred have no cause for anger if the man takes the woman as
bis wife. Should a man get angry because his single daughter, sister,
or niece had eloped, the other Omahas would talk about him, saying,
"That man is angry on account of the elopement of bis daughter!"
They would ridicule him for his behavior. La Flfecbe knew of but one
case, and that a recent one, in which a man showed anger on such an
occasion. But if the woman had been taken from her husband by an-
other man her kindred had a right to be angry. Whether the woman
belongs to the same tribe or to another the man can elope with her if
she consents. The Omahas cannot understand how marriage by cap-
coK-EY 1 COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS. 261
tiiie could take place, as the womau would be sure to alarm her people
by her cries.
§ S3. Customs suisequent to marriage. — Sometimes the kindred of the
husband are assembled by his father, who addresses them, saying-,
" My son's wife misses her old home. Collect gifts, and let her take
them to her kindred." Then the husband's kindred present to the wife
horses, food, etc., and the husband's mother tells her daughter-in-law
to take the gifts to her parents. When the husband and wife reach
the lodge of the life's parents the father calls his daughter's kindred
to a feast and distributes the presents among them. By and by, per-
haps a year later, the wife's kindred may assemble and tell the husband
to take presents and food to his kindred, especially if the latter be poor.
This custom is now obsolescent.
§ 84. Polygamy. — The maximum number oT wives that one man can
have is three, e. g., the first wife, her aunt, and her sister or niece, if all
be consanguinities. Sometimes the three are not kindred.^
When a man wishes to take a second wife he always consults his first
wife, reasoning thus with her : " I wish you to have less work to do, so
I think of taking your sister, your aunt, or your brother's daughter for
my wife. Yon can then have her to aid you with your work." Should
the first wife refuse the man cannot marry the other woman. Gener-
ally no objection is ofl'ered, especially if the second woman be one of
the kindred of the first wife.
Sometimes the wife will make the proposition to her husband, " I
wish you to marry my brother's daughter, as she and I are one flesh."
Instead of " brother's daughter," she may say her sister or her aunt.
The first wife is never deposed. She always retains the right to man-
age household affairs, and she controls the distribution of food, etc.,
giving to the other wives what she thinks they should receive.
§ ."^5. If a man has a wife who is active and skillful at dressing hides,
etc., and the other wives are lazy or unskillful, he leaves them with
their parents or other kindred, and takes the former wife with him when
he goes with the tribe on the buffalo hunt. Sometimes he will leave this
wife awhile to visit one of his other wives. But Dougherty was misin-
formed when he was told that the skillful wife would be apt to show
her jealousy by " knocking the dog over with a club, repulsing her own
child, kicking the fire about, pulling the bed, etc." (see p. 232, Vol. I,
Long^s Expedition to the Rocky Mountains), for when a wife is jealous she
scolds or strikes her husband or else she tries to hit the other woman.
PolyaMry. — The Omahas say that this has not been practiced among
them, nor do the Ponkas know this custom. But the terms of kinship
seem to point to an age when it was practiced.
§ SO. Permanence of marriage. — Amoni; the Santee Dakotas, where
mother-right prevails {?), a wife's mother can take her from the husband
8 The writer knew a bead chief that had four wives.
262 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
and give her to another man. Among the ^egiha, if the husband is
kind, the mother-in-law never interferes. But when the husband is
uuliiud the wife takes herself back, saying to him, " I have had you
for my husband long enough ; depart." Sometimes the father or elder
brother of the woman says to the husband, " You have made her suffer;
you shall not have her for a wife any longer." This they do when he
has beaten her several times, or has been cruel in other ways. But
sometimes the woman has married the man in sijite of the warnings of
her kindred, who have said to her, " He is maleficent; do not take hiiu
for j'our husband." When such a woman repents, and wishes to aban-
don her husband, her male kindred say to her, "Not so; still have him
for your husband ; remain with him always." Thus do they ])uuish her
for not having heeded their previous warnings. When they aie satis-
fied with each other they always stay together ; but should either one
turn out bad, the other one always wishes to abandon the unworthy
consort.
"When parents separate, the children are sometimes taken by their
mother, and sometimes by her mother or their father's mother. Should
the husband be unwilling, the wife cannot take the children with her.
Each consort can remarry. Sometimes one consort does not care whether
the other one marries again or not ; but occasionally the divorced wife
or husband gets angry on hearing of the remarriage of the other.
DOMESTIC ETIQUETTE BASHFULNESS.
§ 87. A man does not speak to his wife's mother or grandmother ; he
and she are ashamed to speak to each other. But should his wife be
absent he sometimes asks her mother for information, if there be no
one iiresent through whom he can inquire.
lu former days it was always the rule for a man not to speak to his
wife's parents or grandparents. He was obliged to converse with them
through his wife or child, by addressing the latter and requesting him
or her to ask the grandparent for the dosired information. Then the
grandparent used to tell the man's wife or child to say so and so to the
man. In like manner a woman cannot speak directly to her husband's
father under ordinary circumstances. They must resort to the medium
of a third party, the woman's husband or child. But if the h.'sband
and child be absent, the woman or her father-in-law is obliged to make
the necessary inquiry.
A woman never passes in front of her daughter's husband if she can
avoid it. The son-in-law tries to avoid entering a place where there is
no one but his mother-in-law. When at the Ponka mission, in Dakota,
the writer noticed the Ponka chief. Standing Buffalo, one day when he
entered the school-room. When he saw tli:!l liis mother-in-law was
DORSET.] DOMRSTIC ETIQUETTE BASHFULXESS PREGNANCV. 263
seated there, he turDcd around very quickly, threw his blanket over
his head, and went into another part of the house.
Another custom prevails, which Dougherty described thus : " If a
jierson enters a dwelling in which his sou-inlaw is seated, the latter
turns his back, and avails himself of the first oi)i3ortunity to leave the
premises. If a person visits his wife during her residence at the lodge
of her father, the latter averts himself, and conceals his head with his
robe, and his hospitality is extended circuitously by means of his daugh-
ter, by whom the pipe is transferred to her husband to smoke." He also
said that if the mother-in-law wished to present her son-in-law with
food, it was invariably handed to the daughter for him; and if the
daughter should be absent, the mother-in-law placed the food on the
ground, and retired from the lodge that he might take it up and eat it."
{Lortffs Expedition to the Roclty 2Iountains, Vol. I, pp. 253, 254.) The
Dakotas have this custom and call it "wLstenkiyapi."
PREGNANCY.
§ 88 The woman, when she perceives that the catamenia does not
recur at the expected period, begins to reckon her pregnancy from the
last time that she "dwelt alone." As the months pass, she says. " Mi"'
gdna b^i"'," I am that number of months (with child). If she cannot tell
the exact number of months, she asks her husband or some old man to
count for her. At other times, it is the husband who asks the old man.
They calculate from the last time that the woman "dwelt alone."
Dougherty says that he did not hear of any case of "longing, or of
nausea of the stomach, during pregnancy."
§ 89. Coiivade, Foeticide, and Infanticide. — Couvade is not practiced
among the (pegiha. Fceticide is uncommon. About twenty-two years
ago. Standing Hawk's wife became enctiiife. He said to her, "It is bad
for you to have a child. Kill it." She asked her mother for medicine.
The mother made it, and gave it to her. The child was still-born. The
daughter of Wacka"-ma°(f;i° used to be very dissolute, and whenever
she was jiregnant she killed the child before birth. These are excep-
tional cases ; for they are very fond of their children, and are anxious
to have them. Infanticide is not known among them.
§ 90. Accouchement. — The husband and his children go to another
lodge, as no man must witness the birth. Only two or three old women
attend to the patient. In some cases, if the patient be strong, she
" takes" the child herself, but requires assistance subsequently. Should
the woman continue in pain for two or three days without delivery, a
doctor is sent for, and he comes with a medicine that is very bitter.
He departs as soon as he has caused the patient to drink the medicine.
There are about two or three Omahas who know this medicine, which
is called Niaci^ga rnaka", Iluman-heing medicine. The writer saw one
264 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
of these roots at the Kaw Agency, Indian Territory. It is used by
the Kansas. The doctor never comes of his own accord. After hav-
ing given this medicine two or three times without success, he says, " I
have failed, send for some one else." Then another doctor comes, and
tries his medicine. Very few Omaha girls die in child-bed.
After delivery the patient is bound tightly about the abdomen, to
reduce the size, as is the custom among civilized nations. Then is she
washed in cool water if it be summer time, but in tepid water if it be
cold weather. She must bathe twice a day. Mr. Hamilton was told
that "the flow of blood ceased then to a great extent, especially after a
few days ; seldom lasting beyond ten days." La Fl^cho said that the
women do not tell about the cessation of the flow. Wlteu the woman
is strong she may go to work on the following day; but if she be weak
she may require a fortnight or three weeks for recovering her strength.
When the husband asks about the infant, and they reply " It is a
boy," or " It is a girl," he is very glad. Sometimes the husband treats
a girl infant better than a boy, saying, " She cannot get anything for her-
self, whereas a son can take care of himself, as he is strong." Mr. Ham-
ilton says, " I have heard of cases of severe labor. Women act as
midwives, and with some skill, removing the placenta when adhering
to the uterus, and in the usual manner."
Soon after birth the child is washed all over, wrapped in clothes,
which are bound loosely around it. About two or three days after birth
the infant's father or grandfather gives it a name, which is not always
a uikie name. (See the account of the ceremony in the j^ada gens,
when a child is four days old, § 05.) Sometimes it is put into the
cradle or board in two or three days ; sometimes in about a week.
Nnrsing. — Another woman serves as wet-nurse till the mother's
breasts are full of milk. Mammary abscess is very rare.
§ 91. Number of children. — In 1819-'20 Dougherty wrote thus: "Ster-
ility, although it does occur, is not frequent, and seems to be mostly
attributable to the husband, as is evinced by subsequent marriages
of the squaws. The usual number of children may be stated at from
four to six in a family, but in some families there are ten or twelve.
Of these the mother has often two at the breast simultaneously, of
which one may be three years of age. At this age, however, and
sometimes rather earlier, the child is weaned by the aid of ridicule,
in which the parents are assisted by visitors." In 1882 La Fl^che and
Two Crows declared that there are many cases of barrenness. Chil-
dren are not very numerous. While some women have seven, eight,
nine, or even ten children, they are exceptional cases. And when a
woman gives birth to so many, they do not always reach maturity.
There are women who have never borne any children, and some men
have never begotten any. One woman, who is of Blackfoot origin, is
the wife of James Springer, an Omaha, and she has borne him twelve
children ; but no other woman has had as mauj'.
ACCOUCHMENT CHILDREN. 265
CHILDREN.
§ 92. Diseases of children. — Summer complaiut from teething is rare.
Diarrhea, however, occurs frequently, even in cbihlren who walk, and
when they are about four feet high. This may be accounted for as fol-
lows: their mothers' milk or other food disagrees with them. Dough-
erty found that during their first year the Omaha children suffered more
from constipation than from any other complaint ; and he said that this
was relieved b3- soap suppositories. This is not the case now, accord-
ing to La rierhe and Two Crows ; and the writer never heard of its
prevalence when he resided among the Ponkasand Omahas.
§ 93. Adoption of children. — The Omaha idea of adoption differs from
ours. Amemberof the same gens, or one whoisa consanguinity cannot
be adopted ; he or she is received by a relation. Two examples of this
were told to the writer : Gahige received Wacuce's eldest son when the
father died, because the former had been the potential father of the
youth, who succeeded Wacuce as custodian of the sacred pipes. Now
Gahige keeps the pipes himself for hisson. A°pa°-ska, of the Weji°cte
gens, gave his son, Bi°ze-tig^e, to his chief, Mahi^-^iuge, to be his son and
servant. Mahi°^ii5ge having received his kinsman, the latter has be-
come the keeper of the treaty between the United States and the Oma-
has. This boy is about sixteen years of age.
Omaha adoption is called " ci^gi^g," to take a person instead of onc^s
oicn child. This is done when the adopted person resembles the de-
ceased child, grandchild, nephew, or niece, in one or more features. It
takes place without any ceremony. An uncle by adoption has all the
rights of a real uncle. For example, when Mr. La Fltehe's daughter
Susette wished to go to the Indian Territory to accept a situation as
teacher, and had gained the consent of her parents, Two Crows inter-
posed, being her uncle by adoption, and forbade her departure. (See
§§ 118 and 1L>6.)
§ 94. Glot'iing of children. — Children were dressed in suits like those
of their parents, but they used to wear robes made of the skins of the
deer, antelope, or of buflalo calves. When the boys were very small,
say, till they were about four years old, they used to run about in warm
weather with nothing on but a small belt of cloth around the waist, ac-
cording to Dougherty ; and the writer has seen such boys going about
entirely naked. Girls always wear clothing, even when small. When
a boy was eight years old, he began to wear in winter leggings, mocca-
sins, and a small robe.
§ 95. Uhild life. — The girl was kept in a state of subjection to her
mother, whom she was obliged to help when the latter was at work.
When she was four or five years old, she was taught to go for wood,
etc. When she was about eight years of age, she learned how to make
up a pack, and began to carry a small pack on her back. If she was
disobedient, she received a blow on the head or back from the hand of
2(56 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
her mother. As she grew older, she learned how to cut wood, to culti-
vate corn, and other branches of an Indian woman's work. When a
girl was about three feet high, she used to wear her hair tied up in
four rolls, one on top of her head, one at the back, and one at each side.
This lasted till she was about six years old. The girl manifested the
most affectionate regard for her parents and other near kindred.
With a boy there was not so much strictness observed. He had more
libertj' allowed him ; and at an early age he was furnished with a bow
and blunt arrows, with which he practiced shooting at marks, then at
birds. He had his sports as well as the girl, though it was not usual
for many boys and girls to play together. If a boy played with girls
(probably with those who were not his sisters), the Ponkas referred to
him as a " mi^quga" or hermaphrodite. Both sexes were fond of mak-
ing houses in the mud, hence the verb, ^igaxe, to male lodges, to play
games.
Joseph La Flfeche used to punish his son, Frank, by tying him to a
chair with a cord and saying to him, " If you break the cord I will strike
you."
When a boy was seven or eight years old he was expected .to un-
dergo a fast for a single day. He had to ascend a bluff and remain
there, crying to Wakanda to pity him and make him a great man.
Dougherty said that the boy rubbed white clay over himself, and went
to the bluff at sunrise. When the boy was about sixteen years of age
he had to fast for two days in succession. This had to be without any
fire, as well as without food and drink ; hence, it was not practiced in
the winter nor in the month of March. The period of fasting was pro-
longed to four days when the boy was from eighteen to twenty years
of age. Some youths fasted in October ; some fasted in the spring,
after the breaking up of the ice on the Missouri Eiver. The same youth
might fast more than once in the course of the year. Some who fasted
thought that Wakanda spoke to them.
Boys took part with their elders in the Hede-watci, when they danced,
stripped of all clothing except the breech-cloth.
STANDING OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY.
§ 9G. The women had an equal standing in society, though their du-
ties ditiered widely from what we imagine they should be. On cold
days, when the husband knew that it was difiicult for the woman to
pursue her usual occupations, he was accustomed to go with her to
cut wood, and he used to assist her in carrying it home. But on
warm days the woman used to go alone for the wood. The women
used to dress the hides at home, or at the tent in which she was
staying when the people were traveling. When a woman was strong
she hoed the ground and planted the corn ; but if she was delicate or
DORSET.] STANDING OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY, ETC. 267
•weak, her husband was willing to help her by hoeing with her. The
woman did the work which she thought was hers to do. She always
did her work of her own accord. The husband had his share of the
labor, for the man was not accustomed to lead an idle life. Before
the introduction of fire-arms the man had to depend on his bow and
arrows for killing the buftaloes, deer, etc., and hunting was no easy task.
The Indian never hunted game for sport.
CATAMENIA.
§ 97. The sexual peculiarity was considered as " Wakan'da^a'^ica'^,"
pertaining to WaMnda. In the myth of the Eabbit and the Black
Bears, Mactciuge, the Eabbit, threw a piece of the Bhick Bear chief
against his grandmother, who had offended him, thereby causing her
to have the catamenia. From that time women have been so affected.
Among the Omahas and Ponkas the woman makes a different fire for
four days, dwelling in a small lodge, apart from the rest of the house-
hold, even in cold weather. She cooks and eats alone, telling no one
of her sickness, not even her husband. Grown people do not fear
her, but children are caused to fear the odor which she is said to
give forth. If any eat with her they become sick in the chest, very
lean, and their lips become parched in a circle about two inches in di-
ameter. Their blood grows black. Children vomit. On the fourth or
fifth day, she bathes herself, and washes her dishes, etc. Then she can
return to the household. Another woman who is similarly afiected can
stay with her in the small lodge, if she knows the circumstances. Dur-
ing this period, the men will neither lie nor eat with the woman ; and
they will not use the same dish, bowl, and spoon. For more than ten
years, and since they have come in closer contact with the white people,
this custom of refusing to eat from the same dish, etc., has become ob-
solete. Dougherty stated that in the young Omaha female, catamenia
and consequent capability for child-bearing, took place about the twelfth
or thirteenth year, and the capacity to bear children seemed to cease
about the fortieth year. This agrees in the main with what the writer
has learned about the age of puberty (§ 80) and the law of widows (§ 98).
La F16che said that the change of life in a woman occurs perhaps at
forty years of age, and sometimes a little beyond that age.
WIDOWS AND WIDOWERS.
§ 98. Widows. — A widow was obliged to wait from four to seven
years aiter the death of her husband before marrying again. This was
done to show the proper respect to his memory, and also to enable her
268 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
to wean her infant, if she had one by him, before she became enceinte
by her next husband. When a woman disregarded this cuistom and
married too soon, she was in danger of being punished by the kindred
of the deceased husband. If they could catch her within a certain pe-
riod, they had the right to strike her on the head with knives, and
to draw the blood, but they could not inflict a fatal blow. Xow, if
widows are ui der forty years of age they can marry in two or three
years after the death of the first husband ; but if they are over forty
years of age, they do not remarry.
§ 09. Stepmothers. — Some are kind, others are cruel. But in the lat-
ter event there are certain remedies — the husband may separate from
his wife, or else some of the kindred of the children may take charge
of them.
§ 100. Widowers. — Men used to wait from four to seven years before
they remarried ; now they do not wait over one or two years. The kin-
dred of the deceased wife used to take a man's ponies from him if he
married too soon. Sometimes they became angry, and hit him ; but if
he waited a reasonable time, they had nothing to say. There is a sim-
ilar custom among the Otos and Pawnees. Sometimes a man loved his
wife so dearly that after her death he remained a widower a long time.
At last some of the kindred of the deceased woman would say to one
another, " See! this man has no one to sew his moccasins; seek a wife
for him (among our women)." Then this would be done, and he would
be induced to marry again.
RIGHTS OF PARENTS AND OTHERS.
§ 101. Rights of parents and other kindred. — Parents had no right to
put their children to death ; nor could they force them to marry against
their will. Mothers' brothers and brothers seem to have more author-
ity than the father or mother in matters relating to a girl's welfare.
They were consulted before she was bestowed in marriage, unless
she eloped with her husband. A mother could punish a disobedient
daughter when the latter was a child and refused to learn to work.
Kindred had the right to avenge the death of one of their number.
§ 102. JjfiqS, or Refugees. — They have no special rights, as such; but
they share the privileges of the people with whom they dwell, and with
whom they sometimes intermarry. Omahas have joined the Ponka
tribe, as in the case of Ma°tcu-sinde-^iiige, and Ponkas have been in-
corporated into the Omaha tribe, as in the cases of Jabe-skS, jenicka,
and Mr. La Fleche himself.
§ 103. Isinu. — An isinu is an unmarried youth, or man who dwells in
the lodge of one of his friends or kindred. He may be the kinsman of
the liusband or of the wife. He is also called a wama"he.
DOHSEV.J RIGHTS OF PARENTS AND OTHERS, ETC. "269
Wama'^'he and Ama^he. — The owner of a lodge, whether a mau or a
woman, is the ama°he, and the isinu is the wama"he, who has uo lodge
of his own, and is obliged to ask for shelter of some one who is more
favored than himself. While the wama°he has shelter he is expected
to do his share of the hunting of game, etc., just as all the other male
members of the household do, and he must bring it iu for the benetit
of his host and the household. Sometimes the ama°he gives a skin
teut to the wama°he, who then goes elsewhere, as he has a lodge of
his own.
Only those men are celibates who cannot get wives. There are uo
single women, as the demand is greater than the supply.
PERSONAL HABITS, POLITENESS, ETC.
§ 104. Personal habits. — The Omahas generally bathe (hi(fa) every day
in warm weather, early in the morning and at night. Some who wish
to do so bathe also at noon. " Jackson," a member of the Elk gens, bathes
every day, even in winter. He breaks a hole in the ice on the ilissouri
Eiver and bathes, or else he rubs snow over his body. In winter the
Omahas heat water in a kettle and wash themselves (ijig^ija). This oc-
curs iu some cases every week, but when a person is prevented by much
work it is practiced once in two or three weeks. There are some who
are not so particular about washing. One chief, Wacka^-ma^cfi", was
nickamed "The man who does not wash his hands,'' and his wife was
styled " The woman who does not comb her hair." Wacka°-ma°^i" heard
of this, and it shamed him into better habits. It was always the custom
to brush and comb their hair, and the writer has a specimeu, " qade-mi-
qahe," such as served the Omahas of a former generation for both brush
and comb. The Ponkas used to bathe in the Missouri every day. The
Pawnees used to neglect this custom, but of late years they have ob-
served it. La Fl^che and Two Crows prefer the sweat-bath to all other
ways of cleansing the body. They say that it is not a sacred rite,
though some Indians pretend that it is such; and it is so described iu
the myths. Cedar twigs are still dropped on the hot stones to cause a
perfume.
§ 105. Politeness. — When friends or kindred have not met for about a
mouth they say, ou meeting, "Hau! kag6ha," Ho! younger brother,
" Hau ! uegiha," Ho ! mother's brother, etc., calling each other by their
respective kinship titles, if there be any, and then they shake hands.
There are no other verbal salutations. Parents kiss their childieu,
especially when they have been separated for any time, or when they are
about to part. When the chief. Standing Grizzly Bear, met Peter Pri-
meau, Ma°tcu-hi-"qti,and Cahieifa at Niobrara in January, 1881, he em-
braced them, and seemed to be very deeply affected. La Fl^che and
270 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
Two Crows did not know about this custom, which may have beeu bor-
rowed by the Pookas from the Dakotas.
When persons attend feasts they extend their hands and return
thanks to the giver. So also when they receive presents. When fiivors
are asked, as when the chiefs and brave men interpose to prevent the slay-
ing of a murderer, each extends a hand with the palm towards the would-
be avengai's, or he may extend both hands, calling the people by kin-
ship titles, with the hope of appeasing them. If a man receives a
favor and does not manifest his gratitude, they exclaim, " Waj^-^iuge
aha""!" — He does not appreciate the gift! He has no manners! They
apply the same expression to the master of a tent who does not show
any desire to be hospitable to a visitor.
A person is never addressed by name, except when there are two or
more present who are of the same kinship degree. Then they must be
distinguished by their names. They seldom call a person by name when
speaking about him. This rule is not observed when guests are invited
to feasts. The criers call them bj^ name. When men return from war
the old men, who act as criers, halloo and recount the deeds of each war-
rior, whom they mention by name. After a battle between the Ponkas
and Dakotas, in 1873, as the former were returning to the village after
the repulse of ihe latter, Na"be-fii[U, of the Wajaje gens, stopped at
the house of Ma"tcu-4anga, who had distinguished himself in the fight.
Na°be-^i5[U gave a yell, and after leaping a short distance from the
ground, he struck the door of the house with the blunt end of the spear,
exclaiming " Ma^tcu-ijanga, you are a Wajaje!" In making presents,
as after returning from war, the donor can mention the name of the
donee.
People never mention the names of their parents or elders, ot their
i4iga'', ij[a", etc. A woman cannot mention her i^inu's name ; but if her
isaiiga (younger brother) be small, she can call his name.
Mothers teach their children not pass in front of people, if they can
avoid it. Young girls cannot speak to any man except he be a brother,
father, mother's brother, or a grandfather, who is a consanguinity.
Otherwise they would give rise to scandal. Girls can bo more familiar
with their mother's brother than with their own brothers. Even boys
are more familiar with their mother's brother than with their own father,
and they often play tricks on the former.
Politeness is shown by men to women. Men used to help women and
children to alight from horses. When they had to ford streams, the
men used to assist them, and sometimes they carried them across on
their backs. Even if a man is not the woman's husband, he may offer
to carry her over instead of letting her wade. One day, a young woman
who was on her way to Decatur, Nebr., with her brother, wished to stop
at a spring, as she was thirsty. The ground by the spring was muddy,
and the woman would have soiled her clothing had she knelt. But just
then Maxewa^e rode up and jumped from his horse. He pulled up some
Dou-KY.l PERSONAL HABITS, POLITENESS, ETC. 271
gi ass and placed it on the ground, so that the woman might drink with-
out soiling her dress. Such occurrences have been common.
§ 106. RospUality. — All who are present at meal-time receive shares
of the food. Even if some who are not on friendly terms with the host
happen to enter suddenly they partake. But only friends are invited
to feasts. Should one arrive after all the food has been divided among
the guests, the host gives part of his share to the new-comei", saying,
"Take that." The new-comer never says, "Give it to me." Should a
woman come the host gives her some of the uncooked food, and tells
her to take it home and boil it. Sometimes the host sees several unin-
vited ones looking on. Then he tells his wife to boil some food for them.
Or, if the wife was the first to notice their presence, she asks her hus-
band's permission. He replies, "Yes, do it."
Here and there iu the tribe are those who are stingy, and who do not
show hospitality. Should an enemy appear in the lodge, and receive a
mouthful of food or water, or put the pipe iu his mouth, he cannot be
injured by any member of the tribe, as he is bound for the time being
by the ties of hospitality, and they are compelled to protect him, and
send him to his home in safety. But they may kill him the next time
that they meet him.
When a visitor enters a lodge to which he has not been invited (as to
a feast), he passes to the right of the fire-place, and takes a seat at the
back of the lodge opposite the door.
The master of the lodge may sit where he pleases ; and the women have
seats by the entrance. Sometimes there is an aged male kinsman staying
at the lodge, and his place is on the right side of the fire-place near the
entrance. (Frank La Fl^che. Compare § 112, as given by his father.)
MEALS, ETC.
§ 107. Meals. — When the people were traveling in search of buffaloes,
they generally had but two meals a day, one in the morning before they
struck the tents, and one iu the evening after they pitched the tents.
But if they moved the camp early iu the morning, as in the summer,
they had three meals — breakfast, before the camp was moved; dinner,
when they camj)ed again; and supper, when they camped for the night.
During the winter, they stopped their march early in the afternoon, and
ate but one meal during the day. When the camp remained stationary,
thej' sometimes had three meals a day, if the days were long. They ate
ja(dried buft'alo meat), (janujia (fresh meat), and wata^zi (corn), which
satisfied their hunger. And they could go a long time without a meal.
Soup was the only drink during meals. They drank water after meals,
when they were thirsty. They washed the dishes iu water, and rubbed
them dry with twisted grass. The trader's story in Long's Expedition to
272 OMAHA SOCIOLOGV.
the Rocky Mountains, Vol. I, pp. 322, 323, if true, relates to some otber
tribe.
The average amouut of meat at a meal for au adult was two pounds,
but some ate three pounds. The maximum quantity was about four
pouiids.
§ 108. During the sun-dance, the Ponkas pretended to go without food
or drink for three days and nights; but near the sun-pole could be found
a bulbous root, which was used bj' the dancers for satisfying hunger
and thirst. This secret was told the writer by a man, an influential
chief, who had taken part in the dance in former years. This dance is
of Dakota origin, and is not practiced among the (Jmahas.
§ 109. At the present day, the Omahas use wheat, flour, sugar, coffee,
tea, bacon, and other kinds of provisions introduced by the white people.
They have been familiar with wheat for the past forty years. Many
subsist chiefly on corn, as they cannot afford to buy great quantities of
the provisions which have been mentioned. But while they are fond of
wheat bread, they cannot be induced to eat corn bread in any shape, and
they never have their corn ground into meal. All try to have sugar and
coffee three times a day, even if they are compelled to go without meat.
Within the past twenty years they have found a substitute for tea. It
is made of the leaves or roots of one of the two species of "^abehi."
One kind is called " na^'pa-^aii'ga ^jabe-hi," or "large cherry ^ab^hi'";
but the species of which the tea is made is the ^ab^-hi, which spreads out,
resembling twigs. It grows on hills, and its large roots hinder the break-
ing of the prairie. The leaves, which are preferred for making the tea,
resemble those of red cherry-trees, though they are smaller. When leaves
cannot be obtained, they boil chips of the roots, which makes the water
very red. The taste resembles that of the Chinese tea. (See § 177.)
§ 110. Cannibalism. — Cannibalism is not practiced among the Omahas
and Ponkas, and it has been of rare occurrence among the lowas. Mr.
Hamilton says : " I have heard of an old Iowa chief who roasted and ate
the ribs of an Osage killed in war; also of some one who bit the heart
oi a Pawnee, but this was evidently done for the purpose of winning a
reputation for bravery."
§ 111. Feasts.— See §§ 81, 83, 100. 119, 121, 130, 143, 151, 187-8, 195-G,
217, 219, 240, 249-50, 274, and 289.
During the buffalo hunt and just before starting on it the only gens
that invited guests to feasts was the Haiiga. And whenever any im-
portant matters, such as the ceremonies connected with planting corn,
required deliberation, it was the duty of the Haiiga chief to prepare a
feast and invite the chiefs and other guests. (See §§ IS, 130.) On or-
dinary occasions, any one can have a feast. (See § 24(3.) Then the
principal guest sits at the back of the lodge, opposite the door, on the
right of which are the seats of the wagi|;a. the host's seat being on the
left of the entrance. As the guests enter they pass to the left and
aroitnd the circle, those coming fir.st taking seats next the wagfa, and
DORSET. I CANNIBALISM, FEASTS, ETC. 273
the last ones aniviug fiuding places near the host. Two young men who
take out the meat, etc., from the kettles, have no fixed places for sitting.
They give feasts to get horses and other presents, to win a reputa-
tion for generosity, and perhaps au election to the chieftainship ; also
for social and other purposes.
The Mandan feast.— Tha following is an account of a feast given by
the Mandan dancing society : "When the food has been prepared the
crier or herald calls for those to come to the feast who take part in the
dance. To bad men he says, ' Do not come to the feast at which I am
going to eat,' and they stay away. Should the guests be slow in com-
ing, the last one who arrives is punished. He is compelled to eat a
large quantity of food, G, 8, or 10 pounds. The others sit waiting for
him to eat all that has been placed before him, and as they wait they
shake the rattles of deer-claws and beat the drum. This is not a
sacred rite, but an amusement. If the man finds that he cannot eat all
in his bowl, he looks around the circle and finds some one to whom he
gives a blanket, shirt, gun, or a pan- of leggings, with the rest of the
food saying, 'Friend, help me (by eating this).' Should the second
man fail to eat all, he in turn must make a present to a third man, and
induce him to finish the contents of the bowl. Sometimes horses are
given as presents. Should a man come without an invitation, just to
look on, and enter the lodge of his own accord, he must give presents
to several of the guests, and depart without joining in the feast. When
one smokes, he extends the pipe to another saying, ' Smoke.' The sec
oud man smokes without taking hold of the pipe. Should he forget
and take hold of it, all the rest give the scalp-yell, and then he is
obliged to make a present to some one present who is not one of his
kindred. Should one of the men make a mistake in singing, or should
he not know how to sing correctly, as he joins the rest, they give the
scalp yell, and he is compelled to make a present to someone who is not
one of his kindred. If one of the guests lets fall anything by accident,
he forfeits it and cannot take it up. Any one else can appropriate it.
While at this feast no one gets angry; all must keep in a jjood humor.
None but old men or those in the prime of life belong to this society."
Sometnnes the guests danced while they were eating. All wore deers'
tail head-dresses, and carried rattles of deers' claws on their arms. One
drum was used. There was no fixed number of singers; generally there
were six. Each one danced as he stood in his place, instead of moving
around, the lodge. There was no special ornamentation of the face and
body with paint. All wore good clothing. The Omahas danced this
Mandan dance after the death of Logan Fontenelle.
Those who boil sacred food, as for the warpath, pour some of the
soup outside the lodge, as an offering for the ghosts.
§ 112. Sleeping customs. — They sleep when sleepy, chiefly at night.
There are no sacred rites connected with sleeping. Adults occui)y that
part of the lod^e next to the door, having their beds on each side of it.
3 ETH IS
274 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
(See § 106.) Cliildreu have their beds at the back of the lodge, opposite
the eutrauce. When there are luauy childreu and few adults, the for-
mer occupj' most of the circle.
Eacli member of the household pushes the sticks of wood together
("abada"") towards the center of the fire, as the ends burn off. It is
not the special work of the old women or men. Nor are the aged women
expected to sit at the d(jor and drive out the dogs. Any one may drive
them from the lodge, except in cold weather, when they are allowed to
remain inside.
§ 113. Charities. — The word for generous is " wacuce,'' meaning also
" to be brave." This is apparently the primary meaning, as a gener-
ous man is addressed as one who does not fear poverty. He is re-
garded as the equal of the man who fears no enemy. Generosity can-
not be exercised toward kindred, who have a natural right to our as-
sistance. All who wish to become great men are advised by their kin-
dred to be kind to the poor and aged, and to invite guests to feasts.
When one sees a i)Oor man or woman, he should make ijresents, such
as goods or a horse, to the unfortunate being. Thus can be gain the
good will of Wakauda, as well as that of his own people. When the
Omahas had plenty of corn, and the Ponkasor Pawnees had very little,
the former used to share their abundance with the latter. And so when
the Omahas were unfortunate with their crops, they went on several
occasions to the Pawnees, who gave them a supply. This was custom-
ary among thesi' and ether neighboring tribes.
Presents must also be made to visitors, members of other tribes. To
neglect this was regarded as a gross breach of good manners. (See § L'92.)
Prior to the advent of the white man, the Omahas had a custom,
which was told the writer by Frank La Fltehe. When one man wished
to favor another by enabling him to be generous, he gave him hoises,
which the latter, in turn, gave away, entitling him to have his cars
pierced as a token of his generosity. The act of the first man was
known as " ni^a gibaq^uki^g," causing another man to hare his ears
pierced.
§ 11-t. 01(1 age. — Old age among the Omahas does not encounter all
the difficulties related by Dougherty {Long, 1, pp. 25(3, 257). Old men
do not work. They sometimes go after the horses, or take them to
water, but the rest of the time they sit and smoke, or relate incidents
of their youthful days, and occasionally they tell myths for the amuse-
ment of those around them. Old women throw away superfluous ashes,
pound corn or dried meat, mend and dry moccasins, etc. Sometimes
they used to bring a bundle of sticks for the fire, but that is now done
by the men in their wagons.
The Omahas and Ponkas never abandoned the Infirm aged people on
the prairie. They left them at home, where they could remain till the
return of the hunting party. They were provided with a shelter among
the trees, food, water, and fire. They watched the corn-fields, and
DOKSEv] CHARITIES OLD AGE. 275
when their provisious gave out, they coukl gather the ears of com, aud
procure some of the dried pumpkins and 4a (dried meat) that had been
buried in caches by the people. They were not left for a long time,
generally for but a month or two. The Indians were afraid to abaud n
(waa-'fT) their aged people, lest Wakanda should punish them when they
were away from home. They always placed them (ifa^'wafg) near their
village, where thej- made their home during the winter.
They do not grow gray early, though Mr. Hamilton saw some chil-
dren that were gray. But gray hairs are of such rare occurrence tliat
an Omaha woman who has them Is called " Gray Hair." When any one
has white hair it is regarded as a token that he or she has violated the
taboo of the gens, as when an Ictasauda or Wajaje man should touch a
snake or smell its odor.
§ 115. Preparation for a journeij.— When a man is about to start on
a journey he gets his wife to prepare moccasins and food for him. Then
he goes alone to a bluli; and prays to Wakamfa to grant him a joyful aud
stout heart as well as success. (See § 105.)
CHAPTEE VI.
VISITING CUSTOMS.
§ lie. Medicines or fetiches talen along. — Some of tlie <|)eg'iba used to
take tlieir respective mediciues with tbem, saying, " Our medicines are
wise; they cau tallr like meu, and they tell us how many horseiS we are
to receive from the peoi^le to whom we are going." For an account of
the dance of discovering the enemy, as Dougherty terms it, see § 271.
It is danced by visitors.
§117. Mode of approaching a village. — When people go to make a
friendly visit to another tribe, they stop when they are a short distance
from the villnge or camp of their hosts, say at about 100 or 200 yards
from it. There they sit on the ground and wait for some one to come
and invite them to the village. Generally, each visitor departs with
his special friend, or with the messenger sent from the village by that
friend. On some occasions, all the visitors have been invited to one
lodge, but these have been very unusual. The Omahas, Ponkas, Dako-
tas. Pawnees, and other tribes act thus when they visit.
THE CALUMET DANCE.
§ IIS. The Calumet Dance. — The generic term is "wAwa"," in (pegiha,
answering to the j^oi were " waya""' we" (the specific of which is " Aki wa","
j,oiwere, akiya"we), to dance the calumet dance for any particular per-
son. But the word makes no reference to dancing or singing. It is
equivalent to •' waqiibe eki(j;e," to mal:e a sacred Mnshij). He who wishes
to confer this degree is called " wdwa° akA," the dancer of the calumet
dance, which is also the title of those who assist him. He for whom the
dance is made is the "awa"i akii," who becomes the adopted son of the
other man.
§ 110. The preliminary feast. — When a man contemplates adopting
aiiotlier man in this dance he invites all the other chiefs to a feast, and
consults them. When the person has not been selected he says to them,
"Wi'nvama" ka"'b^a. l^wi^'^ixi'dai-ga " — / icish to dance the calumet
dance for some one ; look ye around for ?«fc' (and see who would be the
projier object). But if he has already selected the person, he says to
the chiefs, "^\wama" ka"'b(fa. I"(}'i"'wa"Ja'"bai-ga" — / wish to dance
for him. (iee for me if lie is the proper one. Sometimes thej' reply,
■'Let him alone! He is not the right one, as he is bad;" or, "Ni'aci"-
ga (('i" jiiajl ha. Ji"'iiji. Akiwa^'jiga" — The man is bad. He is proud.
Do i.ot dance for him. But should the chiefs give their api)roval, the
man sends a messenger to tiie one whom he intends to honor, having
intrusted to him a bufl'alo bladder containing tobacco, which is sent as
a present. When the messenger reaches the place, and delivers his
message, the awa"i aka calls his kindred together to lay the proposi-
27U
DOnSET. I
CALUMET DAXCE THE PIPES.
277
tion before them. Sometimes he says, " I am poor. Do not come." lu
that case the messeuger returns home, and the dance does not take
place. But if the awa"i aka approve, and his kindred give tlieir con-
sent, he sends the messenger back with a favorable reply. In some
instances, when one man has asked another to dance the calumet dance
for him, the other one has replied, "Why should I dance it for you?
Why should I give such a privilege to a bad man ? "
§ 120. At the appointed time, the dancing party, which consists of two
leaders and many companions, repairs to the
place of destination. Sometimes the leaders
take from twenty to thirty men with them.
They reach the lodge of the awa"i aka, and
there the two niniba weawa", or calumet
pipes, are placed on a forked support, which
is driven into the soil in the back part of the
lodge.
§ 121. Description of the pipes, etc. — The fol-
lowing is a description of the calumet pipes :
In the place of a pipe-bowl each weawa"
has the head and neck of a " mi"'xa dahi"-;u,''
or green-necked duck, xfext to this, on the
upper side of the stem, are (yellowish ) feathers
of the great owl, extending about six inches.
Xext are long wing-feathei s of the war eagle,
split and stuck on longitudinally in three
places, as on an arrow shaft. At the end
of these is some horsehair, which has been
reddened. It is wrapped around the stem,
tied on with sinew, and then over that is
fastened some of the fur of the white rabbit,
with some ends dangling about six inches.
The horsehair extends fully six inches be-
low the fur of the rabbit. This horsehair is
attached in two otlier places, and tied in a
similar manner. The three tufts are equi-
distant, say, six inches apart. 'Sear the last
tuft is the head of a wujin'ga-da, woodcock (?),
the nose of which is white, and the head
feathers are red. The bill is tui-ned towards
the mouth-piece.^
The head of the duck is secured to the stem
by the "ha-jide," which used to be made of
deer or antelope skin, but since the coming of
'-' Frank La Fleche said tliat be bad seen three beads of wajingada on one i)ii)e, aud
that the number varied from one to sis. There was no part of the neck of the bird,
aud the lower mandilile was removed. In this respect only the above figure does not
represent the Omaha pipe.
Fig. 20.— The
Calumet
278
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
Fig. 21— Eattles used in the Pipe dance.
the white men a i^eceof red blauket or ludiaii cloth has been substituted.
Xext to this are suspeuded the two " we^a " or eggs, which are two
1ii"qpe, or plumes of the eagle. Bat the ludians compare them to the
egg or to the eaglet iu the egg, to which the adopted child is also likened.
The child is still immature; but by aud by he will grow, and fly like
the eagle. Next are attached a number of eagle feathers. These are
secured by two cords, called the '* maca" i^aze (-a"," made of deer or an-
telope skin.
On one pipe the eagle feathers are white, being those of a male eagle,
and the pipe-stem is dark blue. On the other, they are spotted black
and whit-e, being those of a female eagle ; and the pipe-stem is dark blue.
§ 122. There are two gourd
rattles, one for each pipe. Each
gourd is about tive inches iu
diameter. A handle is thrust
through the gourd, one end of
which projects about an inch
beyond the top of the gourd.
Blue stripes about half an inch
wide encircle each gourd ; and two blue strii)es crossing each other at
right angles extend half way around, terminating when they meet the
other stripe, which divides the gourd in two parts. Around the handle
is tied deer skin, antelope skin, or a piece of buffalo skin. The je-ncxe,
or buftiUo bladder, which is sent at first by the messenger, is painted
with three blue stripes, as on the gourd rattles. It is tied with a small,
flue piece of the skin of a deer or antelope, arranged so as to be opened
very easily aud with the ends dangling a little.'"
§ 123. When the pipes are rested against the
forked stick, the heads of the ducks are placed
next the ground. A short distance from the pipes
are two sticks connected with an ear of corn, which
is sacred. It must be a perfect ear; the grains
must not be I'ough or shriveled. If grains are
Fio.22-ThT^akota style of ^^ntiug ou oue row or sidc, the ear is rejected.
omrha''3?n"therfpe dance'''' ^^^ ^he pcoplc Cat the coru, SO it is regarded as a
mother. (See § 1C3.)
These sticks are reddened with wase-jide nika, or Indian red. The
longer stick, which is nearer the ]>ipes, is stuck about four inches into
the ground, aud i)rqjects a few inches above the ear of corn. The
other stick is fastened to the oi)posite side of the ear of corn ; the top
of it is on a line with the top of the ear, and the bottom extends a
.short distance below the bottom of the ear, but it does not reach to
the ground. The ear of corn is held between the sticks by " jaha-
'" Tills Is tlie regular Omaha style. The above figure shows the Dakota style.
Oue of this kiiid was giveu to Frank La Flfeehe Ijy au Omaha to whom he had given
a horse.
THE PIPES FEASTING AND SINGING.
279
fisa"'," which is wrapped around them all. Tliis fastening is made of
the plaited or braided hair taken from the head of a buffalo. An eagle
plnnie (hi"qpe) is fastened with sinew to the top of the smaller stick.
The lower part of the ear of corn is white, and the upper part is painted
green.
Fig. :23.— The positions of the pipes, the ear of com, etc.
§ 12Jt. Feastimj and singing. — The next morning before sunrise some
of the visitors sing as a signal for the people to arise and assemble.
Before they sing the awa"i ama say to them, "Come, O fathers, sing
ye." They do not sing over an hour, pei'haps not quite so long. "When
the men begin to sing the pipes are taken from their support, and are
not returned till the singing is concluded. The singing is inside the
lodge, as they sit around the fire. They sing again after breakfast, a
third time in the afternoon, and once more at night. This generally
continues fur two days, during which time the visitors are feasted.
Sometimes they continue the feasts for three days.
Gifts btstoiced. — The day after the feasts, which is generally the third
280 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
day, the principal visitor gives presents to his host, who collects all
of the people of his village or tribe. He addresses the chiefs, saying,
'• My father has bronght these things to me." Then he gives the pres-
ents to the chiefs. The pile of gifts is often about four feet high. One
or more of the chiefs then speak to the young men who accompany them,
" These things are given to you. Do witli them as you please. Give
them to whom you desire to present them." Presently one young man
arises and says, " I will give a horse to my father," meaning the prin-
cipal visitor. He is followed by another, and so on, till all have spoken
who have a desire to make presents. Some of the young men give many
horses to the visitors. When the principal chief sees that enough horses
have been given in ecpial numbers to each visitor he says, " Come, cease
ye." Then the chiefs imitate the young men in giving presents to the
visitors, taking care to give none of them a larger share than the rest.
This exchange of presents consumes the entire day. The ijrincipal visitor
has the right to distribute the horses among his party.
§ 1-0. The dance. — The next day two of the servants of the principal
visitor are selected to do the dancing. They must be men who are
"cka"' fipi," i. e., skillful in imitating the movements and acts of the
war eagle, its flying, etc. When it is windy a screen is set np, but when
it is calm there is none. Before the dance is begun the man for whom
the ceremony is made leads his son or daughter to his visitors, saying,
" (p6 af awa"' te ha'," Please dance for this one. But the parent does
not bring the child by himself; one of the dancers always goes for the
child, and must carry it on his back to the lodge where the dancers are
stnyiug. "When one of the men came to the house of Mr. La Fieclie for
his daughter Susette, she was very small and so was afraid of the man,
and refused to go with him. So her mother's mother carried her part
Fig. 24. — Decoration of the child's face.
of the way, and then the man took her to the lodge. After the father
has addressed the visitors the child is caused to sit with the members
of the dancing party. Its face is painted red, and over that is painted
in blue, the hanga qi'a"ze, and a stripe down the nose." An eagle plume
11. — The hange >[i'a"ze for the child in the calumet dance differs somewhat from that
used by the chiefs and other adults. In the former the stripes next the mouth are
wanting, and, instead, is painted the .stripe down the nose.
DOBSET.J THE DANCE PRIVILEGES OF THE CHILD. 281
or hi°qpe is placed in its hair. The child i-eceives clothing from the
principal visitor, if he has it ; but if has none, another member of the
party gives the clothing. Then the adopting father sa.vs to tiie child,
" We give you a sacred thing. Do not have a bad heart. We make you
sacred, we set you apart. We have I'eceived this custom from Wa-
kanda. We give you a sign, and henceforth no one can say that you
are poor."
The child so adopted is called " Haii'ga (finke " during the dance.
Compare the " htiu'ka (huijka)" of the Dakotas.
There is no regular order of sitting. The drummer aud singers sit
in the middle, and the child is with them. Near them are the two
dancers, who wear no clothing but breechcloths. Both have the hauga
j[i'a°ze painted in red on their fiices. Each one holds a gourd rattle iu
his right hand. It contains hard seed, beads, or fine gravel. In their
left hands are the calumet pipes. They dance for about au hour, imitat-
ing the actions of the war eagle, preserving at the same time a con-
stant waving motion with the calumet, and agitating the gourds more
or less vehemently, agreeably to the music.
The villagers look on, some standing, others sitting. At the close of
the dance, the crier says to the people, " Come quickly with the pres-
ents which j'ou have promised. They will go soon." Then the people
bring the horses and other presents, which they bestow upon the visit-
ors, who lose no time in departing for home. Then the child's face is
cleansed of the paint, and the two calumets are given to the family to
which the child belongs. The visitors generally depart before noon,
say, about 10 o'clock. Sometimes they finish the ceremony in three
days, iu which case one day is spent in feasting, one iu making presents,
and part of the third day in the dance. Sometimes they spend three
days in feasting, the fourth in making presents, and part of the fifth in
dancing. But the usual order is two days in feasting, one in making
presents, and part of the fourth in dancing.
§ 126. Adoptiun and privileijes of the child. — This child is ever after
treated as the firstborn, taking the place of the real first-born, who
calls him "ji°<|;(§ha," elder brother. The wawa" ak4 shares his piop-
erty with this adopted son, giving him presents, and never refusiug
him anything that he may ask of him. In like manner, the real father
of the child makes presents to the real son of the wawa"aka, just as if
he were the child's father. This ceremony is never trifled with, though
it is now obsolescent. No marriage can take place between members
of these families for four years. At least, La Fleche aud Two Crows
uever heard of any persons marrying who were related by this sort of
kinship. After the first generation has passed away, the next may say,
"That man's father. A, made me (C) his son. I will dance for D, the
child of B, my adopted brother and son of A." Or B maj' say to C,
" My father, A, danced for you. Do you dance for me in the person of
my son, D." So the kiushi\i used to be kept up, generation after geu-
282 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
eration, if they liked one auother ; but if tbey did not agree, it was al-
lowed to disa})pear. (See Kiusbij), § 78.)
A child is danced for but ouce by the same party. Should tbey come
again, there are uo ceremonies observed but the giving of horses and
goods. The children thus honored are from five to six years of age,
none over ten years of age can be thus adojited.
Frank La Fleche said, " Caflge-ska danced this dance for my father,
who therefore, called him ' father' ; and I, too, call CaQge-skii uiy father.
So all the Weji"cte i)eoi)le (being my father's gens by adoption), called
Caugeska, 'father' for four years. Then the kinship ceased. During
that period it would have been unlawful for any of my family to inter-
mairy with the gens of Oaiige-ska."
The Ponkas are not fully acquainted with the calumet dance. They
use but one pipe; but the Omahas always have two pipes.
CHAPTER VIJ.
IXDUSTEIAl, OCCUPATIOJsS.
§ 127. Industrial occupations among the (pegiba may be treated of in
three grand divisions : I. Those relating to the Sustenance of Life ;
II. Those concerning the Protection of Life ; III. Those which have to
do with the Kegulation of Life. The first and second of these divisions
are not fully differentiated.
To the first division may be assigned those industries pertaining to
Food, Clothing, and Shelter. Food is obtained by hunting, trapping,
fishing, and cultivation of the ground. In oi'der to obtain it one is
obliged to resort to weapons, traps, farming implements, &c. ; and to
prepare it for a meal, there are several jirocesses required, as well as
implements or utensils used in those processes. This gives rise to
another kind of industry, the manufacture of those weapons, traps,
implements, and utensils.
Among the industries pertaining to the Protection of Life are ^Var
Customs (especially defensive warfare) and the Practice of Medicine.
(See Chapters IX and X.)
Tlie following are connected with theEegulatiou of Life : The Govern-
ment and the Law. (See Chapters XI and XII. )
The following relate to the Sustenance of Life.
HUNTING CUSTOMS.
§ 128. Kinds of huntitig. — There are two kinds of hunting known
among the (fegiha. One is c;dled "abac," answering to the j^.jiwere
"kinaiijira," and the "wotihni" of the Uakotas. This refers to the
hunting of the larger animals by a few men, or even by one person, the
family of each hunter having been left at home or in the tribal oauiii.
The other kind is the " ^e une," when all the people go in a body, with
their families, moving from place to place as they seek for herds of
butliiloes. This latter is often called " gaq^-a"' " by the Omahas and
Ponkas, and " jjiqra"' " by the j^oiwere tribes.
§ 129. Huntinfi seasons. — The summer hunt was not nndertakeu till
the corn and i)umpkius had been planted, the weeds cut, and the beans
gathered. The time for the return was when the wind blew open the
"jilqcazi," the sunflowers and the flowers of other species of the "ja,"
which was about the first of September. It was only during the sum-
28;j
284 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY
mer Luut that the tribe camped iu the tribal circle on the open prairie.
The faW or winter hnut gave a name to the season when it began "t'a°-
g'd'if.a,",'' the hunting fall, or later fall, as distinguished from "fa" "the
harvest or earlier fall. This later fall corresponded with the latter part
of October. Then some of the men took their families with them, and
went iu pursuit of deer, or occupied themselves with trapping beaver
and otter. But most of the people went on the fall hunt when they
sought the " m6-ha," literally, "spring hides," that is, those which had
thick hair. They did not camp in the tribal circle, as it was too cold
to pitch their tents on the open prairie ; but each head of a family had
his tent pitched in a sheltered spot; and for this purpose the hunters
did not always go in one large party, but scattered in several directions,
camping wherever they could find heavy timber or brush that could
protect their lodges during heavy winds. They returned home in the
spring about the month of Ai^ril.
§ loO. Preliminary Jeast heldhefore the departure for the summer hunt. —
The principal chief or head man of the Hanga gens pre])ared a feast, to
which he invited all the chiefs and brave men. An liake-sabg man was
sent as iekicfe (crier, herald) or wiig(j;a (messenger) around the village,
and lie called to each guest to bring his bowl and spoon. When the
guests had assembled at the lodge of the Hanga chief the two principal
chiefs sat at the back of the lodge, opposite the entrance, and on each
side of them were ranged the subordinate chiefs around the circle, ac-
cording to their rank. After them were seated the braves, as far as the
entrance, on the left side of which sat the giver of the feast, while on
the right side were the wag^a (Waka°ma"(j;i" and j,eha°-ma°(!;i", the
keepers of the sacred tents of the Hanga), who were expected to attend
to the fire and the kettles. The sacred pipes were lighted, according to
the prescribed rules, and passed around the circle. (See §§ 18 and 11 1.)
The object of the council was explained by one of the head chiefs say-
ing, "Come! consider the question. Let us remove. In how many
days shall we remove?" The question was then discussed by others,
and having agreed among themselves what course to pursue, one said,
" Cqecti g(;;ita°i jp, wata"' zihi cti g(j;ita°iiii,dubaja°' jilja^wa'-'ha^tai" —
When they have prepared their caches and have worked [i. e., examined)
their C'^rnstalks, let us remove after an interval of four days. When
the chiefs perceived what was the sense of the council they decided on
the route. When the food was suf&cieutly cooked the wagf a removed
the kettles from the fire. Then one of the head chiefs called a young
man by name, saying, " Cha° c6te we'fitaii' gil," Handle that kettle for
us. Then the young man holding a spoon iu his right baud dipped it
into one of the kettles, took out a piece of a choice part of the meat.
His left hand being elevated, with extended palm, he presented the
meat iu the spoon to each of the four winds, beginning at the entrance
of the lodge, and he finished the ceremony by casting the meat into the
fire.
Donsiiv] HUNTING CUSTOMS FEAST DEPARTURE. 285
Theu the food was served out to the guests, the best portions of it
beiug placed before tlie chiefs. Each persou who received a portiou
thaulced thehost, using theapi)ropriate kinship term, as, " Hau ! ji"f'(5ha ! "
Thanhs! elder brother! — "Hau! kag^!" Thanks! younger brother! —
"Hau! negiha!" Thanks! mother''s brother! The old men present
thanked the host, chiefs, and young men. Food is precious to tbem. so
they talked a long time about it. The young men left some of the food
in the kettles for the criers and old men, who then ate out of the ket-
tles instead of bowls. The feast ended, smoking succeeded, after which
the guests rose in succession, thanked the host, and pa.ssed out of the
lodge in an orderly manner, beginning with those on the left of the en-
trance and fireplace. These passed in single file before the head chiefs,
and round the rest of the circle of the guests, till they reached tlje en-
trance when they passed out. Then those on the right of the fireplace
made a complete circuit of the lodge, passed before the head chiefs and
■went out of the lodge. In each case the guest followed the course of
the suu as he appears to revolve around the eartli. Thecriers sang
through the village in praise of the host, whom they thanked for his
hospitality. They also thanked the chiefs and young men who were
present at the feast ; and they proclaimed to the people the decision of
the council.
§ 131. Preparations for the departure. — The women buried in caches
whatever they wished to leave. Food, etc., was placed in a blanket,
which was gathered up at the corners and tied with a thong; then the
bundle was allowed to fall to the bottom of the cache. Many of such
bundles were put into a single cache. Then the women went over the
corn-fields to see that all the work had been finished. They prepared
their i)ack-saddles and litters, and mended moccasins and other cloth-
ing. The young men spent part of the time in dancing iu honor of the
"watcigaxe :^i un^^6 akA," the men at whose lodges the dancing socie-
ties met.
§ 132. The departure.— The. day for their departure having arrived,
the women loaded their horses and dogs, and took as great weights on
their own backs as they could conveniently transport. Such lodges as
were left unoccupied by aged or infirm people were secured by closing
the entrances with large quantities of brushwood. Those men who
were the owners of many horses were able to mount their families on
horseback, but the most of the people were obliged to go afoot. Be-
fore starting the place for passing the night was determined and an
Ifike-sabe man was sent through the village as crier saying, "Maja"'
ga(;uadi^a}ite,ai,a(fa+!'"— T/ic]/ say^ indeed, that you shall pitch the tents
in tlittt land which is out of sight! He described the location of the
place as he made this proclamation, so that the abae-ma (hunters or
scouts) might know where they were expected to rejoin the people.
This precaution was taken each succeeding night, or else on the mor-
row before the departure of the hunters.
286 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
§ 133. The HtK^iu/u or Tribal Circle.— {See §§ 9-12). Thej- generally
selected some place uear a stream, aud they tried to fiud a level spot
large enough to allow the formation of a single hu(f;uga, but when so
large a level could not be had, the Omahas pitched their lodges in two
concentric circles, and the Ponkas in three circles of that arrangement.
The exact order of the encampment of the gentes in these concentric
circles has not been preserved. As soon as the tents were erected each
woman put up her w^ma^ciha, of which there were two or three for
each tent. They were used for drying the ^anu^ja or fresh meat, and
each was made by sticking into the ground two forked sticks that were
about four feet high, about six or eight feet apart, and placing a i)ole
across them. Tlie pieces of meat were hung across the transverse pole
of each wama°ciha.
After the setting up of the tent of one of the keepers of the wa^ixabe
or sacred bags, a stick was thrust in the ground outside the tent, and
the wa^ixabe was hung on it, provided there was no rain. But should
a rain ensue after the bag was hung outside, or if it was raining at the
time the tent was pitched, the stick was set up without delay within
the tent, and the bag was hung on it.
§ 134. The Wa(j;a° or directors of the hunt. — The chiefs always ap-
pointed four men to act as directors of the hunt. He who wished to
be the principal director had to provide a pipe and a standard called
the " waciibe." The former had a bowl of red pipe-stone, but was not
one of the sacred pipes. The latter consisted of an oak or hickory stick
about eight feet long, and reddened, to which was fastened a row of
eagle feathers, some of which were white and others spotted. Their
use will be explained hereafter. A "nikide" (see § 151) was fastened
to the top of the stick. The chiefs said to the directors, '• It is good
to do such and such things." The directors considered whether it
would be right or not, and finally decided what course should be pur-
sued. Then, if any accident occurred, or quarrels between men or
women, dog fights, high winds, rain, etc., ensued, the director who had
advised going in that direction was blamed, and his advice was disre-
garded from that time, so he had to resign, and let some one else take
his place. During the last summer hunt of the Omahas the directors
were Ictaijjabi, Nugcl, aud Duba-ma°i(;i", of the Inke-sab6 gens, and a
fourth man, whose name has been forgotten. Icta^abi succeeded his
father as the principal director.'^
§ 135. When the people stopped and camped for only a single night,
'^These directors were not necessarily Ifike-sabS men. Tbe wacabe and pipe were
always abandoned whon the people were about to return home. The order of cere-
monies varied. Sometimes the sacred pole was anointed after the first herd of buffa-
loes had been surrounded. In that case the abandonment of the wacabe and pipe
was postponed awhile. Sometimes they were abandoned before the pole was
anointed; and sometimes they were retained till the end of the Hede-watci. They
were abandoned during the day. The pipe was fastened across the middle of the
wacabe, which was stuck into the grouud on a hill.
L.OR6EY.1 TRIBAL CIRCLE — DIRECTORS SCOUTS. 287
the act was called ■' nji;" but wheu they stopped at a place for two or
more days, the act was known as "epaze." This latter happened wheu
the horses were tired or the weather was had. '■ Ujl diiba siita° da°'-
ctea"' >[I, 6pazai" — When they had camped hut one night at each place for
four or five nights, tuey stopped to rest for two or more days.
§ 13G. Appointment of the scouts. — It was generally two or three weeks
after the departure from the village that they reached the country
where the buttalo abounded. Jleanwhile, the people were frequently
iu need of food, so it was customary for some of the men to leave the
camp each morning to seek game of any kiud for the sustenance of the
tribe till the buffalo herds were surrounded. This service, too, was
sometimes called "abac," and, also, " wada"'be ^e," to go to see or scout;
and the men were " iiba^-ma" or " wada^'bema." Before their depart-
ure they were summoned to the Wacabe tent by Tc^hic, the aged liike-
sab6 crier, who stood by that tent, and called for each man in a loud
voice. The man himself was not named, but the name called was that
of his small son. Thus, when Two Crows was summoned, Tcahic said,
"Gai"-baji hau+ !" as the latter was then the young son of Two Crows,
and the father knew that he was summoned. When the fathers had
assembled at the Wacabe tent, each one was thus addressed by the
principal director: "You shall go as a scout. No matter what thing
you see, you shall report it just as it is. If you do not tell the truth
may you be struck by lightning! May snakes bite you ! May men
slay you! May your feet hurt you! May your horse throw you!"
Wheu the sons are large enough they go themselves as scouts wheu
called by name.
These scouts or hunters were expected to bring to the camp what
game they killed, and to reconnoiter the surrounding country for buffalo
and enemies. They used to traverse a vast extent of country, and to
shoot at all animals except the buffalo. Whenever those who went the
farthest came in sight of the buffalo, or discovered signs of their prox-
imity, they dared not shoot at the animals, but they were bound to
return at once to the tribe to report the fact. When they got in sight
of the camp, or of the tribe iu motion, they made signs with their blank-
ets or robes. (See First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.
Sigu Language, p. 532.)
§ 137. Return of the scouts when the tents are pitched. — If the tents were
pitched when the scouts came in sight, the latter went at once to the
Wacabe tent, where the je-sa^-ha is kept. As soou as each director
heard or learnt of the coming of the scouts, he proceeded to the Wacabe
tent. When all four had arrived the scouts made a report. They never
told any news ou such occasion till they reached the sacred tent ; and
wheu they reported, they did not say, " We saw buffalo." They had to
say, if they discovered a herd, " T3'ci4jii^6-dega", ^6-i eb^^ga°" — I may
have deceived my.self but I think that they icere bufialoes. The words
288 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
are prouonnced very deliberately. "Bow many were there?" said the
directors. The reply niigtt be, " I think about forty."
They were afraid of telling a falsehood to the directors and the keeper
of the sacred teut. Big Elk said that when they reported they used to
give a good robe to the pole iu the other sacred teut, but this is denied
by La Fleche and Two Crows.
After hearing the report the directors sent the crier for the chiefs,
who assembled at the Wacabe teut. He also proclaimed that all the
young men should go thither ; so they went, and stood outside. The
Hauga man (the keeper of the sacred teut?) told the young men, "In
such a direction there are so many buffaloes." Then the men left the
women iu the camp, mounted their horses, and hastened towards the
herd.
§ 13S. Return of the scmits when the people are momng. — If the people
were moving along when the scouts came iu sight, the four directors
proceeded iu advance to meet the scouts, and the liike-salie crier ac-
companied them. He marched behind the directors till they met the
scouts, when he advanced to the front, and received the leport from
one of the scouts, who spoke iu a whis]>er. Then the crier whispered
the news to the principal director, who stood on his left, and he wins
leered it to the next director, and so on. After the crier told the tirst
director, the former stepped backward several i>aces to the rear of the
four directors, and lay down with his head pointing iu the direction
whence the scouts came. After all of the directors heard the news,
they smoked once, and then sent the crier to proclaim the news. The
scouts proceeded to their families after delivering their report to the
directors. The crier i)roclaimed thus : "(|'azige te, ai a((;a+!" That is,
" They say indeed that you shall halt!" The tents were pitched im-
mediately, as the people knew that a herd of buffaloes had been found.
Then the men hastened toward the herd, each one being mounted.
§ 139. Some of the men used to address their horses thus: "Ho, my
child! do your best. I shall do my best." This was not said by all.
Some gave medicine to their horses to make them swift. (See the
ja^i"-wasal)L' dance. Chapter X.)
§ 140. Council and aiipointment of policemen. — As soon as they could
see the herd they stopped. Then the crier called certain young men by
name, saying, " Let us consecrate some ja or sides of buffalo meat.
You will take a ja for me." (See § 15L) A council was held by the
chiefs and directors, and having decided to surround the herd, police-
men were a]ipointed. These wanace were selected from the wahehajJ
or brave men. They had no work to do till they were near the herd.
Then they had to watch the people to keej) them from scaring ofi" the
herd by moving before the proper time. All who disobeyed them were
severely punished. Cada^ice, an aged Omaha, who is now lame and
palsied in one limb, was once strong and highly esteemed by his people;
but he violated the rules of the hunt, and all the policemen flogged him
DORSET.] POLICEMEN SURROUNDING A HERD. 289
SO nnmercifully that he never fully recovered from the effects of his
punishment. The offense was committed when the people had been un-
successful in iinding a herd, and were almost starved. Suddenly some
buffaloes were discovered. Though it was against the law for any small
number of men to go against the herd, independently of the rest, two
or three, including Cada^ice, disobeyed, and, rushing forward, scared
off the herd, so that none were caught. On another hunt, when the
men were behind a bank, seven of them wished to ascend the hill sooner
than Two Crows directed. They started up against his wishes ; but he
rushed after them and lashed them right and left with his whip, com-
pelling them to desist.
During the council the chiefs said, " Let us consecrate some buffalo
tongues, and also two or four hearts." Then, calling on two of the young
men, they said, "Young men, j'ou will get the hearts and tongues for
us, and place them together at the sacred tent."
§ 141. Order of approaching and surrounding a herd. — The attack-
ing party was always led by two men carrying the sacred objects be-
longing to the principal director ; one man carried the pipe, and the
other bore the wacabe standard. They marched abreast, and behind
them came the two young men who had been chosen to collect the hearts
and tongues. The latter wore no clothing but their breech cloths, and
they carried only their bows and knives. Behind them came the hunt-
ers, not going abreast or in any fixed order, but somewhat scattered.
When the two leaders reached the proper distance from the herd they
separated, one going to the right and the other to the left, each oue
proceeding in a course nearly the shajie of a semi-circle, and followed by
half of the men. They began to form their lines for surrounding the
herd, and the leaders ran on till they had met in the rear of the herd,
and then passed one another, going a short distance around on the op-
posite side. Then the attack began. The bearers of the pipe and
standard were called " 'A°'sagi-ma," the sicift ones.
§ 142. Collection of the hearts and tongues. — After they separated in
front of the herd the two young men behind them did not follow them,
but kept straight ahead towards the front of the herd, where they
stopped. They were obliged to be constantly on the alert in order to
avoid the onset of any buffalo that might rush towards them. As soon
as they saw that an animal was down they rushed towards it and pi'o-
ceeded to cut out the heart and tongue. Then they passed to the next
one that was slain, and so on. Each one cut out eight or ten tongues,
but he was obbged to cut a hole in the throat before taking out the
tongue, which was drawn through that hole. This was the last time that
the tongues could touch any tool or metal, except when they were boil-
iug in the kettles at the sacred tent. As fast as the men removed the
hearts and tongues they cut holes in them, through which was thrust
one end of a bow. When all were strung on the bows they were se-
cured by tying pieces of green hide to the ends of each bow. The bow
3 ETH 19
290 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
aud its burden was placed on the back of the owner while the greeu
hide or bow-string went across the chest. Then the young men ran
quickly iu advance of the hunters and gave the hearts and tongues to
the keeper of the Wacabe tent.
§ 143. The feast on the hearts and tongues. — In the evening, when all
the policemen and other hunters had returned to the camp, the two
keepers of the Haiiga sacred tents boiled the hearts aud tongues. As
soon as they were done an liike-sabii man was sent as crier to invite the
chiefs, who proceeded to the Wacabe tent. On some of these occasions
all of the chiefs and HaSga men did not attend, so, when there were many
tongues, and few chiefs were present, .«ome of the brave young men
were invited to assist in consuming the sacred food. None of the Wa-
cabe Haiiga could eat the sacred tongues, though any of the other
Haiiga who were present might do so. None of the meat was then cut
with a knife. Each guest was obliged to eat his portion there, as he
could not take it to his own lodge. He must put one cornerof his robe
(the wai°hahage or lower jjart) on the ground, and having placed the
piece of meat on that, he had to raise the improvised dish to his mouth
and bite off a mouthful at a time. Even when the blanket was a new
one that would be soiled the wearer could not avoid using it thus. This
ceremony was observed four times during the summer hunt. After the
surrounding of the fourth herd there were no further pi'ohibitious of
the use of a knife or bowl during that season.
When the people divide and go in two parties during the summer
hunting i-eason, only those who have the sacred tents observe the cere-
monies which have just been described. The others did not consecrate
any hearts and tongues.'
While the guests were eating certain sacred songs were sung. Ac-
cording to La Fleche and Two Crows, the singers were two of the Wa-
cabe Haiiga and the ^atada man who acted as qujja ; but Frank La
Fleche says that the singers were the Haiiga guests who ate the
tongues.
The liike-sabe crier sat by the door, looking wistfully towards the
food, and hoping almost against hope for some to be left for him.
These songs were very many, aud lasted till daylight, according to
A'"ba-h6be, the tribal historian. From him the wi-iter gained an incom-
plete description of them. First were the corn songs : 1. "I clear the
laud." 2. "I put iu coru." 3. " The corn comes up." 4. "Ukit'et'a",
It has hladesP 5. Q^ii 6(J;a°be, The ears appear." 6. " WahAba najiha
t'a". The ears have hair, i. e., silk." 7. Egi(f;e a"'(j;ispa°. At length we
try the cars, squeezing them icith the fingers, to see if they are ripe." 8.
"Egi^e jut'a" 3J1, At length it is ripe." 9. " figif e wahtlba ai^'^ija, At
length we pull off the ears from the stalks." 10. " Egi^e wahiiba a"'((;iga,
At length tve husl; the ears." 11. " Egiife wahdba ii^'(^\ci>\, At length we
shell the corn." 12. " figic^e wahdba a^'^ate, At length we eat the corn."
Then followed the buffalo songs iu similar order, of which were
DOKSEv.) FEAST ON THE HEARTS AND TONGUES SACKED SONGS. 291
the following : " Sig^e wada^'be, The tracks are seen." " jj6 wa(la°'be
ag^i, They have come back from seeing the buffalo." "^jabe ^jild'fi a(J;ai',
They have gone to the hill that is near by." * * * "j^e wi° aii h&,
I have wounded a buffalo." " Hiiqpaqpa ma^ifi"', He tvalks coughing
repeatedly." This last refers to a habit of wounded buffaloes, they cough
repeatedly as the blood pours forth.
La Flfeche aud Two Crows say that they never attended these feasts,
so they cannot give the words of the songs. Frank La Flfeche says,
"None besides the Haugas and chiefs can give you correctly all of the
songs of the corn and bufi'alo, as it is looked upon as sacrilege to sing
these songs. The young people are strictly foi-bidden to sing them.
None of the young Omahas have taken any pains to learn them, although
we have often been to listen to the singing of them while the Haiigas
aud the chiefs were performing the ceremonies of the pole. Tou may,
but I very much doubt it, get it all from one of the Haugas or chiefs
by liberally compensating him for his patience (of which I fear he
wouldn't have enough) in going through with it, as it takes three or
four nights without stopping, lasting from sundown till sunrise ; and
even then they find, sometimes, that they have omitted some." I my-
self would like to know it all, but I have never ouce heard it sung by
any of the young men with whom I am accustomed to go, although they
frequently have had the presumption to sing all other religious songs,
such as the P'-kug^i a^i"', Wacicka a<|;i"', Was6 a^i"', etc., for amuse-
ment."
§ 144. Skill in archery. — So great is the skill of the Indians in archery,
that they frequently sent their arrows completely through the bodies
of the animals at which they shot, the arrow-heads appearing in such
cases on the o^jposite side. Dougherty heard that in some instances
the arrows were sent with such force that they not only passed entirely
through the bodies of the buffaloes, but even went flying through the
air or fell to the ground beyond the animals.
§145. Sets of arrows. — As each man had his own set of arrows dis-
tinguished from those of other men by peculiar marks, he had no difiS-
culty in recovering them after the slaughter of the herd, and by means
of them he could tell which animals were killed by him. Hence quar-
rels respecting the right of property iu game seldom occurred, and the
carcass was awarded to the more fortunate person whose arrow pierced
the most vital part.
§ 14G. Frank La Fl^che killed his first buffalo when he was but sev-
enteen years of age. On such occasions the slayer cut open the body
and ate the liver with the gall over it.
§ 147. Carving and division of a bufalo. — When plenty of buffalo had
"The Osages have an account of theorgin of corn, etc., in one of their sacred songs
preserved in their secret society. They do not allow their young men to learn these
songs. The writer has an abstract of this account obtained from one of the Osage
chiefs. It takes four days or nights to tell or chant the ti-adition of any Osage gens.
292 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
been killed, the slayer of one took but one man to aid him in cutting it
up, and each man took half of the body as his share. All agree in say-
ing that the hide was kept by the slayer, and some say that the choice
pieces were also his. Sometimes the slayer gave pieces of the meat to
those of his kindred who had no horses. All recognize the right of the
slayer to give the pieces as he saw best. He was generally assisted in
the cutting up by four or five men, and the. body was divided into six
portions, as follows : The !)e-mau'ge or chest, one share ; the '}e-na'"qa
or hump, one share ; the !>e-ju' or front portions of the body, two shares,
with each of which was j)ut a foreleg; the !}e-j6ga or thighs, the hinder
portions of the body, two shares ; with one was put the je-nlxa or
paunch, with the other, the ^e-cibe or entrails. The men who assisted
were not necessarily of the same gens or tribe. Sometimes the slayer
took only the hide for his part and gave all the rest away. According
to Frank La Flfeche, " the first man who reached a slain buffalo had for
his share, if the animal was fat, one of the 'je-ju and the !je-nixa ; but if
it was lean, he took one of the !je-jega and the je-nixa. The second man
that reached there received the other je-ju, and the third had the je-
mange. The foitrth one's share consisted of the !ja°'he or je-cibe and
the other ^e-jega. But if the slayer of the animal wished any of these
parts he could keep them. The :>o-di or liver was good for nothing."
Should only one buft'alo be killed by a large party, say, thirty or more,
the slayer always cut up the body in many pieces of equal size and di-
vided among all the hunters. Sometimes two or three men came and
helped the slayer to carve the body. Then he gave each a share. If a
chief who had not been invited to sit down came and assisted in the carv-
ing, he too would get a share; but he had no right to demand a part,
much less the whole body, for himself, as some writers assert. When a
chief approached a carcass the slayer, if he chose, could tell him to sit
down. Then the slayer, after cutting up the body, might give a piece
to the chief, saying, " Take that and carry it on your back." Then the
chief would thank the donor. If the chief could not tell in public of the
kindness of his benefactor, the slayer would not give him a piece of the
meat. When a man killed a buffalo, elk, deer, beaver, or otter, he
might carry it to a chief, and say, " Wi'daha", I give it to youJ^
§ 148. The women never aided in the carving. Sometimes, when a
man had no boy to take care of his extra horse, he let his wife ride it,
and allowed her to take out the entrails, etc., after he had slit the belly.
But if the slayer offered any objection the woman could not do that.
As a rule the men took out " ugaqe^a te," or all the intestines, includ-
ing the paunch, ;e-cibe, etc., and put them aside for the women to un-
coil and straighten.
§ 149. Kinds of buffaloes eaten. — During the winter hunt young buf-
falo bulls were eaten, as they were fat, but the full-grown bulls were
never eaten, as their flesh was too hard. So in summer the young bulls
were not eaten for the same reason. Buffalo cows were always in
i-oi^scY.] DIVISION OF A BUFFALO, ETC. 293
good condition for eating, and so were the "}e-mi''qiiga" or hermaphro-
dite buffaloes. The lattter had very long horns.
While the Ponkas and Dakotas, when pressed by hunger, might eat
the kidneys raw, the Oraahas always boiled them before eating.
§ 150. Disposition of the various parts of the buffalo. — With the excep-
tions of the feet and head, all the edible parts of the animal were car-
ried to the camp and preserved. The brains (we^iq^i) were taken from
the skull for the purpose of dressing (fiqcfi) the skin or converting it
into leather. These skins, which were obtained during this season,
were called "ija'ha," and were used in the construction of the skin
lodges, as well as for their individual clothing during the warm weather.
When but few animals were killed even the feet were taken to the camp,
and when they were boiled till they came apart they were eaten.
According to Dougherty " three women sufficed for carrying all the
pieces of a buflalo, except the skin, to the camp if it was at any moder-
ate distance, and it was their duty to prepare the meat, etc., for keep-
ing." But Frank La Fl^che says that the women seldom went out to
bring in the packs of meat. Men and boys usually carried them. A
woman who had any male kindred used to ask some of the younger ones
to take her husband's horses and go for the meat.
All the meat could be cut into thin slices, placed on low scaffolds, and
dried in the sun or over a slow fire. Some, who did not know how to cut
good slices, used to cut the ;e-maiige inte strips about two inches wide,
called " wasnege." But those who knew how would cut them in three,
long slices (waga) for drying. "The bones of the thighs, to which a
small quantity of meat was left adhering, were placed before the fire
till the meat was sufficiently roasted, when they were broken. The
meat and the marrow were considered a most delicious repast. These,
with the tongue and hump, were considered the best parts of the ani-
mals. The meat, in its dried state, was closely compressed into quad-
rangular packages, each of the proper size to attach conveniently to
one side of the pack-saddle of a horse. The dried intestines were inter-
woven together into the form of mats and tied up in packages of simi-
lar form and size." Then the women put these supplies in caches, and
the tribe continued onward in the pursuit of other herds. (For a fuller
account of the uses of the different parts of the buffalo meat see Chap-
ter VIII, § 164.)
§ 151. Ceremonies of thanksgiving prior to the return home. Anointing
the sacred pole. — It will be noticed that on the way to the hunt, and until
the time for the greasing or anointing of the sacred pole, the Wacabe
tent is the more important one. But after that a change occurred. The
keeper of the other sacred tent, in which is the sacred pole, became the
master of ceremonies, and the keeper of the Wacabe tent acted as his
assistant. When the people had killed a great many buffaloes they
were willing to return to their home. But before they could start they
must take part in a religious ceremony, of which a partial description
294 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
follows. The keeper of the pole sent a crier to summon the chiefs, who
assembled and decided to perform the sacred rites. For this purpose
a "^a" was boiled at the sacred tents. About a hundred young men
were collected there. They who had not yet distinguished themselves
in battle went stripped to the waist, and sat in a circle around the tents.
Here and there were some of the braves who wore robes, and some had
on good shirts. They departed when they had eaten the food. As they
followed the line of the tents several women went after them. Two of
these women were they who carried the sacred tents, and with them
were three or five others. As the braves proceeded they snatched from
each " 5i-u(J;igije " or "ji-ufipu" (high or low tent) a tent-pole or else a
forked stick (isag(}!e) such as were used for hanging the kettles. No one
offered any resistance, as they knew the purpose for which the sticks were
taken. These tent-poles and isag^e were handed to the women, who
carried them to the keepers of the sacred tents. When they arrived
there they used the sticks for making a long tent ; and they placed the
sacred pole directly in front of the tent, as in the figure. Then the crier
(Tcahic) stood at the long tent and proclaimed as follows, by command
of the keeper of the sacred pole, calling on each small child by name :
" O grandchild, wherever you are standing, even though you bring but
one thing, you will put it yonder on the ground for me at a short dis-
tance." Over two hundred children of parents that were prosperous
were thus invited to make presents to the sacred tents. No children
of poor people were expected to make any presents, but young men,
boys, girls, and even infants, were expected to bring -'ja" or their
equivalents, if they could afibrd them. Then came the young men whom
the crier had named when they first saw the buffaloes. (See § 140.)
JEach one brought a "(je-ju" or side of a buffalo. Sometimes they
brought back as many as thirty, forty, or fifty. Then came the fathers
with their children who had been called by name, each person bringing
four presents in the name of his child. These consisted, in modern
times, of a ";a,"a gun, a fine robe, and a kettle. Each piece of "ija" used
at this ceremony was about a yard long and half a yard wide. When a
gun could not be had, " nikide," which were very precious, being used
for necklaces, were offered instead. Sometimes a horse was the fourth
gift. The wahehaji took "i^a," and also horses or goods, as their offer-
ings. The keeper of the pole, who could not eat the " ^a," then called
on the keeper of the Wacabe tent to act for him ; and the latter then
proceeded to arrange the pieces of the " ^a" before the pole. Selecting
the two pieces that were the fattest, he placed them before the pole, as
the "uuda'^'hauga" or lords. Then he arranged the others in a row
with the two, parallel with the long tent. When but few buffaloes had
been killed, there wasonly onerow of the "ja" before the pole; but when
there had been a very successful hunt, the pieces were spread in one and
a half, two, or even two and a half rows, each full row being the length
of the long tent. Then the keeper of the pole seat a man of his gens to
D0K8EY.]
ANOINTING THE SACRED POLE SHAM FIGHT.
295
the liike-sabg gens for the two sacred pipes. These were taken by the
Haiiga man to the long tent for future use. In the mean time, the prin-
cipal pieces of the ja were cut by the keeper of the Wacabe tent in
pieces as wide as one hand, and as long as from the elbow to the tips
of the fingers (fully eighteen inches). These pieces of fat were mixed
with red clay, and then the compound was rubbed over the sacred pole.
Some say that throughout this ceremony sacred songs were snug : "A"'-
ba i^dug(f6qti waa"' gfi°i," They sat singing throughout the day. (See
§ 143 for what Frank La Fleche says on this point.) When the anoint-
ing was completed the remaining ^a were collected, and divided among
the Hauga people who could not eat the tongues. Sometimes the
chiefs received one apiece; and the keeper of the pole asked for one,
two, three, and sometimes four,
which he gave to the kindred of his
wife, as he could not eat that part
of the buffalo.
According to some, the keeper
of one of the Haiiga sacred tents
prayed over the sacred object which
was tied upon the pole, extending
the palms of his hands towards it.
Then every one had to be silent
and keep at a certain distance from
the long tent. Inside that tent
were seated twelve Tnen in a row.
(The writer suspects that ten chiefs,
one from each gens, and the two
keepers of the Haiiga sacred tents
were the occupants of the long tent.
See below.) When the presents
were made to the sacred pole,
young girls led horses and brought
blankets to the two sacred men, and were allowed to touch the sacred
pole. The wife of a former trader at the Omaha Agency, when very
sick, was taken in a wagon to witness the praying before the sacred
l)ole, in hoi)e that it might cause her recovery.
§ 152. The sham fight. — After the pole was anointed, the chiefs spoke
of pretending to engage with enemies. So a member of the ^ja^ze gens
(in modern times Mitciiqpejiiiga or Maja°'ha-(j!i° held this office) was
ordered by the keeper of the pole to summon the stout-hearted young
men to engage in the combat. Mitcaqpe-jinga used to go to each brave
man and tell him quietly to come to take part in the tight. According
to some he jiroclaimed thus : "Ye young men, decorate yourselves and
come to play. Come and show yourselves." Then the young men as-
sembled. Some put on head-dresses of eagles' feathers, others wore
ornaments of crow feathers (and skins of coyotes) in their belts. Some
Fig. 25. — Showing positions of the lonj; tent, the
pole, and rows of "'ja" witbin the tribal circle.
Lpgentl.— 1, The tent; 2, The pole i 3, The rows
of :ja.
296 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
decorated their horses. Some were armed with guus ; others with bows
and arrows. The former loaded their weapons with powder alone; the
latter pulled their bow-strings, as if against foes, but did not shoot the
arrows.
The flaps of the skins in front of the long tent were raised from the
ground and kept up by means of the isag(^e or forked sticks. Within
the long tent were seated the chiefs (ten of them ? — see above) and the
two keepers of the sacred tents. The chiefs had made four grass fig-
ures in the shape of men, which they set up in front of the long tent.
After the young men assembled they rode out of the circle and went
back towards a hill. Then they used to send some one on foot to give
the alarm. This man ran very swiftly, waving his blanket, and saying,
" We are attacked ! " All at once the horsemen appeared and came to
the tribal circle, around which they rode once. When they reached the
Weji°cte and Ictasanda tents they dispersed, each one going wherever
he pleased. Then the occupants of the long tent took the places of the
horsemen, being thenceforth regarded as Dakotas. As soon as the
horsemen dispersed the pursuers of the foe started out from all parts
of the tribal circle, hastening towards the front of the long tent to
attack the supposed Dakotas. These pursuers evidently included many
of the horsemen. They shot first at the grass figures, taking close aim
at them, and knocking them down each time that they fired. Having
shot four times at them, they dismounted and pretended to be cutting
up the bodies. This also was done four times. Next the pursuers
passed between the grass figures and the place where the "^a" had
been, in order to attack the occupants of the long tent. Four times did
they fire at one another, and then the shooting ceased. Then followed
the smoking of the two sacred pipes as tokens of peace. These were
filled by a member of the Hanga gens and lighted by some one else.
(See Sacred Pipes, § 17.) They were carried first to the chiefs in the
long tent, and then over to the young men representing the pursuers.
Here and there were those who smoked them. The pipes were taken
around four times. Then they were consigned by the keeper of the pole
to one of the men of his sub-gens, who took them back to their own
tent. When he departed he wrapped around them one of the offerings
made by the brave men to the sacred pole. He returned the bundle to
the keeper of the pipes without saying a word.
The writer has not been able to learn whether the ije-sa^-ha was ever
exposed to public gaze during this ceremony or at any other time.
Frank La Fltehe does not know.
After the anointing of the pole (and the conclusion of the sham fight)
its keeper took it back to its tent. This was probably at or after the
time that the sacred pipes were returned to the IQke-sabS tent.
The tent skins used for the covering of the long tent consisted of those
belonging to the two sacred tents of the Hanga, and of as many others
as were required.
DORSEYI SHAM FIGHT HEDE-WATCI. 297
§ 153. The Hede-icatci. — Sometimes the ceremonies ended witli tlie
sham fight, in whicli event the people started homeward, especially
when they were in a great hurry. But when time allowed the sham
light was followed by a dance, called the Hede-watci'. When it occurred
it was not under the control of the keepers of the two sacred tents, but
of the liike-sabe keeper of the two sacred pipes.
On the evening of the day when the sham fight took place, the chiefs
generally assembled, and consulted together about having the dance.
But the proposition came from the keeper of the pipes. Then the
chiefs said, " It is good to dance." The dance was appointed for the
following day. On the morrow five, six, or seven of the ISke-sab6 men,
accompanied by one of their women, went in search of a suitable tree.
According to La Fleche and Two Crows, when the tree was found, the
woman felled it with her ax, and the men carried it on their shoulders
back to the camp, marching in Indian file. Frank La Flfeche says that
the tree was cut during the evening previous to the dance; and early
the next morning, all the young men of the tribe ran a race to see who
could reach the tree first. (With this compare the tradition of the
race for the sacred pole, § 36, and the race for the tree, which is to
be used for the sun-dance, as practiced among the Dakotas). He also
says that when the sham fight ended early in the afternoon, the Hede-
watci could follow the same day. (In that event, the tree had to be
found and cut on the preceding day, and the race for it was held early
in the morning before the anointing of the sacred pole.) In the race
for the tree, the first young man who reached it and touched it, could
carry the larger end on his shoulder; the next one who reached it
walked behind the first as they bore the tree on their shoulders ; and
so on with the others, as many as were needed to carry the tree, the
last one of whom had to touch the extreme end with the tips of his
fingers. The rest of the young men walked in single file after those
who bore the tree. Frank La Fleche never heard of the practice of any
sacred rites previous to the felling of the tree. Nothing was prepared
for the tree to fall on, nor did they cause the tree to fall in any particu-
lar direction, as was the case when the Dakotas procured the ti'ee for
the sun-dance."
