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18 8 2-'8 3 





1 8 8 G 




Letter of transmittal xxv 

Introductory XXVII 

Publications XXVIII 

Field work xxix 

Mound explorations. Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas xxix 

Arcba'ologic cartography xxxm 

Explorations in the Southwest. Work of Mr. James Stevenson xxxiv 

Znfii researches. Work of Mr. F. II. Cushiug xxxvn 

Researches among tin- Moki. Work of Mr. Victor Miudeleff xxxix 

Photographic views. Work of Mr. J. K. Hillers xi. 

Linguistic field work XLi 

Work of Rev. J. O. Dorsey XLI 

Work of Mrs. E. A. Smith xi.n 

Work of Dr. W. J. Hoffman XLIU 

Work of Dr. Washington Matthews. 

Office work •. xuv 

Work of Col. Garrick Mallery • xi.v 

Work of Mrs. E. A. Smith 

Work of Rev. J. 0. Dorsey xlvi 

Work of Mr. A. S. Gatschet xlvii 

Work of Mr. F. II. Cushing xlviii 

Work of Mr. J. C. Pilling.... XLVIII 

Work of Mr. C. C. Royce xlviii 

Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw i- 

Work of Mr. W. H. Holmes - - - - L 

Work of Mr. Victor Miudeleff li 

Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas li 

Work of Dr. H. C. Yarrow LI 

Work of Prof. 0. T. Mason li 

Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin li 

Accompanying papers >n 

Pictographs of the North American Indians, by Garrick Mallery lii 

Pottery of the ancient Pueblos, by William H. Holmes lvii 

The ancient pottery of the Mississippi Valley, by William H. Holmes .. LVIH 
Origin and development of form and ornament in ceramic art, by William 

H. Holmes I'x 

A study of Pueblo pottery as illustrative of Zuni culture growth, by 

Frank Hamilton Cushiug ixi 

Expenditures lxiii 







Introductory 13 

Distribution of petroglyphs in North America 19 

Northeastern rock carvings l'.i 

Rock carvings in Pennsylvania 20 

in Ohio 21 

in West Virginia 22 

in I ho Southern Siates 22 

in Iowa 23 

in Minnesota 23 

in Wyoming and Idaho 24 

in Nevada 24 

in Oregon and Washington Territory 2."> 

in Utah 26 

in Colorado 27 

in New Mexico 28 

in Arizona 23 

in California 30 

Colored pictographs on rocks 33 

Foreign lie I roglyphs 3-6 

Petroglyphs in Sou til America 36 

in British Guiana 40 

in Brazil 44 

in Peru 45 

Objects represented in pictographs 4 1 > 

Instruments used in pictography 48 

Instruments for carving 48 

for drawing 48 

for painting 48 

for tattooing 49 

Colors aud methods of application SO 

in the United States 50 

in British Guiana 53 

Significance of colors 53 

Materials upon which pictographs are made 58 

Natural objects 58 

Bone 59 

Living tree 59 

Wood 59 

Bark 59 

Skins GO 

Feathers CO 

Gourds 60 

Horse-hair 60 

Shells, including wampum 00 

Earth and saud 60 

The human person til 

Paint |>1 

Tattooing • >:! 

Tattoo marks of the Haida Indians 66 

Tattooing in the Pacific Islands 7.S 

Artificial objects 78 



Mnemonic 71) 

The quipu of the Peruvians 79 

Notched sticks 81 

Order of songs 82 

Traditions 84 

Treaties 86 

War 87 

Time 88 

The Dakota winter counts 89 

The Corbusier winter counts 127 

Notification 147 

Notice of departure and direction 147 

Notice of condition 152 

Warning and guidance 150 

Charts of geographic features 157 

Claim or demand 159 

Messages and communications - 160 

Record of expedition 164 

Totemic 165 

Tribal designations 165 

Gentile or clan designations 167 

Personal designations 168 

Insignia or tokens of authority 168 

Personal name 169 

An Ogalala roster 174 

Red-Cloud's census 176 

Property marks 182 

Status of the individual 183 

Signs of particular achievements 183 

Religious 188 

Mythic personages 188 

Shamanism 190 

Dances and ceremonies 194 

Mortuary practices 197 

Grave-posts : 198 

Charms and fetiches 201 

Customs 203 

Associations 203 

Daily life and habits 205 

Tribal history 207 

Biographic 208 

Continuous record of events in life 208 

Particular exploits and events 214 

Ideographs 219 

Abstract ideas 219 

Symbolism 221 

Identification of the pictographers 224 

General style or type 225 

Presence of characteristic objects 230 

Modes of interpretation 233 

Homomorphs and symmorphs 239 

Conventionalizing 244 

Errors and frauds 247 

Suggestions to collaborators 254 



Introductory 265 

Distribution, character, and treatment of the art of the Pueblos 2GG 

The ceramic art 267 

Age 267 

Material 267 

Tempering 267 

Construction 268 

Surface fiuish 268 

Firing 268 

Glaze 268 

Hardness 269 

Color 269 

Form 269 

Origin of forms 269 

Handles 271 

Ornament 271 

Origin of ornament 272 

Use 272 

Classification 272 

Coil-made ware 273 

Coiling 273 

Coiling of the Pueblos 273 

Coiling of other peoples 275 

Origin of the coil 277 

The coil in ornamentation 278 

Other varieties of ornament 282 

Material 283 

Color, &c 283 

Form 283 

Use 283 

Illustrations of vessels • 284 

District of the Rio San Juan 284 

District of the Rio Virgen 287 

District of the. Little Colorado 292 

Pecos and the Rio Grande 298 

District of the Rio Gila 299 

Imitation coil- ware 299 

Plain ware 299 

Painted ware 302 

Preliminary remarks 302 

Color of designs 302 

Execution 302 

Stages of ornament 303 

Classification of ware 304 

Whi te ware 305 

Classification by form 306 

Bowls 306 

Ollas 306 

Bottles 306 

Handled vessels 306 

Eccentric and life forms 307 



The ceramic art — Continued. 

Painted ware — Continued. 

Illustrations 307 

District of the Rio Virgen .■ 307 

Bowls 308 

Ollas 314 

Handled vessels 314 

District of the Rio San Juan 315 

Bowls 316 

Handled cups '. 318 

Ollas 318 

Handled vases 319 

District of the Colorado Chiquito - - 321 

Bowls 322 

Ollas 335 

Bottles 343 

Handled vessels 346 

Eccentric and life forms 353 

Concluding remarks 358 


Introductory 367 

Ceramic groups 369 

Middle Mississippi province 309 

Distribution 369 

How found 370 

Age 371 

Use 371 

Construction 372 

Material 372 

Color 373 

Form 373 

Finish 373 

Ornament 373 

Modification of shape 373 

Relief ornament 374 

Intaglio designs 374 

Designs in color 374 

Classification of forms 375 

Origin of form 376 

Bowls 376 

Form 376 

Ornament 377 

Illustrations 378 

Ordinary forms 378 

Eccentric forms 380 

Life forms 382 

Pot-shaped vessels 392 

Material 393 

Form 393 

Handles 393 

Origin of handles 393 

Ornament 394 

Illustrations 394 



Ceramic groups — Continued. 

Middle Mississippi province — Continued. 

Wide-mouthed bottles or jars 398 

Form •. 398 

Ornament 399 

Illustrations 399 

Ordinary forms 399 

Eccentric forms 403 

Li fe forms 404 

High-necked bottles 411 

Form 411 

Ornament 412 

Illustrations 413 

Ordinary forms 413 

Eccentric forms 420 

Life forms 422 

Upper Mississippi province 426 

Gulf province 431 

Resume' 434 



Introductory 443 

Origin of form 445 

By adventition 445 

By imitation ■ 445 

By invention 450 

Modification of form 450 

By adventition 450 

By invention 452 

Origin of ornament 453 

From natural objects 454 

From artificial objects 455 

Functional features 455 

Constructional features 456 

From accidents attending construction 457 

From ideographic and pictorial subjects 457 

Modification of ornament 458 

Tlirougb material 458 

Through form 458 

Through methods of realization 459 


Habitations affected by environment 473 

Rectangular forms developed from circular 475 

Flat and terraced roofs developed from sloping mesa-sites 477 

Added stories for cliff-dwellings developed from limitations of cliff-house 

sites 479 

Communal pueblos- developed from congregation of cliff-house tribes 480 

Pottery affected by environment 482 

Anticipated by basketry 483 

Suggested by clay-lined basketry 485 

Influenced by local minerals 493 

Influenced by materials and methods used in burning 495 



Evolution of forms 497 

Evolution of decoration 506 

Decorative symbolism 51ft 


Index 52a 



Plate I. Colored pictograpbs in Santa Barbara County, California .. 34 

II. Colored pictograpbs in Santa Barbara County, California .. 35 

III. New Zealand tattooed beads 76 

IV. Ojibwa Meda song 82 

V. Penn wampum belt 87 

VI. Winter count on buffalo robe 89 

VII. Dakota winter counts: for I786-'87 to 17'Ji-'03 100 

VIII. Dakota winter counts: for 1793-'94 to 1709-1800 101 

IX. Dakota winter counts : for 1800-01 to 1-0 >-'03 103 

X. Dakota winter counts: for 1803-'04 to 1805-'06 104 

XI. Dakota winter counts: for 1806-'07 to'l808-'09 105 

XII. Dakota winter counts : for 1809-10 to 1811-12 106 

XIII. Dakota winter counts: for 1812-13 to 1814-15 108 

XIV. Dakota winter counts : for 1815-16 to 1817-'18 109 

XV. Dakota winter counts : for 1818-19 to 1820-'21 110 

XVI. Dakota winter counts: for 1821-22 to 1823-24 Ill 

XVII. Dakota winter counts: for 1824-'2o to 1826-'27 113 

XVIII. Dakota winter counts: for 1827-'28 to 1829-'30 114 

XIX. Dakota winter couuts: for 1830-'31 to 1832-'33 115 

XX. Dakota -winter counts: for 1853-'34 to 1835-36 116 

XXI. Dakota winter counts: for 1336-37 to 1838-39 117 

XXII. Dakota winter counts: for 1-39-40 to 1841-'42 117 

XXIII. Dakota winter counts: for 1843-'43 to 1844-'45 118 

XXIV. Dakota winter counts: for 1845-'46 to 1847-48 119 

XXV. Dakota winter counts : for 1848-"49 to 1850-'51 120 

XXVI. Dakota winter couuts : for 1851-52 to 1853-'54 120 

XXVII. Dakota winter counts: for 1854-'55 to 1856-'57 121 

XXVIII. Dakota winter couuts: for 1857-'58 to 1859-'60 122 

XXIX. Dakota winter couuts: for 1860-'61 to 1862-'63 123 

XXX. Dakota winter counts: for 1863-'64 to 1865-'66 124 

XXXI. Dakota winter counts: for 18GG-'67 to 1868-'69 125 

XXXII. Dakota winter counts: for 1869-70 to 1870-71 126 

XXXIII. Dakota winter counts: for 1871-72 to 1876-77 127 

XXXIV. Corbusier winter counts: for 1775-76 to 1780-'81 130 

XXXV. Corbusier winter counts: for 1781-'82 to 1786-'87 131 

XXXVI. Corbusier winter counts: for 1787-88 to 1792-93 132 

XXXVII. Corbusier winter counts: for 1793-94 to 1798-99 133 

XXXVIII. Corbusier winter counts: for 1799-1800 to 1804-05 134 

XXXIX. Corbusier winter counts: for 1805-\>6 to 1810-11 134 

XL. Corbusier winter counts: for 1811-12 to 1816-'17 135 

XLI. Corbusier winter counts : for 1817-'18 to 1822-'23 136 

XLII. Corbusier winter counts : for 1823-'24 to 1828-'29 137 

XLIII. Corbusier winter counts: for 1829-'30 to 1834-'35 138 

XLI V. Corbusier winter counts : for 1835- - 36 to 1840-'41 139 




Plate XLV. Corbusier winter counts : for 1841-'42 to 1846-'47 140 

XLVI. Corbusier -winter counts : for 1847-'48 to 1852-'53 142 

XLVII. Corbusier winter counts: for 18.")3-'o4 to 1858-'50 143 

XLVIII. Corbusier winter counts: for 1859-'60 to 1884-'65 I4:i 

XLIX. Corbusier winter counts: for 18G5-'G6 to 1870-71 144 

L. Corbusier winter counts: for 1871-72 to 1876-'77 145 

LI. Corbusier winter counts: for 1877-78 to 1878-79 146 

LII. An Ogalala roster : Big-Road and band 174 

LIII. An Ogalala roster : Low-Dog and band 171 

LIV. An Ogalala roster : Tbe Bear spares-him and band 174 

LV. An Ogalala roster : Has a War-club and band 174 

LVI. An Ogalala roster : Wall-Dog and band 174 

LVII. An Ogalala roster : Iron-Crow and band 174 

LVIII. An Ogalala roster: Little-Hawk and band 174 

LIX. Red-Cloud's census : Red-Cloud's baud 176 

LX. Red-Cloud's census: Red-Cloud's band 176 

LXI. Red-Cloud's census: Red-Cloud's band 176 

LXII. Red Cloud's census: Red-Cloud's baud 176 

LXIII. Red-Cloud's census: Red-Cloud's baud 176 

LXIV. Red Cloud's census : Red-Cloud's band 176 

LXV. Red-Cloud's census : Red- Cloud's band 176 

LXVI. Red-Cloud's census: Red-Cloud's band 176 

LXVII. Red-Cloud's census: Red-Shirt's band 176 

LXVIII. Red-Cloud's census : Red-Shirt's band 176 

LXIX. Red-Cloud's census: Red-Shirt's band 176 

LXX. Red-Cloud's census : Black-Deer's band 176 

LXXI. Red-Cloud's census : Black-Deer's band.... 176 

LXXII. Red-Cloud's census : Black-Deer's band 176 

LXXIII. Red-Cloud's census : Red-Hawk's band 176 

LXXIV. Red-Cloud's census: Red-Hawk's band 176 

LXXV. Red-Cloud's census: High-Wolf 's band 176 

LXXVI. Red-Cloud's census : Hi gb -Wolf's baud 176 

LXXVII. Red-Cloud's census : Gun's band 176 

LXXVIII. Red-Cloud's census: Gnu's baud 176 

LXXIX. Red-Cloud's census: Second Black-Deer's baud 176 

LXXX. Rock painting in Azuza Canon, California 156 

LXXXI. Moki masks etched on rocks, Arizona 194 

LXXXII. Buffalo-head monument 195 

LXXXIII. Ojibwa grave-posts 193 

Fig. 1. Petroglyphs at Oakley Springs, Arizona 30 

2. Deep carvings in Guiana 42 

3. Shallow carvings in Guiana 43 

4. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Beaver 47 

5. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Bear 47 

6. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Mountain Sheep 47 

7. Roek etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Three Wolf heads 47 

8. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Three Jackass rabbits. .. 47 

9. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizoua : Cottontail rabbit 47 