In the sun-dance, the man who dug the " uj^^i" in the middle of the
tribal circle for the sun-pole had to be a brave man, and he was obliged
to pay for the privilege. Frank La Flfeche could not tell whether there
were similar requirements in the case of him who dug the ujeji for the
pole in the Hede-watci ; nor could he tell whether the man was always
chosen from the liike-sabe gens.
When the men who bore the tree reached the camp they planted it
"None of the questions answered by Frank La Flfeche were asked by the writer
while Joseph La Flfeche and Two Crows were in Washington ; it was not till he heard
Miss Fletcher's article on the Dakota sun-dance that it occurred to him that similar
customs might have been practiced by the Omahas in this Hede-watci.
298 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
ill the njc4i, '^ or bole iu the ground, which had been dug in the center
of the tribal circle. After the planting of the tree, from which the
topmost branches had not been cut, an old man of the gens was sent
around the tribal circle as crier. According to Big Elk, he said, " You
are to dance ! You are to keep yourselves awake by using your feet !"
This implied that the dance was held at night ; but Frank La Flfeche
says that none of the regular dancing of the Hede-watci occurred at
night, though there might be other dancing then, as a sort of prepar-
ation for the Hede-watci. In like manner, Miss Fletcher told of num-
erous songs and dances, not part of the sun-dance, which preceded that
ceremony among the Dakotas.
The liike-sabg men cut some sticks in the neighborhood of their
tents and sent them around the camp, one being given to the chief of
each gens. Then the latter said to his kinsmen, "They have come to
give us the stick because they wish us to take part in the dance." Then
all the people assembled for the dance. In modern times, those who
thought much of themselves (chiefs and others) did not go to witness
this dance, but staid at home, as did Joseph La Flfeche. Nearly all the
young men and boys wore nothing but their breechcloths, and their
bodies were smeared over with white clay. Here and there were young
men who wore gay clothing. The women and girls wore good dresses,
and painted the partings of their hair and large round spots on their
cheeks with red paint. Near the pole were the elder men of the liike-
sabg gens, wearing robes with the hair outside ; some of them acted as
singers and others beat the drums and rattles; they never used more
than one or two drums and four gourd rattles. Itis not certain which lilke-
sabg men acted as singers, and which ones beat the drums and rattles.
When Frank La Fltehe witnessed this dance he says that the singers and
other musicians sat on the west side of the pole and outside the circle
of the dancers ; but Joseph La Flfeche, Two Crows, and Big Elk agreed
ill saying that their place was within the circle of the dancers and near
the pole. This was probably the ancient rule, from which deviations
have been made in recent times. The two sacred pipes occupied im-
portant places in this dance; each one was carried on the arm of a young
man of the gens, but it was not filled."' These two young men were the
leaders of the dance, and from this circumstance originated the ancient
proper name, j^a^^i^-na^ba. Two Running. According to Prank La
Fltehe, these two young men began tlie dance on the west side of the pole,
standing between the pole and the singers. The songs of this dance
■^This word "ujeji" appears to be the Dakota "otceti,"^re-^Zace, expressed in
Omaha notatiou. As the household fire-place is in the center of the lodge, so the
tribal fire-place was iu the center of the tribal circle.
"> Frank Fa Flfecbe said l.hat the two pipes used iu the Hede-watci were the weawa",
from which the ducks' heads were removed, and instead of them were put on the red
pipe bowls of the sacred pipes. (See 5i 30.)
DOBSET.l HEDE-WATCI TWO HUNTING PARTIES, ETC. 299
were sacred, aad so they are never sung except during this ceremony.
Of the members of the tribe, those on foot danced around the pole, while
those who wished to make presents were mounted and rode round and
round the circle of the dancers. The men and boys danced in a pecu-
liar course, going from west to south, thence east and north, but the
women and girls followed the course of the sun, dancing from the east
to the south, thence by the west to the north. The male dancers were
nearer the pole, while the females danced in an outer circle. When a
horseman wished to make a present he went to one of the bearers of the
sacred jiipes, and, having taken the pipe by the stem, he held it toward
the man to whom he desired to give his horse. The man thus favored,
took the end of the stem into his mouth without touching it with his
hand and pretended to be smoking, while the other man held the pipe
for him ("ui^a°"). The recipient of the gift then expressed his thanks
by extending his hands, with the palms towards the donor, sayiug,
" Hau, kageha ! " Thanks, my friend ! Each male dancer carried a stick of
hard willow trimmed at the bottom, but having the branches left at the
top (in imitation of the cottonwood pole). Each stick was abont five feet
high, and was used as a staff or support by the dancers. After all had
danced four times around the circle, all the males threw their sticks to-
ward the pole; the young men threw theii-s forcibly in sport, and cov-
ered the heads of the singers and musicians, who tried to avoid the mis-
siles ; This ended the ceremony, when all the people went to their re-
spective tents. Those who received the horses went through the camp,
yelling the praises of the donors.
§ 154. Division of the tribe into two hunting parties during the summer
hunt. — Sometimes the tribe divided, each party taking in a different
route in search of the buflalo. In such cases each party made its camp-
ing circle, but without pitching the tents according to the gentes ; all
consanguinities and affinities tried to get together. Those who belouged
to the party that did not have the two sacred Haiiga tents could not
perform any of the ceremonies which have been described in §§ 143 and
151. All that they could do was to prepare the hides and meat for
future use. They had nothing to do with the anointing of the sacred
pole, sham fight, and Hede-watci, which ceremonies could not be per-
formed twice during the year.'
§ 155. When the two parties came together again, if any person in
either party had been killed, some one would throw himself on the ground
as soon as they got in sight, as a token to the others of what had oc-
curred.
§ 156. Two tribes hunting together. — Occasionally two tribes hunted
together, as was often the case with the Omahas and Ponkas. Frank
La Fleche says that when this was done some of the Ponkas joined the
Omahas in the sham fight; but he does not know whether the Ponkas
have similar ceremonies. They have no sacred pole, ^e-sa°-ha, nor sacred
300 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
tents, though they claim a share in the sacred pole of the Oinahas, and
they have sacred pipes.
§ 157. Hunting party attacked by foes When a hunting party was sud-
denly attacked by an enemy the women used to dig pits with their
knives or hoes, and stoop down in them in company with the children,
to avoid the missiles of the combatants. If the tribe was encamped at
the time, the pits were dug inside the tribal circle. Sometimes the
children were placed in such pits and covered with skins, over which
a quantity of loose earth was quickly thrown ; and they remained con-
cealed till it was safe for them to come forth. On one occasion, when
the Dakotas had attacked the camp, an Omaha woman had not time
to cover the children with a skin and earth, so she threw herself over
them and pretended to be dead. The Dakotas on coming up thought
that she was dead, so they contented themselves with scalping her, to
which she submitted without a cry,' and thus saved herself as well as
the children.
When there was danger of such attacks the people continued their
journey throughout the night. So the members of the different house-
holds were constantly getting separated. Mothers were calling out in
the darkness for their little ones, and the young men replied in sport,
"Here am I, mother," imitating the voices of the children.
§ 158. Return of the tribe from the summer hunt. — The i)eople started
homeward immediately after the sham fight and the Hede-watci. But
there were always four runners who were sent about five or six days iu
advance of the main body. These rianners were always volunteers.
They traveled all the time, each one carrying his own food. Not one
waited for the others. They never pitched a tent, but simply lay down
and slept. Whenever one waked, even though it was still night, he
started again, without disturbing the others if they were asleep. They
always brought pieces of meat to those who had remained at home. Their
approach was the signal for the cry, " lkima°'^i° a,g^i\, hu°+ ! " — The mes-
sengers have come back, halloo ! In the course of a few days all of the
people reached home ; but there were no religious ceremonies that en-
sued. They always brought tongues to those who had staid at home.
§ 159. Abae, or hunting the larger animals. — No religious ceremonies
were observed when a man went from home for a few days in order to
procure game. The principal animals hunted by the Omahas and Pou-
kas were the elk, deer, black bear, grizzly bear, and rabbit.
When a deer was killed it was generally divided into four parts.
Two parts were called the "^e-^i^i"" or ribs, with which were given the
fore legs and the ":^e-na°'qa" or hump. Two parts were the "^e-j^ga"
or thighs, i. e., the hind quarters. When the party consisted of five
men the ^e-na^qa was made the share of the fifth ; and when there
were more persons present the fore legs were cut off as shares. When
an elk was killed it was generally divided into five parts. The "!)e-ju"
or fore quarters were two parts, with which went the fore legs. The
DOEBET.] RETURN FROM SUMMER HUNT, ETC. 301
?ejega or hind quarters made two more parts, with one of which went
the paunch, and with the other the entrails. The je-na^qa was the fifth
part ; and when the elk was large a sixth share was formed by cutting
off the "^emange" or chest.
Frank La Flfeche does not know how the black bears used to be di-
vided, as there have^been none found on the Omaha reservation for the
past fourteen years. '
§ 160. If one shoots a wild turkey or goose (mi°xa), another person
standing near may run up and take the bird if he can get there first,
without saying anything. The slayer cannot say, " Give it to me." He
thinks that he can get the next one which he kills. The same rule ap-
plies to a raccoon. But when one catches a beaver in a trap he does
not give it away.
§ 161. Trapping.— Since the coming of the white men the Omahas
have been making small houses or traps of sticks about a yard long,
for catching the miifasi (prairie wolves), big wolves, gray foxes, and
even the wild cat.
FISHING CUSTOMS.
§ 162. Before the advent of the white man the Omahas used to fish in
two ways. Sometimes they made wooden darts bysharpeninglong sticks
at one end. and with these they speared the fish. When the fish appeared
on the surface of the water they used to shoot them with a certain kind
of arrows, which they also used for killing deer and small game. They
spoke of the arrows as " n^size gdxe," because of the way in which they
were prepared. No arrowheads were used. They cut the ends of the
shafts to points ; then about four inches of the end of each arrow next
the point was held close to a fire, and it was turned round and round
till it was hardened by the heat.
Since the coming of the whites, the Omahas have learned to make
fishing-lines of twisted horse-hair, and these last a long time. They do
not use sinkers and floats, and they never resort to poison for securing
the fish. Both Ponkas and Omahas have been accustomed to fish as
follows in the Missouri Elver : A man would fasten some bait to a hook
at the end of a line, which he threw out into the stream, after securing
the other end to a stake next the shore ; but he took care to conceal the
place by not allowing the top of the stick to appear above the surface
of the water. Early the next morning he would go to examine his line,
and if he went soon enough he was apt to find he had caught a fish.
But others were on the watch, and very often they would go along the
bank of the river and feel under the water for the hidden sticks, from
which they would remove the fish before the arrival of the owner of the
lines.
302 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
Hu-bigide,iceirs or traps for catching fish. — La Fl^che and Two Crows
do uot think that this was an ancient practice. Children now catch
fish in this manner. They take a number of young willows of the
species called "^ixe-sagi," or hard willow, and having bent them down,
they interlace them beneath the surface of the water. When the fish
attempt to force their way through they are often caught in the inter,
stices, which serve as meshes. But if the fish are large and swim on
the surface they can leap over and escape.
The Omahas eat the following varieties of fishes : !^iiz6, or Missouri
catfish; hu-i-bu^a, " roundmouthed-flsh," or buffalo-fish ; hu-hi"'pa, or
sturgeon; hu-dasn^de, "long-nosed fish," or gar; and the hu-g(f6je, or
" spotted fish." The last abounds in lakes, and is generally from 2J to
3 feet long. It has a long nose.
CULTIVATION OP THE GROUND.
§ 163. This is regulated by the Haiiga gens, as corn and the buffalo
meat are both of great importance, and they are celebrated in the sa-
cred songs of the Haiiga when the feast is made after the offering of
the buffalo hearts and tongues. (§ 143.)
Corn is regarded as a " mother" and the bufi'alo as a " grandfather."
In the Osage tradition corn was bestowed on the people by four buffalo
bulls. (See Calumet dance, § 123, and several my ths, in Part I, Contri-
butions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. VI.)
At harvest one of the keepers of the Haiiga sacred tents (Frank La
Fleche thinks it is the Wacabe or j^e-sa^-ha keeper) selects a number
of ears of red corn, which he lays by for the next planting season. All
the ears must be perfect ones. (See Calumet dance, § 123.)
In the spring, when the grass comes up, there is a council or tribal
assembly held, to which a feast is given by the head of the Haiiga gens.
After they decide that planting time has come, and at the command of
the Haiiga man, a crier is sent through the village. He wears a robe with
the hair outside, and cries as he goes, " Wa^a'e te, ai a(f!4 u+ !" — They
do indeed say that you will dig the ground! Halloo! He carries the
sacred corn, which has been shelled, and to each household he gives
two or three grains, which are mixed with the ordinary seed-corn of
that household. After this it is lawful for the people to plant their
corn. Some of the Iiike-sab6 people cannot eat red corn. This may
have some connection with the consecration of the seed-corn.
OHAPTEE VIII.
INDUSTRIAIi OCCUPATIONS (CONTINUED).
FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION.
§ 164. Meat— They ate the "qa," or dried meat of the buffalo, elk,
deer, but seldom tasted that of the beaver. They cut the meat in slices
(w4ga), which they cut thiu (mab^ej[a), that it might soon dry. It was
theu dried as explaiued iu § 150. Before drying it is "';a iiuiia," wet
or fresh meat. The dried meat used to be cooked on glowing coals.
When the meat was dried iu the summer it lasted for the winter's use,
but by the next summer it was all consumed. In the X'^da and Weji°cte
geutes venison and elk meat could not be eaten, and certain parts of
the buffalo could not be eaten or touched by the Inke-sa^be, Hauga,
Xe-dait'aji, ^esinde, and liigfejide. (See §§ 31, 37, 49, 59, and 67.)
The marrow, wajibe, was taken from the thigh bones by means of nar-
row scoops, or w^bagude, which were made out of any kind of stick,
being blunt at one end. They were often thrown away after being
used.
The vertebrae and all the larger bones of the buffalo and other ani-
mals are used for making wahi-weg^i, hone grease, which serves as but-
ter and lard. In recent times hatchets have been used to crush the
bones, but formerly stone axes (i°'-igaga" or i^'-igacije) were employed,
and some of these may still be found among the Omahas. Now the
Omahas use the i°'-wate, a large round stone, for that purjjose. The
fragments of the bones are boiled, and very soon grease arises to the
surface. This is skimmed off and placed iu sacks for future use. Then
the bones are thrown out and others are put in to boil. The sacks into
which the grease is put are made of the muscular coating of the stom-
ach of a buffalo, which has been dried, and is known as '*inijeha."
They ate the entrails of the buffalo and the elk. Both the small and
large intestines were boiled, then turned inside out and scraped to get
off' the remains of the dung which might bo adhering to them. Then
they were dried. According to Two Crows, the iiig^e, or dung of the
bufliilo, is not " b((!a°-piaji," offensive, like that of the domestic cow.
Though the buffalo cow gives a rich milk, the Indians do not make use
of that of such as they kill in hunting.
§ 165. La Flfeche and Two Crows never heard of any Omahas that
ate lice, but the writer saw an aged Ponka woman eat some that she
took from the head of her grandson. The following objects are not
eaten by any of the geutes: Dried fish, slugs, dried crickets, grass-
303
304 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
hoppers, or other insects, and dried flsh-spawn. Nor do they ever use
as drinks flshoil or other oils.
§ 106. Corn, Wata°zi. — La Fleche and Two Crows mention the follow-
ing varieties as found among the Omahas : 1. Wata°'zi ska, white corn,
of two sorts, one of which, wata'"zi-kiig(J;i, is hard ; the other, wata^'zi
ska proper, is wat'^ga, or tender. 2. Wata°'zi^u, blue corn ; one sort is
hard and translucent, the other is wat'ega. 3. Wata^'zi zi, yellow corn;
one sort is hard and translucent, the other is wat'ega. 4. Wata^'zi
gfeje, spotted corn ; both sorts are wat'ega ; one is covered with gray
spots, the other with red spots. 5. Wata°'zi ^u-jide, a " a reddish-blue
corn." 6. Wata^'zi jidgqti, " very red corn." 7. Wata°'zi igaxxixu, zi
ki jide ihdhai, ugdai ^ga", figured corn, on which are yellow and red
lines, as if painted. 8. Wa(fdstage, of three sorts, which are the "sweet
corn" of the white people; wa^astage ska, which is translucent, but not
very white ; wa^astage a^, which is wat'ega and yellow, and wacfiastage
■^u, which is wat'ega and blue. All of the above varieties mature in Au-
gust. Besides these is the Wajiit'a°-ku((;6, "that which matures soon,"
the squaw corn, which first ripens in July.
§ 167. Modes of cooking the corn. — Before corn is boiled the men call
it wata°'zi siika, raw corn ; the women call all corn that is not boiled
" savage." Wata^zi ski(f6, sweet corn, is prepared in the following ways :
"When the corn is yet in the milk or soft state it is collected and boiled
on the cob. This is called "wab^uga" or"wab^uga cjaiiga," because
the corn ear (wahaba) is put whole (b^uga) into the kettle. It is boiled
with beans alone, with dried meat alone, with beans and dried meat, or
with a buffalo paunch and beans.
Sometimes the sweet corn is simply roasted before it is eaten ; then
it is known as "wata°'zi skifg uha°-baji, sweet corn that is not bolled.^^
Sometimes it is roasted on the ear with the husks on, being placed in
the hot embers, then boiled, shelled, and dried in the sun, and after-
Avards packed away for keeping in parfleche cases. The grain prepared
in this manner has a shriveled appearance and a sweet taste, from
which the name is derived. It may be boiled for consumption at any
time of the year with but little trouble, and its taste closely resembles
that of new corn. Sometimes it is boiled, shelled, and dried without
being roasted; in this case, as in the preceding one, it is called " wata°'zi
ski(j;6 uha°i, boiled sweet cornJ' This sweet corn may be boiled with
beans alone, or with beans, a buffalo paunch, pumpkins, and dried meat;
or with one or more of these articles, when all cannot be had.
They used to make " wafiskiskida, corn tied up." When the corn
was still juicy they pushed off the grains having milk in them. These
were put into a lot of husks, which were tied in a bundle, and that was
placed in a kettle to boil. Beans were often mixed with the grains of
corn before the whole was placed in the husks. In either case waifi-
skisklda was considered very good food.
Dougherty said, "They also pound the sweet corn into a kind of
DORsEv.) MODi:S OF COOKING THE CORN 305
small lioiniuy, wbicli when boiled iuto a tliick musb, with a proper pi'O-
portion of the smaller entrails and jerked meat, is held iu imich esti-
mation." The writer never heard of this.
The corn which is fully ripe is sometimes gathered, shelled, dried,
and packed away for future use.
Hominy, wabi'onude or wan^onud*5^6, is prepared from hard corn by
boiling it in a lye of wood ashes for an hour or two, when the hard ex-
terior sidn nearly .slips oft" (uAonude). Then it is well washed to get rid
of the ashes, and rin.sed, by which time the bran is rubbed off (bioimde).
When needed for a meal it may be boiled alone or with one or more of
the following : Pumpkins, beans, or dried meat. Sometimes an ear of
corn is laid before the Are to roast (.j6'a°he), instead of being covered
with the hot ashes.
\Vanin'de or mush is made from the hard ripe corn by beating a few
grains at a time between two stones, making a coarse meal. TLe larger
stone is placed on a skin or blanket that the flying fragments may not
be lost. This meal is always boiled in water with beans, to which may
be added pumpkins, a buft'alo paunch, or dried meat.
When they wish to make waniu'de-g4sk6, or ash-cake, beans are put
on to boil, while the corn is pounded in a mortar that is stuck into the
ground. When the beans have begun to fall to pieces, but before they
are done, they are mixed with the pounded corn, and made into a large
cake, which is sometimes over two feet iu diameter and four inches thick.
This cake is baked in the ashes. Occasionally corn-husks are opened
and moistened, and put over the cake before the hot ashes are put on.
At times the cake is made of mnsh alone, and baked in the ashes
with or without the corn husks.
(pib^ubifuga, corn dumplings, are made thus : When the corn' has
been pounded iu a mortar, some of it is mixed with water, and beans
are added if any can be had. This is put in a kettle to boil, having
been made into round balls or dumplings, which do not fall to pieces
after boiling. The rest of the pounded corn is mixed with plenty of
water, being "uig(f;uze," very 2cafery, and is eaten as soup with the
dumplings.
Another dish is called " A°'bag^e." When this is needed, they first
boil beans. Then, having pounded corn very fine in a mortar, they
l)onr the meal into the kettle with the beans. This mixture is allowed
to boil down and dry, and is not disturbed that night. The next day
when it is cold and stiff' tlie kettle is overturned, and the a^bagfe is
pushed out.
Wacaii'ge is made by parching corn, which is then pounded in a mor-
tar; after which the meal is mixed with grease, sou]) made from meat,
and pumpkins. Sometimes it is mixed, instead with honey. Then it is
made up into hard masses (^iskiski) with the hands. Dougherty
says that with wacaiige and waninde "portions of the ;e-cibe, or smaller
intestines of the buffalo are boiled, to render the food more sapid."
3 ETH— — 20
30G
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
§ 108. Melons, pumplilns, etc, Saka(fu(le uke(|;i°, tlu'coiunion wateniu'loii,
was known to tlie Omalias before the coniinir of tlie white men. It has
a green rind, wliieh is generally stripetl,
and the seeds are black. It is never dried,
but is always eaten raw, hence the name.
They had no yellow saka(('ide till the whites
came; but they do not eat them.
Waja"', Piimpl.in.1 — The native kinds
are three: wa^a"' qti, wa;a"'-knkuge, and
waja"' muxa. Wa:(a"-qti, the real ijump-
kins are generally greenish, and "bicka,"
round but slightly flattened on sides like
turnips. They are usually dried, and are
called "wa;a'"-gazan'de," because they are
cut in circular slices and hung together,
as it were, in festoons (gazande).
The second variety is large, white, and
striped ; it is not good for drying. The
wa4a" uiuxa are never dried. Some are
white, others are " sabS ^u ega", a sort of
black or dark blue," and small. Others,
the wa4a"'nii'ixa g(f'eje,are spotted, and are
eaten belore they become too ripe. In
former days, these were the only sweet
articles of food. Sometimes i)umpkius are
baked on coals (jeg((-a°).
Modern varieties are two: The wata"-
niu'de bazu and the wata"'-jide. The Oma-
-Fi^'uroa or inmjpkiDs. has uevcr jilant the latter, as they do not
Thewaja'>(|(iisattiie top; thenextis regard it as desirable. They plant the
the waia'Miiuxa; iho third is the wa?a»- , . , . „ , ,. \
iide; andtlioliottomonc, the waja° ninde former, wllicll IS iroin - tO 2^ ICCt lOUg, and
Dazu. "
covered with knots or lumps. The native
l)umpkins ai-e frequently steamed, as the kettle is filled with them cut
in slices with a very small quantity of water added. Pumpkins are
never boiled with ^ecibe or bufi'alo entrails ; but they can be boiled with
a buffalo paunch, beans, dried meat, and with any preparation of corn.
§ 109. Fruits and berries. — Taspa"', red haws, are seldom eaten ; and
then are taken raw, not over two or three at a time. Clumps of the haw-
thorn abound on Logan Creek, near the Omaha reserve, and furnish the
Omaha name for that stream, Taspa'"hi baje.
Wajide-nika, which are about the size of haws, grow on low bushes
in Northwest Nebraska. They are edible iu the autumn.
Buffalo berrie<, the wajide-qti, or real wajide, are eaten raw, or they
are dried and then boiled before eating.
},[aride, i)lums, though dried by the Dakotas, are not dried by the
(/"egiha and j^oiwere, who eat them raw.
Fig. 20.-
DOKi.Ev.1 PUMPKINS, FRUITS, NUTS, ETC. 307
]sr;i"'|i;i, cbuke cherries, are of two kinds. The larger oues or iia"'pa-
jafi'ga, abound in a region known as jiz4babebe, in Northwest Ne-
braska, where they are very thick, as many as two hundred being found
on a single bush. Some of the bushes are a foot high, others are about
two feet in height. The choke-cherries are first pounded between two
stones, and then dried. The smaller variety, or na"'pa-jiii'ga, grow on
tall bushes. These cherries are dried.
Gube, hackberries, are the size of black peppers or the smaller cher-
ries (na°pa-jii3ga). They are flue, sweet, and black. They grow on
large trees (Celt-is occidetitalis), the bark of which is rough and inclined
to curl up.
Agcfankamauge, raspberries, are dried and boiled. Bacte, strawber-
ries, are not dried. They are eaten raw.
Ja°-qude ju are berries that grow near the Niobrara Eiver; they are
black and sweet, about the size of buffalo berries. They are dried.
Nacama" is the name of a species of berry or persimmon (?), which
ripens in the later fall. It hangs in clusters on a small stalk, which is
bent over by the weight of the fruit. The nacama" is seldom eaten by
the Omahas. It is black, not quite the size of a hazel nut; and its seed
resemble watermelon seed.
Hazi, grapes — one kind, the fox grape, is eaten raw, or dried and
boiled.
§170. iVw/s. — The " bude" is like the acorn, but it grows on a different
tree, the trunk of which is red (the red oak ?). These nuts are ripe
in the fall. They are boiled till the water has nearly boiled away, when
the latter is poured out, and fresh water and good ashes are put in.
Then t le nuts are boiled a long time till they become black. The water
and ashes are thrown out, fresh water is put in the kettle, and the nuts
are washed till they are clean, when they are found to be " ndjube,"
cooked till ready to fall to pieces. Then they are mixed witli wild honey,
and are ready for one to eat. They are "ib^a°qtiwd^6," capable of
satisfying hunger to the utmost, but a handful being necessary for that
end.
A^'jinga, hazel nuts, are neither boiled nor dried ; they are eaten raw
The same may be said of " '4^ge," black walnuts.
§ 171. Fruits were preserved in wild honey alone, according to J. La
Fl^che. Since the arrival of the white people a few of the Omahas
have cultivated sorghum ; but in former days the only sugars and sirups
were those manufactured from the sugar maple and box elder or ash-
leaved maple.
The Omahas know nothing about pulse, mesquite, and screw-beans.
Nor do they use seeds of grasses and weeds for food.
Previous to the arrival of the whites they did not cultivate any gar-
den vegetables ; but now many of the Omahas and Ponkas have raised
many varieties in their gardens.
§ 172. Boots used for food. — The uug(fe or Indian turnip is sometimes
a08 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
louiul, aud at others elliptical. Wheu the Omabas wi.sh to dry it, they
pull off the skiu. Then they cut off pieces about two iucbes long, and
throw away the bard interior. Then they place these pieces in a mortar
and pound them, after which they dry them. When thty are dried
they are frequently mixed with grease. Occasionally they are boiled
with dried meat without being pounded. The soup is very good.
Nil ukef i°, or Pomme de terre, the native potato, is dug in the winter
by the wouieu. There are different kinds of this root, some of which
have good skins. Several grow on a common root, thus : Ql^^'^J^ These
potatoes are boiled ; then the skins are pulled off, and they are dried.
The "si"" is an aquatic plant, resembliug the water-lily. It is also
called the " si°'-uk6(|iiii," being the wild rice. lu order to prepare it as
food it is roasted under hot ashes.
The other rice is the " si"'-wauin'de " ; the stalk on which it grows is
the " sii'-wauin'debi," a species of rush which grows with rice in
swamps. The grain is translucent, and is the jmncipal article of diet
for those Indians who reside in very cold regions north of the Ponkas.
Si"'skuskuba, which some Ponkas said was the calamus, is now very
rare. Few of the Omabas know it at present. They used to eat it after
boiling it. Frank LaFlecbe said that this could not be calamus, as the
Omabas called that maka°-niuida, and still eat it.
§ 173. Beans.— Besius, hi°b(fii5'ge or ba°b^iii'ge, are planted by the
Indians. They dry them before using them. Some are large, others
are small, being of different sizes. The Indians speak of them thus:
"bu^a-hna^i, b^^ska 6ga°," tliey are generally curvilinear, and are some
what flat.
La Fleche and Two Crows speak of many varieties, which are pro-
bably of one and the same species : " Hi^b^iiige sab6 g(|;ej^, beans that
have black spots. 2. Ska g^ej6, those with white spots. 3. Zi'g(|;ej6,
tbo.se with yellow spots. 4. Jide gfeje, those with red spots. 5. Qude
g^eje, those with gray spots. 6. Jidgqti, very red ones. 7. SAbgqti,
very black ones. 8. Jide c4be ^ga", those that are a sort of dark red.
9. Ska, white. 10. j^u 6ga° s4be, dark blue. 11. Ji' 6ga" sdb6, dark
orange red. 12. Ska, ugfe 16 jide, white, with red ou the "ug(|!e" or
part that is united to the vine. 13. Hi ug();e te sab6, those that are black
on the " ugfe." 14. ^u gfeje ega", blue, with white spots. 15. A°pa"
hi° ega°, qude zi ega", like the hair of an elk, a sort of grayish yellow.
The hi"b(f;i""abe, or hi°bf inge ma°tanaba, wild beans, are not planted.
They come up of their own accord. They are flat and curvilinear, and
abound under trees. The field-mice board them in their winter retreats,
which the ludians seek to rob. They cook them by putting them in hot
ashes.
§ 174. xejawe is the name given to the seeds and root of the Nelum-
bium luteiim, and is thus described by an Omaha : The je^awe is the
root of an aquatic plant, which is not verj' abundant. It has a leaf
like that of a lily, but about two feet in diameter, lying on the surface
I'ORSET , ROOTS, BEANS, ETC. 309
of tbe water. The stalk comes up through the middle of the leaf, and
projects about two feet above the water. Ou top is a seedpod. The
seed are elliptical, almost shaped like bullets, and thej' are black and
very hard. Wheu the ice is firm or the water shallow, the Indians go
for the seed, which they parch by a fire, and beat open, then eat. They
also eat the roots. If they wish to keep them for a long time, they cut
off the roots in pieces about six inches long, and dry them : if not, they
boil them.
§ 175. Hi°'qa is the root of a sahi or water grass which grows be-
neath the surface of Lake Nik'umi, near tbe Omaha Agency, Nebraska.
This root, which is about the size of the first .joint of one's forefinger, is
bulbous and black. When the Omaha boys go into bathe they fre-
quently eat it in sport, after i)ulling off the skin. Two Crows says that
adults never eat it. J. La Fl^che never ate it, but he has heard of it.
§176. Savors, favors, etc. — Salt, niski^g, was used before the advent
of the whites. One place known to the Omahas was on Salt River, near
Lincoln, Xebr., which city is now called by them "Ni-skif6." At that
place the salt collected on top of the sand and dried. Then the Omahas
used to brush it together witii feathers and take it up for use. What
was on the surface vvas very white, and fit for use; but that beneath
was mixed with sand and was not disturbed. Eock salt was found at
the head of a stream, southwest of the Republican, which flowed into
the northwest part of the Indian Territory, and they gave the place
the name, "Ni-ski^6 sagi ^a°, Where the hard salt isJ" In order to get
this salt, they broke into the mass by punching with sticks, and the de-
tached fragments were broken up by pounding.
Peppers, aromatic herbs, spices, etc., were not known in former days.
Clay was never used as food nor as a savor.
§ 177. Drinlis. — The only drinks used were soups and water. Teas,
beer, wine, or other fermented juices, and distilled liquors, were un-
known. (See § 109.)
§ 178. Narcotics. — Native tobacco, or niui. The plant, ninihi was the
only narcotic known previous to the coming of our race. It differs from
the common tobacco plant ; none of it has been planted in modern times.
J. La F16che saw some of it when he was small. Its leaves were "!^u-
qude 6gaV' :i sort of a blue color, and were about the size of a man's
hand, and shaped somewhat like a tobacco leaf. Mr. H. W. Henshaw,
of the United States Geological Survey, has been making some investi-
gations concerning the narcotics used by many of the Indian tribes. He
finds that the Rees and other tribes did have a native tobacco, and that
some of it is still cultivated. This strengthens the probability that the
nini of the Omahas and Poukas was a native plant.
Mixed tobacco or killickinnick is called ninigahi by the Omahas and
Ponkas. This name implies that native or common tobacco fnini) has
been mixed (igahi) with some other ingredient. " This latter is gener-
ally the inner bark of the red willow (Gornus sericea), and occasionally
310 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
it is composed of sumac leaves {Rhus glabrum). When neither of these
can be had the inner baric of the arrow wood (Viburnum) or nia"'sa-hi
is substituted for them. The two ingredients are well dried over a fire,
and rubbed together between the hands." (Dougherty, in Lomfs Expe-
dition, I.)
" In making ninigahi, the inner bark of the dogwood, to which are
sometimes added sumac leaves, is mixed with the tobacco. Sometimes
they add wajide hi ha, the inner bark of rose bushes. When they can-
not get dogwood or sumac they may use the bark of the ma"sa hi or ar-
row-wood. The bark of the (fixe sagi, or bard willow, is not used by the
Omahas." (Frank La Fleche.)
CLOTHING AND ITS PREPARATION.
§ 179. Garments were usually made by the women, while men made
their weapons. Some of the Omahas have adopted the clothing of the
white man. There is no distinction between the attire of dignitaries
and that of the common people.
§ 180. There were no outbuildings, public granaries, etc. Each house-
hold stored away its own grain and other provisions. There were no
special tribal or communal dwellings, but sometimes two or more fami-
lies occupied one earth lodge. When a tribal council was held, it was
in the earth lodge of one of the princii)al chiefs, or else two or three
common tents were thrown into one, making a long tent.
There were no public baths, as the Missouri Eiver was near, and they
could resort to it when they desired. Dances were held in earth lodges,
or else in large skin tents, when not out of doors.
§ 181. Dressing hides. — The hides were stretched and dried as soon as
possible after they were taken from the animals. When a hide was
stretched on the ground, pins were driven through holes along the bor-
der of the hide. These holes had been cut with a knife. While the
hide was still green, the woman scraped it on the nnder side by push-
ing a w^bajabe over its surface, thus removing the superfluous flesh,
etc. The w^bajabe was formed from the lower bone of an elk's leg,
which liad been made thin by scrajiing or striking (" gab(-ejia"). The
lower end was sharpened
by striking, having several
teeth-like projections, as in
the accompanying figure
(B). A withe (A) was tied
to the tipper end, and this
27.-TheWeta,iabe. was secuFcd to thc . arm of
the woman just above the wrist.
When the hide was dry the woman stretched it again on the ground,
and proceeded to make it thinner and lighter by using another imple-
CLOTHING AND ITS PREPARATION.
311
iiKMit, called tlie weiibrija", wliicb slie moved townrd.s ber after the iiiau-
iier of an adze. This instrument was formed from an ellc horn, to the
lower end of which was fastened a piece of iron (in recent times)
called the w^'u-hi.
When the hide was needed for a summer tent, leggings, or summer
clothing of any sort, the wcubaja" was applied to the hairy side.
The Wenbaja".
(1 ) The horn. (2.) The iron (siile
vii-w). {3 1 Sinew tied around the
irmt.
Kin. 20.— Front view of the iron.
It is about 4 inches wide.
When the hide was sntticiently smooth, giease was rubbed on it, and it
was laid out of doors to dry in the sun. This act of greasing tlie hide
was called " wawefi(j(i," because they sometimes used the brains of the
elk or buffalo for that purpose. Brains, w<^f iqfi, seem to have their name
from this custom, or else from the primitive verb fiqfi. Dougherty
stated that, in his day, they used to spread over the bide the brains or
liver of the animal, which had been .carefully retained for that purpo.se
and the warm broth of the meat was also poured over it. Some persons
made two-thirds of the brain of an animal sufflce for dressing its .skin.
But Frank La Fleche says that the liver was not used for tanning pur-
poses, though the broth was so used when it was brackish.
When the hide had been dried in the sun. it was soaked by sinkincr it
beneath the snrtace of any adjacent stream. This act lasted about two
days. Then the hide was dried again and subjected to the final opera-
tion, which was intended to make it sufflciently soft and pliant. A
twisted sinew, about as thick as one's finger, called the weifiklnde, was
fastened at each end to a post or tree, about 5 feet from the ground.
The hide was put through this, and pulled back and forth. This act
was called waf iklnde.
On the commencement of this process, called ta"'^e, the hides were
almost invariably divided longitudinally into two parts each, for the
convenience of the operator. When they were finished thev were again
sewed together with awls and sinew. When the hides were small they
were not so divided before they were tanned. The skins of elk, deer
and antelopes were dressed in a similar manner. ' '
CHAPTER IX.
PROTECTIVE INDUSTRIES.
WAR CUSTOMS.
§ 182. The ludians say that Ictiuike was he who taught their ances-
tors all their war customs, such as blackening the face. (See myth of
Ictiuike and the Deserted Children in Contributions to N. A. Ethnol-
ogy, Vol. VI, Part I.)
Origin of icars. — Wars generally origiuated in the stealing of horses
and the elopement of women, and sometimes they are in consequence of
infringing on the huntiug-grouDds of one another. When a party of
warriors go on the war-path they do not always go after scalps only;
the object of the expedition may be to steal horses from the enemy. If
they can get the horses without being detected they may depart without
killing any one. But should they meet any of the people they do not
hesitate to attempt their lives. If the followers or servants fail to bring
away the horses it is the duty of the leaders to make an attempt.
§183. Mode of fighting unlil-e that of nations of the Old World. — War
was not carried on by these tribes as it is by the nations of the Old World.
The (pegiha and other tribes have no standing armies. Unlike tiie Six
Nations, they have no general who holds his office for life, or for a given
term. They have no militia, ready to be called into the field by the
government. On the contrary, military service is voluntary in all cases,
from the private to the commanders, and the war party is usually dis-
banded as soon as home is reached. They had no wars of long dura-
tion; in fact, wars between one Indian tribe and another scarcely ever
occurred; but there were occasional battles, perhaps one or two in the
course of a season.
DEFENSIVE WARFARE
§ 184. When the foe had made an attack ou the Ouiahas (or Ponkas)
and had killed some of the people it was the duty of the surviving men
to pursue the offenders and try to punish them. This going in pursuit
of the foe, called uika-^iq6 ^6, was undertaken immediately without
any of the ceremonies connected with a formal departure on the war-
path, which was offensive warfare. When the Ponkas rushed to meet
the Urul6 and Ogala Dakotas, June 17, 1872, Huta"-gi'hua°, a woman,
ran with them most of the way, brandishing a knife and singiug songs
to incite the men to action. The women did not always behave thus.
They generally dug pits as quickly as possible and crouched in them
in order to escape the missiles of the combatants. And after the fight
31'-J
DOESET.) WAR CUSTOMS DEFENSIVE WARFARE. 313
they used to seek for the fallen enemy in order to mutilate tbera.
When some of the upper Dakotas had taken a prisoner they secured
him to a stake and allowed their women to torture him by mutilating
him previous to killing' him, etiam yeniialia excidemnt. But the writer
never heard of the (|;egiha women's having acted iu this manner.
§ 185. Preparation fur the attack by the foe. — About thirty-two years
ago the Dakotas and Poukas attacked the Omahas, but the latter had
timely notice of their intentions and prepared for them. Four Omahas
had found the camp of the enemy and reported to their friends that the
foe would make the attack either that night or the next morning. So
the Omahasmade ready that night, having sent a ciier around the tribal
circle, saying, " They say that you nuist make an intrenchment for the
children. Thefoe will surely come ! " Then the people made an embank-
ment around the greater jiart of the circle. It ^vas about 4 feet high,
and ou the top were planted all the tent jtoles, the tents having been
l)ulled down. The tent poles were interlaced and over these were fas-
tened all the tent skins as I'ar as they would go. This was designed as
a screen for the men, while for the women and children was dug a trench
about 4 or 5 feet deep, inside the embankment.
Mr. J. La Fl^che, who was present daring the fight, says that the em-
bankment did not extend all around the circle, and that the area pre-
viously occupied by the tents of the end gentes, Weji°cte, Ictasaiida,
etc., were not thus protected, and that he and others slept on the ground
that night. Some of the men dug trenches for the protection of their
horses. Early in the morning the crier went around, saying, " They say
that you must do your best, as day is at hand. They have come! " The
night scouts came in and reported having heard the sounds made by the
tramping of the host of the advancing foe. Then the crier exhorted the
peopleagain, "Theysay that you must do your best! You have none to
help you. You will lie with your weapons in readiness. You will load your
guns. They have come ! " Some of the Omahas fought outside of the
embankment, others availed themselves of that shelter, and cut holes
through the skins so that they might aim through them at the enemy.
These structures for defense were made by digging up the earth with
sticks which they had sharpened with axes. The earth thrown up made
the embankment for the men, and the hollows or trenches were the
U(j;ihnucka into which the women and children retreated.
§ 186. Old Ponlca Fort. — At the old Ponka Agency, iu what was Todd
County, Dakota Territory, may be seen the remains of an ancient fort,
which the Ponkas say was erected over a hundred years ago by their
forefathers. J. La Fleche saw it many years ago, and he says that the
curvilinear intrenchment used to be higher than a man ; i. e., over six
feet high. Many earth-lodges used to be inside. At the time it was
built the Y'anktous were in Minnesota, and the tribes who fought the
Ponkas were the Rees, Cheyennes, and P^dauka (Camanches). Then
the only Dakotas out of Minnesota were the Oglala and the Sitca°xu
314
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
or Briiles. The former were on the White River and in the region
of the Blii.!k Hills. The latter were in Nebraska, at the head of the
Platte.
The fort had but one entrance. The situation was well chosen. The
embankment occupied the greater jiart of a semi detached blufl'. In
front, and at one side, was the low bench of lind next to the Missouri;
at Ihe rear was a ravine which separated it from the next bluff, and
the only means of approach was by one side, next the head of the ravine.
Tl'en one had to pass along the edge of the ravine for over 200 yards in
order to reach the entrance. The following sketch was drawn from
memory, and Mr. Ija Fleche pronounced it substantially correct :
One mile to ihe
Missouri Jtiver
Fig. 30.— 01(1 I'ouka fort. The Mi.^somi Kivei- i.s u^pitU of it.
PONKA FORT OFFENSIVE WARFARE.
315
OFPENSIVK WARFARK.
§ 187. The first proposiliou to go on the war-patli cannot come
from tbe cbiefs, who, by virtue of their office, are bound to use all
their iuflueuce in favor of ])eace, except under cir„unistauces of extra-
ordinary provocation. It is generally a young man who decides to
undertake an expedition against the enemy. Having formed his ])lan,
be speaks thus to bis friend : " My friend, as I wish to go on the war-
l)atli, let us go. Let us boil the food for a feast." The friend having
consented, the two are the leaders or uuda"'hariga, if they can in-
duce others to follow tbem. So they find two young men whom they
send as messengers to invite those whom they name. Each wagfa or
messenger takes one half of the gentile circle (if tbe tribe is thus en-
camped), and goes quietly to the tent of each one whom he has been re-
([uested to invite. He says at the entrance, without going in. " Kageba,
(|-ikui ba, ciV"fm]n'-i"ti^:'— My friend, you are invited (by such and such a
one), after he has been occupied awhile. If the man is there, his wife
rejdies to the messenger, '-(/'ikage na'a'" be," Your friend h-ars it.
Should the man be absent, the wife must rcjdy, "(/'ikage (/-iilgee he;
cubi tate.'"—yourfrie7id is not {here) ; he shall go to you. These invita-
tions are made at night, and as quietly as possible, lest others should
hear of tbe least and wish to join the expedition ; this, of course,
refers to the organization of a nuda" jinga or small war-party, which
varies in number from two persons to about ten.
§ 188. Sm<(ll war j'arty.— After tbe return of the messengers, tbe
guests assemble at the lodge or tent of their host. The places of the
guests, messengers, and nuda^baiiga
are shown in the diagram.
The two wcku or hosts sit oppo-
site tbe entrance, while the messen-
gers have their seats next the door,
so that they may pass in and out
and attend to tbe fire, bringing in
wood and water, and also wait on
tbe guests. Each guest brings with
him bis bowl and spoon.
When all have assembled the
planner of the expedition addresses
the company. " Ho ! my friends,
my friend and I have invited you
to a feast, because we wish to go on
tbe war-path." Then tbe young men
say: "Eriend, in what direction
shall we go " ? The host replies, " We desire to go to tbe place whither
they have taken our horses."
Then each one who is willing to go, replies thus : " Yes, my friend, I
am willing." But he who is unwilling replies, "My friend, I do not wish
Flo. 31. — A, tbe mula"lia£ig^, or captains ; B, the
waff^a. or messengers : C, the guests : D. the food
in kettles over the tiie.
316 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
to go. I am unwilling." Sometimes the host says, " Let us go by such
a day. Prepare yourselves."
The food generally consists of dried meat and corn, ^jd^in-ua^piijl
said that he boiled fresh venison.
Accordiug to j^a(fi°-na°paji, the host sat singing sacred songs, while
the leaders of those who were not going with the party sat singing
dancing songs. Four times was the song passed around, and they used
to dance four times. When the singing was concluded all ate, includ-
ing the giver of the feast. This is denied by La Fleche and Two Crows.
(See § 19G.)
A round bundle of grass is placed on each side of the stick on which
the kettle is hung. The bundles are intended for wiping the mouths
and hands of the men after they have finished eating. At ihe proper
time, each messenger takes up a bundle of the grass and hands it to
the nuda"haiiga on his side of the fire-place. When the nuda°haSga
have wiped their faces and hands they hand the bundles to their next
neighbors, and from these two they are passed in succession around to
the door. Then the bundles are put together, and handed again to one
of the nuda"haiiga, for the purpose of wiping his bowl and spoon, pass-
ing from him and his associate to the men on the left of the lire place,
thence by the entrance to those on the right of the fire-place to the
nuda"haiiga. Then the messengers receive the bundle, and use it for
wiping out the kettle or kettles. Then the host says, "Now! enough!
Take ye it." Then the wag(f;a put the grass in the fire, making a great
smoke. Whereupon the host and his associate exclaim, " Hold your
bowls over the smoke." All arise to their feet, and thrust their bowls
inio the smoke Each one tries to anticipate the rest, so the bowls are
knocked against one another, making a great noise. This confusion is
increased by each man crying out for himself, addressing the Wakauda,
or deity of the thuuder, who is supposed by some to be the god of war.
One says, "Nuda"liaiig4, wi"^' t'6a(f^6 taminke." — O icar-cMef! I icill Jctll
one. Another, "Nuda^haiiga, caii'ge wdb(j;ize ag^i." — 0 ivarchief '. I
have cowe hack icith horses which I have taken. (This and the following
are really i)rayers for the accomplishment of the acts mentioned.)
Another: "Nada°haugd, d4 wi" b(j'i(ia"." — 0 icar-chief! I have imlled a
head., and broken it off. Another, " Nii(la"liangA, ilsku U((iiza"qti wi"
b(j.nze ha." — 0 war-chief! /, myself, have taken one by the very middle of
his scalp-lock. Another, ' Xj (|;iuge'qti, niida°haiig4, wi"' ub^a"'." — 0
war chief! I have taken hold of one who did not receive a wound. And
another, " Abag(^aqti ede ubifia"' lut." — He drew back as he was very
doubtful of success (in injuring me?), but /(advanced and) took hold of
him. Those sitting around and gazing at the speakers are laugh-
ing. These lookers on are such as have refused to join the party. Then
the guests pass in regular order around the circle, following the course
of the sun, and passing before the host as they tile out at the entrance.
Each one has to go all around before he leaves the lodge.
no"sEi-J SMALL WAli PART^'. 317
§ 189. This feasting is generally continued four days (or nights) ; but
if the occasion be an urgent one the men make liasty preparations, and
may depart in less than four days. Each nuda»haiig^ boils the food for
one night's feast; and what he prepares must differ from what is boiled
by the other. Sometimes two leaders boil together on the same day;
sometimes they take separate days, and sometimes when they boil on
separate days they observe no fixed order, i. e., the first leader may
boil for two days in succession, then the second for one or two, or the
second leader may begin and the first follow on the next day, and so on.
When the supply of food failst he host may tell some of the wag^q^a"
or servants (who may be the messengers) to go after game.
§ 190. Preparation for starting.— E-Ach. warrior makes up a bundle com-
posed of about fifteen pairs of moccasins, with sinew, an awl, and a sack
of provisions, consisting of corn which has been parched. The latter is
sometimes pounded and mixed with. fat and salt. This is prejiared by
the women several days in advance of the time for departure. If the war-
riors leave in haste, not having time to wait for the sewing of the mocca-
sins, the latter are merely cut out by the women, ja^i'i-na^paji said that
nearly all of the party had some object which was sacred, which they
carried either in the belt or over one shoulder and under the oi)posite
arm. La Fl^che and Two Crows deny this, but they tell of such medi-
cine in connection with the jaf.i°-wasabe society. (See Chapter X.)
§ 191. Secret departure.— The departure takes place at night. Each
man tries to slip off in the darkness by himself, without being sus-
pected by any one. The leaders do not wish many to follow lest they
should prove disobedient and cause the enemy to detect their prox-
imity.
Another rea.son for keeping the proi)osed ex])edition a secret from all
but the guests is the fear least the chiefs should hear of it. The chiefs
frequently oppose such undertakings, and try to keep the young men
from the warpath. If they learn of the war feast they send a man to
find out whither the party intends going. Then the leaders are invited
to meet the chiefs. On their arrival they find pi-esents have been put
in the middle of the lodge to induce them to abandon their expedition.
(See Two Crows' war story, in Contributions to North American Eth-
nology, Vol. VI, Part I.)
The next day the people in the village say, "Ha°'adi nuda"' a(/;a'-bi-
keam^." — It is said that last night they tcent off in a line on the war-path.
The warriors and the leaders blacken their faces with charcoal and
rub mud over them. They wear buffalo robes with the hair out, if they
can get them, and over them they rub white clay. The messengers or
wag^'a al-o wear plumes in their hair and gird themselves with macaka",
or women's pack-straps. All must fast for four days. When they have
been absent for that period they stop fasting and wash their faces.
§ 192. Uninvited followers. — When a man notices others with weapons,
and detects other signs of warlike preparation, should he wish to join
318 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY
the party be begs moccasins, etc., from bis kiudred. Wheu be is ready
he goes directly alter the party. The t'ollowiug day, when tbe warriors
take their seats, tbe follower sits iu sight of them, but at some distauce.
When one of the servants spies him he says to his captain, " Niida"-
baflgil, f (34a akA wi"' atii hfi." — 0 tear chief! this one in the rear has come.
Then the captain says to all the warriors, " Hau, uikawasa"', ibaha°-
ba hi°be cti ^awdi-gS. Ma"' t6 ctl w6gaska°(!;4iga." — Ho, warriors .' rec-
ognize him, if you can, and count your moccasins (to see if yon can spare
him any). Examine your arrows, too. Then a servant is sent to see
who the follower is. On his return he says, "War-chief {or captain), it
is he," naming the man. The captain has no set reply ; sometimes he
says, " Ho, warriors ! the man is active. Go after him. He can aid us
by killing game." Or be may say, " Hau, uikawasa"' ! ui eiliicjii" gi te
afi°' gii-gii. Agudi ca^'ijaiiga ncixiijiificfg i[\, gaha ac^iija" ga°'(|;ai jji, ca"'
6ja° mi"' ha." — Ho, warriors ! go for him that he may bring icater for you.
If he wishes to lie on you {i. e., on your bodies) lohen the big wolves {or tbe
foe) attach you, I think it is proper. Then the scout goes after the fol-
lower.
But if the man be lazy, fond of sleeping, etc., and the scout reports
who he is, they do not receive him. Once there was a man who per-
sisted in going with war parties though he always caused misfortunes.
The last time he followed a party the captains refused to receive him.
Then he prayed to Wakanda to bring trouble on the whole party for
their treatment of him. They were so much alarmed that they aban-
doned tbe expedition.
§ 193. Officers. — A small war i)arty has for its chief officers two nuda"-
banga, partisans, captains, or war chiefs. Each nuda^hanga has bis
nuda°'hauga-q^6xe or lieutenant, through whom he issues bis orders
to the men. These lieutenants or adjutants are always chosen before
the party leaves the village. After the food has been boiled the giver
of the feast selects two brave young men, to each of whom he says,
"Nuda°'haiiga-qf6xe hui"' tate," You shall be a nuda"h<ingaq^exe.
In 1854 Two Crows was invited by four others to aid them in organ-
izing a large war party. But as they went to the feast given by the
chiefs and received the presents they forfeited their right to be cap-
tains. Two Crows refused tbe gifts, and persisted in his design, win-
ning the position of first captain. Wanace jiiiga was the other, and
ja^i°-na°paji and Sinde-xa"xa° were the lieutenants. In this case a
large party was intended, but it ended in the formation of a small one.
For the change from a small party to a large one see § 210.
§ 194. Large war party. — A large war party is called " Nuda^'bi"-
cjah'ga." La Fl^che and Two Crows do not remember one that has
occurred among the Omahas. The grandfather of Two Crows joined
one against the Panis about a hundred years ago. And Two Crows was
called on to assist in organizing one in 1854, wheu fifty men were col-
lected for an expedition which was prevented by tbe chiefs. Such par-
LuKbEv I LARGE WAR PARTY. 319
ties usually number uue or two liuudred lueu, aud .soiut-tiiues all the
fighting meu in the tribe volunteer. Occasionally the whole tribe moves
against an enemy, taking the women, children, etc., till they reach the
neighborhood of the foe, when the non-combatants are left at a safe dis-
tance, and the warriors go on without them. This moving with the
whole camp is called "Awaha°qti ^(:',"or "agaq^a°qti ife," because they
go in a body, as they do when traveling on the buffalo hunt.
§ 195. When a large war party is desired the man who plans the
expedition selects his associates, aud besides these there must be at least
two more nnda^haiiga ; but only the planner and his friend are the
nuda°hanga liju. or principal war chiefs. Sometimes, as in the case
of Wabaskaha (Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. VI, Part I, p.
394), the man paints his face with clay or mud, and wanders around,
crying to Wakanda thus: "O Wakanda! though the foreigners have
injured me, 1 hope that you may help me ! " The people hear him, and
know by his crying that he desires to lead a war party ; so they go to
him to hear his story.
Four wag^a are sent to invite the guests, two taking each side of the
tribal circle, and hallooing as they pass each tent. There is no cause
for secrecy on such occasions, so the crier calls out the name of each
guest, and bids him bring his bowl. In the case of Wabaskaha, so
great was the wrong suft'ered that all the men assembled, including the
chiefs. This was the day after Wabaskaha had told his story. Then a
pil)e (the war pipe) was filled. Wabaskaha extended his hands toward
the people, aud touched them on their heads saying, "Pity me ; do for
me as you think best." Then the chief who filled the sacied pipe said
to the assembly, " If j'ou are willing for us to take vengeance on the
Pawnees, put that pipe to your lips; if (any of) you are unwilling, do
not put it to your lips." Then every man put the pipe to his lips and
smoked it. And the chief said, " Come ! Make a final decision. De
cide when we shall take vengeance on them." And one said, " O leader !
during the summer let us eat our food, and pray to Wakanda. In the
early fall let us take vengeance on them." The four captains were con-
stantly crying by day and night, saying, " O Wakanda ! pity me. Help
me in that about which I am in a bad humor." They were crying even
while they accompanied the people on the summer hunt. During the
day they abstained from food and drink ; but at night they used to
partake of food and drink water.
§ 190. Feast. — Lt was customary for the guests invited to join a large
war party to go to the lodge designated, where four captains sat oppo-
si:e the entrance, and two messengers sat on each side of the door. The
ensuing ceremonies were substantially those given in § 188, with the
exception of the use of the wa^ixabe or sacred bags, which are never
used except when large war parties are organized.
Sacred bags. — These sacred bags, which are consecrated to the thunder
or war god, are so called because when the Indians went on the war-
320 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
patb they used to ((lixabe or strip off the feathers of red, blue, nud yel-
low birdt^, aud put them iuto the sacred bags. There were five bags of
( his sort among the Ouiahas. The principal oue is kept by Wacka"'-
uia"(j:i", of the Wajiiiga ^'ataji subgeus of the (|J^tada. It is filled with
the feathers aud skins of small birds, aud is wrapped in a :(ahu])ezi, or
worn teut-skiu. This is the principal one. The second one is kept by
the daughter of j^ahe-jiSga, of the luke sab6; because the peoi)le pity
hei', they allow her to keep the bag which her father used to have; but
they do not allow her to take any part in the ceremonies in which the
sacred bags are used. The third bag is in the custody of M^hi" ^iii'ge
of the Weji"cte gens. The fourth, when in existence, was kept by xid6-
nia"(f'i", of the j^ii da gens. And the fifth was made by Wabaskaha, of
the lngi/!e'jide gens. This, too, is no longer in existence. According to
La Fleche and Two Crows, the only wa^ixabe used in war are made of
ihe (skin and feathers of the) g(feda°', or pigeou-hawk, the i"'be jaQ'ka,
or forked-tail hawk, and the nickucku, or martin. All three kinds
were not carried by the same war party. Sometimes one man carries
an i°be-jaDka, and the other a nickucku ; at other times one carries a
g^eda", and the other an i^be-jaiika or nickucku. ^ja^i" ua"paji says
that the weasel is very sacred. Two Crows never heard this; and he
says that the keeper of any very sacred object never reveals what it is.
These sacred bags are not heavy ; yet the bearer of one has no other
work. He must wear his robe tied at the neck, and drawn around him
even iu warm weather.
At the feast, the three wa^ixabe are put iu the middle of the lodge.
The keepers take their seats, aud sing sacred songs, some of which are
addresses to the Thunder, while others are dancing songs. Among the
former is one of which a fragment was given by ja^i°-na°paji :
"Wi-;i'-ga" ii;i°'-pe-\va'-(6 e-ga"',
Wi-}i'-ga" na'i'-pe-wa'-i^e o-ga"',
We'-ti" ke g^i'-hao-lia" ^i,
Nao'-pe w^-(f6 ."
"As m J' grandfather is dangerous,
As my grandfather is dangprous,
When he brandishes his club,
Dangerous ."
When he had proceeded so far ja^i^-na^paji stopped and refused to
tell the rest, as it was too sacred.
This song is also sung by the keepers of the wa((;ixabe after the return
of the warriors, when the ordeal of the wast6gistu is tried. (See § 214.)
Though the keepers sometimes sing the songs four times, and the
others then dance around four times, this is not always done so often.
After the dance they eujoy the feast.
Presents are made by the giver of the feast to the keepers of the
wa^'ixabe, who are thus persuaded to lend their sacred bags with the
peculiar advantages or sacredness which they claim for them.
DORSET.] LARGE WAR PARTY — SACRED BAGS — POLICEMEN. 321
§ 197. The principal captains select the lieutenants, and assign to
each of the other captains a company of about twenty warriors. Each
of the minor captains camps with his own company, which has its own
camp-fire apart from the other companies. But only the two principal
captains select the scouts, police, etc.
When the fasting, etc., begins (see § 191), even the captains wear
plumes in their hair.
When the party is very large, requiring many moccasins, and they
intend going a long distance, a longer period than four days may be re-
quired for their preparations.
According to jafii^-na^pajl, the principal captains tie pieces of twisted
grass around their wrists and ankles, and wear other pieces around
their heads. This refers to the Thunder god. Two Crows says that he
never did this.
§ 198. Opening of the bags. — When the principal captains wish to open
their sacred bags, they assemble their followers in a circle, making them
sit down. Any of the followers or servants (the terms are interchange-
able) may be ordered to make an " uj6;i" in the center of the circle, by
pulling up the grass, then making a hole in the ground. Then the sa-
cred bags are laid at the feet of the principal captains, each one of whom
opens his own bag, holding the mouth of the bird towards the foe, even
when some of the warriors are going to steal horses.
§ 199. Policemen or Wandce. — These are selected after the party has
left the village, sometimes during the next day or night, sometimes on
the second day. The appointments are made by the principle captains.
If the war-party be a small one, few policemen (from seen to teu) are
appointed ; but if it is a large party, many are appointed, perhaps
twenty. There is never any fixed number; but circumstances always
determine how many are required. For a small party, two wandce-
nuda^'hanga, or captains of police, are appointed, to whom the princi-
pal captains say, "Wandce (fantida°haii'ga tat^," Tou shall be cap-
tains of the police. Each of these wandce-nuda'"hariga has several
wandce at his command. When any of the warriors are disobedient,
or are disposed to lag behind the rest, the policemen hit them at the
command of their own captains, the wandce-nuda^'haiiga. When the
wandce see that the men are straggling, they cry, " Wa°<; ! wa''< 1" On
hearing this, the warriors say, "The policemen are calling"; so they
run towards the main body.
§ 200. Order of march for any war party. — The scouts, or wada°'be-ma,
go from two to four miles in advance during the day. There are only
two of these when the party is a small one ; but a large party has four.
These scouts are sent ahead as soon as they have eaten their breakfasts.
They do not always go straight ahead. Should they come to a hill, they
do not ascend, preferring to make a detour by going along a " skida,"
or high level forming an opening between two hills. If, when they reach
there, they detect no signs of a foe, they continue on their way. Some
3 ETH 21
322 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
of the warriors may go out as scouts of their own accord, before requested
to do so by the captains.
§ 201. When there is a large party, the two nuda'^'haiiga-jifi'ga, or
minor captains, bearing the sacred bags, go about a hundred yards in
advance of the others. Then march the captains, and after them fol-
low the warriors and those who are the servants of the captains. Each
captaiu has his servant, who carries his captain's baggage and rations,
waits on him, brings him food and water, and makes his couch when
they camp for the night. As the day advances and the warriors be-
come tired, they drop behind. Then the captains order those near them
to halt and sit down. If there are bearers of the wa^ixabe, they are
the first to take their seats at the command of the captains, who sit
next to them. Then the nearest warriors are seated, and so on, as they
come together. Those in the rear sit where they please. It is important
for the party to keep together, for they might be exterminated if at-
tacked when the men are scattered. As soon as those in the rear have
overtaken the rest, all arise and resume the march.
The scouts having gone to the place designated, return to report, and
two of the cajjtaius go ahead to meet them. Having reported whether
they have seen traces of an euemy or of game, etc., they are relieved,
and others are sent ahead in their places. This change of day scouts
takes place as many times as the circumstances require. One of the
men who bears the kettle on his back, acts as if he were a captain, ad-
dressing the warriors thus : " Ho, warriors 1 bring me water," or, " Ho,
warriors ! bring me some wood."
§ 202. Songs. — Sometimes when a man thinks that he will die fighting
the enemy he sings different songs. One of these songs given by <ja^i°-
na°pajl, was intended to infuriate the warriors. He said that it was the
" Captive song,'' and was not regarded as sacred. Though he said that
it was sung by one of the wanAce nuda°hanga, as he danced around the
marching warriors, that is doubted by La Fl^che and Two Crows, who
said that one of the nuda^hanga was not always singing and dancing
around the others. The song, as sung, differs from the spoken words.
Nau'-ku-^^ han'-^i-'-bi-go-f (t. e., Na"''-ku-^e-an-^i'"-i-ga)
Na>''-ku-^6-ha°'-^i''-bi-go +
H6, mi-dao-hau-gi, fja^'-be t6
U-^hi-ta-m^-ji no + (i. e., Uabita-majl fi^Sa u-f !)
N<i-da°-hafi-g4 na"'-ku-^6-ha»'-^i'^bi-go +
It may be translated thus :
O make us quicken onr steps !
0 make us quicken our steps !
Ho, O war chief! When I see bim
1 shall have my heart's desire !
O war chief, make us quicken our steps t
One of the sacred songs which follows is from the j;oiwere language,
and was sung by an Omaha captain. It is given as sung in tlie
D0E8ET.] scotrre — SONGS — order c«" encamping. 323
Omaha notation of the j^oiwere. The meaning of all the words cannot
be given by the collector.
M»°'-^i" ^ h6 ga+we-f- he-h6 ! (Ma">-^i°, for ma-nyi, totvalk.)
Ma"'-^!" ^e h6 ga+we+he-hel
Tc6-do na-hilt (Tee-^o naba, buffalo bull, he who is, or, The buffalo bull.)
Ma"'-^!" ^ h6 ga+we+ he-h6 !
After singing this the captain addressed the men thus : " Ho, war-
riors ! I have truly said that I shall have my heart's desire ! Truly,
warriors, they shall not detect me at all. lam now proceeding without
any desire to save life. If I meet one of the foe I will not spare him."
§ 203. The Mijjasi watci or Coyote Dance. — This was danced by the
warriors before they retired for the night, to keep up their spirits. It
was not danced every night, but only when thought necessary. The
captains took no part in it. Some sang the dancing songs. All whitened
themselves (sa^ki^a^a). Each one carried a gourd rattle and a bow ; he
wore his quiver in his belt, and had his robe around him. They imitated
the actions of the coyote, trotting, glancing around, etc.
§ 204. Order of encamping, — As soon as they stop to camp for the night
four night scouts are sent out, one in advance, towards the country of
the foe, one to the rear, and one on each side of the camp, each
scout going for about a mile. Before they depart the captains say, " Ho,
warriors ! When you feel sleepy come back," referring to midnight.
Then the scouts leave, and as soon as they reach their respective sta-
tions they lie down and watch for any signs of the enemy.
At the command of the nnda^hanga-q^exe the camp is formed in a
circle, with the lire in the center. The warriors are told to go for wood
and water, and the servants of the captainsprepare couches for their re-
spective masters by pulling grass, some of which they twist and tie up
for pillows. Each servant does this for his own captain. When bad
weather is threatening the lieutenants order thft warriors to build a
grass lodge. For tent poles they cut many long saplings of bard willow
orof any other kind of wood, and stick them in the ground at acute angles,
and about one foot apart, if wood is plentiful, and small sticks are in-
terlaced. Then they cover this frame with grass. When wood is very
scarce the saplings are placed further apart.
Unlike the lowas, the Omahas do not open their sacred bags when
they encamp for the night. All the bags are hung on two or three
forked sticks, the wa^txabe-u^uba^ig^e, which are about three feet high.
These sticks are placed about five feet from the circle of warriors, close
enough to be seized at once in case of an attack.
Should any scout detect danger he must give the cry of a coyote
or mijiasi. By and by, when the scouts become sleepy, and there is no
sign of danger, they return to the camp, and lie down with their com-
rades till nearly day. When it is time for roosters to crow, one of the
captains exclaims, "Ho, warriors! rise ye and kindle a fire." Then all
arise and dress in haste, and after they have eaten, the scouts are sent
ahead, as on the preceding morning.
324 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
§ 205. New names ta'ken. — When tbe warriors Lave been four nights
on the way, excluding the night of departure from the vilhige, the war-
riors generally take new names. But if any one likes his old name he
can retain it. According to La Fleche and Two Crows, the ceremony
is very simple. The captain tells all present that such a man has
changed his name ; then he addresses the Deity in the sky and the one
under the ground : "Thou Deity on either side, hear it; hear ye that
he has taken another name."
According to <ja^i°-na''paji, the warriors collect clothing and arrows,
which they pile up in the center of the circle. As each man places his
property on the pile, he says, " I, too, O war chief, abandon that name
which is mine!" (This is probably addressed to the Thunder god.)
Then one of the principal captains takes hold of the man by the shoul-
ders, and leads him all around the circle, following the course of the
sun. When he has finished the circumambulation (which is denied by
La Elfeche and Two Grows), the captain asks the man, "What name
will you have, O warrior?" The man replies, "O war chief, I wish to
have such and such a name," repeating the name he wishes to assume.
The captain replies, "The warrior is speaking of having a very precious
name!" Then one of the men is sent to act as crier, to announce the
name to the various deities. The addresses to the deities vary in some
particulars. The following was the proclamation of the Ponka, Ciide-
g4xe, when the chief, Nuda°'-axa, received his present name : " He is
truly speaking, as he sits, of abandoning his name, halloo ! He is in-
deed speaking of having the name Criesfor the war-path, halloo! Te
big headlands, I tell you and send it (my voice) to you that ye may
hear it, halloo ! Ye clumps of buffalo grass, I tell you and send it to
you that ye may hear it, halloo ! Ye big trees, I tell you and send it
to you that ye may hear it, halloo ! Ye birds of all kinds that walk
and move on the ground, I tell you and send it to you that ye may
hear it, halloo! Ye small animals of different sizes, that walk and
move on the ground, I tell you and send it to you that ye may hear it,
halloo ! Thus have I sent to you to tell you, O ye animals ! Right in
the ranks of the foe will he kill a very swift man, and come back after
holding him, halloo ! He speaks of throwing away the name Naji°'-ti^e,
and he has promised to take the name Nuda^'-axa, halloo !" The origi-
nal (pegiha will be found on pages 372, 373 of Part 1, Vol. YI, " Contribu-
tions to N. A. Ethnology." According to the Omaha ^a^i°-na°paji, the
following proclamation was made when he received his present name;
but this is disputed by La Flfeche and Two Crows :
" Heis indeed speaking of abandoning his name! He is indeed speak-
ing (as he stands) of having the name, He-fears-not-a-Pawneewhen-he-
sees-him. Ye deities on either side {i. e., darkness and the ground), I
tell you and send it to you that you may hear it, halloo! O Thunder,
even you who are moving in a bad humor, I tell you and send it to you
that you may hear it, halloo ! O ye big rocks that move, I tell you and
DORBET.l NEW NAMES TAKEN, ETC. 325
send it to you tbat ye may hear it, halloo ! O ye big hills that move, I
tell you ami send it to you that ye may hear it, halloo ! O ye big trees
that move, I tell you and send it to you that ye may hear it, halloo ! O
all ye big worms that move {i. e., O ye snakes that are in a bad humor,
ye who move), I tell you and send it to you that ye may hear it, halloo!
All ye small animals, I tell you and send it to you that ye may hear it,
halloo ! O ye large birds that move, I tell you and send it to you that
you may hear it, halloo ! " To this address was added some of the fol-
lowing promises, all of which were not used for the same person :
" Wati^ ida"badiqti wi°' na^'pgqti ta°' wdgaq^ 'i$6 ta° d^a ! — He speals as
he stands of striking down one in the very 7nidst of the ranis of the foe, icho
shall stand in great fear of him!" "Wati^ uhan'geqti tg'di wi"' w^gaq^
'1^6 ta° dfa! — He is speaking of striking down one at the very end of the
ranks of the foe!* " Wati^e uka^'ska fda^badiqti wi°' w^gaq^ 'i^6 ta"
df a ! — He is speaking of striking down one in the very middle of the
enemy^s ranks, having gone directly towards him." " Wati^e uhaii'gadiqti
wi° t'^waki^ '1^6 ta° Af a ! — He is speaking of slaying one at the very end of
the enemy's ranks!" " Gaza^'adiqti wi" u ^iiig6 ucfa"' 'i^6 ta" dfa! — He
is speaking of taking hold of one without a wound right in the midst of the
foe {i. e., when surrounded bj' them) ! "
§ 206. Behavior of those who stay at home. — The old men who stay
at home occasionally act as criers, day and night. They go among the
lodges, and also to the bluffs, where they exhort the absent warriors,
somewhat after this manner : " Do your best. You have gone traveling
{i. e., on the war path) because you are a man. You are walking over
a laud over which it is very desirable for one to walk. Lie (when you
die) in whatever place you may wish to lie. Be sure to lie with your
face towards the foe ! " They do not keep this up all the time, nor do
they always make such exhortations.
§ 207, The women, too, address the distant warriors. The following
is a song referring to Hebadi-ja", of the 3^a°ze gens :
"Wa-na'-q^i^-ai X-^a-'a"' <^i-^i'^c6-i'^te
Xi-nu-h^, ^a-a^'-^a ca°' ^^^i^-c^.
He-b^di-ja°', C^a"-jin'-ga kri^6 a^i" gl-a!"
Hasten! What are you doiug that you remain away so long?
Elder brother, now, at length, you have left him behind.
O Hebadi-ja"! be returning quickly with a young Dakota!
La rieche and Two Crows never heard this song; but they do not
dispute its correctness. It was told the writer by ^a^i^-na^paji.
§ 208. Report of scouts. — When the scouts return and report having
found the enemy, stating also how they are encamped, if the party is
a large one, the sacred bags are opened by the principal captains, with
the mouth of each bag towards the enemy, as stated in § 198.
ja^i^-na^pajl says that they then give the scalp-yell, and each one re-
peats what he has promised to do on meeting the enemy ; but this is dis-
puted by La Fl^che and Two Crows.
326 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
§ 209. Capture of horses. — Two men who are active go to steal horses
from the enemy. This departure is called "ijigaqd afai," they have
gone to get the better of (those in) the lodges (of the enemy), and is
explained by "wama^'^a" a^ai," they have gone to steal. The two men
may go together or may separate and try to steal horses at whatever
places they can find any. Should these followers fail, two of the offi-
cers must make an attempt. These officers may be either the captains
or the lieutenants. Sometimes a youth steals oflf from the warriors,
and tries to capture a horse. The policemen try to prevent this, as the
youth might alarm the foe. No matter who captures the horses, he
must deliver them to the two principal captains. If many horses have
been captured, the men take them to a safe distance, and then they are
distributed among the members of the party. He who captured the
horses is always the first to receive one from the captains. Each of the
(principal) captains has his special followers, who are obliged to bring
to him all the horses which they capture. And the captain, in like
manner, shares his booty with his followers. Thus, when ja^i''-na''paji
captured horses from the Dakotas, when he was one of the captains,
he distributed eight horses among his own followers. (See p. 442, Part
I, Vol. VI, Contributions to N. A. Ethnology.) When he recovered
the horses from the enemy, the warriors thanked him, saying that on
account of his act they would not be compelled to make their feet
sore from walking home. When but few horses have been taken, only
the elder men receive them ; but when many have been captured, all of
the party share alike.
§ 210. Preparations for attaxiTiing the enemy. — Before the attack is
made, it is usually the custom for scouts to make a thorough survey of
the enemy's camp. So, when Two Crows led his party against the Tank-
tons, in 1854, and had discovered the proximity of the foe, he first
sent one of the lieutenants, <ja^i°-na°pajl, to count the lodges. On his
return, another lieutenant, Sln'de-xa^'xa", was sent by Two Crows, for
the purpose of learning if the enemy were sleeping. The latter having
reported. Two Crows himself, being one of the captains, went with
Slnde-xa^'xa" to make a final examination. Having ascertained the lo-
cation of the sleepers, they returned to their party, and began the attack
at midnight. When j,ah6-jiiiga and Niku^ib^a" had led a small party
against the Pawnee Loups, they sent back a messenger to the Omaha
camp, and when four scouts were sent from the camp, Wabaskaha, who
was one of the small war party, deceived them, sayingtbat the Cheyennes
were in the camp near at hand. Then many of the Omahas joined the
small party changing it into a nuda°hi"-{)anga. This was after the death
of the chief Black Bird, in the early part of this century. When the
main body of the Omahas had joined the others, they proceeded without
delay to surprise the camp of the Pawnees. Having arrived just at the
outsideof the viUage, they crawled towards it in perfect silence, goiugby
twenties, each one holdingthe hand of the man next to him. The captain,
DORSBT] CAPTORE OF HORSES PREPARING TO ATTACK THE FOE. 327
Niku^ib^a", or Gia^habi, had a sacred bag, which he opened (four times,
said Big Elk) with its mouth towards the foe, that the wind might waft
the magicinfluenceof the bag to the lodges, and make the sleepers forget
their weapons and their warlike spirit (denied by La Flfeche and Two
Crows). He also had a war-club with an iron point, which he used as a
sacred thing, waving it four times toward the foe. When they were
very near the lodges, but while it was yet dark, one of the attacking
party pulled his bow with all his might, sending an arrow very far.
But the arrow could not be seen. They continued drawing nearer and
nearer, exhorting one another, but speaking in whispers. At last it
was daylight, which is the usual time for making the attack, as people
are supposed to be sound asleep. Then Niku^ib^a° pulled his bow, and
sent an arrow, which could be seen. He waved the sacred bag four
times, and gave the attacking cry of the lender (the wa'i^'ba") once,
whereupon all of his party gave the scalp-yell (ug^d'a'a), and began the
fight by shooting at the lodges. (See § 193.)
Bach combatant tries to find a shelter, from behind which he may
fire at the enemy, though brave men now and then expose themselves
to great danger when they rush towards the ranks of the enemy and
try to capture a man, or to inflict a blow on him. Those who are the
first to strike or touch a fallen enemy in the presence of his comrades,
who are generally watching their opportunity to avenge his fall, are
also regarded as very brave.
Protracted warfare, or fighting for several days in succession, has not
been the Omaha custom.
§ 211. Preparation for an attack on a single foe. — In the story of I'ci-
b<iji of the j^e-slu'de gens, we read thus : " At length the warriors de-
tected a man coming towards them. They told the war-chief, who said,
'Ho! Oh warriors, he is the one whom we seek. Let us kill him.'
Then the warriors prepared themselves. They painted themsel.es with
yellow earth and white clay. Icibaji picked up the pieces dropped by
the others, and the war-chief made his back yellow for him, in imita-
tion of the sparrow-hawk. Then the warriors pulled off their leggings
and moccasins, which they gave to Icibaji to keep. When Icibaji, hav-
ing gained the consent of his captain, had peeped over the bluff at the
advancing man, he ran to meet him, having no weapon but his club.
Having overtaken the man, he killed him with the club. And when
the others took parts of the scalp, Icibaji did not take any of it."
§ 212. When one of the principal captains was killed, that always
stopped the fight, even if he belonged to the side of the victors.
If any one heard that one of his kindred was killed or captured, he
w ould try to go to him, and both generally perished together. When
the Omahas were fleeing from the Dakotas, in a fight which occurred
about A. D. 1846, some one told an old man that his son had been
killed. "Ho!" said he, "I will stop running." So he turned around
and went to the place where his sou's body was. He rushed headlong
328 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
amoug the combatants, who were standing very thick, and at last per-
ished with his son.
§ 213. Return of the war-party. — On the way home the booty is di-
vided, j^a^i^na^paji said that " They stop for the night at a point
about two miles from the village," but La Flfeche and Two Crows deny
this, saying that the warriors come into the village when they please,
as they are hungry and wish to see their wives and children.
If they have brought back scalps or horses, they set the gi-ass afire.
On seeing this the villagers say "Nuda"' ama' agii, eb^e'ga". Usai." —
I thinlc that the warriors are coining hack. They have set the grass afire.
^a^i°-na°paji said that if they have brought scalps, they put some of
the hair in the fire, and the smoke is black. But if they put a horse's
tail in the fire, the smoke is very yellow.
La Fl^che and Two Crows said that there is no difference in the mean-
ing of the colors of the smoke, though d6je jide or red grass, siduhi, and
other kinds of grass, are set afire, and make different kinds of smoke.
When guns are fired it signifies that a foe has been killed. But when
none are fired, and the grass is not set afire, it is a sign of an unsuccess-
ful expedition.
As soon as the people hear the guns, they shout, "The warriors have
come back! " Then the warriors ride back and forth, moving here and
there among themselves iu the distance. Then the old men proclaim
through the village what each warrior has achieved, calling him by
name — " This one has killed a foe!" " This one has broken off a head!"
" This one would not allow the others to anticipate him in seizing one of
the foe by che scalp-lock," etc.
§ 214. Ordeal of the sacred bags. — When the warriors have had a rest
of about two days, they assemble for a dance, called the " W6watci,"
or Scalp-dance. Before the dance, however, the successful warriors re-
ceive the rewards or insignia of valor from the nuda°haiiga who has the
three wa^ixabe (jaii'ga or wast6gistti. The three bags are placed in a row,
and all the warriors stand in a row. Each warrior having selected the
wa^ixabe to which he intends speaking, he makes a present to it. Then
the keeper of the waf ixabe addresses him, reminding him that Wakanda
sees him, and that if he speaks falsely, he may not expect to stay much
longer on the earth. Then the young man says, " Wi°'ake. Wakan'da
akd ibaha°i." — I tell the truth. Wakanda knows it. As he SHys this,
he holds up his right hand towards the sky. Then he addresses the
wa^ixabe itself, as follows : " Hau, i°c'dge-ha ! eddda" uwibfa t^imiiike
(fia'^ja, i(fausi'cta''-mdjl uwib^a t& miuke." — Ho, 0 venerable man ! though
I will tell you something, 1 will not lie when I tell it to yon. When
he says this, lie lets fall a small stick which has been cut beforehand.
He is obliged to hold the stick up high when he drops it. Should the
stick fall ou the sacred bag and remain there, it is a sign that he has
spoken the truth; but if it falls off, they believe that he has been guilty
DORSEYl RETURN ORDEAL OP SACRED BAGS, ETC. 329
of falsehood, and did not do in the fight that which he has claimed for
himself.
Rewards of bravery. — When all the warriors have thus been tested,
they are addressed by the holder of the wa^ixabe. To one who was
the first to take hold of a foe, he says, " j[dxe mi^ag(fa"'te ha," You shall
wear the croio in your belt. Sometimes he adds, '' S^b6 <f!ajiickaxe te.
3[^xe 4jaja ^a^iickaxe te ha." — You shall blacken, yourself. You shall
male spots on yourself, resembling crows' dxing. This warrior must blacken
his body, and then mark here and there spots with white clay.
<ja^i°-na°paji said that the second who took hold of a foe had the fol
lowing reward : He was allowed to blacken his body from the waist to
the shoulders, and to rub white clay down the tops of his shoulders. To
him was said, "M^ca°-ska, ^jdhi^-wdgfa" dfagfa"' te ha." — You shall
sticJc in your hair white eagle feathers, and wear the deer's-tail head-dress.
La Fleche and Two Crows said that this man was allowed to wear the
^ahi°-wag(f!a° alone on his head, and to put the crow in his belt.
According to ja^i^-na^xjajl, the third warrior who caught hold of the
foe blackened his body thus: On the arms, at the elbows, on the ribs,
and hiusagi, he could make places as large as a hand (or, he could make
one side of his body black — sic). To him was said, " xAhi^-w^g^a" mdca°
^iiig^ d^ag^a"' te ha," You shall wear the ^ahi"-wag^a° without any feath-
ers. But La Fleche and Two Crows said that this man was told to
wear the crow in his belt ; and the fourth who took hold of the foe was
told to wear the ^ahi" wag^a" without any other decoration.
jafi°-na°paji said that he who disemboweled a fallen enemy with a
knife was i)ermitted to stick a red feather in his hair. He blackened
his body from the waist up to the shoulder, and over the shoulder, then
down the back to the waist. He could redden his knife and dance as
a grizzly bear. But Two Crows, who has attended the scalp-dance,
never saw anything of this sort.
According to ^£a^i°-na°paji, he who killed a foe was rewarded in sev-
eral ways. He could wear the ^ehuqfabe" necklace, called the " gadd-
daje waci°', and was addressed thus : " Gadddaje waci"' na^'^ap'i" te
ha," You can wear the !)ebuq^abe necldace. " Ma°'-u^ubaski 4i((;ag^^a te
ha," You shall carry the ramrod on your arm. " j[ahi°-wag(|;a° sia"(f6
a^agfa"' te ha," You shall wear the ^ahi^-w ag^a° alone in your hair.
(These were disputed by La Fltehe and Two Crows.) "Ma°'sa gasii ji-
de(j;e na°fap'i°' te ha," You shall near an arrow shaft, scraped and red-
dened, suspended from your neck. (Confirmed bj' La Fleche and Two
Ci'ows.)
He who struck a foe with a hatchet, bow. etc., was allowed to redden
it and carry it to the dance, if he wished.
Sometimes a warrior gave a gun, etc., to an old man, who went
through the camp telling of the generosity of the giver.
"The fat on the outside of the stomach of a buffalo or domestic cow.
330 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
All who had parts of scalps were told to wear !jahi°-wag^a° on their
heads.
§ 215. The scalp dance (of the women). — Oue of the women had to
carry the scalp around on a pole during the dance. This act is 4i^a-
bdju.
When a man killed a foe with a knife, gun, hatchet, etc., it was taken
by his wife, who held it as she danced. Such women dressed them-
selves in gay attire, decorated themselves with various ornaments,
wore head-dresses of ijeji^hi^de, painted their cheeks, and reddened the
d^ugdza" or parting of the hair of the head.
This scalp-dance is the women's dance; the men take no part but that
of singing the dancing songs for the women and beating the drums.
When any of the Omahas had been killed by the enemy, this dance could
not be had; but when the Omahas were fortunate enough to kill some
of the foe without losing any of their own party the men said, " W^watci
aii'kif e tal, " Let them dance the scalp-dance. Then the men went first
with one, two, or three drums to a place bare of undergrowth, and began
to beat the drums. By and by the women would hear it, and assemble.
There was no feast and no invitations were made by criers. Any women
and girls who wished to dance could do so. The only men allowed to
sing the dancing songs for the women were those who had killed foes, or
had taken hold of them.
The women did not dance in a circle, but "kidqpaqpAg^a" (moving in
and out among themselves) and "Ikif ibf a°" (mixed, in disorder), as they
pleased. Sometimes they danced all night till the next morning; some-
times they continued the dance for two or three days. This wewatci
has not been danced by the Omaha women for about fourteen years. It
is not considered a sacred dance, but one of rejoicing.
§ 216. The Hefucka dance (of the men). — The corresponding dance for
the men is the He^ucka.'' The only members of the Hef ucka dancing
society are such as have distinguished themselves in war, and boys whose
fathers are chiefs. When Frank La F16che was a boy he was admitted
to the Hecfucka solely because his father was a chief.
"The first four to take hold of the foe were decorated with the ^ahi°-
wagfa" head-dress, the 'crow' in the belt, and garters of otter-skin.
" He who had killed a foe with a gun reddened the barrel for about
nine inches or a foot from the muzzle, wore the 'crow,' and stuck several
swan feathers around the muzzle. He also wore a feather in his hair.
"Those who struck some of the foe, but did not inflict fatal blows,
made on their bodies the signs of blows; having blackened their hands,
they put them here and there on their bodies, leaving black impressions.
Sometimes they blackened the whole body, and over the black they made
white hands, after rubbing white clay on their own hands. They wore
feathers in their hair, as did all except the four who were the first to
take hold of the foe.
" Known among the Kansas as the Ilucka, aud among the Osages as the Ia3i(fii"ck,a.
DORSET.) SCALP DANCE HE(^UCKA HE-WATCI. 331
"He who had been wounded by the foe, without receiving a fatal blow,
blackened his body, and put on a red spot and stripe to denote the wound
and the dripping of the blood. He wore a red feather in his hair.
"Those who had brought back horses, wore lariats, "nusi-Aqfa" (over
the left shoulder and under the right arm), and carried their whips on
their arms.
"All these were promoted to the rank of wanAce or policemen, to act
as such during the buflalo hunt." {La Fleclie and Two Crows.)
" There were many singers. They had a drum, but no rattles of any
sort. They danced as they moved around the fire-place, from left to
right. This was always after a, feast. They had no regular number of
times for dancing around the circle.
" The man who first held a foe ranked as number one; the slayer came
next ; the second who held the foe ranked third ; the third to hold the
foe ranked fourth, and the fifth was he who cut off the head and threw
it away.
" Sometimes the fourth man did this. Only the first, second, and
third of these men were regarded as having gained great honors, and
these three laded out the food at the feast.
" Only those who held or touched the foe made the impression of hands
on their bodies.
"Those who struck living foes wore feathers erect in their hair, while
those who hit dead enemies had to wear their feathers lying down."
[Frank La Fleche.)
Mr. J. La Fleche gave the following as a very ancient song of this
dance :
" Wakan'da akd a'^sifi'ge te, ai ^ga",
A^^-iu'ge tilmifike."
" Wakanda having said that I shall not be,
I shall not be."