10. Rock etebiugs at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Bear tracks 47 

11. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizoua : Eagle 47 

12. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Eagle tails 47 

13. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Turkey tail 47 

14. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Horned toads 47 

15. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Lizards 47 



FIG. 16. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizoua: Butterfly 47 

17. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizoua : Suakes 47 

18. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Rattlesnake 47 

19. Rock etchings at Oakley Spriugs, Arizoua: Deer track • 47 

','it. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Three Bird Tracks 47 

21. Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Bitterns 47 

22. Brouze head from the necropolis of Marzabotto, Italy 62 

23. Fragment of bowl from Troja 63 

24. llaida totem post, Queen Charlotte's Island 68 

25. Haida man, tattooed 69 

26. Haida woman, tattooed 69 

27. Haida womau, tattooed 70 

28. Haida man, tattooed ?0 

29. Skulpiu (right leg of Fig. 26) 71 

30. Frog (left leg of Fig. 26) 71 

31. Cod (breast of Fig. 25) 71 

32. Squid (Octopus), (thighs of Fig. 25) 71 

33. Wolf, enlarged (back of Fig. 28) 71 

34. Tattoo designs on bone, from New Zealand 74 

35. New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark 75 

36. New Zealand tattooed woman 75 

37. Australian grave and carved trees 76 

38. Osage chart 86 

39. Device denoting succession of time. Dakota 88 

40. Device denoting succession of time. Dakota 89 

41. Measles or small-pox. Dakota 110 

42. Meteor. Dakota Ill 

43. River freshet. Dakota 113 

44. Meteoric shower. Dakota 116 

45. The Teal-broke-his-leg. Dakota 119 

46. Magic arrow. Dakota 141 

47. Notice of hunt. Alaska 147 

4*. Notice of departure. Alaska 148 

49. Notice of hunt. Alaska. 149 

50. Notice of direction. Alaska 149 

51. Notice of direction. Alaska 150 

52. Notice of direction. Alaska 150 

53. Notice of distress. Alaska 152 

54. Notice of departure and refuge. Alaska 152 

55. Notice of departure to relieve distress. Alaska 153 

56. Ammunition wanted. Alaska 154 

57. Assistance wanted in hunt. Alaska 154 

58. Starving hunters. Alaska 154 

59. Starving hunters. Alaska 155 

60. Lean-Wolf's map. Hidatsa 158 

61. Letter to "Little-man" from his father. Cheyenne 160 

62. Drawing of smoke signal. Alaska 161 

63. Tesuque diplomatic packet 162 

64. Tesuque diplomatic packet 162 

65. Tesuque diploma i ic p icket 162 

66. Tesuque diplomatic packet 163 

67. Tesuque diplomatic packet 163 

68. Dakota pictograph : for Kaiowa 165 



Fig. <>'.). Dakota pictograph : for Ankara 166 

70. Dakota pictograph : for Omaha 166 

71. Dakota pictograph : for Pawnee Hit! 

. 72. Dakota pictograph : for Assiniboine 166 

73. Dakota pictograph : for Gros Ventre 1GG 

74. Lean-Wolf as "Partisan" 168 

75. Two-Strike as "Parlisau" 160 

76. Lean Wolf (personal name) 172 

77. Pointer. Dakota 172 

78. Shadow. Dakota 173 

70. Loud-Talker. Dakota 173 

80. Boat paddle. Arikara 182 

81. African property mark 182 

82. Ilidatsa feather marks : First to strike enemy 184 

83. Ilidatsa feather marks: Second to strike enemy 184 

84. Ilidatsa feather marks: Third to strike enemy 184 

85. Ilidatsa feather marks: Fourth to strike enemy 184 

86. Ilidatsa feather marks : Wounded by an enemy 184 

87. Hidatsa feather marks: Killed a woman 184 

88. Dakota- feather marks: Killed an enemy 185 

89. Dakota feather marks: Cut throat and scalped 185 

90. Dakota feather marks : Cut enemy's throat 185 

91. Dakota feather marks : Third to strike 185 

92. Dakota feather marks : Fourth to strike 185 

93. Dakota feather marks: Fifth to strike 185 

94. Dakota feather marks : Many wounds 185 

Of.. Successful defense. Ilidatsa, Ac 186 

90. Two successful defenses. Hidatsa, &c 186 

97. Captured a horse. Hidatsa, &c 186 

98. First to strike an enemy. Ilidatsa 187 

99. Second to strike an enemy. Hidatsa 187 

100. Third to strike an enemy. Hidatsa 187 

101. Fourth to strike an enemy. Hidatsa 187 

102. Fifth to strike au enemy. Arikara r 187 

103. Struck four enemies. Hidatsa 187 

104. Thunder-bird. Dakota 188 

105. Thunder-bird. Dakota 189 

106. Thunder-bird (wingless). Dakota 189 

107. Thunder-bird (in beads). Dakota 1-9 

108. Thunder-bird. Haida 190 

109. Thunder-bird. Twana 190 

110. Ivory record, Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska 191 

111. Ivory record, Supplication for success. Alaska 192 

11 la. Shaman's lodge. Alaska 196 

112. Alaska votive offering 197 

113. Alaska grave-post 198 

114. Alaska grave-post 199 

115. Alaska village and burial grounds 199 

1 Hi. New Zealand grave effigy 21 

117. New Zealand grave -post 201 

118. New Zealand house posts 201 

119. Mdewakantawau fetich 202 

120. Ottawa pipe-stem 204 

121. Walrus hunter. Alaska 205 



Fig. 122. Alaska ivory carving with records 205 

123. Origin of Brule". Dakota 207 

124. Running Antelope : Killed au. Ankara 208 

125. Running Antelope : Shot and scalped an Arikara 209 

126. Running Antelope : Shot an Arikara 20!> 

127. Running Antelope : Killed two warriors 210 

128. Running Antelope : Killed ten men and three women 210 

129. Running Antelope : Killed two chiefs 211 

130. Running Antelope : Killed one Arikara 211 

131. Running Antelope : Killed one Arikara 212 

132. Running Antelope : Killed two Arikara hunters 212 

133. Running Antelope : Killed five Arikara 213 

134. Running Antelope : Killed an Arikara 213 

135. Record of htiut. Alaska 214 

136. Shoshoni horse raid 215 

137. Drawing on buffalo shoulder-blade. Comanche 216 

138. Cross- Bear's death 217 

139. Bark record from Red Lake, Minnesota 218 

140. Sign for pipe. Dakota 219 

141. Plenty buffalo meat. Dakota 219 

142. Plenty buffalo meat. Dakota 220 

143. Pictograph for trade. Dakota 2?0 

144. Starvation. Dakota 220 

145. Starvation. Ottawa and Pottawatomi 221 

146. Pain. Died of " Whistle." Dakota 221 

147. Example of Algoukian petroglyphs, from Hillsborough, Pennsyl- 

vania 224 

148. Example of Algonkian petroglyphs, from Hamilton Farm, West Vir- 

ginia 225 

149. Example of Algoukian petroglyphs, from Safe Harbor, Pennsylvania. 226 

150. Example of Western Algonkian petroglyphs, from Wyoming 227 

151. Example of Shoshonian petroglyphs, from Idaho 228 

152. Example of Shoshonian petroglyphs, from Idaho 229 

153. Example of Shoshonian petroglyphs, from Utah 230 

154. Example of Shoshonian rock-painting, from Utah 230 

155. Rock-painting, from Tule River, California 235 

156. Sacred inclosure from Arizoua. Moki 237 

157. Ceremonial headdress. Moki 237 

158. Houses. Moki 237 

159. Burden-sticks. Moki 238 

160. Arrows. Moki 236 

161. Blossoms. Moki 238 

162. Lightning. Moki 238 

163. Clouds. Moki '. 238 

164. Clouds with rain. Moki 238 

165. Slais. Moki 238 

166. Suu. Moki 239 

167. Sunrise. Moki 239 

168. Drawing of Dakota lodges, by Hidatsa 240 

169. Drawing of earth lodges, by Hidatsa 240 

170. Drawing of white man's house, by Hidatsa 240 

171. Hidatsati, the home of the Hidatsa 240 

172. Horses and men. Arikara 240 

173. Dead man. Arikara 240 



Fig. 17 


































Second to strike enemy. Hidatsa 240 

Third to strike enemy. Hidatsa 240 

Scalp taken. Hidatsa 240 

Enemy struck and ^u n captured. Hidatsa 24U 

Mendota drawing. Dakota 241 

Symbol of war. Dakota 241 

Captives. Dakota 242 

Circle of men. Dakota 242 

Shooting from liver banks. Dakota 242 

Panther. Haida 242 

Wolfbead. Haida 243 

Drawings on an African knife 243 

Conventional characters : Men. Arikara 244 

Conventional characters: Man. Innuit 244 

Conventional characters : Dead man. Satsika 244 

Conventional characters: Man addressed. Innuit 244 

Conventional characters : Man. Iuuuit 244 

Conventional characters: Man. From Tnle River, California 244 

Conventional characters : Man. From Tule River, California 244 

Conventional characters : Disabled man. Ojibwa 244 

Conventional characters : Shaman. Innuit 245 

Conventional characters: Supplication. Innuit 245 

Conventional characters : Man. Ojibwa 245 

Conventional characters: Spiritually enlightened man. Ojibwa... 245 

Conventional characters : A wabeuo. Ojibwa 245 

Conventional characters : An evil Meda. Ojibwa 245 

Conventional characters : A Meda. Ojibwa 245 

Conventional characters: Man. Hidatsa 245 

Conventional characters : Headless body. Ojibwa 245 

Conventional characters: Headless body. Ojibwa 245 

Conventional characters : Man. Moki 245 

Conventional characters: Man. From Siberia 245 

Conventional characters : Superior knowledge. Ojibwa 246 

Conventional characters: An American. Ojibwa -246 

Specimen of imitated pictograph 249 

Symbols of the cross 252 

Origin of ceramic forms 270 

Origin of ceramic forms 270 

Origin of ceramic forms 270 

Origin of ceramic forms 270 

Origin of ceramic forms 270 

Origin of handles 271 

Origin and development of handles 271 

Beginning of the coil 274 

Section of coil- made vessel 274 

Ordinary superposition of coils 277 

Coiled and plain surface 278 

Rib-like coil 279 

Rib-like coil 279 

Indented pattern 280 

Nail i mien tat ions 280 

Wave-like indentation 281 

Wave-like indentation 281 

Impressions of finger-tips 281 



Fig. '226. Implement indentations 281 

229. Nail markings 282 

230. Iucised Hues 282 

231. Incised pattern 282 

2W. Appliedfillet 283 

233. Examples of relief ornaments 283 

234. Examples of relief ornaments 283 

235. Examples of relief ornaments 283 

230. Examples of relief ornaments 283 

237. Examples of relief ornaments 283 

238. Examples of relief ornaments 283 

239. Coiled vase from a cliff-house, Mancos Canon, Colorado 285 

240. Part of a large vase from Epsom Creek, Utah 287 

241. Vessel from the tumulus at Saiut George 288 

242. Vase from the tumulus at Saint George 289 

243. Vase from the tumulus at Saint George 290 

244. Bowl with coiled exterior and painted interior from the tumulus at 

Saint George 291 

245. Vase from Parowan, Utah 291 

246. Cup from Central Utah 292 

247. Vessel from Zufii 293 

248. Vessel from Zufii 294 

249. Haudled mug from Tusayau 294 

250. Yellow vase from Tusayau 295 

251. Yellow vase from Tusayan 296 

252. Vessel from Tusayan 296 

253. Large vase from Tusayan 297 

254. Bowl from Cibola 297 

255. Bottle from the tumulus at Saint George 300 

256. Vase from the tumulus at Saint George 301 

257. Vase from the tumulus at Saint George 301 

258. Bowl from the tumulus at Saint George 308 

259. Bowl from the tumulus at Saint George 309 

260. Bowl from the tumulus at Saint George 309 

261. Painted device .- :; 1" 

262. Bowl from Kanab, Utah 310 

263. Painted device 311 

264. Bowl from Kanab, Utah 311 

265. Painted device 311 

266. Bowl with human figures from the tumulus at Saint George 312 

2G7. Painted design 312 

268. Bowl with human figures from Tusayan 312 

269. Red bowl from the tumulus at Saint George 313 

270. Heart-shaped bowl of red ware from the tumulus at Saint George .. . 313 

271. Red pitcher from the tumulus at Saint George 314 

272. Bowl from Montezuma Canon 316 

273. Bowl from San Juan Valley 316 

274. Bowl from San Juan Valley 317 

275. Bowl from San Juan Valley 317 

276. Painted design 318 

277. Handled cup from Montezuma Canon 318 

278. Haudled cup from Montezuma Canon 318 

279. Vase from San Juan Valley 318 

280. Vase from San Juan Valley 319 




Fig. 281. lid from San Juan Valley 319 

282. Vase lid from San Juan Valley 319 

283. Handled bottle from San Juan Valley 319 

284. Small bottle from San Juan Valley 320 

285. Handled mug from San Juan Valley 320 

28(1. Handled mug from San Juan Valley 320 

287. Handled mug from San Juan Valley 320 

288. Handled mug from Southern Utah 320 

289. Bowl from Tusayan 322 

290. Bowl from Tusayan 323 

291. Painted design 323 

292. Bowl from Tusayan 324 

293. Tainted design 325 

294. Handled bowl from Tusayan 325 

295. Painted design 326 

296. Original form of painted design 326 

297. Handled cup from Tusayan 327 

298. Handled cup from Tusayan 327 

299. Dipper from Tusayan 327 

300. Dipper from Tusayan 328 

301. Figure of bird from exterior of dipper 328 

302. Dipper from Tusayan 328 

303. Painted design 329 

304. Painted design 329 

305. Unit of the design 329 

306. Heart-shaped bowl from Tusayan 330 

307. Bowl from Tusayan 331 

308. Bowl from Tusayan 331 

309. Bowl from Tusayan 332 

310. Bowl from Tusayan 332 

311. Painted design 333 

312. Red bowl from Tusayan 333 

313. Oblong bowl from Tusayan 334 

314. Globular vase from Tusayan 334 

315. Vase from Tusayan 335 

316. Vase from Tusayan 335 

S17. Vase from Tusayan 336 

318. Vase from Tusayan 336 

319. Painted design 337 

320. Vase from Tusayan 337 

321. Vase from Tusayan 338 

322. Painted design 338 

323. Unit of the design 339 

324. Vase from Tusayan 339 

325. Painted design 340 

326. Unit of the design 340 

327. Large vase from Tusayan 341 

328. Painted design 342 

329. Unit of the design 342 

330. Vase from Tusayan 343 

331. Vase from Cibola 34 i 

332. Vaso from Cibola 344 

333. Painted design 345 

334. Painted design 345 



Fig. 335. Vase from Tusayan 346 

336. Handled vase from Tusayan 346 

337. Painted design 347 

338. Handled mug from Tusayan 347 

339. Painted design 348 

340. Vase from Tusayan 348 

341. Painted design 348 

342. Handled cup from Cibola 349 

343. Painted ornament 349 

344. Painted ornament 349 

345. Painted ornament 350 

346. Painted ornament 350 

347. Handled vase from Tusayan 350 

348. Vase from Tusayan 351 

349. Bottle from Tusayan 351 

350. Bottle from Tusayan 352 

351. Bottle from Tusayan 352 

352. Vase from Eastern Arizona 353 

353. Vase of eccentric form from Eastern Arizona 354 

354. Vase of eccentric form from Tusayan 354 

355. Vase of eccentric form from Tusayan 355 

356. Vase of eccentric form from Tusayan 355 

357. Vase of eccentric form from Tusayan 356 

358. Vase of eccentric form from Cibola 357 

359. Bird-shaped vase from Arizona 358 

360. Bird-shaped cup from Tusayan 358 

361. Scale of forms 376 

362. Forms of bowls 376 

363. Modification of rims 377 

364. Bowl: Arkansas 378 

3S5. Bowl: Arkansas 378 

366. Cup : Arkansas 379 

367. Bowl: Arkansas (?) 379 

368. Bowl: Arkansas 380 

369. Cup: Arkansas^?) 380 

370. Cup: Arkansas(?) 380 

371. Rectangular bowl : Arkansas 381 

372. Burial casket : Tennessee 382 

373. Trough-shaped vessel : Arkansas 383 

374. Clay vessels imitating shell 384 

375. Bowl imitating a modified conch shell 384 

376. Frog-shaped bowl: Arkansas 385 

377. Frog-shaped bowl : Arkansas 385 

378. Animal-shaped bowl : Arkansas 385 

379. Bird-shaped bowl : Arkansas 386 

380. Bird-shaped bowl : Arkansas 386 

381. Bird-shaped bowl : Arkausas 387 

382. Bowl with grotesque heads : Arkansas 387 

383. Heads of birds 388 

384. Grotesque heads 388 

385. Bowl with grotesque head : Arkansas 389 

386. Bowl with grotesque head : Arkansas - 389 

387. Bowl with grotesque handle : Arkansas 390 

388. Animal-shaped bowl : Arkansas 390 



Fig. 389. Animal-shaped bowl : Arkansas :!'.»] 