In this song, "A°^iii'ge ta'miiike" is equivalent to " At'6 timiiike," T
shall die. The idea is that the singer thought he would not die until
Wakanda spoke the word, and then he must die. Till then he would
be safe, no matter what dangers he encountered.
For the song in honor of the Ponka chief, UbiskS, see pp. 380, 381,
Part I, Vol. VI., Contributions to N. A. Ethnology.
§ 217. The He-watci. — The concluding part of the He^ucka was called
the "H^-watci." It was danced only by one man, a member of the
He^ucka society. After the feast, the head of a dog or deer was gen-
erally given to one of the guests, who ate it clean and laid it down after
imitating, as he danced, some of his acts in battle. The man arose sud-
denly of his own accord, taking the head in both hands and holding it
in front of him. When no head had been boiled he danced without one.
The drum was beaten, but there were no songs. The dancer wore the
"crow," and grasped a club or hatchet, which had been purposely placed
in the middle of the circle. His acts resembled those of the four visi-
tors when the Egi'a^-watcigaxe was danced. (See §271.) Pointing in
332 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
various directions with his club or hatchet, with which he struck the
ground each time, he said, "Maci^ga wi" ga^'a" :" I did tJnis toaman;
"Maci^gawi" &q<^\,'" I killed a man ; "Niaci°ga wi° nh^a''," I took hold
of a man; or some other expression. When he finished the Hefucka
dance was ended.
§ 218. The Mandan dance with fallen friends. — When the Omahas
lost any of their number in a fight they had the Mandan dance on their
homeward way, or after they reached home. If they had the bodies of
their dead they placed the latter in the middle of a lodge, making them
sit upright, as if alive and singing. And they made them hold rattles
of deers' claws on their arms.
In the war story of ja^i°-na"pajl, recorded in Part I, Vol. VI, Contri-
butions to N. A. Ethnology, the narrator says : " All the people danced
in groups, dancing the Mandan dance. I rode the horse which I liad
brought home. I painted my face and wore good clothing. I hit the
drum : ' Ku-f !' I said, ' Let Wdqa-n^ji" take that for himself,' referring
to the horse. I presented the horse to one who was not my relation. "
§ 219. When the war party return home, whether they have been suc-
cessful or not, the captains invite the warriors \o a feast. The war-
riors, in turn, invited the captains to a feast. There was no regular
order; if the warriors boiled first they were the first to invite (the cap-
tains) to a feast.
§ 220. A battle may be ended either by the death of one of the prin-
cipal captains or by sending a man with a sacred pipe towards the
ranks of the enemy. The sacred pipe is a peace pipe, and is used in-
stead of a flag of truce. (See Punishment of a murderer, § 309.)
§ 221. Treatment of the woundedfoes. — If they fell into the power of the
men of the victorious side they were killed and their bodies were cut
in pieces, which were thrown towards the retreating foes, who cried
with rage and mortification. Their treatment at the hand of the women
has been described in § 184.
. § 222. Treatment of captives. — Captives were not slain by the Omahas
and Ponkas. When i>eace was declared the captives were sent home,
if they wished to go. If not they could remain where they were, and
were treated as if they were members of the tribe ; but they were not
adopted by any one. When Gahige-jiu'ga, father of Wacuce, of the
luke-sabg gens, was a small boy he was captured by the Ponkas as
they were fighting with the Omahas, who were camped near their ad-
versaries. The Umahas having overcome the Ponkas, tlie latter sent
the aged Hau'ga-ckdde, whom the Omahar, admired, with a peace pipe,
and, as an earnest of their intentions, they sent with him the boy whom
they had captured that day. He was restored to his tribe, and peace
was declared. (See International Law, § 306.)
§ 223. Bravery. — The^ following anecdotes were told by Mr. La F16che
as illustrating the bravery of his people :
An old man had a son who reached manhood, and went into a fight.
"otisz^:] MANDAN DANCE BRAVERY. 333
from which he returned wounded, but not dangerously so. The sou
asked his father saying, " Father, what thing is hard to endure?" He
expected the father to say, "My child, for one to be wounded in battle
is hard to endure." Had he said this, the sou would have replied, " Yes.
father; I shall live." The father suspected this, so he made a different
reply: "Nothing, my child. The only thing hard to bear is to put on
leggings again before they have been warmed by the fire." So the son
became angry and said, "My father, I will die."
A certain old man had been very brave in his youth ; he had gone
many times on the war-path, and had killed many persons belonging to
different tribes. His only children were two young men. To them he
gave this advice : " Go on the war-path. It will be good for you to die
when young. Do not run away. I should be ashamed if you were
wounded in the back; but it would delight me to learn of your being
wounded in the chest." By and by there was war with another tribe,
and the two young men took part in it. Their party having been scared
back, both young men were killed. When the men reached home some
one said, "Old man, your sons were killed." "Yes," said he, "that is
just what I desired. I will go to see them. Let them alone ; I will
attend to them." He found the eldest son wounded all along the back
but lying with his face towards home. Said he, " Wil! ki ga^'^aqti k6-
ana. Giitg^a iigaqfe (Jsaja-' te, eh4 (f a^'ctl."— Tf Ay •' ''e Ues as if he felt a
strong desire to reach home! 1 said heretofore that you were to lie
facing that way. So takiug hold of his arms, he threw the body in
the other direction, with the face towards the enemy. He found the
younger son wounded in the chest, and lying with his face toward the
foe. "Ho! this is my own son. He obeyed me!" And the father
kissed him.
§ 224. Grades of merit or bravery, tJwah^haji m^, were of two sorts.
To the first class belonged such as had given to the poor on many occa-
sions, and had invited guests to many feasts, being celebrated for the
latter as " w6ku-cta°." To the second class belonged those, who, be-
sides having done these things many times, had killed several of the
foe and had brought home many horses. In connection with war cus
toms, see Property (Chapter XII), and Eegulative Industries (Chapter
XI).
Another protective industry is the practice of medicine. (See Danc-
ing Societies, Chapter X.)
CHAPTER X.
AMUSEMENTS AND CORPORATIONS.
§ 225. Riddles, Wd^ade. — "Niaci°ga wi° ni kg'di hi ^ga", da^'be i[I,
xag6 gi. Ed4da° a? — A person having gone to the water, and looked, at
it is coming back weeping. What is thatf^ The answer is, "(f6x6 am6.
Ni kg i^ijai y(i, a^i"' agii y(l, ga'6"6. l5 xag6, ai." — It is a kettle. When
it is dipped into the water, and one is bringing it back, it is dripping.
That, they say, is weeping.
jah6 !)aiig4qti wi° 6dedi^i» ^V}i, q^ab6 Aba6qtia° ! CaQ'ge gdediaraa;
hi" sAb6, jide ctl, skS. cti. IndMa" a?" — There is a mountain that is cov-
ered with trees. Horses are moving there; some hare black hair, some
red, and some white. What is it f The answer is, "A person's head is
the mountain ; the hairs are trees, and lice are the horses."
" Gaw6xe wi" gdedi^a". Ind^da" st ? " — There is a place cut up by gul-
leys. What is it ? Answer : Wa'ujiSga Ind6 ha, An old woman's face.
(It is furrowed with wrinkles.)
§ 22G. Proverbs, Wiu^a. — Sometimes they say of an obstinate man,
" Wanija ^ga" aha°," He is like an animal, meaning that he is "naside-
^iug6." Another ancient comparison is this: "J6 6ga° ^ha°. Wana"'-
pajl dha°." — He is like the membrum virile! He fears the sight of noth-
ing! This refers to a bad man, who fears not to commit a wrong, but
pushes ahead, in spite of opposition, or, as the Omahas say, "ajjida-
tclje," regardless of the consequences to others or to himself.
A proverb about the " Wauaxe piajl," the bad spirit, is a modern
one, introduced after coming in contact with the white men.
Ictiuikeqtia'"i, He is like Ictinike; i. e., he is very cunning. Mijja
da nvijiagi^ai. The raccoon wet his head. This refers to one who talks
softly when he tries to tempt another.
§ 227. Puns. — Two youths accomiianied their mother's brother when
he hunted game. Having killed a deer, the two young men proceeded
to cut it up, while the uncle looked on. He made this observation to
them : " Sab6 a"^a°'da ^a^'ja, ga"'adi i^isdbe ha." — Though I was born
black (sabS), now you suffer (i^isabe).
GAMES.
§ 228. Plumstone shooting, 3^a"'-si kide. — This game was thus de-
scribed by Dougherty. "Five plumstones are provided, three of which
are marked on one side only with a greater or smaller number of black
334
DORSET.) RIDDLES PROVERBS GAMES. 335
dots or lines, and two of them are marked on both sides; they are, how-
ever, sometimes made of bone of a rounded or flattened form, somewhat
like an orbicular button-mold, the dots in this case being impressed-
A wide dish and a certain number of small sticks by the way of coun-
ters are also provided. Any number of persons may play this game,'
and agreeably to the number engaged in it, is the quantity of sticks or
counters. The plumstones or bones are placed in a dish, and a throw
is made by simply jolting the vessel against the ground to make the
seeds or bones rebound, and they are counted as they lie when they fall.
The party plays around for the first throw. Whoever gains all the sticks
in the course of the game wins the stake. The throws succeed each
other with so much rapidity that we vainly endeavored to observe their
laws of computation, which it was the sole business of an assistant to
attend to."
The seeds used in this game are called jja'^-si gS. Their number va-
ries. Among the Ponkas and Omahas, only five are used, while the Otos
play with six. Sometimes four are marked alike, and the fifth is black
or white (unmarked). Generally three are black on one side, and white
or unmarked on the other, while two have each a star on one side and
a moon on the other.
The plaj'ers must always be of the same sex and class; that is, men
must play with men, youths with youths, and women with women.
There must always be an even number of players, not more than two
on each side. There are about twenty sticks used as counters. These
are made of deska or of some other grass.
The seed are put in a bowl, which is hit against a pillow, and not on
the bare ground, lest it should break the bowl.
When three seeds show black, and two have the moon on the upper
side, it is a winning throw ; but when one is white, one black, a third
black (or white), the fourth showing a moon, and the fifth a star, it is a
losing throw. The game is played for small stakes, such as rings and
necklaces.
§ 229. BanaQ'ge-kide, Shooting at the banange or rolling wheel. — This
is played by two men. Each one has in his hand two sticks about as
thick as one's little finger, which are connected in the middle by a thong
not over four inches in length. The sticks measure about three feet
and a half in length. Those of one player are red, and those of the
other are black. The wheel which is rolled is about two feet and a
half in diameter, its rim is half an inch thick, and it extends about an
inch from the circumference towards the center. On this side of the
rim that measures an inch are four figures. The first is called " Mdxu,"
Marked with a knife, or " Mdg^eze," Gut in stripes icith a knife. The
second is " S^b6 t6," The black one. The third is "Aki^itg," Crossing
each other. The fourth is " Jiiig4 tc6," The little one, or " Mdxu jiug4
tc8," The little one marked with a knife. The players agree which one
336
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
of tbe figures shall be "waqx'ibe" for the game; that is, what card-
players call '' trumps."
Tbe wheel is pushed and caused to roll along, and when it has almost
stopped each man hits gently at it
to make it fall on the sticks. Should
the sticks fall on the top of the
wheel, it does not count. When a
player succeeds in lodging his sticks
in such a way that he touches the
waqube, he wins many sticks, or
arrows. When figures are touched
by one or both of his sticks, he calls
out the number. When any two of
the figures have been touched, he
says, "Xa"ba"'a ii ha," Iha ve wound-
cdittwice. If three figures have been
hit, he says, " (^'abfi" a ii ha, "I have
icounded three. Twenty arrows or
sticks count as ablanket, twenty-five as a gun, and onehundred as ahorse.
§ 2.30. j^abe-gasi, Bleii's game of hall. — This is played by the Omahas
riG. 33.— The sticks.
and Ponkas with a single ball. There are thirty, forty, or fifty men on
each side, and each one is armed with a curved stick about two feet long.
The players strip off all clothing
except their breech-cloths. At
each end of the play ground are
two posts from 12 to 15 feet apart.
The play-ground is from 300 to
400 yards in length. When the
players on the opposite side see
that tbe ball is liable to reach A
they try to knock it aside, either
towards B or C, as their opponents
would win if the ball passed be-
tween the posts at A. On the
otlier hand, if the party rei»rtv
Fig. 34.— xa"ba"auM. scnted by A sec that the ball is
in danger of passing between the posts at D they try to divert it, either
towards E or F.
UOKBEV.J
mkn's gamks: banaSge-kide, etc.
337
The stakes may be leggings, robes, arrows, necklaces, etc.
lost by the losing side, and are distributed by the winners
shares. One of the elder
men is requested to make
the distribution. Two
small boys, about twelve
years old, stand at the
posts A, and two others
are at D. One boy at each
end tries to send the ball
between the posts, but the
other one attempts to send
it in the opposite direction.
These boys are called uhe
ginaji".
The game used to be
played in three ways : (1.)
Phratry against phratry.
Then one of the players was
not blindfolded. (3.)Village
against village. The Omabas had three villages after 1855.
All are
in equal
lj:abil;i" au La.
Gahige's village, where most of the people were. Wi"
Bi-kii de was
d. ja'-ge was Stand-
Fic. 36.— Diagram of the play -ground
ing Hawk's village, near the Mission. Ja"-(fa'-te was Sanssouci's village,
near Decatur. Fraidi La Fleche remembers one occasion when Wi"-
djage challenged Bikude to play ^abe-ga.si, and the former won. (3.)
\Vhen the game was played neither by phratries nor by villages, sides
were chosen thus : A player was blindfolded, and the sticks were placed
before him in one pile, each stick having a special mark by which its
owner could be identified. The blindfolded uian then took up two sticks
at a time, one in each hand, and, after crossing hands, he laid the
sticks in separate piles. The owners of the sticks in one pile formed a
side for the game. The corresponding women's game is Wabaonade.
§ I'Sl. jaf'i" jahe, or Sticlc cmd ring. — jafi"-jahe is a game played
by two men. At each end of the play-ground, there are two "bi'na,''
or rounded heaps of earth.
A ring of rope or hide, the wafigije, is rolled along the ground, and
each player tries to dart a stick through it as it goes. He runs very
swiftly after the hoop, and thrusts the stick with considerable force.
3 ETH 22
338 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
If the hoop turns aside as it rolls it is not so difficult to thrust a stick
through it.
The stick (A) is about 4 feet long. D is the end that is thrust at the
hoop. BB nre (he gaqa or forked ends for catching at the hoop. CO
A '°
JTlG. 37. — The stick used in playing (iiitf-.i"-jabe.
are made of ha nasage, w^abasta uasage ika°ta", stiff hide, fastened to
the forked ends with stiffs "weabasta," or material nsed for
soles of moccasins. These ha nasage often serve to prevent
the escape of the hoop from the forked ends. Sometimes
these ends alone catch or hook the hoop. Sometimes the
Fig. 3f-Tbe end D Is thrust through it. When both sticks catch the
^aigije- iioop neither one wins.
The stiikes are eagle feathers, robes, blankets, arrows, earrings, neck-
laces, &c.
§ 232. Wabaonade, the tcomen^s game of ball. — Two balls of hide are
filled with earth, grass, or fur, and then Joined by a cord. At each end
of the play-ground are two "gabazu" or hills of earth, blankets, &c.,
that are from 12 to 15 feet apart. Each pair of hills may be regarded
as the " home" or "base" of one of the contending parties, and it is
the aim of the members of each party to throw the balls between their
pair of hills, as that would win the game.
Two small girls, about twelve years old, stand at each end of the
playground and act as uhe giuaji" for the women, as boys do for the
men in ^abe-gasi.
Each player has a webaonade, a very small stick of hard or red wil-
low, about 5 feet long, and with this she tries to pick up the balls by
thrusting the end of the stick under the cord. Whoever succeeds in
picking them up hurls them into the air, as in playing with grace
hoops. The women can throw these balls very far. Whoever catches
the cord on her stick in spite of the eflorts of her opponents, tries to
throw it still further, and closer to her "home." The stakes are buf
falo hides, small dishes or bowls, women's necklaces, awls, &c. The
bases are from 300 to 400 yards apart. The corresponding men's game
is j^abe-gasi.
§ 233. Ja"-(j;iiwa, iStich- counting, is played by any number of persons with
sticks made of deska or siduhi. These sticks are all ])laced in a heap,
and then the players in succession take up some of them in their hands.
The sticks are not counted till they have been taken up, and then he
who has the lowest odd number always wins. Thus, if one player had
five, another three, and a third only one the last must be the victor.
The highest number that any one can have is nine. If ten or more
sticks have been taken, those above nine do not count. With the ex-
HORSEY.) GAMES. 339
cei)tiou of horses, aiij-thiug may be staked which is played for iu ba-
uaiige-kide.
§ 234. Ma°-gadaze is a game unknowu among the Omahas, but prac-
ticed among the Ponkas, who have learned it from the Dakotas. It is
played by two men. Each one holds a bow upright in his left hand
with one end touching the ground and the bow-string towards a heap
of arrows. In the other hand he holds an arrow, which he strikes
against the bow-string, which rebounds as he lets the arrow go. The
latter flies suddenly towards the heap of arrows and goes among them.
The player aims to have the feather on his arrow touch that on some
other arrow which is in the heap. In that case Le wins as many arrows
as the feather or web has touched; but if the sinew on his arrow touches
another arrow it wins not only that one but all in the heap.
§ 235. V"-nti'", Hitting the stone, is a game played at night. Sometimes
there are twenty, thirty, or forty players on each side. Four moccasins
are placed in a row, and a member of one party covers them, putting
in one of them some small object that can be easily concealed. Then
he says " Come ! hit the moccasin in which you think it is." Then one
of the opposite side is chosen to hit the moccasin. He arises, examines
all, and hits one. Should it be empty, they say, " (fiiig^e ha," It is
icanting." He throws it far aside and forfeits his stakes. Three moc-
casins remain for the rest of his friends to try. Should one of them hit
the right one (uska^'ska" uti°', or uka°'ska uti"')? lie wins the stakes,
and his side has the privilege of hiding the object in the moccasin. He
who hits the right moccasin can hit again and again till he misses.
Sometimes it is determined to change the rule for winning, and then
the guesser aims to avoid the right moccasin the first time, but to hit
it when he makes the second trial. Should he hit the right one the
first time he loses his stakes. If he hits the right one when he hits the
second moccasin, he wins, and his side has the right to hide the object.
They play till one side or the other has won all the sticks or stakes.
Sometimes there are players who win back what they have lost. He
who takes the right moccasin wins four sticks, or any other number
which may be fixed upon by previous agreement.
Eight sticks win a blanket; four win leggings; one hundred sticks,
a full-grown horse; sixty sticks, a colt; tea sticks, a gun; one, an ar-
row; four, a knife or a pound of tobacco; two, half a pound of tobacco.
Buft'alo robes (meha), otter skins, and beaver skins are each equal to
eight sticks. Sometimes they stake moccasins.
When one player wins all his party yell. The men of each party sit
in a row, facing their opponents, and the moccasins are placed between
them.
§236. Shooting arrows at a viark is called " Ma" kide. " The mark
(nacabeg^e t6) may be placed at any distance from the contestants.
There must be an even number of persons on each side. Men play with
men and boys with boys. Arrows are staked. Sometimes when an ar-
340 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
row hits squarelj- at the mark it wins eight arrows or perhaps teu, ac-
cordiug to previous agreement. When no arrow hits the mark squarely
and one touches it, that arrow wins. And if there is ueither an arrow
that hits the mark squarely nor one that barely touches it, theu the near-
est arrow wins. Should there be no arrow that has gone nearly to the
mark, but one that has gone a little beyond it and descended, that one
wins. Whichever one is nearest the mark always wins. If there are
two arrows equidistant from the mark which belong to opposite sides iu
the game ueither one wins ; but if the equidistant arrows are ou the
same side both win. Sometimes they say, " Let us finish the game
whenever any one hits the mark squarely." Theu he who thus hits the
mark wins all the arrows staked.
§ 237. Shooting at a moccasin. — Hi°be kide is a boy's game. An arrow
is stuck in the ground and a moccasin is fastened to it. Bach boy lides
swiftly by and shoots at the moccasin. The game resembles the pre-
ceding one.
§ 238. Ma^miiqpe, The game of dislodging arrows, is common to the
Omahas, Ponkas, lowas, Otos, and Missouris. Arrows are shot up into
a tree till they lodge among the branches ; then the players shoot up
and try to dislodge them. Whoever can bring down an arrow wins it.
There are no sides or opposing parties. Any number of boys can i)lay.
The game has become obsolete among the Omahas as there are no ar-
rows now in use.
§ 239. Ma"(j;i"'-bagi, Wahi-gasuug'-ife (Omaha names), or Ma"-ibagi
(Ponka name) is a game played by an even number of boys. The tall
sticks of the red willow are held in the hand, and, when thrown towards
the ground so as to strike it at an acute angle, they glance off, and are
carried by the wind into the air for some distance. Whichever one can
throw his stick the furthest wins the game ; but nothing is staked.
§ 240. Man'de gasnug'-i^e is a game similar to Ma°^i°-bagi, but bows
are used instead of the red willow sticks and arrows are staked, there
being an even number of players on each side. Each bow is unstrung,
one end being nearly straight, the other end, which is to hit the ground,
being slightly curved. When snow is on the ground the bows glide
very far. Sometimes the bow rebounds and goes into the air, then
alights and glides still further. The prize for each winning bow is ar-
ranged before each game. If the number be two arrows for each and
three bows win, six arrows are forfeited by the losing side; if four bows
win eight arrows are lost. If three arrows be the prize for each, when
two bows win, six arrows are forfeited; when three win, nine arrows;
and so ou.
§ 241. I°'-ti" hxk^a, a boy's game among the Omahas, is played in winter.
It is played by two, three, or four small boys, each one having a stick,
not over a yard long, shaped like the figure. The stakes are necklaces
and ear-riugs; or, if they have no stakes they agree to hit once ou the
DORSEV.) GAMES OF BOYS AND SMALL CHILDREN. 341
head the boy whose stick goes the shortest distance. The sticks are
thrown as in Ma"fi"-bagi.
§ 242. JDirwfj.—Bojs dive and see wlio can go the farthest nntler wa-
ter. Some put grass in their months previous to diving ; and when they
Fig. 38.— The stick used in playiD;; l°ti"-bma.
get under water they blosv through the grass, causing bubbles to rise
to the surface and mark their course. He who goes the shortest distance
can be sti'uck by the winner with the robe of the latter.
§ 243. Children's games. — Children play in the mud, making lodges, etc. ;
hence the verb "^i'-gaxe," to make (mnd) lodges, to play as children do.
The girls used to make dolls of sticks, and place them in small ufube.
Now, some of them make rag dolls.
Children strike one another " last," saying, " Gatca"',"i. e., " So far."
j^ahafija is played by two persons. A's left hand is at the bot-
tom, the skin on its back is pinched by B's left hand, which, in turn,
is pinched by A's right, and that by B's right. After saying '• j^nhn-
(•ija" twice as they raise and lower the hands, they release them and nit
at each other. The Kansas call the game Taleska. These two customs
were observed among the Ponka children.
§ 244. Games with playinr/ cards. — Since coming in contact with our
race the Omahas have learned to play several games with cards ; and
a few can play checkers and backgammon, though they are hardly fa-
miliar with our language.
Dougherty says, " Various are the games which they practice, of which
is one called Matrimony, but others are peculiar to themselves. The fol-
lowing is one to which they seem to be particularly devoted:
'' The idayers seat themselves around a bison robe, spread on the
ground, and each individual deposits in the middle the articles which
he intends to stake, such as vermilion, beads, knives, blankets, etc.,
without any attention to the circumstance of equalizing its value with
the deposits made by his companions. Four small sticks are then laid
upon the robe and the cards are shuffled, cut, and two are given to each
player, after which the trump is turned. The hands are then played,
and whoever gains two tricks takes one of the sticks. If two per.sons
make each a trick, they ]day together until onelo.ses his trick, when the
other takes a stick. The cards are again dealt and the process is con-
tinued until all the sticks are taken. If four persons have each a stick
they continue to play to the exclusion of the unsuccessful gamesters.
When a player wins two sticks, four cards are dealt to him that he may
take his choice of Ihem. If a player wins three sticks, six cards are
dealt to him, and should he take the fourth stick he wins the stakes."
§ 245. Musicians. — These included the musicians for special occasions,
as the Qujja for the service of the keepers of the sacred tents of the
342 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
HaSga (see Hunting customs, § 143), the singers for the Hede-watci,
who were Iiike-sab6 men, and the musicians for the dancing societies,
etc.
CORPORATIONS.
FEASTING SOCIETIES.
§ 246. Feasting societies or iJkiliune^g (called Ukiijunefe by the Pou-
kas) were of three kinds ; that for the men, that for the young men,
and one for youths in their teens. No business was transacted, and
there was neither singing nor dancing as an essential part of the pro-
ceedings. They were merely social gatherings, intended chiefly for
the purpose of feasting, and they were fostered by the state, as they
tended to bind together as friends all who were present as guests.
Joseph La Plfeche used to be a member of the society of the married
men and aged men. When he did not go to the feast he could send
his sou, Frank ; and other men were allowed to send their sons as
proxies. This society is now extinct. TLe giver of the feast used to
place in the middle of the lodge a large wooden bowl, which was empty.
Beside it was laid a very red spoon, made of buffalo horn. The bowl
and spoon were not used by any of the guests.
The society of the young men, which became extinct about A. D. 1879,
was called, " Hi"be hi° t'a"". Hairy Moccasins." To this belonged Hidaha,
of the Elk gens, Huta"ta°, of the Ictasauda, and many others. They
invited any one whom they wished to join their society. A pipe was
smoked whenever they assembled.
There was a society for youths from seventeen to nineteen years of
age, but its name cannot be recalled by Frank La Fl^che. (See §§ IS,
111, 130.)
DANCING SOCIETIES.
§ 247. The dancing societies of the Omahas and Ponkas may be divided
into the following classes : 1. Those which are " waqube," or sacred, in-
cluding those connected with the practice of medicine. 2. Those that
are " uwaciice-a^d^ica''," or connected with bravery and war. 3. Those
that are " ujawa-c>d(j!ica"," or merely for social pleasure. They admit of
another classification, i. e., 1. Those of native origin ; and, 2, such as
have been introduced or purchased from other tribes.
§ 248. The Wacicka dance. — The Wacicka aifsi^'-ma or Wacicka a((;i°'-
watcigaxe is the name of the principal society. The j^oiwere name for
it is " Waciickanyi." This society appears to exist under different names
among many tribes besides the Omahas, including the Winnebagos,
Dakotas, and Odjibwe or Chippewas.
The writer has received conflicting accounts of the character of this
dance. <ja^i"na°paji spoke of it as one that was " waspe," well-behaved.
DOBBEV.] THE WACICKA DANCING SOCIETY. 343
Mr. J. La Flfeche and Two Crows used tbe following expressions with
reference to it : " iJniju gaxai,'' (7 tended tu pride ; " ligactafika gdxai,''
it tended to temptation; "uma"(f-,a° gasai," it tended to theft; "iimi"-
((•ig^a" gaxai," it tended lo concupiscence ; " iqta-bua°i," they used to
abnse persons ; " watci," cum aliquibus coirernnt. The dancers used to
dress so as to attract those of the opposite sex. The leaders or " i(^ig(f a" "
of the dance are G^eda^-naji" and jedegahi. The other members whose
names are remembered by Two Grows and others are Wacka"-ma"fi",
Duba-ma^ij-.i", Maja°-kide, Cange-ska, Jiiiga-gahige, Ha"-akipa, the wives
of Gfeda^naji", jede-gahi, and Wacka°-ma"^;i°, ^^e-baha's mother, and
3;a°ze-haiiga's mother's sister. " Besides these are Muxa-naji", Jiiiga
gahige's mother, Wacka°-ma°i^i"'s son, Uma°ha°-ta"wang^a° and many
others." (Fragile La Fleche.) The full number is nineteen. All the
chiefs can belongto this society, and their younger brothers, wives, eldest
daughters, and sisters' sons are eligible. Waha°-^iiige's larger wife,
A'^pa'^-^auga's sister, used to be a member.
Not over five can carry otter skin bags in the dance. Four of these ai e
Duba-ma°^i'', Jiuga gahige, Cailge-ska, and Maja°-kide. G(feda"-naji" is
one of the two that can carry bags made of the skins of the sifiga or flying-
squirrels. Ha°-akipa carries a bag made of the skin of a mij[a-ska or
"white rac300u." This is a modern addition. ja^i°-na°paji said that
some have bags of the skin of the maza^he, an animal resembling an
otter ; it is covered with black and reddish-yellow hair ; its tail is bushy,
and the hair is thick. J. La F16che and Two Crows said that this kind
of bag was not used by the Oniahas. The parents of Gfeda"-uaji''
(xesa" and wife) carried a bag of black bear skin, but the son did not
inherit it.
If they cannot have the regular kind of bags, some make bags of the
skins of muskrats, or of any other animal which they can obtain.
All who have no skin bags carry fans of eagles' wings. All the bags
are called " Hi-ugaqixe," a term meaning " A skin with the teeth of the
animal attached," and they are used as nini-ujiha, or tobacco pouches.
The noses of all the animals (i. e., those on the bags) were painted blue.
Of the otter-skin bags about two had each a red feather i^laced cross-
wise in the mouth of the animal.
§ 24:9. This dance is held in the spring of the year, beginning on a
good day, when the grass is about six inches high. After an intermis-
sion of a few days they may have the dance again, if they wish ; then,
after a similar intermission, thej' may repeat it, and so on.
Before holding the dance one of the members, an old man, says to
the leaders, " Do consider the subject ; I will boil (for the feast)." They
reply, " Yes, we will have it ; you can boil." Then the members must
borrow two drums, four gourd rattles, and two pillows. These articles
must always be borrowed, as it would be wrong for the members to make
or furnish them. Four persons undertake the boiling for the feast.
Some brave men are selected to act as " qu^ja," part of whom, however.
344 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
are members of the society. Two are appointed to beat the drums, aud
four to beat the rattles on the pillows. These six performers are not
members of the society.
§ 250. When one wishes to join the society he must proceed as follows:
During the day the candidate boils food for a feast, to which he invites
all the members of the society. About twilight they arrive, aud hav-
ing partaken of the feast they receive presents from the candidate,
who asks them to admit him to their society. If they agree to admit
him a feast is appointed for the next day in connection with the dance,
when he will be initiated. Before the ceremony, however, the chiefs
confer with one another, saying, " Wi ab^i"' t4minke. Nikaci°'ga wAga-
zu'ga", abfi"' t^mirike. U^uka°pi t6ga° abif!!"' tdminke." — I iciU have
him. IioiU have him, as he is an honest man. I iinll have him, as he will
be a fine looking jierson.
§ 251. Dress and ornaments of tite dancers. — Two Crows says that they
used to wear deerskin leggings. He says that there is no uniform dress
for members of either sex. jacjii^-na^paji gave the following : The men
wear red leggings, of which each leg comes down over the moccasiu in a
point. Ribbon-work in two parts that cross over the moccasins shakes
when the wearer dances. Two kinds of garters are worn together; one
kind is of otter-skin, the other of bead- work and jeji^hinde.'^ This jeji"^-
hi^de part is fastened over the legging-ilap on the outer side of each leg,
and is " zazade " (extending apart like the sticks of a fan) and dangling.
The flaps of the leggings, which are as wide as a hand, contain ribbon
work generally from the knee up, and sometimes the whole length of
the leggings. When a member wears no shirt he may ornament his body
with a dozen " wa<)!ig<j;eze," or convoluted lines. These are red, six in
front and six on the back ; of those in front, two are at the waist, two
higher up on the chest, and two on the arm ; and of those on the back
two are near the nape of the neck, two lower down, and two just above
the waist. A red stripe about a finger wide is put on the face, extend-
ing from each side of the mouth to the jaw, and similar stripes are drawn
down on the sides of the nose. x*ii'°'i'°'l*^ head-dresses are worn, aud
some have deer's tail head-dresses on their heads, surmounted by very
white feathers, which are waving slowly as the dancers move. Two
Crows says that they now turn dawn the flaps or hi°b6diha of the moc-
casins.
The women's attire consists of a gay calico body or sacque, ornamented
with two rows of small pieces of silver as large as copper cents, ex-
tending all around the neck of the garment ; leggings with an abun-
dance of ribbon embroidered on the flaps; short garters of !)eji"hi''de and
bead- work; moccasins dyed black and ornamented with porcupine
work, and a red or black blanket.
jj^-ugacke Tai", ear-bobs, are worn.
"Yarn of various colors intervoven.
U0R6EY] THE WACICKA DAN'CING SOCIETY. 345
The parting of the hair is reddened, and a narrow red stripe is made
from the temple to the jaw.
Two Crows says that there are different stylesof ])uttiug the i>ainton
the eyes, etc., with the exception of the two methods given above, which
never vary.
§ 252. The dance may take place out of doors, or else in an earth-
lodge. It is started by the leaders, who begin the song, which is then
taken up by the singers. The dancers form a circle, and around this they
dance, following the course of the sun, accoi-ding to ja(|'i"-na"-paji. There
are different steps in the dance, and each jjerson keeps time with the
beating of the drums.
jaf.i''-na''paji says that the wacicka is as thick as a pencil, and is
abouta half an inch long. It is white. It is generally shot at the candi-
date by a member who is not one of his kindred, though the kinsman may
do the shooting. It is generally given " waf ionaji," invisibly, being shot
from the mouth of the possessor into that of the candidate, lodging in
his throat near the Adam's apple, and knocking him down. Then the
candidate staggers and coughs, " Ha ! ha ! " (whispered). He hits him-
self on the back of hishead and dislodges the wacicka into his hand, where
it lies white. A sacred bag is also given to the candidate. The wacicka
is always kept iu the mouth of the otter (that is, in the hi-ugaqixe), ex
cept when the owner wishes to shoot it from his mouth (atacaudidatef),
according to ^ja^io-na^paji. But J. La Fleche and Two Crows say that
the wacicka is spit into the mouth of an otter when thej' wish to use it
in the dance.
A few of those carrying bags imitate the cry of the otter or that of
the flying squirrel: "Ten ! ten! tcu! tcu ! tcu ! " (iu thirty -second notes).
Each pue has a small piece of wood that has been hollowed with a
knife, and feathers that have been cut thin have been fastened on the
wood, making a whistle which causes the imitation of the cry of those
animals. On each bag some bells are put on the tail of the animal, and
porcupine work is around the legs. The dancer holds the head in one
hand and the tail in the other. It is aimed at the person to be shot at.
None are thus shot at but members and candidates.
§ 253. Order of shooting. — All stand in a circle. Then four of their
number are placed iu the middle, standing in a row. They who do the
shooting remain in the circle, and each one of them shoots at one of the
four in the middle. When the latter or the second four have " gaDUiide"
{i. e., have made the wacicka come out of their throats by hitting them
selves on the back of the neck), they return to their places in the circle,
and the four who shot at them step iuto the center and are shot at by
a third four. When the second four have " gaonude," they return to
their places, and the third four take their places in the middle ; and so
on till all have been shot at once. Then the first four step into the center
again, and the last four shoot at them. This ends the dance.
§ 254. None but members can take part iu the dance, and the " iiwa-
346 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
weq^qa." This uwavreqaqa or iqta was never witnessed by J. La Fleche
and Two Crows. No one ever said to them, " I saw the uwaweqaqa iu
the Wacicka dance." Bnt they have heard persons speak in ridicule
of a woman who joined the dance without her husband. Of course, if
the woman's husband or other kinsman was present, he would be un-
willing for any stranger to abuse his wife or kinswoman. The women
admitted to this society were not necessarily the tattooed women.
That there is some foundation for the statement that lewd rites oc-
curred during some part of the dance is more probable after a compar-
ison of the season for this dance with the Ponka phrase, " Wibe, d^je
t'a". A°(j;aii'giqtd ! " — ^^y little sister (or my female friend), grass abounds.
[Let) us delight in each othe) ! Frank La Fleche thinks that this is
without foundation. He says that four days were spent in the secret
initiation, the public ceremony taking place on the last day.
§ L'5.j. When Frank La Fleche witnessed the public ceremony in the
lodge the members were stationed all around the circle. The four can-
didates were placed between the fire-place and the door, and thence they
began to dance around the fire, moving from left to right. As they
were dancing around, one of the members having an otter- skin bag left
the outer circle, and began to follow them, moving in a circle between
that of the dancers and that of the members. While the singing was
going on, he shot at each of the four candidates with his sacred bag.
After these were shot at, all the members danced, and then any one of
them was at liberty to shoot at the others.
§ I'oG. The T'lnuji^i fZf/Hce.— P'-kugfi a^i"' ma, or Qubd i"'-kug((;i aif-i'^'-
ma, Thesociety of those icho have the translucent stones. jja^i"-na"paj'i says
that this is a bad dance, the members being " wAspaji." Each member
hasoue of the i"kug(fn, with which heor she shoots at some one else. These
i"-kug(|:i are small stones which are translucent and white. The mem-
bers of this society claim the power of shooting secretly any some one
with deje or sidiihi,aud making him lame, ^ja^i" na"paji also says that
they sometimes shoot persons secretly with " :)ama'"," which is a piece
of the intestine of a wolf, and about six inches long. This produces
fatal consequences. Frank La Fleche has heard this asserted, but it
is denied by Joseph La Fleche and Two Crows. They do not know
about the following, for which jaf i''-na°ijaji is the authority : "In order
to shoot the i"-kug(J;l, it is put in a hollow at the base of the eagle fan,
which is waved forward very rapidly, hurling the stone to a great dis-
tance, about forty or fifty yards."
There is no special season for this dance. They dance all day, and
sometimes at night ; and there are not separate places for the two sexes,
as men and women dance " iki^ib(f!a°," mixed, or intermingled.
Drums, rattles, etc., are used, as in the Wacicka a(f;i". Some
men wear large leggings as well as breech-cloths; but no gay clothing.
The women wear sacques, leggings, red blankets, and bead necklaces;
and they redden the parting of the hair and the cheeks somewhat as
THE I^'KUGCI and BUFFALO DANCES. 347
tlie\ do for the Wacicka a^'i". The men wear many plumes in llieir
hair, and carry fans made of eagles' wings. They have no regular pat-
terns for painting themselves; but they use as paint eithef " wasejide-
nika" (Indian red) or " ma°(j;iiika-qude " (gray clay).
The only surviving leaders of this society are x^nuga and Sihi-duba.
Among the members are B(fa"-ti, j^and-una°ha", Uif a"be-'a°sa, Cage-sk;!,
j,aqiewa^6-jiriga, j^a-sa°, Inigaui, Maja°kide, Siqude, Nilnde-wahi, and
some women. According to J. La Fl^che, this is one of the dances that
are considered " waqube." It is obsolescent. B(J;a"-ti, Sihi-duba, and
j^and-una"ha" are the waze^e or doctors who treat biliousness andfevers •
but they do not go together to visit a patient.
§ 257. The Buffalo dance. — j^e-ifaecfe-ma. The society of those icho have
supernatural communications icith the Buffaloes, The Buffalo dancers.
Four of the men of this dance are good surgeons. Two Crows' father was
a member of the society, and understood the use of the medicine, which
be transmitted to his son. Two Ci-ows says that having inherited the
right to the medicine, he understands the duties of the doctors, but not
all about the dance, as he has paid no attention to the "(;e icfae^e," which
has been the duty of others.
Until recently, the four doctors of this society were as follows : Ni-
(f^ctage, the principal doctor, now dead ; Two Crows (now the principal
one), ja^i°-gahige, of the x^f^'^? ^"<^ Zizika-jiiiga, of the liikesabe.
Two Crows gives portions of the medicine to the other doctors, and
they "wezecfg," administer it to the patients. A°ba-hebe used to be a
doctor. The other members whose names have been obtained are these:
Duba ma"(fi", xe-nj]a"ha, Icta-q(f-u'a, xemigaj'^" f 'fil^e* I°c'age-wahi^e,
and Gackawaiig(j!e. x*'^!"' Ji"»'''' "o^' dead, was a member.
§ '258. Times for dancing. — After the recovery of a patient, the mem-
bers of this society hold a dance, to which they may invite the members
of the Horse dance, but not those of the Wolf dance.
When they are not called to dance after the recovery of patients, Two
Crows says that they may dance when they please, and invite the mem-
bers of the Horse and Wolf dancing societies to join them ; but the lat-
ter can never dance independently of the Buti'alo dancers.
<ja^i"-na°paji says (but Two Crows denies) that " when the corn is
withering for want of rain the members of the Buffalo society have a
dance. They borrow a large vessel, which thej' fill with water, and put
in the center of their circle. They dance four times around it. One of
their number drinks some of the water, spurts it up into the air, mak
ing a line spray in imitation of a fog or misting rain. Then he knocks
over the vessel, spilling the water on the ground. The dancers then fall
down and drink up the water, getting mud all over their faces. Then
they spurt the water up into the air, making fine misting rain, which
saves the corn."-" If this is not done by the members of the Buffalo so-
ciety, it is probably done by others, and jja(j;i°na"paji has made a mis-
5° In tlie Osage tradition, coru was derived from four buffalo bulls. See J^ 31, 36,
123, and 163.
348 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
take ouly iu the Dame of the society to whicb they belong. "The fog
occurred ou the fourth day after Siqude, of the I°-lcugf i society, treated
a patient. He used to predict the fog; and the patient was caused to
walli. I never heard of the doctors, spurting water to cause the fog."
(Franl- La Fleche.)
§ 259. Painting and dress. — The men rub ma"f iiilia sab6 (black earth)
or ma°f iiika :;uqude (a greenish gray earth) over their bodies and arm-
joints. Some ru b earth (ma°^iiika-sab6 or ma°^niika -^u-qude) on the face,
from the right ear to the mouth, then from the left corner of the mouth
to the left ear. Some of the men wear only the leggings and breech-
clothes; others wear iu addition to these robes with the hair outside.
Some wear buffalo tails fastened in belts. Some have sticks of red wil-
low with the leaves on, which they use as staffs iu the dance. Each of
four men used to put the skin of a buffalo head over his head, the horus
standing up, and the hair of the buffalo head hanging down below the
chest of the wearer. It was over his forehead, as well as down his back,
but not over his eyes. He also wore a necklace of the hair that grows
on the throat of a buffalo. Two Crows says that now some wear neck-
laces of "c(^hi°," that is, the old hair, either of a bull or that of a cow,
which has been shed Those who do not wear these 46hi° necklaces,
wear "ja"^qa."
In former days, no women participated; but now about two are jires-
ent at the feast, though they do not join in the dance. They wear robes
with the hair outside, according to ^a((;i°-ua''paji. No gourd rattles are
used. One man acts as "qujja," and the rest help him. There may be
one or two drums, for which there are from two to five drummers. The
various movements of the buffalo are imitated by the dancers.
§ 260. The Horse dance. — Cah'gei^aecf^-ma, The sociefi/ of those who have
supernatural communications icith horses, The members of the Horse Dance.
No women belong to this society. Two Crows says that none are
doctors, and that they never dance except in connection with the buffalo
dancers, when invited to the feast of the latter, and then they imitate
the various actions and gaits of horses. No shooting occurs as iu the
daoce of the Wacicka a(f;i°ma. They whiten themselves, rub earth on
their shoulders, and Indian red on some parts of their bodies. They
wear necklaces of horses' maues, from each of which a feather is sus-
pended. Each one wears a horse's tail in a belt. The tail is dried
stiff, and stands out from his body. At short intervals are suspended
feathers.
Members. — Wacuce was a member. Those now living are G^eda"-uaji",
Eona" hauga(whohasnohorses!),Wata°uaji",Maja''-kide, Ui(!;a"-be'a°sa,
ja-sa"-naji°,Tcaza-^niige, Cyu-jiuga (who wears a necklace), Hacima"(f'i°,
Waq^a-^uta", Une-ma°^i°, Wani4a-waq6, Ta-i-kawahu, Jiiiga gahige, ^le-
baha, etc. Accordiug to Mr. J. La Fi^che, this dance is now obsolete.
§201. The Wolf dance. — Ca^Ljaiiga-ifaef^-ma, The society of those who
hare supernatural comimtnications with Wolves, The members of the
DOKSEY 1 THE BUFFALO DANCE, ETC. 349
Wolf iJance. These meu cauuot dauce except with the buffalo ilanceis,
and with the consent of the latter. Two Crows has seen them dance
but twice. He and J. La Fl^che do not know much about them.
In this dance there are no women, and none are doctor.s, accordiug to
La FIfeche and Two Crows. No shooting is done, though the dancers
act mysteriously. They wear wolf skins, and redden the tii)s of the
wolves' noses, according to ja(f'i°na°paji and Frank La Flfeciie (but de-
nied by Two Crows). They paint their bodies in imitation of the " blue
wolves, ca°jauga-}vi-ma ^ga^-ma^a"." Those who have held enemies,
or have cut them up, paint the hands and wrists red, as if they were
bloody. Others whiten their bauds, wrists, aukles, and feet. Some go
barefoot. All whiten their faces from the right ear to the corner of the
mouth ; then from the opposite corner of the mouth to the left ear.
They dance in imitation of the actions of wolves.
§ 1'62. The Grizzly hear dance. — Ma^tcii-i^aeif^-ma, Those who have su-
pernatural comtmtnications with grizzly hears, also called Ma^tciig^xe
watcigaxe. The dance in which they -prerend to he grizzly hears. This
has not been danced for about ten years, so La Pl^che and Two Crows
cannot tell who belong to the society. In former days there were wo-
men that belonged, but in modern times none have been members.
This dance is spoken of by La Fleche and Two Crows as an " uckade,"
a sport or play, and an " lijigaxe," a game. It is danced at any season
of the year that the members decide upon ; and all the people can wit-
ness it. During the day, it takes place out of doors, but at night it is
held in a lodge.
The man who receives the drum calls on others to help him, speak-
ing to each one by name. Then while the first man beats the drum,
the two, three, or four helpers sing and the rest dance as grizzly bears,
and imitate the movements of those animals.
Painting anddress. — Theyniakethewholebodyyellow, wearing no cloth-
ing but the breech-cloth. They rub yellow clay on the backs and fronts of
their fingers and hands, and sometimes over the whole of the legs. Some-
times they redden the whole of the legs. Some whiten themselves here
and there; some rub Indian red on themselves in spots. Some wear
very white plumes in their hair, and others wear red plumes (bi°qpe).
One man wears the skin of a grizzly bear, pushing his fingers into
the places of the claws. Some wear necklaces of grizzly bears' claws.
§ 263. The ^a(J!i°-wasabe or Witcita dance. — ^jii(/;i''- wasdbe watcigaxe
ik4geki<j;6, The society of the Witcita or jd^i°-wasdbe (Black bear Paw-
nees).
The members of this society have a medicine which they use in three
ways : they rub it on their bodies before going into battle ; they rub it
on bullets to make them kill the foe, and they administer it to horses,
making them smell it when they are about to surround a buffalo herd.
If horses are weak they make them eit some of the medicine, and smell
the rest. Similar customs are found among the Pawnees and Ponkas.
350 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
A mau tliioks, " I will boil," and be invites to a feast those who bave
the medicine of the Witcita society. On their arrival he says, " ou
snob a day we will dance." Two or three men boil for the least to be
held in connection with the dance.
It takes three days to prepare the candidate, and this is done secretly.
On the fourth day there is a public ceremony in an earth lodge, during
which the candidate is shot with the red medicine. Frank La Fleche
has witnessed this, and says that it closely resembles the public cere-
mony of the Wacicka society.
§ 264. PMiit and dress. — The breech-cloth is the only regular gar-
ment. Two Crows and La Flfeche say that all whiten their bodies and
legs all over; but ja(('i"-na°pnji says that some draw white lines over
their limbs and bodies. Some paint as deer, putting white stripes on
their limbs and bodies ; others appear as bald eagles, with whitened
faces. Some wear caps of the skin of the "^ikaqude" or gray fox.
Some wear necklaces of the skin of that animal ; and others have on
necklaces of the tail of a black-tailed deer and that of an ordinary
deer, fastened together. Some carry a "^ikaqude" skin ou the ai-m,
while others carry the skin of the "ma"(J;iii'kac6Iia," or red fox, of which
the hair is very red, and the legs and ankles are black. Some wear
feathers of the great owl around the wrist ; and others carry fans made
of the feathers of that bird. "Maka^'-jide ha u^'iiha baqtflqta uusi-
aqf a-hna"!" — The red medicine icitli the shin adhering to it (being about
three inches long) is tied up in a bundle, ichich is worn " nusi-aqf'a,"
//Ae a coiled lariat, with one end over the left shoulder, and the other under
the right arm.
Each of the four singers has a gourd rattle, a bow, and an arrow.
He holds the bow. which is whitened, in his left hand, and the rattle
and arrow in his right. He strikes the arrow against the bow-string
as he shakes the rattle.
All the members have whistles or flutes, some of which are a foot
long, and others are about half a yard in length. The dancers blow
theirs in imitation of the ''qu^ja."
Members. — Only one wonum belongs to this society ; but the male
members are the following : G(J-eda°-naji", ja(J;i"-gahige, Muxa-naji", j^e-
u;[a"-ha,Za°zi-mande,Wajifiga, gui-ti(j;a°,Qi^;a-gahige, xenuga-ja°-(|;ii5ke,
Zizika-jiflga, ^laxe-na^p'!", Oage-duba, Eoua^-haiiga, Ag(J!i°-duba, Jiil-
ga-gahige, and Waji"-^icage.
The members of this society would eat no green corn, fruit, etc., till
consecrated by the dance. A few ears of corn were divided among the
dancers. Then they could eat as they pleased.
§ 265. Watci-wa^upi. — This society has not had a dance for about
thirty years among the Omahas. It is like the dance of the Wasejide
a(f;i"ma, which has a medicine that resembles that of the jafi^-wasabe
in its use. During the day women danced with the men ; but at night
DOKBET.I DANCES: WITCITA, WATCI-WACUPI, ETC. 351
the men danced alone. This is said to be one of the ancient tribal
dances.
§ 266. Was6-jlde a^i^'ma, Those who have the Red Paint or Medicine. —
This is a society of women dancers. They seldom meet. Their dance
is like that of the Watci-wa^iipi. ^a^i°-na°paji says that the dance is
sacred. La Fleche and Two Crows have never seen it. They invite the
members to a feast, as do the Wacicka a^'i°ma ; but no shooting is done.
The men act as singers, while the women dance. All the women are
allowed to join in this dance, which is held when the grass is green in
the spring. Sometimes a man joins in the dance, but that is the ex-
ception. [Frank La Flfeche says that men do take part in this dance,
and that the women do not carry the medicine.]^'
This society has a medicine consisting of the bottoms of several joints
or stalks of a certain kind of grass, which are tied up in bundles. One
man carries a bundle in his belt, and the rest are put in a safe place.
This is the medicine, according to jacfu^-na^x^aji, which warriors carry.
If they meet an enemy they open the bundles and rub the medicine over
their bodies to protect them from the missiles of the enemy. They think
that this medicine will cause the enemy's guns to miss tire, or else the
balls, when sent, will not hit them. The only painting is red, which is
on the cheeks, chin, and chest of the dancer. A line is drawn from
each corner of the mouth back to the cheek, and there is one made
from the lower lip down under the chin, and it is continued down the
chest until it is about as low as the heart.
§ 267. The Ha'^'he watci ( j,oiwere, Ha^'he waci) is not " The
Night Dance," as its name implies. It is an ancient dance, which is
not used now. According to ja^i^^a^paji, it is "qub^ 4ta," vert/
sacred (for persons), and it is danced in the later fall, when the people
have killed a great many deer, or many of the enemy. Two Urows and
La Flfeche say that it is " uwahehajl, nua;A^ica°, « bravery dance, jyer-
taining to men ;''^ but they do not know all the particulars. During the
day women danced, and the men sang for them. Occasionally a man
joined in the dance. At night the men danced alone. But only those
who had been captains, or had killed foes, or had brought back horses,
or had been warriors, had a right to take part in the dance.
3Ir. J. La Fleche said that there was some connection between this
society and the Ifig(j;a°-ifae<J;e-ma.
The Hede-watci was a "nikie dance," which occurred on a festival,
and in which the whole tribe particiiJated. (See §153.)
The We-watci, or Scalp dance, is the women's dance, in which all join
who may so desire. (See War Customs, § 215.)
The Mij[asi watcl, or Coyote dance, is described in the chaiJter on
War Customs, § 203.
-'The Kansas hare the Maka" jiidje.Red Medicine, ami the Osages theMaka" oiijse
vratsi", Red Medicine Dance. The leader of the latter is a man. The Kansas used
to have the Wase jide a^;i"-m.a.
352
OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
The HecJ'iicka dancing society is described in the chapter on War
Customs, §§ 214, 216.
The He watci is part of the He<f-uclva dance. (§ 217.)
§ 2C8. T'e gaxe watci, The dance of those expecting to die. — This has
not been observed for fifteen years by the Oiuahas. It is explained
thus, "Ukit'e jjicte, at'e tauiinke, efega" ega" iiwatcigaxe gaxai." — As
one thinJcs, ' I icill die if there are any enemy, ^ they male the dance.
This is the men's dance, being " wacuce-a^iif ica"," i.e., something
pertaining to bravery. They always go prepared to meet the enemy
and to fall in battle. It is danced at different seasons of the year. A
woman with a good voice is admitted as a singer. Two or three beat
a drum. Two men carry " waqfeqfe-' a"s:l" in their hands as they dance.
These objects resemble the " waqfL'xe-(('aze," but there is a different
arrangement of the feathers.
^^^.:^
Fic
-The waq<;'eqre-'a''sa.
All paint themselves as they please, and carry "^ahanujja dexe" or
rattles made ot green hide.
§ 269. The Make-no-fight dance. — Mil^a w^itcigAxe, the " Nape-sui-
kagapi " of the Dakotas, has not been witnessed among the Omahas for
many years, though it used to be common to the Omahas, Ponkas, and
Dakotas. La Fleche and Two Crows have heard of it, but have not
seen it. ja(J;i"-na"paji says " I have not seen it since I have been grown.
It was in use here long before mj- time." It is a bravery dance.
Drams are beaten. The dancers hold gourd rattles, and each one carries
uuiuy arrows on his back as well as in his arms. The members vow
not to flee from a foe. They' blacken themselves all over with char-
coal. About fifty years ago two members went into a fight armed only
with deer's claw rattles that had sharp iron points at the ends of the han-
dles. They rushed among the foe and stabbed them before they could
draw their bows.
§ 270. jja-ug^a" Watci, The dance in which buffalo head-dresses icere
put on, has long been obsolete. It was a bravery dance. ja^i°-na"paji
knew about its occurring once when he was very small. Only very
brave men could participate. On their heads they put head-dresses to
which buftalo horns were attached. They bore shields on their backs;
they rubbed earth on themselves. Any one who had stabbed a foe with
a spear carried it on his arm ; and he who had struck a foe with any
weapon did likewise. Those who were only a little brave could not
dance.
§ 271. Egi'a"-w^tcigiixe, T//e Visitors' dance of relating exploits. — When
a friendly visit has been made horses are given to all the visitors who
DOBSET] DANCES. 353
are iuvited to dance. " figi'a" wa((;dtcig4xe tai," You will dance the dance
of exploits. The visitors sit iu a circle and the membei's of the home
tribe sit outside. A drum, sticli, a " crow," and a chib or hatchet are
placed inside the circle. There is no singing. When the drum is struck
one of the visitors dances. He who has something to tell about himself
takes the crow and attaches it to his belt. Then he takes the club or
hatchet. When the drummers beat faster all of them say, "Hi! hi! hi!"
When they stop beating the dancer tells what he has done. Pointing
in one direction with his club or hatchet he says, " In that place I killed
a man." Pointing elsewhere, he says, " There I took hold of a man."
" I brought back so many horses from that tribe." Sometimes they beat
the drum again before he finishes telling his exploits. Sometimes a
man recounts much about himself, if very brave, taking four siich inter-
vals to complete his part of the performance. When he has finished he
hands the crow and weapon to the next dancer. There are four dancers
iu all. Some tell their exploits two or three times, i. e., they may re-
quire two or three intervals or spaces of time after the beating of the
drum to tell all that they have to say. When the fourth dancer stops
the dance is over. (See the He watci, at the end of the Hef ucka dance,
§ 217.) This is not danced very often.
§ 272. The Ohost dance. — Wandxeifaef 6-ma are those who have super-
natural communications with ghosts. The dance is called Wandxe
if a^^e wdtcigdxe. Formerly the Poukas had this dance, and the Oma-
has saw it and coveted it ; so they took it. It has not been danced by
the Omahas for about forty years. La Flfeche and Two Crows never saw
it, but they have heard of it ; and they speak of it as " iiqtaji ; eddda"
Igaxewafdji," «MdesjV«&/e; totally unfit for any use. But jjafi^-na^paji
says that it was an " liwaqube," a sacred thing. No women participated.
A feast was called, the men assembled, a drum was struck, and they
danced. The dancers made their bodies gray, and called themselves
ghosts.
§ 273. The PadanJca dance. — The PMauka watci (Camauche dance?) has
not been held among the Omahas since (ja(f;i°na°paji can remember.
The Omahas bought it from another tribe, and had it a long time.
When Mr. J. La F16che was small, he saw a little of it. He and Two
Crows have heard about it. The drum was struck ; the dancers red-
dened their bodies with Indian red ; they wore head-dresses of crow
feathers or of the large feathers of the great owl. Each one carried
the " ^acdge " or rattles of deers' claws.
§ 274. The Hekdna dance. — This was introduced among the Omahas by
the Otos when they visited the former tribe in August, 1878. The Otos
call it " He-ka°'-yu-hd." It is found among the Sacs and other Indians
south of the Omahas. This is the dance iu which the young people of
both sexes participate, and it is called " iimi°figf a°," as it leads the
young men to think of courting the girls.
When a young man wishes to have a chance for saying something to
3 ETH 23
354 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
a girl whom he admires he boils for a feost, and iuvites the guests.
All the yoiiug meu assemble, and the unmarried girls and boys attend,
though the girls never go without a proper escort. Mothers take their
daughters, and husbands go "with their wives.
The dance is held in a lai-ge earth-lodge, in the middle ol which a fire
is kept up, and candles are placed on supports around the walls. Some-
times the boys blow out the lights all at once alter a preconcerted
signal, and great confusion ensues. All wear their gayest clothing and
plenty of ornaments. Fine ribbon is worn on clothing, hats, etc.
When a yonth wishes to court a girl, he waits till the girl approaches
him ia the dance. Then he takes her by the hands, and dances facing
her. As there is great confusion, no one else can hear him addressing
her, his face being very close to her's. Every time the drumming stops,
the dancers in each pair change places, but they still face each other.
■V\'hen a woman or girl wishes a man as a partner, she takes him by
the hands when hegetsclose to her in the dance.
AVhen a distant " mother's brother " meets one whom he calls his
niece, he may address her thus in sport : "A°w<'itcigaxe tai, wihe ! " /. e.,
" Second daughter of the family, let us dance." She replies, " Give me
pay." So he makes her a present of a necklace or of some other orna-
ment, and she dances with him. A real uncle never acts thus.
Sometimes when a girl spies among the spectators an aged man who
is a kinsman, she will rush to him in sport, take him by the hands, pull
him to his feet, and make him dance with her. On the other hand, when
a young man spies au aged female relative looking on, he may rush to
her, in sport, and pull her into the ring making her dance with him.
There is a feast after the dance. If there is but a small supply of
food only the women and girls eat ; but if there is plenty, the men wait
till the others have eaten awhile, then they partake. After the feast
the guests go home ; but they sleep nearly all of the following day, as
they are very tired.
§ 275. The Mandan dance. — The Ponkas obtained this dance from the
Dakotas and the Omahas learned it from the Ponkas. None but aged
meu and those in the prime of life belong to this society. All are ex-
pected to behave themselves, to be sober, and refrain from quarreling
and fighting among themselves. (For an account of one of their feasts,
see § 111.)
This dance is celebrated as a bravery dance over the bodies of any
warriors who have been slain by the enemy. Each body is placed in a
sitting posture in the lodge, as if alive, and with a rattle of deers' claws
fastened to one arm. (See Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol.
VI, Part I, pp. 431, 452.) This dance has been obsolete for some time
among the Omahas. It was danced in 1853. (See § 218.)
§ 270. The Tulmla dance was obtained from the Dakotas by the Ponkas,
who taught it to the Omahas. This dance is for boys what the Mandan
dance is for aged men and men in the prime of life. Its rules resemble
DORSET.] DANCES. 355
those of the other chiuce, but the .sougs aucl dauces are differeut. The
behavior of the members is uot as good as that of the members of the
Mandau society, though quarreliug is forbidden. This is a bravery
dance. Two women attend as singers. Two men who do not fear death
are the leaders in the dance. Each one carries a " walieknzi "' or " wa-
qi^exe-<l"Aze, of which the eud leather on the bent part of tlie pole is white,
and the iDole is wrapped in a piece of otter skin.
§ 277. The Sim dancehns not been practiced among the Oniahas. They
can give no account of it, tliough some of the ceremonies of the Uede-
watci, such as the procession to the place for felling the tree, the race
for the tree, the felling of the tree, the manner in which it is carried to
the village, and the preparation of the "nje;i," agree very remarkably
with the account of the Sun dance read by Miss A. C. Fletcher before
the American Association for the Advancement of Science, in August,
1882. The Ponkas obtained this dance from the Dakotas.
§ 278. The " Wana wiitcigaxe," or Beyying dance, is not found among
the Omahas ; but among the Ponkas, Dakotas, etc., the members of any
dancing society do dance at times in order to get presents.
§ 279. PonM dancing societies. — The Ponka men have two other danc-
ing societies: the Gak'exe (which the Omaha Duba-ma"((,-i" says is the
same as the Hi°sk4yuha of the Dakotas) and the (J/adiixe. No informa-
tion has been gained respecting these societies.
The Ponka women have three dancing societies: the Pa-^ata", the
Gat'ana, and the Ma^'zeskil na^'p'i" (Tho.se who wear silver necklaces).
OHAPTEE XI.
REGULATIVE IIVDUSTEIES.
THE GOVERNMENT.
§ 280. Regulative industries are such as pertaiu to the goveruineut'ol
the tribe, embraciug all orgauizationswbicli are " wewasi)ea;a^ica"," i.e.,
such as are designed to make the people behave themselves.
Everything that can be thus used is a " wewaspe." Among the former
are the gentile system (Cbaj). Ill), religion, and government, with the
last of which is associated the law^ With the latter may be classed the
sacred tents, sacred iiijies, chiefs, etc. A term of broader significance
is " Wakandaja^ica"," Pertaining to or derived from Walanda, the Deity
or Superior Being. Most of the things which are wewaspea;a(J;ica" are
also W;ikauda4a((;ica°, but tbere are things which are Wakauda^a(f-ica°
that are not directly connected with the government of the state, c. </.,
the law of catameuial seclusion.
§ 281. Governmental instrumentalities. — The following wewaspe or
government instrumentalities are regarded as Wakanda^afica": The
sacred pipes, including the war pipe, the calumet pipes, the sacred pole,
the sacred ;je-sa"-ha, or hide of a white buffalo ; the clam shell, the chiefs,
the keepers of the three sacred tents, the seven keepers of the sacred
pipes, the gentes, subgentes, and taboos. The following are considered
of human origin : The policemen and the feasting societies. " The way
to a man's heart is through his stomach" is a familiar saying. So feast-
ing societies tend to promote the peace of the community, as those who
eat together, or give food to one another, are bound together as friends.
(See § 246.)
§ 282. Government functions. — Government functions are of three
classes: legislative, executive, and judicial; but these are not fully dif-
ferentiated in the Omaha state. There is a still further functional
division running through the legislative, executive, and judicial depart-
ments, giving civil, military, and religious government. Among the
Omahas civil and religious government are scarcely differentiated;
but military government is almost entirely so. (See War Gustoms,
Chapter IX.)
§ 2S3. There does not seem to be a distinct order of in'iests who per-
form all religious functions. Some of these functions are performed by
the regular chiefs, others by the keepers of the sacred pipes, others by
the four wa(fa" during the buffalo hunt, and others by the leaders of the
dances. Conjurors also pretend to perform mysterious or sacred rites.
At the same time, the functions thus performed by the chiefs, keepers
306
DORSEY.J
THE GOVERNMENT — CHIEFS. 357
of the sacred pipes, and the wa^a" are of a civil character. The chiefs
are religious ofiBcers during the buffalo hunt ; they are always praying
to Wakanda, and showing the pipes to him. They do not act as lead-
ers of the hunt, which is the office of the waf a°, though they can make
suggestions to the latter. They cannot draw their robes tightly around
them when they are thus praying, and they must be sober and gentle.
The keepers of the sacred pipes are regarded as chiefs in some sense,
though they are not allowed to speak in the tribal assembly. " Each
chief is a member of the tribal assembly, though he is not a chief by
virtue of such membership, but by choice of the members of his gens."
While the chieftainship is not hereditary, each chief tries to have one
of his near kinsmen elected as his successor.
§ 284:. Head chiefs. — Those of the highest grade are the " nikagahi
uju," or principal chiefs. There have always been two of this rank
among the Omahas till the late change of the government in 18^0. The
head chiefs have generally been chosen from the Haugacenn gentes,
though there is no law forbidding the selection of a member of one of
the Ictasanda gentes.
The following is the succession of the principal chiefs of the Omahas
from the time of the celebrated Black Bird :
I. Gahige-janga, The Elder Gahige, commonly called Wajinga-sabe,
Black Bird, of the Ma°(j;iiika-gaxe (an Ictasanda) gens; and jjC-sa"-
i°c'age, The Elder x^-sa", or The Venerable man, Distant-white Buffalo,
of the ^atada {Haugacenn) gens. II. x^"***^" i°c'age (continued), and
A°pa°-skg, White Elk, of the Weji^cte (a Hangaceuu) gens. III. jjs-
sa° i^c'age {continued), and A°pa''-:jaiiga, Big Elk, of the Weji°cte gens,
subsequently known by his Pawnee name, Ta-i'-ki-ta'-wa-hu. This was
the celebrated Big Elk mentioned by Long, Say, and others in 1819-20.
IV. Taikitawahu, and TJha°-jiiiga or Wah^xi, called Icta-4aiiga, Big
Eyes, by the white men. The latter was an Ictasanda man. He mar-
ried a sister of G(feda"-nnji°, and this was one reason why the latter
succeeded him as one of the principal chiefs. V. In 1843, A°pa"-;aiiga
jinga, the YoiangcB Big Elk, of the Weji°cte gens, and Gfeda°-naji°,
Standing Hawk, of the (patada gens. Another reason for the appoint-
ment of the latter was -the friendship existing between his father, j^e-
sa°, and Taikitawahu. ' VI. On the death of A^pa^-^aiiga, his adopted
son, Icta-ma°z6, Iron Eyes, or Joseph La Fleche, was made his sue
cessor, and so he and Gi(;eda°-naji" were the principal chiefs till the
former was set aside. Since then there has been confusion about the
head chieftainship, as well as about the chieftainship in general, ending
in the election of seven chiefs of equal rank in 1880.
§ 285. Subordinate chiefs. — Xest to the nikagahi uju are the uuder
chiefs, or nikagahi, of whom the number in each tribe varies from time
to time. When both of the head chiefs retire from offlce or die there
is an entire chaugeof the subordinate chiefs; all must resign, and others
must be elected to fill their places. Thus when A°pa°-4aiiga jiiiga and
358 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
Gfeda" naji" succeeded to the bead cliieftainship, iu 1843, fully sixty
subordiuate chiefs were appointed. Among these were A"ba-hebe, of
the x^"*^^ gens; Ictaduba, of the "Wasabe-hit'aji subgens; jasi-duba
and Za"zi-mande, of the 3;a°ze gens; Ta"wa"-gaxe, of the Ma^finka-
gaxe gens ; and jja(fi"-gahige, of the x^da. Some chiefs have been ap-
Ijointed by the United States Government, and so have been recognized
as chiefs by the United States agent in bis councils with the tribe ; but
these are distinct from the regular chiefs. In 1878 the writer found
three of this kind of chiefs among the Omahas. They had been ap-
pointed by the United States about the year 1869. Caiige-ska was made
chief in the place of Ta^wa'^-gaxe ; Il)aha"bi, instead of his father,
Wauu^iige, of the Ictasanda gens; and Wani^a-waqe, the keeper of the
sacred pipe of the x^^^^ '^^^ the third.
In 1878 the following were the chiefs who met the agent in councils:
G^eda"-uaji" aud his brother, jjede-gahi, who were considered the head
chiefs by some; Ma"tcuna"ba, of the Haiiga ; Gabige, of thelnke-sab6;
Mahi"-(fiuge, of the Weji"cte; Wacka"-ma"((;i", the third ^atada chief ;
Gauge ska, Wani:)a-waqe, and Ibaha"bi. The last three always ap-
peared to stand together, forming a third party in the tribe, as opposed
to the chiefs' party (to which the others belonged), and that of the
youug men or progressives.
§ 28G. Omaha chiefs elected in March, 1880. — These were elected by an
assembly of the whole tribe, iu open council, aud by a show of hands.
All are of equal rank, there being no principal chiefs :
jede-gahi (of the chiefs' party) and Na"pewa(f-e or Cyu-jiiiga (of the
young men'sparty), of the (f atada (G(|'eda"-naii" and Wacka"-ma"fi" were
depo.sed). Gahige (of the chiefs' party) aud r)uba-ma"(j'i" (of the youug
men's party), of the luke-sabe. ^jaxe-fa^ba, or Two Crows (of the youug
meu's party), and Icta-basude (of the chiefs' party), of the Haiiga. The
latter was substituted for his aged father, Ma"tcu-na"ba. The only
Ictasanda chief elected was Caiige-ska, of the Ma"^iiika-gaxe. Mabi"-
<fiiige, Waui^awaqe, and Ibaha"bi were ignored.
A few months later three more were elected : Siude xa°xa" instead of
Wani;a-waqe, of thexa-da; AVaha" f iuge, of the xe-sinde; and Ibaha"-
bi, of the Ictasanda, making ten chiefs.
§ 287. Keepers of the sacred pipes. — These have been chiefs among the
Ponkas. and it seems probable that they are reckoned as such among
the Onuihas. (See the account of the inauguration of Ponka chiefs,
§ 289.)
Though no council could be opened without their assistance, they
were not allowed to take part iu any of the deliberations. (See § 290.)
§ 288. Who can he elected chiefs. — As a rule, they must be such as
have won a good reputation in the tribe. A generous mau, one who
has giveu more presents or feasts than his kinsmen, stands a chance
of being elected a chief by and by. The presents, however, must be
made to the poor aud aged, of those who are not kinsmen. Some-
CHIEFS INAUGURATION OF PONKA CHIEFS.
359
times a mau is elected who has not led a good life ; but tUey make him
chief with the hope that the uew resjiousibilities restiug on him may
sober him, and make him a wise mau. Sometimes a mau succeeds to
the chieitaiuship through the efibrts of some kiusmau or affinity who
is a chief or head chief.
Occasions of such deciions. — The resignation or death of oue of the
principal chiefs ; the resignation of both of the principal chiefs, or the
resignation of oue and the death of the other.
§ 289. Sacred or mysterious rites pertuininy to the initiation or inaugura-
tion of chiefs. — (1). Among the Poukas. Ma"'egahi, of the Hisada, told
the following : Muxa-naji" of the Wacabe, Ce-naji" of the Maka", (pa'ega"
of the Nuqe, Si-(j'iuge of the Maka", Ma''zesi-ugada'" (of the half-breed
band), and Canugahi of the (pixida, carry the six sacred pipes four times
around the tribal circle. Muxa-naji" puts up a large tent (in the middle
of the circle), unwraps the bundle containing the six pipes, and then the
five other men accompany him around the circle.
The sacred i)ipes are feared by all except those who are to be made
chiefs, sometimes four, five, or six men. These are outside (of their
lodges), and as the old men come around, if they have agreed to be-
come chiefs, they put the pipe-stems to their mouths, but they do not
inhale any of the smoke. When the old men have gone around the
fourth time the chiefs assemble in the large tent. The women and
children stay outside or back of the circle, as they are afraid of the
pipes. Even the horses are sent to the rear. When the chiefs elect
enter the large tent they give many horses to the retiring chiefs.
Then they put the pipes to their mouths
and inhale the smoke, for if they should
refuse to inhale it, they would die very
soon thereafter, before the end of the
year.
Nuda"-axa's account of the ceremonies
at the time of his electiou is as follows:
When an old chief resigns, a tent is set up
iu the middle of the circle. They bring-
back some wild sage, which is used as a
bed for the sacred pipes. These are laid
on the wild sage in the middle of the tent,
next to the sacred buffalo skull. The
hai5ga-i[i'a"ze or privileged decoration is
painted on the skull, into the nostrils of
which some sprigs of wild sage ai'e thrust.
All the chiefs paint the hauga-iji'a^ze on
their faces, and stick plumes in their hair. They wear buffalo robes with
the hair outside, and redden their arm-pits, elbows, and the toes of their
moccasins. They redden blankets at the elbows and next to the arm-pits,
iu imitation of the buffaloes. The retiring chiefs say to their successors,
Fig. 41.-Tlie Ponka style of
bauga-!li ■a"ze.
360 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
"Qub6i[ifdi-gft!" i.e., "Cause yourselves to be sacred by means of the ani-
mals that you see in your dreams when you fast." When they have left
the hirge tent, and have returned to their respective lodges, they sit with
their robes over their heads, and before they leave their lodges again,
they must make new tent-flaps, which is a sacred act. The bearers of
the sacred pipes are Ce-naji° of the Maka°, He(-icije of the Xuqe,
j£a^i°-gahige (of the Wajaje?), Muxa-uaji° of the Wacabe, a Nikadaona
man, and Cauugahi of the ^ixida. As the old men reach the tents of
each gens it is announced by some of the spectators, " They have
reached the Nuqe!" for example. When Cenaji° arrives at the teuts of
each gens, he says, '' Ho ! I have come to you." The pipes are handed
in succession to the candidate who sits at the end. Muxa-naji° ad-
dresses a few words to each of the candidates who are not the sons of
chiefs, but to those who are the sons of chiefs manj- words are spoken.
I belonged to this latter class, so all the old men said to me, " Ni;a
l^ibijia" tat6 ! I°c'^ge ci tat6! ^iMi giihi, ^iji°'^',e gAhi, ^i^iga" gAhi,
^mustdqti ^ida°'be ma'^^i'^' tai ! Wtigazuqti ma°(fi"' ga°'f a-ga." i. e., "You
shall have you fill of life ! You shall live to be an aged man ! Your
father was a chief, your elder brother was a chief, and your grandfather
was a chief; may they continue to look directly down on you! Desire thou
to walk very honestly." At length they say, " Ca°," Enough ! Then the
crier proclaims, " Oa°' A^a, u+ !" i. e., "It is indeed enough, halloo!"
Then all the people walk rapidly to the tent in the middle of the circle,
each one trying to get there before the others so as to get a good seat.
So they reach there and pass around the tent. At the time of my inaug-
uration I sat at the door of the large tent. Those who had no seats within,
(i. e., as chiefs) sat outside. They were addressed thus : " Gifijfa"
it6(|;a-ga ! I5gi(j!e e'di ^agcjii"' te ha ! " i. e., " Make room ! Beware how you
sit there ! " By and by the two principal chiefs came, stepping very delib-
erately, and took their places at the head of the circle of those within
the large tent.
(2) Among the Omahas, as told by La Fl^che and Two Crows:
Only one old man goes once around the tribiil circle. He starts from
his own gens, the Iiike-sab6, and enters but a single tent of each gens.
He tells the people of that gens to question all their fellow gentiles who
wish to be chiefs. The old man enters the Weji^cte tent last of all.
The men of each gens assemble by themselves. Some are afraid to un-
dertake the chieftainship, saying, " It is difficult ; I am unwilling." If
a candidate is " naxide-(|;in'ge," or " wiispaji," /. c, disobedient or ill-he-
havccl, the men of his gens can iireveut his acceptance of the office. The
next day the chiefs assemble in a large tent. The decorations of the
chiefs, the disposition of the sacred pipes and buflalo skull are similar
to what happens among the Poukas, with a few exceptions. The chiefs
do not redden their armpits, elbows, and the toes of their moccasins,
and the haiiga-jii'a'=ze is slightly difi'erent.
INAUGURATION OF OMAHA CHIEFS.
361
Fig. 42.— Tbc Omaha style of haiiga-
5ii'a''ze.
The only clotbiug worn by the chiefs dnriug this ceremony consists of
moccasins, leggings, breech-cloths, and buffalo robes, with the hair out-
side. The place of meeting is the earth-lodge
belonging to one of the principal chiefs. Be-
sides the chiefs, only a few very brave men
are admitted to witness the ceremony and to
act as servants. The keepers of the sacred
pipes are there ; and the two old men of the
Hauga who keep the sacred tents, sit by the
door, as the wag(J;a, to get wood and water,
and to attend to the boiling of the food for
the feast. The rest of the peo])le, iucludiug
the brave men and the young men, are not
invited to the feast, but they can sit outside
the lodge. When the crier says, " Ca° af a,
u+ ! " the candidates know that he refers to
them, so they and the people hasten to the
earth-lodge. (See Fig. 2, § 18.)
The brave young men may be selected from
each gens to hand around the food ; and one of the principal chiefs calls
on two by name to lade out the food.
The principal chief who is about to retire tells each new chief where
he must sit in the circle of chiefs, and to whatever place he is thus as-
signed he must regard that as his seat in the assembly from that time
on. The seat in question is resigned to the new chief by one of the re-
tiring chiefs, esceiit when some of the subordinate chiefs vacate their
places to move nearer to the head chiefs, in which case the new chiefs
are told to take the places thus vacated.
Wlieu one of the head chiefs resigns all of the subordinate chiefs
change their places in the council, moving nearer to the seats of the
principal chiefs. But should the i)rincipal chiefs so desire it some of the
new chiefs may occupy the seats near them, being promoted over some
of the subordinates. A new chief did not always succeed a retiring chief
of the same gens.
The retiring head chief then exhorts each new chief thus : "If you
get in a bad humor Wakanda will do so to you. L>o not lie lest the
people speak of you as lying chiefs and refuse to obey you."
§ 290. The tribal assembly or coHmil. — This is composed of the chiefs
a'oue. The common people have no voice in it. When there is any
very important business the young men and all the people are informed
of it after the meeting of the council. When the chiefs are thus as-
sembled, they are not always invited to a feast ; but the two sacred pipes
were always carried around the circle. (See § IS.)
The priucipal chiefs did not act without consulting the other chiefs.
They used to call them together and submit to them any important
questions that had arisen, saying first to one then to another, " What
362 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
do you decide ou ? " or " Do joa decide what shall be doue." If cue
after another refused to express au opinion, tUe two principal chiefs con-
tinued their questioning till they found one who gave a decision.
§ :291. The Gentile Assembly. — A gens could assemble as a whole when
there was any special occasion for such action, e. [/., if they had any
grievance against the members of another gens.
§ 292. Powers of subordinate Chiefs. — Chiefs had certain rights, among
which were the follow ing : 1 . The right to sit in the tribal assembly, and
to join in the deliberations. 2. The right of each to retain his office till
his death or resignation. 3. The right to regulate the buffalo hunt with
the aid of the directors and the keei>ers of the Haiiga sacred tents. 4.
The right to approve or disapprove of the organization of a small war
party, and to prevent the departure of the same. 5. The right to form
a party to go on a friendly visit to another tribe ; this includes the right
to go with a sacred pipe to the village or camp of a hostile tribe in order
to make peace. 6. The right to stop quarreling or fighting between two
or more persons, by putting the two sacred pipes between the combat-
ants and begging them to desist. 7. The right to assemble at the sacred
tent of the Elk gens, and regulate the sending out of scouts in case of
a sudden alarm. 8. In modern times, the chiefs have exercised the right
to sell all or a portion of the land occui)ied by the tribe, to the Uuited
States Government ; but such a right was, from the nature of the case,
unknown in ancient times.
No chief had a right to interfere with the food or other property of
l)rivate individuals, such as that belonging to the head of a household.
So when visitors came from another tribe the chiefs could not compel
members of their tribe to entertain them or make presents to them ; all
they could do was to ask such things of the people as favors. Xo chief
had a right to deprive a hunter of au auimal that he had killed, nor
could he claim even a part of the animal. (See § 147.)
§ 293. Powers of principal Chiefs. — Among their powers are the fol-
lowing : 1. The right to order thfi policemen to strike the disobedient.
2. The right to order the crier to proclaim the decisions of the tribal
assembly. 3. The right to call on two of the brave young men by name,
and tell them to lade out the food for the feast. 4. The right to the
principal seats in the tribal assembly. 5. The right of one of them to
determine the place for each newly-elected chief in the tribal assembly,
and also to give any chief a higher place in the circle, promoting him
to a place above some of his seniors.
§ 294. Deposition of Chiefs. — Chiefs were not deposed. They always
continued in office till their deaths or resignations. But when both
head chiefs died, or one died and the other resigned, all the subordinate
iihiefs were obliged to resign.
§ 295. Potcers of the Keepers of the Sacred Tents. — They had certain
dutica to perform during the buffalo hunt. They had the care of the
sacred tents, witli their contents, the pole, and sacred skiu. They acted
DORSKvj POWEKS OF CHIEFS AND OTHERS. 363
as wag((.-a for the tribal assembly, iu which they had seats, but without
the right to joiu in the deliberations. Thej- were expected ou such oc-
casious to attend to the fire, to bring in wood and water, and to super-
intend the lioiling of the food for the feast, whenever one was given to
the assembly. (See § 8.)
§ 290. — Powers of the Keepers of the Sacred Pipes (see Chapter HI).—
They could not join in the deliberation of the tribal assembly, though
no council could be opened without their assistance. (See§ 287.)
§ 297. Powers of the Policemen. — When not traveling on the buffalo
hunt they acted as messengers for the chiefs. There were no special po-
licemen for each chief. They could strike any of the disobedient per-
sons, even when not ordered to do so by the principal chiefs. Such
disobedient ones were those who quarreled and fought, stole, or scared
off the buttalo.
§ 298. Religion. — Religion may be considered as not fullj differentiated
from the government (see §§ 280 to 283). The chiefs are the religious
as well as the civil rulers of the state. A full account of the i-eligion
of the Omahas cannot be given iu this paper. It is connected with the
practice of medicine, mythology, war customs, gentile system, etc.
CHAPTER XII.
THE LAW.
§ 299. The law, which is the body of rules that the State endeavors
directly or indirectly to enforce, may be properly classed as follows:
1. Personal law. 2. Property law. 3. Corporation law. 4. Govern-
ment law. 5. International law. 6. Military law. 7. Eeligions law.
Crimes may be committed against personal law, jjroperty law, cor-
poration law, government law, international law, military law, and re-
ligions law. So there are as many divisions of criminal law.
PERSONAL LAW.
§ 300. A large part of personal law belongs to gentile or family law.
Certain degrees of consanguinitj' and affinity are considered as bars to
intermarriage. The m.arriage of kindi-ed has always been regarded as
incestuous by the Omahas and kindred tribes. Affinities were forbidden
to Self in certain places which are explained in the description of the
kinship system and the marriage laws.
3Iarriage by elopement has been practiced, but marriage by capture
or by duel are not known. (See § 82.)
Xage, quarreling and fighting. — It used to be a custom among the
Omahas, when two men engaged in a fight, that he who gave the first
blow was beaten by the native policemen.
T'e(fai, accidental Mlling, and "t'eki^ai," intentional killing or murder,
are also crimes against religious law, which see in §§ 310, 311.
Witchcraft. — When the supposed victim has died and the offender has
been detected bis life may be taken by the kinsman of the victim with-
out a trial before the assemblj' or any other tribunal.
Slavery was not known. Captives taken in war were not put to death.
(See § 222.)
§ 301. Social vices (a), Adultery. — Sometimes a man steals another
man's wife. Sometimes he tempts her, but does not take her from her
husband. The injured man may strike or kill the guilty man, he may
hit the woman, or he may deprive the offending man of his property.
If a woman's husband be guilty of adultery with another woman she
may strike him or the guilty female in her anger, but she cannot claim
damages. In some extreme cases, as recorded by Say, an inexorable
man has been known to tie his frail partner firmly upon the earth in
the prairie, and in this situation has she been compelled to submit to
3U4
DORSEr.] PERSONAL LAW. 365
the embraces of tweuty or thirty meu successively; she is then abau-
tloued. But this never happeued wheu the womau had any immediate
kindred, for if she had any such kindred in the tribe the husband woukl
be afraid to punish his wife in that manner. A womau thus punished
became an outcast; no one would marry her.
(h) Prostitution. — In 1S79 there were only two or three women iu the
Omaha tribe that were known as mi°ckeda or public women. Of late
years, according to La Fleche and Two Crows, there have been many
mi°ckeda, but it was not so formerly, when the Indians were the only
inhabitants. A father did not reprove his daughter if she was a
mi°ckeda. He left that to her elder brother and her mother's brother,
who might strike her with sticks. Sometimes, if very angry with her,
they could shoot au arrow at her, and if they killed her, nobody could
complain.
(c) Fornication. — This is not practiced as a rule, except with women
or girls that are mi°ckeda. So strict are the Omahas about these mat-
ters, that a young girl or even a married women walking or ridiug alone,
would be ruined iu character, being liable to be taken for a mi"ckeda,
and addressed as such. No woman can ride or walk with any man but
her husband or some immediate kinsman. She generally gets some other
womau to accompany her, unless her husband goes. Young men are
forbidden to speak to girls, if they should meet two or more on the
road, unless they are kindred. The writer was told of some immorality
after some of the dances iu which the women and girls participate.
This has occurred recently ; and does not apply to all the females pres-
ent, but only to a few, and that not ou all occasions. When girls go to
see the dances their mothers accompany them ; and husbands go with
their wives. After the dance the women are taken home.
{d) Schoopanism, or iHcdirasda. — A man or boy who suffered as a victim
of this crime was called a mi°-quga, or hermaphrodite. La Fleche and
Two Crows say that the mi"-quga is "gfa^^i"," foolish, therefore he acts
in that manner.
(e) Eape. — But one Omaha has a bad reputation in the tribe for having
frequently been guilty of this crime. It is said that one day he met
the daughter of Gia"ze-(fiiige, when she was about a mile from home,
driving several ponies. He pulled her off her horse, and though she was
not over seven or eight years old, he viohited her. The same man was
charged with having committed incest with his own mother.
§ 302. Maiming. — This never occurs except in two cases : First, by ac-
cident, as when two meu wrestle, iu sport, and an arm is broken by a
blow from a bow or stick ; secondly, when the policemen hit offenders
with their whips, on the head, arms, or bodj'; but this is a punishment
and not a ci'ime. La Fleche and Two Crows never heard of teelh
being knocked out, noses broken, eyes injured, etc., as among white or
colored men.
Slander is not punishable, as it is like the wind, being " waniaji," that
is, unable to cause pain.
366 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
PROPERTY LAW.
§303. Public property, provisions, and stock are not known. Hence,
there are no revenue laws.
(a) Tribal property. — Each tribe claimed a certain extent of territory
as its own, for purposes of occupancy, cultivation, hunting, and fishing.
But the right of a tribe to sell its laud was something unheard of.
Portions of the Omaha territory were sold because the people feared to
refuse the white men. They consented just as a man would "consent "
to hand his purse to a highway robber who demanded bis money or his
life. Land is enduring, even after the death of all of a generation of
Omahas ; for the men of the next generation succeed and dwell on the
laud. Laud is like water and wind, " wc(J-i"wi"-(('i'a-wa(j'f'," what cannot
he sold. But horses, clothing, lodges, etc., soon perish, and these were
the only things that they could give away, being personal property.
The tribe had a common language, the right to engage together in the
chase as •well as in war, and in certain rites of a religious and civil
character, which are described in connection with the hunting customs,
etc.