390. Bowl with bat's head : Arkansas 392 

391. Howl: Arkansas 392 

392. Forms of pots 393 

393. Handles 393 

394. Pot : Arkansas ( f) 394 

395. Pot: Arkansas(?) 395 

396. Pot: Tennessee 395 

397. Pot : Arkansas (.') 395 

398. Pot: Arkansas 395 

399. Pot: Alabama (!) 396 

40ii. Pot: Arkansas (f ) 396 

401. Pot: Arkansas (?) 396 

402. Pot: Arkansas(') 396 

403. Pot : Arkansas 397 

404. Pot: Tennessee 397 

405. Pot: Arkansas 398 

406. Foi ms of jar-shaped bottles 399 

407. Bottle: Arkansas 399 

408. Bottle : Arkansas 400 

409. Bottle: Arkansas 400 

410. Engraved bottle: Arkansas 401 

411. Engraved bottle : Arkansas 401 

412. Engraved design 402 

413. Teapot-shaped vessel : Arkansas 403 

414. Vessel of eccentric form: Arkansas 403 

415. Vessel of eccentric form : Arkansas 404 

416. Animal-shaped vase : Arkansas 404 

417. Simfish vase : Arkansas 405 

418. Opossum vase: Arkansas 405 

419. Animal-shaped vase : Arkansas 406 

420. Head-shaped vase : Arkansas 407 

421. Engraved figures 408 

422. Head covering 408 

423. Head-shaped vase : Arkansas 409 

424. Head shaped vase : Arkansas 410 

425. Scale of forms 411 

426. Tripods 411 

427. Stands 412 

428. Compound forms of vessels 412 

429. Adaptation of the human form 412 

430. Bottle: Tennessee 413 

431. Gourd-shaped vessel : Arkansas 413 

432. Bottle: Arkansas 414 

433. Bottle: Arkansas 414 

434. Bottle : Arkausas 415 

435. Engraved bottle : Arkansas 416 

436. Bottle : Arkansas 417 

437. Bottle : Arkausas 417 

438. Bottle : Arkansas 418 

439. Fluted bottle : Arkausas 419 

440. Engraved bottle : Arkansas 419 

441. Tripod bottle: Arkansas 420 

442. Tripod bottle : Arkausas 421 



Fig. 443. Tripod bottle: Arkansas 421 

444. Bottle of eccentric form: Arkansas 422 

445. Owl-shaped bottle : Arkansas 422 

440. Bear-shaped bottle : Tennessee 423 

447. Bear-shaped bottle: Arkansas (?) 423 

448. Bottle with human head : Arkansas 424 

449. Bottle with human head : Arkansas 424 

450. Bottle with human head: Arkansas 424 

451. Bottle with human head : Arkansas 424 

452. Bottle with human head : Arkansas 425 

453. Positions of feet 425 

454. Effigy bottle: Arkansas 426 

455. Effigy bottle: Arkansas 420 

450. Vase : Iowa 428 

457. Vase : Wisconsin 429 

458. Vase : Illinois 430 

459. Cup : Alabama 431 

400. Bowl: Alabama 432 

461. Bottle: Mississippi 432 

402. Bottle: Alabama 433 

403. Painted desigu 434 

404. Form derived from a gourd 440 

405. Form derived from a conch shell 447 

400. Form derived from a stone pot 448 

407. Form derived from a wooden tray 448 

408. Form derived from a horn spoon 448 

469. Form derived from a bark vessel 448 

470. Form originating in basketry 449 

471. Form originating in basketry 449 

472. Form originating in basketry 449 

473. Coincident forms 451 

474. Form resulting from accident 451 

475. Scroll derived from the spire of a conch shell 454 

470. Possible derivation of the current scroll 455 

477. Ornament derived through the modification of handles 455 

478. Scroll derived from coil of clay 456 

479. Ornamental use of fillets of clay 456 

480. Variations in a motive through the intlueuceof form 459 

481. Theoretical development of the current scroll 460 

482. Forms of the same motive expressed in different arts 461 

483. Forms of the same motive expressed in different arts 401 

484. Variations resulting from change of method 401 

485. Geometric form of textile ornament 462 

486. Loss of geometric accuracy in painting 462 

487. Desigu painted upon pottery 463 

488. Theoretical development of fret-work 464 

489. Theoretical development of scroll work 465 

490. A Navajo hut or hogan 473 

491. Perspective view of earliest or round-house structure of lava 474 

492. Plan of Pueblo structure of lava 475 

493. Section of same 475 

494. Evolution of rectangular forms in primitive architecture 470 

495. Section illustrating evolution of flat roof and terrace 477 

496. Perspective view of a typical solitary house 478 



Fig. 497. Plan of a typical solitary bouse 478 

498. Typical cliff-dwelling 479 

499. Typical terraced communal pueblo 480 

500. Gourd vessel inclosed in wicker 48:! 

501. Havasupai clay-lined roasting-tray 484 

502. Zuni earthenware roasting-tray 485 

503. Havasupai boiling-basket 480 

504. First stage of the manufacture of Havasupai boiling-basket 486 

505. Second stage of the manufacture of Havasupai boiling-basket 486 

506. Third stage of the manufacture of Havasupai boiling-basket 486 

507. Typical basket decoration 487 

508. Typical basket decoration 487 

509. Typical basket decoratiou 487 

510. Terraced lozenge decoration, or "Double-splint-stitch-forms" 488 

511. Terraced lozenge decoration, or " Double-splint-stitch-forms" 488 

512. Double-splint stitch 488 

5115. Double-splint stitch 488 

514. Diagonal parallel-line decoration 488 

515. Splints at neck of unfinished basket 489 

516. Example of indented decoration on corrugated ware 490 

517. Example of indented decoration on corrugated ware 490 

518. Cooking-pot of corrugated ware, showing conical projections near 

rim 490 

519. The same, illustrating modification of latter 491 

520. Wicker water-bottle, showing double loops for suspension 491 

521. Water-bottle of corrugated ware, showing double handle 492 

522. The same, showing also plain bottom 492 

523. Food trencher or bowl of impervious wicker-work 497 

524. Latter inverted, as used in forming bowls of earthenware 497 

525. Ancient bowl of corrugated ware, showing comparative shallowness. 498 

526. Basket-bowl as base-mold for large vessels 499 

527. Clay nucleus illustrating beginning of a vessel 499 

528. The same, shaped to form the base of a vessel 499 

529. The same, as first placed in base-mold, showing beginning of spiral 

building 500 

530. First form of vessel 500 

531. Secondary form in mold, showing origin of spheroidal type of jar 501 

532. Scrapers or trowels of gourd and earthenware for smoothing pottery. 501 

533. Finished form of vessel in mold, showing amount of contraction in 

drying 501 

534. Profile of olla or modern water-jug 502 

535. Base of same, showing circular indentation at bottom 502 

536. Section of same, showing central concavity and circular depression. 502 

537. " Milkmaid's boss," or annular mat or wicker for supporting round 

vessels on the head in carrying 503 

538. Use of annular mat illustrated 503 

539. Section of incipient vessel in convex-bottomed basket-mold 504 

540. Section of same supported for drying 504 

541. Modern base-mold as made from the bottom of a water-jar 504 

542. Example of Pueblo painted ornamentation illustrating decorative 

value of open spaces 506 

543. Amazonian basket decorations, illustrating evolution of the above 

characteristic 507 

544. Amazonian basket decorations, illustrating evolution of the above 

characteristic 507 



Fig. 545. Food-bowl, showing open or unjoined space in lines near rim 510 

546. Water-jar, showing open or unjoined space in lines near rim 510 

547. Conical or flat-bellied canteen 512 

548. The same, compared with human mammary gland 513 

549. The same, compared with human mammary gland 513 

550. Double lobed or hunter canteen, showing teat-like projections and 

open spaces of contiguous lines 514 

551. Native painting of deer, showing space-line from mouth to heart.. .. 515 

552. Native painting of sea-serpent, showing space line from mouth to 

heart 515 

553. The fret of basket decoration , 516 

554. The fret of pottery decoration 516 

555. Scroll as evolved from fret in pottery decoration 516 

556. Ancient Pueblo " medicine-jar" 517 

557. Decoration of above compared with modern Moki rain symbol 517 

558. Zuni prayer-meal-bowl illustrating symbolism in form and decoration 518 

559. Native paintings of sacred butterfly 519 

560. Native painting of sacred migratory "summer bird" 519 

561. Rectangular or Iriquois type of earthen vessel.. 519 

562. Kidney-shaped type of vessel of Nicaragua 520 

563. Iriquois bark-vessel, showing angles of juncture 520 

564. Porcupine-quill decoration on bark vessel, for comparison with Fig. 

561 521 


Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of Ethnology, 

Washington, JD. C, October 25, 1883. 
Sir: I have the honor to submit my Fourth Annual Report 
as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

The first part consists of an explanation of the plan and 
operations of the Bureau. The second part consists of a series 
of papers on anthropologic subjects, prepared by my assistants,, 
to illustrate the methods and results of the work of the Bureau. 
I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and 
wise counsel relating to the work under my charge. 
I am, with respect, your obedient servant, 

Prof. Spencer F. Baird, 

Secretary Smithsonian Institution. 




By J. W. Powell, Director. 


The prosecution of ethnological researches among the North 
American Indians, as directed by act of Congress, was con- 
tinued during the fiscal year 1882—83. 

The plan has been pursued, as explained in previous re- 
ports, of employing scholars trained in the special researches 
contemplated to conduct the necessary investigations and 
present results for publication. In the following pages will 
be found an account of the particular character of the work of 
each person engaged therein, though it should be noted that 
all of these are, at times, diverted from the special works 
mentioned to combine their exertions for purposes regarded 
as of immediate general importance. Some of the lines of 
study require both prolonged compilation and exhaustive dis- 
cussion, and delays occur by ascertained necessity for renewed 
research on points of difficulty. Hence some of the work 
reported, especially in the linguistic division and in that of 
ethnic classification inseparably connected with it, though 
nearly completed, and in some instances advanced to the ex- 
tent of stereotyping, remains unpublished. 

The attempt to stimulate and guide research on the part of 
collaborators not officially connected with the Bureau has also 
been continued. Results of value have been obtained through 


special applications to individuals and through interest ex- 
cited by the publications thus far made. It is hoped that ad- 
ditional impulse may be given to the researches of this class 
of persons In- the timely publication of bulletins setting- forth 
the discoveries and contributions of the various scholars who 
thus co-operate with the Bureau. 

In order to set forth satisfactorily the operations of the 
Bureau somewhat in detail, the subject will be divided into 
three principal parts, the first relating to the publication made 
by the Bureau, the second to the work prosecuted in the field, 
and the third to the office work, being to a large extent the 
preparation for publication of the results of field work, with 
the corrections and additions obtained from the literature of 
the subject and by correspondence. 


During the early part of the year the First Annual Report 
was issued and distributed. It was a royal octavo volume of 
638 pages, besides 56 full page plates, the whole number of 
illustrations being 346. The papers accompanying the official 
statement of the Director were as follows: 

On the evolution of language, by J. W. Powell. 

Sketch of the Mythology of the Noith American Indians, hy J. W.Powell. 

Wyandot Government, by J. W. Powell. 

On limitations to the use of some anthropologic data, by J. W. Powell. 

A further contribution to the study of the mortuary customs of the North American 
Indians, by H. C. Yarrow. 

Studies in Central American picture writing, by E. S. Holden. 

Cessions of land by Indian tribes to the United States, by C. C. Royce. 

Sign language among North American Indians, by Garrick Mallery. 

Catalogue of linguistic manuscripts in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology, by 
J. C. Pilling. 

Illustration of the method of recording Indian languages, from the manuscripts of 
Messrs. J. O. Dorsey, A. S. Gatschet, and S. R. Riggs. 

Of the Second Annual Report 465 pages, comprising the 
whole volume except the official introduction by the Director 
and the index, were stereotyped during the year. 

Pages 493-571 of the English- Klamath part of the diction- 
ary of the Klamath language, by Mr. A. S. Gatschet, to form, 
when completed, Vol. II of the series of Contributions to North 
American Ethnology, were stereotyped. 


Pages 480-665 of the Dakota Dictionary, by Rev. S. R. 
Riggs, edited by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, were stereotyped, com- 
pleting- the Dakota-English portion of the work, which will 
form part of Vol. VII of the last mentioned series. 

Pages 97-5 1 2 of Mr. J. C. Pilling's Bibliography of the Lan- 
guages of the North American Indians were also placed in 


This includes, first, explorations with reference to material 
objects produced by the native tribes; and, second, examination 
of the members of those tribes, both as individuals and as aggre- 
gations. These divisions are related, but the first chiefly con- 
cerns archaeology and technology, and the second philology, 
mythology, and sociology. It is manifest that without the au- 
thority and assistance of the Government little useful work can 
be done in the first of these divisions. The object of private 
explorers in this direction is usually to procure relics or speci- 
mens for sale or merely to gratify curiosity, with the result that 
these are often scattered and lost for any comprehensive study, 
while their receptacles, whether mounds, graves, or ruins, are 
in many cases destroyed without intelligent examination or 
record The trained explorers of the Bureau preserve all 
useful facts touching the localities concerned, and the objects 
collected, both ancient and modern, are deposited in the Na- 
tional Museum. Experience has also shown that individual 
travelers, unguided and without common system, have failed 
to obtain the best results in the second of the above men- 
tioned divisions. The precious accounts of early explorers 
cannot be understood without the interpretation and correc- 
tions still, though for a limited time, to be gained from among 
existing tribes. 


The Bureau of Ethnology was first organized on the basis of 
work developed by the Director while in charge of explorations 
and surveys in the valley of the Colorado River of the West. 


It therefore did not embrace any plan for archaeologic investi- 
gations in the eastern portion of the United States, and 
in particular did not contemplate researches relating to the 
mounds ; but Congress having directed that such work should 
be added to the functions of the Bureau, a limited amount of 
work was accomplished in this field during the past year 
The experience thus gained showed that a more thorough 
systematization of the work was necessary. Early in the 
year, therefore, a Division of Mound Explorations was organ- 
ized, for a comprehensive examination of mounds and other 
ancient works in the United States east of the Rocky Mount- 
ains, and Prof. Cyrus Thomas, of Illinois, was appointed an 
assistant in the Bureau in charge of the division. It is pro- 
posed to make a thorough investigation of the mounds and 
other works connected therewith, in their structure, contents, 
and geographic distribution, with a view to determining the 
purposes for which they were used, the grade of culture of 
their authors, and the relations existing between the builders 
and the tribes inhabiting the country on the advent of Euro- 
pean civilization to this continent. 

From examinations made by the Director, years before the 
inauguration of this work, it was apparent to him that a few, 
at least, of the important mounds of the valley of the Missis- 
sippi, had been constructed and used subsequent to the occu- 
pation of this continent by Europeans, and that some, at least, 
of the mound builders were therefore none other than known 
Indian tribes. 

For the purpose of carrying on the work, Professor Thomas 
was authorized to employ such field assistants as the means 
allotted to this purpose would justify. The regular assistants 
employed during the year were Dr. Edward Palmer, who had 
been engaged for a number of years in this department of 
work, Mr. P. W. Norris, and Mr. James D. Middleton Be- 
sides these, Mr. L. H. Thing, Mr. John P. Rogan, Mr. F. S. 
Earle, Mr. William McAdams, and Mr. John W. Emmert were 
engaged for shorter periods as temporary assistants. 

Dr. Palmer's field of opei'ations was confined chiefly to West 
Tennessee and Arkansas, though he devoted a short time on 


his way out to an examination of the mounds along the Wa- 

Mr. Norris devoted his time chiefly to an exploration of the 
mounds along both banks of the Mississippi River from North- 
ern Iowa to the mouth of the Arkansas. 

Mr. Middleton was engaged during the first part of the fiscal 
year in opening mounds in Southern Illinois, after which his 
field of labor was in East Tennessee and the adjacent portions 
of Georgia and Alabama. 

During the time Mr. Thing was employed his work was con- 
fined to Southern Illinois and Southeast Missouri. 

Mr. Mc Adams was employed but a short time to make a sur- 
vey and examination of the mound groups in Madison County, 

Mr. Rogan was engaged, near the close of the year, to ex- 
plore certain mounds in Caldwell County, North Carolina, 
which had been reported by Dr. J. M. Spainhour, of Lenoir, in 
that State, who also rendered great aid in this work, which 
proved very successful and probably the most interesting of 
the year. During the time Mr. Emmert was employed, he 
was engaged in opening mounds and graves in East Tennes- 
see and in investigating the manufacture of fraudulent Indiaii 
soapstone relics in Western North Carolina. 

Mr. Earle was also employed to examine the localities and 
the character of the various ancient works in Southeast Mis- 
souri and to prepare descriptions of them. This he did in a 
satisfactorv manner. 

Previous to the organization of the division, Professor Thomas 
made some explorations in person in Southern Illinois and 
Southeast Missouri. From the survey made by him at this 
time a model of some remarkable works in Jackson County, 
Illinois, was prepared under his direction for the National Mu- 

The number of specimens obtained and placed in the Na- 
tional Museum, as shown by the preliminary catalogue, amounts 
to over four thousand one hundred. These embrace almost 
every type of article hitherto found in mounds, as well as a 


number of instructive specimens found in Indian graves on the 
sites of old Indian villages and elsewhere. 

The collection of pottery is large, embracing several hun- 
dred complete specimens, presenting almost every type, both 
as to form and as to ornamentation, heretofore discovered in 
the earthworks, also a few unique in form and decoration. 

The craniological collection contains a number of perfect 
specimens. It is especially valuable because of the full record 
kept regarding locality and all the particulars relating to each 

The collection of articles of stone includes, besides arrow 
and spear points, scrapers, hoes, diggers, chipped celts, dis- 
coidal and chunkee stones, grooved axes, pitted stones, hammer 
and pounding stones, a remarkably fine series of polished celts, 
a large number of steatite pipes, three remarkable winged 
pipes of green chlorite slate of the finest workmanship, two 
large image pipes, gorgets, plummets, and boat-shaped orna- 

A number of shell and bone ornaments were obtained, also 
some of the finest engraved shells so far discovered, and sev- 
eral copper implements and ornaments. 

Among the articles obtained indicating contact with Phiro- 
pean civilization are some specimens of hammered iron from 
a North Carolina mound; some bracelets, brooches, crosses, 
and other objects of silver from a Wisconsin mound; fragments 
of copper plate bearing the impress of machinery on a metallic 
stamp from an Illinois mound, and a hog's tooth from an Ar- 
kansas mound. 

The value of this collection is enhanced by the care taken 
to have the specimens properly labeled and numbered from 
the time they were found in the field until they received the 
Museum catalogue number and by preparing a corresponding- 
catalogue giving the locality where each specimen was ob- 
tained, the name of the collector, and the environment of spec- 
imen found — for example, whether in a mound, in a grave, or 
on the surface — which catalogue has been filed in the National 
Museum as a means of future reference and verification. 

A large number of mound groups and other ancient works 



have been found and mapped, and a considerable collection 
of drawings, photographs, and sketches has been made of the 
more important 

The result of the year's work has been of much value in the 
solution of vexed questions relating to the "Mound Builders," 
so styled, a special report on which is in preparation. 


Scheme of Conventions for the Arckcsologio Cartography of North America. 

M. Burial mound. 

ja. Mound with single stone grave. 

M Indian village. 
H Wood lodge. 
£Q Group or village of wood lodges. 
•A Earth lodge. 

■££■ Group or village of earth lodges. 
a Stone lodge. 

JH Group or village of stone lodges. 
1 Cliff lodge. 
8 Group or village of cliff lodges. 

3 Cavate lodge. 

□ Group or village of cavate ledges 
TT Subterranean lodge. 
■HT Group or village of subterranean lodges 
■6- Igloo lodge. 

•6& Group or village of igloo lodges. 
•™- Inhabited stone village (pueblo). 
@ Assembly lodge of wood. 
@ Assembly lodge of earth. 
"S* Assembly lodge of stone 
® Cliff assembly lodge. 
® Cave assembly lodge. 
*B> Subterranean assembly lodge. 
■*■ Tower. 
■*■ Mound. 
•««• Group of mounds. 

© Assembly mound. 
•A- Effigy mound. 
AA. Group of effigy mounds, 
•a. Domiciliary mound. 

-A Mound with stone graves. 
u Grave or single burial. 
\-l/ Cemetery, 

** Stone grave. 

\m/ Stoue-grave cemetery. 

w Ossuary. 

C Iuclosure. 

C Iuclosure with interior mound. 

" Iuclosure with exterior mound. 
T7 Excavation. 
t? Reservoir. 
sa Canal. 
— * Copper mine. 

*-• Flint mine or quarry. 

•-» Soapstone mine. 

M Mica mine. 

■*■ Cave deposit. 

X. Cave burial. 

ji Refuse heap. 

.». Shell heap. 

Sl Sculpture. 

ffl Group of sculptures. 

£ Petroglyph. 

£R Group of petroglyphs. 

♦ Cache. 

A Cairn. 

— Trail. 

The geographic distribution of archseologic phenomena 
being of great importance, and the statute having provided 
4 eth III 


for general archseologic research in the United States, it was 
thought best by the Director to prepare a system of symbols 
to be used in the cartography of the subject. In the prepa- 
ration of such a scheme, the symbols used in Europe were 
examined, for the purpose of adopting the same where possi- 
ble; but, on careful study of the subject, it was found that 
the phenomena of the two continents differ so widely that 
no European scheme could be utilized in North America. A 
new scheme was therefore prepared, adapted to North Amer- 
ica, and especially the United States, as above presented. 

It is believed that this scheme requires no general discussion 
for its explanation. The mnemonic system embraced therein 
is perhaps sufficiently obvious. 

As the work of investigation extends southward through 
Mexico and Central America, it may be found necessary to add 
somewhat to the above plan. 


Mr. James Stevenson, with the party committed to his 
charge, started from Fort Wingate, N. Mex., early in August, 
1882, with instructions to direct his work to an exploration 
and study of that class of ancient remains in Arizona and New 
Mexico commonly known as " cave and cliff dwellings." 

The field of his first investigations was the Canon de Chelly, 
a branch of the San Juan Valley in Northeastern Arizona. 
He noted carefully the various ruins he successively met, 
while those of a more remarkable character which were acces- 
sible were thoroughly examined, photographed, and described. 

Among these was the extensive ruin discovered by General 
Simpson in 1848 and called by him "Casa Blanca." Of this, 
the photographer of the party secured an excellent negative, 
and 'an accurate survey was made for the purpose of pre- 
paring a model. 

The party was unable to explore more than one of the 
branches of this canon, but in this a remarkable and well pre- 
served village was found which probably once was the home 


of between a thousand and fifteen hundred persons. The ex- 
tremes of the habitable floor were 1,500 feet apart, while from 
the rear wall of the cave to the edge of the precipice was about 
half that distance. The floor of the two wider portions of 
the cave was thickly studded with dwelling's, built of square 
stones laid in mortar, all of which were in ruins. An edifice of 
grander proportions, three stories in height, and almost as well 
preserved as in the day of its occupation, nearly filled up the 
narrow space in front of a dividing rock projection. It stood 
300 feet from the bed of the canon, and was accessible only at 
one point, where an accumulation of rocky debris formed a 
steep sloping ascent. Many distinctive architectural features 
were noted. All the materials out of which the structure was 
built had been worked by stone implements, as was evidenced 
by the rough chiseling of the blocks. Cross pieces were laid 
upon the joists for the flooring- of the towers, and upon these 
pieces twigs about the diameter of a man's finger were arranged 
side by side, but in series which formed a peculiar mosaic of 
angles and squares. 

In each division of the cave was found one circular struct- 
ure, which probably was a place of assemblage for religious 
rites or amusement. Structures of this kind are common in 
that section of the country, but these were different, in many 
respects, from any before examined by the members of the 
party, and especially different in their interior ornamentation, 
which was quite elaborate. In one of them a wide band was 
laid on in bright durable colors, resembling a Greek fret, with 
narrower bands above and below, and with the interior spaces 
filled with curious artistic designs, the meaning- of which is 
unknown. The roofs of the building were "■one and the floors 
were covered with rocky debris. Good photographs of this 
village were obtained and a survey was completed for the 
preparation of a model. 

Among the debris of the declivity two skeletons were found 
buried in a peutagonally-shaped cyst. They were in a sitting- 
posture, having the knees drawn upward toward the chin and 
the hands crossed on the breast. The bodies were wrapped 
in coarse nets made of some vegetable fibre, and, with the 


exception of u few grains of Indian corn, the grave was empty. 
Hair of a brownish hue was found still clinging to one of the 
skulls, while the shriveled flesh and skin, as hard as stone, re- 
mained upon some of the lower limbs. From the discovery of 
these skeletons Mr. Stevenson gave to this branch the name of 
Canon de los Muertos. 

Another village in this canon of equal extent and similarlv 
situated, though in a more advanced stage of ruin, was visited 
and some interesting discoveries were made. Among the 
debris of the fallen buildings were found finely woven sandals, 
resembling nothing with which the present occupants of this 
region are familiar; also, portions of matting and of gar- 
ments made from the fiber of yucca. Evidences of great 
antiquity of some of these ruins are mixed with indications 
of later occupancy in a manner most confusing to the archae- 

The party traveled fifteen miles in the Canon de los Muer- 
tos and discovered seventeen villages or clusters of dwellings, 
some of which were situated five hundred feet from the bed of 
the canon. The entire number of cliff villages visited by the 
party was forty-six. 

The whole of November was devoted to an examination of 
cave dwellings. Remarkable illustrations of this class were 
found about fifteen miles north of the pueblo of Cochiti, N. 
Mex. These were situated in a canon called by the Mexicans 
" Kito de los Frijoles," and by the Cochiti Indians, Yu-nu-ye, 
or the place where customs and rites are prescribed. Here 
were found remains of human habitation in the shape of nu- 
merous caves cut in cliff's of friable tufa, varying from 50 to 
100 feet in height. In many of the caves which were exam- 
ined a flooring of fine red clay, very neatly and smoothly 
spread in several thin layers, is still seen, as also a plastering 
of red or yellow clay upon the walls. In some of them the 
lower part of the wall is of one color and the upper part and 
ceiling of another, the two colors being separated by a broad 
line of dark brown or black which runs around the cave about 
two feet from the floor. In the walls were found small niches. 

Beneath some of these caves, which were situated higher in 


the face of the cliff, were evidences of the former existence of 
annexed exterior chambers below. The cliff walls beneath 
these apertures had evidently been hollowed out to form the 
rear wall of the annexed chamber, and were nicely plastered 
with red and yellow clay. Rows of small round holes were 
seen which, it was thought, had been used as rests for the 
rafters, while large quantities of roughly-squared stones used 
in building lay scattered about the base of the cliff. In some 
cases there appeared to be two and even three tiers of houses 
constructed in this manner. 

The ruins of six large circular chambers or estufas and of 
several other dwellings were found distributed over the slope 
which reaches from the foot of the cliffs to the small stream 
that flows in the bottom of the canon. 

Photographs, sketches, and complete notes were also made 
explanatory of the industries, religion, and habits of the Pueblo 
Indians of Cochiti, whom Mr. Stevenson visited on his return. 
These are preserved for future reference and study. 


On the 30th of August Mr. Frank Hamilton Gushing pro- 
ceeded to the Seneca Reserve, in Western New York, with the 
Zufii Indians who had accompanied him on his eastern trip, 
mentioned in the last annual report. Here he learned im- 
portant and obscure facts relative to the social organizations 
of the Seneca, more especially the "medicine" fraternities. 
In the latter he found evidence of a society of "medicine 
priests,'' functionally identical with a similar organization 
among the Zufti, viz, that of the Ka-ka-thla-na, or "grand 
medicine dance." He afterwards went to Zufii, N. Mex., ar- 
riving there on the 23d of September. 

Here, in the month of October, he resumed note taking and 
the sketching of Zufii dances and ceremonials as they occurred, 
adding to his vocabularies and memoranda on the sociologic 
system of the tribe, ceramic art decorations, and mythology. 
Thence he proceeded to Keam's Cafion, Arizona Territory, the 


point of rendezvous for a projected party to Oraibe, one of the 
Moki towns. Here it was deemed advisable that he alone 
should make a visit of reconnaissance to Oraibe. Proceed- 
ing thither, a severe snow storm compelled him to seek shelter 
at Wolpi, where he had the good fortune to meet a visiting 
Oraibe chief, with whom lie consulted and negotiated, after- 
wards, in accordance with authority, making him the messenger 
of his arrangements for trading with the tribe in question. He 
then returned to Keam's Canon. 

Pending the arrival of goods at Moki, he returned across 
country to Zuni, a measure rendered necessary on account 
of his relations to the tribe and one enabling him to observe 
more minutely than on former occasions the annual sun cere- 

En route he discovered two ruins, apparently before unvis- 
ited, both, according to Zuni tradition, belonging to the Hle- 
e-ta-kwe, or the northwestern migration of the Pear, Crane, 
Frog, Deer, Yellow- wood, and other gentes of the ancestral 
Pueblo. One of these was the outlying structure of K'in 'i 
K'el, called by the Navajo Z'inni j'ihne, and by the Zuni, 
He-sho-ta-pathl-taie. In this remarkable nun he discovered 
peculiarities worthy of note. It is a two-story building, almost 
intact, most of the floor of the second story, the roof, lintels, 
&c, being in a good state of preservation, built of selected red 
sandstone slabs around the base and over the summit of a 
huge outcropping bowlder. It is situated in the mouth of 
one of the arms of a canon called by the Zuni K'in 'i K'el, 
25 miles northwest of the station of Navajo Springs, on the 
Atlantic and Pacific Railroad. In the ground room of this 
structure, leaning against a trap opening in the floor of the 
second story, he found the poles of a primitive ladder, notched 
with stone instruments at regular intervals on the correspond- 
ing sides. To the lower portion of these poles was bound 
with yucca fiber a much decayed round, still complete but 
too much decayed to be disturbed. In the rooms of the 
second story he observed features indicating the relationship 
of the building to the ruin of K'in 'i K'el, and thus, in a 
measure, confirming the Zuni tradition. 


As soon as the ceremonials of the sun had been completed 
Mr. Gushing again set out for Moki, via Holbrook, Arizona 
Territory, in company with Nanahe, a Zufii of Moki nativity, 
as interpreter, and on the 9th of December he reached the 
winter camp of the United States Geological Survey, below 
the town of Holbrook. He was met here by the Director, and 
from him received orders to invoice the store of trading ma- 
terial at the camp and add to it, in preparation for immediate 
departure on scientific duty with the expedition in charge of 
Mr. Victor Mindeleff, an account of which is given below, 
reaching Oraibe on December 19. Gn January 19, 1883, he 
set out on his return to Zufii, where lie continued the work 
before indicated; also exploring in May the southwest ruin- 
sections of Zufii tradition, making important arclueologic dis- 
coveries near the Escadilla and further north in Eastern Ari- 


In August Mr. Victor Mindeleff, with an organized party, 
went to the Moki villages in Northeastern Arizona, where he 
secured fully detailed architectural plans of the seven inhab- 
ited villages, together with sketches and diagrams of construct- 
ive details, photographs, and, in general, such data as were 
necessary for the preparation of accurate large scale models 
of these pueblos. This work was carried on until November 
2, being in charge of Mr. Gosmos Mindeleff during the time 
of Mr. Victor Mindeleff's absence as mentioned below. The 
ground plan of an old ruined pueblo, known by the Navajo 
name of "Talla-Hogan," was also secured This pueblo be- 
longed to the original Province of Tusayan and was the site 
of an early Spanish mission. 

About the end of September Mr. Mindeleff joined Mr. James 
Stevenson's expedition to the Cliff-ruins of Cafion de Chelly 
and branches, securing a number of plans and sketches of 
these remains. He returned to the surveying work at Moki, 
October 16. 

On December 13 he was placed in general charge of an ex— 



pedition to Oraibe and the other Moki villages for the collec- 
tion of ethnologic specimens, assisted in the scientific branch 
of the work bv Mr. F. H. Clashing and in the business of trans- 
portation between Moki and the railroad by Mr. J. D. Atkins 

Owing to the unfriendly attitude of the Oraibe only a small 
collection, numbering about two hundred pieces, could be se- 
cured there. After a stay of several days, with no further ad- 
ditions to the collection, camp was moved on December 25 to 
the vicinity of Mashong-ni-vi of the middle mesa. Here about 
twelve hundred specimens were collected, principally from 
the inhabitants of the three villages on this mesa. Pottery 
comprised the largest portion of the collection, although stone 
implements, dance paraphernalia, and a great variety of de- 
signs in basketwork were also well represented. The collec- 
tion included also more than one hundred and fifty examples 
of ancient pottery. This feature was the most valuable por- 
tion of the collection, as such specimens have become rare and 
are highly prized by the Moki. 