(&) Gentile property. — Each gens had its special "wewaspe," such as
the sacred pipes, chiefs, sacred tents, area in the tribal circle, etc. These
" wewaspe" also belonged, in a measure, to the whole tribe. (See Gen-
tile System, Chapter III.)
(c) Ho\iseliold property. — This consisted of the right of occupancy of a
common dwelling, the right of each person to shares of fish, game, etc.,
acquired by any member of the hou.sehold. When game was killed, it
belonged solely to the household of the slayer; members of any other
household had no right to take any part, but the slayer of a buffalo or
other large animal might give portions to those who aided hiui in cut-
ting it up. (See §§ 1-47, 159.)
{d) Personal property. — When a father gave a horse or colt to his child,
the latter was the sole owner, and could do what he wished with the
property. Each head of a household held a jiossessory right to such a
tract or tracts of land as the members of his family or household culti-
vated ; and as long as the land was thus cultivated, his right to its en-
joyment was recognized by the rest of the tribe. But he ccmld not sell
bis part of the land. He also had a right to cultivate any unoccupied
land, and add it to his own. The husband and wife who were at the
head of the family or household, were the chief owners of the lodge,
robes, etc. They were joint owners, for when the man wished to give
away anything that could be spared he could not do so if his wife was
unwilling. So, too, if the wife wished to give away what could be
spared, she was unable to do it if her husband opposed her. Sometimes?
when the man gave something without consulting his wife, and told her
afterwards, she said nothing. The wife had control of all the food, and
the man consulted her before he invited guests to a feast saying : " Ew^ku
DOKSEY.J PROPEKTY LAW GOVERNMENT LAW. 367
ka"'b(|:a. I°wi"'bau-ga." i. e., "I wish to iuvite them to a feast. Boil
for me."
3Iembers of the same tribe occasionally exchanged commodities. This
right was recognized by all. (See International Law, § 307.)
§ 304. Debtors. — When a man asked another to lend him anything, as
a knife, kettle, &c., the owner wonld not refuse. When the borrower
had fluislied using it, he returned it to the lender, for he would be
a.shamed to keep it as his own. There never was a case of refusal to
return a borrowed article. If the nse of the thing had impaired its
value, the borrower always returned another article of the same kind,
which had to be in as good condition as the former was when it was
borrowed. There was no pay or Interest on the loan. Sometimes,
when the borrower was a kinsman or friend of the lender, and he re-
turned to the latter his property, the lender would say to him, " Keep it ! "
§3U5. Order of inheritance. — First, the eldest son, who becomes the
head of the household or family; then the other sons, who receive
shares from their brother ; if there are sisters of these, they receive
from their eldest brother whatever he thinks that they should have.
Should the deceased leave no children, his kindred inherit in the fol-
lowing order: His elder brother, younger brothers, sisters, mothers'
brothers, and sisters' sons. The widow receives nothing, unless she has
grown sons of her own, who can protect her. The husband's kindred
and the widow's stepsons generally deprive her of all the property,
because they fear lest she should go elsewhere and marry.
§306. Crime against iiroperty law: Theft. — When the suspected thief
did not confess his offense, some of his property was taken from him
until he told the truth. When he restored what he had stolen, one-half
of his own property was returned to him, and the rest was given to the
man from whom he had stolen. Sometimes all of the policemen whiijped
the thief. But when the thief fled from the tribe, and remained away
for a year or two. the offense was not remembered on his return : so no
punishment ensued.
CORPORATION LAW.
(See Societies, in Chapter X.)
GOVERNMENT LAW.
(See the preceding chapter.) The crimes against government law
were violations of the rules of the bivffalo hunt, quarreling, and fight-
ing. The violations of the rules of the buffalo hunt were also regarded
as crimes against religious law.
368 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
INTERNATIONAL LAW.
(See War Customs, Military Law, aud Visiting Customs.)
§307. Mode of making peace with another tribe. — When tlie Omabas
wislied to make peace, wliicli was termed, "making tlieland good," two
or more chiefs and some of the young men took one of the sacred pipes
and went unarmed towards the village or camp of the late foe, taking
care to go openly and in daylight, when their approach could be seen.
They were met by some of the villagers, who conducted them to a lodge,
where food was given them. After the meal, they were asked to tell
the object of their visit. The leader of the visitors then said, " I have
come because I think that we shouid fight no longei'. I have come that
we may eat aud smoke together." The priucipal man of tbe village
then replied, " It is good ! If you tell the truth, when you come again,
we will give a horse to each one of you." At this time, no presents
were made by either party. They remained together two, three, or
four days, and left for home when their leader decided to depart. The
bearer of a peace pipe was generally respected by ihe enemy, just as
the bearer of a flag of truce is regarded by the laws of war among the
so-called civilized nations.
When strangers came to visit the Omahas, or when the latter visited
another tribe, presents were given by both parties, generally consisting
of horses and robes. But there was no commerce, as we understand
that term.
MILITARY LAW.
(See the preceding paragraphs, and War Customs.)
RELIGIOUS LAW.
§ 308. The rules of the bufl'alo hunt, the consecration of the hearts
and tongues, the ceremonies i)ertainiug to the anointing of the sacred
pole, etc., and those connected with the planting of the corn, were cus-
toms which were regarded as laws received by their ancestors from
Wakauda ; hence, they pertained to religion as well as to the govern-
ment of the tribe. (See §§ 128-163.)
§ 309. The following are of a religious character: The worship of the
thunder, when first heard iu the spring (§ 24), and when the men go to
war (§ 196) ; the style of wearing the hair in childhood (§ 30, etc.) ; most
of the governmental instrumentalities enumerated in Chapter XI, aud
non -intercourse with a woman during her catameuial seclusion (§ 97).
DOKsEv.J INTERNATIONAL, MILITARY, AND RELIGIOUS LAWS. 369
The Omahas were afraid to abandon their aged on the prairie when
away from their permanent villages lestWakauda should punish them.
The most common oflenses against religious law were murder and ac-
cidental killing.
§ 310. Murder. — Murder of a fellow Omaha has been of rare occur-
rence. Drunkenness alone has caused two men to kill each other in a
few cases; but owing to it there have been more instances of murder
and manslaughter. Before liquor was introduced there were no mur-
ders, even when men quarreled. The murder of a fellow clansman was
unknown, except in a few cases of parricide, caused by drunkenness.
Parents never killed their children. About thirty-two years ago a man
killed his uncle to avenge the murder of another uncle by a drunken
son. Over sixty years ago a Ponka married an Omaha woman, and
remained with her tribe. His mother-in law was a very bad old woman,
so he killed her. No Omaha ever killed an affinity.
Murder might be punished by taking the life of the murderer, or that
of one of his clansmen. When one man killed another, the kinsmen
of the murdered man wished to avenge his death, but the chiefs and
brave men usuallj' interposed. Sometimes they showed one of the
sacred pipes ; but they always took presents, and begged the kinsmen
to let the offender live. Sometimes the kinsmen of the murderer went
alone to meet the avengers; sometimes they took with them the chiefs
and brave men ; sometimes the chiefs, braves, and generous men went
without the kinsmen of the murderer. Sometimes the avengers re-
fused to receive the presents, and killed the murderer. Even when
one of them was willing to receive them, it was in vain if the others
refused.
When the life of the murderer was spared, he was obliged to submit
to punishment from two to four years. He must walk barefoot. He
could eat no warm food; he could not raise his voice; nor could he look
around. He was compelled to pull his robe around him, and to have it
tied at the neck, even in warm weather; he could not let it hang loosely
or fly open. He could not move his hands about, but was obliged to
keep them close to his body. He could not comb his hair; and it must
not be blown about by the wind. Ho was obliged to pitch his tent about
a quarter of a mile from the rest of the tribe when they were going on
the hunt lest the ghost of his victim should raise a high wind, which
might cause damage. Only one of his kindred was allowed to remain
with him at his tent. No one wished to eat with him, for tiiey said, "If
we eat with him whom Wakanda hates, for his crime, Wakanda will
hate us." Sometimes he wandered at night, crying and lamenting his
offense. At the end of the designated period, the kindred of the mur-
dered man heard his crying and said, "It is enough. Begone, and walk
among the crowd. Put on moccasins and wear a good robe." Should
a man get a bad reputation on account of being quarrelsome, his gens
might refuse to deiend him. Even if the kindred were sad when he
3 ETH 24
370 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY.
was slaiu, they would say iiotliiug, and no one tried to avenge him. The
uiuider of a child was as great a crime as the murder of a chief, a brave,
or a woman. There was uo distinction in the price to be paid.
Should the criminal escape to another tribe, and be absent for a year
or two, his crime would be remembered on his return, and he would be
in danger.
§ 311. Accidental Mlling. — When one man killed another accidentally,
he was rescued by the inter])osition of the chiefs, and subsequently was
punished as if he were a murderer, luit only for a year or two.
§ 3113. Profanity. — Cursing and swearing were unknown before the
white men introduced them. Not one of the (|)egiha dialects contains an
oath. The Omahas are very careful not to use names which they re-
gard as sacred on ordinary occasions; and no one dares to sing sacred
songs except the chiefs and old men at the proper times.
§ 313. Drunkennend b<-came a crime, because it often led to murders;
so the Omaha policemen determined to punish each oft'ender. Each one
of the ten gave him several blows with a whip, and the drunkard's
annuity for that year was taken from him. In 1854 this vice was broken
up, and since then there has been no instance of its occurrence among
the Omahas.22
§ 314. Falsehood. — In 1879 Standing Hawk and a few others were
noted for this vice ; but in 1882 La Fleche said that there were many
who had lost all regard for the truth. Formerly, only two or three were
notorious liars ; but now, there are about twenty who do not lie. Scouts
were expected to speak the truth when they returned to rei>ort to the
directors, the keepers of the sacred tents, etc. {See§§ 23, 13(>, and 137.)
Warriors were obliged to undergo the ordeal of the wastegistn (Osage,
watse-Jiistn), befoie receiving the rewards of bravery. If onefold a lie,
he was detected, as the Indians believed that the stick always fell from
the sacred bag in such a case. (See § 214.)
'^ The ludians also broke up gambling witli cards, but it has been resumed, as the
police have not the power to puuisli the ofl'euders.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION— BUREAU OF ETHNOLOOV
NAVAJO WEAVERS,
r>i-. WASHINGTON MATTHKWS, IT. S. A.
(371)
ILT^irSTRATTONS.
Page.
Plate XXXIV. — Naviijo Wdiuan spinning -576
XXXV. — Wciiviui; of diaiiiDiid-shaiKMl diagouals 380
XXXVl.— Navajo woman wi^avin^ a belt 384
XXXVII. — Ziiui woiiieu weaving a belt '88
XXXVIII.— Briugiug dowu the batteu 390
Fig. i'i. — Ordiuary Navajo blaukot loom 378
43. — Diagram sbowing formation of warp 379
44. — Weaving of saddle-girtb .... 3b'~
45.— Diagram showing arrangeniint of threads of the warp in the
heald.i and ou the rod 383
46.- -Weaving of s.-uldle-girth •'^S
47.— Diagram showing arrangement of heahls in diagonal weaving. 384
48.— Diagonal cloth 384
49. — Navajo blanket of the fine.st quality 386
50. — Navajo blankets •'Sfa
51. — Navajo blanket 38b
52. — Navajo blanket 387
53.— Navajo blanket 387
54.— Part of Navajo blanket 388
55.— Part of Navajo blanket 388
56. — Diagram showing formation of warp of sash 388
57.— Section of Navajo belt 389
59.— Wooden heald of the Zuiiis 389
59. — Girl weaving (from an Aztec picture) 391
(373)
NAVAJO WEAVERS.
By Dr. Washington Matthews.
§ I. The ait of weaving, as it exists among the Navajo Indians of
New Mexico and Arizona, possesses i)oints of great interest to the stn-
dent of ethnography. It is of aboriginal origin; and while Enropean
art has iindonbtedly modified it, the extent and nature of the foreign
influence is easily fraeed. It is by no means certain, still there are
many reasons for supposing, that the Navajos learned their craft from
the Pueblo Indians, and that, too, since the advent of the Spaniaids;
yet the pupils, if such they be, far •excel their masters to-day iu the
beauty and quality of their work. It may be safely stated that with no
native tribe in America, north of the Mexican boundary, has the art of
weaving been carried to greater perfection than among the Navajos,
while with none in the entire continent is it less Europeanized. As in
language, habits, and opinions, so in arts, the Navajos have been less
influenced than tlieir sedentary neighbors of the inieblos by the civiliza-
tion of the Old World.
The superiority of the Navajo to the Pueblo work results not only
from a constant advance of the weaver's art among the former, but from
a constant deterioration of it among the latter. The chief cause of this
deterioration is that the Pueblos tind it more remunerative to buj-, at
least the tiuei- serapes, from the Navajos, and give their time to other
pursuits, than to manufacture for themselves ; they are nearer the white
settlements and can get better prices for their produce ; they give more
attention to agriculture ; tliey have within their country, mines of tur-
quoise which tiie Navajos prize, and they have no trouble in procuring
whisky, which some of the Navajos jirize even more than gems. Con-
sequently, while the wilder Indian has incentives to improve his art,
the more advanced has many temptations to abandon it altogether. In
some pueblos the skill of tlie loom has been almost forgotten. A grow-
ing fondness for European clothing has also had its influence, no doubt.
§ II. Cotton, which grows well iu New Mexico and Arizona, the tough
fibers of yucca leaves and the fibers of other plants, the hair of difler-
ent quadrupeds, and the down of birds furnished in i)rehistoric days
the materials of textile fabrics in this country. While some of the
Pueblos still weave their native cotton to a slight extent, the Navajos
grow no cotton and spin nothing but the wool of the domestic sheep,
which animal is, of course, of Spanish introduction, and of which the
Navajos have vast herds.
(37&)
376 NAVAJO WEAVERS.
The wool is not waslied iiutil it is sheared. At the present time it is
combed with haud cards purchased from the Americans. lu spinning,
the simplest Ibriii of the spindle — a slender stick thrust through the
center of a round wooden disk — is used. The Mexicans on the Eio
Grande use spinning-wheels, and although the Xavajoshave often seen
these wheels, have had abundant opportunities for buying and stealing
them, and possess, 1 think, sufficient ingenuity to make them, they have
never abandoned the rude implement of their ancestors. Plate XXXIV
illustrates the Navajo method of handling the spindle, a method differ-
ent from that of the people of Zuiii.
Theystdl employ to a great extent their native dyes: of yellow, red-
dish, and black. There is good evidence that they formerly had a blue
dye ; but indigo, originally introduced, I think, by the Mexicans, has
superseded this. If they, in former days, had a native blue and a native
yellow, they must also, of course, have had a green, and they now make
green of their native yellow and indigo, the lattei' being the only im-
ported dye stuff" I have ever seen in use among them. Besides the hues
above indicated, this people have had, ever since the iutroductiou of
sheej), wool of three different natural colors — white, rusty black, and
gray — so they had always a fair range of tints with which to execute
their artistic designs. The brilliant red figures in their finer blankets
were, a few years ago, made entirelj- of baycta, and this material is still
largely used. Bayeta is a bright scarlet cloth with a long nap, much
finer in appearance than the scarlet stnmding which forms such an im-
portant article in the Indian trade of the North. It was originally
brought to the Navajo country from Mexico, but is now supi)lied to the
trade from our eastern cities. The Indians ravel it and use the weft.
While many handsome blankets are still made only of the colors and
material above described, American yarn has lately become very popu-
lur among the Navajos, and many fine blankets are now made wholly,
or in part, of Germautown wool.
The black dye mentioned above is made of the twigs and leaves of the
aromatic sumac (Elms aromatica), a native yellow ocher, and the gum
of the piiion (Pinus edulis). The i>rocess of preparing it is as follows :
They put into a pot of water some of the leaves of the sumac, and as
many of the branchlets as can be crowded in without much breaking or
crushing, and the water is allowed to boil lor five or six hours until a
.strong decoction is made. While the water is boiling they attend to other
parts of the process. The ocher is reduced to a fine powder between
two stones and then slowly I'oasted over the fire in an earthen or metal
vessel until it assumes a light-brown color ; it is then taken from the
fire and combined with about an equal quantity in size of i)iuou gum;
again the mixture is put on the fire and constantly stirred. At first
the gum melts and the whole mass assumes a mushy consistency; but
as the roasting progresses it gradually becomes drier and darker until
it is at last reduced to a fine black powder. This is removed from the
11UHEAU OF KTIINOLOCT
ANXl'AI. IJIvl'OKT 1S82 PL. XXXIV
NA\ AJO WdMAX M'INM>;G.
MvTii.Ewsl DYES BLANKET LOOM. 377
lire, and wlicu it bas cooled soiuewLat it is tliiown into tbe decoctiou of
sumac, with which it instantly forms a rich, blneblack fluid. This dye
is essentially an ink, the tannic acid of the sumac comhining with tlie
sescjuioxide of iron in the roasted oeher, the whole enriched by the cai-
bon of the calcined gum.
There are, the Indians tell me, three diflerent processes for dyeing
,\ello\v ; two of these I have witnessed. The first process is thus con-
ducted : The flowering tops of Bigelovia graveolens are boiled for about
six hours until a decoction of deep yellow color is jjroduced. When
the dyer thinks the decoction strong enough, she heats over the fire in
a pan or earthen vessel some native almogeu (an impure native alum),
until it is reduced to a somewhat pasty consistency ; this she adds grad-
ually to the decoction and then puts the wool iu the dye to boil. From
time to time a portitm of the wool is taken out and inspected until (in
about half an hour from the time it is first immersed) it is seen to have
assumed the proper coloi-. The work is then done. The lint i)roduced
is nearly that of lemon yellow. In the second process they use the
large, fleshy root of a plant which, as I have never yet seen it in Iruit
or flower, I am unable to determine. The fresh root is crushed to a soft
l)aste on the metate, and, for a mordant, the almogen is added while the
grinding is going on. The cold paste is then rubbed between the hands
into the wool. If the wool does not seem to take the color readily a
little water is dashed on the mixture of wool and paste, and the whole
is very s ightly warmed. The entire process does not occupy over an
hour and the result is a color much like that now known as "old gold."
The reddish dye is made of the bark of Alnus incana var. rirescens
(Watson) and the liark of the root of Cercocarpus parvifolius ; the mor
daut being fine junii)er ashes. On buckskin this makes a brilliant tan-
color; but applied to wool it produces a much paler tint.
§111. Plate XXXVllI and Fig. 42 illustrate ordinary blanket-looms.
Two posts, a a, are set firmly in the ground ; to these are lashed two
cross-pieces or braces, b c, the whole forming the frame of the loom.
Sometimes two slender trees, growing at a convenient dij^tance from
one another, are niaile to answer lor the posts, d is a horizontal pole,
which 1 call the sujjplementary yarn-beam, attached to the upper brace,
li, by means of a roi)e, e c, spirally applied, /is the upper beam of the
loom. As it is analogous to the yarn-beam of our looms, 1 will call it by
this name, although once only have 1 seen the warp wound around it.
It lies parallel to the pole d, about 2 or 3 inches below it, and is attached
to the latter by a number of loops, g g. A spiral cord wound around
the yarn-beam holds the n|)per border cord h h, which, iu turn, secures
the upper end of the warp i i. The lower beam of the loom is shown
at k. I will call this the cloth-beam, although the finished web is never
wound around it ; it is tied firudy to the lower brace, c, of the frame,
and to it is secured the lowei- border cord of the blanket. The original
distance between the two beams is the length of the blanket. Lying
378 NAVAJO WEAVERS.
between the tlueiids of the waip is depicted a broad, thin, oaken stick,
I, which I will call the batten. A set of healds attached to a heald-
FlG. 4*2. — Ordinaiy Navajo blanket loom.
rod, m, are shown above the batten. These healds are made of cord or
yarn ; they include alternate threads of the wai'p, and serve when drawn
forward to oi)en the lower shed. The upper shed is kept patent by a
stout rod, n (having no healds attached), which 1 name the shed-i'od.
Their substitute for the reed of our looms is a wooden fork, which will
be designated as the reed-fork (Fig. 44, a).
For convenience of description, I am obliged to use the word "shuttle,"
although, strictly sjieaking, the Navajo has no shuttle. If the figure to
be woven is along stripe, or one where the weft must be jiassed through
G inches or more of the shed at one time, the yarn is wound on aslender
twig or splinter, or shoved through on the end of such a piece of wood ;
but where the pattern is intricate, and the weft passes at each turn
through only a few inches of the shed, the yarn is wonnd into small
skeins or balls and shoved through with the finger.
§ IV. The warp is thus constructed : A frame of four sticks is made,
7iot unlike the frame of the loom, but lying on or near the ground, in-
stead of standing erect. The two sticks forming the sides of the frame
are rough saplings or rails ; the two forming the top and bottom are
smooth rounded poles — often the i)oles which afterwards serve as the
beams of the loom ; these are ))laced parallel to one another, their dis-
tance apart depending on the length of the i)rojected blanket.
MATTHEWS.
FORMATION OF WiRP. 3?9
On these ])oles the warp is hiid in a continuous string. It is first
flrnilj' tied to one of the poles, which I will call No. 1 (Fig. 43) ; then it
is passed over the other pole, No. 2, brought back under Xo. 2 and over
No. 1, forward again under No. 1 and over No. ii, and so on to the end.
Thus the first, third, fifth, &c., turns of the cord cross in the middle the
second, fourth, sixth, «&c., fornnng a series of elongated figures 8, as
shown in the following diagram —
Pole No. 2
Flc. 4.'J. — Di.'l;^am showing formation of warp.
and making, in the very beginning of the process, the two sheds, which
are kept distinct throughout the whole work. When sutficient string
has been laid the end is tied to pole No. 2, and a rod is placed in each
shed to keep it oi)en, the rods being afterwards tied together at the ends
to prevent them from falling out.
This done, tbeweaver takes three strings (which are afterwards twilled
into one, as will appear) and ties them together at one end. She now
sits outside of one of the poles, looking toward the center of the frame,
and proceeds thus: (1) She secures the triple cord to the pole imme-
diately to the left of the warp ; (2) then she takes one of the threads
(or strands as they now become) and passes it under the first turn of
the warp; (3) next she takes a second strand, and twilling it once or
oftener with the other strands, includes with it the second bend of the
warp; (4) this done, she takes the third strand and, twilling it as l)elbre,
passes it under the third bend of the warp, and thus she goes ou until
the entire warp in one place is secured between the strands of the cord;
(5) then she pulls the string to its fullest extent, and in doing so sepa-
rates the threads of the warp from one another; (G) a similar three
stranded cord is applied to the other end of the warp, along the ou':side
of the other pole.
At this stage of the work these stout coi-ds lie along the outer surfaces
of the poles, parallel with the axes of the latter, but when the warp is
taken off the poles and applied to the beams of the loom by the spiral
thread, as above described, and as dei)icted in Plate XXXVIII and Fig.
42, and all is ready for weaving, the cords appear on the inner sides of
the beams, i. e., one (PI. XXXVIII and Fig. 42, h h) at the lower side
of the yarnbeaft), the other at the upper side of the cloth-beam, and
when the blanket is finished they form the stout end margins of the web.
In the coarser grade of blankets tlie cords are removed and the ends of
the warp tied in i)airs and made to form a fringe. (See Figs. 54 and
55.)
When the warj) is transferred to the loom the rod which was placed
in the upper shed remains there, or another rod, straighter and smoother,
380 NAVAJO WEAVERS.
is substituted for it ; but with the lower shed, healds are applied to the
anterior threads aud the rod is withdrawn.
§ V. The mode of api)ljiug the healds is simide: (1) the weaver sits
faciug the loom iu the positiou for weaving; (2) she lays at the right
(her right) side of the loom a ball of string which she knows contains
more than sufficient material to make the healds ; (3) she takes the end
of this string and passes it to the left through the shed, leaving the ball
iu its original ])osition ; (4) she ties a loop at the end of the string large
enough to admit the healdiod ; (5) she holds horizontally iu her left
iiand a straightish slender rod, which is to become the heald-rod — its
right extremity touching the left edge of the wari) — aud passes Ihe rod
through the loop until the point of the stick is ev'-u with the third
(second anterior from the left) thread of the warp; (6) she puts her Au-
ger through the space between the first and third threads and draws out
a fold of the heald-string; (7) she twists this once around, so as to form
a loop, and pushes the point of the healdrod on to the right through
this loop; (8) she puts her finger into the next space and forms another
loop ; (9) aud so on she continues to advance her rod and form her loops
from left to right until each of the anterior (alternate) warpthreads of
the lower shed is included in a. loop of the heald; (10) when the last
loop is made she ties the string firmly to the rod near its right end.
When the weaving is nearly done and it becomes necessary to remove
the healds, the rod is drawn out of the loops, a slight pull is made at
the thread, the loops fall in an instant, aud the straightened string is
drawu out of the shed. Illustrations of the healds may be seen iu
Plates XXXV aud XXXVIII and Figs. 42, 44, and 4G, that in Fig. 4G
being the most distinct.
§ VI. In making a blanket the operator sits on the ground with her
legs folded under her. The warp hangs vertically before her, and (ex-
cepting in a case to be mentioned) she weaves from below upwards. As
she never rises from this squatting posture when at work, it is evident
tliat when she has woven the web to a certain height further work must
become inconvenient or impossible unless by some arrangement the tin
ished web is drawu downwards. Her cloth-beam does not revolve as in
our looms, so she brings her work within easy reach by the following
method : The spiral rope (Plate XXXVIII aud Fig. 42) is loosened, the
yarn-beam is lowered to the desired distance, a fold is made in the
looseued web, and the upper edge of the fold is sewed down tightly to
the cloth-beam. In all new blankets over two feet long the marks of this
sewiug are to be seen, and tiiey often remain until the blanket is worn
out. Plate XXXV, represeuting a blanket nearly finished, iliusti-ates
this procedure.
Except in belts, girths, and perhaps occasionally iu very narrow
blankets, the shuttle is never passed through the whole width of the
warp at once, but only through a space which does not exceed the
leugtli of the batten ; for it is by means of the batten, which is rarely
more than 3 feet long, that the shed is opened.
MATTHKws] PROCESS OF WEAVING. 381
Suppose tlie woiiiaii begins liy weaving in the lower shed. She draws
i\ portion of the bealds towards her, and with them the anterior threads
of the shed; by this motion she opens tlie shed about I inch, which is
not sufBcieiit for the easy passage of the woof. She inserts her batten
edgewise into this opening and then turns it half around on its long
axis, so that its broad surfaces lie horizontally ; in this way the shed is
opened to the extent of the widtii of the batten — about 3 inches ; next
the weft is passed through. In fig. 42 the batten is shown lying edge-
wi.se (its broad surfaces vertical), as it appears when just inserted into
the shed, and the weft, which has been passed through only a por-
tion of the shed, is seen hanging out with its end on the ground. In
Plate XXXV the batten is shown in the second position described,
with the shed open to the fullest extent necessary, and the weaver is
represented in the act of i)assing the shuttle through. When the weft
is in, it is shoved down into its proper position by means of the reed-
fork, and then the batten, restored to its first position (edgewise), is
brought down with firm blows on the weft. It is by the vigorous use
of the batten that the Navajo scrapes are rendered water-proof. In
Plate XXXVIII the weaver is seen bringing down tliis instrument "in
the manner and for the purpose described," as the letters patent say.
When the lower shed has received its thread of weft the weaver opens
the upper shed. This is done by releasing thehealdsand shoving the
shed rod down until it comes in contact with the healds ; this opens the
upper shed down to the web. Then the weft is inserted and the bat-
ten and reedfork used as before. Thus she goes on with each shed
alternately until the web is finished.
It is, of course, desirable, at least in handsome blankets of intricate
pattern, to have both ends uniform even if the figure be a little faulty
ill the center. To accomplish this some of the best weavers depend on
a careful estimate of the length of each figure before they begin, and
weave continuously in one direction ; but the majority weave a little
portion of the up^jer end before they finish the middle. Sometimes this
is done by weaving from above downwards; at other times it is done
by turning the loom upside down and working from below upwards in
the ordinary manner. In Fig. -19, which represents one of the very
finest results of Navajo work, by the best weaver in the tribe, it will be
seen that exact unilbrmity in the ends has not been attained. The
figure was of such a nature that the blanket had to be woven in one
direction only.
I have described how the ends of the blanket are bordered with a
stout three-ply string applied to the folds of the warp. The lateral
edges of the blanket are similarly protected by stout cords applied to
the weft. The way in which these are woven in, next demands our at
t€ntioa. Two stout worsted cords, tied together, are firmly attached at
each end of the cloth-beam just outside of the warp ; they are then car-
ried upwards and loosely tied to the yarn-beam or the supplementary
382
NAVAJO WEAVERS.
yarn-beam. Every time the weft is turned at the edge these two strings
are twisted together and the weft is passed through the twist ; thus one
thread or strand of this border is always on the outside. As it is con-
stantly twisted in one direction, it is evident that, after a while, a coun-
ter twist must form which would render the passage of the weft between
the cords difticult, if the cords could not be untwisted again. Here the
object of tying these cords loosely to one of the upper beams, as before
described, is displayed. From time to time the cords are untied and
the unwoven portion straightened as the work progresses. Fig. 44: and
Plate XXXVIII show these cords. The coarse blankets do not have
them. (Fig 42.)
Navajo blankets are siugleply, with designs the same on both sides,
no matter how elaborate these designs may be. To produce their vari-
gated patterns they have a
separate skein, shuttle, or
thread for each component of
the pattern. Take, for in-
stance, the blanket depicted
in Fig. 49. Across this blank-
et, between the points a — &,
we have two serrated borders,
two white spaces, a small
diamond in the center, and
twenty-four serrated stripes,
making in all twenty-nine
component i)arts of the pat-
tern. Now, when the weaver
was working in this place,
twenty-nine different threads
of weft might have been seen
hanging from the face of the
web at one time. In the girth
pictured in Fig. 44 live dif
ferent threads of woof ai'e
shown depending from the
loom.
When the web is so nearly
finished that the batten (san
no longer be inserted in the
warj), slender rods are placed
in the shed, while the weft
is passed with increased dif-
ficulty on the end of a delicate s])linter and the reed-fork ahnie ])resses
the warp home. Later it becomes uecessarj' to remove even the rod
and the shed ; then the alternate threads are separated by a slender
stick worked in tediously between tliem, and two threads of woof are
Fit;. 44. — \\'(.-;iviuy of auddle-givth.
MATTIlHWh I
DIAGONAL WEAVING.
383
inserted — one above and the other below the stick. Tlie very hist thread
is sometimes put in with a darning needle. The weaving of the last
three inches requires more labor than any foot of the previous work.
In Figs. 49, 50, 51, 52, and 53 it will be seen that there arc small
fringes or tassels at the corners of the blankets; these are made of the
redundant ends of the four border-cords (i. c, the portions of the cord
by which they were tied to the beams), either simply tied together or
secured in the web with a few stitches.
The above is a descrijjtion of the simplest mechanism by which the
Navajos make their blankets; but in manufacturing diagonals, sashes,
garters, and hair-liands the mechanism is much more complicated.
§ VIl. For making diagonals the warp is divided into four sheds ; the
uppermost one of these is provided with a shed-rod, tlie otliers are sup-
plied with hcalds. I will number
the healds and sheds from below
upwards. The following diagram
shows how the threads of the warp
are arranged in the healds a7id on
the rod.
Warp.
Fig. 4.T. — Dia;:rain fihowiu^ jirran^ieinent nl
tlireatld of tbo warp iu the heaUls ami vu the
rod.
Flii. 40.— W,
fii saddle-girth.
When the weaver wishes the diagonal ridges to run upwards from
right to left, she ojjens the sheds iu regular order from below ui)wards
thus: First, second, third, fourth, first, second, third, fourth, &c. When
she wishes the ridges to trend in the contrary direction she opens the
sheds in the inverse order. 1 found it convenient to take my illustra-
tions of this mode of weaving from a girth. In Figs. 44 and 46 the
mechanism is plainly shown. Tlie lowest (first) shed is opened and the
first set of healds drawn forward. The rings of the girth take the
Ijlace of the beams of the loom.
There is a variety of diagonal weaving practiced by the Navajos
which produces diamond figures ; for this the mechanism is the same
384
NAVAJO WEAVERS.
as that just described, excejit that the healds are arranged difterently
on the warp. The following diagram will explain this arrangement.
To make the most approved series of diamonds the sheds are opened
twice in the direct order (/. e., from below upwards) and twice in the
Warp,
Fig. 47. — Diagrani sliowius arransemeut of helila in diagonal weavinp.
inverse order, thus: First, second, third, fourth, tirst, .second, third,
fourth, third, second, first, fourth, third, second, first, fourth, and so
on. If this order is departed from the figures become irregular. If
the weaver continues more than twice con.secuti vel y in either order, a row
Kit.. 4S. — l)ia;iuual clotli.
of V-shaped figures is formed, thus: \'VVV. Plate XXXV repre-
sents a woman weaving a blanket of this pattern, and Fig. 4S shows a
])ortiou of a blanket which is part i)lain diagonal and part diamond.
§ VIII. I have heretofore spoken of the Navajo weavers always as of
the feminine gender because the large majority of them are women.
BUREAU OF F.THN0I.0OT
ANNUAL KEPORT 1882 PI.. XXXVI
NAVAJO WO.MAN WKAM.NU A lilCLl.
MATTHEWS.)
VARIETIES OF BLANKETS.
385
There are, however, a few men who practice the textile art, and among
them are to fennel the best artisans in the tribe.
§IX. Navajo blankets represent a wide range in qnality and finish
and an endless variety in design, notwithstanding that all their figures
consist of straight lines and angles, no curves being used. As illustrat-
ing the great fertility of this people in design I have to relate that in
the finer blankets of intricate pattern out of thousands which 1 have
examined, I do not renieniber to have ever seen two exactly alike.
Among the coarse strii)ed blankets there is great uniformity.
Fui. 49. — Navajo blanket of the fine.st quality.
The accomi)anying pictures of blankets represent some in my private
collection. Fig. 49 depicts a blanket measuring 6 feet 9 inches by 5
feet C inches, and weighing nearly G pounds. It is made entirely of
Germautowu yarn in seven strongly (;oiitrastiug colors, and is the work
of a man who is generally conceded to be the best weaver in the tribe.
A month was spent in its manufiictnrc. Its figures are mostly iu ser-
rated stripes, which are the most ditticult to execute with regularity.
I have heard that the man who wove this often draws his designs
on sand before he begins to work them on the loom. Fig. 50 a shows a
3 ETr — 25
386
NAVAJO WEAVERS.
blauket of more antique design and material. It is 0 feet 6 inches by 5
feet 3 inches, and is made of native yarn and hmjeta. Its colors are
Fig. 50. — Navajo blankets.
black, white, dark-blue, red [hayeta) and — in a portion of the stair-like
figures — a i)ale blue. Fig. 50 h depicts a tufted blanket or rug, of a
kind not common, having much the appearance of an Oriental rug ; it
Fig. 51. — Navajo blanket.
is made of shredded red flannel, with a few simple figures in yellow,
dark blue, and green. Fig. 51 represents a gandy blanket of smaller size
(5 feet 4 inches by 3 feet 7 inches) worn by a woman. Its colors are
MATTHEWS
VARIETIES OF BLANKETS.
387
yellow, green, dark blue, gray, and red, all but the latter color beingin
native yarn. Figs. 52 and 53 illustrate small or half-size blankets
made for children's wear. Such articles are often used for saddle
Fig. 52.— Navajo blanket.
blankets (although the saddle-cloth is usually of coarser material) and
are in great demand among the Americans for rugs. Fig. 53 has a
regular border of uniform device all the way around — a very rare thing
Fig. 53.— Navajo blanket.
inNavajo blankets. Figs. 54 and 55 show i)ortions of coarse blankets
made more for use use than ornament. Fig. 55 is made of loosely-
twilled yarn, and is very warm but not water-proof. Such blankets
388
NAVAJO WEAVERS.
make excellent bedding for troops in tbe tield. Fig. 54 is a water-proof
serape of well-tvrilled native wool.
The aboriginal woman's dress is made of two small blankets, equal
Fig. 54.— Palt ul' >;avajo LlauUct.
in size and similar in design, sewed together at the sides, with aper-
tures left for the arms and no sleeves. It is invai'iablv woven in black
Fig. 55.— Part of Navajo blanket.
or dark-blue native wool with a broad variegated stripe in red im-
ported yarn or red hayeta at each end, the designs being of countless
Fig. 5U. — iJiagram ahowiu;; I'ormation of warp of sash.
variety. Plates XXXIV and XXXV reprjeseut women wearing such
dresses.
MATTHEWS. 1
WEAVING OF SASHES.
389
§ X. Their way of weaving long ribbon-like articles, such as sashes
or belts, garters, and hair-bands, which we will next consider, presents
many interesting variations from the method pursued iu making blank-
ets. To form a sash the weaver proceeds as follows : She drives into the
ground four sticks and on them she winds her warp as a continuous string
Fig. 57. — Section of Navajo belt.
(however, as the warj) usually consists of threads of three different
colors it is not always one continuous string) from below upwards in
such a way as to secure two sheds, as shown in the diagram. Fig. 5G.
Every turn of the warp passes over the sticks a and h,- but it is alter-
nate turns that pass over c and d. When the warp is laid she ties a
Fill. tiS.— Wiiodeii licald of the Zufiis.
string around the intersection of the sheds at e, so as to keep the sheds
separate while she is mounting the warp on the beams. She then places
the upper beam of the loom in the place of the stick b and the lower
beam in the place of the stick a. Sometimes the upper and lower beams
are secured to the two side rails forming a frame such as the warp of a
390 NAVAJO WEAVERS.
blanket is wound ou (§ IV), Imt more commonly the loom is arranged iu
the manner shown in Plate XXXVI ; that is, the upper beam is secured to
a rafter, post, or tree, while to the lower beam is attached a loop of rope
that passes under the thighs of the weaver, and the warp is rendered
teuse by her weight. Next, the upper shed is supplied with a shed-
ro J and the lower shed with a set of healds. Then the stick at/ (upper
stick in Plate XXXVI) is put in ; this is simjjly a round stick, about
which one loop of each thread of the warp is thrown. (Although the
warp may consist of only one thread 1 must now speak of each turn as
a separate thread.) Its use is to keep the different threads in place and
prevent them from crossing and straggling; for it must be remembered
that the warp in this case is not secured at two points between three
stranded cords as is the blanket warp.
When this is all ready the insertion of the weft begins. The reed-
fork is rarely needed and the batten used is much shorter than that
employed in making blankets. Fig. 57 represents a section of a belt.
It will be seen that the center is ornamented with peculiar raised fig-
ures; these are made by inserting a slender stick into the warp, so as
to hold up certain of the threads while the weft is passed twice or
oftener underneath them. It is practically a variety of damask or two
ply weaving ; the figures on the opposite side of the belt being differ-
ent. There is a limited variety of these figures. I think I have seen
about a dozen different kinds. The experienced weaver is so well ac-
quainted with the " count" or arrangements of the raised threads appro-
priate to each pattern that she goes on inserting and withdrawing the
slender stick referred to without a moment's hesitation, making the
web at the rate of 10 or 12 inches an hour. When the web has
grown to the point at which she cannot weave it further without bring-
ing the unfilled warp nearer to her, she is not obliged to resort to the
clumsy method used with blankets. She merely seizes the anterior
layer of the warp and pulls it down towards her; for the warp is not
attached to the beams, but is movable on them; in other words, while
still on the loom the belt is endless. When all the warp has been filled
except about one foot, the weaving is completed; for then the unfilled
warp is cut in the center and becomes the terminal fringes of the now
finished belt.
The only marked difference that I have observed between the me-
chanical appliances of the Navajo weaver and those of her Pueblo
neighbor is to be seen in the belt loom. The Zuni woman lays out her
warp, not as a continuous thread around two beams, but as several dis
united threads. She attaches one end of these to a fixed object, usually
a rafter in her dwelling, and the other to the belt she wears around her
body. She has a set of wooden healds by which she actuates the alter-
nate threads of the warp. Instead of using the slender stick of the
Navajos to elevate the threads of the warp in forming her figures, she
lifts these threads with her fingers. This is an easy matter with her
BUREAU OF ETIINOLOfiT
\XM'AI. HEl'OUT 1882 IT.. XXXVIII
BKtNUlNG IMIWN TUK UAlTliN.
MATTiiKwsl COMPARISOX OF AZTEC AND NAVAJO WEAVING. 391
style of loom ; but it would be a very difficult task with that of the Nava-
jos. Plate XXXVII represents a ZuTii woman weaving a belt. The
wooden healds are shown, and again, enlarged, in Fig. 58. Tlie Zuui
women weave all their long, narrow webs according to the same system;
but Mr. Bandelier has informed me that the Indians of the Pueblo
of Cochiti make the narrow garters and hair-bands after the manner
of the Zunis, and the broad belts after the manner of the Xavajos.
§XI. I will close by inviting the reader to compare Plate XXXVI
and Fig. 59. The former shows a Xavajo woman weaving a belt; the
Fig. 59. — Girl weaving (from au Aztec picture).
latter a girl of ancient Mexico weaving a web of some other descrip-
tion. The one is froia a photograph taken from life; the other I have
copied from Tylor's "Anthropology" (p. 24S); but it api)ears earlier in
the copy of Codex Yaticana in Lord Kingsborough's "Antiquities of
Mexico." The way in which the warp is held down and made tense, by a
roj)e or band secured to the lower beam and sat ujion by the weaver, is the
same in both cases. And it seems that the artist who drew the original
rude sketch sought to represent the girl, not as woi-king "the cross-thread
of the woof in and out on a stick," but as manipulating the reed-fork
with one hand and grasping the heald-rod and shed-rod in the other.
Note. — Tho engravings were prepared while the author was iu New Mexico and
could not be subiuitted for his inspection until the paper was ready for the press.
Some alterations were made from the original pictures. The following are the most
important to be noted : In Plate XXXVIII the batten should appear held horizontally,
not obliquely. Fig. 5 is reduced and cannot fairly delineate the gradations in color
and regular sharp outlines of the tinely-serrated figures. Fig, 53 does not convey the
fact that the stripes are of uniform width and all the right-angles accurately made.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION— BUKEAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS
or THE
UISriTED STATES,
DERIVED FROM IMPRESSIONS ON POTTERY.
BY
WILLIAM H. HOLMES.
393
CONTENTS.
Page
Introductory 397
First Group 401
Second Group 4ii4
ThirdGronp 413
Fourth Group 416
Fiftb Group 417
Sixth Group 418
MiNcellaneous 42G
ir, LUSTRATIONS.
Platk XXXIX. — Pottery, with im)ircssions of textile fabrics 397
Fig. 60.— Cord-uiarked vessel, Great Britain 399
61. — Cord and fabric marked vessel, Pennsylvania 400
62. — Combiuation of threads in coffee sacking 401
63. — Sectiou of same 401
64. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of New York 402
65. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of District of Columbia 402
66. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Arizona 402
67. — Fabric from the caves of Kentucky . 403
68. — Fabric from the Swiss Lake Dwellings 403
69. — Fabric from a mouud in Ohio 403
70. —Fabric from a mound in Ohio 403
71. — Section of the same 403
72. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee 40.'>
73. — Section of same 40.5
74. — Diagram showing method of weaving 405
75. — Device for making the twist 406
76. — Fabric from the ancient jiottery of Tennessee 406
77. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Georgia 407
78. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee 407
79. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tenne.ssee 408
80. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee 408
81. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Arkansas 408
88. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Illinois 409
83. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Illinois 410
84. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Missouri 410
85. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee 410
86. — Fabric from a copper celt, Iowa 411
87. — Fabric from Vancouver's Island 412
88. — Fabric from the Lake Dwellings of Switzerland 412
89. — Fabric from the Lake Dwellings of Switzerland 412
90. — Fabric from the Lake Dwellings of Switzerland 413
91.— Section of third form of fabric 414
92. — Device for weaving same 414
395
396 ILLUSTRATIONS
Paae.
Fig. 93. — Fabric from the ancieDt pottery of Tennessee 414
94. — Fabric from t he ancient pottery of Ttnuessee 414
95. — Fabric from tbe ancient pottery of Tennessee 414
96. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee 41P
97.— Fabric from tbe Northwest coast 415
98. — Fabric from tlie ancient pottery of Tennessee 416
99. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Alabama 410
100. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Iowa 417
101. — Plaiting of an ancient sandal 417
102. — Braiding done by the Lake Dwellers 418
103. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of District of Columbia 419
104. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of North Carolina 419
105. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of North Carolina 4'.?0
106.— Net from the Lake Dwellings 420
107. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of New Jersey 421
108. — Fabric from the ancient pot tery of New Jersey 421
109.— Fabric from the ancient pottery of New Jersey 422
110.— Fabric from the ancient pottery of Pennsylvania 422
111. — Impression on the ancient pottery of Ohio 423
1 12, — Impression on the ancient pottery of New Jersey 423
113. — Impression on the ancient pottery of Alabama 423
114. — Impression on the aucirnt pottery of Maryland 424
115. — Iini)ression on the ancient pottery of Alabama 425
BUREAU OF ETH'i
ANNUAL REPORT 1882, PL XXXIX
MmSmMM
3. POTSHERD.
4-, CLAY CAST
rj I c rl c.r\
6, CLAY CAoT
Aflo<iL& Cii liflujrnitsticBulHnxon'.
POTTERY WITH IMPRESSIONS OF TEXTILE FABRICS.
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS OF THE UNITED STATES,
DERIVED FROM IMPRESSIONS ON POTTERY.
By W. H. Holmes.
INTRODIJCTOBY.
It is not iny intention in this paper to make au exhaustive study of
the art of wearing as practiced by the ancient peoples of this country.
To do this woukl necessitate a very extended study of the materials used
and of the methods of preparing them, as well as of the arts of spinning
and weaving practiced by primitive peoples generally. This would be
a very wide field, and one which I have no need of entering. I may
state here, however, that the materials used by savages in weaving their
simple fabrics consist generally of the fibre of bark, flax, hemp, nettles,
and grasses, which is spun into thread of various sizes; or of splints of
wood, twigs, roots, vines, porcupine quills, feathers, and a variety of
animal tissues, either plaited or used in an untwisted state. The articles
produced are mats, baskets, nets, bags, plain cloths, and entire gar-
ments, such as capes, hats, belts, and saudals.
It has been noticed by a few authors that twisted or plaited cords, as
well as a considerable variety of woven fabrics, have been used by primi-
tive tribes in the mauufacture and ornamentation of pottery. Impres-
sions of these made in the soft clay are frequently preserved on very
ancient ware, the original fabrics having long since crumbled to dust.
It is to these that I propose calling attention, their restoration having
been successfully accomplished in many hundreds of cases by taking
impressions in clay from the ancient pottery.
The perfect manner in which the fabric in aU its details of plaiting,
netting, and weaving can be brought out is a matter of astonishment;
the cloth itself could hardly make all the particulars of its construction
more manifest.
The examples presented in the accompanying plate wdl be verj'
instructive, as the fragment of pottery is given on the left, with its
rather obscure intaglio impressions, iiud the clay cast on the right with
the cords of the fabric in high relief. The great body of illustrations
have been made in pen directly from the clay impressions, and, although
397
398 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
details are more distinctly shown tlian in the specimens themselves, 1
believe that nothing is presented that cannot with ease be seen in the
originals. Alongside of these restorations I have placed illustrations of
fabrics from other primitive sources.
There appears to be a pretty general impression that baskets of the
ordinary rigid character have been extensively used by oar ancient
peoples in the manufactuie of pottery to build the vessel in or upou ;
but my investigations tend to show that such is not the case, and that
nets or sacks of pliable materials have been almost exclusively employed.
These have been applied to the surface of the vessel, sometimes covering
the exterior entirely, and at others only the body or a part of the body.
The interior surface is sometimes partially decorated in the same man-
ner.
The nets or other fabrics used have generally been removed before the
vessel was burned or even dried. Professor Wymau, in speaking casu-
ally of the cord-marked pottery of Tennessee, says :
" It seems incredible that even an Indian would be so i)rodigal of time
and labor as to make the necessary quantity of well-twisted cord or
thread, and weave it into shape for the mere purpose of serving as a
mold which must be destroyed in making a single copy."
This remark is, however, based upon a false assumption. The fact
that the net or fabric has generally been removed while the clay was
still soft being susceptible of easy proof. I have observed in many cases
that handles and ornaments have been added, and that impressed and in-
cised designs have been made in the soft clay after the removal of the
woven fabric ; besides this there would be no need of the support of a
net after the vessel had been fully finished and slightly hardened. Fur-
thermore, I have no doubt that these textilia were employed as much for
the purpose of enhancing the appearance of the vessel as for supporting
it during the process of construction. I have observed, in relation to
this point, that in a number of cases, notably the great salt vessels of
Saline River, Illinois, the fabric has been applied after the vessel was
finished. I arrive at this conclusion from having noticed that the loose
threads of the net-like cover sag or festoon toward the rim as if ap-
plied to the inverted vessel, Fig. 82. If the net had been used to suspend
the vessel while building, the threads would necessarily have hung in the
opposite direction.
In support of the idea that ornament was a leading consideration in
the employment of these coarse fabrics, we have the well-known fact
that simple cord-markings, arranged to form patterns, have been em-
l)loyed by many peoples for embellishment alone. This was a common
practice of the ancient inhabitants of Great Britain, as shown by Jewett.
The accompanying cut (Fig. 60) is copied from his work. '
It is a remarkable fact that verv few entire cord-marked vessels have
' Jewett, Llewellynn : Grave mounds and their contents, p. 92.
HOLMES.]
FABRIC MARKED VESSELS.
399
been obtained in tliis country, although fragments of such are very
plentiful.
In Fig. 01 we have an ancient vase from Pennsylvania. It presents a
combination of net or basket markings and of separate cord markings.
The regularity of the impressions upon the globular body indicates
almost unbroken contact with the interior surface of the woven vessel.
The neck and rim have apparently received finishing touches by sepa-
rately impressing cords or narrow bands of some woven fabric.
Many examples show very irregular markings such as might have been
made by rolling the plastic vessel irregularly upon a woven surface, or
Fig. 60.— Ancient Briti>li
II h cord ornamentation.
by molding it in an improvised sack made by tying up the margins of
a piece of cloth.
It is necessary to distinguish carefully the cord and fabric markings
from the stamped designs so common in southern pottery, as well as
from the incised designs, some of which imitate fabric markings very
closely.
I shall present at once a selection from the numerous examples of the
fabrics restored. For convenience of study I have arranged them in
six groups, some miscellaneous examples being added in a seventh
group. For comparison, a number of illustrations of both ancient and
modern textiles are presented.
In regard to methods of manufacture but little need be said. The
400
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
appliances used have been extremely simple, the work in a vast ma-
jority of cases having been done by hand. It is probable that in many
instances a simple frame has been used, the threads of the web or warp
being iixed at one end and those of the woof being carried through them
by the lingers or by a simple needle or shuttle. A loom with a device
for carrying the alternate threads of the warp back and forth may have
Fig. 61. — Ancieut fabric luarkuU vessel, Peuusylvania.
been used, but that form of fabric in which the threads are twisted in
pairs at each crossing of the woof could only have been made by hand.
The probable methods will be dwelt upon more in detail as the groups
are presented. In verifying the various methods of fabrication 1 have
been greatly assisted by Miss Kate C. Osgood, who has successfully re-
produced, in cotton cord, all the varieties discovered, all the mechanism
necessary being a number of pins set in a drawing board or frame, in
the form of three sides of a rectangle, the warp being fixed at one end
only and the woof passing back and forth between the lateral rows of
pins, as shown in Fig. 74,
HOLMES.]
SIMPLE FORMS OF FABRICS.
401
FIRST GROUP.
Fig. 62 illustrates a small fragment of an ordinary coffee sack which
I take as a type of the first group. It is a loosely woven fabric of the
simplest construction; the two sets of threads being interwoven at
right angles to each other, alternate threads of one series passing over
and under each of the opposing series as shown iu the section, Fig. 03.
It is a remarkable fact that loosely woven examples of this kind of
cloth are rarely, if ever, found among the impressions upon clay or in
the fabrics themselves where i)reserved by the salts of copper or by char-
ring. The reason of this probably is that the combination is such that
when loosely woven the threads would not remain in place under tension,
and the twisted and knotted varieties were consequently preferred.
Fig. 62.— Type of Group one — poTtion of a cofiec sack.
Fig. 63.— Section.
It is possible that many of the very irregular impressions observed,
iu which it is so diffleult to trace the combinations of the threads, are
of distorted fabrics of this class.
This stuff may be woven by hand in a simple frame, or by any of
the primitive forms of the loom.
In most cases, so far as the impressions upon pottery show, when this
particular combination is employed, the warp is generally very heavy
and the woof comparatively light. This gives a cloth differing greatly
from the type iu appearance ; and when, as is usually the case, the woof
threads are beaten down tightly, obscuring those of the web, the resem-
blance to the type is quite lost.
Examples of this kind of weaving may be obtained from the fictile re-
mains of nearly all the Atlantic States.
The specimen presented in Fig. 64 was obtained from a small frag-
ment of ancient pottery from the State of Xew York.
It is generally quite diflicult to determine which set of threads is the
warp and which the woof. In most cases I have preferred to call the
3 ETH — 26
402
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
more closely placed threads the woof, as they are readily beaten down
by a batou, whereas it would be difficult to manipulate the warp threads
if so closely placed. In the specimen illustrated, only the tightly woven
threads of the woof appear. The impression is not sufficiently distinct
Fig. 04.— Fabric impressed upon ancient pottery, Xew York.
to show the exact character of the thread, but there are indications
that it has been twisted. The regularity and prominence of the ridges
indicate a strong, tightly drawn wai'p.
Fig. Go represents a form of this type of fabric verv common in im-
Fig. G5.— From a fra:.:ment of ancient pottery, District of Columbia.
pressions upon the pottery of the Middle Atlantic States. This specimen
was obtained from a small potsherd picked up near Washington, D. C.
The woof or cross-threads are small and uniform in thickness, and pass
alternately over and under the somewhat rigid fillets of the web. The
apparent rigidity of these fillets may result from the tightening of
the series when the fabric was applied to the plastic surface of the
vessel.
I present in Fig. 66 the only example of the impression of a woven fab-
Frc. G6. — From a fragment of ancient Cliif-honso pottery.
ric found by the writer in two suiumer.s' work among the remains of the
ancient Cliff-Dwellers. It was obtained from the bants of the San Juan
Eiver, in southeastern Utah. It is probably the imprint of the inte-
SIMPLE FORMS OF FABRICS.
403
rior snrface of a more or less rigid basket, such as are to be seen among
many of the modern tribes of the Southwest. The character of the
Fig. 67. — Fabric from a cave in Kentucky.
warp cannot be determined, as the woof, which has been of moderately
heavy rushes or other untwisted vegetable fillets, entirelj' hides it.
The caves of Kentucky have furnished specimens of ancient weaving
Fig. 68."^Fabric from Swiss Lake-Dwellings.
of much interest. One of these, a small fragment of a mat apparently
made from the fiber of bark, or a fibrous rush, is illustrated in Fig. 07.
This simple combination of the web and woof has been employed
Fig. CO.— Cloth from a monnd, Ohio.
Fig. 70. — Cloth from a mound, Ohio. Fig. 71.— Section.
by all ancient weavers who have left us examples of their work. The
specimen given in Fig. 68 is the work of the ancient Lake-Dwellers
404 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
of Switzerland. It is a mat plaited or woven of strips of bast, and was
found at Eobenhausen, having been preserved in a charred state.^ Kel-
ler gives another example of a similar fabric of much tiner texture in
Fig. 8, PI. CXXXVI.
An illustration of this form of fabric is given by Foster/ and repro-
duced in Fig. 69.
In the same place this author presents another form of cloth shown
in my Fig. 70. In Fig. 71 we have a section of this fabric. These cloths,
with a number of other specimens, were taken from a mound on the
west side of the Great Miama Eiver, Butler County, Ohio. The fabric
in both samples appears to be composed of some material allied to hemp.
As his remarks on these specimens, as well as on the general subject,
are quite interesting, I quote them somewhat at length.
"The separation between the fibre and the wood appears to have been
as thorough and effectual as at this day by the process of rotting and
hackling. The thread, though coarse, is uniform in size, and regularly
spun. Two modes of weaving are recognized: In one, by the alternate
intersection of the warp and woof, and in the other, the weft is wound
once around the warp, a process which could not be accomplished ex-
cept by hand. In the illustration the interstices have been enlarged to
show the method of weaving, but in the original the texture was about
the same as that in coarse sail-cloth. In some ot the Butler County
specimens there is evidently a fringed border."
In regard to the second specimen described, I would remark that it
is a very unusual form, no such combination of the parts having come
to my notice either in the ancient fabrics themselves or in the impres-
sions on pottery. In a very closely woven cloth it might be possible
to employ such a combiuatiou, each thread of the web being turned
once around each thread of the woof as shown in Fig. 71; but certainly
it would work in a very unsatisfactory manner in open fabrics. I would
suggest that this example may possibly belong to my second group,
which, upon the surface, would have a similar appearance. The combi-
nation of this form is shown in the section. Fig. 73.
SECOND GROUP.
It is not impossible, as previously stated, that open fabrics of the
plain type were avoided for the reason that the threads would not re-
main in place if subjected to tension. A very ingenious method of fixing
the threads of open work, without resorting to the device of knotting
has been extensively employed in the manufacture of ancient textiles.
2 Keller : Lake-Dwellers. Fig. 2, PI. CXXXIV.
3 Foster : Prehistoric Times.
HOLMES.]
ANALYSIS OF SECOND FORM OF FABRIC.
405
The simplest form of cloth in which this combination is used is shown
iu Fig. 72. This example, which was obtained from a small fragment
of pottery found in Polk County, Tennessee, may be taken as a type.
Fir..
From ancient pottery, Tennessee.
Fic
Two series of threads are interwoven at right angles, the warp series
being arranged iu pairs and the woof singly. At each intersection the
pairs of warp threads ai'e twisted half around ujion themselves, inclos-
ing the woof threads and holding them quite firmly, so that the open
mesh is well i)reserved even when much strained. Fabrics of this char-
acter have been employed by the ancient potters of a very extended
region, including nearly all the Atlantic States. There are also many
varieties of this form of fabric resulting from diflerences in the size and
Fig. 74.— Diagram showing the method of weaving Form 2.
spacing of the threads. These differences are well brought out in the
series of illustrations that follow.
406
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
In regard to the manufacture of this particular fabric, I am unable
to arrive at any very definite conclusion. As demonstrated by Miss
Osgood, it may be knitted bj' baud, the threads of the warp being
fixed at one end and the woof at both by wrapping about pegs set in a
drawing board or frame, as shown in the diagram, Fig. 74.
Fig. 75. — Theoretic device for working the twist.
The combination is extremely difficult to produce by mechanical
means, and must have been beyond the reach of any jirimitive loom.
I have prepared a diagram. Fig. 75, which shows very clearly the ar-
rangement of threads, and illustrates a possible method of supporting
Fic. 70.— From fragment of mound pottery, Tenneasee.
the warp while the woof is carried across. As each thread of the woof
is laid in place, the threads of the warp can be thrown to the opposite
support, a turn or half twist being made at each exchange. The work
could be done equally well by beginning at the top and working down-
FABRICS FROM THE SOUTHERN STATES.
407
ward. For the sake of clearness I have drawn but one pair of the warp
threads.
Fig-. 76 illustrates a characteristic example of this class obtained from
a fragment of pottery from the great mound at Sevierville, Tenu.
The impression is quite perfect. The cords are somewhat uneven,
and seem to have been only moderately well twisted. They were prob-
ably made of some vegetable fiber. It will be observed that the threads
of the woof are placed at regular intervals, while those of the web are
irregularly placed. It is interesting to notice that in one case the warp
has not been doubled, the siugle thread having, as a consequence, ex-
actly the same relation to the opposing series as corresponding threads
Fig. 77. — From ancient pottery, Georgia.
s:^
Fig. 7fi. — From ancient pottery, Tennessee.
in the tirst form of fabric presented. The impression, of which this is
only a part, indicates that the cloth was considerably distorted when
applied to the soft clay. The slipping of one of the woof threads is well
shown in the upper part of the figure.
The fabric shown in Fig. 77 has been impressed upon an earthen ves-
sel from Macon, Ga. It has been very well and neatly formed, and all
the details of fiber, twist, and combination can be made out.
The example giveu iu Fig. 78 differs from the preceding in the spac-
ing and pairing of the warp cords. It was obtained from a fragment
of ancient pottery recently collected at Eeel Foot Lake, Tennessee.
408
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
Fig. 79 represents another interesting specimen from the pottery of the
same locality. The border is woven somewhat differently from the body
Fig. 79.— From aucient pottery. TenDessee.
of the fabric, two threads of the woof being included in each loop of
the warp.
Fig. 80 is from the pottery of the same locality. The threads are
much more closely woven than those already given.
Fl(_:. 80. — From ancit-nt imttiTy, Tt-nn ssee.
The next example, Fig. SI, impressed upon a fragment of clay from
Arkansas, has been made of coarse, well twisted cords. An ornamen-
tal border has been produced by looping the cords of the woof, which
Fig. 81. — From a piece of cla}', Arkan.'^as.
seem to have been five iu number, each one passing over four others
before recrossing the warp.
H01.MES.1 FABRICS OF THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 409
In nolocality are so many flue iaipressions of textiles upon clay vessels
found as in the ancient salt making districts of the Mississippi Valley.
The huge bowl or tub-like vessels used by the i)rimltive salt-makers
have very generally been modeled in coarse nets, or otherwise have
had many varieties of netting impressed upon them for ornament.
In the accompanying plate (XXXIX) two fine examples of these im-
l)ressions are given. They are somewhat more clearly defined than the
majority of those from which the other illustrations are made.
Fig. 82 illustrates a specimen in which every detail is perfectly pre-
served. Only a small portion of the original is shown in the cut. The
coi-ds are heavy and well twisted, but the spacing is somewhat irregu-
lar. I observe one interesting fact in regard to this impression. The
fabric has apparently been ajiplied to the inverted vessel, as the loose
cords of the woof which run parallel with the rim droop or hang in fes-
toons between the cords of the warp as shown in the illustration, which
is here placed, as drawn from the inverted fragment.
Fig. 82.— From fragment of a large salt vessel, Saliae River. lllinoi.s.
The inference to be drawn from this fact is that the fabric was ap-
plied to the exterior of the vessel, after it was completed and inverted,
for the purpose of enhancing its beauty. When we recollect, however,
that these vessels were probably built for service only, with thick walls
and rude finish, we are at a loss to see whj- so much pains should have
been taken in their embellishment. It seems highly probable that, gen
erally, the inspiring idea wa;? one of utility, and that the fabric served
in some way as a support to the pliable clay, or th.it the net-work of
shallow impressions was supposed to act after the manner of a (Ici/rais
sant to neutralize the tendency to fracture.
Another examjile from the same locality is shown in Fig. S3. This
is similar to that shown in the lower figure of Plate XXXIX. It is vary
neatly woven of evenly spun and well-twisted thread. The double series
is widely spaced as shown in the drawing.
The very interesting specimen illustrated in Fig. Si was obtained
from a small fragment of pottery found in Fort liipley County, Mis-
410
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
souri. The combination of the two series of threads or strands clearly
indicates the type of fabric under cousideratiou, the twisted cords of
Fic. 83. — From a salt vessel, Saline Elver, lUiDois.
the warp being placed rery far apart. The remarliable feature of this
example is the character of the woof, which seems to be a broad braid
Fig. P4.— From ancient pottery, Missouri.
formed by plaiting three strands of untwisted fiber, probably bast. All
the details are shown in the most satisfactory manner in the clay cast.
Fig. 85. — From ancient pottery, Tennessee.
HOLMES.]
FABRICS FROM THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY.
411
The open character of the web in this specimen assists very much in
explaining the structure of tightly -woven examples such as that shown
in Fig. 85, in which the cross cords are so closely placed that the broad
bands of the opposing series are completely hidden.
I have made the drawing to show fillets of tiber appearing at the
ends. These do not appear in the impression. It is highly probable,
however, that these fillets are plaited bands, as in the preceding exam-
ple. They are wide and flat, giving somewhat the effect of basket-work
of splints or of rushes. This specimen was obtained in Garter County,
Tennessee.
We have a few pieces of this variety of fabric which have been
Fig. 8G. — Fabric from a copper celt, Iowa.
preserved by contact with the salts of copper. Professor Farquhar-
son describes an example from a mound on the banks of the Missis-
sippi River, near the city of Davenport. It had been wrapped about
a copper implement resembling a celt, and was at the time of its re-
covery in a very perfect state of preservation. In describing this cloth
Mr. Farquharson says that " the warp is composed of four cords, that
is, of tico double and ticisted cords, and the woof of one such doubled
and twisted cord which passes between the two parts of the warp; the
latter being twisted at each change, allowing the cords to be brought
close togetlier so as to cover the woof almost entirely." His illustration
412
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
is somewhat erroneous, the artist not having had quite a clear under-
staiuling of the combiuatiou of threads. This cloth has a general re-
semblance to ordinary cottee-sacking. In Fig. S6 I give an illustration
of this fabric derived from the opposite side of the celt.
Fig. 87. — Modern work, Vancouver's Island.
Although I am not quite positive, it is my opinion, after having exam-
ined the specimen carefully, that the body of the cloth belongs to my
first group and that the border only is of the second group. My section
and drawing give a clear idea of the construction of this tiibric. A finely-
Fic.s. 88 and 89.— Fabrics from the Lake Dwellings, Switzerland.
preserved bit of cloth belonging to the group under consideration was
recently found fixed to the surface of a copper image from one of the
Etowah mounds in Georgia.
This form of weaving is very common among the productions of the
modern tribes of Western America. A very good example is shown in
Fig. 87, which represents the border of a cape like garment made by the
FABRICS OF THE LAKE DWELLERS.
413
Clyoquot Iiuliaus, of Vancouver's Islaud. It is woven, apparently, of
the fiber of bark, both web and woof showing considerable diversity in
the size of the cords. The border has been strengthened by sewing in a
broad, thin lillet of rawhide.
Tbe beautiful mats of the northwest coast peoples, from Califoi'nia to
Ounalaska, are often woven in this manner, the materials being bast,
grass, or rushes.
The Lake Dwellers of Switzerland seem to have made a great many
varieties of cloth of this type. I have reproduced four examples from
the great work of Di'. Keller. Fig. 88 is copied from his Fig. 1, Plate
CXXXY. It exhibits some variations from the type, double strips of
Fig. 90.— Fabric from the Lake Dweiling.s. Switzerland.
bast being bound by a woof consistiug of alternate strips of bast and
cords. It is from Eobenhausen.
In Figs. 89 and 90 we have typical examples from the same locality.
Tbe woof series seems to consist of untwisted strands of bast or flax.
THIRD GROUP.
A third form of fabric is distinguished from the last by marked pe-
culiarities in the combinations of the threads. The threads of the warp
aie arranged in pairs as in the last form described, but are twisted in
such a way as to inclose two of the opposing series instead of one,
each succeeding pair of warp threads taking up alternate pairs of the
woof threads, as shown in the section. Fig. 91. This is a very interesting
variety, and apparently one that would possess coherence and elasticity
of a very high order.
In Fig. 92 a simple scheme of plaiting or weaving this material is
suggested. It will be seen to differ from the last chiefly in the way in
which the woof is taken up by the warp.
The ancient pottery of the Mississippi Valley furnishes many examples
of this fabric. It is made of twisted cords and threads of sizes similar
414
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
to those of tlie other work described, varying from the weight of ordi-
nary spool cotton to that of heavy twine. The mesh is generally quite
open.
Fig. 91.— SeeiioE.
Pig. 92. — Theoretical device for weaving third group.
In Fig. 93 we have a very well preserved example from Eeelfoot Lake,
Tennessee. It was obtained from a large fragment of coarse pottery.
Other pieces are nearly twice as coarse, while some are much finer.
Fig. 93.— From the ancient pottery of Tennessee.
Figs. 94 and 95 are finer specimens from the same locality.
We have also good examples from Saline Eiver, Illinois. They are
obtained from fragments of the gigantic salt vessels «o plentiful in that
locality.
Fig. 94.
Fig. 95.
From the ancitnt pottery of Tennessee.
MISCELLANEOUS FABRICS.
415
The upper figure of Plate XXXIX illustrates one of these specimens.
Other examples have been obtained from Koane County, Tennessee.
A piece of charred cloth from a mound in Butler County, Ohio,
has been woven in this manner. Foster has described examples of the
two preceding forms from the same locality. The material used is a
vegetable Hber obtained from the bark of trees or from some fibrous
weed. This specimen is now in the National Museum.
An interesting variety of this form is giveu in Fig. OG. It is from a
Flo. 96. — From ancient pottery, Tennessee.
small piece of pottery exhumed from a mound on Faiu's Island, Jefferson
County, Tennessee. The threads of the woof are qiiite close together,,
those of the web far apart.
A very fine example of this variety of fabric was obtained by Dr. Yar-
row from an ancient cemetery near Dos Pueblos, Cal. It is illustrated
in Fig. 2, Plate XIV, vol. VII, of Surveys AVest of the 100th Meridian."
In describingit, Professor Putnam says thatthe fiber is probably obtained
from a species of yucca. He says that " the woof is made of two strands
crossing the warp in such a manner that the strands alternate iu passing
over and under it, and at the same time inclosing two alternate strands
of the latter, making a letter X figure of the warp, united at the center
of the X by the double strands of the woof." It should be noticed that
Plc. U7. — Modern fabric, Nortliwest coast.
the series of cords called the woof by Professor Putnam are designated
as warp in my own descriptions. The illustration shows a fabric iden-
tical with that giveu iu the upper figure of Plate XXXIX, and the de-
scription quoted describes perfectly the type of fabric under consideration.
< Putnam, F. W., in Vol. VII of Surveys West of the 100th Meridian, page 344.
416
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
This method of weaving is still practiced by some of the western
tribes, as may be seen by a visit to the national collection.
A somewhat complicated arrangement of the threads may be seen in
the fabric shown in Fig. 97. It is clearly only a variation of the com-
bination just described. The manner in which the threads pass over,
under, and across each other can be more easily understood by refer-
ence to the tignre than by any description. It comes from one of the
Northwest coast tribes.
FOURTH GROUP.
A fourth form of fabric, illustrated in Fig. 98, is of very rare occur-
rence on our fictile remains.
It is a very neatly woven diagonal from the ancient pottery of Polk
. — Diagonal fabric, ancient pottery of Tennessee.
Couniy, Tennessee. Two series of cords have been interwoven at right
angles to each other, but so arranged as to produce a diagonal pattern.
Fig. 09. — From the antieut pottery of Alabama.
One series of the cords is fine and well twisted, the other coarser and
very slightly twisted.
The remarkable sample of matting shown in Fig. 99 is from a small
piece of pottery from Alabama. It has been worked in the diagonal
DIAGONAL FABRICS.
417
It has probably
style, but is somewhat diftereut from the last example,
been made of rushes or heavy blades of grass.
The texture shown in Fig. 100 is from a rather indistinct impression
upon a small fragment of pottery from Iowa. One series of the strands
Fig. 100. — From ancient jjottery, Iowa.
seems to have been quite rigid, while the other has been pliable, and ap-
pear in the impression only where they have crossed the rigid series. The
dotted lines indicate their probable course on the under side of the cross
threads.
This form of fabric is very common in modern work.
FIFTH GROUP,
la Fig. 101 1 present a variety of ancient fabric which has not to my
knowledge been found upon ceramic products. This specimen shows
\'#lffKH
3 ETH-
Fin. 101. — Plaitiuj; of a saudal, Kentucky cave.
U
418
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
the method of phiiting sandals practiced by the ancient inhabitants of
Kentucky. ^Numbers of these very iiiterestino- relics have been ob-
tained from the great caves of that State. They are beautifully \vo\ en,
and well shai)ed to the foot.
The fiber has the ajjjiearance of bast and is jilaited iu untwisted
strands, after the manner shown in the illustration. Professor Putman
describes a number of cast-otf sandals from Salt Cave, Kentucky, as
"neatly made of tinely braided and twisted leaves of rushes."-'^
Fig. 102 illustrates a somewhat similar method of plaiting practiced by
the Lake Dwellers of Switzerland, fiom one of Keller's figures.''
Fig. 102. ^Braiding done by the Lake-Dwellera.
SIXTH GROUP.
The art of making nets of spun and twisted cords seems to have been
practiced by many of the ancient peoples of America. Beautiful ex-
amples have been found in the hnacas of the Incas and in the tombs of
the Aztecs. They were used by the prehistoric tribes of California and
the ancient inhabitants of Alaska. Nets were in use by the Indians of
Florida and Virginia at tlie time of the discovery, and the ancient i)ot-
tery of the Atlanti'; States has preserved impressions of a number of
varieties. It is jiossible that some of these impressions may be from
European nets, but we have plentiful historical proof that nets of hemp
were in use by the natives, and as all of this pottery is very old it is
jirobable that the impressions upon the fragments are from nets of
native manufacture.
Wyman states that nets or net impressions have not been found
among the antiquities of Tennessee. I have found, however, that the
pottery of Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland furnish examples of net-
'' Ptituam, F. W. EigbtU Annual Report of (lie Pealioily Museum, j). 40.
6 Keller, Dr. F. Lake Dwellers. Fig. 3 ; PI. CXXXVI.
NETS FROM THE ATLANTIC COAST.
419
ting in great numbers. In manj- cases the meshes have been distorted
by stretching and overlapping so that the fabric canuot be examined iu
detail ; in otlier cases the impressions have been so deep that casts can-
not be taken, and in a majority of cases the fragments are so decayed
that no details of the cords and their combinations can be made out.
Fig. 103. — From ancient pottery. District of Columbia.
In Fig. 103 we have a thoroughly satisfactory restoration from a small
fragment of pottery picked up in the District of Columbia. It is shown
a little larger than natural size in the drawing. The impression is so
perfect that the twist of the cord and the form of the knot may be seen
with ease. Most of the examples from this locality are of much finer
cord and have a less open mesh than the specimen illustrated. It is a
Fig. 104. — Net from the pottery of Nortli Carolina.
noteworthy fact that in one of these specimens an incised pattern has
been added to the surface of the soft clay after the removal of the net.
Kecent collections from the mounds of Western Xorth Carolina have
brought to light many examples of net-marked jiottery. Generally the
impressions are quite obscure, but enough can be seen in the cast to
'420 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
show clearly the character of the fabric. The restoration given in.
Fig. 104 represents an average mesh, others being finer and others
coarser. Another specimen from the same collection is shown in Fig.
105. The impression is not very distinct, but there is au apparent
doubling of the cords, indicating a very unusual combination. It is
Fig. 105.— Net from the pottery of North Carolina.
possible that this may have come from the imperfect imprinting, but I
can detect no indications of a shifting of the net upon the soft clay.
Many interesting examples could be given, both from the ancient and
modern work of the inhabitants of the Pacific coast, but for the present
I shall content myself by presenting a single example from the Lake
Dwellings of Switzerland (Fig. 106):
Fig. 106.— Net froDr the Swiss Lalie T)wellini:s. Kvller. plate, cxxx.
MISCELLANEOUS FORMS.
The forms of fabrics used by the ancient tribes of the Middle and
Northern Atlantic States in the manufacture and ornamentation of their
pottery have differed materially from those used in the South and West.
As a rule the fragments are smaller and the impressions less perfectly
preserved. The fabrics have be6u more complicated and less carefully
applied to the vessel. In many cases the imjiressions seem to have been
made from disconnected bands, belts, or strips of cloth. Single cords,
HOLMES.]
FABRICS FROM NEW JERSEY.
421
or cords arranged in groups by rolling on sticks, or by other contriv-
ances, have been extensively employed. Baskets have doubtless been
used, some of which have been woven, bnt others have apparently been
of bark or skin, with stitched designs of thread or quills. Some of the
impressions suggest the use of woven vessels or fabrics filled up with
claj' or resin, so that the prominences only are imprinted, or otherwise
cloths may have been used in wliich raised figures wei'e worked.
Fig. 107 is obtained from a fragment of pottery from New Jersey. The
impressions are extremely i^uzzling, but are such as I imagine might be
!>'
WB:lm'M
Fig. 107. — From the ancient potterj' of New Jersey.
made by the use of a basket, the meshes of which had been filled up
with clay or resin so that only the more prominent ridges or series of
thongs remain uncovered to give impressions npon the clay. But the
threads or thongs indicate a pliable net rather than a basket, and the ap-
pearance of the horizontal threads at the ends of the series of raised
stitches suggests that possibly the material may have been bark or
smooth cloth with a heavy pattern stitched into it.
Very similar to the above is the examjile given in Fig. 108, also de-
rived from the pottery of New Jersej-.
Fig. 108. — From the ancient pottery of New Jersey.
Fig. 109 illustrates au impression upon another fragment from the
same state. This impression may have been made by a piece of birch
bark or fine fabric with a pattern sewed into it with cords or quills.
422
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
Fig. 110 illustrates an impression upon a large, well-made vase, with
scalloped rim, from Eastou, Pa. The character of the fabric is difidcult
to make out, the impression suggestiug bead-work. That it is fi'om a
fabric, however, is evident fi'om the fact that there is system and uni-
formity in the arrangement of markings, the indentations alternating as
in the impressions of fabrics of the simplest type. Yet there is an ap-
pearance of patchwork in the impression that suggests separate api)li-
cations of the material.
In Figs. Ill and 112 we have what appear to be impressions of bands
■•f „ ^- „. C- w i-( <^ ■-?
; ^- -^ ^ uj"
-<■
, -i **■ — ^ "^ C-> ^ *^
r, jv v-» t. >. H>- "!-> vi.> > .=»--
,'' j>\ 1 = t » >" > « H *^ s-^- )■ ,- 1 f )- )0
Fin. 110. — From the aucieut pottery of Pouuaylvania.
or belts. The first shown consists of six parallel cords, coarse and well
twisted, with a border of short cord indentations placed at regular in-
tervals. This is a very usual form in all parts of the country, from the
Mandan towns of the Missouri to Florida. It is possible that the cords
may in this case have been separately impressed, but the example given
H0LME6
FABRIC AND CORD MARKINGS.
423
in Fig. 112 is uudoiibtedlyfrom a woven band or belt, the middle portion
of which seems to have been a closely- woven cloth, with a sort of pat-
tern produced by series of raised or knotted threads. The borders con-
FiG. 111. — From the aneieut pottery of Ohio.
sist of single longitudinal cord impressions with an edging of short
cord indentations phiced at right angles to the belt.
Fig. 112.— I-"roii\ the ancient iiuttery of New Jersey.
Similar to the last is the very effective decorative design impressed
upon a large iragment of pottery from Alabama, shown in Fig. 113. The
Fig. 113.— Fium the nnciout pottery of Alabama.
424
PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS.
peculiarity of this examxile is tbe use of plaited instead of twisted cords.
The work is ueatly doue and very effective. It seems to me almost cer-
tain that single cords have been used. They have been so imprinted
as to form a zone, filled with groups of lines placed at various angles.
An ornamental border of short lines has been added, as in the examples
previously given.
Two other examples of cord ornamentation, which may be duplicated
from the pottery of almost any of the Atlantic States, are presented
in Figs. 114 and 115, the first from a fragment of pottery from Charles
County, Maryland, and the other from the pottery of Alabama.
% —
c>ao6u:mt^
•tmoanooaaa
m^oi
^S
li^m
^
L
^a?^^^'^^'^^^^'^^^''^^^^^
woaxm^
Fig. 114. — Cord -markings from ancient polteiy of Maryland.
r^a^^^^;^'g■g:^;:;Nsrs:;Z3^CTs^;!c^■g^^:^f:^
M I H H H TTTITITTciITc
Fig. 115. — Cord-markings from the ancient pottery of Alabama.
It will readily be seen that it is extremely difiScult to draw a line be-
tween an ornamentation produced by the use of single or grouped
cords and that made by the use of fabrics.
It is not less diflicult to say just how much of this use of cords and
fabrics is to be attributed to manufacture simply and how much to
ornament.
Although the restorations here presented certainly throw considera-
ble light upon the textile fabrics of the ancient inhabitants of the At-
HOLMES) ORIGIN OF USE OF FABRICS IN POTTERY. 425
lantic States, it canuot be aflQrmed that anything like a complete idea
of their fabrics has been gained. Impressions upon pottery represent
a class of M-ork utilized in the fictile arts. We cannot say what other
fabrics were produced and used for other purposes.
However this may be, attention should be called to the fact that the
work described, though varied and ingenious, exhibits no characters in
execution or design not wholly consonant with the art of a stone-age
peoi)le. There is nothing superior to or specifically different from the
work of our modern Indians.
The origin of the use of fabrics and of separate cords in the ornameuta
tion of pottery is very obscure. Baskets and nets were doubtless iu use
by many tribes throughout their pottery making period. The shaping
of earthen vessels in or upon baskets either of plain bark or of woven
splints or of fiber must frequently have occurred. The peculiar impres-
sions left upon the clay probably came in time to be regarded as orna-
mental, and were applied for purposes of embellishment alone. Deco-
rative art has thus been enriched by many elements of beauty. These
now sjrvive in incised, stamped, and painted designs. The forms as
well as the oruamentation of clay vessels very naturally preserve traces
of the former intimacy of the two arts.
Since the stereotyping of these pages 1 have come upon a short paper
by George E. Sellers (Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XI, p. 573), in which
is given what I believe to be a correct view of the use of nets in tiie
manufacture of the large salt vessels referred to on pages 398 and 409.
The use of interior conical moulds of indurated clay makes clear the
reasons for the reversed festooning of the cords to which I called at-
tention.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION- BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE
OF A
PORTION OF TUE (JOLLECTIOM MADE BY THE BUREAU OF ETIINOLOGl
DURING THE
FIELD SEASON OF 1881,
WILLIAM H. HOLMES.
427
COISTTENTS
Page-
Introductory 4a3
Collections from Jackson County, North Carolina 434
From the Cherokee Indians 434
Articles of stone 434
Articles of clay 434
Vegetal substances 435
Animal substances 437
Collections from Cocke County, Tennessee 438
From the fields at Newport 436
Articles of stone 438
From a mouiid on Pigeon River 440
Articles of clay 440
Collections from Sevier County, Tennessee 442
The McMabau Mound 442
Articles of stone 442
Articles of clay 443
Objects of metal 446
Objects of shell 446
Animal substances , 453
From the fields of Se viervillc 453
Articles of stone - 453
Articles of clay 456
Collections from Roane County, Tennessee 457
Mound at Taylor's Bend 457
Articles of stone 457
Articles of clay 457
Objects of shell 458
From tield at Taylor's Bend 458
Articles of stone 458
Vicinity of Kingston 460
Mound at Niles' Ferry. 461
Mounds near Paint Rock Ferry 461
Fragments of pottery 461
Objects of shell 462
Collections from Jefferson County 463
Mound on Faiu's Island 463
Articles of clay - 463
From the fields of Fain's Island 465
Articles of stone 465
Objects of shell 466
Animal substances 466
Collections from Mississippi County, Arkansas 468
Pemissicott Mound - 468
Chickasawba Mound 468
Mounds in Carson Lake Township 468
429
430 CONTENTS.
CoUectioiiH from Mississippi County, Arkansas— Continued. Page.
Mounds at Pccau Point 469
Articles of clay 469
Field graves and fields in vicinity of Pecan Point 470
Articles of stoue 470
Articles of clay 471
Collections from Arkansas County, Arkansas 476
Mouuds at Arkansas Post 476
Articles of clay 476
Field graves about Menard mounds 477
Articles of stone 477
Articles of clay 479
Objects of metal 485
Animal sub.stances 485
Collection from Monroe County, Arkansas 486
Mouud at Lawrenceville 486
Articles of clay 486
Mounds at Indian Bay 487
Articles of clay 488
Collections from Ohio 490
From mouuds aud fields 490
Articles of stone - 490
Articles of clay 491
Human remains '. 491
Collections from Oregon 492
Articles of stoue 49'2
Collections from Kentucky 493
Collections from Missouri 495
Articles of clay 495
Collections from other States 507
Collections from Peru 508
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Page.
Fig. 116. — Stone implement, Tennessee 439
117. — Sections of eartben vessels, Tennessee 440
118. — Earthen vessel, Tennessee 444
119. — Shell ornament, Tennessee 447
120. — Shell ornament, Tennessee 447
121. — Shell ornament, Tennessee 448
122. — Shell ornament , Tennessee 448
12:5. — Shell ornament, Tennessee 449
124. — Shell oruanu'Ut, Tennessee 449
125. — Shell ornament, Tennessee 450
12G. — Shell ornament, Tennessee 450
127. — Shell ornament, Tennessee 451
128. — Shell ornament, Tennessee 452
129. — Stone implement, Tennessee 4.j4
130. — Stone implement, Tennessee 454
131. — Stone implement, Tennessee 455
132. — Stone implement, Tennessee 455
133. — Stone implement, Tennessee 4.'>G
134. — Stone implement, Tennessee 459
135. — Stone implement, Tennessee 459
136. — Shell bead, Tennessee 4G2
137. — Shell bead, Tennessee id'i
138.— Shell bead, Tennessee 462
139. — Earthen vessel, Tennessee 464
140. — Shell ornament, Tennessee 466
141. — Shell ornament, Tennessee 466
142. — Stone implement, Arkansas 470
143. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 471
144. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 472
145. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 473
146. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 473
147. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 474
148. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 474
149. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 475
150. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 476
151.— Stone implement, Arkansas 477
152. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 478
153. — Eai then vessel, Arkansas 479
154.— Earthen vessel, Arkansas 479
155. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 480
156. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 480
157. — Earthen ves.sel, Arkansas 481
158. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 4^2
159. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas li^2
160.— Earthen vessel, Arkansas 482
431
432 ILLUSTRATIONS.
Page.
Fig. 161. — Eart heu vessel, Arkausas 482
IG^. — Earthen vessel, Arkausas 483
163. — Eartheu vessel, Arkansas 483
104. — Eartheu vessel, Arkausas 484
105. — Eartheu vessi'l, Arkausas 484
IGG. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 485
107. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 486
108.— Earthen vessel, Arkausas 487
169. — Earthen vessel, Arkansas 488
170. — Eartheu vessel, Arkansas 489
171. — Eartheu vessel, Arkansas. 489
172. — Method of plaiting sandai.s 493
173. — Method of plaiting mat 493
174. —Earthen vessel, Missouri 495
175. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 496
170. — Eartheu vessel, Missouri 497
177. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 497
178. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 498
179. — Eartheu vessel, Missouri 498
180. — Eartheu vessel, Missouri 499
181. — Earthen vessel, Missouri — . 499
182. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 500
183. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 500
184. — Eartheu vessel, Missouri 501
185. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 501
186. —Earthen vessel, Missouri 502
187. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 502
188. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 502
189. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 503
190. — Eartheu vessel, Missouri 504
191. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 504
192. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 505
193. — Eartheu vessel, Missouri 505
194. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 505
195. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 506
196. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 506
197. — Earthen vessel, Missouri 506
198.— Wooden mask, Peru 509
199.— Stone net-siuker, Peru 510
200. — Copper fish-hooks, Peru 510
ILLUSTRATED CATALOtlUE OF A i'OHTlON OF THE ETlLNOLOillC AND ARCII^OLOGIC
COLLECTIONS MADE BV THE BLRMU OF ETHNOLOGY DURING THE YEAR I88L
By William H. Holmes.
COLLECTION MADE BY EDWAED PALMER, IN NORTH CAROLINA, TENNESSEE, AND
ARKANSAS.
INTRODUCTORY.
Mr. Palmer began his explorations early in July, 1881, and continued
with marked success until the end of the year.
He first paid a visit to the Cherokee Indians of North Carolina, and
collected a large number of articles manufactured or used by this people,
besides a number of antiquities from the same region.
From Carolina he crossed into Tennessee, and began work by open-
ing a number of mounds in Cocke County. In September he opened a
very important mound, which I have named the McMahan Mound. It
is located in the vicinity of Sevierville, Sevier County. Afterwards
mounds were opened on Fain's Island, at Dandridge, and at Kingston.
In September he crossed into Arkansas and made extensive explora-
tions at Osceola, Pecan Point, Arkansas Post, and Indian Bay.
It has devolved upon the writer to examine and catalogue this fine
collection.
In preparing the catalogue the plan of arrartgement already adopted
by the Bureau has been carried out; that is, a iirimary classification by
locality and a secondary by material.
The descriptions of specimens are taken from the card catalogue pre-
l)ared by the writer on first opening the collection, and will be given in
full, excepting in cases where detailed descriptions have been furnished
in separate papers, either in this or the preceding Annual Report. Cuts
have been made of a number of the more interesting specimens. The
localities are named in the order of their exploration,
433
3 ETH— 28
COLLECTIONS FROM JACKSON COUNTY, MORTH CARO-
LINA.
OBTAINED CHIEFLY FROM THE CHEROKEE INDIANS.
ARTICLES OP STONE.
62953. A small di.sk of dark-gray slate, 1^ inches in diameter and IJ
inches in thickness. The form is symmetrical and the sur-
face well polished. The sides are convex, slightly so near
the center and abruptly so near the circumference. The
rim or peripheral surface is squared by grinding, the circular
form being accurately preserved. This specimen was
obtained from an aged Cherokee, who stated that it had
formerly been used by his people in playing some sort of
game. It seems not improbable that this stone has been
used for i>olishing pottery.
6'J952. A small subglobular pebble used as a polishing stone for pot-
tery.
62954. A polishing stoue similar to the above. This implement was
seen in use by the collector.
62947. A hemispherical stone, probably used as a nut-cracker.
62944. A stone implement somewhat resembling a thick, round-pointed
pick, 4J inches in length and 1 inch in diameter. It is per-
forated exactly as an iron pick would be for the insertion of
a handle. The perforation has been produced by boring
from opi)osite sides ; at the surface it is five-eighths of an
inch in diameter, and midway about three-eighths. The
material seems to be au indurated clay or soft slate.
The collector suggests that this specimen was probably
used for smoothing bow-strings or straightening arrow-
shafts.
62949. Eight arrow points of gray and blacki.sb chalcedony.
62950. Pipe of gray, indurated steatite, of modern Cherokee manu-
facture.
62951. Pipe of dark greenstone, highly polished. It is well modeled,
but of a recent type.
62888. Grooved ax of compact greenish sandstone; found near Bakers-
ville, N. C.
ABTICLES OF ClAf.
Obtained from the Southern Band of Cherokees, Jackson County, North
Carolina.
The manufacture of pottery, once .so universally practiced by the At-
lantic coast Indians, is still kept up by this tribe, rather, however, for
434
HOLMES.) FROM THE CHEROKEE INDIANS. 435
the purpose of trade than for use iu their domestic arts. The vessels
are, to a great extent, modeled after the ware of the whites, but the
methods of manufacture seem to be almost wholly- aboriginal.
63070. A handled mug or cu]) of brownish ware. The form is not abo-
riginal. It is composed of clay, tempered, apparently, with
pulverized siu^ll. The surface has a slight polish produced
by a polishing implement. The height is 4^ inches and the
width nearly the same.
63068. Large flat-bottomed bowl, 6 inches in height, 11 inches in diam-
ter at the top, and 8 at the base. Although made without a
wheel, this vessel is quite symmetrical. The thickness is
from one-fourth to one-half of an inch. The material has
been a darlv clay paste with tempering of powdered mica.
63066. A three-legged pot, with spherical body, resembling very closely
in appearance the common iron cooking pot of the whites.
The rim is 6 inches in diameter, and 1 inch high. The
body is 9 inches in diameter. Two handles are attached
to the upper part of the body. The form is symmetrii-al and
the surface highly polished. The polishing stone has been
used with so much skill that the effect of a glaze is well
produced. The materials used were clay and pulverized
mica. The color is dark brown.
63067. A strong, rudely made vessel shaped like a half cask. The walls
are about one-half an inch in thickness. The surface is rough,
the polishing stone having been very carelessly applied.
63068. A flat-bottomed bowl symmetrical in shape but rudely finished.
TEOETAL SUBSTANCES.
63063. Basket .sieve said to be used to separate the finer from the
coarser particles of pounded corn. The coarse meal thus
obtained is boiled and allowed to ferment. This is used as
food and is called connawhana. The sieve is made of split
cane carefuUj- smoothed; some of the strips are dyed red
and others brown. A simple ornamental design is worked
in these colors. The opening is square, with rounded corners,
the sides measuring li inches. The depth is 5 inches. The
bottom is flat and loosely woven.
63072. A bottle-shaped basket, with constricted neck and rcctanguhir
body, used by the Cherokees for carrying fish. Height, 11
inches ; width of mouth, 4 inches ; diameter of body, 6
inches. It is made of strips of white oak or hickory, one-
fourth of an inch in thickness.
63073. Basket made of strips of white oak intended for the storage of
seeds and for other household uses. The rim" is about 5
inches in diameter; the body is 8 inches in diameter, the
base being rectangular and flat.
436 COLLECTIONS OF 188).
63074. Basket, made of caue, used for stoiiug seed.
03070. Two baskets, made of caue, probably used for household pur-
poses. Tlicy are neatly ornameuted with simple designs,
produced bj' the use of colored strips. The rims are oval in
sha])e, and the bases rectangular. The larger will hold about
half a bushel, the smaller about a gallon.
63077. Small basket with a handle, made of splints of white oak. Yel-
low strips of hickory bark are used to ornament the rim.
Other colors are obtained by using bark of diiferent trees,
maple, walnut, etc.
63078. Small cup or dish carved from laurel or cucumber wood. It is
very neatly made. The depth is about 1 inch ; the width
5 inches.
63064. Large spoon, carved from laurel or cucumber wood, used by the
Cberokees in handling the connawhana, or fermented meal.
The carving is neatly done. The heart-shaped bowl is 6 in
ches in length, 4 in width, and about 2 in de])th. The han-
dle is 12 inches long, and is embellished at the end by a knob
and ring. The knob is carved to represent a turtle's or snake's
head.
63065. A smaller spoon similar in shape to the above.
63087. A large, five-pronged fork carved from the wood of the Magno-
lia glauia {?). It resembles the iron forks of the whites.
63088. A small, three-pronged fork of the same pattern and material
as the above.
63080. A wooden comb made in imitation of the shell combs used by
white ladies for suj^porting and ornamenting the back hair.
The carving is said to have been done with a knife. Con-
siderable skill is shown in the ornamental design at the top.
The wood is maple or beech.
63089. A walnut paddle or club, used to beat clothes in washing.
63059. Bow of locust wood, 5 feet long, one-half an inch thick, and
1^ inches wide in the middle, tapering at the ends to 1
inch. The back of the bow is undiessed, the bark simply
having been removed. The string, which resembles ordinary
twine, is said to be made of wild hemp. The arrows are 40
inches in length. The shafts are made of hickory wood and
have conical points. Stone and metal points are not used,
as the country abounds in small game only, and heavy points
are considered unnecessary. In trimming the arrow two
feathers of the wilil turkey are used ; these are close clipped
and fastened with sinew.
63057. Blow-gun used by the Gherokees to kill small game. This speci-
men is 7 feet in length, and is made of a large cane, probably
the Arundinaria macro.sperma. These guns are made from
5 to 15 feet in length, the diameter in large specimens reach-
ing 1^ inches.
H0L3IESI FROM THK CHEROKEE INDIANS. 437
G3058. Arrows used vrith the blow-gun. The shafts, which are made of
Liclsory wood, are 2 feet in length and very slender. The
shooting end has a conical point; the feather end is dressed
with thistle down, tied on iu overlapping layers with thread
or sinew. The tip of down completely fills the barrel of the
gun ; and the arrow, when inserted in the larger end and
blown with a strong puff, has a remarkable carrying and
penetrating power.
63085. Tliistle heads, probably the Onicus lanceolatus, from which the
down is obtained in preparing the arrows of the blow ,jini.
63061. Ball-sticiis or racquets made of hickory wood. Eods of this
tough wood, about 7 feet long, are dressed to the proper
shape, the ends having a semicircular section, the middle
part being flat. Each is bent and the ends united to form a
handle, leaving a pear-shaped loop 6 inches in width by about
12 in length, which is filled with a network of leather or bark
strings sufiQciently close to hold the ball.
63061. Ball, 1^ inches in diameter, covered with buckskin, used with the
racquets in playing the celebrated ball game of the Cherokee,
Choctaw, Creek, and Seminole Indians.
ANIMAL BDBSTANCES.
63071. Shell, probably a Unio, used by potters to scrape the surface of
clay vessels; seen in use.
63081. Comb made of horn. The teeth are 2 inches in length, and have
been made with a saw. It is used in dressing the hair.
63085. Charm made of feathers and snake rattles ; worn on the licad
or on some part of the costume.
63082. Awl of iron set iu a handle of deer's horn.
COLLECTIONS FROM COCKK COUNTT, TENNESSEE.
FROM FIELDS NEAR NEWPORT.
ARTICLES OF STONE.
G27r>2. Grooved ax, 8 inches in length, 3.J in width, and abont 1 in thick-
ness ; one side is quite flat, the other convex. The material
is a banded schistose slate.
62758. A fine specimen of grooved ax, 7 inches in length, 4 in width,
and IJ in thickness. The groove is wide and shallow, and
is bordered by two narrow ridges, which are in sharp relief
all the way around. The material appears to be a greenish
gray diorite.
02759. A grooved ax, 6 inches long, 3i inches wide, and 1 inch thick.
This specimen is similar to the i)receding, the groove being
deeper on the lateral edges of the implement, and the upper
end less ]irominent. It is made of a finegrained gray sand-
stone.
G2753. Fragment of a grooved ax, of gray slate. The groove is shal-
low and irregular.
62754. Celt of compact gray sandstone, somewhat chipped at the ends.
It is 6| inches in length by 2i in width and 1§ in thickness.
One face is flat, the other convex. The sides are nearly par-
allel. A transverse section would be sub rectangular.
62755. Fragment of celt, 3 inches in length by 2 in width and about li
in thickness. The material is a fine grained sandstone or a
diorite.
62756. A long, slender celt, very carefully finished, 7 inches in length,
2 lu width, and less than 1 in thickness. The material is a
very compact gray slate. It has apparently been recently
used as a scythe-stone by some harvester.
62757. Fragment of a small, narrow celt, both ends of which are lost.
Material, gray diorite.
62760. Heavy celt of gray diorite, 8 inches in length by 3 in width and
2i in thickness.
62762. A i)estle of gray diorite, with enlarged base and tapering toj),
5i inches in length and 3 inches in diameter at the base.
62751. A pestle of banded schistose slate, 15 inches in length, and 2^
inches in diameter in the middle, tapering symmetiically
toward the ends, which terminate in rounded points.
436
lIOI.MF.fi.]
STONE IMPLEMENTS OF TENNESSEE.
439
627G3. A ceremonial (?) stoue resembling somewhat a small broad-
bhuled pick, the outline being nearly semicircular. It is
pierced as a pick is pierced for the insertion of a handle. It
is 2J inches in length, li in width, and three fourths of an
incli in thickness. The material is a soft greenish mottled
serpeutine, or serpentinoid limestone. Fig. 116.
Fig. llfi.
G27GI. A pierced tablet of gray slate, 4.i inches long, IJ inches wide,
and half an inch thick. The two perforations are 2J inches
apart ; they have been bored from opposite sides, and show
no evidence of use. Nine notches have been cut in one end
of the tablet. It has been much injured bj- recent use as a
whetstone.
G27G4. Cup stone of rough sandstone, having seventeen shallow cup-
like depressions, from 1 to 2 inches in diameter. The stone
is of irregular outline, about 10 inches in diameter and 4 in
thickness.
02705. A large pipe of gray steatite; the bowl is square and about 3
inches in length by 1 in diameter. The stem end is 4 inches
in length and three-fourths of an inch in diameter. The
bowl has a deep, conical excavation. The same is true of
the stem-end also.
440 COLLECTIONS OF I881.
MOUND AT THE JUNCTION OF THE PIGEON AND FRENCH BROAD
RIVERS.
ARTICLES OF ClAY.
62870. The nionud from which these fragments were obtained was lo-
cated 3 miles from Newport. It was lli feet square and 6 feet high. The
original height was probably much greater. The ])ottery was mixed
with ashes and debris of what appeared to be three tire-i)laces. No
human remains were found. The fragments are not numerous, nor do
they indicate a great variety in form. There is, however, considerable
variety in decoration.
Material. — The clay is generally gray or dark-reddish gray in the
mass, and is apparently quite siliceous or sandy, numerous grains of
quartz being visible. There is generally a sprinkling of finely-powdered
mica, but no shell matter can be detected. When much weathered the
surface is quite gritty.
Form. — The leading form is a round-bodied, pot-shaped vase. There
is one small hemispherical bowl. The outlines have been quite sym-
metrical. The months of the pots are wide, and the necks deeply con-
stricted. The lip or rim exhibits a number of novel features. That of
the larger specimen, of which a considerable segment remains, is fur-
nished on the upper edge with a deep channel, nearly one-half an iucli
wide, and more than one fourth of an inch deep. First section. Fig. 117.
Others have a peculiar thickening of the rim, a sort of collar being
added to the outside. This is about 1 inch in width, and is thicker
below, giving a triangular section. Third section. Fig. 117.
The walls of the vessels are usually quite thin. The bottoms were
probably round, or nearly so. No fragments, however, of the lower
parts of the vessels were collected. There is but one example of handle,
and this presents no unusual features. Middle section, Fig. 117.
Ornamentation. — The ornamentation is in some respects novel. The
double or channeled rim of the larger specimen, the mouth of which
has been 13 or 14 inches in diameter, is embellished with a line of flut-
ings, which seem to be the impressions of a hollow bone or reed.
HOLMEB] POTTERY OP TENNESSEE. 441
The whole exterior surface is embellished with a most elaborate orna-
mental design, which resembles the imprint of some woven fabric. If
a woven fabric has not been used, a pliable stamp, producing the effect
of a fabric, has been resorted to. The fact that the sharply concave
portions of the neck are marked with as much regularity as the convex
body of the vessel, precludes the idea of the use of a solid or non elastic
stamp.
The pattern consists of groups of parallel indented lines, arranged
at right angles with one anothiT, the ])nzzling feature being that there
is no evidence of the i)a8sing of the threads or fillets over or under
each other, such as would be seen if a woven fabric had been used.
The outer surface of the triangular collar peculiar to many of the pots
has been decorated with a herriug-bone pattern, made by impressing a
sharp implement. The handle in one case is similarly ornamented.
This handle has been added after the figure previously described was
impressed upon the neck of the vessel. One small fragment shows
another style of indented or stamped pattern, which consists of series
of straight and curved lines, such as are characteristic of many of the
vessels obtained from the Gulf States.
A small fragment of coal black ware is entirely smooth on the outside,
and indicates an unusually well finished and syuimetrical vessel. An-
other shows the impression of basket-work, in which a wide fillet or
splint has served as the warp and a small twisted coid as the woof.
One interesting feature of this vessel is that from certain impressions
on the raised ridges we discover that the vessel has been taken from
the net mold while still in a plastic state.
Still another reddish porous fragment has a square rim, which is or-
namented with a.series of annular indentations.
COIil^ECTIONS FROM SEVIER COUNT Y, TENNESSEE.
THE M<=MAHAN MOUND.
On the west fork of the Little Pigeon River, at Sevierville, on a rich
bottom, 125 yards from the river, is a celebrated moiiud, the owners
of which have for years refused to have it opened.
Mr. Palmer spent several days in trying to obtain permission to open
it, and was about leaving in despair, when the owners finally yielded, not,
however, without requiring a number of concessions on the part of the
collector, which concessions were i)ut in the form of a legal document.
This mound is IGfcet high and 240 feet in circumference.
Three feet below the surface, a stratum of burnt clay, 15 feet wide by
30 long, was reached. This has probably ibrmed part of thereof of a
dwelling.
Beneath this was a bed of charcoal 4 inches thick. In this bed rem-
nants of cedar posts from 2 to 4 inches thick and 1 to 2 feet in length
were found.
Below this was a stratum of ashes, covering a limited area to the
depth of 4 feet. Surrounding this, the earth contained fragments of
numerous articles used bj' the inhabitants, while beneath came 4| feet
of earth, in which numerous skeletons had been deposited.
The bodies had been interred without order, and the bones were so in-
termingled, and so far decayed, that no complete skeletons could be col-
lected. Beneath the layer of bones came a second deposit of ashes, 2
feet thick by 2J feet in diameter, and beneath this a mass of red clay,
18 inches in thickness. In the earth surrounding the ashes and clay,
a number of skeletons were found ; these were in such an advanced
stage of decomposition that only a few fragments of skulls could be
preserved.
Three feet below the second layer of bones, the undisturbed soil was
reached.
Two boxes of bones were collected, the well-preserved crania num-
bering about twenty.
A great nuiny interesting specimens of the implements, utensils, and
ornaments of the mound-builders were obtained.
The following catalogue includes everything of interest:
ARTICLES OF STONE.
62787, 62792, 62778. 62769, 62784, 62788. Numerous specimens of arrow-
points, flakes, cores, and rough masses of gray and black
chalcedony, obtained partly from the mound, and partly from
the soil surrounding it.
44-2
Holmes] OBJECTS OF STONE AND CLAY FROM TENNESSEE. 443
G2793. A somewhat conical object of black compact graphite. The
flatish base is rubbed off in au irregular way, as if in grind-
ing down for use as a pigment.
62790. Fragment of bammerstone of gray micaceous sandstone, 5 inch-
es long by 3 inches in diameter. It was found associated
with the upper layer of skeletons.
62808. Pipe carved from gray marble. The bowl is symmetrically
shaped, and resemble.s a common clay pipe. It is about
]^ inches in height and 1 in diameter. The stem part is
about one-fourth of an inch in length. Found with the up-
per layer of skeletons.
62786. A perforated stone tube, 1:^ inches long and three-fourths of an
inch in diameter. It is probably the upper part of a pi))e
bowl.
62794. A large number of minute quartz pebbles, i)robably used in a
rattle or in playing some game of chance. Found with the
skeletons in the mound.
62798. Three glass beads, found 4 feet below the surface of the mound.
One is a bright blue bead of translucent glass. One is
opaque, resembling poi-celain. The third is of blue-gmy
glass, and has three longitudinal stripes of brown, underlaid
by bauds of white. All are cylindrical in shape, and are
from three-eighths to half an inch m length, and about one-
fourth of an inch in diameter.
ABnCLES OF CLAT.
The collection of pottery from this mound is of much interest. There
is but one entire vessel, but the fragments are so plentiful and well
preserved that many interesting forms can be restored, and a very good
idea of the ceramic work of this locality be formed.
Form. — I have spent much time in the examination of these fragments,
and have assigned each to the form of vessel to which it belonged.
Where large pieces are preserved, especially if the rim is included, we
have little trouble in reconstructing the entire ves.sel, without fear of
being seriously wrong. The lower parts of the bodies of all forms are
round or slightly flattened, and but a small fragment of the rim is
needed to tell whether the vessel was a bottle, pot, or bowl.
I find, however, that the forms merge into each other in such a way
that a complete graduated series can be found. Of first importance,
are the round or globular vases with more or less constricted necks.
Ornamentation. — The inside of all forms is plain with the exception of
accidental markings of the fingers. The rim is square, sharp, or round
on the edge, and sometimes slightly enlarged or beaded on the outer
margin. A collar is attached to many forms, which at the lower edge
overhangs. It is added to the body with the rim, or as a strip after-
444 COLLECTIONS OV 1881.
ward attached. It is often notched or indented with a stick, bone, or
reed, oi- with the lingers.
The necks of vases and pot-shaped vessels have a great variety of
handles, knobs, and ornaments. Some of the latter seem to be ati'o-
phied handles. In some cases a low horizontal ridge, from 1 to i or
more inches in length is placed near the rim, in place of the contiimous
collar. In other cases a narrow, crescent-shaped ridge is attached, tlie
points reaching down on the shoulder, the arch lying upon the neck.
Still others have one or more handles which connect the rim with the
neck or shoulder of the vessel, leaving a round or oblong passage for a
cord or vine.
These handles were added after the vessel was completed. They are
never ornamented. In one case an arched handle, like the handle of a
basket, couuects the opposite sides of the rim. This is the only entire
Fig. 118.
vessel recovered from the mound. It was associated with the npper
layer of skeletons. Diameter 4i inches. Fig. 118.
The body of these vessels is sometimes quite plain, but is more fre-
quently covered with cord markings. These, with one or two excep-
tions, seem to be made by a series of fine cords, approximately jiarallel,
but without cross-threads of any kind. There is little uniformity of
arrangement. In the upper part, and about the base of the neck, the
indented lines are generally vertical. On the bottom they are quite
irregular, as if the vessel, in making, had been rolled about on a piece of
netting or coarse cloth. The cords have been about the size of the ordi-
nary cotton cord used by mrchants. One exception is seen in a fragment
of a large, rudely-made vase, in which we liave the impression of a fabric,
HOLMES.) POVTERY OF TENNESSEE. 445
the warp of which, whether wood or cord, has consisted of fillets more
than one-fourth of an inch in width, the woof being fine cord.
This is what is frequently spoken of as the ear-ofcorn impression.
No incised or excavated lines have been noticed in these fragments of
pot-shaped vessels. Some of the most elegant vessels are without up-
right necks. The upper or incurved surface of the body is approxi
mately flat, forming, with the lower part of the body a more or less sharp
peripheral angle. The base is rounded, and, so far as we can judge
from the examples, the bottom is slightly flattened. Vessels having ver
tical or flaring rims are generally somewhat more shallow.
The incurved upper surface is often tastefully ornamented with pat-
terns of incised or excavated lines which are arranged in groups, in
vertical or oblique positions, or encircle the vessel parallel with the
border. One specimen has a row of stamped circles, made by a reed or
hollow bone.
Bowls of the ordinary shape are variously decorated. In one case we
have on the outside of the rim, and projecting slightly above it, a
rudely-modeled grotesque face. A notched fillet passes around the
rim, near the lip, connecting with the sides of this head.
In another case a rude node is added to the rim. The only bowl hav-
ing a flaring rim is without ornament.
We have only one fragment of a bowl in which the body has been
marked with cords.
Gomposilion. — The clay used in the pottery from this mound is gen-
erally fine in texture, and of a light-gray color. Many of the fragments
have been blackened by burning subsequently to their original firing,
and some may have been originally blackened with graphite. The
prevailing colors seen in the fragments are yellowish and reddish grays.
The percentage of powdered shell used in tempering has usually been
very large, forming at times at least half the mass. The flakes of shell
are very coarse, being often as much as one-fourth of an inch in diame-
ter. In many cases they have been destroyed by burning, or have
dropped out from decay, leaving a deeply pitted surface.
Pipes. — There are a number of pipes in the collection, most of which
weie found near the surface of the mound. In some cases they resem-
ble modern forms very closely. . The most striking example is made of
a fine-grained clay, without visible admixture of tempering material.
The color is a reddish gray. It is neatly and symmetrically formed,
the surface being finished by polishing with a smooth, hard implement,
and shaving with a knife. The bowl is 2 inches high, and the rim is
bell shaped above, with a smooth, flat lip, one-fourth of an inch wide.
The diameter of the opening is nearly 2 inches. The base is conical.
The stem part is one-hnlf an inch long and one-half an inch in diame-
ter. The bowl and stem arc both conically excavated.
Another specimen is made of clay mixed with jiowdered shell. The
bowl is cyliudiical. being a little larger at the rim, which is ornamented
446 COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
with rows of piiuctmes. The elbow is ornamented by a rosette of in-
dented lines. The mouth piece has been broken away.
0B.1ECT8 OF HETIL.
62797. One of the most instrnclive finds in this mound is a i)air of brass
pins, of undoubted European manufacture. The collector
makes the statement, with entire confidence in its correct-
Dess, that they had been encased in the earth at the time
of the interment of the bodies. One was associated with the
upper and the other with the lower layer of bones. In size
and shape they resemble our ordinary brass toilet pin. The
head is i'ormed of a spiral coil of wire, the diameter of which
is about one-half that of the shaft of the pin. It is also
stated by the collector that an iron bolt was found in the
lower stratum of bones. This object was unfortunately lost.
62795. A small brass cylinder, found 3 feet 7 inches below the surface
of the mound. The thin sheet of which the coil is made is
about 1 inch square. The edges are uneven. It was proba-
bly used as a bead.
OBJECTS OF SHELL.
Few mounds have rivaled this in its wealth of shell ornaments. En-
graved gorgets cat from the body of the BuHyvon perrersum and large
pins from the coluniellfe of the same shell are especially numerous and
well preserved. Large numbers of beads and unworked shells were
also found. All were intimately associated with the skeletons.
While many of the specimens are well preserved, we find that many
are in an advanced stage of decay, and unless most carefully handled,
crumble to powder.
Similar shell ornaiiients are found in mounds in other parts of Tennes-
see, as well as in neighboring States. These have been pretty fully
described in the Second Annual Report.
62830-62839. These pins are all made from the Busycon perversum. The
entire specimens range from 3 to 6 inches in length ; two
are fragmentary, having lost their points by decay. The
heads are from one-half to 1 inch in length, and are generally
less than 1 inch in diameter. They are somewhat varied in
shape, some being cylindrical, others being conical above.
The shaft is pretty evenly rounded, but is seldom symmetrical
or straight. It is rarely above one-half an inch in diameter,
and tapers gradually to a more or less rounded point. The
groove of the canal shows distinctly in all the heads, and
may often be traced far down the shaft. In a number of
cases the surface retains the fine i)olish of the newly linished
object, but it is usually somewhat weathered, and frequently
OBJECTS OF SHELL FROM TENNESSEE.
447
discolored or cbalky. These specimeus were found in the
iiiouuds along with deposits of luiiuau remains, and generally
in close proximity to the heiid ; this fixct suggests their nse
as ornaments for the hair.
02840-62843. A number of saucer-shaped shell gorgets, the upper edge
being somewhat straightened, the result of the natural limit
of the body of the shell. Two small holes, for suspension
occur near the upper margin. The diameter ranges from 3
to 6 inches.
62831
n.'sa
Fui, 119. Fig. 120.
In studying the design the attention is hrst attracted by an
eye like figure near the left border. This is formed of a seiies
of concentric circles, and is partially inclosed by a looped band
about one-eighth of an inch in width, which oi)ens downward to
the left.. This band is occupied by a series of conical dots or
depressions, the number of which varies in the ditlerent sjjeci-
448 COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
mens. The part of the figure inclosed by tbis band repre-
sents the head and neck of the serpent. To the right of the
eye we have the mouth, which is usually shown in profile, the
upper jaw being turned iijjward exhibiting a double row of
notches or teeth. The body encircles the head in a single
coil, which appears from beneath the neck on the riglit, passes
around the front of the head, and terminates at the back in
a pointed tail armed with well-defined rattles. The spots
and scales of the serjient are represented in a highly con-
ventionalized manner.
Fig. 121.
Fig. 122.
Sht-11 gorsets with engraved dcsiijna representing tlie rattlesnake.
628il-6284.5. The handsome specimen given iu Fig. 12-i is in a very
good state of preservation. It is a deep, somewhat oval
plate, made from a Busycnn perversum. The surface is nicely
polished and the margins neatly beveled. The marginal zone
is less than half an inch wide and contains at the upper edge
two perforations, which have been considerably abraded by
the cord of suspension. Four long curved slits or perfora-
tions almost sever the central design from the rim ; the four
SHELL GORGETS FROM TENNESSEE.
449
narrow segments that remain are each ornamented with a
single conical pit. The serpent is verj- ueatlj' engraved and
belongs to the chevroued variety. The eye is large and the
neck Is ornamented with a single rectangular intaglio figure.
Tlie mouth is more than usually well defined. The upper jaw
is turned abruptly backward and is ornamented with lines
peculiar to this variety of the designs.
Fig. 123. (62841.)
no. 124. (62845.)
Shell gorgets with engraved designs representing tlio rattlesnake.
The body of the serpent opposite the perforations for sus-
pension is interrupted by a rather mysterious cross band,
consisting of one broad and two narrow lines. As this is a
feature common to many specimens, it probably had some
important office or significance.
62847-02848. Mask like shell ornaments. By a combination of engrav-
ing and sculpture a rude resemblance to the human features-
is produced. The objects are generally made from large pear-
3 EXH 29
450
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
shaped sections of the lower whorl of mariue univalves.
The lower portion, which represents the neck and chin, is cut
from the somewhat constricted part near the base of the shell,
Fig. r25. (62348.) Mask-like object of shell.
while the broad outline of the head reaches the first suture
at the uoded shoulder of the body whorl. The simplest form
is shown in Fig. ]25. A more elaborate form is given in
Fig. 126.
Fig. 126. (62347.) Mask -like object of shell.
These objects are especially numerous in the mounds of
Tennessee, but their range i.>< iiuite wide, examples having
been reported from Kentucky, Virginia, Illinois, Missouri,
and Arkansas, and smaller ones of a somewhat different type
from New York. In size they range from 2 to 10 inches in
length, the width being considerably less. They are gen-
erally found associated with huiiiiui remains in such away
SHELl. GORGETS FROM TENNESSEE.
451
as to suggest tbeir use as oruaments for the head or neck.
There are, however, uo boles for suspension except those
made to represent the eyes, and these, so far as I have ob-
served, show no abrasion by a cord of suspension. Their
shape suggests the idea that they may have been used as
masks, after the manner of metal masks by some of the ori-
ental nations.
Flfi. 127.— Shell gorgut wUli cngKiviii
urious human tigure.
62846. Engraved shell. Fig. 127. This very interesting object has been
fully described in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau.
The figure is so obscure that considerable study is necessary
in making it out.
62930. Engraved shell, Fig. 128. This remarkable specimen has already
been described in the Second Annual Eeport of the Bureau.
The engraved design is certainly of a very high order of
merit, and suggests the work of the ancient Mexicans.
62816-62822, 62824, 62826, 62828, 02829. Shell beads discoidal and cylin-
drical in form, made chiefly from the columellae and walls of
marine univalves.
62825. Shell bead made by grinding off the apex of a large OUva hi-
plica t a. (?)
62827. Beads made from iVa>-(/(Me?/«(?) shells.
452
COLLECTIONS OF I88L
62825, 62827, 02S50-02S57, C27S2. Species of shell found in the mound,
some with the skeletons, others near the surface.
Fic. 128.— Shell gorget with engraved ileaigu repies euuug Iwo figbtiDg flgmes.
The following genera and species are ])rovisioiially deter
mined :
Unio innltiplicatus.
Unio oraUm.
Unio crassidens.
Vtiio pictorum.
MaujUidla (?).
Oliva(?).
To spinosa.
TrypanoHtomu anthonyi.
Anculosa subglohosa.
Biisyco It pervemn in .
62823. A tooth-shaped fresh-water pearl, found with the skeletons.
HOLMES.) STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM TENNESSEE. 453
AMH.\L SUBSTANCES.
62861. Fragineuts of deer-horn found near the surface of the mound.
62858. All iiiipleinent of unusual form, made from a flat piece of bone,
found with the skeletons in the mound.
62859, 62860. Bone implements, needles and perforators, some of which
are well preserved and retain the original polish ; others are
in a very advanced stage of decay.
Three boxes of human boues (not numbered).
FROM THE FIELDS AT SEVIERVILLE.
• IRTICLES UP STONE.
62770. A small grooved ax, formed of a coarse textured stone, resem-
bling diorite. It is 4i inches in length and 2i in width.
The head is rounded and the cutting edge much battered.
The groove is wide and shallow, and the bordering ridges
prominent. The blade thins out quite abru[)tly. Presented
by J. B. Emert.
62772. A celt 6^ inches long, 2J inches wide, and 1 inch thick. The ma-
terial is a compact, blue-gray, banded slate. The sides are
straight and a transverse section is somewhat rectangular.
Both edges are sharpened, and are very neatly beveled and
polished. Presented by W. P. Mitchell.
62771. A small celt of compact greenish slate; one face is flat, the other
convex. It is neatly made and perfectly preserved, the
broader end being oblique and shar]). It is 3J inches in length.
62777. A rude, much-battered celt of coarse sandstone or diorite. It is
4 inches in length by 2 in width near the cutting edge. The
top is somewhat conical.
62774. A large unsymmetrical celt made of coarse yellowish sandstone;
one side is much battered. The cutting edge is round and
dull. It is 9 inches in length by 5 in width near the broad
end and is 14 inches thick.
62785. A knife-blade-shaped object, apparently a fragment of a winged
ceremonial stone. The whole surface is smooth and shows
no evidence of use. It is made of fine-grained gray slate.
It is 2 inches in length by five-eighths in width.
62775. A bell-shaped pestle made of yellowish gray quartzite. The
surface has been evenly roughened by picking, but has be-
come slightly polished on parts most exposed when in use.
The base part is subrectangular in section, and the bottom
is slightly but evenly convex. The upper part, which has
been shaped for couvenient grasping by the hand, is evenly
454
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
rounded at the toj). Height, 44 inches; width of base, 3J
inches.
62706. A wellfoimed globe of gritty saudstoue. The surftxce is rough-
ened or granular. It is 2| inches in diameter.
62789. Portion of an obloug hammer stone, i inches in length by 3 in
diameter in the middle jiart. One end has been much re-
duced by use. It is made of some dark, much decomposed,
crystalline rock.
62768. A symmetrical sandstone ring, 2 inches in diameter and three-
fourths of an inch in thickness. The perforation is about
tive-eighths of an inch in diameter. The surface is rough-
ened by picking.
62767. A symmetrical, neatly fiuished disk of light gray quartzite. It
is 4^ inches in diameter and 1^ inches in thickness at the
circumfei'ence, and less than 1 inch thick at the center.
628G9. An hour-glass shaped tube made of gray hydro-mica schist,
which resembles very compact steatite. It is 5i inches long,
2 inches in diameter at the widest part and 1^ inches at the
narrowest part. The most restricted part near the middle
is girdled by a ridge or ring, on the circumference of which
seventy or eight}' shallow notches have been cut.
The perforation is much enlarged at the ends, giving cup-
like cavities. The walls are thiu near the ends and quite
thick near the middle, the passage being hardly more than
one-quarter of an inch in diameter. The markings on the
inside indicate that the excavation has been made by a goug-
ing process, rather than by the use of a rotary perforator.
Fig. I'M.
OBJECTS OF STONE FROM TENNESSEE.
455
J77G. A boat shaped ceremonial stone of banded slate, 3 inches long,
1 iuch wide, and 1 inch deep. From the side the outline is
triangnlar, the two lines of the keel forminjr almost a right
angle. From the top the outline is a long, pointed oval, as
seen in the illustration, Fig. 131.
^A:J^;
Fig. 131.
The trough-shaped excavation is more rounded in outline,
and is three-fourths of an inch in depth. Perforations have
been made near the ends of this trough ; these seem to be
somewhat abraded on the outside by a cord of suspension or
attachment which has passed between them along a groove
in the apex or angle of the keel.
C28GS An amulet or charm of dark-greenish rock, probably a serpen-
tine, carved to represent a bird's head. The more highly
polished parts are quite dark, while freshly cut lines are
whitish. The head is graphically represented, the bill, the
eye, and nostril being well shown. A stand-like base takes
the place of the body of the bird. Around this, near the
bottom, a groove has been cut for the purpose of attaching
a string or securing a handle. In dressing the surface some
implement has been used that has leftfllehkescratches. Fig.
132 represents this object natural size.
456 COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
62773. Fragment of a stone disk or wheel that has lines cut upon it
resembling in arrangement the grooves of an ordinary mill-
stone. Diameter, 6 inches; thickness, 2 inches. This is
probably not an aboriginal work.
63180. A banner-stone of unusual shape, made of gray slate. The cut,
Fig. 133, represents this object three-fourths natural size.
The i)erforation is one-half an inch in diameter, and is quite
symmetrical. The entire surface is well polished.
ARTICLES OF CLAY.
A few specimens of potsherds were collected from the tields about
Sevierville.
Most of these are identical in every way with the pottery of themound,
but three examples are of a totally different type. The material of these
is a fine sandy clay, tempered with a large percentage oTflnely pulverized
mica.
The forms of the vessels cannot be made out. The outer surfaces
were ornamented by a stamped pattern of small square or lozenge-
shaped figures, a number of these together were apparently formed by
a single stamp.
Among the fragments we have half a dozen disks, from 1 to 2 inches
in diameter, worked from ordinary potsherds. A small rudely mod-
eled figure of a bird was also found with these fragments. Tliere
were also masses of indurated clay, which seem to have been used for
chinking purposes.
COLLECTIONS FROM ROANE COUNTY, TENNESSEE.
MOUND AT Taylor's bend.
This mound is situated three hundred and fifty yards from the French
Broad Eiver, on the farm of Mr. William Harris.
It is 10 feet high and nearly 50 feet in circumference. Its summit
has been cultivated for many years, and the height has doubtless been
much reduced. Immediately under the surface soil a heavy bed of ashes
and charcoal was reached, which at the border of the mound was only
a few inches thick, but at the center was about 3 feet thick.
In this stratum were found a few implements, and fragments of pot-
tery, and two very much decayed skeletons. A part of one cranium was
preserved. The mound beneath this stratum was composed chiefly of
loam, with some sand in the center, and contained nothing of interest.
ABTICLEB OF NTONK.
62885. A needle-like implement, made of a soft black stone that may be
cannel coal. It is 3J inches in length, but is not entire.
The shaft is a little more than one fourth of an inch in diam-
eter, is nearly round, and tapers to a symmetrical point. The
surface is highly polished. It was found in the stratum of
ashes.
ABTICLES OF CLAT.
62890, 62892-6. A considerable number of fragments of potterj was
found in the stratum of ashes.
Form. — Vases of the wide uiouthed, round-bodied variety are
represented, also a number of hemispherical bowls. One
large fragment representing a vessel with rounded bottom
was found.
Size. — The pot like vases have lieen quite large, the mouths
being as much as 14 inches in diameter. The larger bowls
have been 10 inches or more in diameter. Others are smaller.
The walls of some of the larger vessels have been half an
inch in thickness.
Jlfa^ertaJ.— Classified by material, there are two varieties,
one is composed of the usual clay and pulverized shells,
the latter being coarse and exceedingly plentiful; the other
has 110 shell material, but in its place an admixture of sand
and small quartz pebbles.
457
458 COLLECTIONS OF 18tfl.
Ornamentation. — The iuside is plain as usual, and many of
the fragments have no exterior ornament. There are two
varieties of surface mnrkiugs; one consists of impressions of
basket work, which indicate a broad series of fillets bound
together by small twisted cords of grass or bark ; the other
appears to have been made by an open net-work of fine cords,
which have been quite irregularly arranged.
OBJECTS UF SHELL.
G2898. A shell pin made from the columella of a large univalve. The
original polish is still preserved. The head is round and
small, and the shaft 2 inches in length. Found in the stratum
of ashes.
62899. Two species of shells, lo spinosa and Pleurocera conradii (?), ob-
tained from the stratum of ashes.
COLLECTIONS FROM THE FIELDS AT TAVLOK's BEND.
IBTIOLES OP STONE.
62883. A lot of arrow points, spear points, and knives, having a wide
range of shape and size. A serrated specimen is 3 inches in
length, and is made of yellowish striped chalcedony. One
is made of white translucent quartz, and others of dark gray
and black chalcedony.
62881. A stone disk, 1^ inches in diameter and three-eighths of au inch
thick. It is of gray sandstone, nicely smoothed. The edge
is rounded and the sides slightly convex.
62882. Two stone disks similar to the jn-eceding, but smaller.
62878. A small, thick, nearly symmetrical celt, 2i inches in length, IJ
inches in width, and one-half of an inch thick. The edge is
rounded in outline and well sharpened. The beveled areas
are narrow and stand at an angle of 30° with each other. It
is widest at the edge, tapering above to a conical point. The
material is apparently a compact greenish diorite.
62877. A small celt similar to the preceding in form and material. It
is 3i inches long, and 1^ inches in width near the cutting
edge, which is considerably battered.
62875. A curved celt of considerable interest, made of a greenish dio-
rite. It is 8 inches in length, 2J inches wide near the cutting
edge, and about 1 inch thick. It tapers toward the apex
to IJ inches in width. A transverse section would be a
sharp oval. A longitudinal section showing the thickness
of the implement gives a bow like figure, the median line of
which would deflect nearly half an inch from a straight line.
OBJECTS OK STONE FROM TENNESSEE.
459
62876. A celt, 3J inches iu length, of the usual form, made of a green-
ish (liorite.
62874. A grooved ax of gray sandstone, 5 inches long, 3 inches wide,
and 1 inch thick. The groove is deep and well rounded,
FIG. 134.
and has two bordering ridges in high relief. The head is
low and conical, and the blade narrow and rectangular. The
surface has originally been quite smooth, but is now some-
what battered.
62880
62871. A cylindrical pestle of gray diorite{?), 11 inches long and 2
inches in diameter. The general surface is rough, the points
being smoothed by use.
460 COLLECTIONS OF 188L
62879. A perforated tablet, made of gray, chloritic scbist, 2i iucbes
long by li inches broad, illustrated in Fig. 134. The sides
are notched in a way that gives a dumb-bell like outline.
The ends are almost square. Series of notches have been
cut in the terminal edges. On one of the lateral margins
rude notches aud zigzag lines have been engraved. In the
middle of the plate there is a circular perforation one-fourth
of an inch in diameter. Midway between this and the ends
are two other perforations, one being circular and one eighth
of an inch in diameter, and the other lozenge or diamond
shaped and nearly one-fourth of an inch in width. These
show no evidence of wear. The surface is uneven, though
somewhat polished. It has probably been used for straiglit-
ening arrow shafts and shaping strings.
62880. Fragment of a perforated tablet carved Irom gray slate. It has
been broken transversely near the middle, through a perfor-
ation which has been about one-eighth of an inch in diam-
eter. The remnant is 2 inches in length and li inches in
width at the perforation. One side is plain, the other has a
design of plain and zigzag lines. The edges are beveled aud
notched. See Fig. 135.
VICINITY OF KINGSTON.
On the farm of Mr. M. Bias, three miles from Kingston, on the Tennes-
see River, a mound was opened which was so located as to overlook the
river, and at the same time guard the approach from two pieces of pro-
jecting wood. It was 11 feet high, 29 feet wide on the top, and 45 feet
in diameter at the base. It was composed entirely of clay.
Three feet from the surface six very much decayed skeletons were
found, no parts of which could be preserved. The bodies seem to have
been deposited without definite order.
No objects of art were obtained.
Opposite Kingston, on the Clinch River, are three mounds, located on
the farm of T. N. Clark. They are all small, and, with the exception of
two much decayed skeletons and a single arrow i)oint, contained nothing
of interest.
On the farm of S. P. Evans, three miles below Kingston, are three
groups of mounds. The first contains five mounds; the second, a little
higher up, has the same number, while the third has but two. They
are all built of clay, and seem to be without remains of any sort.
HOLMES. I
OBJECTS OF STONE FROM TENNESSEE.
461
MOUND AT NILES' FERRY.
On the farm of J. W. Niles, at this point, is a large luouud that has
tlie appearance of a Creek or Cherokee ball-ground. It was Hat on the
top, and had au area of If acres. The height was 15 feet. In outline
it was somewhat triangular. This mound was also constructed of clay,
and contained nothing of interest. In the fields, near by, human bones,
pottery, stone implements, beads, etc., are frequently plowed up.
From this localitj' the following specimens were collected:
62957. Arrow heads and knives of gray and black chalcedony. .
62955. Unworked Uiiio shells.
62956. A number of shell beads of usual size and form.
MOUNDS NEAR PAINT ROCK FERRY.
About three hundred yards from the Tennessee Eiver, at Paint Rock
Ferry, is a large mound 40 feet in height, and covering an area of about
about two acres.
Permission could not be obtained to open the mound, on account of
the crop of corn that covered it. Near its base, on opposite sides, were
two smaller mounds. One of these was 5 feet high an<l 10 in diam-
eter, and contained a stone grave. The body which it contained had
been laid ou the ground and covered a foot deep with earth. A tlat
rock had been laid upon this, and slabs of limestone set ou edge all
around. The inclosed space was i feet in width by 5 in length.
Earth had been used to cover the cist and form the mound.
About this mound were scattered many slabs of stone which had been
plowed up during previous years; and it is stated that human bones
and various objects of art have, at different times, been brought to
light.
A short distance from the large mound, and near the river bank, is
another mound on which a barn has been built.
Several hundred yards from the river, in a meadow, is a third mound,
less than half as large as that first mentioned. The owner would not
allow it to be disturbed. Still another mound, near by, was oval in
outline, 28 feet long, by 20 wide, and 12 high. It was composed of clay
and contained nothing but a few i)ieces of pottery.
62939, 62040, 62945. Fragments of pottery from the mounds at Paint
Eock Ferry.
OBJECTS OF SHELL.
Fig. 136.
Fig. 137.
462
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
62935, (52937. Shell beads, biittous, and pendants, made from marine
shells. A neatly made pendant is 1 inch in diameter and
one-sixth of an inch thick. Near the edge are two small
perforations for suspension, and at the center is a conical pit,
encircled by a shallow incised line. Beside this, there are a
number of buttons of similar shape, which have single per-
forations at the center. Some of the smaller beads seem to
have been painted xed. Figs. 136, 137, and 138.
62936. Fragment of a large Btisycon pcrrersum.
62942. Teeth of the bear, and possibly of the horse found near the
surface of one of the mounds.
Fig. 138.
COLLECTIONS FROM JBFFERSOISr COUNTY.
MOUND ON FAIN's ISLAND.
This uioiiud is located on the east end of the island. Although it
has been under cultivation for many years, it is still 10 feet in height.
The circumference at the base is about 100 feet. Near the surface a
bed of burned clay was encountered, in which were many impressions
of poles, sticks, and grass. This was probably the remains of the roof
of a house, which had been about 10 feet long by 15 feet in width. The
bed of clay was about 4 inches thick. Beneath this was a layer of char-
coal and ashes, with much charred cane. There were also indications
of charred posts, which probably served as supports to the roof. Four
feet below the surface were found the remains of thirty-two human
skeletons. With the exception of seventeen skulls, none of the bones
could be preserved. There seems to have been no regularity in the
placing of the bodies.
ABTICLBS OP CLAT.
The fragments of pottery from this mound are unusuallj' large and
well preserved, and exhibit a number of varieties of form and orna-
mentation.
Forms. — The prevailing form is a pot- shaped vase, with wide mouth,
and rounded body; the neck is short and straight or but slightly con-
stricted. The handles or ears which connect the upjier part of the neck
with the shoulder are in some cases as much as 3 inches wide. The
bowls are mostly hemispherical, but in a few cases have incurved lips,
the shoulder being rounded and the base somewhat flattened. The
largest specimens have been 11 or 12 inches in diameter. The vases have
been somwhat larger.
Material. — Classified by material, there seem to be two varieties, one
with a very large percentage of coarsely pulverized shell material, the
other without visible dSgraissant. The clay is usually fine and apparently
without admixture of sand or other impurities. A little comminuted
mica may be seen in some cases.
Color. — The prevailing color is a reddish gray, more or less blackened
by use. A remarkable variety has a bright red surface, the mass being
gray.
Ornamentation. — The ornamentation consists of cord and net im-
pressions, incised lines, stamped figures, indented fillets, and life and
fanciful forms modeled in relief.
The study of cord impressions is quite interesting. The cords are
twisted and as large as medium twine. These cords appear to have
4G3
464 COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
been disconnected, at least, not woven into a fabric, and the impres-
sions are generally nearly vertical abont the npper part of the vessel,
but below take all positions, the result being a sort of hatching of the
lines. This effect may be the result of placing the vessel npon a coarse
fabric while the rim was being finished or the handles added;
It seems possible tliat a loose net of cords, probably with fine cross-
threads, is nsetl to suspend the vessel in during the process of modeling.
It appears, however, if this has been the (uise, that the vessel has been
taken out of this net before it was burned. Where handles have been
added, it will be found that the cord markings have been destroyed by
the tonch of the fingers. But the body has impressions of the net made
after the addition of the handles and ornaments, as the impressions
appear on the outside or lower edges of these additions. The lower
part of the body may still have been supported by the net during the
process of drying; bnt as some vessels have no cord markings what-
FlG. 139.
ever, it is evident that it was not difiQcult to complete the vessel without
the support of the net.
By making a clay impression of one of the fragments I have been
able to determine the character of the fabric; nsed. It was loosely
woven and qnite flexible, the clay often receiving finger impressions
through it. It was probably made of grasses or the fibre of bark.
Beside the net and cord marks, which may or may not be the result
of an attempt at ornament, there are ornaments made of fillets of clay.
In a number of cases a comb-like figure made of thin fillets has been
added to the shoulder of a vase. In other cases a fillet has been carried
aronnd the neck of the vase and indented by the finger or an implement.
The rim of one bowl has been ornamented with three deeply incised
or excavated lines, which form a sort of embattled figure about the
incurved lip. Another has a series of shallow, vertical, incised lines
near the rim, and a circle of annular indentations, three-eighths of an
inch in diameter, about one-fourth of an inch from the lip.
HOLMES) SHELL GORGETS FROM TENNESSEE. 465
There are also various forms of noded ornaments on the rims of bowls.
The handles of vases are in a few cases effectively ornamented. In one
case the handle has been elaborated into a life form, representing a frog
or human figure. The arms are attached to the upper part of the handle
and lie extended along the rim. The handle proper represents the
bodj', the breast being protruded. The legs lie flattened out upon the
shoulder of the vessel, the feet being bent back beneath the body ; height
3i inches. Tiiis vessel is illustrated in Fig. 139.
PROM THE FIELDS OF FAIn's ISLAND.
ARTICLES OP STONE.
62900. A very handsome specimen of grooved ax. ' It is made of a re-
markable variety of porphyritic diorite that resembles
breccia.
Thematrixhas theappearance of a gray speckled quartzite;
the angular inclnsions being whitish feldspar, with dark-
greenish patches of hornblende. The surface is smooth and
shows but little wear. The length is 7 inches, the width 4,
and the thickness 2 inches. The groove is deep, and has
two well-defined bordering ridges. The head is low and
rounded, and occupies about one-third of the length of the
implement. The blade is well-formed, the sides being par-
allel or nearly so. The edge is slightly rounded in outline,
and is polished and sharp.
G2907. A grooved stone ax, 5 inches in length, 4| inches in width, and IJ
inches in thickness. The groove is placed as in the preceding
example, but has a bordering ridge on the upper side only.
The head is very large and narrow. The blade is rectangular
in outline, and has a rounded, moderately sharp edge. The
material is a compact gra]>hic diorite (?).
62904. A grooved ax, 4 inches in length, 3^ inches in width, and three-
fourths of an inch in thickness. The groove, which is well
defined, has no lateral ridges. It seems to have been made
from a flattish, oval, river pebble.
62902. Fragment of a pierced tablet of slate.
02903. A well shaped disk of translucent quartz. If inches in diameter
and three-fourths of an inch in thickness. The sides are
nearly flat, and the edge evenly rounded. The surface is
quite smooth.
62905. Steatite pipe found on the surface of the mound. The bowl is
about 0 inches in length and 1 inch in thickness. A section
is nearly square. The cavities are roughly excavated.
3 ETH ^30
466
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
OBJECTS OF SHELL.
62916. Well preserved specimen of lo spinosa.
62955. Specimens of Unio 2>fohatii,s.
62914. A large specimen of shell pin, made from the columella of a
Busycon perversum. It is much discolored and in an ad-
vanced stage of decay. Length nearly 4 inches. Form as
usual.
62913. A shell pin similar to the preceding.
Fig. 140. — Shell fjorget with au engraved cro,sa.
62931. A number of large shell beads, made from the columelhe of ma-
rine shells. The larger specimens are cylindrical in form,
and are 1 inch in length and upwards of 1 inch in diameter.
Fig. 141. — Shell gorget with the engraving of a spider.
62932-62834. Shell beads of various sizes and shapes, made from the
columelliT^ and walls of marine shells.
aoums] SHELL GOKGETS FROM TENNESSEE. 467
6292R A shell ornament, on tbe convex surface of which a very curious
ornameutal design has been engraved. The design, in-
closed by a circle, represents a cross such as would be formed
by two rectangular tablets or slips, slit longitudinally and
interlaced at right angles to each other. The lines are neatly
and deeply incised. The edge of the ornament has been
broken away nearly all around. It is represented natural
size in the cut. Fig. 140.
62929. This disk is somewhat more convex on the front than is indicated
in the engraving. It is 2^ inches in diameter, and is quite
thin and fragile, although the surface has not suffered much
from decay. The margin is ornamented with twenty-four
very neatly made notches or scallops. Immediately inside
the border on the convex side are two incised circles, on the
outer of which two small perforations for suspension have
been made; inside of these, and less than half an inch from
the margin, is a circle of seventeen subtriangular perfoia-
tions, the inner angle of each being much rounded. Inside
of this again is another incised circle, about IJ inches in
diameter, which incloses the highly conventionalized fl;;ure
of an insect resembling a spider. The middle segment of the
body is nearly round and has near the center a large conical
perforation. This round portion corresponds to the thorax
of the insect and has four pairs of legs attached to it. It is
diflScult to distinguish the anterior and posterior extremi-
ties of the body. It is probable that the subtriangular fig-
ure below is intended for the head, as the two circles with
central dots are good representations of eyes. Fig. 141.
ANIMAL SUBSTANCES.
62910,62911,62912. A number of bone implements, including needles,
perforators, and paddle-shaped objects, found with the skele-
tons in the mound.
COIiliECTIONS FROM MISSISSIPPI COUTSITY, ARKANSAS.
PEMISSCOTT MOUND.
Oti Pemisscott Bay u, 22 miles northwest of Osceola, on the farm of
Samuel Hector, is a mound 20 feet in height, with a surface area of about
one-fourth of an acre. The sides have been dug into extensively, but
the central part remained untouched. It was composed of sand and
bluish clay, but contained no remains of interest. It is stated by the
proijrietor that formerly there were three circular ditches extending
around the slopes of the mound. When the surface of the mound was
first plowed quantities of charcoal and potsherds were found.
CHICKASAWBA MOUND.
This mound is situated at Chickasawba Village, 24 miles north of Os
ceola. It is 25 feet high, and covers an area of one-fourth of an acre.
Collectors had already done much work on this mound, but obtained
little or nothing. The owner does not wish it disturbed further. A
field of several acres near by abounds in fragments of pottery, stone
implements, and the remains of houses and camp-flres.
The field contained originally many small mouijds or heaps, which
were probably the sites of houses. In a number of cases skeletons have
been found beneath these heaps.
MOUNDS IN CARSON LAKE TOWNSHIP.
In Oarson Lake township, 6 miles southwest of Osceola, on the farm
of Hugh Walker, are three mounds, which were much disturbed by the
earthquake that visited the New Madrid district in 1811.
The first one inspected is 59 feet wide by 75 feet long, but exhibits
no evidence of having been a dwelling or burial place.
The second mound is about 100 yards from the flrtit, and is circular
in outline, having two ridge-like projections from opposite sides. It is
20 feet in height, and about 23 feet across at the top. A number of
recent interments have been made near the summit.
The third mound is 250 yards from the preceding, and is 6 feet high,
34 feet wide, and 35 feet long. Six skeletons were found in this mound.
A stratum of ashes, charcoal, and burned clay was associated with them.
One cranium and a few bones were collected.
468
HOL.MEB I POTTERY FROM ARKANSAS. 469
63049. Bnriit clay from the third mound just described.
03052. Fragment of a plain vase; interior, reddish; exterior, yellowish-
gray. Other fragments are of ordinary undecorated ware.
MOUNDS AT PJiCAN POINT.
On the land of E. W. Friend, 1 mile west of the Mississippi Eiver,
are two mounds. The one first examined is 5 feet high and 150 feet in
circuiufereuce. The other is 4 feet high and 75 feet in circumference.
Two skeletons were found near the surface of the latter mound.
Near these mounds is another, 4 feet high and 20 feet in diameter.
Formerly this mound was covered with large trees, and the roots have
penetrated the soil, causing much injury to the contents. It is the
opinion of the collector that this mound, as well as many others of the
same region, has been used as a dwelling site, and that when a death
occurred the dwelling was burned down over the body. Before building
again the site was covered with a few inches of earth. There was no
uniformity in the position of the graves or their contents. The follow-
ing objects were obtained from this mound :
ARTICLES OP CLAY.
63009. A jar-shaped vase, with low neck and much compressed body.
Height, 4 inches; width, 6J inches; surface, moderately
smooth ; color, almost black.
63022. A jar similar to the preceding, but somewhat taller.
63046. A rather unusual form of bottle-shaped vase. The neck is narrow
and tapering. A fillet with finger indentations encircles the
lip. The base of the neck is also ornamented with a collar
or fillet. The body is globular, apparently a little pointed
above. Whole height, lOJ inches; width, 8 inches; color,
gray.
63029. A small, large-necked vase, with globular bodj', and lip a little
recurved. The body is ornamented with a number of inden-
tations, probably made with the finger nail. Oolor, dark
gray.
63008. A large, thick-bodied vase, modeled to represent a hunchbacked
human figure. The head is missing. It is 9 inches in
width, and has been about 12 inches in height. Ware of
the ordinary dark variety.
62995. Fragments of steatite vessels which have been from 1 to 2 feet
in diameter. The walls about the rims were quite thin.
62959. A large clay pipe, found in the soil near the banks of the INIissis-
sijipi.
470
COLLECTIONS OF 1881
FIELD GRAVES AND FIELDS IN THE VICINITY OF PECAN POINT.
AKTICIE8 OP STONE.
63204. A. large lot of arrow-points of yellow and gray jasper.
629GG, 62976, 62979-62998, 63000-63006. Celts or knives made of jasper
and yellowish jaspery slate, whicb range from 2 to 5 inches
in length, and are less than 1 inch in width and half an inch in
thickness. They have been chipped into the desired shape,
and iinished by grinding off the more prominent jiarts and
producing in many cases sharp cutting edges. A good ex-
ample is shown in Fig. 142.
^'t^f:.^
Fig. 142.
62965. A flat pebble, with rudely-made notches at the side.
62907, 62968, 62974. P'ragments of celts.
62970. Yellowish jasper pebble, resembling a celt.
62000. Fragment of a long, chipped, knife-like implement, the extrem
ities of which are lost.
62975. Fragment of a steatite vessel.
62969, 62971. Sandstone pebbles.
62960. Hammer-stone, with conical jioints, made from a pebble of cherty
sandstone.
POTTERY FROM ARKANSAS.
471
62962. Slightly grooved fragment of rubbingstoue.
62964.
62961.
62972.
62973.
Flat pebble, slightly hollowed by use ; a sort of shallow mortar.
Fragment of a stone similar to the preceding.
Fragment of concretionary iron ore, concave on one side.
Red paint.
ARTICLES OF ClAV.
A large number of very fine vessls of clay was i>resented by Dr. J.
M. Lindsley. They were obtained from a field near Pecan Point, within
S*""^-
half a mile of the Mississippi River. In the fields is a large mound
which could not be opened on account of the crops. Years ago, when
the timber was cleared from this field, many small elevations or hillocks
were observed scattered irregularly over the surface. The plow has
obliterated these, but has brought to light many evidences of ancient
472
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
occnpatiou, such as charcoal, ashes, burned clay, stone implements, and
human bones.
63207. A large, beautifully-formed jar has received this number. The
neck is short and slender, and the rim slightly enlarged and
recurved. The body is full and symmetrical, but greatly com-
pressed vertically, the width being about twice the height.
The ware is of the dark, porous varifety. Pull height, 8
inches; width, 10 inches.
63010. A bottle-shaped jar or vase, with long neck and globular body.
The form is unusually graceful. Height is 10 iuches. Di-
ameter of body, 6i inches. This vessel is shown in Fig. 143.
63012. A well-formed jar, with plain neck and globular body. Seven
and one-half inches in height, and 8J in width.
Fio. 1«.
63013. A medium sized, bottle-shaped vessel, of elegant proportions.
A rudimentary foot or stand is added to the bottom. Height,
8 inches. Fig. 144,
63017. A small, much compressed, bottle-shaped vase. Height, 5 inches;
width, 6^ inches.
63018. A bottle-sliaped vase of reddish-gray color, resembling the pre-
ceding in shape and size.
63019. A large, bottle-shaped vase, with long neck and subglobular
body. It is unique m having a stand or base whicli seems
to have been added after the body was somewhat hardened.
This stand has been perforated for ornament, as shown in
Fig. 14.J. Height, 8 inches; diameter, 6 iuches.
POTTERY FROM ARKANSAS.
473
6301]. A small vase, ornameuteil with a series of ribs, which extend
around the body from the neck to the base. This vessel is
rio. 145.
shown in Fig. 146. It is in a fragmentary state. Heighr,
4^ inches ; width, 7 inches.
Fig. 146.
474
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
63016. A medium- sized vase with vertically compressed body. Height,
6 inches; diameter, 8^ inches. Fig. 147.
63015. A plain bowl, with flattish bottom. Diameter, 9 inches; height
5 inches.
riG. 147.
63014. A well-made jar or vase, with globular body, 6 inches in width
and 4J iu height. The surface of the vessel is completely cov-
ered with an irregular, bead-like ornamentation, made by
pinching the soft clay between the thumb and fingers. Fig.
148. Diameter o| inches.
Fig. 148.
63020. A much compressed vase, 4i inches in height and 7i in width.
Four equi-distant protuberances are placed about the widest
part of the body and rudely imitate the extremities of some
animal.
POTTERY FROM ARKANSAS
475
63021. A small, jar-like vase, with globular body, 6 inches in height,
and the same in diameter. The form is not quite symmetrical.
63022. A small vase, with large, high neck and much compressed body.
Height, 5J inches ; width, 6J inches.
63023. A vase similar to the preceding.
03024. A medium-sized bowl, 7i inches in diameter and 3 inches in
height. The rim has an exterior ornament of thumb indenta-
tions.
63025. A small, rndely-constructed jar, 4 inches in height and 4J iu
width.
Fig. 149.
63026. Ajar having a high, wide neck, and small, globular body. The
bottom is flat. Height, 5 inches ; width, 4i inches.
63027. A small, rudely-constructed cup, of a reddish color. Height, 1
inch ; width, 1^ inches.
63045. A small, rudely-finished vase, with high, wide neck and short
pedestal. The globular body is embellished with an encir-
cling band of scroll-work of incised lines. The scrolls are
bordered by triangular wings filled with reticulated lines,
as shown in Fig. 149; height, 43 inches. Xos. 63113, 03026,
and 63099 are plain vessels of similar form.
Additional numbers have been given to numerous fragments from
this locality.
COLLECTION FROM ARKANSAS COUKTY.
MOUNDS AT ARKANSAS POST.
A group of vrell-known mounds is situated on the farm of the late
Frank Menard, 8 miles south-east of the village of Arkansas Post.
The largest mound is 905 feet in circumference at the top aud con-
siderably larger at the base. The slopes are covered with trees aud
bushes.
This mound had already been dug into quite extensively, and it was
thought useless to explore it further. Connected with this mound by a
ridge of earth 300 feet long and 20 feet across, is a small circular mound,
15 feet high and 45 feet in diameter, which bore evidence of having
been occupied by houses.
ARTICLES OP ClAY.
Near the middle of the connecting ridge, just under the soil, a layer
of burnt clay, about 5 or 6 feet in diameter, was found. At one side,
imbedded in the debris of clay, a large quantity of fragments of earthen
vessels was discovered. They comprise a number of bowls of various
sizes, which are all quite new-looking, and are of a type of ware quite
distinct from that found in the fields and graves of the same locality.
Eestorations of a large number have been made, and the collection
proves to be extremely interesting.
The collector argues, from the position of the fragmentary vessels,
that they had been placed by their owners upon the roof of the house,
whicli, he surmises, was destroyed by fire.
C3040, 63034, G3170, 63421, 65412, 65409, 65422, 65405. Plain bowls of
yellowish-gray ware, restored from fragments described
above. They are wide and shallow, and somewhat conical
below; baud-made, and without polish. Composed of clay,
teraijered with pulverized shell. The walls are usually quite
thin. Diameter 10 to 13 incshes. Height 3 to 6 inches.
470
Fig. ]Sn.
HOLMES.)
POTTERY FROM ARKANSAS.
477
6.30.30, 6.3033, 63041-63043, 6404.5, 65406, 65401-6.5403, 65415,-65417,
65408, 65410. Bowls corresponding in general character to those des-
cribed above, but having tasteful designs of incjised lines and
indentations on the exterior surface. The most interesting
of these designs consists of series of interlaced or of festooned
lines. The exterior margin is encircled, in all cases, by orna-
ments consisting of parallel lines, groups of short incised
lines, or rows of indentations.
Fig. 151.
The principal design encircles the body beneath this, as shown in
Figs. 150 and 151.
63037, 63038, 63416. Bowls similar to the above having interior decor-
ations consisting of curved lines.
63035, 63099, 65404, 65411, 65413, 65414, 65418-65420, 65423. Bowls cor-
responding to the above in general characters, but having
flaring rims. They are mostly plain. A few have decorative
designs of incised lines. Some have been blackened by use
as cooking vessels.
FIELD GRAVES NEAR MENARD MOUND.
Surrounding the Menard mound is a field containing about twenty
acres, which appears at one time to have been the site of a great num-
ber of dwellings, as, at a depth of from 1 to 3 feet, layers of burned clay
are found. This field seems also to have been a great cemetery, as the
remains of skeletons are found in great numbers.
Pottery is found in great abundance. It has, as a rule, been depos
ited near the heads of the dead, but no ornaments or implements have
been discovered with the remains. The frequent plowing of the field
has destroyed many earthen vessels, the interments having been made
quite near the surface. It is a noticeable fact that the pottery from
these graves is of a character quite distinct from that of the mound.
It is of the class of ware so common in this region.
478
COLLECTIONS OF 1881
ARTICLES OP STONE.
63129, 63122, 63150. Arrow-points, spear-points, and knives of chalce-
dony, jasper, and quartz.
63132. Celt or chisel of black slate, 2J inches long, and 1^ wide at the
wider end.
63133. Celt of gray diorite. The blade is quite smooth ; the upper part
is roughened. Length, 3 inches. Width, li inches. Thick-
ness, 1 inch.
63134. Celt of yellow limestone, 2J inches long, and IJ inches wide.
63135. A two-edged celt of gray quartzite, 2^ inches long, and three-
fourths of an inch wide.
63136.
63137,
63138.
63123.
63124.
63131.
63127.
63139.
Fig. 152.
Celt of yellowish-gray jasper, chipped, and afterwards partially
smoothed by grinding. Four and one-half inches long, and
li inches wide.
Celt very similar to the preceding.
Celt of dark-gray slate; edge nicely sharpened. Lower i);irt
smooth, upper part rough ; 4J inches long, I4 inches wide,
and nearly 1 inch thick.
Fragment of a large celt, with conical apex.
A hammer-stone.
A pebble of coarse sandstone, resembling a celt in shape.
A quartz pebble, probably used as a polishing-stone.
A boat-shaped implement of speckled volcanic rock, 3 inches
long, 1 inch wide, and three-fourths of an inch thick at the
middle part.
POTTERY FROM ARKANSAS.
479
63140. An implement of grayish-red sandstone similar to the above in
size and shape. The ends are slightly squared.
63126. A small disk of gray quartzite, having a shallow circular depres-
sion in each face.
63128. A pendant of gray slate, somewhat pear-shaped in outline, IJ
inches in diameter, and oue-eighth of an inch thick. Near the
pointed end, a neat, biconical perforation has been made.
63121. An implement or ceremonial stone of ferruginous slate, possibly
a clay iron-stone, or limonite. It has a hatchet like outline,
the blade being semicircular, and the upper part elongated
and narrow. A large biconical perforation has been made
near the center of the implement ; a smaller one, as if for sus-
pension, at the upper end. It is 6^^ inches long, 5^ inches
wide, and three-fourths of an inch thick. Fig. 152.
ARTICLES OF CliT.
63113. A small reddish cup or vase. The rim is low and wide and is
ornamented with four ears placed at regular intervals on the
exterior surface. Two of these are pierced as if for the inser-
tion of a string. Height, 3 inches. Width, 5 inches. Fig.
153.
Fig. 153.
63111. A small bottle-shaped vase. The surface has been painted red.
Height, 4 incues. Width, 3i inches. Fig. 154.
Fic. 1M.
480
COLl.ECTIONS OF 1881.
63091. A small globular vase, with low neck of medium width, which
has an ornament consisting of a band of clay, slightly raised
and indented with oblique lines. Yellowish-gray ware with
dark stains. Height, 6 inches.
63108. A low bottle-shaped vase, of yellowish ware, with flaring rim and
somewhat flattened body. Height, 5 inches; width 5 inches.
Fig. 155.
Fig. 155.
63098. A well-made bottle shaped vase, with low neck and globular
body, somewhat conical above. Color dark brownish. 7i
inches in height. Shown in Fig. 156.
Fig. 156.
63090. Fragments of vases corresponding in characters to the preceding.
One example has been painted red.
HOLHESI POTTERY FROM ARKAXSAS. 481
G3110. A small bottle shaped vase of red ware. Height 6 iuehes,
width 5J inches.
G3102. The body of a small bottle-shaped vase, much flattened, the
outline being quite angular at the most expanded part.
Yellowish-gray in color and without polish. There are
indications that a design in red has ornamented the body.
Width 4 inches.
63092. The body of a small bottle-shaped vase, globular in form. Sur-
face painted red and unusually well polished. Diameter
4| inches.
63100. Neck and upper part of body of a vase resembling in form and
color the example last described.
63120. A handsome bottle-shaped vase with flaring lip. The neck
widens toward the base. The body is almost globular, being
slightly pointed above, and expanded along the equatorial
belt. The surface is only moderately smooth. The body
is ornamented with a very handsome design of incised lines,
which consists of a scroll pattern, divided into four sections
by perpendicular lines. The design covers the upper part of
the body, the lower part being plain. Height, 9^ inches.
Fig. 157.
Fig. 157.
03112. A bottle-shaped vessel of dark, rudely finished ware. The
body is modeled to represent a fish, the mouth and eyes ap-
pearing on one side, and the tail upon the other. Width 3^
inches. Fig. 158.
3 ETH 31
482
COLLECTIONS OF 18H1.
63114, 63117. Two small vessels with globular bodies, which have a
curious resemblance to an ordiuary tea-pot. A spout has,
in each case, been added to the side of the body. Figs. 159
and 160 show these vessels on a scale of one-half.
Fig. ins.
63115. An oblong, shallow basin. Wide, flat handles have been added
to the rim at the ends of the vessel ; one of these is pierced.
Length 8| inches, width 4 inches, depth D inches. Color dark
gray. Fig. 161.
Fi<i. leo.
Fig. 161.
POTTERY FROM ARKANSAS.
483
G3103, C3101, G3169, 63176, 63116, 63199, 6309S. Plain bowls of ordinary
composition and appearance. Fig. 162 is a good example.
Diameter 9 inches.
Fig. U:>.
63096. A Iiandsotiie bowl of dark ware. Tlie body is ornamented with
an incised design, which consists of a s.omewhat disconnected
running scroll. The bottom is flat. Diameter 8^ inches.
Fig. 163.
63109. A bowl of dark i)oroiis ware, very nicely nia<le. The rim is
ornamented at one side with a grotesque head, representing
some wild animal, probably a panther. The ornament on
the opposite side takes the place of the tail of the animal.
Diameter of bowl 8 inches. Fig. 164.
63028, 03046. Fragments of many vessels, chiefly of black poi'ous ware,
among which are a number of handles representing the
heads of birds and quadrupeds, also the fragments of a ves-
sel which restored give the vase shown in Fig. 165. The
designs are red on a yellowish ground. Diameter 5A inches.
484
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
63107. A large vase modeled to represent a grotesque human figure.
It is painted with designs in red and white, the ground color
Fig 164.
being a reddish yellow. The figure has a kneeling posture.
The hands are upraised against the shoulders, with palm.s
-^,i ..,..:. t-..:<i.J
Fig. 165.
turned forward. Height, lO.V inches ; width of shoulders, 8
inches. Fig. 106.
POTTERY FROM ARKANSAS.
485
63090, 63054, 63095. Fragments of pottery having incised designs, sim-
ilar to the dark ware already described. A few of these frag-
ments have been worked into rude disks.
Fig. 166.
OBJECTS OF METAL.
62048. A thin plate of copper, probably intended for a pendent orna
meut, as two perforations have been made at one end. It 1^
rectangular in outline, and has suffered much from cor-
rosion.
63113. A fragment of galena ore.
ANIMAL SUBSTANCES.
63142. Fragment of a needle like perforator. A conical perforation
has been made toward the larger end. The point has been
lost.
63047. A cubical fragment of bone, the sides of which have been squared
by cutting or grinding.
COIiLECTION FROM MONROE COUNTY, ARKANSAS.
MOUND AT LAWRENCEVILLE.
On the farm of Daniel Thompson, near Lawrenceville, the remains of
ancient habitations are of frequent occurrence.
The fields have been cultivated for many years. In one case a bed
of clay 8 inches thick, and covering an area of many hundred feet, was
discovered near the surface; this is supposed to be the remains of the
roof of a house. Associated with it were a number of objects, among
which were five very interesting specimens of pottery.
ARTICLES OF ClAT.
63151. A large bottle-shaped vase of red and white ware. The upper
part of the neck is lost. The body is encircled by an orna-
mental design in white, upon a red ground, which resembles
a rudely drawn Greek fret. The diameter of the body is
9 inches; the height has been 11 or 12 inches.
i'l... 107,
63152. A fine bottle-shaped vase, resembling the preceding; very nand-
some, and in a remarkably good state of preservation. It
also has a design in red and white. The original color of the
486
HOLMES.] POTTERY FROM ARKANSAS. 48?
vase has been a dull reddish yellow. The neck is red, the
body is ornamented with lour red and four white figures,
which extend from the neck to the base of the vessel.
These belts of color are separated by bands of the ground-
color of the vessel. Height 12 inches. Fig. 1()7.
63153. A small rude cup of gray clay, without decoration. Diameter
4 inches.
63154. An egg-sha])ed vessel, made in imitation of a gourd. The mouth
of this vessel is a small round opening on the side, near the
pointed end. The base is somewhat flattened. Height 5
inches. Fig. IGS.
Fig. 1C8.
63155. A minute cup, li inches in diameter. The rim is encircled by
a series of rude notches.
MOUNDS AT INDIAN BAY.
A large mound 30 feet high and 250 feet long is located on the farm
of Mr. A. Spencer, near Indian Bay. Our collector, however, could not
obtain permission to examine it. At the edge of Indian Bay corpora-
tion is another large mound, used as a cemetery by the white residents.
In a field near by were two small mounds about 3 feet in height and
30 feet in circumference. In one of these, two feet beneath the surface,
a skeleton was found, near the head of which three earthen vessels had
been placed. From the other small mound a very interesting collection
of pottery was procured, much of which was in a fragmentary condition.
488
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
From these fragments a number of vessels have been reconstructed.
These are given in the following list:
ARTICIES OF ClAT.
C3046. A bottle- shaped vase of dark, grayish-brown ware. The neck
is quite high and slender, and the body globular — a little
elongated above. The rim and collar are ornamented with
incised notches. Height, 10 inches.
63171. A large symmetrically shaped vase or jug of a grayish yellow
color. Restored from fragments. The body of the jug is
globular, the neck slightly flaring, the rim being notched on
the outer edge. The ware is coarse and rough. Height, lOi
inches.
63156, 63163, 63164, 63173, 63174. Fragments of vessels similar to that
last described.
63191. A low wide-mouthed vase of dark gray compact ware. The
neck is decorated by two series of lines, which cross and re-
cross the neck in such a manner as to form diamond-shaped
figures. Theyare deeply incised. The rim is notched, and has
three small nodes on the outer margin. The body is covered
with an ornament produced by pinching the clay while in a
soft state. Height, 6i inches; diameter, 9 inches.
Fm. IGU.
63159. A very large wide-mouthed vase, the body of wliich is conical
below. The rim and neck are ornamented in a manner very
similar to the one last described. Height, 16 inches ; diam-
eter, 19 inches. Fig. 169.
HOLMES. )
POTTEKY FROM ARKANSAS.
489
63028, 63029, G3030, G31C4, 03166, 63167. Fragments of vessels similar
to tbe one last described.
63192, 63195, 63196. Three small vsesels restored from fragments ; two
of these resemble deep bowls with flaring rims. The lip is
notched on the outer margin. The other has an upright,
slightly constricted neck, ornamented with a band of rude
indentations. Diameter, 6^ inches. Fig. 170.
63161. A shallow bowl of yellowish gray ware, ornamented with irregu-
lar notches about the rim. Diameter, 9 inches.
63197, 63162, 63185. Bowls similar to the preceding.
63194, 03160, 6310S. Large bowls with flaring rims.
63170. A very deep bowl. Fragmentary.
63189. A large, handled cup or ladle of yellowish clay. The bowl
part is 6 inches in diameter. The extremity of the handle
has been lost. Fig. 171.
03157, 63,158. Large portions of the bodies of two vessels of unusual
shape.
Fm. 171.
COLLECTION FROM OHIO.
FEOM MOUNDS AND FIELDS.
During the year 1881 small collectious of stone iuiplenients and arti-
cles of pottery were forwarded to the Bureau by Dr. Wills De Haas.
Most of these are, however, without record, excepting of the most
general character.
The majority appear to have been obtained from Warren County, at
or in the vicinity of Fort Ancient.
ARTICLES OF STONE.
65613. Spear points or knives of gray chalcedony. Three are very
sharply pointed, and have probably been used as perforators.
Average width 1 inch, average length 2J inches.
65615. Lot of rudely chipped arrow or spear points of grayish chal-
cedony. Notches quite shallow.
65616. A lot of mediunisized, rather heavy arrow points of gray chal-
cedony.
65017. Lot of neatly shaped, deeply notched spear and arrow points,
averaging about 1 inch in width, and ranging from 2 to 3
inches in length. Made of gray chalcedony.
C5G18. Lot of arrow points, spear points, aud knives of various sizes
and shapes. Material same as the preceding.
65619. Lot of rudely finished knives aud spear points, mostly wide
and heavy, some being almost circular in outline. Material
same as the preceding.
G5620. Lot of large knives and spear points of variously colored chal-
cedony.
65621. Knives and flakes of chalcedony.
65722. Large lot of long, triangular knives or spear points, made of
gray and reddish mottled chalcedony. They average about
2J inches in length, and 1^ in width.
65623. Large lot of flakes aud fragments of gray and dark chalcedony or
flint, left from the manufacture of implements.
65434-65451. Celts and fiagments of celts of greatly varied size aud
shape, made of a grayish, speckled rock, resembling diorite.
65429-65430, 65431. Medium-sized, grooved axes of ordinary forms. One
is made of diorite (?), the others of gray rock resembling sand-
stone.
6542G-G5428. Very large grooved axesof greenish diorite(l). The largest
is O.J inches long, 5 inches wide, and 3 inches thick.
490
tiOLMEB] ANTIQUITIES FROM OHIO. 4&1
65450. Short heavy pestles with broad bases and conical tops, made of
gray dioiite or sandstone. Diameter of bases from 2^ to
4 inches. Height from 3 to 6 inches.
65448. A long, heavy, cylindrical jiestle.
65464-6549:.'. Eound, oblong, and flattish pebbles, comprising several
varieties of stone, used as hammer-stones, nutcrackers, »&c.,
varying from 1 to 6 inches in diameter. The sides of many
are flattened or hollowed out by use.
65463. Fragment of cup stone, made of coarse sandstone. On one side
two cavities remain ; on the other, three. These are about
1^ inches in diameter, and about one-half an inch in depth.
65449. A grooved stone implement, made from a large pebble of coarse
gray stone. The groove about the middle has evidently been
made for attaching a handle. The upper lobe has been con-
siderablj' reduced by picking, and the base, which would
correspond to the edge of an ax, has been worked quite
flat. Length of lower part 4J inches. Height of implement
3 inches.
ARTICLES OF CLAT.
65484. A number of small fragments of pottery of ordinary varieties.
COIiliECTION FROM OREGON.
ABTICLEB OP STONE.
The following articles were forwarded to the Bureau from John Day
River, Oregon, by Captain Beudire:
64102-G41 13. Arrow-points, knives, and flakes of obsidian, agate, etc.,
from Indian graves on John Day River.
64125-G4139. Fragments of stone implements, including celts, cylindri-
cal pestles, etc., mostly of compact, eruptive rock.
64127. Pipe of gray sandstone, shaped very much like an ordinary
straight cigar holder; 3 inches long, and 1 inch in di-
ameter at the larger end. Obtained from an Indian grave
on John Day River.
6412G. Fragment of a pipe-stem (?) made of soft black stone, apparently
a chloritic slate. A very neat, ornamental design has been
engraved upon the cylindrical stem.
64129. Fragment of an ornament carved from greenish sandstone.
492
COIiliECTIONS FROM KEKTUCKY.
A small collection of aucieiit relics, obtained from caves in the vi-
cinity of Mammoth Cave, Kentucky, was presented to the Bureau by
Mr. Francis Klett.
AVith this collection were a number of articles of stone, some of which
were probably obtained from the fields of the same region.
87276. Fragments of gourds.
87277. Two very beautifully knit or plaited sandals. The fiber used has
probably been obtained from the inner bark cf trees. Tlie
combination of threads is shown in Fig. 172. A small piece
of matting from the same place is shown in Fig. 173.
Fig. 173.
493
494 COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
27278. Two bundles of charred sticks and reeds.
27280-27283. Spearheads of chert or flint.
27284. Stone knife.
27285. Flake knife.
27286. Small spearheads.
27287. Flint knife.
27288. Arrow heads.
27289. Same; small and thin.
27290-27293. Stone awls or perforators.
27294. Leaden bullet.
27295. Pieces of pottery.
COXiLECTIOKS FR03I MISSOURI.
ARTICLES OF I'lAT.
A fine collectiou of eartben vessels was purchased for the Bureau
from Mr. J. T. Couden, of Morrow, Ohio, through the agency of Dr.
Wills De Haas.
Few facts in regard to them have been furnished, excepting that
they were taken from graves in the vicinity of Charleston, Mo. They
resemble so closely the well-known types of Missouri portery that it is
safe to conclude that they were obtained from ancient graves and
mounds in the locality named.
The numerous cuts accompanying this section are intended for sub-
sequent use in a general treatise ou the works of the Moundbuilders.
This ware is generally of the dark gray or black variety, hand-
smoothed, or but slightly polished, and tempered with pulverized
shells.
A few examples are yellowish-red in color. Some of these have been
493
496
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
painted red or have been ornamented vrith designs in red. In one case
white paint has been used.
The prevailing form is a bottle-shaped vessel, the neck being fre-
quently high and slender, and the body globular or subglobular. The
base is nearly always slightly flattened.
G5556. An efSgy vase of unusual form. The body is snbrectangnlar.
The upper part or neck is lost, but has doubtless been mod-
eled to represent(hehnmanflgure,as thefeet remain attached
to the shoulder of the vessel. The color is yellowish gray.
Diameter, 5 inches. Fig. 174.
Fig. 175.
C5G0.'J. An effigy vase of the dark ware. The body is globular. A
kneeling human figure forms the neck. The mouth of the
vessel occurs at the back of the head — a rule in this class of
vessels. Is is finely made and symmetrical. 9| inches high
and 7 inches in diameter. Fig. 175.
POTTERY FROM MISSOURI.
497
65595. Effigy vase representing a kneeling or squatting human figure,
moderately well modeled. The exterior surface is painted red.
Height, 7 inches; diameter, 5 inches. The locality is not
known with certainty.
65604-65607, 65611, 65612. Effigy vases of human figures. Sizes, me-
dium to small. The body below the waist is hemispherical,
and the legs are not indicated. Fig. 176.
y
Fig. 170.
65597. Effigy vase, representing an owl. The body is globular. The
wings are indicated at the sides, and the legs and tail serve
as a tripod when the vessel is placed in an upright position.
The head is quite grotesque. This is a usual form in the
Middle Mississippi district. Height, 8 inches; width, 5i
inches.
65608. Small example, resembling the preceding.
65601, 65596. Yases with globular bodies; the necks represent an owl's
head. Size, medium.
65605. A small vase similar to the above, but having a human head.
65558. A minute vessel modeled to represent a bird, the opening or
Fig. 177.
mouth being on the under side of the body ; length, 2 inches.
Fig. 177.
3 ETH 32
498
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
65599, 65602, 05604, 65610. Bottle-shaped vases, with globular or flattish
bodies aud grotesque tops. The rounded heads are armed
with a number of nodes or horns, but no features are shown.
The largest is 7 inches in width by 7 in height. Fig. 178
65598. Similar vase of medium size. The top is modeled to represent
the curved stem and neck of a gourd. Fig. 179. Height 7
inches.
Fig. 173.
POTTERY FROM MISSOURI.
499
65600. Vase similar to the above. The top representing a gourd with
short conical neck. Four lines are drawn from the stem
down the sides which represent the natural markings of the
gourd. Height, 5i inches ; diameter, oj inches.
Fig. 180.
65555. A two-storied vessel, the lower part being a cup of flattened
globular form. The ujiper part is similar in size and shape,
but is modeled to represent a univalve shell, the apex being
rejireseuted by a large node surrounded by sis smaller nodes,
and the base or spine by a graceful extension of the rim.
The groove or depression that encircles the vessel between
the upper and lower parts of the body is spanned by two
minute handles. Height, 5 inches ; width, 4i. Fig. 180.
i'w. liii.
500
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
65543, 65551, 65552, 65554, 65573. Small bowls or cups, made in imita-
tion of shell vessels, the noded apex occurring at one side,
and the more or less pointed beak at the opposite side
Fig. 181. Another similar specimen with hemispherical body
is given in Fig. 182. Length, 6 inches.
Fig. 182.
65542, 65545, 65550. Small vases with wide mouths, the rim and should-
ers of which have the heads and extremities of frogs, modeled
in relief. Fig. 183. Diameter, 6 inches.
¥ia. 183.
65539, 65541, 65544, 65546. Low, wide-mouthed vases or bowls, modeled
about the rim to represent sunfish. A vertical view is given
in Fig. 184. 5 inches in length.
65579. A small bowl, the rim of which is embellished on one side with
the head of a panther, on the other side a flattish projection
which resembles a tail.
HOLMES. ]
POTTERY FROM MISSOURI.
501
G55S0. A small bowl, having upon the rim a human head, the face of
which is turned inward. On the opposite side is the usual
flattish projection. Fig. 185. Diameter of bowl 5 inches.
G5578. Small bowl, the rim of which is embellished with the head of a
fox or wolf; at the opposite side is the usual tail.
Fig. 185.
65576, 65577, 65581, 65585. Bowls of various sizes, the rims of which
are ornamented with the heads and tails of birds. No. 65576
is an unusually fine example. Besides the features described
it has been further embellished by four incised lines which
encircle the rim, forming a loop on the opposite sides as seen
in Fig. 186. Bowl 9 inches in diameter.
65553. Small bowl, the rim of which has been embellished by four pairs
of nodes. Fig. 187.
Diameter, 6 inches.
502
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
65547. A small globular cup of dark ware which has four large nodes
about the rim. Between these on the sides of the vessel,
four ornamental figures have been painted in red, these con-
sist of an inner circle occupied by a cross, and an exterior
circle of ray.s or scallops. Height, 2 J inches ; width, 3.J inches.
The rim has been perforated for the purpose of suspension.
Fig. 188,
Fig. 186.
Fig. 187.
Fig. Itii;,
05487, G5512, 65514, G5519, 65521, 65523, 65525, 65531. Bottle-shaped
vases. The bodies are generally globular. A few are coni-
cal above, while others are much compressed vertically.
Some are slightly ridged about the greatest circumference,
while all are slightly flattened on the bottom. The necks are
slender and long, being about equal to the body in height.