The packing and shipment of all specimens to the railroad 
were finally accomplished by February 5, 1883, and Mr Min- 
deleff reported at the office at Washington on February 15. 

The necessary data for a full descriptive catalogue of the 
Oraibe collection were secured by Mr. Cushing and similar 
data for the collection of ancient ware made at Ma-shong- 
ni-vi. These catalogues form portions of a special detailed 
report on Oraibe, in preparation by Mr. Cushing, in which 
the social and regulative features of Oraibe are treated, together 
with some notes on their architecture and industrial arts. The 
peculiar causes of the violent opposition shown by these people 
to the purposes of the expedition will also be set forth by Mr. 
Cushing in that paper. 


Mr. J. K. Hillers, the photographer of the U. S. Geological 
Survey, in connection with his regular duties, succeeded in 
obtaining fifty photographic views of the ruins near Fort Win- 


gate, N. Mex., and in the Canon de Chelly, Arizona. These are 
of much value in supplementing the surveys, descriptions, and 
explorations of the region. 


Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, in September, 1882, visited the res- 
ervation of the Six Nations, on Grand River, Upper Canada, 
and gathered some linguistic material pertaining to the Tutelo, 
a tribe recently assigned by Horatio Hale to the Siouan family. 

In November he went to the Indian Territory for the 
purpose of spending some time among the Kansa, Osage, 
and Kwapa, tribes speaking dialects related to that of the 
Ponka and Omaha, with which he is familiar. On his return 
to Washington, in February, 1883, he brought the following 
material : 

Kansa. — Most of the pages of the second edition of the In- 
troduction to the Study of Indian Languages were filled. He 
also obtained grammatical notes ; material for a dictionary of 
about three thousand words; texts, consisting of myths, his- 
torical papers, and letters (epistles) dictated in the original by 
the Indians, to be prepared with interlinear translations ; crit- 
ical notes, and free English translations; an account of the 
social organization of the tribe, with names of gentes, proper 
names of members of each gens, &c, the kinship system and 
marriage laws, with charts; an account of the mourning and 
war customs, with a curious chart (one similar being used bv 
the Osage) prepared by the leading war chief of the tribe, 
from one inherited from his grandfather; a partial classifica- 
tion of the flora and fauna known to the tribe; and maps 
drawn by the natives, with native local names. 

Osage. — From the Osage similar information was obtained, 
with the addition of accounts of a secret order of seven degrees 
connected with the gentile or clan organization of the tribe and 
serving as the sole custodian of the tribal traditions. Each 
of the twenty-one Osage gentes has its peculiar tradition, which 
is chanted by the principal man of that gens but only in the 


presence of the initiated. As Mr. Dorsey had gained portions 
of similar traditions among some of the cognate tribes, he was 
able, after repeating these, to obtain from the Osage portions 
of their traditions, a hundred and six lines of one and fifty-six 
of another, with the chant and a part of the symbolic chart 
associated with them. 

Kwapa. — From two Kwapa he obtained a small vocabu- 
lary, the kinship system of their tribe, the names of some of 
the gentes and villages, and a few proper names. 


Heretofore the researches of Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith among 
the Iroquois tribes had been confined to their several reserva- 
tions in New York State and Upper Canada. During the 
past year they have been continued in Lower Canada among 
the descendants of those Iroquois, principally Mohawk, whom 
the early French missionaries converted to Christianity and 
transplanted from south of Lake Ontario to the missions pro- 
vided for them on the banks of the St. Lawrence. 

The almost entire isolation of these Indians from the other 
Iroquois tribes during two hundred years renders a study of 
their dialect, peculiar customs, and progress toward civiliza- 
tion both interesting and important. Their old aboriginal 
folk stories, through the influence of the Roman Catholic 
Church, have been replaced by those of a religious character, 
such as the wonderful preservation of the old church bell, or 
the remarkable miracles of their aboriginal saint, Te-gah kwi- 
ta, whose portrait decorates the sacristy of the mission church 
where her bones are carefully enshrined and revered to this 

Although nominally presided over by chiefs, few of the 
old pagan customs are retained at Cauglmawaga. The old 
wampum belts are, however, carefully preserved. It is wor- 
thy of note that the clans of these representatives of the Mohawk 
outnumber the clans in any of the other Iroquois tribes, and 
comprise several not found among the others, as the Lark, the 
Rock, and the Calumet. 


The old mission church at Caughnawaga and the Semi 
nary of the Sulpicians at Oka, on the Ottawa River, are now 
the principal repositories of those sermons, catechisms, vocab- 
ularies, grammars, and dictionaries which represent the labors 
of the French Roman Catholic missionaries among the Iroquois 
during two hundred years. 

Through the courtesy of the Superiors Le Clair and Antoine 
and the Rev. Father Burtin, several hundred titles were secured 
by Mrs. Smith for the bibliography of Indian Linguistics in 
preparation by Mr. Pilling. The most remarkable and the 
most important of these rare books in manuscript is the French- 
Mohawk dictionary compiled during the early part of this cent- 
ury bv the Rev. Father Marcoux, which was of great utility 
to Mrs. Smith in her office work, as mentioned under that head- 


From August to November, 1883, Dr. W. J. Hoffman, under 
the direction of Col. Garrick Mallery, prosecuted investiga- 
tions among the several Indian tribes of California and Nevada 
with special reference to gesture language and pictographs. 
The total number of tribes visited amounts to between forty 
and fifty, and they are embraced in the following linguistic 
divisions, viz: Yuman, Shoshonian, Mariposan, Moquelumnan, 
Yukian, Mendocinan, Copean, Pujunan, and Washoan. 

Through the assistance of an intelligent Alaskan, at San 
Francisco, Cal., an exhaustive collection of Alaskan gestures 
was obtained, in addition to valuable material and interpreta- 
tions, with original texts of narratives and records carved on 
walrus ivory. A number of drawings were also prepared 
from the original ivory carvings and pictographs in the mu- 
seum of the Alaskan Commercial Company. Besides these, 
small collections were obtained from Japanese, and from indi- 
vidual Indians belonging to tribes not included in the above 
list of linguistic stocks. 


Dr. Washington Matthews, Assistant Surgeon U. S. A., 
while on his regular military duty at Fort Wingate, N. Mex., 


was steadily engaged in collecting material for a grammar and 
a dictionary of the Navajo language. He was also occupied 
in the preparation of the paper on "Navajo Silversmiths" and 
that on " Navajo Weavers," published respectively in the second 
and third annual reports, and in the investigation of other 
branches of anthropology in relation to the above mentioned 
tribe with a view to future publication. 


Former reports have recognized the demand made by the 
public for certain publications as fundamental to the study i if 
Indian anthropology : to furnish these is conceived to be the 
first and most obvious duty of the Bureau These publications in 
the order of inquiry and request are : ( 1 ) a series of charts show- 
ing the habitat of all tribes when first met by Europeans and 
at subsequent eras; (2) a dictionary of tribal synonymy, which 
should refer the multiplied and confusing titles, as given in 
literature and in varying usage, to a correct and systematic 
standard of nomenclature; (3) a classification, on a linguistic 
basis, of all the known Indians of North America, remaining 
and extinct, into families or stocks. 

The order of possible preparation of these publications is 
the reverse of the above. The charts cannot be drawn until 
the tribes, as villages, confederacies, and leagues, shall have 
been resolved from multiplicity and confusion into identifica- 
tion and simplicity. The linguistic classification precedes the 
whole of the work, and the difficulties attending it have at 
times suspended its satisfactory progress until expeditions of 
research had been sent forth to clear up the obstacles of un- 
certainty or ignorance. Numerous publications of ethnologic 
charts, of partial synonymies, and of tentative classifications 
have appeared from various sources, but all have been im- 
perfect and more or less erroneous. The personal attention of 
the Director and of all the officers and employe's of the Bureau 
has been steadily directed, in addition to the several bi - anches of 
work from time to time undertaken, to presenting them in a 
proper form. The labor and study required have been beyond 


expression, but may be partially indicated by the fact that, 
apart from the linguistic and sociologic problems involved, the 
mere mechanical compilation has produced over twenty thous- 
and cards of synonymy. The present condition of this inter- 
connected work is encouraging. 

Col. Garrick Mallery was engaged during the year in the 
continued study of sign language and pietographs. A num- 
ber of important collections of gesture signs were procured 
from parts of the United States not before thoroughly explored 
in this respect. Collections of great value were also obtained 
from Japan, Asiatic Turkey, and from several of the Polynesian 
groups. These increase the probability of preparing a useful 
monograph on the gesture speech of man. 

The amount of material now collected, with its collation and 
study, confirms the view stated in a former report, that while a 
general system of gesture speech has long existed among the 
North American Indians it is not to be regarded as one formal or 
definite language. Several groups, within which there is a con- 
siderable body of distinctive signs, with their centers of origin, 
are indicated, though, as before explained, the fundamental char- 
acter of sign language permits of communication by its means 
between all the groups. Five of these groups appear, from pres- 
ent information, to be defined as follows : First, the Arikara, Da- 
kota, Mandan, Gros Ventre or Hidatsa, Blackfeet, Crow, and 
other tribes in Montana and Idaho; second, Arapaho, Cheyenne, 
Pain, Kaiowa, Caddo, Wichita, Apache of Indian Territorv, 
and other tribes in the Southwest as far as New Mexico, and 
possibly portions of Arizona; third, Pima, Yuma, Papago, 
Maricopa, Hualpai (Yuman), and the tribes of Southern Cali- 
fornia; fourth, Shoshoni, Banak, Pai Uta of Pyramid Lake, 
and the tribes of Northern Idaho and Lower British Colum- 
bia, Eastern Washington, and Oregon; fifth, Alaska, embracing 
the Southern Eskimo, Kenai (Athabaskan), and the Iakutat, 
and Tshilkaat tribes of the T'hlinkit or Koloshan stock. The 
gestures of Alaskan tribes present some distinctive features 
as compared with those of any of the southern groups. The 
collections of the gestures still used by the Indians of British 
Columbia and of the northern part of Vancouver's Island, also 


by the Iroquois of Canada, arc not sufficiently extensive for 
classification, and are chiefly valuable as illustrating the an- 
tiquity and universality of that medium of communication. 

The results of Colonel Mallery's study of pictographs are 
sufficiently indicated in his paper on that subject published in 
the present volume. 

In the whole of these studies Colonel Mallery has been as- 
sisted by Dr. W. J. Hoffman. 

Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith, who had already collected a vocab- 
ulary of eight thousand words in the Tuscarora dialect and a 
great number in Onondaga and Seneca, found their synonyms 
in Mohawk in the manuscript dictionary of Father Marcoux 
before mentioned. From this dictionary she translated over 
twelve thousand words into English, rewriting the Mohawk 
and changing the old manner of spelling employed by the 
missionaries into the phonetic system prescribed by the Bureau 
for transcribing Indian words. Some of the words preserved 
in this dictionary have long since fallen into disuse and many 
are such as would be used only in the service of the church. 
Those containing records of old customs or which are suggest- 
ive of Indian characteristics have been carefully analyzed and 
noted by Mrs. Smith in this translation. 

A chrestomathy of the Mohawk dialect has also been care- 
fully filled out by Mrs. Smith during the year. This contains 
the names of many towns and their derivations, as well as a 
large number of names of trees, plants, and shrubs, names of 
the months, days, &c, and their connotation. 

A table containing a large number of words in use among 
the isolated Mohawk of Caughnawaga and their synonyms as 
used by the Mohawk on the "Six Nations Eeserve," Ontario, 
Canada, exhibits as complete differences in words representing 
the same object or thought between these two separated por- 
tions of one tribe as exists between corresponding words in 
different dialects. The completion of this Iroquoian dictionary 
composed of synonyms of the six dialects may be expected to 
reveal many important facts regarding the formation of dia- 
lects and relating to Indian languages in general. 

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey was engaged during much of the year 


in the preparation of the elaborate paper on Omaha Sociology, 
with maps and many illustrations, which appeared in the third 
annual report of the Bureau. He also continued and carried 
to completion 665 pages, quarto, of the Dakota-English part 
of the Dakota dictionary of Rev. S. R. Riggs, D. D. The 
venerable author did not live to see the publication of his 
work in the revised form. He died at Beloit, Wis., in August, 
1883 For several months before his death he was unable, on 
account of his failing health, to correct the proof-sheets, which 
also compelled him to transfer the preparation of the English- 
Dakota part of the dictionary to another missionary, Rev. 
John P. Williamson. 

On his return from field work, Mr. Dorsey was engaged in 
the preparation of a dictionary of the Kansa language. 

Mr. Albert S. Gatschet was engaged in compiling from 
his Klamath-English dictionary, completed and stereotvped in 
4!)1 pages, quarto, a second part forming an English-Klamath 
dictionary. This language is spoken in Southwestern Oregon 
by the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians, and a series of 
texts in that language will accompany the dictionary. 

In compiling the English-Klamath portion of the dictionary, 
Mi\ Gatschet contined himself to the terms embodied in Part 
I, although the material had increased in his hands since the 
completion of the latter. He, however, increased the value of 
this manual by not confining himself to a mere accumulation 
of the corresponding terms in each language. An attempt at a 
synonomy of this Oregonian tongue was made, and sometimes 
it became accessary to present the distinctions in elaborate 
articles. The extreme complexity of Klamath derivation, 
through prefixes and suffixes, enhances the difficultv as well as 
the value of the synonymic arrangement of Part II. It is to 
be noted that here, as well as in many other unwritten lan- 
guages, there are no single equivalents for many abstract terms 
of English, as distance, hurry, quality, time, or for such verbs 
as to behave, to let, to prompt, but that a multitude of phrases, 
locutions, and compound terms are required by which alone 
these ideas can be expressed with accuracy. 

Incidental work was done in augmenting the synonomy of 


North American tribes by many hundred new cards of refer- 

Mr. Frank Hamilton Cusiiing was engaged at Washington 
during the months of July and August, 1882, in transcribing 
his voluminous field notes on the gentile, esoteric, religious, 
and governmental organizations of the Zuni, preparatory to 
an essay on the Zuni Sociology in a broader sense He also 
prepared the greater portion of his field notes on other sub- 
jects, including archaeologic and linguistic studies, for systema- 
tizing in a series of short papers, when such should be rendered 
possible by additional research, for which he resumed field 
work, as specified under that heading. 

By request of the Director, he prepared in April, for reading 
before the National Academy of Sciences, a short paper on the 
"Relationship between Zuni Mythologic and Sociologic Sys 
terns and Institutions." Following out some of the principles 
laid down in that address, he wrote a paper on Zuni Fetiches, 
which was published in the second annual report of the Bureau. 

Mr. James C. Pilling continued the preparation of a Bibli- 
ography of North American Languages, but, as stated in pre- 
vious reports, was able to give to it but a portion of his time. 
During the year proof-sheets of pages 97 to 512 were received 
from the Public Printer, and copies of each signature were dis- 
tributed to competent persons at a distance lor the purpose 
of obtaining suggestions, additions, and corrections. Among 
those who greatly aided the work were Senor Icazbalceta, of 
the city of Mexico; Mr. Wilberforce Fames, of New York City; 
Mr. C. A. Cutter, of the Boston Athenaeum ; and Mr. Addison 
Van Name, of Yale College. 

In December, 1882, Mr. Pilling made a trip to several libra- 
ries in New York City, Boston, and Providence for the purpose 
of settling certain disputed points; and in the following spring 
he visited the library of Mr. H. I f . Bancroft, at San Francisco, 
Cal. While en route, the archives at Chihuahua, in Mexico, 
were examined. Later, the library of the Wisconsin Historical 
Society, at Madison, and the Cincinnati Public Library were 
visited and good results obtained. 

Mr. Charles C. Royce, who, for nearly two years, had been 


enffaered in duties not connected with the Bureau of Ethnology, 
resumed his former relations therewith on the 1st of January, 
1883, since which time he has been occupied in the continua- 
tion of an historical Atlas of Indian Affairs, an outline sketch 
of the plan of which was given in the first annual report of 
this Bureau. Notwithstanding- many difficulties encountered 
in procuring detailed and accurate information, occasioned by 
the confusion or the careless destruction of many of the earlier 
official records of the Government, Mr. Royce has made sat- 
isfactory progress toward the completion of the work. This, 
when finished, will afford a complete and valuable history of 
the official relations that have existed between the Government 
of the United States and the various Indian tribes from the 
beginning of the Federal period clown to the present day. 