They are generally narrowest in the middle, expanding
trumpet-like toward the mouth, and widening more or less
abruptly toward the shoulder below. In a few cases a ridge
or collar encircles the base of the neck. The exterior surface
is generally quite smooth, but never polished, although a
polishing implement seems tn have been used.
HOLMES.)
POTTERY FROM MISSOtJRI.
503
The largest is 9 inches in height and 7 inches in diameter.
No. G5501 has a very tasteful incised design, encircling the
shoulder as shown in Fig. 189. Diameter 6J inches.
Fig. 18a.
65520. Vase similar to the above in form, but with the addition of a
base or stand, 1 inch high and 3 inches in diameter at the
base.
65486. Same, with the base divided into three parts, forming a kind of
tripod, the legs being flat. Fig. 190. Height, 9 inches.
65513, 65526, 65530, 65532, 65539. Bottle or jug shaped vases, resem-
bling the preceding, but having wide, short necks. Fig, 191
illustrates a typical form. Height, 4J inches.
65485. A vase similar to the above, but of yellowish gray ware, deco-
rated with a design in broad red and white lines. Height,
6 inches ; width, 6 inches. Height of neck, 2 inches ; width,
3 inches.
65538, Similar to the above in shape, but with flattish body, and pecu-
liar in having two small handles or ears at the base of the
neck. Fig. 192.
Diameter, 5 inches.
504
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
65548, 65561, 65562, 65564, 65569. Small cups, with low, wide necks, and
globular or subglobular bodies, haviug two handles or ears
which connect the lip with the shoulder.
VlQ. 190.
HOLMES.]
POTTERY FROM MISSOURI.
505
65572. A cup like the above, with four handles.
65563, 65565, 65568. Small cups similar to the preceding, but having a
variety of indented ornaments about the shoulder and upper
part of the body ; these ornaments consist of wide vertical
lines, or of encircling scalloped lines. Figs. 193 and 194. Di-
ameter of each, 4i inches.
Fig. 193.
606
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
G5570. Has six nodes about the circvimference, and a scalloped figure of
three incised lines encircling the vessel above them. The
handles have oblique incised lines upon the outer surface.
65588, 65590. Bowls with scalloped rims. The largest is 9 inches in
diameter and 3 inches in height. Fig. 195.
Fig. 195.
65574, 65575, 65586, 65587, 65591, 65593. Plain bowls, of various sizes.
and somewhat varied shapes.
cue-half the real size.
Figs. 196 and 197. Drawn
I'lu. 1U7.
COIiLECTIONS FROM OTHER STATES.
65447. Stone implement of unusual form. It may be described as a
dattish cylinder tapering slightly toward the ends, which
are truncated. In one end a hole has been bored one half an
inch in diameter and three-fourths of an inch deep. A nar-
row, shallow gi'oove encircles the imi)lement near the middle.
The material is a grayish slate. The form is symmetrical and
the surface quite smooth.
Found upon the surface in Hamilton County, Indiana.
65353. A copper knife or poinard, with bent point. Found by Edward
Daniels while digging a cellar at Kipon, Wis.
65352. A handsome vase, shaped like a bowl with incurved rim, ob-
tained from a mound on the farm of A. C. Zachary, in Mor-
gan County, Georgia. The incurved surface above has an
ornamental design of incised lines resembling the Greek fret.
The most expanded portion of the vessel is encircled by a
raised band, which is neatly ornamented with notches. The
lower part of the body is shaped like a bowl with a flattened
base. Diameter 9^ inches. Presented by J. O.C.Blackburn.
507
COIiLiBCTION FROM PERU, SOUTH AMERICA.
A number of interesting articles were presented by Mr. G. H. Hurlbut.
These were obtained from ancient graves in the vicinity of Lima by an
agent sent out for the purpose by Mr. Hurlbut while the city was in-
vested by the Chilian army. Details of their occurrence were conse-
quently not obtained.
A study of this collection leads to the belief that all the specimens
are from one interment, that is, the grave of a single individual. The
fact that there is but one skull, one mask like idol, and but a small
number of articles of each of the classes represented, tends to confirm
this supposition.
65377. Skull retaining the scalp and hair. The latter is long, coarse,
and black. The lower jaw is missing.
6537G. A mask-like wooden figure, the face being somewhat above life-
size. Fig. 198. It is of a form not unusual in Peruvian
graves. The features are fairly well shown. The eyes are
formed by excavating oval depressions and setting in pieces
of shell. First, oval pieces of white clam-shell are inserted,
which represent the whites of the eye ; upon these small cir-
cular bits of dark shell are cemented, representing the pupils.
Locks of hair have been set in beneath the shell, the ends of
which project, forming the lashes of the eye.
The back head is formed by 4 neatly-rounded bundle of
leaves, held in place by a net-work of coarse cord. The
edges of the wooden mask are perforated in several places ;
by means of these the back head, some long locks of fine flax
which serve as hair, and a number of other articles have
been attached.
Upon the crown a large bunch of brilliantly colored feath-
ers has been fixed ; behind this, extending across the top of
the head, is a long pouch of coarse white cloth in which a
great number of articles have been placed — little packages of
beans and seeds, rolls of cloth of difiereut colors and textures,
minute bundles of wool and flax and cords, bits of copper and
earth carefully wrapped in husks, bundles of featliers, etc.
Encircling the crown are long, narrow bands or sashes, one
of which is white, the others having figures woven in brilliant
colors. The ends of these hang down at the sides of the
face. Attached to one side of the mask by long stout cords
is a pouch of coarse cotton cloth resembling a tobacco-bag.
It is about 6 inches square. Attached to the lower edge of
this is a fringe of long, heavy cords. To the opposite side a
HOLMEB.]
ANTIQUITIES FROM PERU.
509
net is suspended, in Trhicli liad been placed innumerable arti-
cles, probablj^ intended for the use of the dead — a sling,
made of cords, very skillfnlly plaited ; bundles of cord and
Fig. 198.
flax; small nets containing beans, seeds, and other articles ;
copper fish-hooks, still attached to the lines, which are
wound about bits of cornstalk or cane ; neatly-made sinkers
wrapped in corn-husks, together with a variety of other arti-
cles.
510
COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
65380, 65382. Sinkers of gray slate, shaped somewhat like a cigar, one
or more groves partially encircling the ends. These were
carefully wrapped in corn-husks. Fig. 199.
65383, 65384. Two copper fish-hooks and the cords to which they are at-
tached. The hooks pierce the ends of the bit of cornstalk
about which the cord is wound. Fig. 200.
I i
l,U|
Fig. 200.
65387. A sling, 4 feet long. The extremities consist of a single cord,
the middle part of 4 heavy, compactly-plaited cords.
65389. Headbands of coarse fabrication, having figures of red, yellow
and white.
65391. A large piece of cloth, possibly a mantle, made by piecing
together fragments of highly-colored cloths.
65390. A large piece of gauze-like white cotton fabric.
65385, 65386. Small nets containing a variety of articles.
65386. A head ornament of red feathers, skillfully attached to cords.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUEEAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE
COLLECTIONS OBTAINED FROM THE PUEBLOS
OP
ZUS^I, NEW MEXICO, AND WOLPI, ARIZONA, IN 1881,
JAMES STEVENSON.
511
CONTENTS.
Pase.
Letter of Tuansmittal 517
Introductory 519
Collections from Zuui, N. Mexico 521
Articles of stone 521
Axes 521
Metates 521
Mortars 522
Mullers 524
Miscellaneons objects 525
Hnnting and war amulets 527
Articles of clay 531
Water jars 531
Water bottles 533
Canteens and water jugs 538
Pitchers 543
Drinking cups and cup-shaped vessels 545
Bowls and baskets 540
Cooking pots 564
Dippers, ladles, and spoons SOfi
Condiaient vessels 569
Paint pots 570
Effigies and figures 574
Vegetal substances 575
Eating spoons and ladles 575
Basketry 576
Loom implements 580
Implements of war and the chase 581
Gambling imjilenients 581
Dance implements 582
Miscellaneous objects 582
Animal substances 586
Miscellaneous objects 586
Collections from Wolpi, Arizona 587
Articles of stone 587
Articles of clay 587
Vegetal substances 588
Basketry 588
Gourds, bows, rattles, &c 589
Head dresses, dance ornaments, images, &c 590
Implements for weaving 593
Animal substances 593
Horn and bone 593
Feathers 593
Woven fabrics 594
Skin or leather 594
3 ETH 33 513
ILr.rSTRATIOlS'S.
Page.
Plate XL. — Polishiug pottery 526
XLI.— Zuui vases aud canteen 538
XLII. — Drilling turquoises 5&i
X mi. — Moki method of dressing hair 563
XLIV. — Moki method of spinning 590
515
liETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.
Washi7igton, D. C, August 28, 1882.
Sir: I have the honor to present herewith an iUustrated catalogue
of archffiologic and ethnologic collections, made under your direction in
Ai'izona and New Mexico, during the field season of 18S1.
In connection with these collections, I am indebted to Mr. Frank H.
Gushing for the preparation of the field catalogue for the collection
from Zuiii. His thorough knowledge of the Zuui language enabled
him to obtain the Indian name of most of the articles procured, which
names are given in this catalogue. I have also to thank him for valuable
assistance iu making the collection. I also take pleasure in expressing
thanks to Mr. Victor Mindeleff for his aid in making the collection, in
which labor he rendered faithful assistance.
Col. L. P. Bradley, commandant of Fort Wingate, extended us many
courtesies and material aid, for which I am pleased to extend thanks.
Hoping the collections of the season form a contribution equally valu-
able with those previously procured from the southwest,
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JAMES STEVENSON.
Prof. J. W. Powell,
Director Bureau of Ethnology.
517
ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE OF THE COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
By James Stevenson.
ISTTRODUCTORY.
The following catalogue contains a descriptive enunieratiou of the
arcbaeologic and ethnologic specimens collected in Arizona and New
Mexico during the season of 1881. These collections were all obtained
from the pueblo of Zuui in Northwestern New Mexico, and the pueblos
comprising the province of Tusayau, in Northeastern Arizona. The
entire collection contains about four thousand nine hundred specimens.
The articles of stone consist of axes, in various conditions of preser-
vation. Some are quite perfect, while many are more or less impaired
by modern uses, for which they were not originally intended. In nearly
all instances thej^ are grooved, and a few are provided with double
splitting or cutting edges ; but as a rule these axes were made with one
end blunt for pounding or hammering, while the opposite end is pro-
vided with an edge. The large pestles and mortars were designed for
crushing grain and food, the small ones for grinding and mixing mineral
pigments for ceramic or decorative purposes.
Among the articles of stone are about one hundred and fifty hunting
and war amulets. These objects present the most interesting features
of the collection, and were among the most difiicult articles to obtain.
The Indians prize them very highly as keepsakes, which they employ
in war, the chase, and sacred ceremonies. Each specimen is specifically
referred to in the catalogue, accompanied with some woodcut illustra-
tions of such specimens as possess the greatest significance.
Mr. Frank H. Gushing has presented a full account of the history,
traditions, and uses of these images or gods, in a paper entitled " Zuiii
Fetiches," in the Second Annual Eeport of the Bureau for 1882, to which
the reader is referred.
In these collections, as in those of the two previous seasons, articles
of clay predominate. They consist of Tinajas, or large, decorated, vase-
shaped water vessels. These vary in capacity from one to six gallons,
and are the principal vessels used for holding and storing water for
domestic purposes. These vases do not vary greatly in form, yet the
colored designs with which they are ornamented present as many varia-
tions as there are specimens. The causes for these variations, both in
size and ceramic characters, as well as the method of manufacturing
them, are quite fully explained in the notes accompanying my catalogue
of collections from these same localities in the Annual Eeport of the
Bureau of Ethnology for 1880-'81.
519
520 COLLECTIONS OF 1881.
The collection also contains a large number of jug-shaped canteens,
varying in capacity from one pint to three gallons. These vessels, like
an ordinary jug, are provided with a small nozzle, and are used to carry
water and to drink from. They vary in their decorative designs, but
are seldom as elaborate or beautiful as the vases.
•In the collection are also clay spoons, ladles, and dippers of two or
three kinds of ware, such as red, white, and black, of various sizes.
Many of these are fancifully decorated. Also pitchers, mugs, and cups
of different patterns, forms, and sizes, variously ornamented in red,
black, and white. A very fine collection of meal or sacred pottery bas-
kets was obtained. These are also of varied forms or types, some with
handles, terraced and fluted edges or rims, usually decorated with figures
of the tadpole and horned frog, and occasionally with the representation
of the road runner, and frequently with the sacred butterfly.
The condiment vessels form no small part of the collection. The
forms and styles of these vessels can only be appreciated by reference
to the specific descriptions and illustrations in the catalogue.
A large number of cooking bowls and pots were obtained, but these
are of less interest, as they are in all cases plain black vessels without
ornamentation of any kind. They generally resemble the old-fashioned
cast-iron cooking pot used by Europeans. Occasionally one is found
which is provided with legs, in imitation probably of the skillet or pots
used by the Mexicans of that country.
The vegetal substances comprise utensils and implements of all
kinds. Among these are baskets, trays, water-jugs, corn-i^lanters, bows,
arrows, sieves, gaming-blocks, &c. The basketry is worthy of inspec-
tion for the ingenuity and skill displayed in the manufacture of such
articles. These consist of fine meal baskets or trays of all sizes, many
of which are curiously ornamented in bright colors. The coarser bas-
kets, which are constructed and shaped to suit the service for wliich they
are employed, are used as sieves and for conveying corn and fruit from
the farms. In addition to the objects above referred to, hundreds that
are not mentioned will be found described or illustrated in their proper
places in the catalogue.
Most of the plates presented in this Catalogue are designed to show
the manner in which the Zuiii and Moki Indians use certain implements
in some of their arts and industries, such as the polishing stone; rotary,
stone-pointed drill; the manner of combing and dressing the hair; the
spindle whorl, showing the mode of preparing the woof for weaving.
COLIiECTIOKS FROJI ZUS^I, NEW MEXICO.
ARTICLES OF STONE.
AIES.
65890. Stone axe, small, doable grooved. O-la k'i-le, kwil ^i-kwi-ai-e.
65891, 65892, 65893, 65894, 65895, 65896, 65897, 65898. Ditto, single-
grooved.
65868, 65855. Ditto, large.
65854. Ditto, large and broad.
65876. Ditto, very broad.
65869. Ditto, very large, aud showiug use as peckiug-stone.
65856, 65870, 65877, 65857, 65871, 65S5S, 65878, 05879. Ditto, large.
65872. Ditto, very tbiii-bladed.
65859. Ditto, flat.
65860. 65880. Ditto, sbowing use as maul.
65861. Ditto, double-grooved. Kwil A-kwi-ai-e.
65802. Ditto, double-grooved, handsomely finished.
66015. Ditto, double-grooved, handsomely finished. K'i k'iathl-thla-
nai-c.
66882, 65874. Very large ungrooved ancient stone axes or celts. Ola
k'l-thlana, kwa-ak'-wam-me.
65853, 65851. Axe, grooved and highly finished. O la k'i k'iath-thla-na
yd-ni-shi.
65852. Ditto, ^'ery large.
65883, 65884, 65885, 65880, 65911, 65912, 65899, 65863, 65S64, 65900, 65887,
65901, 65902, 65903, 65875, 05805, 65904, 05905, 65906, 65907
65908, 05800, 05909, 05910, 65889. Ditto, very crude. No.
05880 is distinguished by raised square at butt to facilitate
haftiug. Mpuli-e.
65867. Ditto, made in imitation, for barter.
66306. Ditto, unfinished. O-la k'il dale.
65913. Ditto, small.
65922, 05923,65921, 05914, 05919, 65917, 65924, 65925, 05920, 05915, 65916.
Stone axes with handles, some made in imitation, others pre-
served as heir-looms from ancient times. O-la k'i-thla-shi-we.
65918. Small, grooved, stone axe. O-la k'i tsa-na.
METATES.
66324. Metate for reducing coarse corn-meal to flour. 0-tsa-k'ia-na-kia-
d-k'e.
66320, 66313. Ditto, for grinding paint- for decorating pottery. T6 tsi-
na-k'ia he-lin 6n-a-k'ia.
521
522 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNL
66316, 66318, 66319, 26317. Ditto, for reducing cracked corn to meal.
Tchu okna-ki'a .l-k'i.
66325. Ditto, a coarse, unfinisbed metate. A-k'e, kwa-yd nain-o-na.
6G312. Ditto, ancient, very rude. 1-no-to-na d k'e.
66311. Modern paint metate. He-lin 6-ua-kia.
66322, 66315, 66321, 66314. Modern metates for reducing corn and other
cereals. Ok-na-k'ia ii-k'ewe.
MORTARS.
1935. Mortar made of a concretion. Mu-to-pa al' ak'e.
1964. Ditto, made from muller.
1966. Ditto, small. Tiiliu-ne.
2 1 19. Ditto, of fine-grained stone, used as a paint-mill for preparing sa-
cred decoration colors. Tethl-uali6-liu o-na-kia A shok-tou-ue.
2141, 2142, 2144. Ditto, very small. Atsa-na.
1961. Ditto, round. K'iii-nioli-ua.
66196, 66233. Itude i)aint mortars. He-lin on-a kia 4-shok-to d-tsana.
66203. Ditto, chipped. Sho-k'wis-na-k'ia.
66166, 66180. Ditto, pecked. Tok'-nai-e.
66175. Ditto, ground.
66197. Ditto, large, woin and ground. T^n-uai-e.
06226. Ditto, square and handsomely polished. N6-k'iathl-o-na.
66204. Ditto, split. Sbo-k'wish-nai-e.
66178. Ditto, pecked, small.
66158, 66245, 66172. Ditto, pecked, slag. A-k'wiu.
66154. Ditto, small, pecked.
66198. Ditto, with round depression, ground. Pi-tsu-lia w4 shokt-ai-e.
6iJ16S. Ditto, square, pecked.
66228. Ditto, with groove around the edge. I'-tu-thlan-ah-nai-e.
66205,66227,66131,66132. Ditto, small, pecked, and ground.
66111,66206. Ditto, cup-shaped. A.'-shok-tou-ak'-tsa-na.
66207. Ditto, with elongated cavity. A-k'i tas'h-sha-na.
66135. Ditto, pecked and ground.
60251. Ditto or trough of the malpais for grinding chili and preparing
a sauce called K'iathl-k'o-se=K'ol b6-akia 4-shok tonne.
66234. Ditto, crude.
66159. Ditto, small.
66246. Ditto, large and thick.
60244. Ditto, well pecked.
66236, 66190. Ditto, much worn.
66235. Ditto. Eectangular.
66157. Ditto, very small.
66177, 60250. Ditto, of finished sandstone.
66186. Ditto, very deep.
06252. Ditto, very large.
66208. Grinding-stoiie for colors used in decoration of vessels, in form
of mortar. Te' tsi-na-k'ia d-shok-ton-ne.
STK\-KNS0N.] ARTICLES OF STONE 523
66254. Ditto, with double concavity for red and black colors. Thlnp-
tsi-na k'win i-patchi-e.
G61C0, 06163. Ditto or paint-mill for preparing colors for decoration of
the sacred dances. Ka-ka-awa he-lin o-na-kia a-shok-ton-ne.
66179. Ditto, long, pecked.
66184, 661G5, 66187, 66188. Ditto, finished by pecking.
66219, 60229. Ditto, square.
66191, 66J92. Ditto, pecked and chipped.
66170. Ditto, beautifully finished, long.
66171. Ditto, rectangular, beautifully finished, and long.
66209. Ditto, polished irregularly, rectangular.
60170. Ditto, handsomely finished bj' pecking and grinding.
66121. Ditto, crude, small.
66213, 66133. Ditto, made of a concretion. Mu-to-pa &[ a-k'i.
6G115, 6622(1, 06127. Ditto, slag.
66128, 60202, 60182. Ditto, round.
66181. Ditto, round and thick. K'ia'-mo-lia.
66193. Ditto, round.
66194. Ditto, rude.
66130, 60102, 06122, 60222. Ditto, hammer stone form.
00114. Ditto, polished.
0.3939, 00230, 06125. Ditto, rectangular.
66210, 00231, 06195, 66212. Ditto, finished by grinding.
66121, 66152. Ditto, finished.
66189, 66211, 66185. Ditto, round. K'ia'-mo-lia.
662.32. Ditto, with small muller. Tu-lin i-hi-kia.
66248, 60214. Paint mortars for reducing the paint for masks and pot-
tery. He lin 6-na-k'ia ^-shok-to-we.
66237, 60215, 00240, 00241, 60238, 06243, 66242. Mortar, of slag, used
in making the sauce described above, and reducing chili.
K'iathl-k'o-se k'ia-nakia a-shok-ton-ne.
66201. Ditto, for children. A-tsan ii-wa.
66223. Ditto, for reducing paint used in decorating pottery. Na'-he-lin
o-na-kia a'-shok-ton-ne.
66216. Ditto, square.
66183. Ditto, very deep and finished by pecking.
66249, 00253. Ditto, shallow.
60255. Ditto, unfinished.
06101. Ditto, very rude and small.
66224. Ditto, larger.
66225. Ditto, with small round concavity ; hammer-stone form.
66137, 66155, 50139, 00140, 06111, 66174, 66104, 06167, 66144, 66120,
66123, 00147, 66138, 00173, 00145, 00117, 00151, 00143, 66136,
60149. Paint-mills of fine-grained stone for preparing sacred
decoration colors. Tethl-na he-lin o-na-kia d-shok to-we.
524 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNL
66113, 66129, C6112, 66148, 66118, 66142, 66146, 66119. Ditto, very small.
A-tsa-ua.
66116. Ditto, for common uses. Kwain-as-tin-4k'ia-ni.
66247. Ditto or unfinished mortar of tbe malpais for grinding chili and
other ingredients for sauce. K'ol 6k-ua-k'ia A shok-ton iie.
66134, 66231, 66124, 66133. Ditto, finished by pecking.
MIJLLEK8.
65946. Muller made from a small piece of hematite, used as source at once
and muller of pottery paint. T6 tsi-nakia A-k'win A-a-le.
66007. Ditto, slag, originally a maul.
66036. Ditto, of true form, originally a maul. Tchish-na k'ia ii-pi-tsu-
lia.
66015. Ditto, originally a maul.
66037. Ditto, of true form.
66200. Ditto, for grinding sauce of onion, chili, coriander, salt, and
water. K'ol h^-ak'ia 4-mu-luk-ton-ne.
66043. Ditto, handsomely finished in the form of a pestle.
66009. Ditto, regular form.
60156. Ditto, hammer-stone form.
66042. Ditto, crusher form.
65984. Ditto, for polishing, &c. A k'iii-thla-k'ia-na-k'ia tia-le.
66091, 06029, 06030, 66038, 66031, 06039, 65987, 65986, 65976, 65977,
65978, 65979, 65980. Ditto, used for preparing sauce.
66071, 66085, 66014, 66103, 66025, 06086, 66006, 66012, 66001, 66011,
66019, 66023, 66041, 66025, 66008, 66016, 60017, 66021, 67005,
66070, 66004. Ditto, mauls aud muUers of slag for grinding
chili and other ingredients of the sauce known as kia'thl k'o-
se. H6-akia 4-mu-lok-to-we.
66088. Ditto, granite.
66024. Ditto, of granite, for preparing ingredients to form paste for
pottery. Sa-to 6k-na-k'ia-na-kia 4 k'ia-mo-li-an-ne.
66102, 66094, 66101, 66071, 66089, 66013, 66096, 66107, 66090, 66087,
66091, 66106, 66003, 66092, 66095, 65873. Mullers, grooved
maul form. Ok'-na-k'ia ola k'i kia-mo li-a-we.
65881. Ditto, round.
66054. Ditto, for reducing paint used in pottery decoration, and for pol-
ishing. K'ia'thia na-k'ia Aa-le.
60027. Ditto, in the form of a paint mortar. He-lin on-ak'ia d-tsa-ua,
kwilliniiik-te h<§-k'o-pa.
66150. Ditto, with rounded bottom, enlarged middle and small concav-
ity on apex. He-k'o yii'thl-tai-e.
66109, 65952. Ditto, regular form.
65953, 65954, 65955, 65981, 65956, 65957, 65958, 65991, 65959, 65960, 05961,
65962, 65963. Small paint stones or mullers. Helin o-na-kia
d-k'ia-mo-li-a-we.
sTEVExsox.J ARTICLES OF STONE. 525
66032, 6C033, G6035, 66034, 65994, 66026, 65995, 66049, 65996. MuUers for
polishing or smoothiug cooking stones, &c. A k'iii-tlila-k'ia-
na-k'ia-a-wc (plu.)
66256, 66257, 06276, 66285, 66260, 02258, 00273, 66203, 66264, 66274, 60286,
66271, 66272, 60259, 06261, 66270, 66267, 66293, 66288, 66287,
66290, 66289, 66291. Ditto, or rubbing-stones, used in con-
nection ■with fine metals for grinding corn and meal. Tchu
ok-na-k'ia yal-li-we.
62298. Ditto, very large.
66275. Ditto, broken.
66269, 66294, 64299, 60300. Ditto, very broad and flat. Tchu ok-na-k'ia.
Yalli k'id-pa-we.
66297, 66295, 66301, 60303, 00304, 06302, 67305. Ditto, ancient. Ino-to-
na-awa yii'l-li-wc.
66284. Ditto, modern, for making coarse meal.
60307. Ditto, large, for grinding chili. K'ia'thl-be-a-kia atbla-na.
66296. Ditto, very broad, flat, and ancient, for grinding flour. I-no-
te-kwe awen yii'l-lin-ne.
1982. Muller for reducing pottery colors.
1986. Ditto, maul form.
2154, 2163. Mauls and niuUers of slag for grinding chili and other
ingredients of the sauce known as kijithl k'o se = Kia'thl-
he-a-kia d-nui-luk-ton-ue.
2159, 2168, 2171, 2173. Small paint stones or muUers. He-lin o-na-k'ia
a-k'iii-rao-li a-we.
2167. Muller, very large.
2267. Ditto, or rubbing-stone, used in connection with fine metates for
for grinding corn meal. Tchu ok-na-kia yiil-liu-ne.
2275. Ditto, unfinished. Kwa-y^-nam-o-na.
2338. Small chili muller.
2356. Polishing muller.
1998. Muller, used for preparing sauce.
MISCELLANEOVS OBJE0T8.
65940, 65941. Small stones used in polishing pottery. Td k'iS, thla-k'ia-
na-kia A- we.
65998, 65942. Polishing stones used for grinding sacred paint.
65988, 65998, 65943, 65974, 63944, 00010. Ditto, large.
05947, 05948, 05985. Small stones used in jiolishing pottery. Te-kia-
thlakia-na-kia-d-we.
65967, 05940, 05975, 65997, 65973, 65950, 05981, 05905, 65966, 65951.
Small stones used in polishing unburned vessels. T^ k'ia-pi
ua k'ia-thla-k'ia-na-k'ia d-we.
65983. Large stone for polishing baking slabs. A k'iathla-k'ia-na-k'ia
4-a-le.
65982, 66000. Polishers. K'ia'-thla na-k'ia a-we.
526 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZXJNI.
65964. Small polishing stone. A' k'ia-thiakia-na-k'ia d-tsa-na.
65993. Ditto, larger.
66048, 66047. Ditto, flat.
66050. Ditto, large, ilat.
65972. Small polisher for glazing and smoothing pottery. T6 k'ia-thla-
kia-na-k'ia ii-tsa-na, for use of which see pi. xl.
66053, 65969. Ditto, rude.
65949. Small stone used in polishing unburned vessels. Te' k'ia-pi-na
k'ia-thla-k'ia-na-k'ia-Aa-le.
66014, 66028, 66108, 66020. Peeking stones. A tok-nak'ia a'-we.
66067, 6606(i, 66065. Ornamented ancient pestles. I-no-to-na a-wa k'u
lu-lu-nakia d-tesh-kwi-we.
66218. Ornamented small paint pestle. He-ak'ia tii-lin-ne.
66260, 66277, 66278, 66279, 66268, 66280, 66265, 66281, 66282, 66283. Rub-
bing-stones used with a coarse metate for shucking and
cracking corn. Tchu thlat-sa-k'ia-na-k'ia yal' li we.
65936. Ancient stone knife used in the ceremonial dance called the Hom'-
ah-tchi, or war dance of the Ka-ka. Hom-ah-tchi awen a-
tchi-en-ne.
65934, 65933, 66310, 65937, 65931, 65932. Ancient war knives preserved
for modern ceremonials.
3 Of the variety known as the "Hd-mi-li-li ti-mush," or petri-
fied wood-lance (archaric).
3 "Ti-mush shi-k'ia-na," or the black lance.
65929. Ditto, ground.
65930. Ancient rude stone knife. Ti-mush 4-tchi-en tsa-ua.
66056. Thunder ball or stone used in the sacred ceremonial game of the
priests. Kulu-lu-na-k'ia ii-a-le.
66064, 66063, 60060, 66058. Small stone balls used in the sacred game of
the Hidden ball. I-iin-k'o lo ii-li-we.
66057. Small thunder ball used in the ceremonial game of the Hidden
ball. Ku-lu-lu-na-k'ia d-k'ia-mo-li-a tsa-na.
06061, 66059, Thunder ball, plain, small.
66055. Ditto, large, used as a weight in the dye-pot.
65970. Ditto, large, rude, or irregular.
66323, 66326, 66327. Stones for baking tortillas and corn griddle-cakes.
He pa-tchish-ua-kia a'-we.
66328. Ditto, for baking guyave or paper-bread. Hel'-ash-ua-k'ia a-a-le.
66329. Ditto, small.
66044. Paint stone used as weight in dyeing. Thli-an-akia p4-u-li-k'ia
d-a-le.
66068, 65928. Stones used as weights in the dye-pot. Thli-an ak'ia pa
wo luk'ia d-we.
66079, .66099, 06098, 60100, 66076, 66078. Sacred, ancient idol stones,
concretions. A-thlii-shi d-yal-up-na-we.
8TEVEKS0S.] ARTICLES OF STONE. 527
6G080. Ancient stone idol found near the celebrated ruins in Eastern
Tusayan, known as A-wat-u-i, or Tala-ho-g'an. I-no-to-na-A
tahla-sbi, lia-i ila-te-li-ali-nai-e.
66074, 66075, 6G073. Small, disc-shaped stone quoits. Tan-ka-la-k'ia-na-
k'ia d-we.
66052. Ditto, large.
65972. Stone for- producing black paint of pottery, hematite. T^-tsi-
na-k'ia a-k'win-ne.
66069. "Ancient stone." A-thla-shi.
66051, 66084. Tufas for tanning skins. A sho-a li-we.
69270. Concretion of sacred signiiicance, or "old stone." A-thlii-shi.
65935. Flat stone used as cover to cooking pot. Wo-le-a d k-os-kwi-ki'a.
66308, 66309. Pair of arrow-shaft raspers or grinders of sandstone.
Sho tchish-ni-k'ia 4-wi-pa tcliin-ue.
06081, 66082, 6G083. Mauls for pounding raw-hide. 1-k'iathl-thli tak-
na-kia A-we.
2190. Very fine polishing stone for finishing baking-stones. Wa-lo-loa-
k'ia-na-k'ia d-ma-luk-ton-ne.
2191. Ditto, flat.
2314. Small polishing stone. K'iathla-k'ia-na-k'ia d-a-le.
2315. Small paint pestle. He-a-kia tii-lin-ne.
2350. Stone axe with handle. Ola k'i thla-shi.
2321. Thunder ball with sacred head inlaid to secure good fortune, an-
cient. K'u-lu lu-na-kia ha-lo-a-ti-na thle-a-k'ia-ni A k'iii-mo-
li-an-ne, ino-tona.
2841. Concretion of sacred significance or "old stone." A-thlashi.
2842. Ditto, red. Shi-lo-a.
2843. Ditto, black. Shik'ia-na.
1981. Knob of mineral (bitumen) used in polishing the inside of parch-
ing vessels, or glazing black during great heat. Woli-a-k'ia-
t6-thle-mon an t6-hulin w6-pa-thlai-a-k'ia h6 k'wi-nan-ne.
2845. Small thunder stone ball used in the ceremonial game of Hidden
ball. K'u-lu-luna-kia 41-u-lin-ne.
2844. The 'house of the hornets of creation". Tchim-mi-k'ia-na-kia
6-hap k'id-kwi-we.
2838. Lumps of 5'ellow paint. H6 thluptsi-kwa mu-we (for pottery).
HUNTING AND WAK IMCLETS
Composed of arrow points, stone knives, and carvings to represent
the great animals of prey — we-ma-we — &c. These specimens have been
retained by the Bureau of Ethnology for purposes of study, and conse-
quently have no National Museum numbers. The numbers given them
here i>ertain to the field catalogue.
1. Large stone figure of mountain lion, distinguished by a long tail
curved lengthwise over the back; observe blood on black
coating and turquoise eyes. Hak-ti-tash-a-na w6mme. Hun-
ter God of the North.
528 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNI.
2. Amulet, of white spar, with arrow bead "above beart." Nicely
carved, witb ears and with small pieces of turquoise inserted
for eyes ; designated by Mr. Gushing as Prey God of the Hunt.
Sa-ni-a-k'ia-kwe awen hak-ti-tasha-na w^ui-me.
3. Ditto, of sandstone, without inlaid eyes. Stone arrow-head attached
on right side.
4. Ditto, of alabaster, without flint.
5. Ditto, with flint at back, and showing traces of blood.
6. Ditto, of alabaster; very small.
7. Ditto, with traces of carbonate of copper, or the sacred blue medi-
cine stone of the Zuiiis.
S. Ditto, of banded spar, used in the ceremonial of paint-making in
connection with the prayers for increase of animals, I-sho-
maia-k'ia.
9. Ditto, with arrow-point, coral (A la ho), white, shell disk (k'o-ha kwa)
and abalone (sho-to-thli an) ornaments bound about the re-
gion of the heart.
10. Eepresentation of the great Hunting God of the West, the Coyote, in
plain alabaster.
11. Ditto, in sandstone, inlaid with patches of green stone.
12. Ditto, in tine brown sandstone, inlaid with turquoise eyes.
13. Ditto, in alabaster.
14. Ditto, in alabaster, with flint chip at back.
15. Ditto, showing blood coating.
IG. Ditto, in alabaster.
17. Ditto, ditto (small).
18. Ditto, in semi-translucent spar.
19. Ditto, in alabaster (small).
20. Ditto, in carbonate of copper.
20a. Ditto, ditto.
20b. Ditto, in banded spar, and used as No. 8.
21. Eepresentation in pottery, with conventional decoration, of the
Great Hunting God of the South, the Wild Cat, or Te-pi-
w6m. Very ancient.
22. 23, 24. Ditto, of soft chalky substance, short black tail and black
ear-tips.
25. Ditto, in yellowish soft stone.
26, 27. Ditto, in alabaster (small).
28. Ditto, ditto (with hole for suspension).
29. Ditto, ditto (without hole).
30. Ditto, ditto (with flint chip at back).
31. Ditto, ditto (with arrow at side).
.32, 33. Ditto, ditto (with flint chip).
34. Ditto, ditto (with white bead necklace and arrow point at back).
35. Ditto, with arrow point and carbonate of copper at back.
BTEVExsoN.] ARTICLES OF STONE. 529
36. Eepresentation of Great Huntiug God of the South, the "Wild Gat,
tine soft sandstone, showing ornanieuts and arrow point and
traces of blood, and inclosed in buckskin bag worn in the
chase.
37. Ditto, in alabaster, very large, showing black snout, feet, tail, and
ears.
38. Ditto, in dark sandstone, very large, with white shell, coral, and
arrow point bound to back and sides.
39. Ditto, with arrow, arrow-point, and carbonate of copper at back.
40. Ditto, in sandstone, plain.
41. Ditto, ditto, eyes inlaid with turquoise.
42. DittOj with white shell and arrow-point bound to side.
43. Wolf Fetich of the Chase, or Hunter God of the East, plain sand-
stone.
44. Ditto, alabaster, plain.
45. Ditto (ditto), small.
4G, 47. Ditto, ditto, with arrow flake.
48. Ditto, of sacred bluestone.
49. .
50. Ditto, of banded spar, and used as remarked under No. 8.
51. Ditto, ditto.
52. Concretion representing the Great Hunting God of the lower re-
gions; the Mole (K'ia-lu-tsi-w^m), with white shell disks
bound about neck and arrow point to the back.
53. Ditto, very small.
54. Piece of slag, slightly ground, to represent the Great Prey God of
the upper regions, the Eagle, or K'ia-k'ial-i w6m.
55. Great pray God, in yellow rock material, rudely shai>ed and pro-
vided with necklace of arrow-point, white shell beads, «&c.
56. Ditto, very rude, of sandstone, without ai)purtenances.
57. Ditto, conveutionallj' carved, with aperture at back for suspension ;
fine-grained red stone.
68. Ditto, in bloodstained alabaster, inlaid at back, breast, and eyes
with turquoise.
59. Ditto, in alabaster, with carbonate of copper inlaid as eyes, and
arrow-point placed at back.
60. Ditto, carved quite elaborately.
61. Ditto (very small).
62. Ditto, in sandstone, very small, and with necklace.
63. Ditto, very elaborately carved, and represented sitting on the ancient
knife used in war expeditions to insure successful elusion of
enemies.
64. Eepi-esentiug a quadruijed with straight tail, ears, mouth, and feet
tipped with black ; turquoise eyes set in.
65. Wildcat.
66. Ditto
3 ETH 34
530 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNL
G7. Coyote.
68. Ditto.
69. Eepreseuts an auimal with short tail, large arrow-head attached to
right side ; carved from hard gypsum.
70. Small quadruped, carved from gypsum, short tail, ears projecting
forward.
71. Wild cat.
72. Ditto, in alabaster.
73. Eepresentiiig an animal with a long body, with a small shell orna-
ment attached to its back; carved from gray soapstone.
74. Wolf-cat.
75. Long-bodied animal, with shell ornament attached to back.
76. Ditto, without ornament.
77. Eepresents a wolf carved from wood, with rude arrow-head at-
tached to back.
78. Wolf.
79. Horse with saddle; white quartz; used in prayers to promote re-
production of herds. (Of Navajo importation.)
80. Auimal with four outspreading limbs. Cut from small flat stone.
81. Coyote.
82. Wolf with arrow-head on back.
S3. Quadruped with short thick body of fine-grained sandstone.
84. Similar to 83, with flint flake attached to body.
85. Probably designed for a wolf; flint flake ou back.
86. Wild-cat.
87. Ditto.
88. Coyote.
89. Armlet of quartz crystal used in the formation of the medicine
water of secret orders. Sai-a-ko-ma 4-tesh-kwiu-ne.
90. Ditto, in calcareous spar.
91. Ditto, in the form of a small cat, for use before the altar during the
same ceremonial. Sai-a-ko-ma d-tesh-kwiu-te-pi w6m.
92. Ditto, in spar in the form of a pestle.
93. Ditto, in fine-ground, dark sandstone, in the form of a pestle.
94. 95. Small-banded spar pendants, used in the ceremonial described
under No. 8.
96. Ditto, long, with a depression or groove about the middle.
97. One of the sacred ancient medicine stones. A-' thlji-shi (a small
fossil ammonite).
98. Ditto, a fossil univalve.
99. Ditto, concretion in form of human testicles and of phallic sig-
nificance. Mo-ha a'- thlii-shi.
100. Ditto, slag, used as in No. 97.
101. Ditto, ditto, stalagmitic.
102. Ditto, chalcedony concretion, ditto.
STE^-EN60N.] ARTICLES OP CLAY. 531
103. Stoue knife of obsidian, with string for susi^ensiou, used in cere-
monial scalp taking — one of wliicli is carried on journeys
by each member of the Priesthood of the Bow, or Order of the
Knile. Mo tsi-k'wasli-na kia ti-mush.
lOJ: to 125. Ancient flint knives preserved as amulets and relics of
ancestors among the Zuiiis.
125 to 150. Arrow ])oints, &c., preserved by modern Zuuis as relics of
ancestors, and amulets used in various ceremonials, &c.
Miscellaneous objects not numbered in catalogue :
Three bow-guards for children. Kem pas sikwi-we.
Two small, rattles for children. Atsana awen chim-mo-we.
Three awls, used in the weaving of blankets and baskets. Sa si-mo-
we.
Four sets of small flat sticks used in the game of t4-sholi-we.
ARTICLES OF CLAY.
WATER JARS.
G7548. Ancient water jar, with the road of the clouds represented on
the front. I-uo-to-na t^-mui-a m6he-ton-ne.
67745. Very old water jar in representation of an owl. Mu-hu-kwi m6-
he-ta' thlii-shi.
67757, 67752. Water-jars representing owls, small, new.
6775S. Ditto, representing a duck. E-a me-he-ta.
67700. Ditto, smaller, having rex)reseutatiou of butterfly.
67534. Small to5' water jar. I-k'osh-na-k'ia k'ia-wih-ui-k'ia-t6 tsa-ua.
67313. Small girl's water-jar, or olla iS-tsa-ua a k'ia-wih-nT-k'ia t6-tsa-na.
6G19G. Small toy water jar of red ware. I-k'osh-na-k'ia k'ia-wih-n'i-k'ia te
shi-loa t'sa-na.
6G451. Large olla, or water Jar, decorated with floral patterns. K'iawih
na k'ia t6-le.
GC401, C034'J, C63GC, 6U442. Ditto, ancient terrace and rattlesnake deco-
ration.
GG432. Ditto, curve and bird pattern.
G()549, GG3G9, GC460, GG374. Ditto, curve pattern.
6G3t)l,GG352. Ditto, with floral and bird pattern.
6G422. Ditto, primitive sacred terrace and rattlesnake pattern.
GG333. Ditto, with decoration representative of lightning and milky-
way.
664G8. Ditto, with rainbow and lightning pattern.
664r.2. Ditto, with rosette, curve and deer patterns, and sacred birds
reversed.
532 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNL
66364. Ditto, floral rosette, and deer patterns, witli central baud con-
taining tbe conventional bird.
66417. Ditto, deer and floral patterns.
66539. Ditto, rosette, plant, bird, and deer patterns.
66545, 66331. Ditto, rosette, deer (po ye) patterns.
66343. Ditto, rosette, bird, and curve pattern.
66385. Ditto, curve, star rosette, and bird pattern.
66346,66454. Ditto, small, deer and bird decoration.
66537. Ditto, with star flower rosette, deer, and terrace conception of
the sky.
66341. Ditto, with deer (Fa'-tsi-na) and Quail (or P6-yi) decoration.
66439. Ditto, with deer and floral decoration.
66388. Ditto, witli deer, rabbit, and star-flower rosette.
66420. Ditto, with deer and star-flower rosette decoration.
66353. Ditto, small, with young deer.
66526. Ditto, with arabesque terrace and rattlesnake pattern.
06548. Ditto, with curve and po ye pattern.
G6418. Ditto, with primitive terrace pattern.
66351. Ditto, with curve and star rosette decoration.
06336. Ditto, with curve and P6-yi decoration.
06469. Ditto, with curve decoration.
66462. Ditto, with zigzag and floral patterns.
66477. Ditto, very small sky pattern.
66521. Small toy water jar (modern). I-k'osh-na-k'ia t6-tsa-na.
66443. Elegantly ornamented toy water jar, in primitive style of decora-
tion. 1-k'osh-na-k'ia t6-tsa-na, I-no-to-na ik-ua tsi-na pa.
06482. Ancient water jar of red ware. I-no-to-na k'i4-wih-na-k'ia t(5-
thla-na.
06440. Small girl's water jar, decorated with floral designs in red and
black, fi-tsa-na an k'iii-wih-na-kia t6-tsana.
66513. Ditto, of red ware in imitation of ancient.
06491. Ditto, ancient, with bird decoration.
064S0. Ditto, ancient, with conventional design.
06342. Ancient water jar from the ruins of EHa-JcH-me (Home of the
eagles), an ancient Zuni puehlo near the base of the mesa of
Tu-ai-y'iil-lon-7ie.
66486. Ancient small water jar, beautifully decorated with red and black
designs on a cream body, from the ruins of Wi-mai-a, one of
the ancient Zuni pueblos on the north side of the valley of
Zuni, the birth-place of the grandparents of a living aged
Zuiii named " TT-pe-hwi-na."
07310. Small water jar of red ware. E-tsa-na an t6-shi lo a.
06444. Water jar, or olla, with star and flower decoration. Kiawih-na-
k'ia tt'-le.
06394. Ditto, with ancient terrace and arrow decoration.
06547. Ditto, with deer and quail decoration.
8TBVEKB0M.) ARTICLES OF CLAY. 533
66361. Ditto, with curve decoration.
CG416. Large jar decorated with ancient figures, and used as receptacle
for sacred plumes. Ld po-kia t6-le.
66357. Very ancient rattlesnake and sacred terrace water-jar. I-no-to-
na k'iawih-na-kia t6-li, a-wi-thluia-po-na, tchi-to-la, ta ya'-to
kia pii'tchi-pa.
66379. Ditto, modilied.
67482. Small toy water jar, paint pot.
66533. Ditto, bird and deer decoration.
66338. Ditto, bird and rosette decoration.
66445. Ditto, rosette and small red wing decoration.
66467. Ditto, with chevron of lightning and milkyway.
66431. Ditto, small rosette and star decoration.
66479. Verj' large, small-mouthed plumejar. La-po-k'ia t6-thlana.
66483. Ditto, very large and very ancient.
66485. Ditto, for water used by inhabitants of large mesas.
66449. Ditto, ancient terrace and rattlesnake decoration.
66475. Ditto, primitive terrace and arrow decoration.
67550. Large, bird-shaped ancient jar with handle. E-a t^ mu-to-pa
(i-no-to-na). See tig. 2, pi. xli.
66424. Jar made in imitation of treasure jar, found iu ruins of Wi-mai
a. Thhi wo-pu k'ia t6-tsa ua i uo-to-na iiu-te-li-ah-na yo-k'oa.
66350. Small broken jar with representation of Maximillian's jay. K'ia
wih-na-k'ia te-tsana mai-a w6-pano-pa.
66356, 66344, 60406. Ditto, with antelope design.
66484. Ditto, ground-sparrow decoration.
WATER BOTTLES.
67342. Small, double-lobed water bottle. Me wi-k'i-lik-tou I-yathl tiish-
sha-na.
66376. Very large water bottle with elaborate ancient fret design, for
purposes described under 60485, with holes to facilitate hand-
ling and pegs for suspension. This remarkable specimen
has been handed down from generation to generation since
the time of the habitation of Ta ai yal Ion ne.
68546. Ornamented water bottle of basket work. Ha-i torn tsina-pa.
67316. Small red water jar for child. K'ia wih-na-k'ia t€ tsa-na thlup
tsi-na.
(66506.) Water jar for making yeast, of yellow ware. Mo-tse opi-k'ia-
na-k'ia t(§ thlup-tsi-na.
66507. Yeast-water-making jar of yellow ware. Mo-tse k'ia-uan ona-
kia t6 thlup-tsi-na.
66474. Small water jar for children. K'i4 wih-na-k'ia t6 tsa-na.
Small water jar for children. K'ia- wih-na-k'ia t6 tsa-na.
66461. Kia-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsa-na.
534
COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNI.
G7536. Yeast- water-iuakin^ jar of yellow ware. Mo-tse k'ia-nan ona-kia
te thlup-tsi-na.
07558. Large vase in representation of knit moccasin, used as a toy.
We-po-tclia t6-tsa-na i-k'osh-na-kia.
00392. Large water jar or olla. K'i4-wili-na-k'ia t6 thla-na.
06541. Large water jar or olla. Ki4-wili-na-kia td le.
66371. Small water jar for children. K'ia-wih na-k'ia te-tsa-na.
Yeast-water jar of red ware. Mo-tse k'ia-nau ona-k'ia t6-shi-
lo-a.
67330. Water jar with representations of deer, etc. K'id-wih-na-k'ia t6
na-pa-na-pa.
60430. Water jar. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia t6-Ie.
66404. Large water jar, with ancient zigzag decoration, referring to the
four wombs of earth and the darts with wliich they were
broken open for the liberation and birth of mankind. K'ia-wih
nak'ia t6-le, a-witen t6-huthl-na, awi-thlui-a-po-na tsi iiapa.
66398. Small water jar. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsa-na.
66518. Small toy water jar or olla of red ware. K'ia-wih-ua-k'ia t(5 tsa- ^
na shi-lo-a, dtsa-na awa.
66368. Small child's water jar or olla. Tsan-'an ki^-wih-na-k'ia td-lsa-na.
66389. Large water jar or olla. K'i4-wih-na-k'ia t6-thla-na.
66359. Small water jar or olla. K'iA-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsa-na.
66465. Small toy water jar or olla. K'id-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsana i-k'osh-na-
k'ia.
66473. Large white olla or water jar. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia t6 k'o-ha na.
Small sacred water jar with terraced rim. K'i4-pu-kia awi-
thliii-a-i)0-na te tsa-na.
66476. Small olla or decorated water jar, ancient. I-no-te k'i4-wih-na-
k'ia te tsa-na.
Jar or olla decorated in ancient emblematic style, and used as a
receptacle for sacred plumes. Lil-po-k'ia t^-le.
66446. Smiill decorated water jar or olla for children. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia
t6 tsa-na.
66420. Small decorated water jar or olla for children. A-tsa na awa
k'iii-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsa-na.
67347. Large double salt-jar. Ma-po-k'ia t6-thla-na.
66377. Small water jar or decorated olla. K'i4wih-ni-k'ia t6 tsa-na.
06544. Water jar or decorated olla. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia te-le.
Small red jar for mixture of h6 k'i or batter. H6-k'i w6-li-ki^ s4-
tsa-na.
07517-67516. Small jars for black plume-stick paint. Ha-k'win h6-li-
po-k'ia t6-tsa-na.
67532. Small toy olla or water jar of red ware. I-k'osh-na-kia k'id-wih-
ua-k'ia-t^-tsa-na.
Water jar or old olla, decorated with figures of antelope and
sacred birds. K'i^-wih-na-k'ia te thlii-shi-na, nApa-uo pa,
w6-tsa-na w6-pa-no-pa.
STEVENSON. I
ARTICLES OF CLAY. 535
G7321. Small yellow water jar or oUa. K'iii-wih-ua-k'ia t^ tsa-ua thliip-
tsi-ua.
GC373. Decorated water jar or olla. K'id-wili-na-k'ia t^ le, li6-pa-k'i w6-
l)a-ua-i)a.
C6453. Small decorated water jar or olla. K'ia-wib-ua-k'ia t6-tsa-iia.
6C351-GG410. Large decorated ollas or water jars. K'iA-wili-ua-k'ia t6-
we, ii-tbla-ua
GG423. Small decorated water jar or olla. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsa-ua.
GCt50. Small toy olla or decorated water jar. I-k'osbiiakia t6 tsa-na.
GG520. Ked ware salt jar with castellated aud corrugated edges aud
rim. Mdpo-k'ia te-shi-lo-a mu-to-pa.
Small decorated olla or water jar. K'ia-wibna-k'ia te tsa-na.
CG3'.;9. (Jbild's small water jar or decorated olla. K'ia-wib-Da-k'ia te tsa-
na a-tsa-ua 4wa.
. Small decorated water-jar or cbild's olla. K'iA-wib-ua-k'ia t6 tsa-
ua a-tsa-ua ;'iwa.
GG413. Water jar or olla ou wbicb tbe emblematic terraces of tbe four
wombs of eartb and tbe magic kuife with which they were
opened are conspicuous decorations. K'ia-wibna-k'ia t(5-le,
;'i-wi-ten t6-hutbl-na, A-wi-thlui-a pa i)ush-kwai-na pa'-tcbi-pa.
GG387. Small decorated water jar or olla, with figures of deer. K'i4-wib-
na-k'ia t6 tsa-ua, sho-boi-ta p4-tcbi-pa.
GG428. Small decorated water jar or olla. K'i4-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsaua nd-
pa-na-pa.
. Large double salt aud pepper jar. M4-po-kia t6-wi-patchi-na.
6G354. Water jar, large, decorated. K'ie'i wihiia-k'ia t6 le.
6G4GG. Water jar or olla decorated with aucieut design of tbe rattle-
snake gens. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia te-le, i-no-to-na Tcbi-to-la-kwe
a-wa tsi-uan tsi-na-pa.
GG334. Water jar or decorated olla. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia te-le.
66-1G3. Olla or decorated water jar with figures of sacred birds and ros-
ette. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia te-le, w6-tsana ta b(5-pa-k'i w6-pa-no-
pa.
6C337. Olla or water jar decorated with figures of sacred blue birds.
K'iii-wih-na-k'ia tele, k'iii'-shema-mai-a w6-pauopa.
66457. Olla or decorated water jar. K'id-wib-na-k'ia te-le.
. Olla or water jar decorated with figures of deer, growing plants,
and the gentile quail or chaparral cock. K'i4-wih-ua k'ia t6-
le, n4-pa-no-pa, p6-yi ta kwan-hai-apii'-tchi-pa.
66405. Olla or decorated water jar. K'iii-wih-na-k'ia tele.
6C345. Small water jar or decorated olla, ancient design. K'iiiwih-ua-
kia t6 tsa-na, i-no-to-na tsi-na pa.
66492. Small, line decorated red earthen water jai-. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia i6-
tsa-na, shi-lo-a tsi-na-pa.
. Small sacred water jar in form of mud hen. Hi-lu-k'ia m6-he-ta
tsa-na.
536 COLLECTIONS OF 1818 ZUNI.
66414. Olla or water jar decorated with emblems of the gentile rattle-
snake. K'i^-wih-na-kia tele, Tchi-to-la-kwe a- wen tsi-nan pa'-
tchipa.
66407. Olla or deiorated water jar figured with deer and antelope. K'i^-
wih-na-k'ia t6-le n4-pa-opa.
66427. Small olla or water jar decorated with figures of antelope. K'i^-
wih-ua-k'ia t6 tsa-na, uA.pa-no-pa.
66497. Small red ware water jar. K'ia-wih-ua-k'ia t6 tsa na, shi-loa.
76437. Small olla or \vater jar decorated with figures of antelope. K'i4-
wili-na-k'ia tele, n;i-pa-no-pa.
66470. Large olla or decorated water jar, with figures of sacred birds.
K'iA-wihna-k'ia t6-thla-na w6-tsa-na w6-pa-no-pa.
66472. Large olla or water jar decorated with the designs of the rattle-
snakes. K'ia-wih-ua-k'ia t6-thla-na, Tchi-to-la-kwe awa tsi-
ua tsi-na-pa.
66403. Small water jar or olla decorated with figures of antelope and
black birds. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia tǤ tsa-ua, na-pa-no-pa, k'6-tchu
w6-pa-no-pa.
663S4. Small decorated water jar or olla. K'i4-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsa-na.
66546. Small decorated water jar or olla. K'id-wih-iia-k'ia t6 tsa-na.
. Child's water jar or olla decorated with tigures of antelope and
a kind of sparrow. A-tsa-na awa k'i4-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsana nd-
pa-no-i»a, ta k'iap-tchu-pa w6-pa-no-pa.
67318. Small, yellow ware water jar for children. I-k'osh-na-k'ia k'ia-
wih-na-k'ia t6-tsa-na thlup-tsi-ni.
. Small, decorated water jar or olla. K'iA-wih-na-k'ia te tsa-na.
66520. Small toy olla or water jar with representation of sacred tail
plumes. I-k'osh-na-k'ia k'i^-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsana, k'ia-ti t6-
hi-a wo-pa-nopa.
66381. Small olla or water jar, decorated. K'i4-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsa-na.
66471. Small olla or decorated water jar, white ground, with represen.
tation of sacred terraces and road. K'iA-wih-na-k'ia t6 k'o-
ha na, awi-thlui-a tsa-na tsin'-u-lap-nai-e.
66386. Ditto, large, with curve decoration and representation of Clark's
jay. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia t6-thla-na, nitsi-k'ia ta mai-a wopa-
na-pa.
66464. Ditto, small, with representations of deer running. Na-pa-no-
pa-yii'thl-yel-ai-e.
. Ditto, with deer represented on body, and rosette on opposite
side. Na-pa-na-pa, he-pa-k'i w6-pa-no-pa.
66340. Ditto, decorated with quail and deer. Na-pa-na-pa, ta po-yi w6-
pa-na-pa.
66365. Olla, very large, decorated with rosettes and cloud scrolls.
Hish thla-na, he-pa-k'i ta 16-te-po-a tsi-na-pa.
66372. Ditto, white. K'6-ha na.
\ Ditto, small antelope. Nd-tsa-na w6-pa-no-pa.
BTEVENSON.] ARTICLES OF CLAY. 537
6G535. Ditto, with rosette and quail decorations. He-pa-k'i ta po-yi-w6-
tsa-na w6-pa-na-pa.
56340. Ditto, smaller, decorated with flowered star. Mo-ya-tchun-u-te-
a-pa pii'-tchi-e.
66433. Ditto, with representation of deer and growing plants. Sho-ho-
i-ta ta hai-a w6-pa-ua-pa.
66408. Ditto, with ancient representation of the sky, terrace, falling
clouds, and the great rattlesnake. A-wih-thlui-a, lo-pa-ni-
le ta tchi-to-la, wo-pa-na-pa.
66397. Ditto, with scroll and quail decoration. Wo-tsa-ua w6-pa-uo-pa,
ta ni-tsi-k'ia tsi-na-pa.
66527. Ditto, with representation of anteloi)e. N^-pa-no-pa.
66528. Ditto, with addition of rude bird decorations. NA-pa-no-pa ta-
w6-tsa-na w6-pa-no-pa.
66380. Ditto, small antelopes. N4-tsa-na-nfi-pa-nopa.
66459. Ditto, with terrace or sacred zigzag, flowers and birds represented.
Awi-thlui-a, u-te-a-pa ta wo-tsa-na-w6-pa-no-pa A-tsi-uai-e.
66412. Ditto, same as small.
66390.
66456.
66395. Large water jar or olla, decorated with sacred rosette and birds
(sparrows). K'ia-wih-na-k'ia t6-thla-na he-pa-k'i ta w6-tsa-na-
w6-pa-uo-pa.
66339, 66533, 66534. Ditto, with figures of deer. N4-pa-no-pa.
66445. Ditto, with ancient terrace and rattlesnake decorations.
66447. Ditto, with ancient design. K'u-sho-kwin tsi-nai-e.
66543. Ditto, with scroll decoration. Ni-tsik'ia wo-pa-no-pa.
60402. Ditto, smaller. Ts4-na.
66382. Ditto, with young deer decoration. Na tsi-k'o w6-pa-no-pa.
Ditto, bird decoration (gentile quail, p6 yi).
66419. Ditto, ornate design. A-sho-na-k'ia tsi-na-pa.
66355. Ditto, with rosette and bird decoration.
66367. Ditto, with star and plant decoration. Mo-ya-tchuu ta kwau-
hai-a w6-pa-no-pa.
66512. Small red treasure jar for suspension, ancient. I-no-to-na thla'-
wo-pu-k'ia t6-tsa-na.
66425. Small toy water-jar decorated with figures of antelope. K'ia-
wih-Tui-kia t6 tsana,-a-tsan awa.
66393. Small water jar for young children. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia t6 tsa-na a-
tsan, d-wa.
66370, 66410. Small decorated water jars or ollas. Kia-wih-na-kia t6-
we 4-tsa-na.
66426. 66429. Ollas, large.
66438. Olla or water jar decorated with ancient terrace and rattle-
snake's form. K'ia-wih-na-k'ia t6 thla-na.
66435. Ditto, with same decoration.
538 COLLECTIONS OP 1881 ZUSL
6053S. Ditto, with curve decoration.
66332. Ditto, with animal decoration.
60532. Ditto, with primitive " Ji-wi-thlui-S. po-na" and cloud decoration.
G653G. Ditto, animal decoration.
66550, 6C501, 60502, 06503, 00504. Jars of red ware used lor souring
yeast. Mo-tse 6-pi-k'ia-na-k'ia t^ pi-tsu-lia.
60505. Ditto, white. '
66508. Ditto, white with red baud about neck. Shi-lo-a athl-yet-M-6.
67311. Ditto, curved decoration.
60529. Ditto, decorated with ancient terrace and rattlesnake.
06363, 00448, 60430. Ditto, curved decoration.
07531. Ditto, deer and bird decoration.
Ditto, curved and animal decoration.
Ditto, primitive terrace decoration with deer.
66360. Ditto, curved and scroll decoration.
66383, 60441. Ditto, animal and curve decoration.
66434. Ditto, small animal decoration.
66399, 06475, 66409. Small child's water jar or oUa. I-k'osh-na-k'ia k'ia-
wih-na-k'ia t6 tsa-na.
Small, very old water jar with primitive decorations. K'iA-wih-
ua-kia t6 tsa-ua tsi-thlii-shi-ui-shi.
CANTEENS AND WATER JUGS.
67777. Canteen, large figure of spotted pig. Pi-tsi-wi-tsi-su-pa-no-pa
m6-he-ta.
67542. Small cylindrical canteen with representation of mammae. M6-
wi-k'i-lik-ton tsana k'wi-k'ia-k'ia-pa.
67539, 07538. Ditto, small double ball shaped.
07784, 07815, 67800. Small decorated canteens. Me-he-ta tsi-ua-pa.
08201. Small canteen remarkable for its conception and decoration, rep-
resenting in form the reproductiveuess of water (the phallic
frog), and in decoration, water its inhabitants, and a star re-
flection. Ta-k'ia i-sho-ha u:e-wi-se-tou-ne, ak'iana ta k'iti-
shi-ta pii-tchun mo yatchun vi-le. See fig. 3, pi. xli.
68207. Eed ware canteen. M6-he-ta shi-lo-a.
68209. Yellow ware bottle-shaped canteen. T6-me-he-ta.
67708. Long-necked gourd-shaped canteen of red ware. T^-me-he-ta
tiish-sha ua, shi-lo-a.
67750. Canteen in representation of chaparral cock. Po-yi me-he-ta.
60707. Small canteen in form of hawk or falcon. Pi-pi me-he-ta.
67778. Broken canteen (toy) in form of hog. I-k'osh-na-kia pi-tsi-witi
me-he-ta.
68427. Small red ware canteen, with white decoration at back. M6-he-
ta ts4 na.
BUREAU OF ETriNOLOGY
ANMJAl. liEPOin 18S2 ri.. Xl.I
(GToJU)
2
ZDNI VASES AND CANTEEN.
6TEVENS0X.] ARTICLES OF CLAY. 539
68184. Canteen, red ware.
67S07, 6S213. Ditto, yellow ware.
G8li08, 69SC4. Ditto, red ware, large.
G81S7. Ditto, white ware.
68218. Ditto, red ware, smaller.
68182. Ditto, large, yellow ware.
67815. Ditto, very small and crude.
682l.'l. Ditto, large, white ware.
68216. Ditto, with white back and red belly.
68181. Ditto, red ware, repaired with pitch.
68183. Ditto, decorated ware with "Cachina" decoration.
6SI92. Ditto, decorated with carved leaf pattern.
68175. Ditto, small, decorated.
68170. Ditto, very large, white ware, ornamented with rosett* decora-
tion.
67876. Ditto, ditto, more elaborate.
68222. Ancient canteen, in form of young bird, found in a cutting of the
Atlantic and Pacific Eailroad on the eastern slope of Mt. Sau
Francisco, Arizona, by W. E. Smith, and presented by him to
P. H. Gushing for the U. S. National Museum.
67771. Small canteen representing an owl. Mu-hu-kwi m^-he-tS-tsa-
na.
67519. Double, long-necked canteen, connected by two tubes. M6-wi-
k'ilikton i-tash-sha w6-po-no-pa.
67547. Ditto, smaller.
68151. Small canteen of red ware. Me-he-ta tsa-na, shi-lo-a.
67812. Large yellow canteen. Me-he-ta thluptsi-na.
68223. Ordinary yellow canteen; same Indian name as preceding.
67754. Small canteen in the form of an owl. Mu-hu-kwi m^-he-tonne.
68193. Child's small canteen. Me-he-ta, tsan dn.
67791. Large, yellow ware canteen. Me-het-thla-ua thlup-tsi-na.
67787. Small canteen for children. Me-he-ta-ts4-ua,
67811. Yellow ware canteen decorated with the sun vine. Me-he-ta
thlup tsi-na tsi-na-pa.
67785. Child's small canteen of red ware. Me-he-ta tsa-na shi loa.
67790. Eed ware canteen. This specimen is plain red ; they are fre-
quently decorated in bands and figures of white.
. A small canteen for sacred water, representing an owl. Mu hu-
kwi k'id-pu-k'ia m6-he-ta tsa-na.
67814. Large canteen representing the moon, of red ware. Me-he-ta
shi-lo-a. Ya-tchn, dnte-li-ah-nai-6.
67808. Small double canteen. Me-wi-se-ta tsa-na.
67792. Small canteen with emblematic decorations of sacred hooks.
Me-he-ta, ne-tsi-ko-pa.
68194. Yellow ware canteen. Me-he-ta thlup-tsi-na.
68204. Small yellow canteen.
540 COLLECTIONS FOR 1881. ZUNI.
68212. Large yellow canteen. Me-he-ta thlup-tsi-na thld-na.
. Sacred, decorated canteen.
68206. Small decorated canteen.
67824. Large, yellow ware canteen.
67759. Small canteen for holding sacred water, in form of an owl. K'i4-
pu-kia muhn-kwi m6-lie-ta.
67796. Small red canteenwithetcbingsof phallic significance. M6-he-ta
shi-lo-a i-shoh-na tsl-no-na.(?)
68189. Small yellow ware canteen.
67789. Small decorated canteen. Me-he-tS, tsi-na-pa.
67813. Small yellow ware canteen.
68156. Large yellow ware canteen, with winding white band decoration.
Me-he-ta thlup-tsi-na, tsin'-u-lap-nai-^.
68205. Small yellow ware canteen, decorated with rosette. Me-he-ta
thlup-tsi-na, h6-pa-kiii pa-tchi-e.
68199. Small toy canteen. 1-k'osh-na-k'ia m^-he-ta tsa-na.
68157. Canteen of red ware. Me-he-ta, shi-lo a.
67795. Medium-sized canteen, decorated with figures of quail or road
runner; the latter bird is quite abundant in Arizona, but not
in the Zuui country. This canteen is of a cream white color,
the decorations being in black. Me-he-ta, po-yi w6-pa-no-
pa.
67545. Barrel-shaped canteen with knob like ends, and representations
of mammae near the mouth, for milk or sweet drinks. M6-wi-
k'i-lik-ton-ne, kwi-k'ia-pa.
67816. Decorated canteen. Me-he-ta thla-ua-tsi-na-pa.
68168. Small red ware canteen.
67805. Small red earthenware canteen, with representation of a burning
star at apex. M6-he-ta thlup-tsi-na tsa-na, mo-ya-tchu-thla-
ua pa-tchi tsi-nai e.
68163. Large red ware canteen with winding bands, in representation
of serpent. M6-he-ta, tsin-u-lap-nai-6.
68162. Small red canteen.
69863. Eed ware canteen.
69865. Large water bottle canteen. M6-he-ta, torn tash-sha-na.
68159. Small red ware canteen, without decoration.
67475. Small toy canteen of special significance, which can only be de-
rived from a translation of the Indian name given it. Ku-ne-a
i-k'osh-na-kia m^-he-ta-tsa-na, i-se-tona. "Clay for playing
with which, canteen little, carrying itself," etc.
68220. Small canteen decorated with figure of lily. Me-he-ta, u-te-a i-to-
pa-na pii'-tchi-e.
(J8176. Large red ware canteen.
69861. Large yellow ware canteen, with figure of the morning star. M6-
he-ta thla-na thlup-tsi-na, m6-ya-tchun-thl4-no-na pa'-tchi-e.
68173. Small red ware canteen with cone like apex.
STEVENSON.
ARTICLES OF CLAY. 541
67810. Small decorated canteen.
68179. Medium .sized canteen, decorated on upper part with star cross-
Me-he-ta mo-se-wek-sin tsi-nai-e.
. Small canteen of red ware.
67797. Small canteen of red ware.
68169. Small decorated canteen, with rosette on the apex. I-k'osh-na
kia me-he-ta tsa-;ia h^-pa-k'i tsin-yathl-tai-^.
69875. Canteen, medium size, of red ware.
67801. Similar to the preceding, but of cream white ware. Me-he-ta ivi
k'o-ha-na.
68166. Same as preceding, of yellow ware, with representation, on cream-
white ground, of sacred-feathered, cross-bows. Pi-thla-pa-
tchi la-kwai tsi-nai-e.
67806. Ditto, ditto, red shi-lo-a.
68217. Ditto, white, with representation of rattlesnake. K'o-ha-na, tchi-
tola pa'-fchi-e.
69862. Ditto, red, with representation of cloud on apex. (L6 te-po-ai-e.)
67540. Small toy canteen, with small neck.
. Owl shaped canteen.
67755. Same as jjreceding in form, but differing somewhat in the de-
tails of ornamentation.
68155. Small double canteen, or "child carrier," with representation of
wreath of flowers. Me-he-ta tsa-na tcha-se-ta, ii-te-a ii-lapnu-
ai-e.
68214. Ditto, larger with representation of sacred star rosette. H^-pa-
k'i-w6-pa-nan, mo-yii-tchu pAn-ni-na-k'ia u-le.
68158. Large canteen of red ware with rattlesnake emblems on white
ground. Me-he-ta tsi-na shi-lo-a ,tchi to-la wi-to-pa-no-pa.
67788. Ditto, red. Shi-lo a.
67823. Ditto, white, with depression on lower side. K'o-ha-na, h6-k'ai-6.
67794. Ditto, gray, with conical back. Lo-kia-na, k'ia'-mosta'i-6.
68195. Ditto, small, with representation of flower at back and string for
suspension. Tsa-na ta u-te-a w6-pa-no-pa; pi k'ai-a-i)a.
68210. Ditto, large red ware.
68153. Similar to preceding.
68215. Ditto, with cord for suspension.
68219. Ditto, without cord.
69867. Ditto, large.
67804. Ditto, small.
. Ditto.
68160. Ditto, yellow.
. Ditto, with sunflower rosette at apex. O-ma-tsa-pa-H-te-a ya'thl-
tai-e.
57820, Ditto, white.
. Ditto, white back and black base.
542 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNl.
68191. Very large canteen of the cream- white ware, with red belly. Kd-
ha-na, ta tsu shi loa.
68180. Ditto, plain, with rosette. H6-pa-k'in pa'-tchi-e.
68188. Ditto, with the ring, or star pointed flower, on apex; red base,
above which are the figures of the sacred butterflies repre-
sented in an arch. Nitse-k'o-an-te u-te-a thluai-a-pa, pii-la
k'ia thluai-y6-miikuai-6.
68152. Ditto, with rattlesnake. Tchi-to-la tsim-u-lup-nai-e.
67802. Ditto, smaller. Tsa-ni-shi.
67821. Ditto, very small yellow ware. Hish-ts4-na, shi-loa tsi-na-e.
68171. Ditto, red. Shi lo a.
67793. Ditto, larger, with cord of Spanish bayonet. Thltiptsina, h6,
pik'ai-a-pa.
68167. Ditto, very large.
68161. Ditto, white, with sunflower, surrounded with speckled leaves
and with smaller lobe at apex. 0-ma-tsa pa li-te-a, su-pa-no-
pa hai-a-we u-lap-nai-e; tchd-set taie.
67799. Ditto, plain red, with flower and butterfly decoration. Shiloa,
pu-lakia kwin-ne, ta u tea pii'-tchi pa.
67817. Ditto, small, with representation of corn stalk surrounded by
deer, crows, and black birds. Mi-ta-au, shoho-i-ta, k'w.ila-
shi ta tsul-ya pji'-tchi-pa.
-_ _ Ditto, with rosette at apex. He-pa-k'i pa'-tchi-pa.
68178. Ditto, plain. Tsa-na, A ho-na.
68161. Ditto, red, large, and flat backed. Shi-loa, ki'a pa ya'thl-taie.
08154. Ditto, large, white, of ordinary form.
Ditto, with flower decoration at back. K'ia-mus-tai ye, ix-te-a-pa.
68105. Ditto, small and flat, tsa-na, yathl-k'ia-tchun.
Ditto, red belly, with deer and sky figures on white ground.
K'o-ha na yathl-ta, 4-po-ya tsi-ua, ta n4 po-a-pa.
67813. Ditto, plain black. Kwin-ne.
08202. Ditto, yellow, with rosette decoration. Thlup-tsi-na, h6-pa-k'in
pii'-tchi e.
Ditto, very small, with white back. Tsa-na, k'6-han-ya/thl-tai-e.
07818. Ditto, large, yellow. Thlup-tsi-na.
Ditto, red and white, with terraced road. Tsa-na, a-wi-thuli-a-
p6-na-pa.
08226. Ditto, large, with rosette decoration.
67544. Small, double lobed canteen. Me-wi-k'i-lik-ton kia'-mo.li-an tsa-
na.
67541. Ditto, of smaller size,
67543. Ditto, small.
Owl-shaped canteen. Mu-hu-kwi m6-he-ton-ne.
67744. Ditto, small, with holes through the wings for suspension. E-pi-
se d.-a'-pa.
67742. Ditto, large, red ware. Mri-hu-kwi m6-lie-ta shi'-lo-a.
BTKVExsoN.] ARTICLES OF CLAY. 543
67748. Ditto, large, ornamented in representation of the plumage of a
bird.
Ditto, small.
Small barrel-shaped canteen, with round ends, showing em-
blems ot mammaries. M(i-wi-k'i-lik-ton, kwi-k'ia-i)a ki;i' mo-
lin a6p-tsi-nai-6.
G8177. Canteen of earthen ware, decorated. Me-he-ta tsi-na-pa.
G78l>2. Ditto, small. Tsa-na.
68174. Ditto, of white ware. K'6-ha-na.
68197. Ditto, of red ware. Shi-lo a.
68203. Ditto.
68190. Canteen of red ware. Shi-lo a.
68196. Ditto.
68200. Toy canteen, with rosette decoration. I-k'osh-na-k'ia m^-he-ta-
tsa-na, h6-[)a-k'i tsi-na-pa.
68185. Ditto, red. Shi-lo a.
67809. Ditto, with two small lobes at back. I-yathl-tai-e.
67825. Small, double gourd-shaped water bottle of earthenware. M6-wi-
k'il-ik-ton shi-lo-a tsa-na.
67819. Large, bottle-shaped canteen. M6-he-ta k'ia-mo-lia mui-a-pa.
Small, decorated canteen. M6-he-ta.
Ditto, red ware, large.
Ditto, large, yellow.
Ditto, large, yellow ware with painted back.
Ditto, red ware, small.
PIICHEUS.
67110, 67113. Pitchers, small, plain, with handle. E-mush-to-we d-thla
na, il-mui-a-pa.
67439. Small pitcher vase, for suspension, fi-mush-ton t4> tsa-na mu-
to-pa.
67135. Small milking pitcher. A-k'wi-k'iash-na-k'ia 6-mush-ton tsana.
67101 Small, ancient i)itcher. I-no-to-na e-mushton tsa-na.
67103. Ancient pitcher, large.
66522. Ditto, of red ware.
67104. Ornamented pitcher, with representation of mountain lion for
handle (broken). I-no-to-na c-mush-ton tsana, Hak-ti-tii'sh-
sha-na nuii-ai-e.
67102. Ditto, rude.
67105. Ditto, large, decorated.
07116. Ditto, of red ware, decorated with black, long necked.
67141. Small, modern pitcher, of redware, in ancient style. I-no-to-na
au-te-li-ah-no-nai-e.
67319. Ditto, large, with handle.
67119. Ditto, with handle, made in imitation of ancient jar, dug up from
ruins of Wi-mai-a.
Small milk pitcher. A-k'wi-k'iiish-na-k'ia, 6-mush-ton thlup-
tsi-na.
544 COLLECTIONS OF 1881— ZUNI.
67551 Small milk pitcher in the form of a shoe or moccasin. K'wi-
k'iiish-na-kia we-po-tchi t6 tsa-na.
6S384. Small pitcher of black earthen ware for heating water. K'i4-
k'iiithl-k'ia-ua-k'ia 6-mush-ton-ne.
07137. Ditto, small, yellow ware.
67130. Small milking' pitcher of yellow ware.
Milk i)itcher, with handle, of decorated yellow ware. A k'wi-
k'iiish-na-k'ia 6-mush-ton-ne.
68305. Small, black ware pitcher. T(5-kwiu tsa-na mni-aie.
67114. Small, decorated milk pitcher, lil-mush-ton ne.
670S9. Milk pitcher, plain.
67336. Ditto, large, with corrugated rim. fi-mush-ton thl4-na.
67485. Ditto, with serpent or curved decoration. (N^-tsi-k'on-ne.)
67127. Large, red milk pitcher. A-k'wi-k'iash-na k'ia 6 mush-to thla-na,
shi-lo a.
67140. Ditto, undecorated.
67128. Ditto, plain.
68382. Ditto, for cooking. W6-li-a-k'ia 6-mush-ton thla-ua.
68386. Ditto, small, ts6,-na.
68383. Ditto.
68378. Ditto.
68385. Ditto, showing mud or clay used in sealing the mouth of the
vessel while cooking sweet fermented meal or h6-pa-lo-kia.
68380. Ditto, plain.
68359. Ditto.
67106. Milk pitcher of ancient form. A-k'wi-k'iash-na-k'ia 6-mush-ton,
i-no-to na.'
67108. Ditto, with flariug rim and flower decoration. Sdl-athl-k'ia-
pan-ne.
67094. Ditto, plain.
67087. Ditto, for white paint. He-tehl-h6-lin on-a-kia, sal-athl-k'ia-pan
ue.
67124. Ditto, small, yellow ware.
67115. Ditto, with narrow opening, and flower decoration.
67139. Ditto, red ware.
67111. Ditto, decorated.
67117. Ditto, with scalloped rim.
67107. Ditto, tall, and vase-shaped, with liaring rim.
67339. Ditto, with contracted neck, and animal decoration, handle rep-
resenting an antelope.
68356. Small pitcher for heating water.
08376. Large pitcher for cooking or heating water. Wo-li-a-k'ia 6-mush-
ton-ne.
Large pitcher with animal-shaped handle, fi-mush-tou thlana-
w6-6-le ik-na mniai-e.
STETEESOK.] AATICLES OF CLAY. 545
DBINKINO CUPS AND CVP-8HAPED VESSELS.
67091, 67337, 67076. Handled driiikiug cups with flaring rim, decorated.
Tiituna-kia sd-uiui-a-pa.
67326, 67109, 67095. Ditto, large.
67080, 07083, 67112. Ditto, small.
67082, 67077. Ditto, with representation of bear for handle.
67122, 07118. Ditto, large, jellow ware.
67131. Small, red ware drinking cup with handle. Tu-tu-na-k'ia Scl-mui-
a tsiin-an-ne.
67098. Drinking cup with flaring rim. S4-mui-a sd-tsana.
Bowl and pot shaped cooking vessels, plain and ornamented,
with ears and small conical projections to fiicilitate handling
while hit; among these are also enumerated paint pots, <S:c.
Sa-we 4mui-a-pa.
67469, 67425. Small, toy, cooking vessels with row of ears. I k'osh-na-
k'ia s4-mui-4-tsana.
67329. Large, handled cui>. Sd-mui-ao-ne.
68243. Small, handled cup. Sd-mui-a t6-tsa-na.
68387. Water-holding cup. K'i4-pa-ti-k'ia t(5-tsa-na.
67322. Small handled cup of yellow ware. Sd-mui-a t(S-tsa-ua thliip-
tsina.
67138. Handled cup of yellow ware. Sa-mui-a t6 thlup-tsi-na.
67079. Small, handled cup for water. K'ial-ik'ia sd-mui-an-ne.
67078. Small handled water cup. Kial-i-k'ia s4-mui-an-ue.
Handled cup with decoration of the sacred mantle. Sa-mui a
h^-k'wie-tchi tsi-na-pa.
67133. Small, handled, yellow ware cup. Sd-mui-an thlup-tsi-na tsd-na.
67093. Small, handled cup with representation of growing flowers. Sa-
mui-an-tsa-na ii-te-a w6-pa-no-pa.
68362. Small, knobbed cup for hot water. K'id k'iathl-k'ian-a-k'ia sd-mui-
an tsA-na.
67132. Small, handled yellow cups. Sd-mui-a tsa-na 4-thlup-tsi-na.
67081. Small flaring cup, with handle, with representations of stars and
magic net-shield of war god. Sd-mui-an tsa-na sa-k'ia-pan-
ne, mo-ya-tchu, ta k'id-al Ian pa-tchi-pa.
66911. Small flaring cup for children. Sd k'ia-pa-nan tsa-na.
Small red ware cups for children. Sd-tsa-na shi'-lo-a.
67126. Small milking cup of yellow ware, with handle. K'wi-k'iash-na-
k'iasd-mui-au tsa-na.
67335. Small cup, with handle and flaring rim, decorated with flowers.
Sa-mui-an tsa-na, u-te-a ath'1-yel-lai-e.
67143. Small, handled cup. Sa-mui-a tsa-na shi-lo-a.
Small milking cup for little girl. A-k' wi-k'iash-na-k'ia sd-mui-an-
tsa-na.
67090. Small, handled cup, with flaring rim for drinking. Sd mui-a tsa-
na sdl-athl-k'ia-pau-ne.
3 ETH— 35
646 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNL
67092. Small, deep, decorated, bandied cup. Sa tsa-na mui-ai-e.
67120. Large haudled milking cup of decorated red ware. A-k'wi-
k'itisb-na-k'ia sd-shi-lo-a, mni an tsl-ua-pa.
67084. Small, plain, bandied cup. Si'i-mui-an-tsa-na.
Small water beating cup, witb baudle. K'ia-kiatbl-k'ia-ua-k'ia
sa-mui-au tsd-na.
67332. Small drinking cup, witb melon flower representation in center.
K'iA-li-k'ia sa-tsa-na a-te-an e-tai e.
67096. Small bandied cup. SiVmui-an tsa-na.
67328. Large decorated cup witb baudle. SA-mui-an tbla-ua.
67099. Decorated cup, small.
67097. Ditto, large.
67338. Ditto, witb animal shaped baudle.
BOWLS AND BASKETS.
67184, 67153, 67182, 67185, 67189. Sacred terraced basket bowls for med-
icine flour or meal, carried by cbief priests of sacred dancers.
K'ia-wai-a wo-pu-k'ia 4-wi-tblui-a-po-na s4 mu-te-a-pa.
67193. Ditto, witb horned frog represented on outside, (Tbl6-tcbu), and
tadpoles and dragon fly inside, sbume-ko-lo ta mu-tu-li-k'ia-
w6-pa-no-pa.
67192. Ditto, with sacred rosette in center of bottom. H6-pa-k'i tsin ^-
ta-i-e.
67172. Ditto, for sacred yellow flower paint. tJ-te-a belin 6-na-kia.
67303. Small bowl for white paint, used in decoration of dancers. H6-
ko-bak' he-liu-o-na-kia sd-tsana.
67055. Small white paint bowl. H^-ko-hak' b6-lin-o-na-kia s4-tsana.
67255. Bread bowl, decorated. Mo-tse-na-k'ia sa-tsana.
67233. Ditto, larger.
67220, 67264. Bread bowls. Mo-tse-na-k'ia-s4-we.
67267, 67227, 67242. Large bread bowls, with elaborate cloud decoration
and figure of sky combined. Mo-tse-na-k'ia sa-we il-tbla-na,
lo-po-ya tsina-pa.
67202. Very large bread bowl, decorated inside with lightning passing
between clouds and on outer surface with lightning passing
between black rain clouds. Mo-tse o-uakia mo-tse-na-k'ia sA-
tbla-na; wl-lo-loa tbiitalo pi-kwai-uai-e wopa-no-pa; wi-lo-
loa, Aw-thlui-a-po-na a-shik'ia-na tsi-na-pa.
66604. Large bread bowl, decorated. Mo-tse-na-k'ia sA-thla-na.
66935. Ditto, red ware, large.
67277, 67270. Elaborately decorated bread bowl. Mo-tse-na-k'iasd-
tbla-na.
67217. Decorated bread bowl. Mo-tse-na-k'ia s4-thla-na.
66972. Small yellow ware eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sA-thlup-tsi-na.
67199, 66937. Ditto, for dance paint of cacbiuas. Sbi-lo-a-h6-lin o-na-
k'ia sa-we.
6TKVKN60N.J ARTICLES OF CLAY. 547
66945, 60944. Ditto, for serving food, decorated.
67204. Ditto, large, ^ ith awi-tbluia-po na ta thli-ton (cloud-terrace and
rain) represented.
6C042. Ditto, white decorated ware.
66582, G6G03, 66644. Ditto, with flaring rim. (S41-athl-k'ia pan) deer
decoration and sacred plume sticks.
66612. Ditto, witli lozenge decoration in lozenge figure.
67209. Ditto, with highly emblematic decoration.
66574. Ditto, very shallow. I-to-na-kia sal' athlk'ia-pan-ne.
67215, 66947. Small yellow ware eating bowls. I-to-na-k'ia s^thlup-tsi-
ua.
67066. Ditto, small.
66819. Small eating bowl. I-to-nak'ia s4-tsa-na.
66970, 66789, 66735, 66791. Ditto, used for paint.
66664. Eating bowl, larger.
66577, 67285, 66587, 67216. Ditto, large. Thl^-na.
66983. Small yellow ware eating bowl. I-to-na-kia s4-thlup-tsi-na.
66938, 66941. Eating bowl, small, red ware. Sbi-lo-a.
67206. Ditto, large.
66706, 66695. Ditto, of decorated ware.
65976. Ditto, for stone ash. (See above).
66956, 66916. Eating bowls, red ware white inside. I-to-na-kia s^ sbi-
lo-a.
66600. Ditto, decorated ware showing use as paint bowl.
66832. Ditto, decorated ware, small.
66805. Ditto, decorated ware, showing use as dye bowl.
66798, 66784. Ditto, eating bowls.
67254, 66760, 66957, 66749. Ditto, burned in open fire. (K'ia-pi-nani-
shi, or lu-ak-nai-e.)
56773. Ditto, deep.
66837. Ditto, small, burned in open fire. Lu-ak-nai-e.
67243. Ditto, showing traces of last h^-pa-lo-k'ia feast.
66848. Ditto, showing po-ye decoration.
66718. Ditto, showing sunflower decoration.
66831. Ditto, showing lineal decoration, ancient design.
67241. Ditto, very old.
66971. Ditto, showing house, world, and growing-plant design.
66761. Diito, showing much use.
66993. Ditto, showing figures of p6-yi and gentile priests.
66739. Ditto, basin-shaped. SAl-athl-k'ia-pan-ne.
66908. Very small decorated toy eating bowl. I-k'osh-na-k'ia I-to-na-kia-
s4-tsa-na.
67246. Small, decorated ware eating bowl.
66920, 67257. Ditto, new.
66830. Ditto, with elaborate star and plant design.
66783, 66765. Ditto, flower with four spear-Iika points in center. U-te-a-
an k'ia-tso-ta wo-pa-no-pa.
648 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNI
672C2. Ditto, Inirned iu open fire. Lu-ak-uaie.
66774. Ditto, with falling rain represented.
66727. Ditto, with flaring rim, deep.
66748, 66S76, 66703. Small eating bowl of decorated ware. I-toua-k'ia
sd-tsa-na.
66588, 66810. Ditto, with elaborate bnt defined decoration.
66779, 60711, 67265, 66827, 67301, 67271. Ditto, with deer reversed and
standing on twig.
66792, 66755. Ditto, showing use as vessel for white paint (used as white-
wash). H6-k'e-tchn o-na-k'ia sii-we.
66776, 66918, 66781. Ditto, with flaring rim.