A prominent feature of the work will be a series of maps 
of the different States, about 27x34 inches in size, upon which 
will be delineated the boundaries of the various cessions ot 
land that have been made to the United States, from time to 
time, by the different Indian tribes by treaty or other agree- 
ment, Upon these maps will also be designated the location 
of all points or places of historical interest in connection with 
Indian wars and diplomacy, as well as the former and present 
location of all known Indian villages. Accompanying this 
series of maps will be an historical text, giving a brief recital of 
the location, character, and condition of each tribe in its earliest 
relations with the whites; its migrations, wars, and diplo- 
macy from that date to the formation of the Federal Govern- 
ment, and from thence a more detailed and particular account 
of the various treaties entered into with the United States, 
the causes that led to the negotiation of such treaties, and the 
results emanating therefrom. The work in its present con- 
dition shows the completion of the maps and the delineation 
thereon of the various cessions, primary and secondary, of the 
States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Tennessee, North Carolina, 
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, 
Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Michigan, and Kansas, and Indian 
Territory. The maps of Wisconsin, Minnesota, Nebraska, Da- 
kota, and Colorado are not entirely completed. For the his- 



torical text, a large amount of material in the shape of notes 
has been collected concerning the various tribes, and much <>t" 
the manuscript has already been prepared concerning the his- 
tory of the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, ('reck, Shawnee, 
Wyandot, Miami, Kickapoo, Kaskaskia, Peoria. Piankeshaw, 
Wea, Osage, and other tribes. 

Mi*. Henry W. Hexshaw was engaged during the year in 
tabulating- the returns of the Indian census and in preparing 
from those returns, from historical data, and from his own field 
notes, a report on Indian industries. This report will explain 
the pristine industries and means of subsistence of the several 
tribes and trace their advance toward civilization. 

Mr. William H. Hoi mes has continued to supervise the 
illustrations of the publications of the Bureau, and has had 
general charge of the collections made under it and deposited 
in the National Museum. In order to facilitate this work he 
has been made honorary curator of pottery in that institution. 

Collections of variety and importance were made during the 
year. A number of utensils of stone from the southern shore 
of Humboldt Lake, Nevada, were procured by Mr. I C. Russell, 
of the United States Geological Survey. They comprised 
about a dozen mortars and pestles of large size and rather rude 
finish, which were probably used by some of the modern tribes 
of the region in pounding grass seeds. 

A collection of pottery made by Messrs. Gushing and Min- 
deleff comprises a series of antique pieces of great interest, 
and Mr. James Stevenson has added largely to the collections 
of modern Pueblo art products. 

A small collection of antiquities, consisting chiefly of stone 
implements from Oregon, was presented by Capt. Charles 
Bendire, U. S. A. 

Much material has been added to the collection from the 
mounds by Professor Thomas and his assistants, as elsewhere 
specified in detail. 

In addition to the above Mr. Holmes has undertaken such 
archseologic studies as are mainly connected with art. The 
scope of these studies is indicated in the three papers presented 
in this volume. 


Mr. Victor Mindeleff was occupied during the month of 
July and the early part of August in completing a large scale 
model of the pueblo of Zuni, N. Mex , the plans and other data 
for which had been collected during the preceding year. 

After his return from the field in February, 1883, he com- 
menced a series of models of the seven Moki villages to a scale 
and finish uniform with the model of Zuni. This work was 
carried on until June, when it was interrupted for the prepara- 
tion of a series of duplicate models of cliff ruins and pueblos, 
which were exhibited at the Louisville Exposition in the autumn 
of 1883. 

Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in addition to the general direction 
of the mound explorations already described, was person- 
ally engaged in marking and arranging the collections ob- 
tained and in preparing catalogues of them for the Bureau and 
the National Museum. 

He was also engaged in a study on the results of the explo- 
rations, in connection with former knowledge on the subject, 
and in preparing a paper on what he designates as the "north- 
ern type" of burial mounds, embraced in the district of the 
United States lying north of Tennessee and east of the Rocky 
Mountains but including- North Carolina. This paper will 
appear in the fifth annual report of the Bureau. 

Dr. H. C. Yarrow continued and nearly completed his ex- 
haustive work on the mortuary customs of the North American 
Indians, and was also occupied in the preparation of a paper 
upon their medical practices. 

Prof. Otis T. Mason made further progress in his report 
on the history of education among the North American In- 
dians. In this he has studied the work of the Indian Office, 
corresponded with all the schools and colleges, and made ab- 
stracts from the enumerators' sheets of the Tenth United States 
Census respecting the Indians not on reservations, besides 
compiling the special statistics of the Indian census. 

Mr. Jeremiah Curtin became connected with the Bureau 
on February 5, 1883, when he began an examination of the 
linguistic material belonging to it; also, with the assistance of 
Mr. Perryman, of the Indian Territory, he filled a volume of 


the "Introduction t<> the Study of Indian Languages" with 

words and data from the Muskoki or Creek language, and in 
addition to the words indicated in the Introduction eight 
hundred others were collected. ( )f these nearly three hundred 
were verbs. He then transferred to the recognized alphabet 
a vocabulary of words in the Caddo language, and arranged 
in the same alphabet a considerable collection of words in the 
Chinook jargon made by Lieutenant Belden. This collection 
contains many words not found in Gibbs's vocabulary and 
will be useful in a new publication of the jargon or as a con- 
tribution to a collation of its different existing forms. He 
also filled a volume of the Introduction in Seneca and began 
tin- collection of the Seneca folk lore, obtaining some suggest- 
ive tales and accounts of beliefs and superstitions. 


The papers presented in this volume fairly illustrate the 
number of objects and the range of .facts collected by the 
Bureau, and the character of the studies made thereon, in 
conducting its investigations. These papers are all so inti- 
mately connected with the graphic or plastic arts in their 
origin and application as to have required a large amount of 
illustration, there being five hundred and sixty-five figures in 
the text besides eighty-three full page plates. Special mention 
of each of these papers follows in their order as printed. 

It is proper to note that two other papers were prepared 
and stereotyped with the intention of including them in this 
volume, but it was found that they would increase its bulk to 
inconvenience. These last mentioned papers, which will ap- 
pear in the fifth annual report, are as follows: 

Burial mounds of the northern sections of the Ujiited States, by Prof. Cyrus 
Thomas, pp. 1-119. 

The Cherokee nation of Indians; a narrative of their official relations with the 
Colonial and Federal Governments, by Charles C. Royce, pp. 121-378. 



In the winter of 1876, Brevet Lt, Col. Garrick Mallery, U. 
S. A, was in command at Fort Rice, on the Upper Missouri 


River, and became acquainted with a pictorial chart repre- 
sented to be a history of the I >akota. He ascertained that. 
its true character was not historic, but that its design was to 
designate successive years by the most remarkable, or rather 
the most distinguishable, events that occurred in each. The 
chart, therefore, became useful as a calendar, and was actually 
in use as such. Colonel Mallery published it, with interpreta- 
tions and explanations, under the title of "A Calendar of the 
Dakota Nation," in a bulletin of the United States Geological 
and Geographical Survey of the Territories, issued in 1877. 

The diffusion of this publication, awakening g'eneral interest 
on the subject among Army officers and other persons in the 
Indian country, "resulted in bringing to light other copies of 
the chart and additional facts relating to its origin, interpreta- 
tion, and use. The material thus gathered has been the 
nucleus around which further information on the subject of 
pictography has been accumulated. The systematic study 
of sign language, upon which subject Colonel Mallery pre- 
pared a preliminary paper published in the first annual re- 
port, also brought under his observation many points connected 
with pictography, both modes of expression being graphic and 
pictorial. The research, study, and correspondence for the 
preparation of a monograph on the gesture speech of man has 
been continued by him since the preliminary paper before 
mentioned, with which a similar undertaking upon the general 
subject of picture writing- has proceeded pari passu. Both of 
these modes of conveying ideas and facts, by one of which 
they are also recorded, prevail among the North American 
Indians with a development beyond that found among any 
other existing peoples, and therefore the study of both devel- 
opments among them is most advantageous when combined. 

It was deemed advisable to pursue a plan successfully 
adopted by the Bureau in other departments of work, viz, to 
publish a preliminary paper before undertaking an exhaustive 
monograph. By this means the amount and character of the 
information so far obtained is communicated to persons al- 
ready interested in the subject. The interest of others is ex- 
cited and their collaboration is invited, while their researches 


are facilitated by the suggestions derived from the author's 
precursory experiences. The present paper carries out that 
plan. All other intentions are subordinated in order to explain 
the characteristics of pictographs, to classify them conveniently, 
and to offer suggestions for the collection, description, and study 
of specimens. Theories are postponed until after careful ex- 
amination of exhaustive collections. 

For this purpose the author has first stated the distribu- 
tion in North America of pictures on rocks, either painted or 
incised or both, with a few illustrative comparisons from for- 
eign countries He has then enumerated the instrument.' used 
at different times in pictography, together with the coloring 
matters employed and the methods of application. The ma- 
terials upon which pictographs are made are discussed, the 
objects being divided into natural and artificial. The first 
division includes many objects, consisting chiefly of stone, 
bone, living trees, wood, bark, skins, feathers, gourds, horse 
hair, shells, earth, and sand, and the human person. Designs 
upon the human person are in paint and by tattooing. Under 
this head much information is presented for the first time, and 
it is compared with some recently published accounts of the 
process in the Pacific Islands. 

The subject is then considered with reference to the special 
purposes for which pictography has, in fact, been employed 
by the North American Indians. They are: 1st, Mnemonic, 
embracing order of songs, traditions, treaties, war, and time; 
2d, Notification, comprising notice of departure and direction, 
of condition, warning, and guidance, geographic features, 
claim or demand, messages and communications, and record of 
expeditions; 3d, Totemic : this embraces tribal, gentile, clan 
and personal designations, insignia, and tokens of authority, 
personal names, property marks, status of individuals, and 
signs of particular achievements; 4th, Religious, comprising 
mythic personages, shamanism, dances and ceremonies, mortu- 
ary practices, grave posts, charms, and fetiches; 5th, Cus- 
toms and habits, requiring details rather than classification: 
6th, Tribal history ; 7th, Biographic, in which are examples 


giving continuous record of events in a life and other cases of 
particular exploits and occurrences. 

The manner in which pictographs have long been employed 
bv the North American Indians, showing their advance from 
simple objective representations to true ideographs, is then dis- 
cussed, and instances are given of their expression of abstract 
ideas of emblems and of symbols. Indications for classifica- 
tion are noted by identifying the pictographers through their 
general style or type and through the presence of character- 
istic objects. Modes of interpretation are recommended, with 
cautions originating in experience. Attention is invited to 
the important bearing of conventionalization, hints are given 
for avoiding errors, and, finally, practical suggestions are sub- 
mitted intended to assist investigation and simplify its record. 
Under every heading several examples appear, with requisite 
graphic illustrations. 

The circumstances under which Colonel Mallery entered 
upon the study of pictography, as above explained, are both 
fortunate and exceptional. Some of the writers who have 
dealt with the subject, either in treatises or in fragmentary 
notices, have regarded in the nebulous light of hieroglyphic 
symbols the specimens of petroglyphs or other forms of pict- 
ure writing treated by them, while others have endeavored 
to distort them into alphabets, and still others have disparaged 
them as idle scrawls. The first studies of Colonel Mallery 
were upon the remarkable chart before mentioned, which was 
altogether objective and practical, though beautifully illustrat- 
ing ideography. His next study in this direction, sign lan- 
guage, was also practical, objective, and ideographic, show- 
ing instructive parallels with the Dakota calendar and with 
other forms of pictography then thoroughly interpreted. He 
therefore approached the subject from a point of view the 
reverse of that taken by most previous writers. There was 
in him no bias toward a mystic interpretation, or any pre- 
determination to discover an occult significance in pictographs, 
whether on rocks, skins, or bark. The probability appeared, 
from his actual experience, that the interpretation was a simple 
and direct, not a mysterious and involved process, and the 


course of his studies naturally tended to ascertain, collocate, 
ami compare facts, but to eschew suppositions. At the same 
time, the author by no means denies or forgets that poetry and 
imagination may be discerned in the Indian pictographs as 
well as in their o-esture speech and in their spoken languages- 
He acknowledges, and illustrates by examples given, thai pic- 
tographs are, in many cases, figurative, metaphoric, ami sym- 
bolic. It is also recognized that in a very few instances devices 
may he so far esoteric as to have been adopted as emblems, 
with some concealed significance, by the secret religious asso- 
ciations long known to have existed among the tribes. This 
admission is not, however, to allow of resort to mystic symbol- 
ism as a normal mode of interpretation. In the examination 
of pictographs of the North American Indians, so far as it has 
progressed, the order in which to direct interpretation is the 
same as that of theoretic evolution and of ascertained historic 
sequence. The probability is that they are, 1st, objective rep- 
resentations; 2d, that they are ideographic, and 3d, with the 
burden of proof against the proposition, that they have some 
connection with symbolism. It is well understood that any 
desigaprimarily objective can be adopted as an ideograph and 
furthermore can be used symbolically. An example of this 
used by the author is the cross, which design appears in many 
significations given in the paper with reference exclusively to 
North American Indians, and many other instances of this mill- 
tifarious use in all parts of the world are familiar. It is one 
of the most readily executed devices and has been employed 
bv all peoples objectively, ideographically, and symbolically. 
The author has, therefore, presented the facts so far known 
to him, simply as facts. When a pictograph has appeared from 
intrinsic or extrinsic evidence to convey an idea beyond its 
objectivity, the fact has been noted. Decisive extrinsic evi- 
dence in each case is required for the adoption of mystic sym- 
bolism as the true mode of interpretation. By this method of 
treatment, the subject of pictographs lias been rescued from 
the limbo of morbid fancy to be marshaled with proper place 
in the evolutionary order of human culture. 



This paper is a study of the pottery of the ancient Pueblo 
Indians made on the valuable collection obtained bythe Bureau 
of Ethnology, which had commenced with collections made 
personally by Major Powell before the establishment of the 
Bureau. This study relates to the more ancient or prehistoric 
groups of ware in that collection, which are considered under 
the heads of coiled ware, plain ware, and painted ware, the 
first being the most archaic. All of these, with the processes 
of their manufacture, are described, distinguished, and illus- 
trated. A full discussion of the more modern forms is reserved 
for future papers. 

The distribution and the environment of the Pueblo peoples 
are specified, but the author does not study the arts of their 
province with the direct object of ascertaining the origin of 
the peoples themselves or of their arts. He has used the infor- 
mation in his possession to elucidate the processes by which 
culture has been achieved and the stages throug-h which it 
has passed. It is to be noted, however, that the Pueblos were 
sedentary, and thus practiced ceramic art continuously for a 
long period; also, that in their arid country there was special 
"need of vessels for the transportation and storage of water. 
From the first of these peculiarities of habitat and environ- 
ment, their ceramic art is without any indications of distinct 
periods; from the second, very many specimens have been 
produced and preserved. 

The author directs attention to the practical details, viz, 
material used in pottery (often clay of a remarkably fine grain), 
to the modes of tempering, construction, surface finish, firing, 
hardness, and varieties of color and of form. The Pueblo 
pottery is also classified by its functional characteristics. In 
examining the illustrations some designs will attract attention 
from their resemblance to the most exquisite patterns of classic 
art and of Oriental decoration, with which they will bear favor- 
able comparison. 

The special feature of this paper is that it explains more 
fully than has been explained before, with practical examples, 


the development of geometric ornamentation. It is shown 
that forms of decoration, originating in the previously existing 
textile art and hence purely conventional, were imposed upon 
the potter's art, which, at the time of the Spanish conquest, 
had not vet acquired a style purely its own. 