67203. Small eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia s4-tsa-na.
67278. Ditto, chaparral cock decoration.
67250. Ditto, burned on wood fire.
66741. Ditto, with river and tadpole represented.
66742. Ditto, ornamentation indistinct.
66632, 66551, 66553. Eating bowls of decorated ware, with flaring rim.
I-to-na-k'ia sdl-athlk'ia-pa-we.
66638, 66634. Ditto, large.
66636. ].>itto, very large, with representation of female deer, ancient
terrace house and " step" inclosed. He-wi-mtis-sin i-no-to-na,
t^ sh6-h6-i-t'o-k'ia pa'tchi-e.
67295. Ditto, large, with rain cloud, star, and plant decoration.
66697. Small eating bowl, with deer and cloud decoration. I-to-na-k'ia
sdtsa-na.
66569. Ditto, with representation of sky colors about rim.
66619, 6';570. Ditto, with flower and plant decoration.
66926. Ditto, with house decoration.
67235. Ditto, flower decoration.
67231. Ditto, with flower and plant decoration.
66595. Ditto, with plant decoration.
66678. Ditto, with rejiresentation of sand burs.
66656, 66677. Ditto, with representation of antelopes.
66668. Ditto, with cloud pueblos and rainbow decoration.
66.552. Ditto, cloud, star, floral, and deer decoration.
66594, 66685. Ditto, floral decoration.
67297. Ditto, with representation of world and steps to the skies.
06673. Ditto, with terrestrial cloud and doe decoration.
06593. Ditto, with cloud and curve decoration.
66679, 66726, 66001, 06684. Ditto, ditto, decoration indistinct.
66580. Ditto, red ware, with sacred corns represented.
67213, 06653, 66772, 66927, 66699. Ditto, flowers and falling rain.
66579. Ditto, terrace decoration.
66640. Ditto, flower decoration.
66648. Ditto, butterfly, cloud, and plant decoration.
67211. Ditto, deer, cloud, rain, and plant decoration.
67269. Ditto, plant and cloud decoration.
8TKVEK80N.] ARTICLES OF CLAY. 549
66573. Ditto, curve decoration.
66649, 67208. Ditto, flower, clond, and arrow decoration.
66616. Ditto, with elaborate decoration.
66701, 66955, 66948. Eed ware eating-bowls.
67205. Yellow ware eating-bowl.
66954. Ditto, the Great star.
66788, 66680. Small eating-bowls.
66670. Ditto, with floral, cloud, and star design elaborately worked up.
66662, 67222, 66554. Ditto, elaborate design.
66663, 66671, 66651, 66561. Ditto, with terrace form.
66609. Ditto, curve.
66637. Ditto, deer.
66652. Large eating bowl, with elaborate emblematic but indistinct
decoration.
66672. Ditto, with rainbow decoration.
66811. Small eating-bowl of decorated ware.
66676. Eating-bowl of decorated ware.
67275. Small ancient eating-bowl of corrugated ware, decorated inside.
luo-to-na ni-tu-li a i-to-na-k'ia sA-tsa-na.
66992. Eating bowl of gray ware, very ancient. I-uo-to-na i-to-na-kia-
sa-tsa-na.
66690. Ditto, with representation of woods.
66936. Ditto, modern red ware.
66820, 67256, 66919, 66840, 66790, 66764, 67021, 66881, 66995. Small
decorated eating bowls. Ito-na kia s4-tsa-na tsi-na-pa.
67019. Ditto, sacred design in terraces representing clouds and rain.
66836. Ditto, with sacred butterfly decoration.
67000, 67027, 67001, 67008, 66973. 'Small red bowls. Sd-shi-lo-a d-tsana.
66962. Small basin-shaped bowl. Sal-athl-kia-pan-tsa-na.
67244. Small bowl, with additional rim. SA wi-yathl ton-ne.
66974. Small yellow- ware bowl used in making the stone ash as yeasty
and coloring matter, of blue guyave. A-lu-k'ia-lin h6-thli-a-
k'ian a-k'ia, sA-thlup-tsi-na.
67058. Very small, rude toy bowl. I-k'osh-na-k'ia sd-tsana p6-tcha.
67048. Ditto, of yellow ware.
67057. Very small, drinking cup of red ware.
67052. Bowl used for mixing mineral yeast and coloring matter of guy-
ave and mush-bread. A-lu-k'ia-li-k'ia s^-tsa-na.
67317. Vase-shaped bowl of white ware. Sd-k'ia-pa te-le.
67180. Small sealloped-shaped medicine bowl. K'ia-lin-ona-kia sd-tsa-na
nite-po-a-pa.
67157, 67166. Ditto, with terraced rim. (A-wi-thlui-a-po-na.)
68247. Small black-ware bowl for toasting corn.
67013. Small decorated red- ware bowl. S^-tsa-na shi-lo-a.
67446. Small toy bowl, decorated. I-k'osh-na k'ia sA-tsa-na.
67284. Small ancient bowl. I-iio-to-na s^-tsa-na.
67309. Ditto, red ware, modern.
550 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 — ZUNL
67183. Ditto, large, with tadpole and frog decoration.
67071. Small toy bowl. I-k'osh-na-k'ia s4-tsa-na.
Small saucer bowl. Sal-atbl-kiapau tsa-Da.
66495. Small-mouthed yeast souring bowl. Mo-tse 6 -pi-k'ia-na-k'ia t6-
k'iamo-li-a.
67343. Ancient bowl for the sacred medicine water belonging to the
hereditary line of House Caciques of Zuui (K^ia-kwi-d-mo-si)
and sold by stealth to me by the youngest representative of
that body of priests. Shi-wan an k'ia'-lin 6-na-k'ia sa-a-wi-
thluia po-na. See fig. 1, pi. xli.
66828, 66S35, 66872, 67240. Small drinking bowls. T6 tu-tu ua k'ia-
s4-we 4-tsana.
66896. Small diiukiug bowl showing use as paint bowl. Tu-tu-na-k'ia
s4-tsa-na.
66894. Ditto, showing elaborate phallic figure. A sho-ha tsi-na-pa.
66901. Ditto, showing emblematic figure of the life of rain.
67035. 66997, 66984. Small red bowls. S4-tsa-na shi-lo-a.
67059. Ditto, toy.
66852. Small bowl for serving food, with flaring rim. 1-to-na-k'ia s4-k'ia-
pan tsa-na.
66826. Ditto, burned in open wood fire.
66708. Ditto, with house and sky decoration in center.
68306. 08285. Small black-ware cooking bowls. W6-li-a-k'iasi we-
d-tsana.
68230. Cooking bowl, with ears. Sa-mui-an tsa-na.
68259, 68277. Ditto, small.
68311. Ditto, large.
68265. Small cooking bowl, with indented rungs for ornamentation and
utility (see notes). W6-li-a-k'ia s4-tsa-na tsin' ii-lap-nia-e.
68248, 68245, 68250, 67458. Small cookiug bowls, with ears. W61i-a-
k'ia s4-mui-a-tsana sa-we 4-tsa-ua.
€8276. Ditto, in form of pot. W6-li-a-k'ia t6-tsa-na.
68246. Ditto, with ears. W6-li-a-k'ia sd-mui-an tsa-na.
68461. Ditto, same.
68293. Cooking bowl, large.
68373, 68303, 68372, 06905. Ditto, small.
67168, 67156. Small sacred terraced bowl.
66975. Small mush bowl of yellow ware. H6-k'us-na wo-li-k'ia sd,-tsa-na.
66813. Small flaring eating bowl. 1-to-na-k'ia s^-tsa-na sal-athl-k'ia-pa-
we.
66738. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-nak'ia sa-tsa-ua.
68267. Small bowl for heating water, with corrugated ears. K'ia-k'iathl-
k'ia-na-k'ia=t6 ni-tu-lui)-tchithl ua-pa.
67151. Large handled and terraced basket bowl for sacred meal or
water. A-wi-thlui-a-po-na sA-a-le he-po-a-yalthl-tai-e, k'o lo-
wis-si ta mn-ta-li-k'ia wo-pa-no-pa. The figures of tiulpoles
rising from the water are emblematic of summer rains, etc.
STEVENSON.] AKTICLES OF CLAY. 551
G6598. Medium-sized eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia s4-a-le.
66782. Eating bowl, small sized. I-to-na-k'ia s^a-le.
6C953. Medium-sized eating bowl. I-to-na-kia sd-a-le, shi-lo-a.
GG591. Medium-sized eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia s4-a-le.
GGeiS. Small-sized eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
GGG28. Ordinary eating bowl. I-toua-k'ia sil-a-le.
G7144. Medium small red bowl. Sd-tsaua sbi-lo-a.
G69C4. Ordinary-sized eating bowl of red ware. I-to-na-k'ia sA-shi-lo-a.
GG682. Large eating bowl. I to-na-k'ia sd-thlaua.
66801. Small decorated bowl. Sd-tsa-na tsi'-na-pa.
66681. Ordinary eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia s4-a-le.
66584. Small eating bowl. I-tona-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
66610. Ordinary eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sii-a-le.
66902. Small bowl. S4 tsa-na.
G7149. Small red bowl. Sd tsa-na shi-lo-a.
G731G. Ordinary eating bowl. I-to-ua-k'ia sd-a-le.
6G933. Small eating bowl with a-wi emblem. I-to-na-k'ia Sci-tsana, &■
wi-thlui-a w6-le.
67044. Small eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sA-tsa-ua.
66691. Eating bowl of red ware, with e-td-lc^6-ha-na or white emblem.
I-to-na-k'ia sAshi-loa k'6-han-6-tai-e.
66977. Bowl for mixing the stone-ash used as a yeast-powder. A-lu-k'ia-
li-k'ia sd tsa-na.
66566, 66G30, 65629. Eating bowls. I-to-na-k'ia sd-a-le.
67260. Bread bowl. Mo-tse-na-k'ia s4-a-le.
G6942. Eating bowl of red ware. I-to-na-k'ia sd-shi-lo-a.
67302. Eating bowl, with flaring rim. I-to-na-k'ia s41-athl-k'ia-pan-ne.
67188. Terraced basket bowl for sacred phallic flour. A-withlui a-po-
ua sA-ni-te-po-a-pa.
67191. Terraced medicine bowl. Ak-wa 6-ua-k'ia a-wi-thlui-a-po-na sd-
a-le.
6G074. Eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-a-le.
67268. Small bowl. S4-tsa-na.
67063, 66989. Small plain bowls. Sa-tsan d-wa-ho-na.
67005. Small bowl of red ware, with decoration. Sa-tsa-ua shi-lo-a tsi-
ua-pa.
67150. Small, reddish-brown bowl. Sa-tsa nd-ho-na.
66639. Eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-a-le.
67289. Bread bowl. Mo-tseni-k'ia s4-a-le.
GG71G. Small bowl, with primitive decoration. Ta-asd-a-le. (Seed bowl.)
C6558. Eating bowl, with decorations and emblems of the sacred butter-
fly. I-to-na-k'ia sii-tsa-ua pii-lak'ia w6-pa-no-pa.
66963. Eating bowl of yellow ware. I-to-na-k'ia sd-thlup-tsi-na.
66605. Eating bowl. I-to-na-kia sd-tsa-na.
67272. Eating bowl. I-to-na-kia sd-a-le.
668G3. Small bowl, with flaring rim. Sa-tsa-na sal-yathl-k'ia-pan-a-kia
s4-mui-an-ne.
652 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 — ZUNI.
66900. Small bowl. S4-tsa-na.
67292. Large flaring eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd k'ia-pa-nan thla-na.
66597. Eating bowl. I-to-na-kia sd-a-le.
66965. Eating bowl of black ware. I-to-na-k'ia sd-kwin-ne.
67165. Small sacred terraced bowl for medicine flour, with frog decora-
tion. A-wi-thlui-a sd-tsa-na ta-k'ia w6-pa-uo-pa.
67028. Small red bowl. Sa-tsa-ua shi-lo-a.
66693,66705. Small eating bowls. I-to-na-kia s4-tsa-na.
66959. Small eating bowl, with gourd and beaded plume stick decora-
tion, l-to-na-kia sd-tsa-na td-po-a ■wole.
67042. Small red ware bowl, with flaring rim. Sal-yjithl-k'ia-pau tsa-na-
shi-lo-a.
66922. Small bowl. Sd-tsa-na.
67070. Small bowl of red ware, made by child. A-tsa-ua awa sd-tsa-ua
shi-lo-a.
66903. Small bowl, made by young girl in learning. Sa-tsa-na i-te-tchu-
k'ia-uo-ua d-wi-te-la-ma d-wi-thlui-an an t^-thla-sbi-na vile.
66720. Small bowl. S4-tsa-na — with the four sacred terraces and altar-
pictured center.
66631. Small eating bowl, with emblematic gourd-figure in center. 1-
to-ua-k'ia sd-tsa-na, wl-to-pa-na tsi-na-pa.
67224. Eating bowl, with figures of medicine flowers inside. I-to-na-k'ia-
sa-a-le, ak-wa ii-te-a wo-pa-no-pa.
67155. Small sacred meal bowl, with representations of summer and
■winter emblems of water, the tadpoles and the frog. A-wi-
thlui-a-pa sa-tsa-na, mu-tu-li-kia ta td-k'ia w6-pa-no-pa.
67167. Small terraced sacred meal bowl, with figures of tadpole or em-
blems in summer. A-wi-thlu-i-a-pa sA-tsa-na, mu-tu-li-k'ia
w6-pa-na-iia.
66655. Eating bowl. 1-to-na-k'ia sd-a-le.
668S4. Small bow, with representation of the sacred cross-bows. Sd-tsa-
ua pi-thla-pa-na-pa.
66874. Small decorated bowl. Sd-tsa-na.
66939. Small plain eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
66806. Small decorated bowl. Sd-tsa-na.
66949. Small yellow eating bowl, with representations of the sacred
gourd. I-to-na-k'ia sd-thlup-tsi-na wi-to-pa-na shi-lo-a.
67198. Yellow eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-thlup-tsi-na.
66898. Small plain toy eating bowl. A-tsa-na a- wen i-to-na-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
67043, 67054. Small plain toy mush bowls. 1-k'osh-na-k'ia he-k'i wo-li-
k'ia sd-we.
67281. Small toy eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-tsa-na i-k'osh-na-kia.
66913. Small toy bowl. I-kosh-nan-a-k'ia sd-tsa-na,
67051. Small he ki bowl. He-k'i w6-li-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
67177. Small scalloped medicine water bowl. K'ial'-in on-a-k'ia sd-tsa-
na uite-po-a-pa.
STEVEX60X.] ARTICLES OF CLAY. 553'
G7153. Small terraced bowl for mixing medicine flour. K'ia-wai-a o-na-
k'ia, a-wi-thlui-a-po ua s^-tsana.
6680S. Small bowl used as receptacle for white paint in the dance. He-
k'o-ha he-k'i wo-li-k'ia s4-tsa-ua.
66943. Small red ware eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-tsana shi-lo-a.
66S93. Small water bowl. K'ia-li-k'ia s4-tsa-na.
60698. Eude eating bowl, decorated with figures of birds. I-to-na-k'ia
s^-tsa-ua, w6-tsa-na w6pa-uo-pa.
66910. Small decorated water bowl. K'iiil-i-k'ia sa-tsa-na tsi-nai-e.
67146. Small decorated water bowl. K'ial-i-k'ia sdts4-ua tsi-na-pa.
67010. Small decorated red ware bowl. S4tsa na shi-lo-a tsi-na-pa.
66985. Small red ware eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sii-tsa-na shi-lo-a.
67282. Small eating bowl, with cross lightning and star decoration on
rim. I-to-na-kia s;l-tsa-na,tsi-na-w6-lo-lon, ta mo-ya-tchu po-
ai-yathl-yel-la.
66875. Small decorated plate. SAl-athl-k'ia-pan tsa-na.
66743. Small white eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-tsa-na-k'6-hau-na.
66807. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sA-tsa-ua.
67007. Small red bowl, with flaring rim for water. K'iiil-i-k'ia sA-tsa-na-
shi-lo-a sAl-ytithl-k'ia-pan-ne.
66730. Small decorated mush bowl. H^-k'us-na wo-li-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
67047. Small bowl for mixture of yellow paint. Thlup-tsina h6 lin-o-
na-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
66750. Small decorated eating bowl. I to-na-k'ia sA-tsa-na.
66857. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to na-kia sa-tsa-ua.
67061. Small yellow drinking bowl. Tii-tu-na-k'ia sA-tsa-iia thlup-tsina.
66S16. Small decorated eating bowl. 1-to-na-k'ia sdtsa-ua.
66736. Small decorated eating bowl with flaring rim. I-to na-k'ia sd-tsa
ua s^l-iithl-k'ia-pau-ne.
67259. Small decorated eating bowl. I-tona-kia sdtsa-na.
66731. Small eating bowl with emblems of star in center. I to-na-k'ia
sa-tsa-na mo-ya-tchuu-thla-ua ^-tai-e.
66823. Small eating bowl. I to-na-k'ia sA-tsa-ua.
66793. Small eating bowl. 1-to-na-k'ia s4-tsa-na.
67045. Small water bowl. Tii-tu-na-k'ia sd tsa-na.
66787. Ditto, flaring rim and representation of sacrificial plumes. Sal-
yiithl-k'ia pan tethl na wo-pa-no-pa.
66794. Ditto, with representations of the rain clouds and falling rain at
sunset. L6-te-po-a-pa, ta ya-ton-kwa-ton te thli ta pa-ni-le-a.
67247. Ditto, with the four rising terraces. A-wi-thlui a ukwai-shon-
nai-e.
67020. Ditto, marks indistinguishable. Tsi-na thlu-sho.
67244. Ditto, with rei)resentations of horses. Tush 6-tai-e.
6660G. Ditto, white. K'6-La-na.
66608. Water bowl, larger.
66669. Large bread bowl. Motse-ni kia sA-thla-na.
654 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 — ZtlNI.
66576. Ditto, with deer decoration, house in center, representations of
man's abodes and sacred phimes. Nd-pa-nopa, h^-sho-ta ta
thla-pau 14-kwai-nai-d.
66622. Eating bowl with flower decorations. Ito-na-k'ia s^ ale, iite-a-
w6thl-etai-6.
66728. Ditto, small. Tsd-na.
66641. Ditto, large, with addition of sacred bird butterflj-. Wo tsa-na-
pli-la-k'ia.
66740. Ditto, with cloud lines.
66704. Ditto, with flaring rim and lightning terrace design. W6-lo-lo-a
ta A-wi-thlui-a-pona tsi-na-pa.
665S6. Ditto, with same decoration.
66611, 67294. Ditto, larger.
67291. Ditto, large, with cloud decoration.
67212. Large plain yellow ware eating bowl. Ito-na-k'ia sA thla-na
tliiilp-tsi-na.
67210. Ditto, for mixing bread. M6-tse-ni k'ia.
67214. Ditto, very large with red rim.
66658, 6C929, 66560. Decorated eating bowls. I-tona-k'ia sa-thla-na tsi-
na-pa.
66626, 67223. Large decorated bread bowls. Mo-tse-uik'ia sA-we a thla-
na.
66657. Ditto, with ornate representation of sacred sky terraces and
falling wind-driven rain in sunlight.
67229, 67230. Ditto, cloud and flower decoration.
66733. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-na-kia s4-tsaua.
66766. Ditto, with sky terrace inclosing clouds.
66753, 66734, 66710, 66686, 66696. Ditto, with star flower.
67290, 60795. Ditto, for mixing white- wash. K'd-tchep o-na-kia.
66915,06809. Ditto, with white cross decoration.
67006, 66883, 66880, 66850, 06800, 66785, 67225, 67148. Ditto, red ware.
67145, 66702. Ditto, yellow ware.
67011. Ditto, very small.
67296, 06887, Ditto, decorated.
67280, 66035, 67252. Large decorated bread bowls. M6-tse-m-k'ia sd-
thla-na tsi-na-pa.
67286, 67258. Small sized bread bowls. M6-tse-ni-k'ia sil-tsa-ua.
67248. Bread bowl of ordinary size. Mo-tse-ni-k'ia sa-a-le.
67200. Scalloped medicine bowl. K'ia'-lin o-na-k'ia s4-ni-te-i)o-a-pa.
07178. Terraced bowl for the manufacture of the "yellow flower medi
cine paint," used in the decoration of the dance costume, or
Ka-ka thl6 a pa. A wc-thlui a-pona sa-a-le, u-te-a hel-in o-
na-kia.
66498. Small red bowl. S4-tsa-na.
66020. Small bowl. S.i-tsa-na.
66590. Bread bowl. Mo tse-ni-k'ia sd-a-le.
8TEVF.XS0N.] ARTICLES OF CLAY. 555
66567, 66625, 67206. Eating bowls. 1-to-na-k'ia sA-a-le.
66615. Eating bowl. 1-to-nA-k'ia sd-a-le.
6823S. Large cooking bowl. Wo-le-a-k'ia sdtbla-na.
66564. Eating bowl. Ito-na-k^ia s^-a-le.
66814. Small bowl. Sa-tsa-na.
6681.). Small bowl.
66589. Eating bowl.
68314. Small cooiiing bowl witb protuberances to facilitate removal from
fire. W6-le-a-k'ia sa niui-a-po-na.
67162. Small scalloped bowl. Sd-tsa-na ni-te-po-a-iia.
66865. Small bowl. S<^ tsa-na.
66851, 66692, 6680 . Small bowls.
66647. Large eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sA-thla na.
67460. Small cooking bowl with protuberances to facilitate handling.
Sii-muia-po-ua tsana.
66821. Small bowl.
66946. Small red ware bowl for eating. I-to-na-ki'a sA-tsa-nashi-loa.
68230. Cooking bowl with protuberances to facilitate removal from fire.
W6-li-a kia sa-mui-an-ne.
67187. Small terraced bowl for sacred medicine flour. A-wi-thluia-i)o-
ua s^-tsa-na.
66914. Very small bowl with emblem of morning star. Sd-tsa-na, mojii-
tchu-thla-na e-tai-e.
66795. Small eating bowl. 1-to-na-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
67433. Small obliquely corrugated bowl. Sa-tsa-na k'6-te-kwi-assel-a-pa.
67300. Small bowl.
66557. Large eating bowl. I-to ua-k'ia sa-thla-na.
66560. Eating bowl.
67232, 07234. Large eating bowls.
67026. Small bowl for mixture of stone ash used as yeast. A lu we s^-
tsana.
66715. Small bowl.
66719. Small eating bowl with flaring yellow rim. I-to na-k'ia s^-tsa-
na sakia-pa thkip-tsi-na.
67067, 67062, 67065. Small red ware bowls for children. Sd-tsa-na-we,
atsa naa-wa.
67142. Small scalloi)cd rimmed bowl, red. S4-tsa-na shi-Jo-a ui-te-iJO-a-
ya'thl-yel lai-e.
67306. Small red ware bowl. Sa-tsa-na slii-lo-a.
66778. Small decorated bowl. Sa-tsa-na tsi-na-pa.
66614. Mush bowl. Mii-k'ia-iJa wo-li-k'ia sa-a-le.
68348. Small cooking bowl with protuberances for handles. Wo-li-a-
k'ia sa-muian tsana.
68366. Small new coolviug bowl with ears. W(3-]i-a-k'ia s4-mui-an tsa-na.
67201, 00802-06S54. Small decorated bowls. S4-tsa-na-we, 4-tsi-na-pa.
66990. Small red eating bowl. I-to-ua-k'ia sd shi-lo-a ts^-na.
556 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 — ZUNL
68305. Small cooking bowl witli ears. W6-lia-k'ia s^-mui-an-ne.
66627, G6580. Decorated eatiug bowls. I-to-iia-k'ia s^-a-le.
66713. Small decorated eating bowls. Ito-na-k'ia sA-tsa-na.
66978. Small red bowl for mixture of he-k'i, a kind of white paint, also
mush. He-k'i wo-li-k'ia sd-tsa-ua.
67164. Small terraced bowl for sacred meal. A-wi-thlui-a-pona sfi-tsa-
na.
66860. Small decorated bowl. SA-tsa-ua.
67449. Small flaring toy bowl. 1-k'osbna-k'ia sd-k'ia-pan-an tsa-na.
67470. Small rmle earthenware bowl, made by child. A-tsa-na awa sd-
tsa-na.
68292. Small cooking bowl of black ware, with ears. Wo-li-a-k'ia s d.-
mui an tsa-na.
67287. Small bowl. SA-tsa-na.
66700. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-ua-k'ia s4-tsa-na.
66633. Old decorated eating bowl. I-to-nak'ia sa-a-le.
66951. Red ware eating bowl. 1-to-ua-k'ia sA shi-lo-a.
67331. Small white handled bowl. SA-mui-a k-6-lia-na tsa-na.
66818. Small bowl with conventional representations of lightnings and
growing shrubs. SA-tsana, wi lo-lo-a ta A-hai a pii' tchipa.
66879. Small decorated eating bowl for children. A-tsa-na awa i-to-ua-
k'ia s4- tsa-na.
68841, 66847. Small eating bowls with sacred dance decorations, ^tc.
SA-tsa-na, h6wi-e-tchi tsi-na-pa.
66873. Small eating bowl. I-to-na-kia sA-tsa-na.
67031. Small red water-bowl. K'ia-li-k'ia sA-tsa-na shi-lo-a.
68251. Small black ware bowl for poaching. A-le-kwi-k'ia sA-tsa-ua.
68364. Small bowl for cooking medicine herbs. K'iA-he-k'ia k'iiithl-k'ia-
nak'ia sA-mui-an tsa-na.
07345. Double salt and chili bowl. Ma-pu-k'ia td-wi-pa-tchin, mui-aie.
68328. Small cookingvessel with ears. KiAkiathl-k'ia ua-k'ia sA-mui-an-
tsa-ua.
67308. Small plain yellow waterbowl. K'ia-li-k'ia sA-thlup-tsi-ua tsa-na.
68239. Small cooking bowl with ears. SA-mui-an tsa-na.
68231. Small cooking bowl with scalloped rim. W6-li a-k'ia sAtsa-na-
wi-kop-tchi-athl-yel-ai-e.
66825. Small eating bowl. I-to-ua-k'ia-sA-tsa-na.
66912. Small decorated toy bowl. I-k'osh-na-k'ia sA-tsa-na.
68294. Small cooking bowl with ears. Wo-li-a-kia sA-mui-au tsa-na.
66751. Small eatiug bowl. 1-to-na-k'ia sA-tsa-na.
67279. Small eating bowl with figures of gentile quail or chapparrel,
cocks, and flowers. I-to-na-kia-sa-tsa-na, po yi ta a'-te-a w6-
pa-no-pa.
68355. Small cooking bowl. Wo-li-a-k'ia sA-tsa-na.
67017. Small eating bowl. 1-to na-k'ia sA-tsa-na.
STEVENSON.
ARTICLES OF CLAY. 557
66578. Large flaiiug rimmed catiug bowl with figures of wiug feathers,
&c., for decoratiou. I-to-na-k'ia sfi-thla-na sal-athl-k'ia-pan,
la-k\vai-iia-tsiu-e-tai-6.
66571. Large eating bowl decorated with antelope sacred plumes and
red lightning figures. I-to-na-kia s^-thla-ua, na-pa-na, ta
thla-pa-we pii'-tchi-pa.
67002. Small water bowl of red earthen with sunflower decoratiou in
bottom. Sa-tsa-na shi-lo a. 0-ma-ta-pa-u-te-a 6-tai-e.
66969. Small red eating bowl with figure of star in center. Ito-na-k'ia
s.i-tsana mo-ya-tchun ^-tai-e.
67014. Small flaring rimmed bowl with uncompleted decollation. I-
k'osh-na-kia sal'-yathl-k'ia-pan shi lo-a, tsi-na yA-nam tsi-
nai-e.
66890. Small drinking vessel with flaring rim. K'ia-li-k'ia sa-tsa-ua.
66845. Small white eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sit-tsa-na k'6ha-na.
68232. Small cooking bowl. W6-li-a-kia sdtsa-na.
68268. Small cooking bowl with ears. W6-li-a-kia sAmui-an tsa-ua.
68291. Ditto, larger.
66846. Small eating bowl with representations of arrows. 1-to-na-k'ia
sa-tsa-na, ti-mush wopa-nopa.
67039. Small bowl for mixture of yellow flower paint. Helin thlup-
tsina ona-k'ia s^-tsa-ua.
67314. Ancient form of the sacred medicine bowl used by the order of
the Eattlesuake. Tchi-k'ia-li-kwe a-weu kiti-lin ona k'ia s4-
a-le. Tadpole and frog decoration.
66493. Small ornamentally painted yeast bowl. Mo-tse ona-k'ia s4-a-le
t6-tsi-na-pa.
67154. Sacred terraced medicine water bowl of the order of the ancient
knife ; frog, and dragon fly decorations. A-tchi-a-kwe awen
k'ia-lin ona-kia 4-wi-thhiia-po-na sAthla-na.
67159, 67169. Ditto, small for medicine.
67195. Ditto, large, of resigned member of sacred order. Tchu ne-k'oa-
Aa.
Bowl. S4-a-le.
66804. Bowl. S4-ale.
68256. Small bowl for heating water. K'iapa-ti-k'ia sA-tsa-na.
68300. Small cooking bowl with small protaberating handles. VV6-li-a-
k'ia sd-mui an-ne.
67305. Eating bowl of yellow ware. I-tona-kia sd-thla-na, tsi-na-shi-
lo-a 6-tai-e.
66861, 67053, 66746. Small bowls. Sa-we-d-tsa-na.
67179. Small scalloped medicine water bowl. K'ia'-lin o-na-k'ia ni-te-a-
po-na sii-a-le.
Small phallic meal bowl with emblematic terraces. K'ia-wai-a w6-
li-k'ia 4-wi-thlui-a s4-tsa-na.
67194. Sacred medicine water bowl with emblematic terraces. K'iiil-in-
6-na-k'ia sd-thla-na.
558 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 — ZUNL
66923. Small bowl with emblematic hook decoration. S<1-tsa-ua n6-tsi-
k'o-pa.
66859. Small bowl with emblems of growing vines and flowers. Sa-
tsa-na ii'-te-a ta pi-wa-napa.
66665. Small eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia s^-tsa-ua tbia-e ta u-te-a pa'-tchi-
pa (with representation of sacred plume sticks and flowers.)
67170. Small sacred meal terraced bowl. A-we-thlui-a-po-na sA-tsa-na.
66602. Large eating bowl. I to-na k'ia s4-thla-ua.
Small bowl with figures of the hunting-deer. SA-tsa-na nd-pa-
na- pa.
66C75. Small eating bowl. I-to-nu-k'ia sd.-tsa-na.
66855, 6C780. Small bowls.
Small decorated eating bowl. I-to.na-k'ia sd-tsa-na tsi-na-pa.
C7245. Large decorated bread bowl. Mo-tse n'i-k'ia sd-thla-na.
66822. Small bowl decorated with sacred terraces. Sa-tsa-na d-we-thUria-
pa tsi-na-pa.
66600. Bating bowl with flaring rim decorated with Ka-kS, checks. I-
to-na-kia s4a le, su-po-li ath'l-yel-lai-e.
66967. Small yellow eating bowl with representation of scalloped light-
ning at rim. I-to-na-k'ia sd-tsa-nathlup-tsi-nawi-k'op-tchi-al-athl-
yel-lai-6.
66659. Small decorated eating bowl. 1-to-na-k'ia sd-tsa-na tsl-na-pa.
67218. Small eating bowl with representation of shield rosette. I-tona-
k'ia sd-tsa-na, h^-pa-k'in eta tsi-uaie.
66572. Eating bowl decorated with figures of tufted jay. 1-to-na-k'ia-
sa-thla-na mai-a wo-pa no-pa.
Large totemic eating bowl with representations of the gentile
crane. I-to-na-kia sd-thla na, d-no-te Kal-6k-ta w6-pa-no-pa.
66707. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-na-kia sd tsa na.
67221. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-na-kia sd-tsa-na.
60910. Small red ware eating bowl. I-tona-k'ia sd-shi-lo-a tsa-na.
06660, 00599. Decorated eating bowls. I-tona-k'ia-sd-a-le.
06799. Small bowl.
07032. Small yellow bowl. Sd-tsa-na thhip-tsi-na.
66707. Small bowls.
66966. Small red eating bowl, decorated. 1-to-na-kia sd-tsa-na-shi-lo-a.
66866. Small bowl with flaring rim and ancient terrace decoration.
Sa-tsa-na, dthl-yiil-a-pau tsi na-pa.
66858. Small bowl. Sd-tsa-na.
66856. Small bowl with representations of birds and emblematic wings.
Sd-tsa-na. w6-tsa-na, ta 6-piLsse w6-pa-no-pa.
66917. Small decorated bowl. Sd-tsa-na.
66880. Small flaring rimmed bowl. Sd-tsa-na sd-k'ia-pa-nanne.
00958. Small decorated eating jar. I-to-na-k'ia t6-tsa-na.
Small decorated eating bowl. I-tona-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
06930. Large red eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-thla-na shi-lo-a.
6TEVEXS0S.] ARTICLES OF CLAY. 559
6GG17. Decorated eating bowl. Ito-ua-k'ia sd-a-le.
Small cooking bowl witb ears. W6-li-ak'ia sA mui-an-ne.
60568. Decorated eating bowl. 1-tona-k'ia sd-a-le, ud pa-no-pa.
G6987. Small red bowl. Sd-shi-lo-a tsana.
66797. Small, much-worn eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
Eating bowl, remarkable for the decoration, which is an ornate
representation of the God of the winged knife, or thunder-
bolt. I-to-na-k'ia sd-a-le, A-tchi-a la-to-pa, pd-tchi-6.
67239. Bread bowl with representation of sacred birds in rain storm.
Mo-tse-na-k'ia sda-le, k'iii-she-ma w6-tsa-na w6-pa-uopa.
66777. Small child's eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd tsana.
67123. Small milk bowl of red ware, with handle. A-k'wi-k'iashna-k'ia
sd-mui-a shi-lo-a.
67160. Small sacred water bowl for suspension from hand in distribu-
tion of the medicine drinks; an example of the decorative
style of the secret order of fire ilalc'etsd-na-lwe — "little
fire people" — to whichit once belonged — during their public
dance-ceremonials. A-wi-thluia-po-ua sd-a le, Ma-ke tsd-na-
kwe a-wa thle-ap 6kwaitu-no-na, shu-me-ko-lo, mu-tu-li-k'ia,
ta td-k'ia wo-pa-nopa.
66737. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-ua-k'iasd-tsa-na.
67606. Small decorated bowl. Sd-tsa-na.
Small cooking bowl with ears. Wo-lia-k'ia sd-mui-au tsa-na.
Small plain red bowl. Sa-tsa-na shi-lo-a.
67022. Small decorated bowl. Sd-tsa-na.
67238. Small decorated water bowl. K'ia-li-k'ia sdtsa-na.
68283. Small cooking bowl. Wo-li-a-k'ia sd-mui-an tsa-na.
67019. Small rude toy white-washbowl. Hek'i w6-li-po-k'ia sd-tsa-na,
i-k'osh-na-kia.
66868. Small decorated bowl. Sa-tsa-na dthl-yel-a-pa.
66999. Small plain red bowl. Sa-tsa-na shi-lo a.
66770. Small water bowl with decorations of the altar stones. K'ialli-
k'ia sa-tsa-na d-tesh-kwi pii'-tche-pa.
Small plain yellow bowl. Sd-thlup-tsi-na tsa-na.
68275. Small cooking bowl with protuberances for handling. Wo-li-a-
k'ia sd-mui-an tsa-na.
66230. Plain yellow ware eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-a-le.
66711. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-na k'ia sd-tsa-na tsina-pa.
Small red eating bowl. I to-na-k'ia sd-shi-lo a tsa na.
Small bowl witb flaring rim. Sd-tsa-na sdl athl-k'ia-pa-na.
67341. Small bowl of corrugated ware, made in ancient form. Ni-tu-li
t6-tsa-na.
Small terraced medicine meal bowl. K'ia-wai-a wo li-kia d-wi-
thlui-a-pa sdtsa-na.
66717. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-nak'ia sd-tsa-na.
66924. Small bowl with flaring rim.
560 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 — ZUNL
Small cookiug bowl. W6-li-a-k'ia sA-tsa-na.
57181. Ancient sacred bowl for medicine water. I-no-to-na, Ti-kien k'ial-
i-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
67298. Large decorated eating bowl with flaring rim. I-to-na-k'ia sa-
thla-na, sdl-yathl-k'iapan-ne.
Large cooking bowl with ears. Wo-li-a-k'ia sii-mnian-ne.
66817. Small water bowl with obliquely decorated flaring rim. Sa-tsa-
na-^thl yellai-e, tsi-na k'ia-shuk-ta 4thl-yel-lai-e.
66853. Small bowl decorated with half lozenges at rim, and with gi-ow-
ing field in center. K'ial-i-k'ia s4tsa-na, wi-k'op-tchi-yal-athl-
yel-la, ta t^-a-tchi-nan 6-ta tsi-na-pa.
Small red eating bowl. I-to-nak'ia s4-tsa-na shi-lo-a.
Small cooking bowl with corrugated rim. Wo-lia-k'ia sd-tsa-na,
mui-yiithl-yel-la.
68242. Small cooking bowl with ears. Woli-a-k'ia sA-mui-an tsa-na.
66796. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
68297. Large cooking bowl with ears. Wo-li-a-k'ia sA-mui-an thla na.
69871. Bowl for heating water. K'i4-k'iathl-k'ia-na-k'ia sil-a-li.
66953. Eating bowl of yellow ware. 1-to-na-k'ia s4-thlup-tsi-na.
68363. Small cooking bowl used for heating. Ki'athl-k'ia-na-k'ia sd-a-le.
67163. Small terraced bowl for the mixture of the sacred paint of flow-
ers. U-te-a h6-liu-o na-kia 4-wi-thluia-pa s4-tsa-na, shume-
k'o-lo ta t4-k'ia w6-pa-no-pa.
67378. Portion of a pepper dish. K'o wopu-k'ia t6-le i-patchi-nai-e.
Large decorated eating bowl. I-to na-k'ia s^-ale.
66752. Small white eating bowl. I-to-nak'ia sA-tsa-ua k'6-ha-na.
67161. Small terraced bowl for mixture of sacred medicine water. K'ia-
lin o-na-k'ia 4-wi-tlilui-a-pa sA-a-le, mu-tu li-k'ia wo-pa-no-pa.
67174. Small terraced medicine water bowl. K'id-lin-o-na-k'ia d-wi-thlui-
a-po-na sd-tsa-na.
Small red water bowl. K'ial-i-k'ia s4-tsa-na shi-lo-a.
66583. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sA-tsa-ua.
66961. Small, plain, red eating bowl, white inside. I-to-na-k'ia sd-shi-
lo-a, k'o-han 6-tai-6.
67175. Small scalloped bowl, of knife order, for sacred water. Nite-
po-a-pa k'ia-lin o-na-k'ia sA-tsa-na.
Small bowl for pouring the hot mush used in making h6-we or
guyave. H61o na-k'ia-he-k'iathl-k'ia sd-tsana.
66986. Small eating bowl of plain red ware. I-to na-k'ia sd-tsa-na shi-
lo-a.
66729. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia s4tsa-Da.
66867. Small decorated water bowl. K'ia-li-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
07276. Large decorated eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-thla-na.
67679. Small red ladle bowl. Wo-li-k'ia sa-sho-kon mui-ai-e.
66869. Small decorated eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
STI.VEN-SOS.] AETICLES OF CLAY. 661
CG721. Small eatiug l)owl with flarino- rim. I-to-ua-k'ia sa-tsa-ua, ii'tbl-
sel lai-e.
67210. Small eatiug bowl with conveutioual represeutatiou of wpotted
lightiiiug about the rim. I-to-na-k'ia sa tsa-ua, w61o-lo-na su-
pa-iiopa tsiiia a'thl yel-lai-e.
GWi-i. Decorated eatiug bowl.. I-to-ua-k'ia sii-a-le, tsi-uai-e.
OGDDG. Small bowl decorated iu center -with iigure of tarautula aiuoug
tiower.s or plants. Satsaua, oha-tcUi-k'ia-pa e-tai-e.
Small red bowl with Geutile quail figured in center. Sii-tsa-ua-
shi-lo-a, po-yi tsiu e-tai e.
GC885. Small decorated eating bowl, rim flariug. Satsa-uasal-athl-k'ia-
l>anue.
66870. Small eatiug bowl showing burnt decoration. I-to-ua-k'ia sti-tsa-
ua, tsi-na teha-pi-nai-e.
6C83S. Small decorated bowl. Sii-tsa-ua tsi-ua-pa.
60824. Small bowl with Iigure of morning star in center. Sa-tsa-na, mo-
yil-tchuu tsiu etai-e.
67080. Small handled bowl with ornate figure of one of the God stars.
Sa-mui-an tsa-na, tethlii-shi-ua tsin-mo-ya-tehu e-tai-e.
Small flaring yellow eartheu bowl. Sa-tsa-na thlup-tsi-na sal-
athl-k'ia-pau-ue.
G7307. Small yellow earthen water bowl. K'iii'-li-k'ia s4-thlup t.si-ua-
tsa na.
G(iG9J:. Small deer decorated eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia s^-tsa-na ua-pa-
no-pa.
67024. Small decorated bowl. Sii-tsa-ua tsi-na-pa.
Small terraced basket bowl for sacred flour. K'ia-wai-a w6-pu-
k'ia A-we-thlui-a-pa sA- tsa-ua, mu-te-po-apa.
60880. Small flariug rinuued red drinking bowl. K'iii'-li-k'ia sdl-athl-k'ia
pan tsa-ua.
66018. Very old eatiug bowl. I-to-ua-k'ia sa-thla-shi.
68233. Small cooking bowl with protuberances. Wo-li-a-k'ia sd-mui-au-
ne.
67450. Small saucer shaped toy bowl. A-tsan awa sal-athl-k'ia-pan tsa-
na.
68272. Small cooking bowl. W6-lia-k'ia sd-tsa-ua.
Small shallow decorated eatiug bowl. I-to-ua-k'ia sa teko-ui
tsa-ua.
67025. Very small eating bowl for children. A-tsa-ua awa i-to-nak'ia-
sii-tsa-ua.
66833. Ditto, with figure of wild sunflower. Tsan-awa i-to-na-k'ia sa-
tsa-ua, o-ma-tsa-pa tsiu e-tai-e.
66756. Small decorated flaring rimmed eating bowl. 1-to-na-k'ia sa-tsa-
na sal-athl-k'ia-panne.
Small red flaring bowl. Stil-athl-k'ia-pau tsa-na shi-lo-a.
66683. Large decorated eatiug bowl. I-to-ua-k'ia sa-thla-na.
3 ETH 30
562 COLLECTIONS OF 1S81 ZUNL
6C621. Ditto, flariug rim with liouse and tiowers represented in center.
K'iii Icwe, ta x'l-te a ii-lap na tsin ctai-e.
Ditto, witli lliiwer decoration inside. iJ-te-a w6-pa-nopa.
60559. Ditto, witli sacred terraces and flowers. A-we-tldiii-a ta ii-te-a
w('i-])a-no-pa.
Eating bowl, small, red. Shilo-a, tsa-na.
GGSG4. Dit^o, with flaring rim and representations of lightning and
sacred plmues. Tetlil na ta wi loloa wo i)a-iio-pa.
G07.")7. Ditto, large, with representation of centipedes. Sho-la wo-pa-
no-pa.
GGGiG. Ditto, with representation of the world, sacred terrace or homes
of man, and growing plants sheltered by clouds. 0-lach-
iiau, 16-te-po-a-pa ;1. wi-thlui a-pau ta kwan-hai-a e-ta-pa.
GGS43. Ditto, with flower decoration. C-te-a w6-pa-no pa.
6G9G0. Ditto, of red ware, with representation of red cloud. Lo-tepo-a-
pa.
G6932. Ditto, large, with decoration of scrolls. Thla-na, ni-tsik'ia w6-
pa-uo-pa.
Ditto, small, with flariug rim. Tsa-na salatbl-k'ia-i)an-e.
Ditto, witli fret like figures of houses. K'itikwepa-tai e.
CG871. Ditto, with flower decoration. 0-te-a w6-pa-uo-pa.
GS2SJ:. Cooking bowl with protuberances. Wo-liak'ia sa-mui atsa-na.
68331. Ditto, small. Tsil-na.
68330. Small cooking bowl with representation of intestinal band. W6-
li-a-k'ia sa-tsa-na, k'61 Itu la-nai e.
68353. Ditto, with protuberances. Sa-niui-ai-e.
Cooking bowl, larger.
Bowl for mixture of paint-sizing. ]S;a-he-lin o-na-k'ia sa-tsa-na.
67173, 6749G, G715-!. Small terraced bowl for sacred flour used by high
priest of the dance. A-wi-thlui-a-po-ua sa-tsa-na, mi-ta-Ii-
k'o pii'-tchi-pa.
Cooking bowl with long legs. Wo-li-a-k'ia te-sa-kwi-pa.
Ditto, without legs. Sa-tsa-na.
6G7C9. Small eating bowl. I-to-na-k'ia sa-tsa-na.
6GG89, 6G725. Ditto, flariug. Siil-athl-kia-pau-ne.
Small bowl for mixing white paint. K'o-ha h<^-liu o-na-k'ia sd-
tsa-na.
66623. Eating bowl with representations of sacrificial plumes. I-to-na-
k'ia SiVtsa-na, tethl-na-we w6-pa-no-pa.
66654. Ditto, with re])resentation of house and flowers. K'ia-kwen 6-
ton nan u-te a kwai nai-6.
GG928. Ditto, red ware with representation of red cloud in center. Shi-
lo-a, 16-shilo-a te-po-a-])a.
66613. Small bowl for sacred paint of the dance, ancient. Ka' i-se-ton-
tsa na he-li-po-kia.
66667, 6GGG1. Larger bowl used for same inirpose.
STEVENSON.]
ARTICLES OF CLAY. 563
6C0S7. Ditto, very oruate and smaller.
607G2. Small eating bowl, with central flower, &c., design. 1-to-na-k'ia
sa-tsa-na, lite-a wopa-no-pa.
00722. Ditto, with world clouds and growing plants represented.
00505. Eating bowl, larger.
00007. Ditto, star and plant design.
00834. Small water bowl. K'iil'-li-k'ia sd-tsa-na.
00830. Ditto, with flaring rim.
00709, 07237, 00717. Ditto, for serving food.
08312, 0S315. Small cooking-bowl, with ears. S4-mui-an tsa-na.
08 .'73, 08320, 08308, 08295. Cooking bowl, larger.
08323, 08337. Ditto, large.
08289, 08310. Ditto, small.
08288. Ditto, hirge and deep. Te-mni-an-ne.
09872, 08270. Ditto, large.
07304, 07038, 07034, 07030, 07003, 07041, 07040, 00998, 07009. Small shal-
low drinking bowls of red ware. K'ia'-li-k'ia sa-we {l-shi-lo-a.
08307. Small cooking or water heating vessel with corrugated ornamen-
tation about neck. K'iil kiathl-k'ia-na-k'ia t6-tsa-nu k'6-nit
u-lap-uai-6.
082S2- Small cooking bowl. Wo li-a-k'ia t^-we A-tsa-na.
08202. O-lo-i-k'ia-nan, ;i-wi-thlniapona sa-tsa-na. "For summer cere-
monials, a sacred terraced bowl."
Cooking bowl, largoi-, with addition of frog.
08377. Modern imitation of ancient corrugated ware cooking vessel.
Woli-akia te-ni-tu-li tsa na.
07170, 07190. Terraced sacred meal basket bowl. K'iawai-a wo-pu-k'ia
a-wi-thlui-a-pona sii inu-te-po-a-pa.
07072. Small toy bowl. I-k'osh-nak'ia sa-tsa-na.
67000, 60921, 00899, 00897. Small drinking bowls. K'ia'-li-k'ia ta tu-tu-
ua-k'ia sa-tsa-na-we.
60904. Ditto, with phint decoration.
60925, 08370, 07012, 07018, 0751. Ditto, emblematic flower bird figures.
tj-te-a-w6-tsana tsi-na-pa.
06906, 66907, 66892. Small drinking bowls for thin broth. He-k'i tiitu-
na-k'ia sa- tsa-na- we.
66812, 66780, 00877, 66844, 66888. Ditto, for serving food. I-to-na-k'ia
sa-tsa-ua-we.
60882,07004,00950, 00758,00744, 00712,00724, 07200, 06745,66754, 00763,
66842, 06849-(i7334-00S78, 07299. Ditto, flower and star
decoration.
07180. Ditto, tad-pole decoration.
68307. Bowl for toasting or parching corn-meal, used by children (girls)
in learning. W6-lek'wi-k'ia sd,-tsa-na, a-tsa-na awa yii' 'ni-
k'ia.
564 COLLECTIONS OF !881 — ZUNL
6S31G. Small cooking bowl, remarkable for corrugatiou representing the
rising of the boiling waters of a Hood. W6-li-a-k'ia s^-tsa-na,
4u-u-kwai-k'ia an-teliah-na mii-to-pa.
Ditto, plain, very small.
08201. Ditto, with ears. Sa -mui-au-ne.
08318, 0S258. Cooking bowl, large.
08279, GS2S0, 08321, G8317, 08324, 08302, 08280. Ditto, small.
08301), 0S29S. Ditto, .shallow.
09870. Ditto, large.
082.57. Ditto, dee]).
00895. Small bowl. SA-tsana.
07050. Small flaring bowl. Sit-tsa-na s41-athl-k'ia-pan-ne.
Small red bowl. Sd.-tsa-na shi-lo-a.
Ditto, with ears. Samui-aii tsa-ua.
COOKING POTS.
07327, 07333. "Pitcher pot," elaborately decorated. E-uuish-ton t6-
thla-na.
07098. Ditto, small.
00194. Red ware yeast pot, with ancient decoration. Mo-t.se-po-k'ia t^
e-le.
07320. Ditto, with handle.
08290. Small cooking pot. Wo-li-a-k'ia-t6-e-le.
08341, 08240. Ditto, for heating water.
08229, GS345. Cooking pots known as the Navajo variety. PA-te-e-16.
08354. Ditto, small.
08338, 08342. Ditto, very tall.
08206. Small black ware cooking pot. W6-le-^-k'ia t4-tsa-na.
08228. Ditto.
Ditto.
08340. Ditto. Woleak'ia-t^-tsa-na.
07442. Small cooking jjot, ancient form of corrugated ware. Wole a-
k'ia te-tsana, ni-tu-li-e.
073.59. Small ornamented i)ot. M<l-po-k'ia te-we atch-i-]iatch i i)a.
08237. Small cooking i)ot of black ware. W6-li-a-kia te-slii-k'iiiu-na.
07415. Small water pot. Kiii'l-i k'ia t^-tsa-na thliip-tsi-na.
07550. Small pot for sacred medicine paint, containing black jiigment.
IIe-li-])o k'ia tetsaiia, he-lin-wo-po-pa.
08374. Very small cooking ])ot.
Small cooking pot, with corrugated rim. W61e-a-k'iu t(5 nnii-
an tsana.
07417. Small red salt pot, broken at rim. Mii-po-k'ia te-tsana.
07085. Small pitcher i)ot for paint sizing. He-li-po-nau k'ial-i-k'ia, sa-
muian tsana.
08300. Small salt pot. Mapo-k'iate-e-le.
STEVENEOX.] ARTICLES OF CLAY. 565
68349. Suiall cookiug pot, with protuberances at rim. Wo-liak'ia sa-
mni-au tsa ua.
G8liGu. Suiall cookiug i)ot.
(i>s;52L'. Suiall cookiug pot, with ears. Wo-li-a-k'ia sa-muiau tsa-ua.
Suiall Is'avajo cooking pot.
G7073. Small jiot with scalloped rim, for mixing j^aint. H(S-lin-o-nakia
sil-tsa-ua ; ui-te-po-a ya'thl-tai-e.
68327. Small cooking pot, with ears.
68319. Wide-mouthed cooking pot. Wo-li-a-k'ia telishi-k'i;Vpau-an.
66515. Small red salt i)ot. Ma-po-kia te-tsa-na Shi-lo a.
68253. Small cooking pot.
67524. Small paint pot, ancient. He li-po-k'ia te-tsa-na, i-no-to na.
6S299. Smad wide-monthed cookiug jjot, Wo li-a-k'ia te-tsa-na.
68249. Small deep cookiug pot.
67465. Small pot for heating water, with protuberances, and ornate
winding ridges for facilitating handling. K'ia k'iiithlk'ia ua-
k'ia te-mu-to-pa tsa-na, noli-pa.
68381. Small pot with wide rim, lor heating water.
67480. Small pot for heating water, with protuberances, and ornate
winding ridges for facilitating handling, or removing to and
from the lire. KiiVk'iilthl-k'ia uak'ia te-muto i^a tsa-ua, no-
li-pa.
68241. Small cookiug pot. Wo-li a-k'ia t4tsa-na.
68334. Small cookiug pot.
67448. Small toy cookiug vessel, with ears. I-k'6sh-na-k'ia wo-li-a-k'ia
sii-mui-an-ue.
67423. Small toy pot for heating water, with ears on either side.
67445. Small earthen pot, new, for cooking and heating water. K'iii-
k'iiithl-k'ia-na-k'ia t6-mui-a tsa-na.
67455. Ditto.
68369. Ditto.
68358. Cooking pot, large.
68252. Ditto, te-mui-an-ne.
67447. Ditto, very small, l-k'oshna-k'ia t^-tsa-na.
67484. Ditto, with decoration of finger prints.
07437. A small toy cooking i)ot. 1-k'osh-ua-k'ia, wo-ll-a-k'ia s4-mui-an
tsa-na.
07470. Ditto, with protuberances. Mii-to-pa.
07401. Ditto, with rim provided with small knobs. Mu top ulap-nai-e.
08350, ((8290. Small cookiug pot, with ears ; small, ordiuary cooking pot.
08203. Small cooking pot. Wo li-a-k'ia te-tsa-na.
68234. Ditto.
68209. Ditto.
68278. Ditto.
68254. Cookiug pot, large.
68-'55. Ditto, with ears. Te-mui-an-ne.
68347. Ditto.
666 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNL
67483. Ditto, eutire body of the vessel is covered -with small protuber-
ances to facilitate liaudliug while hot. Woli aa-k'ia te-mu-
topa.
68357. Larj>e cooking pot used iu prepariug feasts. Wo li-a-k'ia-te thla-
na.
68235. Small new cooking pot. W6-li-a-kia t6-chi-mo-ua.
68336. Ditt", in imitation of a Navajo pot. These Navajo pots are all
uniform iu shape, with conical bottoms, slender bodies, and
rims ornamented with relief or depressed figures. Pd-t6-e-Ic.
68332. Ditto.
Ditto.
68346. Ditto.
Ditto, with Zuni figure. Shi-wina tsl-nai-e.
682S1. Ditto, very small.
68-27. ('ooking pot of medium size.
6S344. Ditto, medium size, long body.
69869 Ditto, small and bowl shaped.
Ditto, with ornamentations, symbolic of war. Sii'-mu-k'ia tsi-nan
u-liip-iiaie.
Kettle-shaped cooking pot.
68326. Ditto, small.
Ditto, with ears.
Ditto, with rope-like baud around rim. K'ol-ap kul-nap-nai e.
68379. Ditto, with tripod legs. Ti^-sa-kwi-pa.
Pot with ears. T6 mui an-ne.
Suiall cooking pot of corrugated ware. 1-no-to na ni-tu-li tet Sa-
na.
Ditto, broken.
Ditto, inii)erfect.
Ancient round treasure pot for suspension. I-no-tona thla wo-
pu k'ia te pi-li-au tsa-na.
Cooking pot of corrugated ware. W6-li-a-k'iate-ni-tu-li-a tsa-ua.
Small water jjot for suspension, ancient. I no-to-na te k'iii-mo-
11 an tsa-ua.
Cooking pot, Navajo variety.
Pot, medium size.
Small iiaiidled vessel for heating water. K'iA k'i;ithl-uak.'iat6-
mui-aii tsa-na.
DIPPERS, LADIES, AND SPOONS.
67709, 67713, 67722, 67719, 67711, 67735. Small plain earthen eating
spoons. I-to-na-k'ia-sa-.sho-k'o tsa-na.
677.36, 67733. Ditto, work of children.
67702. Small earthen eating spoons, with representation of male black-
bird. Wo-tsa-na-6t si.
67712. Ditto, with female blackbird.
STETExsoN] ARTICLES OF CLAY. 567
07715. Ditto, with tigure of black i)ig. Pitsi-wi-ti-k'wiu ne.
6771S. Ditto, witb representation of shrike in center. Sbo-k'ia-pYs-si
tsi uai-e.
C770."). Ditto, with representation of chaparral cock. Po-yitsin-ai-e.
07710. Small eatin,i; s])Oon, wjth handles, in representation of hnmaa
face. Wi-ha i-to-na-k'ia sa-sho-k'on tsa iia.
07570, 67574. Decorated .soup ladle of earthenware. Woli-k'iasd-sho-
k'on tsi-na pa.
0707S. Sotip ladle, i)lain.
07(J!)1. Ditt ', of red ware.
07080. Ditto, very larfje, with red cloud decoration.
07070. Ditto, very larj:e.
07125. Ditto, cupsliaped, ancient. luo-toua-k'ia sa-sho-k'on nuii-ai e.
07509. Ditto, gourd-shaped, modern.
07(!80. Ditto, with rattle-handle.
00009. Small bowl made from broken eating ladle.
07224. Very ancient bowl of spoou. I-no-to-na-k'ia s^-sho-k'ou tsa-na.
07710. Small earthen eating spoon. SA-sho-k'on tsa-na.
OT7;52. Small earthen eating spoon.
07504. Large earthen eating spoon, decorated. Sa-aho k'on tlila-na,
tsi-na-pa.
67090. Large earthen spoon for lifting food from a cooking ])ot. W6-
li-k'ia sa-sho-k'on thla-na.
07083. Small earthen spoon. Sa-sho-k'on tsa-na.
07717. Small eating spoon.
Large eating spoon of earthen ware. I-to-na-k'ia sa-.shok'on
thl^-na.
077-'^l. Ditto, small.
Small eating spoon. I-to-na-k'ia Si'i-sho-k'on-tsa-ua.
Ditto.
07734. Eating spoon, of unburued clay. Ak-nam-me, meaning unburued.
07720. Ditto, white glazed earthen ware.
07730. Ditto.
67727. Ditto.
07725. Ditto.
07730. Ditto, small unburut ware.
07738. Ditto.
07723. Ditto.
07707. Ditto, large. Thla-na.
Ditto, small red ware. Shf-loa.
Ditto.
07720. Ditto.
07 1 00. Ditto.
67714. Ditto.
67701. Ditto.
Ditto.
568 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNL
67 703. Ditto, decorated.
67721. Medium sized eating spoon of earthen ware, decorated on the
inner side with the figure of a grotesque bird, with long tail-
featliers, long bill curving downward, short legs, a scroll
figure on its back. A-sho-ua-k'ia helu-k'ia-w6-tsa-ua tsin
e-tai-e = ("With the ornamental mud-hen little-bird, marked
within the bottom").
C7708. Ditto, with the figure of the sacred butterfly drawn on the inner
side. Pii la-k'ia 6-tai-e.
07729. Ditto, white.
{;77l.'S. Ditto, plain.
67571. Large eating spoon of earthen ware. I-to-nak'ia sa-sho-k'on
thla-iui.
07685. Small earthen ladle, Wo-li-k'ia sho-k'on tsa-na. This specimen is,
like many in the collection, made for daily use, and hence
without ornamentation.
67560. Small earthen eating ladle, 1-to-ua-k'ia sa sho-k'ou thla na. In
this case the Indian name is given in full for the kind of
ladle designated, plain ware.
Large cooking ladle, of red earthen ware. W6-li-k'ia s.Vsho-k'on
thla-ua, shilo-a.
07770. Cooking ladle, small, plain.
67088. Ditto, small.
07.. 92. Ditto, large.
67684. Ditto, plain, medium size.
67563. Ditto, of red ware.
Small basin-shaped ladle, with handle. A-kwi-k'aish-uak'ia sa.
mui-an k'ia-pan.
Small soup ladle, with primitive serpent design. Wo- tih-k'ia sa-
sho-k'on shi-lo-a, i-no-to-na tsi-nan wope.
67572. Ditto, without decoration, of red ware.
070'.>3. Soup ladle, medium size, plain.
Large earthenware ladle, decorated in center with picture of
night moth. W6-li-k'ia Sil-sho-k'on, pii-la-k'ia e-trd-e.
07094. Earthen soup ladle. Wo-li k'ia sa-shok'on-ne.
07575. Large bowl-shaped red ware soup-ladle. W6-li-k'ia sa-sho-k'on
shi-lo-a.
07507. Largo earthen ladle, with hook decoration. Wo-li-k'ia sa-sho-
k'on thla-na, ni-tsi-koii ii-le.
67.505. Ladle, small, red ware. Tsii-na, shi-lo-a.
67696. Ditto.
67562. Ditto, plain.
07500. Ditto.
67501. Ditto, in imitation of a gourd. Tom sho-k'on 4u te-li-ah nau-o-na.
67781. Small earthern soup ladle, of red ware. W<)-li-k'ia sd-sho-k'on
tsa-na, shi-lo-a.
STEVENSON.) ARTICLES OF CLAY. 569
C7G9S. Soup ladle of white waie.
Ditto, white. K'6-ha-ua.
C7U.S2. Ditto, red ware.
07573. Ditto, decorated \\are.
(>7«.SG. Ditto.
67095. Ditto, very large, red ware. Thla-na, sbi-lo-a,
07087. Ditto.
07097. Ditto.
CONDIMENT VESSELS.
67389. Salt and pepper Jar. JMa-puk'ia te-e-le.
07350. Salt and pepper dish. Ma-pu-k'ia te-wi-pa-tclii-pa.
07402. Plain brown salt pot or earthern box. jMd-pn-k'ia-te-e le.
07088. Small salt cup, with handle. Mapu-k'ia te-iuuian-ne.
Large red earthen salt box or pot. Mii-puk'ia te-sbi lo-a.
Small double salt and pepper earthen vessel, box-shaped, and
decorated. MApuk'ia t(5-thIe-lou, tsina-pa.
07340. Large double salt and pepper jai". Ma-i)u-k'ia te-wi-pa-tcbin-na.
07304. Decorated salt pot.
(i7392. Small box-shajied red earthen salt pot. Ma-pu-k'ia t(i-wi-i)a-tcbin
shi-lo-a.
Ditto, with figures of elks. Ma-pu-k'ia te-e-le, na-pa-no-pa.
07348. Double salt pot of red ware. M4-pu-k'ia t^-wi-pa-tchi-pa slii-
lo a.
67386. Box-shaped salt and pepper jar, decorated with antelope and
deer. Ma-pu-k'ia t^-fe-le, nd-pa no-i)a.
67353. Double salt pot of plain white ware. Ma-pu-k'ia te-wi-pa-tchin
k'6-ha-na.
Box-shaped salt and pepper dish, with representation of bat on
one side and deer on the other. Ma-pu-k'ia te-wi-pii-tchin,
shaho-i-ta, ta top-a-k'ia 6-sbot-si pa'-tchi-jia.
Small salt jiot. Ma-pu-k'ia te-e-le.
67349. Small plain double salt i)ot. Ma-pu-k'ia te-wi-pa-tchin tsa-na.
07358. Ditto, small and plain.
07352. Ditto, with handle. Mii-to-pa.
07301. Ditto, without handle.
67355. Double salt pot. Mil-pu k'ia te-wi-pii-tchin-ne.
07420, 07412. Ditto, broken.
07344. Ditto, large with handle. ThU'i-na, mu-te-po-a-pa.
07370. Box salt pot in representation of a house, red ware. Ma puk'ia-
be-sho-ta-ik-na te-fe-le.
07351. Salt and pepper dish. Ma-pu-k'ia te-tsa-na.
07395. Salt box of earthen. M^i-pn-k'ia te-e-le.
07357. Double salt pot. Ma puk'ia te-wi-pa-tchin-na.
O05O9, 0G510. Pair very ancient yeast jars of whiteware. Mo-tse-6-pi-
k'ia-na-k'ia te-tsa-na li-tchi.
570 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNL
PAINT POTS.
C7403. Small couuected paiut pots. Ile-li-po-k'ia te-tsa-uawe, I-pii-tcbi-
pa.
Sunill paiut pot. Heli-puk'ia tc-tsa-na.
67450. Paiut. jar. He-li-pu-k'ia tee-le.
674.5'5. Corrugated paiut jar. Ni-tu-li li61i ])0 k'ia, te-tsa-ua.
G7441. Small scalloped rim paiut jar. Ue-li'pok'ia te-tsana p6 tclii-
atbl-yel-la.
67462. Small paiut jar witli ])rotubcrauces. He-li-po k'ia te-tsa-ua uiu-
to-pa.
68435. Small paiut jar with protuberauces. H^-li-po-k'ia te-tsa-ua mii-
to-pa.
66527. Small paiut pot. He-li-])ok'ia tc^-tsa-ua.
67074. Small jiaiut pot. He-li-pok'ia tetsa ua.
67365. Small paint bowls, joiued. He-li-po k'ia sal-atcb i-pa-tcbi-iia.
6749 '. tiuiall paiut ]wt, with sacred terraces aud emblems of snunuer.
lIe-li-])o-k'ia tetsa-na a-wi-tidui-a-pa.
67432. Small red ware paiut pot, witb ears for suspension. H6-li-po-k'ia-
te-tsa-ua uiui-a i)i-k'ia-a-k'ia.
I'aiut jar. ne-li-po-k'ia tee-le.
Ollas.
675.58. Vase, in representation of knit moccasin, used as a toy. We-
po-tclia t6-tsa-na i-k'osb-uak'ia.
Small connected paint jiots. H6-li-i)0-k'ia te tsa-ua i-iia-tcbi-pa,
66481. Small ])aiut pot. Heli-po-k'ia tetsa iia uulpaua-pa.
67520. Small black paint i)ot. He-li-pok'ia te tsana, k'winua.
Small susiK'Usory paint \wt, used in tlic dec(n-atiou of the para-
phernalia of the God of War — A-hai iu-ta — in times of peace.
Heli-po-k'ia tet.sa-na iii-k'ai-a-jia, (')-lo-i k'ia au'-o-na.
Paiut pot of black ware. lle-li-i)i) k'ia te-kwiuua.
6753.5. Small toy i)aint ])ot. Heli-jMvk'ia tc-tsa-ua ik'osb-ua-kia.
67413. Small earthen paint box. He li-i)()-k'ia tethle-lou-ne.
675.'>3, 07407. Small paiut pots. He-li-pok'ia te-tsa-ua.
67.507. Small broken i)aiut cnp, ])lain. He li-pok'ia te-tsa-ua po-tcha.
67381. Small pair of connected ])aint pols. He-lip -k'ia te-wi-pa-tchiu
tsa-ua.
67522, 67531. I'artsof couuected paiut pots. H«5-li-p<)-k'ia tetsa-ua i-iiii-
tchi, pa-tchih-k'ia-no-na.
67394. Small connected pair of i)aint ]iots, old. I uo-to-ua he-li-po-kia-
te-wi-i)a-tchin tsana.
67375. Small couuected paiut pots. He-]i-])ok'ia te-wi-])a-tchiu.
Small earthenware vase for white paint in form of moccasin.
He-k'a-tchu te-we kwin-ue.
Plain yellow earthen i)aiut bowl, containing paint-sizing. Nd-
hel-e-tou sii-thlnp-tsi-na.
RTF.VESSOX.
ARTICLES OF CLAY. 571
Small earthen receptacle for the sizing of colors used in deco-
rating water jars. Te-tsi-ua-k'ia lie-lin o-na k'ia te-we, na-hel-
e-ton-na-pa.
C7393. Small double paint pot of red ware. IJe-li-po-k'ia te-wi-patcbin,
sbi-lo-a tsana.
67400. Small four lobed and handled paint vessel. Heli-po-k'ia te-wi-
l)ii-tchi-])a tsa-ua, ni tepo-a, al-jiithl ton.
67396. Small double ])aint pot. Hd-li-pok'ia te-wi-pii-tchin tsana.
07-177. Small decorated paint pot with spinous protuberances to facili-
tate handling. Heli-po-k'ia te-mui-a-pa.
Small ancient paint pot with ears. I-uo-to na he-li-po-k'ia-te-
nuii-aiMie.
68274. Small sizing pot lor i)aint. Na-hel-e-ton sa-tsa-na.
673S7. Small connected paint pots. He-lipo-k'ia t6-tsa-ua, i-pa-tchin-ne.
67372. Primitive earthenware paint box with six compartments, for
decoration in sacred dance. He-li-po-k'ia te-wi-pii-tchiwe-
ts4-na.
67374. Small earthen paint box. Il^li po-k'ia te-thle-lou tsana.
67463. Small paint pot with sjjinous protuberances to facilitate hand-
ling. Heli-po-k'ia te-tsa-na, rnni-a-pa.
07360. Small double i)aint dish. Heli-po-k'ia t^-wi-patcb-in-ne.
6746S, 07400, 07407. Three small paint pots with spinous protuberances
to facilitate handling. He-li-po-k'ia te tsa-na-we, a-mui-a-pa.
67410. Small paint jar broken from handle. H6-li-po-k'ia te tsa-na.
Small paiut pot with protuberances representing spines of cac-
tus fruit and made to facilitate handling, nc-li -po-k'ia te-
mu-to-pa, tu-we an-te-liab-na yA-nai e.
67474. Small paiut pot with baud of protuberances or knobs. He-li-po-
k'ia te-tsa-na mii-to pi-lan-ii-lap-nai-e.
07529. Small paint pot broken from handle. He-li-po-k'ia te-tsa-na.
07421. Small paint pot in form of the native' wild gourd. H6-li-po-k'ia-
mo-thla-o-na t^-tsa-na.
Small j)uint pot of black ware. He-li-po-k'ia tc-tsana-k'win-ne.
67472. Small plain paiut pot with protuberances. He-li-po-k'ia t6-tsa-
na.
07492. Ditto, with sacred terraces represented. A-wi-thlui-a-po-na.
075.">'.t. Ditto, ill form of moccasin. We-po-tcha.
67.510. Small paiut t)Ots; He-li-po-k'ia te wi-iiii tchi k'ia tsa-na.
67384, 67300, 07302, 07308. Small double paiut pots. He-li-po-k'ia t(5-wi-
p;i-tcbin tsa-na.
67513, 67499. Small paint jars or pots. He-li-po-k'ia te tsana.
07399. Small imitation paint pot, with compartments. He-li-i^o-k'iaan-
te-li-ah-na te-wi-pa-tcbiu tsa-ua.
67487. Small terraced paiut pots. He-li-po-k'ia a-wi-thlui-a-po-ua t6-tsa-
na.
60517. Small i)aint jar. H6-li-po-k'ia te tsa-na.
572 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNI.
07429,07404. Siiuill paiut jars, covered with protuberauces.
07382. Small paint pot. Heli-iJO-k'ia te-wi-ija-tcbinue.
Paint pot, broken.
07504,07309,07371. Ditto, larger, broken.
Toy paint pot in form of moccasin. Ik'osli-na-k'ia wt^ kwi-po-
tclia-te helipo-k'ia te-tsana.
Ditto, in form of a pair of moccasins with figures of two parrots.
He-lipo-k'iawe-po-tchin-tsa-na, pitchi atch poa ya'thl tai-e.
Crude paint jar with four compartments.
07438. Small corrugated paint jar. He li-po-k'ia te-tsana.
07489. Small paint jar with terraced ears for suspension. H6-li-po-k'ia-
te! awi-tlilui-a-pa.
07444. Small scalloped rim xjaint pot. H6-li-i)ok'ia te-tsa-na po-tchi-
tithl-.vel aie.
07400. Small couuected paint cups. H61i jjo-k'ia te-tsa-nawe i-pii-tchi-
pa.
07515. Small i)aint cup. He-li-pok'ia t6-tsaua.
07518. Part of double paint pot. H^-li-po-k'ia tetsa na.
07523. Small ])aint pot showing method of joining. Helipo-k'ia te-tsa
na, f-i)a-tchi-na-k'ia nn'-ah-nai-e.
07500. Small ancient paint pot with ears. Helipo-k'ia te-mui-an, i-uo-
to-ua.
07414. Small i)aintpot divided into compartments for diflfereutpigments.
Ue-li po-k'ia te-tsa-ua, he-te-kwi u-li-pa.
07457. Small paint jars furnished with protubeiances to facilitate hand-
ling. He-li-po-k'ia te-mui-a-pa tsa-na.
07528. Small paint pot of corrugated ware. He li po-k'ia ni-tu-li te tsa
na.
07398. Parts of double broken paint pot. H^-li-po-k'ia te-wi-pii-tchin
tsa-na.
07404. Paint pot, with four compartments for the paints of the fire gods.
Shi'i-la- wit-si h6-li-nai-6.
67391. Ditto, double.
60519. Small decorated paint pot of yellow ware. He-li-po-k'ia te-tsa-
na.
67419, 07428. Ditto, plain red. Shi-lo-a.
67421, 07420. Ditto, with ears. Mii-to-pa.
07498. Small deep paint dish in form of Navajo cooking pot. He li po-
k'ia te-tsa-na, Pa-tel ik-na.
07422, 07481. Ditto, with bear-shaped handle. Ains-shi ma-tai-e.
68308. Ditto, plain with sacred black paint. Ha-k'wiu h6-li-pon-ne.
07521, 07519. Ditto, plain, crude.
60525. Small paint pot of corrugated ware. 1-uo-toua ni-tu li tetsa-na.
67451. Paint pot, very small.
67427. Small toy cooking pot. I-k'osh-na-k'ia w6-li-ak'ia t6-tsana.
07537. Toy cooking pot, very small.
S F.VENSO.V.l
ARTICLES '/F CLAY. 573
67479, 67443. Small paint pots withi)iotuberaiices. He-li-po k'ia-te-mui-
au-tsa-ua.
67503, 6750(1. Ditto, plain.
67409, 67408, 67379, 075i;6, 67509. Small plain paint pots. H6-li-po-k'ia
t(5-tsa-na-wo.
68287. Small ancient paint pof. I iio-to iia-be-li-i30-k'iatetsaua.
67407. Small fonrlobed paint pot with figure of parrot. H(5-li-po-k'ia-
te \vij)a tchiu tsana, Pi-tclii po-a-yatlil tai-e.
67478. Ditto, plain.
67495. Ditto, plain, pot shaped, flat bottomed.
67397. Ditto, toy. I-k'osh-na-k'ia.
67502. Paint pots ii^ed in decorating sacred plume sticks, with ears for
suspension. He-li-po-k'ia t6-tsa-na, pi-k'ai-a-pa.
68375, 67508, 67505, 67511. Ditto, in form of small cooking pot.
67501, 67494, 67530, 67512, 67490. Small paint pots, ile-li-po-k'ia te-we-
4-tsa-na.
67388, 67363. Ditto, double.
67525. Ditto, double, broken.
67554. Small ])aint pot in form of moccasin. He-lipok'ia \Tt5-po-tcha te-
e le.
67315. Small squash shaped paint pot, ancient. I no-toua he li po k'ia-
te-mu-k'ia iiui-i)a.
60478, 66524, 66487, 66488. Small sacred paint pots. He-lipok'ia te-
tsana. (Distinguished from ordinary variety by decoration.)
67354, 67350, 67405. Double salt pots. M.'ipu-k'ia te-wi-pii-tchin-ne.
67418. Ditto, broken.
07380. Ditto, box shaped.
67377. Salt box, single. Ma-pu-k'ia te-thle-lon-ue.
08343. Small water pot for medicine, teas, &c. K'ia-pa-ti-k'ia t6-tom-tsa-
na.
07473. Small sacred paint vessel with protuberances and decorated with
frog figure. H61i-po k'ia te-tsa na mu-to-pa, ta-k'ia tsi-ua-pa.
67431, 67454. Ditto, ordinary.
67434. Ditto, ancient, from ruins of Ta'-ia or Las Nutrias.
67756. Ancient vessel of earthenware in representation of frog, for sus-
pension. I-no-to-na k'ii'i-me-he-ta, td-k'ia an'-te-li-ah-nai-e.
PAINT JARS.
67430. Crude paint jars covered with protuberances to focilitate hand-
ling. He-li-po-k'ia te-tsana mu-to-pa.
<;7471. Ditto, small
67436. Ditto, with horse figure 1 andie.
67390, 67370. Double box shai)ed paint jars. He-li-po-k'ia te-wi-pa-tchin-
ne.
67401. Paint jars, with four compartments.
574 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNL
07440. Small corrugated paint bottle. Ni-tii-li li6-li-po-k'ia t6-tsa-na.
67552. Milk vase, iu representation of knit moccasin. A-kwi k'iiish-na-
k'ia wekwi jjo-tcUa te-miii-a tsa-na.
67551. Ditto, small, representing buckskin moccasin.
67410, 0740L', 67409, 67408. Small crucibles ol native manufacture for
reducing silver and copper in the manufacture of ornaments.
H6 k'ia o-ua-k'ia t6 tsa-na-we.
EFFIGIES AND FIflCKES.
67783. Figure in earthenware of the " Grand Buck Antelope." M4-
wo-tsi-thla-na me-he-ta.
67775. Figure in earthenware of sitting white bear bearing young.
Ains-shi-koha-ua, mo-to-ok-te i-me cha-se-tai-e.
67553. Small earthen figure of moccasin, used as a toy. W(5-po-tclii ne.
67751. Small plain figure of owl, for sacred water. Mu-hu-kwe me-he-
tii tsa-na.
67703. Ditto.
Small earthen figure of barn fowl. Thla-po-po-k'e-a-m6-he-ta.
07743. Small figure of an owl. Miihu-kwe tsa na me he-ta.
Eeprcsentatiou of the totemic chaparrel cock or road-runner.
Po-yi k'win m^-he-ta tsa-na.
07741. Small figure of an owl. Mu-liu-kwi me-he-ta tsa-na.
Canteen or vase in form of an owl, for sacred water. Mu-hu-kwe
me-he-ton-ne.
07749. Small, owl-shaped sacred jar.
Large doll in representation of the H6-me-shi-kwe dance. He-
me-shi-kwe wi-ha.
Small, in representation of the black dance or Tchakwe-ua, wiha.
Doll in representation of the last Autumn dance.
w7740. Figure of decoy for antelope, used in ceremonials. M4-awe sai-
o-sho-kwin 4n-te-li-ah-no-na.
Caricature of a Mexican mounted on a buck goat. Tchi-watu-
6t SI, Tsipolo-a im-uiilthl-taie.
67540. Small figure of owl, ancient, l-no-to-ua mii-hu-kwe me-he-ta tsa-
na.
07815. Mold for the large cooking pots, made from a bread bowl. Wo-
li-a-k'ia te-thla-na a-pa-liu-ne.
67075. Small mold for vase of small cooking vessels. Wo-li-a-k'ia te-tsa-
na a-i)a-lin-ne.
69317. Small doll made in imitation of the Moqui sacred dance. A-mu-
kwe awen wi-ha 4n te li-ab-nai-e.
67283. Broken M6-tse-ni-k'ia sil-a-le.
67557. Small pair of toy eartheu moccasins. We-po-tche tsan-atch i-
k'osh-na-kia.
66688. Mold for the base of large cooking jars or pots. W6-lia-k'ia-
tew-ao-na-k'ia a-j)al-lin-ue.
STEVEXBOS.
VEGETAL SUBSTANCES. 575
G9392. Doll for child, made iu rei)reseutatioii oi' the K'i;i-thlau-o-ua or
Great water dancer. K'iatblauo iia wi-ba tsa-ua.
G9303. Small wooden dolls in representation of tlie sacred dance of
" Thli tcbi-lie."
69380. Small toy or doll kilt of the sacred dance known as Sa-la-mo-pi -a
or tbe sacred carrier of the bone rattle, l-k'osbna-kia Sala-
mo-pia wi-b'an pi-tblan-tsa-na.
69C51. Small sacred kilt for tbe ka ka dance. Ka-ka awen pi-tblan
tsin-a'tbl-yel-aie.
69324. Small doll iu representation of tbe black dance, or Tcbtikwe-na
wi-ba.
69323. Doll in representation of tbe He-ma-sbi-kwe or last, sacred dance
of autumn. He-ma-sbi-kwe wi-ba.
69674. Large doll in re])resentation cif tbe H6 me-sbi-kwe dance. H6-
me-sbi-kwe wi-ba.
VEGETAL SUBSTANCES.
EATING SPOONS AND LADIES.
67568. Small wooden eating spoon. 1-to-na-k'ia t4m-sbo-k'on tsa-na.
68430. Large sonj) ladle of wood. Wo-li-k'ia tain slio-k'on tbla-na.
68439. Large wooden soup ladle. Wo-li-k'ia tain sbo-k'on tbla-na.
68435. Large wooden ladle. Woli-k'ia tain sbo-k'on tbla-ua.
68431. Small wooden soup ladle. Wo-li-k'ia tain sbo k'on tsa-na.
68440, 68433. Large wooden soup ladles. Wo-li-k'ia film sbo-k'o-we.
68447. Large wooden ladle for removing food from tbe larger cooking-
pots. TAm sbo-k'on tbla-ua.
68438. Large wooden cooking ladle. Wo-li-k'ia tim sbo-k'on tbla-na.
■ — Large ladles of wood. Tain sbo-k'o-we.
68443. Ladle of wood. Wo-li-k'ia tain sbo-k'on tsa-ua.
Wooden ladle for removing soup. Wo-li-k'ia tdm sbo-kou-ne.
68450. Small wooden eating spoon. I-to-na-k'ia tain sbo-k-on tsa-na.
69341. Small wooden eating spoon, ornamented, for identitication. 1-to-
na-kia tam sbo kou tsa-ua, dn-a-pi-tu-no-na tsi-nai-e.
68453. Wood eating spoon, small. Tam-sbo k'on-ne.
68463. Ditto, gourd. I-to-na-k'ia sbop slio-k jii tsa-na.
68449. Small ladle for eating soup. 1-to na-k'ia t^in sbo-k'on-ne.
69346. Small ladles used in stirring or disbing out soup. Wo-li-k'ia ttim-
sbo ko atsa-na.
69342-43. Soup ladles used in dishing out and stirring cooking food
Woli-k'ia ti'im sbo-k'o-we.
69344. Ditto, very large.
69351. Ditto, large.
68444, 69347, 69630, 69629, 6S445. Ditto, large.
576 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNI
68429. Ditto, very large.
SiiiaJl wooden eating spoon.
68450. Ditto, without baucUe.
68458. Wooden eating spoon, very small.
68461. Eating spoon, of horn.
68462. Ditto, of gourd. Sho-po shokou-ne.
68428, 68442, 68441. Large wooden ladles. Wo-li-k'ia tam-sho-k'o d-
thlana.
68457,68460,68456. Small wooden eating spoons. I-tonak'ia tam' sbo-
k'o-we ts4-na.
68452, 68451. Ditto, large.
BASKETRY.
r
68614. Small decorated basket tray for sacred flour of tbe dance. Tbhl-
lin tsi-na-pa, k'ia-wai-a wo-li-k'ia.
68472. Small basket bowl for containing sacred flour, ancient. I-no to-
ua ba i-tom k'ia wai-a w6i)u-k'ia.
68469. Large ancient basket bowl for sacred flour. I-noto-na ba'-ln-
tbla-na k'ia-wai-a wo-pukia.
68522. Small basket and pitch canteen for use in traveling. K'o-se tom-
tsana.
68506. Large rectangularly woven water basket for use in traveling.
K'o-se torn, shii-k'u-tulia.
68538. Small water basket for use in traveling. K'o-se torn tsa-na.
Small basket bottle for carrying water on journeys. K'o-se tom-
tsa-na.
68512. Small splint basket bottle for carrying water on journeys. Tcbii-
ku-to-lian k'ia-pu-kia k'o-se tom tsa-ua.
t855.3. Small willow basket for gathering and caging the larvse of locusts.
Pi la hu-tche-pon tsa-na.
68570. Small willow basket for gathering and caging locusts. Pi-la hu-
tche-poii tsana, tchi'i-mal lip-tclui na-kia.
684'.;6. Small burden basket for carrying fruit. Mo-pu-k'ia hii-tche-
pon tsa-na.
68568. Small willow basket for gathering and caging locusts. Tchii-
mal u|) tcliu na-kia.
68605. Small basket for parched corn. K'o ,-e tsi-tsa-na ale-kwi wo-
pii-k'ia.
68545. Small willow basket for gatlieringand caging locusts. Pi hi hu-
tche-pon-tsa na, tchu-mal up' tchu-uak'ia.
68598. Small willow toasting basket. Pi-la tsi-tche-pon-tsa-na, a-le kwi-
k'ia-na-k'ia.
68576. Small white-strand basket for locust gathering. HA-k'o-ha hu-
tche-pon tsa na, tchii-malup-tchu-na-k'ia.
6TEVEXS0X.1 VEGETAL SUBSTANCES. 577
68556. Small willow basket for gathering locusts. Pi-la hu-tche-ijou
tsa-na, tcliu-mal iip-tchu-na-k'ia.
68489. Small basket jar for containing sacred floor, ancient. I-uo-to-na
ha-i-tom, k'iii-wai-a w6-pu-k'ia.
68577. Small white strand basket for gathering locusts. HA-k'o-ha hii-
tche-pontsa-ua, tcbil-mal u)>tchu-nak'ia.
68549. Small basket for gathering locusts. K'o-se hvi-tche-pon-tsa-na,
tchii-mal up-tchu-na-kia.
68468. Lai'ge burden basket for carrying peaches. Hu-tcbe-pon thla-
na, mo tchi-kwa wopu-k'ia.
68503. Small round basket for medicine flour. Hai-tom, k'iil wai-a w6-
pu-kia.
68554. Small round basket for gathering locusts. K'o se hu-tche-pou,
tchii-uial up'-tchu-ua-k'ia.
68487. Small round flour basket. Ha-in tsa-ua, 6-e wo-lik'ia.
68484. Small round basket of splints for sacred flour. Ha i tom shu-
k'ishpa, k'iii-wai-a w6-pu-k'ia.
68558. Small willow basket for gathering locusts. Pi-la hu-tchepou-
tsa-ua tchu-mal iip-tchu-na-k'ia.
68552,68584. Small willow baskets for gathering locusts. Hii-tche-po-
tsan-na, atch tchii-mal iip-tchu-na-k'ia.
08572. Large cage baskets for gathering and confining the pupaj of
locusts. Tchii-mal up-tchu-na-k'ia hii-tche-pa thla-na.
68555. Small willow cage basket for the pupae of locusts. Tchu-mal
iip-tchu-na-k'ia hutche pon tsa-na.
68464. Small peach pannier. Motcbi-kwa mo-pu-kia hii-tche-pou
thla-na.
68582. Small loosely woven basket for gathering and confining pupie
of the locust. Hii-tchepon tsana, tchii-mal iiptchu-na-k'ia.
68561, 68560. Small loosely plaited willow baskets for gathering locusts.
Pi-la hii-tche-pon tsa-na, tchii-mal uji-tchu-na-kia.
68551. Small loosely plaited willow basket for gathering locusts. Pi-
la hii-tchepon tsa-na.
68586. Small loosely plaited basket of furze strands. Ha-k'o-ha tchu-
mal iip-tchu-na-kia hutchepou-tsa-na.
68580. Small loosely-plaited baskets of furze strands for gathering
locusts. Hd-k'oha hiitche-pon tsa-na, tchiimal uptchu-ua-
k'ia.
08567. Small loosely plaited basket of willow for gathering locusts. Pi-
la hii-tche-pon tsa-na, tchu-mal up-tchu-na-k'ia.
Large-sized white herb basket for gathering and confining lo-
custs. Tchu-mal I'lp-tchu-ua-kia hu-tchej)on-ne.
68488. An ancient vessel-shaped spiral basket for sacred meal and treas-
ures. K'id-wai-a ta thla-w6-pu-k'ia ha-i torn.