The ancient relics discussed in this paper are divided into 
three groups, viz, those found in the Upper Mississippi, the 
Middle Mississippi, and the Lower Mississippi or Gulf prov- 
ince. The much greater amount of ware obtained from the 
mounds and graves of the province of the Middle Mississippi 
Valley, as compared with that found in the other districts, has 
required that this paper should be mainly devoted to this 
province. It embraces the greater part of the States of Mis- 
souri, Arkansas, and Tennessee, large portions of Kentucky, 
Mississippi, and Illinois, and extends into Iowa, Alabama, 
Indiana, and Texas. The author dwells upon the age of the 
objects, their use, construction, material, colors, form, finish, and 
ornamentation. He gives special classifications and descrip- 
tions, with numerous illustrations, under the heads of bowls, 
pot shaped vessels, wide mouthed bottles or jars, and high 
necked bottles. It is noted that the vessels, though generally 
found in connection with human sepulchers, were not to any 
extent cinerary, probably not even mortuary, in the sense of 
construction for the purpose of inhumation with the dead. 
They were ordinary receptacles for food and drink placed 
in the grave, together with other possessions of the deceased. 
Tlie material employed in their manufacture was clay in all 
grades of refinement. The tempering materials, varying 
in quantity, were shells, sand, and pulverized potsherds. 
The stage of the art represented was that of primitive hand 
building. No lathe or wheel was used. Molds, such as 
could be made from baskets, nets, and coarse cloth, were 
employed in some sections. The period was also one of open- 
air baking. A prominent feature is the great diversity of form, 
indicating the long practice of the art, a high specialization of 


uses and considerable variety in the originals copied. The 
manual skill was of a fair order, and symmetry of form, com- 
bined with grace of outline, was achieved without the use of 
the wheel. The rank of this ware is higher in these respects 
than that of the prehistoric pottery of Central and Northern 
Europe, though inferior to that of Mexico, Central America, 
and Peru. In characterizing the degree of culture repre- 
sented by this ware, Mr Holmes decides that there is no 
feature in it that cannot reasonably be attributed to the 
more advanced historic tribes of the valley where it is found. 
It indicates a culture differing in many particulars from that 
of the Pueblo Indians, ancient or modern, but, on the whole, 
is rather inferior to it. 

This paper is especially valuable to American archa?ologists 
in its relation to the culture system of the people who built the 
mounds, theories upon which have been so numerous and so 


The two papers last mentioned were preceded by a paper 
from the same author, " Prehistoric textile fabrics of the 
United States, derived from impressions on pottery," published 
in the third annual report. These three papers present the 
results so far obtained by the author, each being' a detailed 
study in its own field, of the objects collected and discussed. 
While each study is complete in itself, it shows by comparison 
its relation to other groups. The objects are presented, com- 
pared, classified, and studied in the same manner and with the 
same intention as those with which the naturalist uses the spec- 
imens within his domain. 

The prominent feature of the present paper, which com- 
bines the results of the three former papers, is that it pre- 
sents the evolution of form and ornament in the ceramic art 
and suggests the same evolution in all other developments of 
art. The course of development here as elsewhere is shown 
to proceed from the simple to the complex, and the causes and 
processes of the developments are explained, analyzed, clas- 


silied, and illustrated from examples never before presented. 
The accessible material on the subject shows that in America 
there is opportunity for the study of the origin of art beyond 
any hitherto enjoyed in the Eastern Hemisphere. In the 
order of evolution, the character of the specimens now under 
examination ends where classic art begins, and though the 
recent discoveries by Schliemann and others have brought to 
notice the lower archseologic substratum of the East, its pro- 
ductions are few and meager compared with the multitudes of 
representative objects of the same general character already in 
the National Museum. These now open to the student the 
advantage of a method which examines into the beginnings 
of art in reference to form and ornamentation, as well as 
into the earliest traces of manufacture or construction and of 
function, which show a widely different evolutionary line. Mr. 
Holmes does not consider that he has made more than a par- 
tial and tentative paper on the subject, and he is preparing 
a monograph on a comprehensive basis. The present summary 
is confined to the geometric side of the study. Otherwise 
considered, it is the non-ideographic side continued upwards 
until it reaches the point where it meets the ideographic side, the 
history and evolution of which are distinct. The general obser- 
vation to be deduced from the subject, as now presented, is 
that no metaphysical law of beauty is to be ascertained. The 
aesthetic principle is not to be found directly in or from nature, 
but is an artificial accretion of long descended imitations of 
objective phenomena. Objects are not made because they are 
essentially pleasing, but are actually pleasing - because they 
have been customarily made. The primitive artist does not 
deliberately examine the departments of nature and art, and 
select for models those things which are most agreeable to an 
independent fancy, nor even those which simple reasoning 
would decide upon as most convenient Neither does he ex- 
periment with any distinct purpose to invent new forms. What 
he attempts in improvement is what happens to be suggested 
by some preceding form familiar to him. Each step is not 
only limited but prescribed by what he already possesses in 
nature or in art, and knowing his resources his results can be 


closely predicted. On the other hand, knowing Ins products, 
much can be safely predicated of his environment and past 
stages of development. 

Mr. Holmes, by his artistic analysis and philosophic classifi- 
cation, lias set forth the laws of this branch of research more 
clearly and more completely than any other student of the 
subject. Though some of his propositions are not presented 
by him as entirely original, even those are enforced by example 
and made intelligible by illustration, so as to be substantially 
novel to most readers. Indeed, the general result of his studies 
as expressed differs widely from the current conservative theo- 


Mr. Cushing's paper, while on the same general subject as 
that of Mr. Holmes first above mentioned, differs from the 
latter in that it presents additional evidence of a different kind 
in support of the propositions deduced which are common to 
both writers. Mr. Holmes treats of the objects on which his 
study is based wholly from the standpoint of an archa?ologist. 
Mr. Cashing has had and used the opportunity to examine ety- 
mologically the names of the objects which have been retained, 
even when their forms and uses have been modified, and also 
to observe the minute processes of their present manufacture. 
By noticing the traces in the language of the Zufii and their 
continued employment of some archaic and apparently object- 
less methods, only to be explained through their traditions 
and mythology, the evolutionary history of form and ornament 
among them is set forth with surprising completeness. 

The author first explains the effect upon the Zufii art of their 
peculiar habitat, not only in the requirements of their semi- 
desert region, but in the necessary tendency towards rectan- 
gular forms in their primitive architecture. 

The logical inductions made by Mr. Holmes from his point 
of examination, as before explained, are confirmed by the 
additional considerations presented by Mr. Gushing; in partic- 
ular, that the general effect of gourd forms suggested basket 


types .uid that the latter produced the forms and ornamentation 
of earthenware. That the forms and ornaments were reproduced 
strictly through the effect of custom and association is shown 
by an amount and kind of concurrent evidence never before 
so well presented. It is equally remarkable and well estab- 
lished that the most aesthetically beautiful of the tonus have 
been produced merely from the absolute requirements of man- 
ufacture, and also that many designs, apparently purely orna- 
mental and symbolic, owe their origin to necessity and servile 

Mr. Cushing agrees with the other authors of the papers in 
this volume in his warning against the attribution of symbolism 
without special evidence. While it is shown by him that sym- 
bolism exists among the modern Zuni, it is also clear that 
they have applied symbolic as well as emblematic ideas to 
designs which at first had no significance. That ascertained 
fact alone should prevent an attempt at symbolic interpreta- 
tion when not indicated in any other manner than by the fig- 
ures themselves. 

Since no subjective principle has had an important influence 
upon form and ornament, their development being thoroughly 
objective, its history can be traced with far more certainty than 
was once supposed. The archaeologist can be guided by the 
indications which form and ornament afford with as much ac- 
curacy as by any particulars of material, construction, and 
function, with which they are closely connected and which they 

From th e studies so far made in the ceramic art of the North 
American Indians, it seems possible to deduce general laws 
applicable to the study of pottery wherever found, and to dis- 
cover what were the types of the pre-ceramic vessels, thereby 
deriving information as to the environment of their makers be- 
fore the latter had acquired the potter's art, and therefore an- 
terior to the period of any relics. Thus their lost history may, 
to a certain extent, be recovered. Such laws will assist the 
archaeologists of the Old World, where the relics yet found of 
a corresponding culture period have been less numerous and 
certainly afford a less continuous history and explanation. 



The results of all the studies made by the writers in this vol- 
ume and their colaborers in the Bureau favor the view of a 
continuity of the pre-Columbian population of North America, 
subject to known evolutionary laws, as against cataclysmic 
theories postulating intrusive or extinct races, such as the sup- 
posititious "Mound Builders" or "Cliff Dwellers." 


Classification of expenditures incurred during the fiscal year ending June 

30, 1883. 


A. Services 

B. Traveling expenses 

C. Transportation of property 

D. Field subsistence 

E. Field supplies and expenses 

F. Field material 

G . Instruments 

H. Laboratory material 

I. Photographic material 

K. Books and maps 

L Stationery and drawing material ... 

M. Illustrat ions for reports 

N" Office rents 

O. Office furniture 

P. Office supplies and repairs 

Q. Storage 

R. Correspondence 

S. Articles for distribution to Indians. 
T. Specimens 

Balance on hand 

Total . 


$24, 917 84- 

2,291 59 

876 00 

1,294 52 

1, 123 2ft 

503 5ft 

334 51 

370 00 

'_':'4 un 

23 6» 

19 00 

24 75 

12 15 

111 62 

2, 730 48 

113 12 

35, 000 00 



4 ETH 1 









List of illustrations 7 

Introductory 13 

Distribution of petroglyphs in North America 19 

Northeastern rock-carvings IS) 

Rock-carvings in Pennsylvania 20 

in Ohio 21 

in West Virginia 22 

in the Southern States 22 

in Iowa 2;J 

in Minnesota 23 

in Wyoming and Idaho 24 

in Nevada 24 

in Oregon and Washington Territory 25 

in Utah 26 

in Colorado 27 

in New Mexico 28 

in Arizona 28 

in California 30 

in Colored dictographs on rocks 33 

Foreign petroglyphs 38 

Petroglyphs in South America 38 

in British Guiana 40 

in Brazil 44 

Pictograpbs in Peru 45 

Objects represented in pictographs 46 

Instruments used iu pictography 48 

Instruments for carving 48 

for drawing 48 

for painting 48 

for tattooing 49 

Colors and methods of application 50 

In the United States 50 

In British Guiana 53 

Significance of colors 53 

Materials upon which pictographs are made 58 

Natural objects 58 

Bone 59 

Living tree 59 

Wood 59 

Bark : 59 

Skins CO 

Feathers 60 

Gourds 60 

Horse-hair 60 

Shells, including wampum 60 

Earth ud sand 60 

The human person 61 

Taiut on the human person 61 

Tattooing 63 

Tattoo marks of the Haida Indians 66 

Tattooing iu the Pacific Islands 73 



Materials upon winch ]>ln >l o-ir:iplis urn made > iontinued. 

Artificial objects 7 - 

Mnemonic T'.i 

The quipu of the Peruvians 79 

Notched sticks -1 

Order of songs 82 

Traditions -I 

Treaties -> 

War -7 


The Dakota Winter Counts. 89 

The Corbusier Winter ('mints 127 

Notification 147 

Notice of departure and direction 147 

condition 152 

Warning and guidance 155 

Charts of geographic features 157 

Claim or demand 159 

Messages and communications 160 

Record of expedition 164 

Totemic 165 

Tribal designations 165 

Gentile or clan designations H',7 

Personal designations 168 

Insignia or tokens of authority 168 

Personal name 169 

An Ogalala roster 174 

Red-Cloud's census 176 

Property marks 182 

Status of the individual 183 

Signs of particular achievements 183 

Religious 188 

Mythic personages 188 

Shamanism 190 

Dances and ceremonies 194 

Mortuary practices _ 197 

Grave-posts 198 

Charms and fetiches 201 

Customs 203 

Associations 20:! 

Daily life and habits 205 

Tribal history 207 

Biographic 208 

Continuous record of events in life 208 

Particular exploits and events 21-1 

Ideographs 219 

Abstract ideas 219 

Symbolism 221 

Identification of the pictographers 224 

General style or typo 225 

Presence of characteristic objects 230 

Modes of interpretation 233 

Homomorphs and syinmorpbs 239 

Conventionalizing 244 

Errors and frauds 247 

Seggestions to collaborators 254 



Platk I.— Colored pictograplis in Sauta Barbara County, California.. 34 

II. —Colored piotographa in Santa. Barbara County, California. . 35 

III.— New Zealand tattooed heads '6 

I V.— O.jibwa Meda song s2 

V. — Penn ■wampum belt °' 

VI.— Winter count on buffalo robe "'■' 

VII.— Dakota winter counts: for 1786-'87 to 1792-'93 100 

VIII.— Dakota winter counts : for 1793-'94 to 1799-1800 101 

IX.— Dakota winter counts : for 1800-01 to 1802-'03 103 

X.— Dakota winter counts : for 1803-04 to 1805-'06 104 

XI.— Dakota winter counts : for 180C-'07 to 1808-'09 105 

XII.— Dakota winter counts : for 1809-'10 to 1811-'12 106 

XIII.— Dakota winter counts: for 1812-13 to 1814-'15 108 

XIV.— Dakota winter counts: for 1815-'16 to 1817-'18 109 

XV. —Dakota winter counts : for 1816-19 to 1 -(20-21 HO 

XVI.— Dakota winter counts: for 1821-'22 to 1823-'24 HI 

XVII.— Dakota winter counts: for 1824-25 to 1826-'27 113 

XVIII.— Dakota winter counts : for 1827-'28 to 1829-'30 114 

XIX.— Dakota winter counts: for 1830-31 to l><32-'33 115 

XX.— Dakota winter counts : for 1833-'34 to 1835-'36 116 

XXL— Dakota winter counts : for 1836-'37 to 1838-'39 117 

XXII. —Dakota winter counts: for 1839-M0 to 1841-'42 117 

XX1IL— Dakota winter counts: for 1842-43 to 1844-'45 118 

XXI V.— Dakota winter counts : for 1845-46 to 1847-48 H9 

XXV.— Dakota winter counts : for 1848-49 to 1850-51 120 

XXVL— Dakota winter counts : for 1851-'52 to 1853-54 120 

XXVIL— Dakota winter counts: for l854-'55 to 1856-'57 121 

XXVIIL— Dakota winter counts : for 1857-'58 to 1859-'60 122 

XXIX. -Dakota winter counts: for 1860-61 to 1862-'6J 123 

XXX.— Dakota winter counts : for 1863-'64 to 1865-'66 124 

XXXL— Dakota winter counts : for 1866-'67 to 1868-'69 125 

XXXII. — Dakota winter counts: for 1869-'70 to 1870-71 126 

XXXIII. — Dakota winter counts: for 1871-'72 to 1876-'77 127 

XXXIV.— Corbusier winter counts: "for 1775-76 to 1780-81 130 

XXX V.— Corbusier winter counts : for 1781-'82 to 1786-'87 131 

XXX VI.— Corbusier winter counts : for 1787-88 to 1792-'93 132 

XXXVIL— Corbusier winter counts : for 1793-94 to 1798-'99 133 

XXXVIIL— Corbusier winter counts : for 1799-1800 to 1804-'05 134 

XXXIX.— Corbusier winter counts : for 1805-06 to 1810-'ll 134 

XL.— Corbusier winter counts: for 1811-12 to 1816-'17 135 

XLL— Corbusier winter counts : for 1817-'18 to 1822-'23 136 

XLIL— Corbusier winter counts : for 1823-'24 to 1828-29 137 

XLIII.— Corbusier winter counts: for 1829-30 to 1834-35 138 

XLIV.— Corbusier winter counts : for l835-'36 to 1840-M1 139 



Plate XLV. — Corbusier winter counts : for 1841-'42 to 1846-'47 140 

XLVI.— Corbusier winter connts: for 1847-"48 to l852-'53 142 

XLVII. — Corbnsier winter connts : for l853-'54 to 1,858 '59 143 

XLVIII.— Corbusier winter connts : for 1859-'60 to l864-'65 1 1:: 