68573. Large-sized basket for gathering and confining locusts. Tchii-
mal iiptchuna-k'ia ha-k'o-ha hii-tche-pou-ne.
3 ETH 37
578 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 — Zl NL
Small ancient basket vase for sacred flour. K'i.'i-wai-a wo-pu-
k'ia La-i torn.
GS474. Small ancient sacred-flour basket. I-no-te-k\ve a-wa lia-i-tom,
k'ia-wai-a wo-pu-kia.
68592. Small willow basket tray. Pi-la tsi tsa-ua.
GS593. Small decorated basket tray for sacred flour of the dance. Thla-
liu tsi-na-pa, k'iii-wai-a w6-li-k'ia.
68593. Small loosely plated basket tray. Tsim-tsa-ua.
68634. Large basket tray of marsh grass for washing corn. Tchvik'o-
sha-na-k'ia tsi-shu-k'wi-tsi-thla-na.
68600. Small basket-bowl sieve for parching or toasting corn or piiions-
Pi-la tsl-che-pou tsa-na, ii-le-k'wi-k'ia.
68609. Small basket sieve for sifting ashes from toasted corn. A-le-
k'wi k'ia tsitche-pon tsa-na.
68610. Small basket sieve for toasting or parching corn. K'ose tsi
tsa-na.
68594. Small basket sieve for parching corn or pinons. Pi-la tsltsa-na,
A-le-k'wi w6-lu-kia.
68611. Small basket tray for sifting parched corn, made of willow ware.
Pi-la- A-le-k'wi-k'ia tsi-tchepou-ne.
68606, 6S589, 68596. Small basket trays of willow work for parching
corn, &c. Ale-k'wi-k'ia tsitche-ponne.
68467. Small burden basket, mostlj' used for carrying fruit. Hutche-
pon tsa-na.
68588. Small basket for toasted corn or pinons. Tsl-tsa-na.
68562. Small basket cage for gathering locusts. Tsi-tche-pou tsa-na,
tchu-mal iip-tchu na-kia.
68566. Large loosely woven basket for gathering the larvse of locusts.
Tchii-mal vip-tchu-ua k'ia hu-tche-i)on tsa-ua.
68557. Small loosely woven round basket for gathering and caging the
larviE of locusts.
68579. Small loosely woven round basket for gathering and caging
the larvae of young locusts. Hu-tche-pon k'iii'-mo-li-a tchu-
mal I'lp-tchu-ua-k'ia.
68548. Small round basket of white strands. H4-k'o-ha hu-tche-pon tsa-
na.
6S604. White branch or strand basket. Hd-k'o ha tsi I'-le.
68612. Small willow basket for children. Pi-la tsi-tsa-ua.
68485. Small ancient basket for medicine. A-k'\va wopu-k'ia ha-i tom-
me, shii-k'o-to-lia.
68481. Small treasure basket in form of water vessel. Ha i-tom' tsa-na-
thla-w6-i)u-kia.
68477. Small vessel-shaped treasure basket. Thla wopu-k'ia k'o-se
torn.
68493. Small basket bottle for carrying water during journeys. K'o-se-
tom, tchii-k'o-toli-a.
bTEVEssoN.l VEGETAL SUBSTANCES. 579
GS533. Small basket bottle for carryiug water during journeys. K'iii-pu-
k'ia k'o-se-tom.
68519. Small water bottle of basket work and pitch. K'id-pu-k'ia k'o-se-
tom.
68480. Small water bottle. K'.o-se torn, tchu-k'o-to-li a.
68521. Large wicker and pitch water bottle. K'o-se torn thla iia k'id-
pu-k'ia.
68509. Small water bottle of wicker work. Hu-tche-pon tsa-ua, tchii-k'o-
to-li-a.
68537. Small basket water bottle. K'o-se torn tsa-na, k'id-pu-kia.
68529. Small wicker and pitch water bottle. K'o-se t6m tchu-k'o-to-lia.
68510. Small water bottle with open neck. K'o-se torn shu-k'ish-pa.
68532. Large water bottle of wicker work and pitch for carrying water.
K'o-se-tom thla na, k'iA-pu-kia.
68497. Water bottle of wicker work and pitch. K'o-se tom-me.
68507. Large wicker work water vessel for use in traveling. K'i4-pu-
k'ia k'o-se torn' thla-na.
68515. Small wicker water vessel. K'o-se tom-tsa-na.
68542. Small double lobed and necked water vessel of wicker work.
K'o-se torn wi-k'ithl-to-na.
68530. Small wicker work water vessel. K'id,-pu-kia ko-se tom tsa-na.
68508. Small water vessel of wicker work. K'o-se tom tsa-na.
68211. Gourd jar for water in the fields. Sho-po m^-wi k'i-lik-ton-ne.
Small drinking dipper of gourd. Tu-tu-na-k'ia mo sho-k'on-tsa-
na.
Large basket canteen for traveling. K'o-se tom thla-na.
68492. Basket canteen for traveling. K'o-se tom, u-pi-'thlan i-kwi e.
68516. Small basket-work canteen for traveling. K'o-se torn tsa-na,
k'ia'-pu-kia.
68531. 68497. Small basket and pitch canteens for use in traveling.
K'o-se tom-ma A-tsa-na, k'id-pu-kia.
68543. Small double canteen with contraction at middle to facilitate
suspension. K'ose torn i-k'i-lik-to-pak'ia, k'i4-pu-k'ia.
68490, 68518, 68514, 68491, 68500, 68495, 68499, 68524, 68536, 68498. Se-
ries of ten basket bottles for use in traveling, made water-
proof by coating of pitch. K'ia-pu-k'ia k'o-se tom-a-we.
68501, 68502, 68483. Basket bottles, round and short necked.
68478, 68517, 68513, 68527, 68526, 68511, 68529. Ditto, bottle shaped.
68540, 68535, 68541, 68534. Ditto, double bodied or lobed. K'o-se tom-
me i-k'ithl-ta pa.
68595. Small basket for parching corn. A le-k'wi-k'ia tsi-tsa-na.
68625. Small sacred coiled basket. (Moqui.) A-mukwe a-weu ni-tu-li
thl4-lin-ne.
68647. Small basket, for washing corn. Tchu k'o-sho-na-k'ia ho-tsi-
I-le.
580 COLLECTIONS OF J881 ZUNI.
68482. Small basket for securiug young locusts, with twig loop for sus-
peusion. Tchu-mal ixp-tchu-na-k'ia bu-tche-pon, pi-k'iai-ai-e.
68571. 68565, 68581, 68544, 68583, 68578, 68574, 6So59, 68587, 68590,
68569, 68563, 68547, 68575, 68585, 68564. Ditto, gradually
diminisbing in size in the order given.
68615. Small basket cup with handle. A-le-k'wi-k'ia tsi-tche-pon tsau-na.
68599, 68602, 68601. Small basket trays. H^-k'o-ha tsi tsa-ua 4-tchi.
68623. Small toy meal bowl of water-tight basket work. H6-in tsa-na.
68486. Ditto, long, flat-bottomed, for sacred seed. Tashon w6-pu-k'ia
ha-i tom-me.
68471, 68473, 68475. Large, urn-shaped bowl of water-tight basket work,
for sacred meal. K'ia-wai-a w6-pu-kia.
69390. Native wooden stool. Thl6m-pia-an-ue.
68504, 68505. Very primitive small-mouthed treasure jars. Thla w6-pu-
k'ia t6-tsana a-tchi.
68494. Ditto, of red willow ware.
68651. Corn-meal sieve of amole. Ha'-tsi-pi-kwai-k'ia.
LOOM IMPLEMENTS.
69692-69704. Large hardwood slats for pounding down the warp in the
manufacture of scrapes or blankets. Sho-tche-wo-ua-k'ia
thl6-we.
69731-33. Ditto, used in the manufacture of women's blankets. E-he wo-
nak'ia thl6-we.
69734-35. Ditto, for finishing. K'wan dl-ya ak'ia-na-k'ia thl^-tsa-nu-we.
69471-74. Frames of looms for stringing the woof for weaving belts and
garters. Thl4-k'ia-pa-we.
69663-71. Knife-shaped hard-wood sticks for pounding down the warp
in the manufacture of garters and belts, lil-ni wo-na-k'ia-
thl(5-we.
69808. Frame for setting up the warp of small figured blankets. Pi- sal
o-na-k'ia pi-ti-k'ia thl6-we.
69804. Ditto, larger.
69787. Poles or sticks on which the warp is supported in the weaving
of large scrapes; also a brace. Sh6-tchewon-na-k'ia6-yal-a-we.
69752-58. Appurtenances to a loom, consisting of threading sticks (1),
woof beaters (2), comb for straightening thread (3), and
braces for warp (4). Thl6-tsa-na p6-au ue, (1) Sho-pi-to-k'ia,
(2) Thl6m-me, (3) O-'na-paue, (4) ThlAk'win-ue.
69676-91. Slats or hard-wood woof beaters. Thle-we.
69738-51. Small woof beaters for finishing blankets and scrapes. Sho-
tche y^-k'ia-na-k'ia, thl6-tsa-na-we.
69770-79. Braces for the warp of small scrapes and blankets. A-thla-
k'wipo-a-we (sing., thld-kwin-ne).
69759-68. Ditto.
69780-86. Ditto, larger, for scrapes.
6TEvENsoN.( VEGETAL SUBSTANCES. • 581
69821-32. Small sticks for separating the warp of small blaukets. (Thl6-
tsa-na.) Tlil6-tsa-na p6a-we
69469, 69410, 69411, 69390-97, 69399, 69402. Small combs for straighten-
ing the warp in weaving. Pi-li-li-ua-k'ia oua-pa, p6-a-we.
69814-20. Bud sticks for supporting warp in manufacture of small
blankets and shirts. U-tchun o-ua-kia 6-yal-la-we.
09797-69803. Portions of loom used in weaving blankets. A-tbla-kwi po-
an-ue.
69833-42. Sticks used in supporting the warp in the weaviug of serapes.
Shopi-to-k'ia thhl-po-a-we.
69790-90. Ditto, with other portions of loom.
69705-29. Knife shaped woof beaters used in the manufacture of belts
and garters. l5-ni wo-nakia thl(S-we.
69653-61. (No. 1.) Rollers or sticks on which the belt is rolled during the
process of weaving. £-ni-wona kia 6-yal-lu-na-we. (No. 2.)
Frames for the stringing of the warp of belts, &c. Th\6 k'ia-
pa-we.
Small stick used in separating or confining the warp of belts.
E-ni wo-na-k'ia sh6-pi to-k'ia thl6m tsa-na.
IMPIEMENTS OP WAK AND THE CHASE.
69455-60. Small rabbit clubs or boomerangs. Ok-shik thl4-ta-kia thl6-
a-we.
69603. Ditto, showing lightning grooves. Ok-shik thld-ta-k'ia thle an-
ne, sho we d-he-a-kwa-pa wi-lo-lo-a d-tsi-na-pa.
69535-49. Bows, plain and sinew-backed, one (small) used as a toy,
with some arrows. Pi-thla-we thli-pa-ua, sho-we i-hi-k'ia-
(Small) i k'osh-na-k'ia pi'-tsa-na.
69493, 69497-69514, 69476-92, 69494-96, 69435-54. Rabbit sticks or boom-
erangs (large variety). Po-k'ia tlil;i-ta-k'ia tlil^-a-we.
69516-34,09632-50. Wooden war clubs of the order of warriors, or priest-
hood of the bow. A-pi-thlan-Shi-wa-ni a-wan tarn' k'iap-ua-
we.
09595, 09590-09000. Small toy bows and arrows, with baskets attached,
customarily presented by the sacred dancers to little boys.
A-tsa-na a- wen Ka ka pi-thla- we, ta sho-we. Hii-tchep ])i.
k'ia-ai-e.
09551-07. Ditto, more ornate.
69573-94. Bows for hunting. ThKi-ta-k'ia pi-thla-we.
09002. Arrows pointed with iron (twelve specimens). Sho-wed-he-kwi-pa.
69001. Ditto, uupoiuted.
GAMBLING IMPLEMENTS.
69268. Tubes and ball for the sacred game of the hidden ball. I k'osh-
na-k'ia f-an-k'o-lo-k'ia to-ma-we. tj-lin-ne.
69340. Wooden cards for betting game. I-to-sa-na-k'ia ta-sho-we.
582 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 ZUNL
69468. Articles used in the game of the hidden ball, one of the sacred
games of the God of War ; played in spring and early sum-
mer. I-au-k'o-lok'ia to-ma-we, ta ti-po-an-ue.
69272, 69269. Ditto, small.
69351. Ditto, large, an especial hereditary set of the tribe.
69282-83. Flat sticks used in the game of boys. T4-sho-li-we.
6933S, 69353, 69281, 69286-87. Sticks used in native betting game. Td-
sho-li-we.
69285. {Sis specimens.) Ditto, small.
69271. Tubes and counters of the sacred game of the hidden ball. I-
an-k'o-lo-k'ia tom-a-we, ta ti-we.
DANCE IMPIEMENTS.
69264. Hand gourd rattle of the Ka-ka or sacred dance institution. Ka-
ka a-wen tchimon-ne.
69265. Gourd rattle of the dance or K§, ka. Ka-ka a-wen tchi-mon-ne.
69263. Rattle of the sacred dance. Ka-ka a-wen tchi-mon-ne.
69860. Long gourd rattle with handle and string for suspension when
not in use — of the order of the " Knife." A'-tchi-a-kwe a-wa
tchi-mon-ne.
MISCEllANEOBS OBJECTS.
69258. Large hoop-shaped drum-sticks, for the olla or vase drum, used
in the songs of the sacred orders only. T6-pe-ha t6-se-a-k'ia-
na-k'ia tsi-k'on ne.
69259. Ditto.
69260. Ditto.
Ditto.
69325-31. Forks or wooden tweezers for plucking the early fruit of the
cactus. Tui yiish-na-k'ia k'oi-ya-tchi-we.
69234, 69237, 69238, 69244, 69245, 69293. Spinning shafts or whorls of
wood. Thlip-na-k'ia thl4t-ta-we.
69248. Ditto, for very small cotton cords.
69231. Ditto, for spinning very coarse cords.
Bow drills, 1005 and 1009, with stone whorls and flint points.
A-a o-nak'ia thla-towe, d thla-to-pa, ta ti-mush 4-tsa-na
tchothl-to-pa. For use, see pi. xlii.
69261-62. Hoops for drumming on the large olla or vase-drums in the
sacred orders. T6-pe-ha te-se'ek'ia-k'ia-tsik'owe.
69851-59. Shepherds' crooks. T'ch4-tsa-na y4-te-n'i k'ia thl6-tsi-k'o-
we.
69631. "Wooden snow shovel. TJ-te-pish-na-k'ia thl6m-me.
69628. Ditto, also used for taking bread from an oven. Mu-lo w6-po-
k'ia, thl6m tsa-na.
69622. Cane used by the aged or blind. A-thla-shi a-wa tam'-tethl-
nan-ue.
BUIiEAU OF KTHNOl.Olil
ANNUAL l;KrOKT 1882 I't.. XLII
DKILIJNG 1 riiLir(.li.sJi&.
BUREAU OF ETI1X0I.0GT
AXNTAI. UKrOIiT 1HS2 I'T,. XI. IH
MOKI METHOD 01'' DRESSING TIIK HAIR.
6TBVBKB0N.] VEGETAL SUBSTANCES. 583
69672. Curved cross-piece for top of ladder. Thl^-tsi-lou an thl6m-petbl-
toii-ne.
69350. Coiubiug broom, or broom aud comb combined, composed of liue
grass, bound iu the center; the butt end being used for comb-
ing, the top end as a brush or broom. It is also used as a
strainer. I pish-na-k'ia pe-pe. See pi. xliii.
69604. Bunch of mush sticlis, used in stirring mush or corn while parch-
ing. W6-le-kwi-k'ia thlapa-po-an-ne.
69308-09. Twisters used in the manufacture of hair r/afas or ropes. Tsi-
toni-wo-ua-k'ia wi-tsi-nan-ne (^-tchi).
69289. Uanes used in the sacred game of Sho-liiie, played during win-
ter and early spring. Sho-li po-an-ne.
69424. Pegs used iu stretching skins. K'6 pi-li-li-a k'ia thld-po-an ne.
69430. Vermin-killers, or louse-traps. M6-'thla-ta-k'ia thlii-ton ne.
69431. Ditto.
69274. Sticks kicked iu the race of Ti-kwa-we. Ti-kwa thla-we.
69275. Ditto.
69812. Frames for setting up the warp of scrapes. Pi-ti-k'ia thl6-we.
69675. Lance of iron used in the wars of the past. 1-thlak-na-kia lan-sa.
69235, 69232, 69233, 69236, 09239, 69243, 09246, 69294, 69292, 69295,
69247-48-49-50. Spindles used in spinning and twisting
wool and fiber. Tlilipnak'ia thlAtto-we. With smoothing
cob attached.
69251, 69252, 69257, 69290. Bow drills for manufacture of shell and tur-
quoise ornaments. A-'a-na-k'ia thhl-towe.
Small dice sticks used in a game of the basket tray. Thl4thl pa-
tsawe.
69339. Boards or blocks used iu confining the hair of women in sacred
dances, as a mark of virginity. M4tsi-k'wa-k'ia thl^-we.
09279. Ditto.
69280. Ditto.
69321. Small pair of symbolical tablets carried in the hand during dance
of the priests of the tablet dancers. Thl4-he-kwe a-wa thl6- we.
69406. Slats on which the hair is bunched, to indicate virginity of wo-
men in sacred dance of the flute. Ma-tsi-k'wa-k'ia thl6-we.
69321. Small pair of symbolic tablets carried in the hand during the
dance of the Priestess of the Tablet dancers. Thhl he-kwe
a-wa thl6-we.
69375. Small ceremonial war club of the order of the Priesthood of the
Bow. A-pithlan-Shi-wa ni a-wa tam k'iap-nan-ne.
69014. Toy cradle board for doll. Wiha ya'thl-to-k'ia thl6m-me.
69391. Ditto.
Ditto.
69405. Frame of wood for pommel of saddle. A-wo-kou o-na-k'ia tdm-me.
69312. Sacred warbhng flute. Tchd-hehelon-ne.
69467. Sacred flute. Shoh-k'on-ne.
Peg for suspending. T^,m-kwai-uan-ne.
584 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 — ZONl.
Very large pegs used in the (sacred) running game of the two
war gods. Tikwa-we, A-hai-iu-ta ^-tclii-a.
Small sacred wand of the god of fire. Ka-ka-sliu-le-wi-tsi an
t^tbl-nan-ne.
Small darts used by children.
Wooden buzz and pivot. Thl6 mo-la-tou-ue.
Drinking gourd. Tutu-na-kia sho-pon-ne.
Wooden buzzers used as a warning by war Priests, members of
sacred orders, in procession of Gods or sacred Medicine relics.
Thlem-tu-uunun-ne.
69423 (eleven specimens). Wooden whizzers used in ceremonials or
sacred dances as warnings for the observances of certain
forms. Thl6-tu-nu-nnwe (sing., thlem-tu-nu-nnn-ne).
69426-27. Fire sticks used in kindling the sacred New Year fire. M4-
k'e wo-na-kia d-su-su-k'ia-na-k'ia.
69374. Gourd-haudle boxes used in carrying the sacred tobacco at the
councils or meetings. A-uate wo-po-k'ia torn a we.
69348. Ditto, smaller.
69425. Wooden rope-twister without handle, used mostly in the manu-
facture of hair riatas. Wi-tsi-tsi-nanne.
69315. Small symbolical tablet carried by the priests of the flute dance.
Shoh-ko M6-son ne an thl6m.
69273. A cane used in the national game of the god of war during win-
ter and early spring. Sho-li-we. Sticks kicked in the na-
tional sacred race of Ti-kwa we.
Indented ring for supportiug for eating-bowls on the head, of
Spanish bayonet. W6-thlakto-k'ia ha-k'in k'iwithl-to-pa.
6SC29, 6S628, 6S627, 6828, 68632, 68629, 6828, CS629, 68633, 68629. Pads
or rings of Spanish bayonet for supporting round-bottomed
vessels on the head. Wo-thlakto-k'ia ho-ha-k'i-we.
68630 (six specimens), 68631 (five specimens). EiugsofSpauish bayonet
for supporting round-bottomed vessels on the head. W6-
thlak-tokia hd-ki-we.
68626. Pad or ring of Spanish bayonet for supportiug round bodies on
the head. Wo thlak-tok'ia hdk'in-ne.
Eings of Spanish bayonet for supporting round-bottomed ves-
sels on the head. Wo thlak-to k'ia hd-k'i-we.
69605-21. Planting prods or spuds for planting corn and melons. Tchti-
tai-na k'ia td-sa-kwi-we.
69673. Patu or digging-stick. Tsem me.
69418. Wooden hook for wood burdens. TAk-na-k'ia t4m-tsi-k'on-ne.
69365-72. Hooks or crotches used in securing burdens. K'ia-ha-tche-po-
an-ne.
Curved pnie boxes for sacred plumes. Ld-pok'ia thl6-lo-we. —
" Sacred council boxes."
Ditto, round bottomed. L;l-po-kia thl^-lon kia'-mo-lin.
69382-89. Long square plume boxes of pine. Ld-po-k'ia thl6 lon-ne.
sTEVExsoN.j VEGETAL SUBSTANCES. 585
09270. Wooden tubes (1), ball (2), and straw counters (3) used in the
ancient game of the Gods of War. 1. 1-an-li'olo-k'ia t6iua-
we. 2. iJ-lin-ne. 3. Ti-we.
69296. Curious wooden slat dance appurtenance made to represent light-
ning and its motions. Wi-lo-loanan ante li-ashnan-aie.
69255, 69470. Wooden spindle whorls and cord-stretcLers of cob. Thla-
ton, tathlunpi-tsa-thli-k'ia, also whorls used by many of the
Eastern Pueblos in drilling torquois and shell ornaments.
69412, 69413, 69414, 69415, 69416. Small tops. Mo-la to- we Atsa-na.
69409. Wooden stirrups. T& i-te-tchu-na-we.
09662. Small knife-shaped stick for pounding down the woof of belts.
]5ui-wo na-k'ia thlem-me.
69434. Small louse smashers or traps of flat slats (three specimens).
Me-we d-k'utsua-k'ia-na-k'ia thl6p-ton-ne.
09433. Small louse crusher of wooden slats. I-meli-k'wish-na-k'ia-thMp-
ton-ne.
09422. Small whizzer used in sacred and medicine dances. ThMm-tu-
uu-nuu-tsa-na.
09314. Ditto, decorated with lightning.
69417, 69419, 69420, 69421. Hooks and eyes of wood for securing bur-
den.s. Mii-to-k'ia t^-tsi-k'o-we.
69301, 69310. Small wooden figures of birds for decoration of altars.
Wo-tsanatesh-kwin poai-yiithl-to-k'ia.
69311. Ditto, of dove.
69475. Small loom for weaving belts. Thia-k'ia-pau-ne.
69401, 69402, 09403, 69404, 09398. Wooden combs for straightening warp
of blanket in weaving. Tarn 6-na-we.
69276. Small pegs used in (the sacred) running game of the two War
Gods. A-hai-iu-ta 4-tchi-uai-a ti-kwa-we.
09305, 09428, 09306. Wands of the bearers of the wand or sacred arrow.
Thle-we-kwe a-wen i-k'withl-tchu-na-k'ia sho-we.
69355, 09284, 69352. Sticks used in the game of ta-sho-li-we.
09152. Elaborate head-dress of the women used in the dance of the tab-
lets. Thla-hekwe awan thlethl-po-yan-ne. Star, moon, and
ladder to the skies represented.
69276. Ditto, sun and star represented.
69318. Sacred tablet of the bearers of the waud fastened to a spatula
which is forced down the throat of members during public
ceremonials. Thl6-we-kwe a- wen thM-wi k'withi tcha-ua-k'ia-
thlem, yii-tchan, mo-ya-tchun, ta-yii-o-non pii'-tchi-pa.
09320. The great star (of wood) of the sacred altar of the Lesser Spark
Order. Ma-k'e-tsii-na-kwe a-wen mo-ya-tchun-thla-na t6sh-
kwin-pi-k'ai-aya'thltok'ia.
09850, 09849, 09848. Sticks used iu lighting cigarettes in Council. Po-
ne m^k-tchu-k'ia thhl-kwi-mo-we.
09349. Gourd tor sacred (native) tobacco used at ceremonials of secret
orders. A-ua-te wo pu k'ia sho-po tom-tsa na.
586 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 — ZUNI.
ANIMAL SUBSTANCES.
69335, 69334, 69333, 69336, 69332. Small bow guards of leather orna-
mented with plates of tin. K6mpas si-kwin h6-lo-pa-na.
69393, 69299. Horn arrow straighteners. Sho mothla-k'ia-nak'ia s^i-
a-we.
69400. Belt of hair and green rawhide used in the costume of the order
of cactus. Ka-shi-kwe a-wen kdm-i-k'win u-pi-thlai-e.
69304. Kawhide head band and born used in the dance of the feast of
dead enemies or 6-inalie. Oinahe a-wa k6m-othl-pan, sai-
a-i e.
69307. Small darts used by children in a game of the War God, made
of feathers and cobs. L4po-tchi-we.
6370. Deer-horn prod for use in basket weaving. Tsi o-na k'ia sai-au-ne.
69302. Horns used in sacred dance of blue horn. Ka'-ka-thli-an an sai-
a-we.
69337. Pair of heel-bands used by women in the dance of fallen enemies,
etc. (two specimens). W6-thlea-kwi-we.
69266. Deer hoof rattles attached to sacred turtle shell. Thl6-a-kwi
an nd-k'u-tchi-we.
69381. Eagle feathers from shield. K'iii-k'ial lA-ai-yaMa-k'ia Id-we.
69267. Tortoise shell used in sacred dance. Ka-ka a-wen thl6-akwi-we.
69376, 69377, 69378. Bone awls used in weaving. Pi-ti si-wi-k'ia-na-
k'ia sam' si-mi-we.
Miscellaneous objects not numbered in Collector's Cata-
logue.
Three bow guards for cbildi-en. Kem i)as si-kwi-we.
Two small rattles for children. A-tsa ua a-wen tchl-mo-we.
Three awls used in weaving blankets and baskets. S4si-mi-we.
Four sets of small flat sticks used in the game of T4-sholi we.
The blue horn used in the headdress of the women of the horn-
dance. Sii-te tclii 0 k'ia an sai au-ne.
69303. Burden-strap for forehead. Ta'thl-ton-ne.
69297. Arrow straighteners of mountaiu-goat horn. Sho tsathl-tchu-na-
ki'a sai-an-ue.
69652. Embroidered sash used in sacred dances. T4-k'un i-kwin, Ka-
ka 4 wen.
69298. Horn arrow straightener. Sh6 tsathl-tcbu-na-k'ia sai-an-ne.
69407. Paddle-shaped ornament used in the head-dress of the women
during the dance of the SA-te-tchi.
TEVKNsoxsI ARTICLES OF CLAY AND STONE. 587
COL,L,ECTIOIVS FKOM WOL,PI, ARIZONA.
ARTICLES OF STONE.
69876-69950. Flat rubbiug-stones used for grinding grain on metates.
G9951-C9971. Metates.
69972-69975. Stone slabs for baking bread.
69976-70063. Stone mortars for grinding paint, chili, etc.
70064. Two fragments of stone mortars.
70065. Metate and two fragments of stone rubbers.
70066. Grinding-stone and muller.
70067-70078. Stone mullers.
70079-70155. Stones used for rubbing, smoothing, and polishing.
70156-70164. Grooved stones used for smoothing and polishing arrows.
70165-70175. Stones used for pouudiug, hammering, &c.
70176-70313. Stone axes and hammers, mostly of basalt.
70,U4-70435. Stone hammers and mauls, mostly of coarse ferruginous
sandstone.
70430-70475. Stone pestles.
70476-70500. Stones used for grinding paint, chili, pepper, etc
70501-70508. Hammer-stones, etc.
70j09. ) g^^j^^ ^^gg ^^.j^ handles.
70509. » .
70510. i '
70511-70524. Images carved in sandstone.
71037. Fifteen rubbing or smoothing stones for pottery.
7103S. Four rubbing stones.
71039. Stone scraper.
71041. A lot of flakes of obsidian, flint, etc.
ARTICLES OF CLAY.
70525. An imperforate earthen pipe.
70526-45. Water vases or tinajas with various st.yles of ornamentation.
70546-50. Toy water vases or tinajas.
70551-601. White ware bowls of various sizes and styles of ornamen-
tation.
70602-618. Eed ware bowls, variously ornamented.
70619. A paint cup.
70620-23. Coorse toy cups.
70624-31. Small and medium sized water vases. 70628-9, are without
ornamentation.
70632-46. Earthenware cups with handles and variously ornamented.
70647-50. Small basket-shaped vessels.
588 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 WOLPI.
70651-8. Square and oblong dishes, ornamented.
70659-75. Ollas or cooking vessels of various sizes.
70676-95. Medium and large sized ollas or cooking vessels.
70696-98. Toy cooking vessels.
70699-700. Basket-shaped vessels.
70701-39. Canteens without ornament, large size.
70740-44. Canteens, ornamented.
70745-51. Small plain canteens.
70752-56. Calabash or double gourd-shaped water-vessels, some plain
and others ornamented.
70757-70789. Large ollas.
70790-70802. Pans, cups and dishes.
70S03-SS2. Ladles of various shapes, sizes and styles of ornamentation.
70883-87. Curiously shaped and ornamented paint boxes.
70892-901. Salt and pepper boxes.
70902-9. Vessels iu the shape of birds with the opening in the top of
the head or in the back.
70910. Moccasin shaped vessel.
70911-25. Images of the human figure.
70926-7. Images of an animal, very rude,
71040. Earthenware pijie.
VEGETAL SUBSTANCES.
BASKETBT.
70928-36. Large deep baskets, for carrying loads.
70937. Small deep baskets.
70938—40. Large, oblong, shallow tray baskets.
70941-47. Small, circular, flat basket trays.
70948-50. Circular round-bottomed baskets.
70951-55. Circular flat basket trays, woven iu colors.
70956. Wicker-work cradle.
70957-8. Toy cradles.
70959^61. Basket work head guards for cradles.
70962-6. Basket work head pads.
701)67-73. Small deep baskets.
70974. Small dipper-shaped basket, with handle.
70975. Head-dress, with horns, used iu dances.
70976-82. Shallow circular baskets.
70983-87. Small square baskets, somewhat smaller at the top than at
the bottom.
70988-96. Small circular baskets deep, and smaller at the top than at
the bottom.
BTEVENsoN.j VEGETAL SUBSTANCES. 589
70997. Small circular basket tray.
70998. Hat of plaited straw.
70999. Sock or moccasiu of straw.
71000. Ball for a game.
71001-4. Medium-sized circular basket trays.
71005-8. Smaller-sized circular basket trays.
71009-12. Still smaller sized circular basket trays.
71013-4. Deep circular baskets, much smaller at the mouth than at the
bottom.
71015-8. Small deep circular baskets with handles reaching from side to
side.
71019-22. Small saucer-shaped water-tight baskets.
71023-28. Jug and gourd-shaped water-tight baskets.
71029-30. Small circular deep baskets.
GODBOS, BOWS, ARROWS, RATTLES, SiC.
08701-25. Grourds for carrying water, &c.
68726-57. Gourd rattles, variously ornamented, used in dances.
68758. Gourd drinking vessel.
68759-75. Bows and arrows, used in dances.
68776. Toy bows and arrows.
68777. Bow, bow case, quiver, and arrows.
68778. Strands of beads made of black seeds.
68779-83. Wooden birds with movable wings, used in dances and cere-
monies.
68797-800. Wooden forceps.
68802. A hinged toy, used in dances to imitate lightning.
68803. Whirligig, a child's toy.
68804. Necklace of acorn-cuf)s.
68818-20. Wooden combs.
68821-25. Cylindrical wooden boxes for small articles.
68826. Drum, the body of wood, the heads of skin.
68827-8. Drumsticks.
68829-32. Sticks and tops, used in a game.
68833. Blocks or tops, used in a game.
68834. Spinning toy, a kind of top, consisting of a disk with a .s[)iiHlle
through its center.
68835. Tops.
65837. Wooden tongs.
68838. Wooden comb.
68839-40. Wooden knives.
68841. Child's pop-gun.
68S42. Stick with a stone, covered with skiu at one end, used as a mal-
let in a ball game.
68844. Notched stick for bird trap.
66847-9. Wooden hoops or arches, used by girls to arrange the hair at
the sides of the head.
590 COLLECTIONS OF I88I WOLPI.
68850. Wooden implement used for twisting ropes.
68851-2. Notched sticks and deer's scapulae, used as rattles.
68S53-9. Notclied sticks, used as rattles in dances.
68862. Wooden hooks used with the ropes, with which the load is se-
cured upon the back of an animal.
688G3-S. Flat wooden sticks, variously notched and painted, which,
when .attached to a strinfj; and whirled swiftly rouud, pro-
duce a buzzing noise ; used in dances.
68870-4. Sets of cylindrical blocks, used in a game.
68875. Ornament of wood painted light green, and with a tuft of dark
brown wool in the middle, used in dances.
68870-97. Spindles used in spinniug. They are composed of a disk of
wood, or earthenware, about 4 inches in diameter, through
the center of which passes a slender stick, a foot or more in
length. Several of them have a piece of corn-cob on the end
of the stick. For use, see pi. xliv.
68898. Sticks used in spinning.
68899. Sticks used for arrow shafts.
6S9U0. Bird snares.
68901-7, 09025. Sleys used in weaving.
68908-9. Keed matting.
68910-15. Bundles of grass stems used as hair brushes.
68916-25. Ceremonial sticks with balls attached.
68965-6. Waist or breech cloths of cotton cloth.
68979. Grass hair brush.
BEAD-DRESSES, DANCE ORNAMENTS, IMAGES, ETC.
68981. Dancing headdress, made of a hemispherical wicker-work basket
to fit the head, surmounted by large horns of skin painted
with light colored clay, and supposed to represent the moun-
tain sheep (ovis americanus).
68983. Head-dress of leather and cotton cloth, painted white and black.
68986. Headdress composed of a ring of cotton cloth, stuffed with some
soft substance, and with a wooden tablet at one side and a
horn at the other, and paiuted black and white.
68987-90. Headdresses, segments of a circle of basketware, with zig-
zag sticks protruding from the edge to represent lightning.
6S991-4. Head-dress shaped like 0898G, but the ring is of rawhide, and
the rest of wood. The horn on one side is a frame-work of
twigs covered with a netting of cotton twine.
6899G-9. Yoke-shaped wooden stick with funuelshaped ornament of cot-
ton string, stretched over ribs of iron wire at one end ^ it.
69000. A dance ornament very similar in shape to the pre but
the funnel is of gourd, painted green, and the sti la-
mented with white, red, and black in the center.
STEVENSON] VEGETAL SUBSTANCES. 691
69001. Ceremonial throwing stick or "boomeraug," painted wliite, red,
and black.
69002. Dauce ornament of wood, ornamented with a tuft of wool.
69003. Gambling sticks painted in lozenges, black and white.
69004. Gambling sticks, plain black.
69005. Bird npou the end of painted stick, used in dances.
69006-7. Large wooden melon shaped balls, painted, used iu ceremonies.
69009-15. Toy cradles of wood and basket work.
69016-17. Ornament made of corn busks, like three flowers upon a stalk,
carried in the corn dance.
69018-19. Head ornament. A ring of corn husk is surmounted by
eight pieces of corn cob, equidistant, and ornamented with
feathers.
69027. Ornament made of husks for the corn dance.
69032. Head dress. A ring of corn husks, from which protrude hori-
zontally zigzag sticks, pointed, and painted red, green, and
yellow, which are set close together around the circle ; these
sticks are said to represent lightning.
69033. Ornament used in the grass dance ; a piece of wood, notched on
both edges, gaily jiainted, yellow, green, white, and black,
and decorated with a tuft of grass.
69034-6. Ornaments similar to the above, but without the tuft of grass ;
carried in dances.
69037. Ornament similar to above, with tuft of grass and feathers.
60038. Ornament similar to above, with tuft of feathers tied with bright-
colored cotton and woolen yarns.
69039-44. Ear ornaments, a sort of rosette made by winding bright-
colored cotton and woolen yarns upon a framework of wood,
and worn over the ears in dances.
69045-47. Dance ornament; a funnel shaped section of gourd, gaily
painted.
69048. Dance ornaments or charms, made of two small tablets of wood,
and i)ainted of a whitish color, upon which is drawn, with
black lines, an elongated shield shaped figure divided into
squares, in each of which is a black dot.
69049-52. Wooden knobs painted yellow, used as dance ornaments.
69053-65. Wooden dance ornaments, gaily painted, and having disks
of wood or leather, and balls attached.
69066-7. Horn shaped dance ornaments of gourd, painted and carved,
with two balls attached to each one by strings.
69068-75. Horn shaped dance ornaments of gourd, painted and carved.
69076-69107. Wooden dolls or images, very brightly painted. They are
from six to eight inches in height, rudely carved, and some-
times ornamented with feathers.
69108. A ceremonial image or idol, painted white, with black ornaments.
It has a fan-shaped head-dress of white rays tipped with
black.
592 COLLECTIONS OP 1881 WOLPJ.
69109-12. Ceremouial images with large head-dresses of various combi-
natious of pyramidal figures, vividly colored green, red, black,
and white.
69113-4. Large elaborately carved aud paiuted ceremouial head-
dresses.
69115. Carved wooden bird.
69116. Small wooden dance ornament, red, green, and blue.
69117. Small wooden dance ornament, shaped like the tail of a fan-tailed
pigeon ; the body green ; the radiating sticks I'ed.
69118. Ornament similar to the preceding, but circular in shape.
69119-20. Are Lead ornaments of wood, painted blue, red, green, and
yellow, iu which the pyramidal figure is variously combined ;
69120 Las a strap of leather to fasten it to the head.
69121. Au ornament formed of two small wooden tablets, hinged to-
gether iu the center with thongs of hide, the upper part of
each tablet cut into steps, so that the two form a pyramid,
painted green, with tadpoles iu black scattered over side.
69122, 69125. Dance ornaments similar to 69119-20.
69123-4, 69126-31. Are zigzag sticks or wands, variously painted green,
yellow, red ; are carried in the hands iu dances.
69132-5. Dance ornaments. In the center of two sticks, which form a
cross, is placed a ring of wood, over which a piece of skin is
stretched, upon which a face is paiuted in a rudely conven-
tional manner, the colors being green, yellow, red, white, and
black. Outside of this is secured a zigzag ring of corn-
Lusks.
69136-7. Pads of cornLusks worn by women on tLe side of the Lead.
69138-40, Small wooden hoops covered with a netting of cotton yarn.
69141. Small wooden hoop with a visor of skin, like a shade for the eyes.
69142-45. Wooden hoops, over which cotton cloth is stretched, and
painted green, upon which grotesque faces and other figures
are rudely drawn iu black.
69146-7. Triangular wooden frame covered with cotton cloth, painted
green and ornamented with a figure iu black, red, and yellow.
69148. Two oblong wooden frames, similar to preceding.
69149. Ceremonial throwing stick, or boomerang.
69150. Wooden ornament carried iu the dance.
69151-2. Ceremonial head-dresses. A circular rim of wood supports
semi circular arched ribs, which cross eacL other, aud from
their center rises a perpendicular wooden tablet, carved and
painted.
69153. Head-dress, formed of four narrow slats of wood, neatly hinged
together with small thongs of skin; the outer slats are longer
than the two middle ones, thus leaving a square recess for
the head. The upper part of each slat is cut into a pyramid
of steps, which are each painted of a different color. The
whole is brilliantly colored in red, green, yellow, aud blue.
BTEVEKSON.] VEGETAL SUBSTANCES ANIMAL SUBSTANCES. 593
69154. A similar head-dress, but it is of a siugle piece, and the top is iu
three scollops.
69155. Similar to preceding, but the top line is straight.
69159-60. Similar to preceding, but the top rises in three steps, forming a
pyramid, biightly itainted and quite elaborately ornamented.
69156-8. Wooden wands, variously painted and ornamented. They are
carried in the hands at dances.
69161. Wooden board with two handles at lower end, painted with two
dancing figures, with joined hands, and other ornaments.
Carried in the hands in dances.
69165. Board similar to above, but without the human figures, and is
curiously ]i:unted in red, green, yellow, black, and white.
69162. Wand or rod with a wisp of grass attached at one eud.
69163-4, 69166-91. Narrow wooden slats with a handle notched in one
end, and variously ornamented. The predominant design is
a curiously conventionalized human figure, painted in gaudy
colors.
59192. An Indian fiute.
69193-218. Throwing-sticks or boomerangs, some painted, others plain.
IMPIEMKNTS FOR WEAVING, ETC.
69219-20. Looms with cloth partlj woven.
69221-2. Sticks, part of loom.
69223-6. Flat sticks for breaking up the woof.
69227. Curved, flat-batten stick.
69228-29. Wooden agricultural implement for digging.
ANIMAL SUBSTANCES.
HORN AND BO.NE.
68784-8. Cow and sheep bells made of horn.
6878'.). Horns of an antelope.
68790. Horn of a goat.
68791. Rattle of turtle shell.
68792-6. Implements of horn for straightening and polishing arrow
shafts.
68810-17. Perforators of bone.
68969-78. Children's buckskin moccasins.
68982. Headdress of buckskin, with long horns of the same material,
painted black and white. Used in dances.
68980. Fringed leather girdle.
FKATIIEKS.
69020-4. Feather ornaments used in dances.
3 ETH 38
694 COLLECTIONS OF 1881 WOLPL
WOVEN FABRICS, KTC,
68928. Woveu wooleu belt, red and black, with greeu borders.
68929. A head dress cut out of a gray felt hat, and ornameuted with
pieces of red woolen cloth, and figures drawn with black lines.
68861. Plaited woolen rope, with wooden hooks attached, used for fast-
ening the load upon the back of an animal.
SKIN OR LKATHER.
68801. Head-strap of raw hide used for carrying loads.
68805-9. Ba.gs or pouches made of bull's scrotum.
68836. Leathern pouch.
68843. Skin-covered ball for a game.
68845-6. Wristlets for protecting the arm when shooting with the bow
and arrow.
68861. Leather ring used with a rope or lariat for fastening loads upon
the backs of animals.
68869. Foot-ball of skin stuffed with wool.
68926-7. Belts of raw hide.
68930. Leather pouch and strap.
68931-2. Buckskin pouches.
68933-4. Knife-sheaths of skin.
68935. Leather pouch.
6S996-7. Fringed deer-skin bands.
68938. Sling of buckskin.
68939-40. Ornamental bands for the ankle ; made of narrow strips of
skin, ornamented with bright colored woolen yarns.
68947-8. The same ornamented with porcupine quills.
68949-50. Fringed leather girdles.
68951. Leather wristlet.
68952-8. Anklets of buckskin, fringed.
68959-63. Leggings of buckskin.
68964. Waistcloth of buckskin and cotton.
68967-8. Saddle-bags of buckskin, ornamented with red woolen cloth,
and long fringe of buckskin.
INr)EX.
Page.
Aborifjinal centers of migratory distribution 151
Accouchement among the Omahas 201
Accnit-jration lxvt
Activital similarities LXV
Adoption of children among the Omahas.. 265, 281
Adultery among the Omabaa 364
Afliuities in Omaha kinship 255
Age, Omaha life in old 274
A gricuUure among the Omahas 302
Ab-cuch-haab, The calendar wheel of 53,60
Alaska Commercial Co. of San Francisco
collected masks 24
labrets 87-92
and masks, passim 106-202
Aleutian burial 139
masks described 137-142
slaves under the Russians 137
use of labrets 87-92
America indicated by customs, Migrations
to and in 146-151
Amusements of the Omahas 334-342
; Cards 341
; Children's...- 341
; Diving 341
; Hitting the
stone 339
; Plum stone
shooting ... 334
; Shootingatthe
rolling-wheel 335
; Stick and ring 337
; Stickcounting 338
; "Women'sgame
ofball 338
Animal carvings studied xvui
AjQimal substances. Collection of objects
of 437,467,485
Animals, how divided among Omaha hunters 300
Anba-Hebe cited on tradition of the pipes . . 222
Anthropometamorphosis of John Bulwer
quoted 77
Archery, Omaha skill in 291
Arikara Indians xxiii
Arizona, Masks from 105
Arkansas:
Collections of pottery from 476-478
Arkansas County ancient pottery 476-485
Monroe County ancient pottery 48^489
Arrows, Each Omaha has his own set of . . . 291
Assembly, The Omaha tribal 361
gentile 362
Attackin war, Omahapreparation for making 326
receiving 313
Page.
Autogenous similarities lxvt
Axes, Collection of Indian 5'-'l
Bags, Ordeal of the sacred 328
Baird, Prof. S. F., facilitated study of masks
and labrets 151
Ball, Omaha woman's game of 338
Bancroft, Hubert H., mentions authorities
on calendars 55
Bashfulness of Omahas 262
Bandelier, A. T., on Cochiti Indian weaving. 361
Baskets, Collection of Indian 575-586, 589
Bastian, A., on Northwest masks 113, 114
Bathing among Omahas 269
Beans as a food among Omahas 308
Begging dance 355
Bendire, Capt. C, sent stone relics from
Oregon 492
Bering Strait masks 135
Berries as a food among Omahas 306
Bibliography of NorthAmericanlanguages. xxvi
Bickmore, Albert S., allowed use of masks.. 101
Billing's Expedition, Labrets and masks
figured by .90.128, 136,141
Birth, Omaha ceremony on the fifth day after 245
Birtbnames, Omaha 227, 231, 232, 236, 237, 239,
240, 243, 244, 245, 248
Blackburn, J. C. S., presented vase from
mound 507
Black Shoulder gens of Omahas 228-233
;Birthname8 231
; Myth of
creation . 229
; Mythical
origin of 229
; Names ... 231
; Style of
wearing
the hair. 230
; Suhgentes 230
; Taboo .... 230
Blankets, Navajo 380-388
Blumenbach reports preserved skulls in
Brazil 95
BolognaCodes 28
Borgian Codex 23, 24, 26, 28, 46, 54, 57, 58. 61
Botokudos use labrets 83
Bottles, Collections of Indian water 533-538
Boturini's interpretation of Mexican calen-
dars 43,44,47,49,52,54,55
Bowls, Collection of 546-564
Bows, Collection of 589
Boys, Birthnames of Omaha ..227, 231, 236, 237, 239,
240, 243, 245, 248
595
596
INDEX
Page.
Bravery, Anecdotes of Omaba 332
, Omaba rewards of 329
Braasenr de Boarbouig'a interpretation of
Mexican calendar 39
description of
human masks
cited 96
Brinton, Dr. D. G., on interpretation of Mex-
ican calendar 40, 59, 65
Biiick on use of hut mask in Kew Britain. . 101
Buffalo dance, Omaba 347
hearts and tongues collected 269
feast on 290
killed in hunt, Division of 291
, Order of approaching a herd of 289
Bulwer on customs of self-mutilation.. 77, 83, 84, 85
Bustamente; Authority foi Mexican manu-
scripts 65
Calendar, Maya 10, 14
.Mexican 32-34
wheel from book of Chilan Balam 53, 60
Duran 45
Calumet dance. The 276-282
pipe, The 277-279
Cannibalism of Indians 272
Canteens. Collection of Indian 538-543
Cape Flattery, Customs at 107-111
Capt ives by Omahas, Treatment of 313, 332
Cards 341
Carder, Peter, on labrets of Kio de la Plata . 83
Cardinal points, Assignment of colors to ... 41-46
days to .... 37-40
, Symbols for 7-»'4
Carvings of Melaneslan islands like those
on Americau coutinent 147
Catalogues of collections in 1881 427-592
Catamenia among the Omahas 267
Celibacy among the Omahas 269
Census schedules, Indian XXV
Central America was a center of aboriginal
distribution 151
, Masks of 104
Cerem<iny on the filth day afterbirth, Omaha 24'>
at death, Omaha 229, 233
Chakta. {See Masks, Marriage, War.)
Chartiicy, H. de, on Mexican calendar sym-
bols 41,48,49
Charities, Omaha 274
Charts of Omaha kinship 254
Chase and war, Collection of implements
of 581
Chavero's views on Mexican symbols . . .40, 48, 49,
52, 54, 55
Choioki XXV
Chiefs are religious oflacers daring the buf-
falo hunt, Omaha 357
, Omaha deposition of 362
election of 358
head 357
in the Omaha state, Position of 216
, Powers of Omaha 362
, Sacred inauguration of 359-^60
, Subordinate 357
, "Who can be elected Omaha 358
Chilan Balam. The book of 53. 59, 60
Pace.
Chilan Balam, Calendar wheel of 53, 59, 60
Child-birth among Omahas 263
Children, Omaha, Adoption of 205,281
, Clothing of 265
, Diseases of 265
, Games of 340,341
, Lifeof 265
, Kumber of 264
Chimalpopoca, Codex 46
Christy collection. Wooden mask in 104
Henry, Human mask from Mexico
becured by 96
Chugachigmut masks 120-128
Circle. Omaha tribal 219-220
Classification of expenditures 93
Classification of Masks 93
Clavigero's view of Mexican year symbols 43
Clay articles, Catalogues of 531-575
Clothing, Omaha 310-311
Preparation of 310
Children's 265
Dressing hides for 310
Cocke County, Tennessee, Collection from. 433,
438^41
Co9onico Indians xvin
Codex, Bologna 28
, Borgian ...23,24,26,28,57
, Chimalpopoca 46
, Cortesianus. - . 7, 8, 9, 25, 26, 31, 34, 35. 36, 41,
54, 55, 56
, The Dresden 23, 63
, The Fejerrary 31,35
, Peresianus 18. 1 9. 20, 22, 26
, The Vatican 27.28,50,56
; IllustratTug Mexican
weaving 391
Cognation xlvi
CoguUudo on the interpretation of Mexican
caleudars 38,40
Collections in 1881 catalogued 427-592
boughtof J.T. Conden .495-506
by Capt. C. Bendire ,492
Dr. Willis Do Haas . . 490
G. n. Hurlbut 508-510
Edward Palmer ... 483^89
from Cherokee Indians . 433-4^9
Arizona; Wolpi 587
Arkansas:
Carson Lake town-
ship 468
Chickasawba
mound 469
Lawrtn"- evillo if^G
Menard mound . . . 447
Mounds at Arkan-
sas Post 476
Pecan Point 469,470
Pemiscott mound . 408
Georgia 506
Indiana 506
Missouri 495-509
New Mexico; Zuni. 521
Noith Carolina. . . .434, 437
Ohio mounds 490-491
Oregon 492-494
INDEX.
597
Page.
Collections in 1861 from Pern, Sontli Ameri-
ca 508-510
Paeblos .511-592
Tennessee :
Newport 438
Junction of Pig-
eon and French
Broad Kivers... 440
Jefferson County .403-468
Koane County - . . 457-462
Sevier County. . .442-456
"Wisconsin 506
amulets, Hunting and
war 527
arrows 569
articles of animal sub-
stances. . . .437, 453, 458. 4C0.
467, 586
arliclea of clay . .434, 443. 456,
463, 46Q, 471^75,476,479-485,
487, 488, 491, 495-507, 531-575
articles of metal 446, 4S5
8lieU..437,44G, 452-
456,458.461,466
stone.. 431, 442.453,
457. 465, 470, 478.
490. 492. 520-587
vetretal sub-
stances..435,520,
575
axes 521
baskets 546, 576-580. 589
bowls 546-564
bows 589
condiment vessels 5G9
cooking-pots 564-566
cups 545
dippers 566
effigies 574
gourds 589
head-dresses 590
implements of gam-
bling.., 581
implements of the
dance 582
implements of the
loom 580
instruments of war and
chase 581
ladles 566,575
metates 521
mortars 522
mailers 524
paint jars 573
pots ,570-573
pitchers 543
rattles 589
spoons 560, 575
water bottles 533-538
canteens 638-543
jars 531-533
iu2S 538-543
Colors prepared for Aleutian masks 142
Navajo fabrics 376
to cardinal points, Assignment of . . . 4(M6
Page.
Concausation ^^^
Consanguineous kinship of Omahas 253
Cook's, Captain, description of Alaskan
labreta 88,90
Cook's, Captain, description of Alaskan
masks 106
Copau, Ruins of 64
Cord-markings on pottery 423
Corporations among Omahas 218, 342, 355, 367
; dancing so-
cieties 330, 342-355
; feasting so-
cieties 342
Corteaian Codex ... 7, 8, 9, 25, 26, 31, 34, 35. 36. 41. 58,
59,60,61,63.64
Cotton woven in Pueblos, Native 375
Council, The Omaha tribal 361
Courtship, Omaha 259
Couvad© 263
Cultivation of the ground regulated by the
Haiiga gens 302
Caps, Collection of Indian 545
Cashing, Frank H., describes the Zunis ... 106
, on Znni fetiches 591
, prepared field cata-
logue for Zuni collec-
tion 517
work of XVIII, XIX
Customs, Curious Omaha, during a fog 240
harvest 238
at Cape Flattery 107-111
Omaha fishing ' 301
hunting ..283,301
man iage 259
post-marriage 261
sleeping 273
visiting 276-282
^tatada Gens, The .236-241
Xe-da-ifajl snbgens 239-240
; Birthnames . . . 240
: Sections 240
Turtle eubgens 240-241
; Birthnames 240
; Custom during a
fog 240
; Decoration of tents 240
; Sections 240
; Style of wearing the
hair 240
; Turtle men 240
; Wajifiga (fataji snbgens 238-239
; Birthnames 239
; C u r i 0 u s
custom ... 238
; Names .... 239
; Sections
and sub-
sectitms... 239
;Style of
wearing
the hair . . 238
; "Wasabe Hit'aji subgens 236-238
; Birthnames 237
; Mythical
origin 237
698
INDEX,
Pase.
^atada; "WaflabeHitajisubgena; Namea... 238
; Style of
wearing
the hair... 237
; Taboo 237
(Jegiba tribes, Early migrations of 211-213
Dakota studies XXV
Dall. "W. H., collected labrets 91
masks 128, 14 J
on masks and labrets 70-201
Dampior, "W"., describes labrets 85
Dance, Alaskan .123, 139
dress 344,348
implements 582
, Iroqaois 145
ornaments 344
, Painting for 348,350
societies of Omabas 330, 342-355
, The begging 355
bulialo 347
buflalo head-dress 352
calumet 276-282
false-face 145
ghost 352
grizzly bear 349
Hetfucka 330
Hede-watci 297
Hekana 353
Hewatci 331
horse 348
Makah Dukwalli 108
make-no-fight 352
Mandan 332, 354
Padauka 353
scalp 330
sun 272,355
T'^gaxe-watci 352
Visitors', of relating exploits .. 352
Wacicka 342
Witcita 349
■wolf 348
Davis, J. B., cited as to skulla 95
, E. H., collected terra-cotta figure . . . 112
Dawson describes Haida dances 110
labrets 82
masks 110-114
Days, list of Mexican 32-34
to cardinal points, Assignment of 38-40,
50-53
Death, Omaha ceremonies at 229, 233
De Haas, Dr. W., bought Indian relics 490
, collected Indian relics ..494-506
, "Work of XXIV
Deer Head gens, The Omaha 245
Deshneff, S., reports Alaska people with la-
brets 92
Diagonal textiles 416
Difi'erentiatiim of organs in the State 216
Dippers, collection of Indian 566
Director, "Work of the xxix
Director's report, The xill
Diseases of Omaha children 265
Distribution of masks geographically 98-120
Distribution of parts of animals 300
Diving, Omaha 341
Page.
Dixon's reference to Sitka labrets 88
statement as to Alaskan burial 96
Domestic etiquette among Omabas 262
Domestic life among the Omabas 258-275
Dorsey, Kev. J. Owen, Omaha Sociology... 205-370
, Work of. XXV
Dougherty on Omaha child-bearing age 267
games with cards . . . 341
kilUckinnick 310
marriage customs ..259,263
number of children.. 264
plumstone shooting.. 334
Dresden Codex 23
Dress of Omaha dancers 344
348, 346, 349, 350, 352, 353
Drinks of Omahas 209
Drunkenness broken up among Omabas . . - 370
Duk Duk mask 99-101
Dukwalli mask ceremony 107-109
Duran's intei-pretation of calendars 44-46, 4S
49,53
Duruy, S. E. M., reproduced Mexican mauu-
scripts 18
D'Urville as to New Holland masks 99
Dyeing among Navajoes 377
Dyes used by Navajoes 377
Early migration of (J^egiha tribes 211-213
Effigies, collection of Indian 574
Eisen, Gustav, as to ruins of Copan 64
Elections of Omaha chiefs 358
Elements to cardinal points, reference of. . . 47-49
years, Reference of 49
Elk gens, The 225-228
Names 227
Scouts 226
Style of wearing the hair 225
Taboo 225
The sacred tent 226
Worship of thunder 227
Elopement, Omaha marriage by 260
Engraved shells found in mounds 61,62
Eskimo. {See Innuit.)
Etiquette, Omaha domestic 262
Expenditures, Classification of lxxiv
Exploration iu mounds xxiv
Fabrics, Diagcmal 417
, Forms of 401
irom Now Jersey 421
Iowa 411
Mississippi Valley 408-411
Southern States 407
of lake dwellers 413
, Miscellaneous 415
; Prehistoric textiles of the TIniled
States 393-425
Fabrigat, The manuscript of 46
Fain's Island, Collection of relics from 463
False-face dance of Iroquois 145
Falsehood detected among Omahas by
ordeal 328, 370
Farquharson, Prof, describes fabric from
Iowa 411
Fasting in sun-dance 272
Feasting societies, Omaha 342
Feasts 270,272
INDEX.
59!)
Page.
Feasts after return from war 331, 332
at election of chiefs 361
.Calumet 279
preliminary 276
, Hekana 354
Mandan 273
.Marriage 2G0 |
. The Wacicka 342
■war preparatory 315, 319
Fejervary Codex. .31, 32, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59,61,63
, Scheme of 35
Fetiches, Omaha 276
Field-work xviii
Finger-masks 123, 131, 132
Fishiug customs. Omaha 301,302
traps 302
Fletcher, Dr. R., Prehistoric trephining and
cranial amulets xv*
Miss A. C, described Dakota
dances 21)B,355
Foeticide among Omahas 263
Food among Omahas 303-310
; Beans 308
; Berries 306
; Corn 304
; nelnmbium lutenm .. 308
; Modes of cooking com 304,305
fruits 306
meat 303
melons 306
nuts 307
pumpkins 306
roots 307
Fornication among Omahas 365
Fort. Old Ponka 313
French Broad River, Relics from 440
Fruit as food among Omahas 306
Gahige cited as to creation myth 229
ori gin of Buffalo people . . 229
red com 231
tradition of the pipes 222
Gambling implements, Collection of 581
Games, Omalia. (See Amusement.)
Gatschet, A. S., Work of XXV
Gemelli Carreri as to Mexican calendars 42-44
symbols for cardinal
points 47, 49, 50, 54, 55
Gens, The(|:atada 236-241
Deerhead 245-247
Elk 225-228
Hafiga 233-236
Ictasanda 248-251
Ifig(fe-jide. 247
Inke-sabe 228-233
, Kansas 241
Ma"$.inka-gase 242,243
Xesinde 244
Gentile assembly, The Omaha 362
system. The Omaha 215, 21&-251
Geographical distribution of maske 98-120
Gesture language XXV
Ghost dance, The Omaha 353
Gifts bestowed at Omaha feasts 279, 281, 332
Goodrich, J. K., aided in details for masks
and labrets 151
Page.
Gorget, Shell 488,466
Gonrds, Collection of Indian 589
Govemment, The Omaha 356-363
Governmental instrumentalities 356
functions 356
Graffe, Dr.. as to tattooing 80
Grizzly bear dance. The Omaha 349
Ground; Cultivation regulated bythe Han ga
gens 302
Haast, J. v., as to quaternary people of New
Zealand 147
Habitat of Indian tribes XXIX
Haida use of labrets 82,88
masks 110-120
Hamilton, Rev. W., on Omaha customs after
childbirth 264
gray Omaha children 275
cannibalism of lowaa 272
Ha&ga gens ; Ceremony at death 233
; Mythical origin of 233
J Names 236
regulates certain feasts 272
regulates cultivation of the
ground 302
regulates sacred pipes 221-224
regulates the buffalo hunt . . . 2.-'4
; Sacred pole 234
; Sacredtents 233
: Style of wearing the hair 235
; Subgentes 235
; Taboo 235
Harvest customs. Curious Omaha 238
Head-dresses, Collection of Indian 590
Heads wholly or in part. Preserving human . 94-97
Healds of Navajo loom 378
, Mode of applying
the ....380,384
, Zuni 389
Hede-watci dance. The Omaha . 297
Hekana dance. The Omaha 353
Hensbaw, H. "W.. Indian studies on Omaha
native tobacco 309
"Work of xxviii
Herrera on Mexican calendars 44, 47
Hides for Omaha clothing, Dressing 310
Hillers, J. K., Photographer xxiii
History of education among Noith Ameri-
can Indians xxix
Hoff, Dr. A. H., U. S. A., Collected maskette
in Alaska 118
Hoffiuan, Dr. W. J., Work of xxiii
Holmes, W. H., Catalogue of Ethnological
collections 393, 510
, cited on shell carvings — CI
; Prehistoric textile fabrics
of the United States de-
rived from impressions
on pottery 393-441
thinks Codex figureacolored 41
Horses in Omaha wai'fare. Capture of 326
Horse dance, The Omalia 348
Hospitality among Omahas 271
Hubner on Duk Duk ceremony in New
Britain 100
Human head. Preserving the 94-97, 148
600
INDEX.
Page.
Hunting; Anointing the sacred pole 293
J Approaching a herd of buffalo... 289
; Collecting the hearts and tongues. 289
customs 283
, Departure for 285
, Directors of 286
; Dispositionofpartsof a buffalo.. 293
; Division of a slain buffalo 291
tribe into summerpar-
ties 299
, kinds of 283
; buffalo eaten 292
; Policeuj en 288
party attacked 300
preparations before departure ... 285
, Return trom summer 300
scouts 287
seasons 283
, Sham fight after 295
the larger animals 300
; Trapping 301
, Tbanlisgivingbeforeretum from 293
tribal circle 286
; Two tribes together 299
Hurlbut, G. H., obtained maskoid in Peru.. 104
presented collection from
ancient Peruvian graves 508-510
Ictasanda gena ; Names 249-251
; Subgentes 249
; Taboo ■. 248
Indian Bay, Ark., Collection of Indian rel-
ics from 486
gentes. (See Gens) 23G-251
masks from northwest coast North
America 106-120
industries .- xxviu
relics. (See Collections.)
vocabularies xxvm
Indians at Washington xxvn
Industrial occupations of the Omahas .283-311
Industries among the Omahas, Protective . 312-333
Regulative .356-363
Infanticide 263
Innuit labrets 88
ma-iks 1 21-136
of Prince William's Sound 124-128
International law among Omahas 368
Introductory xiii
Ing$e-jide gens, The Omaha 247
; Decoration of
skin-tents . . 248
; Names 248
; Subgentes 248
; Taboo 248
luke-sabS gens, The Omaha. (See Black
Shoulder gens.)
Iroquois masks 144-148
Jackson County, North, Carolina, Indian
relics from 434-437
Jars, Collection of Indian paint 573
Jefferson County. Tennesdee, Collection of
Indian relics from 463-468
Jewett, L., British vase from the work of.. 399
Journey, Omaha preparation for a 275
Jugs, Collection of Indian water 538-543
Page.
Jukes, J.B., describeslabretsof New Ireland ?6, 99
Kaniagmutmaskette l'J8, 129
Kansas gens, The Omaha 241-242
; Subgentes 241
: Taboo 241
Kadi.ak Island, Maskette from 128
KntAba Indians xxil
Keller, Dr. F., on fabrics of Swiss lakedwell-
ers , 404,412,413,418,420
Kingaborough, Lord, Mexican antiquities
cited 23, 27, 50, 52, 53, 54, 56, 65, 391
Kinship, Omaha affinities of 255
classes of 252
consanguineous 253
partial 252-258
peculiarities of 254
Kirby, H. S., obtained mask in Friendly-
Islands J 01
Klamath dictionary xxv
Knivet on labrets in Brazil 84
Kubaiy on ilelanesian labretifery 80
Samoans deforming the head .. 148
Kuskokwim River, masks from 120-132
Labretifery . 77-92, 146
among the Thlinkit 82
from Darien to Honduras 77
, Geographical distribatlon of . . 79,
83, 86, 92
in Brazil 84
Central America 84
Mexico 85
New Ireland 86
Sitka 87
.Kadiak 89
north of Pugct Sound 87
, Origin of 147
, Signification of distribution of. 82
, Symbolic interpretation of 81
Labreta. (See Dall.)
Ladles, Collection of Indian 56, 5TO
Lake dwellings. Fabrics from Swiss ..403,412,413,
418. 420
La F16che, J., cited in Omaha Sociology. . .pa$6im.
F., cited in Omaha Sociology . .passim.
Landa on calendars 38,40
Langsdoi-ff on Aleut labrets 91
Kadiak labrets 89
masks 128
La Perouse on labrets 87, 88
Law among Omahas 364-370
as to maiming 365
quarreling and
fighting 3G4
social vices ... 364-365
witchcraft 364
; Corporation 367
for membershipof gens 225
Government 367
, International 3G8
, Marriage 255-258
, Military 368
, National 367
, Personal 364-365
, Property 366
, Religious 368
INDEX.
601
Page.
Lawrencevjlle, Ark., Collection of Indian
relics from 486
Leon y Gama cited as to calendars 47, 63
Leclc-rc cited as to copies of Maunscrit dit
Mexicain 18
Life of Omabas, Domestic 258-275
Linschofen on South American labrets ; 83,84
Lisianski on Kadiak labrets 89
masks for seal catching 122
preseiTing heads 96
Sitka labrets 87
Loom implements, Collection of Indian 580
Looms, Navajo 377
Maginus on labrets of Sonth America 83, 84
Makah ceremonials 107, 111
dance -.. 108
Indians 106-111
masks 106-111
Makeno-fight dance, The Omaba 352
Mallery, Lt. CoL G., on gesture language xxvi
, AVork of XXVI
Mauifiiika-gase gens, The Omaha 242
Maudan dance. The 332
feast. The 273
Manuscript, Maya and Mexican 1-65
Manuscript Troano 7, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20. 23, 37.
39, 57, 63
Manuscrit dit Mexicain 18
Marriage, Age for Omaha 259
; Celibacy among Omabas 269
customs among Omahaa 259
feasts 260
laws of Omahns 255-258
, Permissive 257
, Prohibitory 'J56
; Remarriage 258
; Rights of parents 268
; Widowers 268
; Widows 267
among Omabas, penuanonceof... 261
Marquesas, Head preserving in 95
Maskette 93, 99, 100, 102, 105, 123. 128-129, 130,
131,133,134,135
Ma-skoids 93,96,102,104-105
Masks. {SeeDall)
, Alaskan 113, 114, 115, 116. 118, 1 19, 123,
125, 126, 127, 128, 132, 135
, Aleutian 137-142
; Arizona 105,106
; Bering Strait 135,136
; British Columbia 116
; Central America 104
, Classification of 93
, collected by Martin Saner on Bil-
ling's expedition 141
defined 74, 93
destroyed by missionaries 141
, Distribution of 98-120
, Eskimo 121
, Evolution of 74-76
, Einger 131-132
i Friendly Islands 101
, Haida 110-120
, Humorous 75,123,125
, Innuit 121
Page.
Masks, Iroquois 144
Knskokwim River 129
made by certain Indiansfor traflBc. . 106, 108
Mexico 1 05
Moqui 76
Neeah Bay 116
New Hebrides 99
Ireland : 86
Mexico 105
Norton Sound 132-135
Origin of 147
Peru 103
Point Barrow 136
Preserved human heads or parts
thereof 76
pat over the faces of the dead 104
, Religious 75
, Sealcatching 122
; South Seas 98-103
. Stone 76
; Summary 146
, Symbolic 75,95
to inspire terror 74
; Northwest coast 100-120
;Tblinkit lU
; Vancouver's Island 117
, Wooden 104
Mason, O. T., Work of xxix
Mathews, Dr. W., aided F.H. Gushing xviii
Navajo weavers 371-391
Maurelle ou Paget Sound labrets 87,89
Maya and Mexican manuscripts, Notes on
certain 1-05
calendars 10-12, 14
McKay collected mask from Bristol Bay ... 141
Meals, Omaha 271-273
Meares cited as to masks lOG
preserved skulls 96
Meat as food among Omabas 303
Medical practices, N. A. Indians xxix
Medicines or fetiches carried on journeys
by Om.ihas 276
Melanesia a probable aource of migration to
America 147-149
carvings similar to those in
America 147
; Head-preserving in 94
masks 148
Melons as food among Omabas 306
Membership of gens among Omabas, Law of 225
Metal objects from Tennessee — 446
in collection 585
Metatea, Collection of 521
Mexican calendar 32
days, List of 32-34
labrets. — 85
manuscripts, Maya and 1-65
masks 104
symbols of the cardinal points 47
Migration of (/legiha tribes 211-21 3
the Omabas 213-214
in America indicated by cua
toma 146, 151
to America, Prehistoric 146-151
Military law of Omahas , 368
602
INDEX.
Page.
Mindeleff, V., "Work of 517
Minor, Dr. T. T., presented Aleutian death
maak 142
mask from Sha-
mujun Islands 140
Mississippi Valley. Prehistoric fabrics
from 408-411
Mississippi Comity, Arkansas, Collection
irom 468
Missouri, Collection of Indian relics f rom .. 495-507
Modo of approaching a village when visit-
inj;, Omaha 276
Monroe County, Arkaneas, Collection from. 495
Moqui dolls obtained by Maj. J. "W. Powell. 105
mask 76
pueblos xsi
Morgan, L. H., on Iroquois masks 144
Mortars, Collection of Indian 522
Mortuary customs xxis
Mounds, Engraved shells in 61, 62
, Explorations in sxiv
. {See Collection.)
MuUers, Collection of 524
Murder by Omahas, Punishment of 369
; accidental killing among Omahas . 370
Murdock, Prof., on labrets 92
Musicians, Omaha 341
Myth of the Thunder bird, N. W. Amer-
ican 119,149
; Prof. E. W.
Nelson on.. 120
Naaa, Use of labrets among 88
Nahua nations 53,61.63
Names. Omalia hirth . . 227, 231, 232. 236, 237. 239, 240,
243, 244, 245. 248, 249
, gentile 227, 232-233, 235. 236, 238, 239'
240, 241, 243, 244, 246, 248, 250, 251
, New, taken in war by Omahas 324
Narcotics, Omaha 309
Navajo bbiukets, Varieties of. 385-388
, Mode of weaving 383
, diagonal 383
, diamond 384
dyeing 377
dyes 376
healds in loom used 380
looms 377
position in weaving 380
warp of blankets 378-379
sash 388
weavers 371-391
wool 375
Nelson, Prof. E. W., on masks. 122, 124, 129-132, 133,
134, 135, 136
myth of thunder bird 120
Nets from Atlantic coast 419
New Britain Duk Duk ceremony 100
Hebrides, Head preserving in 94
Masks of 99
Ireland, Masks of 86
Mexico; Collection from pueblos of . . 511
; Masks of 105
Newport, Tenn., Collection of relics from. .438-441
Nikie names, meaning of 227
Niles Ferry, Tenn., Collection of relics from. 462
Page.
North Carolina; Collections from .lackson
County 434-437
Norton, J. V., contributed labret from Peru. 84
Sound, Masks from 132-135
Northwest coast, ma.sks from lOG-120
Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manu-
scripts 1-65
Nursing, Omaha , 264
Nuts; Food among Omahas 3u7
Observations on cup-shaped and other lapi-
darian sculpture xiv
Office work : xxv
Ohio, Collection of Indian relics from 490
Omahas, Accouchement among 263
, Agriculture among 302
; Ama^he 269
Amusements. (-S^c Amusements.)
; Calumet dance 276
pipe 277
, Catamenia among 267
Charities 274
Chiefs 357,358
Child-bearing 263, 264
Classes in the state 216
Clothing of 310
Corporations 218.342
(/^atada gens 236
Dances 342-355
Deerhead gens 245
Domestic etiquette 262
life 259
Drinks 309
Elk gens 225
Fasting 266, 317, 31 9
Feasts among. (See Feasts.)
Fetiches 276,317
Fishing 3OI
Food 303-309
Games 334-341
Gentes 215
Gentile system 219,251
Government 356-363
Haijga gens 233
Hunting among 283
letasanda gens 248
Industries among 283-303, 310-311
Inke-sabe gens 228
Ingife-jide gens 247
Isinu 268
Kansas gens 241
Kinship system 252-255
Law 364
Ma^if iiika-gaxe gens 242
Marriage customs 259
laws 255,267
; Meals 271
; Medicines or fetiches 276, 317
; Method of camping 219,220
; Migrations of 213
; Sociology 211-370
, Parental rights among 268
. Personal habits of 269
, Politeness 268
; Preparations for attacking the en-
emy 326
INDEX.
603
Page.
Omabas; PregnaDcy among. _ 263
; Preparations for attacking the
enemy 326
; Present stat€ of 214
; Protective industries of 312
, Itefugees among 268
, EegTilative industries among 356
, Sacred pipes of 221
tentsof 221
, Servants among 217
, Societies among 342
, Sociology 205-370
; Tribal circles 219
, visiting customs of 276
; Wama°be 269
, warfare of 312
, Women among 266
Onondaga xxm
On masks andlabrets 67-200
prebistoiic trephining and cranial amu-
lets XIX
Ordeal of the sacred bags, Omaba 328
Order of the Bow XIX
Oregon, collection of Indian relics from. . .492-494
Origin of Omaha (^atada gens, Mytbical . . . 237
Ornaments of Omaba dancers, passim from . 344
Orozco y Berra cited as to symbols in Mexi-
can calendar 46, 48, 49
Osgood. Miss Kat«C., reproduced methods
of fabrication 400,406
Paederastia among Omahas 365
Paint jars, Collection of Indian 573
pots. Collection of Indian 570-573
Kock Ferry, Collection from 461
Palenque Tablet 63
Palmer, E., Collection of Indian relics by. .433-439
, Work of XXIV
Papers accompanying diiector's report 1-592
Papuan Archipelago, Masks in 98-103
Parents of Omahas, Rights of 268
Padanka dance. The Omaba 353
Peace with another tribe, Omaha mode of
making 368
Peresiiinus Codes 19
Perez on calendars 38,40
Pinart, A. L., on masks of Shumagin Islands 140, 143
Personal law of Omahas 364
Peru Collection of relics from 508-511
, Masks from 103-104
Phratries, Omaba 215, 337
Pictographa studied xxviii
Pigeon River, Tenn., Collection of relics
from 440
Pilling, J. C, aided in paper on labrets and
masks 151
, Bibliography of North Amer-
ica Languages XX\T
, Work of XXVI
Pipe dance, Omaha 276
, The Calumet 277
Pipes, Keepers of the sacred 222, 223, 358, 363
, The Omaha sacred 221-224
, Tradition of the 222
Pitchers. Collection of Indian 543
Pitching tents. Omaha roles for 220-221
Pago.
Plumstone shooting 334
Point Barrow, Masks from 136
Pole, Anointing the sacred 293
, The sacred 234, 293
Policemen, a class in the Omaba state 210
appointed in hunting, Omaha... 288
war. Omaba 321
, Power of the Omaha 363
Politeness ; Omabas 269-270
Polyandry among Omahas 261
Polygamy among Omahas 201
Ponka chiefs. Initiation of 359-360
dancing societies 355
games 334,336,337,339,340
Fort, Old 313
mode of camping 219
tradition of the sacred pole 234
Ponkas, but one pipe in pipe dance 282
migrations of 212-213
Pottery. (See Collection.)
illustrating weaving 393-425
Pots, Collection of cooking 564-566
, paint 570-573
Powell, Maj. J. W., defines the state 215
obtained Moqui dolls
with headdresses 105
Powers of Omaba principal chiefs 362
subordinate chiefs 362
keepers of sacred tents 362
pipes 363
Omaha policemen 363
Preparation of food among Omahas 303-310
Pregnancy among Omahas 263
Prehistoric migration to America 146-151
textile fabrics of the United
States 393-425
Preserving the human bead 94-97
Prince William Sound, Innuit of 124-128
Profanity not an Omaba vice 37u
Property Omaha; debtors 367
, jDmaba gentile 366
household 366
law of 306
, personal 366
, tribal 366
tbeftof 367
Prostitution among Omabas 365
Protective industries of Omahas 312-333
Proverbs, Omaba 334
Publications siv
Pueblos, Collection from 511-592
Pumpkins as food among Omahas 306
Puns, Omaha 334
Purchaa cited as to labrets 63,84,85
masks 103,105
Putnam, F.W.,ou ancient fabrics 415,418
Quauhtitlan. (See Chimalpopoca.)
Rattles, Collection of Indian 589
, Omaha 278
, Thlinkit Ill
Ramirez Codex shows labret 85
Rape among Omahas 365
Ran, Dr. C, cited as to Palenque tablet 63
, Observations on lapidary sculp-
ture XIV
604
INDEX.
Page.
Refugees nmung Omahaa, Kiglits of 268
Eeguhitive industries of Omahaa 356-363
Reiss and Stubcl's Peruvian cuts cited 84
Religion of Omahas 363
Religious law of Omahas 368
masks 75
rites related to masks 120
Remarriage among Omahaa 258
Return from hunting, Omahas 300
Rice, wild 308
Riddles, Omaha 334
Riedell, Capt. C, gave mask from Sbumagin
Islands 140
Aleutian death masks 142
Riggs, S.B., Dakota Dictionary XXV
Rink, Dr., on Innuits 121
Roane County, Tenn,, collection of relics
from 457-462
Roots as food among Omahas 307
Rosny, Leon de, work on Mexican m;inu-
scripta cited 7, 0, 18, 31, 37, S8, 40, 41
Rowan, Capt., on preserved scalps 97
Sacred pipes. The Omaha.. 221-224
, Keopersof the .222, 223,
358, 363
pole. The Omaha 234,293
tents of Omahas 221, 226, 233
Sfthagnn, Bernardino de, on Mexican calen-
dars.41, 46, 47, 49, 54,
56, 59, 60
labrets 86
masks 96
Salt uaed by Omahas 309
Samoa, People of 148
Saner's History of Com. Jos. Billings's voy-
age cited as to labrets 90
Sauer's History of Com. Jos, Billings's voy-
age cited as to maakettes 128, 138
Scarborough collected mask on Northwest
coast 113
Schizocephaly 94-97
Schmeltz cited aa to Duk-Duk ceremony . . . 100
labreta 79
masks 96,99
piercing ears 81
skulls 94,95
Schoopanism among Omahas 365
Schultz-Sellack cit*d as to Mexican calen-
dars 7, 38, 40, 46, 48, 49, 50, 54
Scouts of Omahas 226, 287, 321
, Report of Omaha war 325
, Service of Omaha 226
hunting 287,288
Seal-catching mask 122
Sections of Omaha subgentes 215, 237, 239, 240
Servants among Omahaa 217-218
Sevier County, Tenn.. collection of relics
from 441-456
Shaman , 110
, Paraphernalia of 106, HI, 112
, Rattles of Ill
Sham flght, Omaha 295
Shell objects. Collection of. . , 437, 446, 448, 450, 452-
456, 458, 460, 466
Shells in mounds. Engraved 61,62
Page,
Shetimasha Indians ' xxm
Shooting arrows at a mark . 339, 340
Shooting at the rolling wheel 335
, Order of, in the Wacicka dance. . . 34.j
Shnmagin Islands, Mask from uo
Sigaenza cited as to calendars 43
Simpson, J., cited as to labrets. 80, 92
Singing, Omaha 279,316,320,322,323,325
Sitkan burial of heads , 96
labrets 88
Skin bags in Omaha dances 343
Skulls preserved 94,96,106,107
Sleeping customs, Omaha 273
Smith, Mrs. E. A., Work of xxv
Smithsonian Institution received manu-
script from Guatav Eiaen C4
Social rites related to maska 98-120
vices among Omahas ..364-3(j5
; Adultery 304
; Foraication ... 305
; Paederastia 365
• Prostitution . . 365
; Rape 365
; Schoopanism.. 365
Societies among Omahas 342
Sociologic and governmental institutions of
theZunis xxix
Sociology, Omaha 205-370
Songs, Omaha war 320,322,323,325,331
South Seas, Masks of 98-103
Spoons, Collection of Indian 560, 575
Squier, E. G., cited as to masks and their
significance 96, 104, 113, 151
State, Definition of the 215
, The Omaha 215-218
Stephens, J. L., Travels in Central Amer-
ica cited 64
Stepmothers, Omaha 268
Stevenson, James, Illustrated catalogue of
collections fiora Pueb-
los of Zuni, New Mex-
ico, and 'Wolpi, Arizo-
na, in 1S81 511-592
, Work of 337
Stick and riug, Omaha game of. 337
Stick counting 338
Stone masks 76
objects. Collection of. . .431, 442, 453, 457, 465,
470, 478, 490, 520-587
Strauch, Capt. , cited as to painted skulls ... 94
South Sea masks . 98
Study of the Manuscript Troano cited, A ..10, 14,
17,19, 20, 22, 2.'J, 25, 37, 38
Subgentes, Omaha.. ..215, 225, 230, 235, 236, 241, 242,
245. 248, 249
, Importance of the 258
, Referred to in A^ba-Hebe's tradi-
tion 222, 223
.Sections of 215,237,239,240
, Subsections of 239
Sun-dance, The 297,298,355
, Fastingin 272
Symbolic masks 75,93
Symbol of life or death in carvings, The
tongue - 113
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
ANNUAL liErOHT 1862 IM.. XLIV
MoKl MKTIKlI) OF SPINNING.
INDEX.
605
Page.
Symbols of cardinal points 7-64
Mexican 47
Syngenoos similarities Lxvi
System of kinship, Omala 252-255
Swan, J. G-., on mask ceremony 100
masks 106, 1 07, 108
Collected cedarmasks in Alaska 114
dancing masks iuBrit-
isli Columbia 114,
117,118,110
mask on Norihwest
coast 107
Swiss Lake dwellings. Fabrics from . .403, 412, 413,
418.420
Szicheff, Capt., cited as to Kadiak labrets.. 90
Tableaudes Bacab 7-65
.Schemeof tbe 13
Tablet Palenque 63,64
Taboos of the Omaha gentes . . 225, 230, 231, 235, 237,
238, 239, 240, 241, 244, 245. 248
Tally-hogan XXI
Tattooing... 80,140
Taylor, W. J., Tennessee mounds xxi v
Tennessee, Coilectioa of relics from —
Cocke County . .433, 438-441
Jefferson County . ..463-4G8
Newport 43&-^4l
Koane County 457-463
Tents, Powers of tbe keepers of the sacred 362
, Rules for pitching 220-221
, The sacred 221,226,233
Textiles, Prehistoiicin the United States. .393-425
, Diagonal 417
, Forms of 401
, from Mississippi Valley, Prehis-
toiic 408-411
New Jersey, Prehistoric 421
Southern States, Prehistoric 407
Swiss Lake dwellers. Prehis-
toric 413
.Miscellamous 415
used to support pot tery 398
Thankngiving before retoi'u from hunt,
Omaha 293
Theft among Omahas 367
Thlinkit labrets 82,87,88
masks 110-120
rattles Ill
Thomas, Cyrus, Notes on certain Maya and
Mexican manuscripts 1-65
Thunder bird myth 119,149
, Prof. E. W. Nelson on . 120
, Worship of 227
Tinneh 122
Tobacco of the Omahas 309
Torquedama cited as to day symbols 46, 49
Tradition of the pipes, Omaha 222
sacred pole, Omaha 234
, Ponka 234
Trapping, Omaha 301
Traps, Omaha fish 302
Tribal circles, Omaha 219, 220, 286
council. The Omaha 361
Troano, Manuscript . 7, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 37.
39, 57, 63
Page.
Tukala dance obtained from the Dakota*,
The 354
Tanier, L. M., figured a bead preserved as
a mask 94
collected shaman mask iu
Alaska 133
Tuscarora xxvili
Tuaayan XX
Taylor, E. B., Anthropology cited 391
Two Crows cited in Omaha Sociology paS'
Sim 205-370
Vase from the work of Llewellyn Jewett,
British 399
Vatican Codex 27. 28, 46, 50, 52, 53, 56. 57, 61, 63
Vegetal substances, Collections of — 435, 575, 589
Veniaminoff, Father, on Aleuts 137,138
Very, E., collected maskette on "Wilkes's ex-
pedition .- 118
Vessels, Collection of condiment 569
Veytia, M., cited as to Mexican calendars. . 42
symbols of cardine.l
points 47,49,55
Vices, Omaha social 3G4
Visiting customs, Omaha. 27G-282
Visitors' dance of relating exploits, Omaba 353
WacicUadauce. Tbe 342
Waldeck on masks 104
Waldron, on Wilkes's expedition, collected
mask on northwest coast 109
Walker, S. T., on Floridi mounds XXiV
War and chase, Collection of implements of. 581
hunting amulets, CoUeciion of 527
War customs of the Omahas :
In defensive 312-314
Iu preparation for defensive 313
In preparation for oSensive 315, 319
Behavior of those at home. 325
Captured horses 326
Feast 315,319
Followers, uninvited 317
Large party 318
Maudan dance 332
New names taken 324
Officers 318,319,321
Opening of the sacred bags 321
Ordeal of the sacred bags 328
Order of camping 323
Order of march 321
Policemen 321
Preparation for attack 326
Preparation for starting 317
Report of scouts 325
Return of party 328
Rewards of bravery 329
Sacred bags 319,321,322
Scalp dance 330
Secret departure 317
Small party 315
Songs 320, 332, 323, 325, 331
Treatment of captives 313, 332
Treatment of wounded foes 332
Wars, Oiigiu of Omaha 312
unlike old wurld, Indian 312
Warp, Construction of Navajo blanket 378
Warp, Construction of Naviy o sasb 388
606
INDEX.
Page
"Warriors assume new names on the way,
Omaha and Ponka 324
"Water jars, Collection of 531-533
"Wearing bair in the Hanga gens, Style of .. 235
"Weavers, Navajo, by Dr. "Washington Math-
ews 371-391
"Weaving illuatrated from pottery, by W. H.
Holmes 397-125
illustrated from pottery, Materials
used in 397
illustrated from pottery, Modes
of 101, 405, 413
, Navajo position in 380
, Zuni 389, 390, 391
wool by Navajoes 375
"Webster's definition of mask a modem con-
ception 74
"Wbeel, Omaha shooting at the rolling 335
White, Dr. U. S. A., collected incomplete
mask in Alaska J 15
"Will-OS, Gen. 0. B., aided F. H. Gushing xix
Wilkes's expedition collected maskettes ... 118
masks.. 113, 114, 119
Widowers, Omaha 268
Widows, Omaha 267
Windmyths Lxxi
Page.
Wolf dance, The Omaha 348
Wolpi, Arizona, by J. Stevenson, Collec-
tions from pueblos of 587-592
Women, Game of ball by Omaha 338
, Social standing of Omaha 266
Wooden mask 104
Work during the year xill
Worship of the thunder, Omaha 227
Wotherapoon. Lieut., aided F. H. Cushing . , xix
Wyman, Prof., on cord-marked pottery of
Tennessee 398
Tarrow, Dr, H. C, obtained fabrics from pot*
tery in California 415
, "Work of XXIX
Tears to cardinal points. Reference of 49
elements, Reference of 49
Tuit, The, crowded emigrants from Asia . . 121
Yukon delta, Masks from 132-135
Zuni, Collection from 521-586
cooking pots, Collection of 564-56C
healds 389
loom implements. Collection of 580
paint-jars, Collection of 573
pota, Collection of 570-573
pueblos XXI
trip to the Atlantic Ocean xx
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