XLIX.— Corbusier winter c its: for 1865-'GG In 1-70 -'71 Ml 

L. — Corbusier winter counts : for 1871-72 to 1876-'77 145 

LI.— Corbusier winter counts: for 1877 '78 to l878-'79 140 

LII. — Au Ogalala roster : Big-Road ami hand 174 

LIII. — An Ogalala roster : Low-Dog and band 174 

LIV. — An Ogalala roster: The Bear Spares-him and band 174 

LV. — Au Ogalala roster: lias a War-club and baud 174 

LVI. — Au Ogalala roster : Wall-Dog and band 174 

LVII. — An Ogalala roster : Iron-Crow and band 174 

L VIII.— An Ogalala roster : Little-Hawk and band 174 

LIX. — Red-Cloud's census: Red-Cloud's band 176 

LX. — Red-Cloud's census : Red-Cloud's band 17ti 

LXI.— Red-Cloud's census: Red -Cloud's band 176 

LXII. — Red-Cloud's census : Red-Cloud's band 171! 

LXIII. — Red-Cloud's census: Red-Cloud's band 17G 

LXIV. — Red-Cloud's census : Red-Cloud's band 17(1 

LXV. — Red-Cloud's census : Red-Cloud's band 176 

LXVI. — Red-Cloud's census : Red-Cloud's band 176 

LXVII. — Red-Cloud's census : Red-Shirt's baud 176 

LXVII I. —Red-Cloud's census: Red-Shirt's band 176 

LXIX. — Red-Cloud's census : Red-Shirt's band 176 

LXX.- -Red-Cloud's census: Black- Deer's baud 176 

LXXI.— Red-Cloud's census : Black-Deer's baud 176 

LXXII. — Red-Cloud's census : Black-Deer's baud 176 

LXXI1I.— Red-Cloud's census: Red-Hawk's baud 176 

LXXIV. — Red-Cloud's census : Red-Hawk's baud 176 

LXXV.— Red-Cloud's census : High- Wolf's band 176 

LXXV I. —Red-Cloud's census: High-Wolf's baud 176 

LXXVII. — Red-Cloud's census: Gun's band 176 

LXX VIII. —Red-Cloud's census: Gnu's baud 176 

LXXIX. — Red-Cloud's census: Second Black-Deer's baud 176 

LXXX. — Rock Painting in Azuza Caiiou, California 156 

LXXXI. — Moki masks etched ou rocks. Arizona 194 

LXXXII. — Buffalo-head monument 195 

LXXXIII. — Ojibwa grave-posts W9 

Figure 1. — Petroglyphs at Oakley Spriugs, Arizona 30 

2. — Deep carvings in Guiana 42 

3. — Shallow carvings in Guiana 43 

4. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Beaver 47 

5. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Bear 47 

6. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Mountain sheep 47 

7. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Three Wolf heads 47 

8. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Three Jackass rabbits. 47 

9. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Cotton-tail rabbit 47 

10. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Bear tracks 47 

11. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Eagle 47 

12. — Rock etchings at Oakley Spriugs, Arizona: Eagle tails 47 

13. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Turkey tail 47 

14. — Rock etchings at Oakley Spriugs, Arizona: Horned toads 47 



Fig. 15, — Eook etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Lizaids 47 

1(1. — Rook etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Butterfly 47 

17. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Snakes 47 

18. — Rjck etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Rattlesnake 47 

lit. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Deer track 47 

20. — Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona: Three Bird tracks 47 

'21.— Rock etchings at Oakley Springs, Arizona : Bitterns 47 

22. — Bronze head from the necropolis of Marzabotto, Italy 62 

23. — Fragment of bowl from Troja 63 

24. — Haida totem post, Queen Charlotte's Island 66 

25.— Haida man, tattooed 69 

26. — Haida woman, tattooed 69 

27. — Haida woman, tattooed 70 

28. — Haida man, tattooed 70 

29.— Skulpin (right leg of Fig. 26) 71 

30.— Frog (left leg of Fig. 26) 71 

31.— Cod (breast of Fig. 25) . 71 

32 —Squid (Octopus), (thighs of Fig. 25) 71 

33.— Wolf, enlarged (back of Fig. 28) 71 

34. — Tattoo designs on bone, from New Zealand 74 

35. — New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark 75 

36. — New Zealand tattooed woman 75 

37. — Australian grave and carved trees 76 

38.— Osage chart 86 

39. — Device denoting succession of time. Dakota 88 

40. — Device denoting succession of time. Dakota 89 

41. — Measles or Smallpox. Dakota 110 

42. — Meteor. Dakota Ill 

43.— River freshet. Dakota 113 

44. — Meteoric shower. Dakota 116 

45.— The-Teal-broke-his-leg. Dakota 119 

46. — Magic Arrow. Dakota 141 

47. — Notice of hunt. Alaska 147 

48. — Notice of departure. Alaska 148 

49.— Notice of hunt. Alaska 149 

50. — Notice of direction. Alaska 149 

51. — Notice of direction. Alaska 150 

52. — Notice of direction. Alaska 150 

53.— Notice of distress. Alaska 152 

54. — Notice of departure and refuge. Alaska 152 

55. — Notice of departure to relieve distress. Alaska 153 

56. — Ammunition wanted. Alaska 154 

57. — Assistance wanted in hunt. Alaska 154 

58. — Starving hunters. Alaska ' 154 

59. — Starving hunters. Alaska 155 

60.— Lean Wolf's map. Hidatsa, 158 

61. — Letter to "Little-man" from his father. Cheyenne 160 

62. — Drawing of smoke s'gnal. Alaska 161 

63. — Tesuque Diplomatic Packet 162 

64. — Tesuque Diplomatic Packet 162 

65. — Tesuque Diplomatic Packet 162 

66. — Tesuque Diplomatic Packet 163 

67. — Tesuque Diplomatic Packet 163 

68. — Dakota pictograph: for Kaiowa 165 

69. — Dakota pietogroph : for Arikara 166 



Fig. 70. — Dakota pictograph : for O.naha 166 

71. — Dakota pictograph: for Pawnee 166 

7v!. — Dakota pictograph : for Assiniboioe 166 

73. — I >:iU< > t ;i pictograph : for Groa Ventre 106 

74. — Lean-Wolf as "Partisan" 168 

75. -Two-si rikc as "Partisan" 169 

70. — Lean- Wolf | personal name) IT'.' 

77.— Pointer. Dakota 172 

78. — shallow. Dakota it.! 

79.— Loud-Talker. Dakota 173 

80.— Boat Paddle. Ankara 182 

31. African property mark 182 

82. — llidatsa feather marks: First to strike enemy 184 

83. — lliilatsa leather marks : Second to strike' enemy 184 

- 1, —llidatsa feather marks : Third to strike enemy 1-1 

85. — llidatsa feather marks : I'ourl li to strike enemy I -J 

86. — lliilatsa feather marks : Wounded by an enemy 184 

87. — llidatsa feather marks : Killed a woman 1-1 

— I. — Dakota feather marks: Killed an enemy 185 

89. — Dakota feather marks : Cut throat and scalped 185 

90. — Dakota feather marks : Cut enemy's throat 185 

91. — 1 lakota feather marks: Third to strike 185 

92. — Dakota feather marks : Fourth to strike 185 

93. — Dakota feather marks: Fifth to strike 185 

94. — Dakota feather marks : Many wounds 185 

95. — Successful defense. Hidatsa, etc 186 

96. — Two successful defenses, llidatsa, etc 186 

97. — Captured a horse. Hidatsa, etc 186 

9h. — First to strike an enemy, llidatsa 187 

99. — Second to strike an enemy, llidatsa 187 

100. — Third to strike an enemy, llidatsa 1-7 

101. — Fourth to strike an enemy, llidatsa 187 

102. — Fifth to strike an enemy. Arikara 187 

103. — Struck four enemies, llidatsa 187 

104.— Thunder bird. Dakota 188 

105.— Thunder bird. Dakota 189 

100.— Thunder bird (wingless). Dakota 189 

107.— Thunder bird (in beads'!. Dakota 189 

108.— Thunder bird. Haida 190 

109.— Thunder bird. Twana 190 

110— Dory record, Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska 191 

111. — Ivory record. Supplication for success. Alaska 192 

Ilia. — Shaman's Lodge. Alaska 190 

112. — Alaska votive offering 197 

1 13. — Alaska grave-post 198 

111. — Alaska grave-post 199 

115. — Alaska village and burial grounds 199 

116. — New Zealand grave effigy 200 

117. — New Zealand grave-post 201 

1 18. — New Zealand house posts 201 

119. — Mdewakantawan fetich 20 i 

120. — Ottawa pipe-stem 204 

121.— Walrus hunter. Alaska 205 

122. — Alaska carving with records 205 

123.— Origin of Brule". Dakota 207 



FlG. 124. — Running Antelope: Killed one Arikara 208 

125.— Running Antelope: Shot and scalped an Arikara 209 

126.— Running Antelope: Shot an Arikara 209 

127.— Running Antelope: Killed two warriors 210 

128. — Running Antelope: Killed ten men and three women 210 

129. — Running Antelope : Killed two chiefs 211 

130.— Running Antelope: Killed one Arikara 211 

131.— Running Antelope: Killed one Arikara 212 

132.— Running Antelope : Killed two Arikara hunters 212 

133. — Running Antelope: Killed live Arikara 213 

134. — Running Antelope : Killed an Arikara 213 

135.— Record of hunt. Alaska 214 

136. — Shoshoni horse raid 21 :> 

137.— Drawing on lmffalo shoulder-blade. Camanche 216 

138.— Cross-Bear's death 217 

139.— Bark record from Red Lake, Minnesota - 218 

140.— Sign for pipe. Dakota 219 

141.— Plenty buffalo meat, Dakota 219 

142.— Plenty buffalo meat. Dakota 220 

143.— Pictograph for Trade. Dakota 220 

144.— Starvation. Dakota 220 

145.— Starvation. Ottawa and Pottawatomi 221 

146.— Pain. Died of " Whistle." Dakota. 221 

147.— ExampleofAlgonkian petroglyphs, from Millsborough, Pennsylvania. 224 
14*.— Example of Algonkiau petroglyphs, from Hamilton Farm, West Vir- 

giuui -— ' 

149.— Exampleof Algoukian petroglyphs, from Safe Harbor, Pennsylvania . 226 

150.— Example of Western Algonkian petroglyphs, from Wyoming. 227 

151.— Example of Shoshonian petroglyphs, from Idaho 228 

152. — Example of Shoshonian petroglyphs, from Idaho 229 

153.— Example of Shoshonian petroglyphs, from Utah 230 

154. — Example of Shoshonian rock painting, from Utah 230 

155. — Rock painting, from Tule River, California 235 

156. — Sacred inclosure from Arizona. Moki 23' 

157. — Cerimonial head-dress. Moki 23/ 

158. — Houses. Moki 

159. — Burden-sticks. Moki 238 

160. — Arrows. Moki *38 

161.— Blossoms. Moki 238 

162.— Lightning. Moki 238 

163.— Clouds. Moki ' '-'::- 

164.— Clouds with rain. Moki 238 

165.— Stars. Moki 238 

166.— Sun. Moki 239 

167.— Sunrise. Moki 23'J 

168.— Drawing of Dakota lodges, by Hidatsa 240 

169. — Drawing of earth lodges, by Hidatsa 240 

170. — Drawing of white man's house, by Hidatsa 240 

171. — Hidatsati, the home of the. Hidatsa 240 

172. — Horses and man. Arikara 240 

173.— Dead man. Arikara 240 

174. — Second to strike enemy. Hidatsa 240 

175.— Third to strike enemy. Hidatsa 240 

176.— Scalp taken. Hidatsa 240 

177. — Enemy struck and gun captured. Hidatsa v . 240 



Fig. 178. — Meudota drawing. Dakota -Ml 

179. — Symbol of war. Dakota 241 

180. —Captives. Dakota 242 

181.— Circle of men. Dakota 242 

182. — Shooting from river banks. Dakota 242 

L83— Panther. Haida 242 

184.— Wolf bead. Haida 24:s 

185. — Drawings on an African knife 243 

18(5. — Conventional characters : Men. Arikara 244 

187. — Conventional characters: Man. Innnit 244 

188. — Conventional characters : Dead man. Satsika 244 

189. — Conventional characters : Man addressed. Innnit 244 

190.— Conventional characters : Man. Innnit 244 

191. — Conventional characters: Man. From Tule River, California 244 

192. — Conventional characters: Man. From Tule River, California 244 

19'.5. — Conventional characters : Disabled man . Ojibwa 244 

194.— Conventional characters : Shaman. Innnit 245 

195. — Conventional characters: Supplication. Innnit 245 

196. — Conventional characters : Man. Ojibwa 245 

197. — Conventional characters: Spiritually enlightened man. Ojibwa... 245 

198. — Conventional characters : A wabeuo. Ojibwa 245 

199. — Conventional characters : An evil Meda. Ojibwa 245 

200. — Conventional characters : A Meda. Ojibwa 245 

201. — Conventional characters: Man. Hidatsa 245 

202. — Conventional characters: Headless body. Ojibwa 245 

203. — Conventional characters : Headless body. Ojibwa 245 

204. — Conventional characters: Man. Moki 245 

205. — Conventional characters : Man. From Siberia 245 

206. — Conventional characters : Superior knowledge. Ojibwa 246 

207. — Conventional characters : An American. Ojibwa 246 

208. — Specimen of imitated pictograph 249 

209. — Symbols of cross 252 



By Gareiok Mallery. 


A pictograph is a writing by picture. It conveys and records an idea 
or occurrence by graphic means without the use of words or letters. 
The execution of the pictures of which it is composed often exhibits 
the first crude efforts of graphic art, and their study in that relation 
is of value. When pictures are employed as writing the conception 
intended to be presented is generally analyzed, and only its most essen- 
tial points are indicated, with the result that the characters when fre- 
quently repeated become conventional, and in their later forms cease 
to be recognizable as objective portraitures. This exhibition of con- 
ventionalizing also has its own import in the history of art. 

Pictographs are considered in the present paper chietly in reference 
to their significance as one form of thought-writing directly addressed 
to the sight, gesture-language being the other and probably earlier 
form. So far as they are true ideographs they are the permanent, 
direct, visible expression of ideas of which gesture-language gives the 
transient expression. When adopted for syllabaries or alphabets, 
which is known to be the historical course of evolution in that regard, 
they have ceased to be the direct and have become the indirect expres- 
sion of the ideas framed in oral speech. The writing common in civili- 
zation records sounds directly, not primarily thoughts, the latter having 
first been translated into sounds. The trace of pictographs in the latter 
use shows the earlier and predominant conceptions. 

The importance of the study of pictographs depends upon their exam- 
ination as a phase in the evolution of human culture, or as containing 
valuable information to be ascertained by interpretation. 

The invention of alphabetic writing being by general admission the 
great step marking the change from barbarism into civilization, the 
history of its earlier development must be valuable. It is inferred from 
internal evidence that picture-writing preceded and originated the 
graphic systems of Egypt, Nineveh, and China, but in North America 
its use is still modern and current. It can be studied there, without any 



requirement of inference or hypothesis, in actual existence as applied 
to records and communications. Furthermore, its transition into signs of 

sound is apparent in the Aztec and the Maya characters, in which stage it 
was only arrested by foreigu conquest. The earliest lessons of the birth 
and growth of culture in this most important branch of investigation 
can therefore be best learned from the Western Hemisphere. In this 
connection it may lie noticed that picture-writing is found in sustained 
rigor on the same continent where sign-language has prevailed or con- 
tinued in active operation to an extent unknown in other parts of the 
world. These modes of expression, i.e., transient and permanent idea- 
writing, are so correlated in their origin and development that neither 
can be studied with advantage to the exclusion of the other. 

The limits assigned to this paper allow only of its comprehending 
the Indians north of .Mexico, except as the pictographs of other peoples 
are introduced for comparison. Among these no discovery has \ et been 
made of any of the several devices, such as the rebus, or the initial, 
adopted elsewhere, by which the element of sound apart from signifi- 
cance has been introduced. 

The first stage of picture-writing as recognized among the Egyptians 
was the representation of a material object in such style or connection 
as determined it not to be a mere portraiture of that object, but figura- 
tive of some other object or person. This stage is abundantly exhibited 
among the Indians. Indeed, their personal and tribal names thus ob- 
jectively represented constitute the largest part of their picture-writing 
so far thoroughly understood. 

The second step gained by the Egyptians was when the picture be- 
came used as a symbol of some quality or characteristic. It can be 
readily seen how a hawk with bright eye and lofty flight might be se- 
lected as a symbol of divinity and royalty, and that the crocodile should 
denote darkness, while a slightly further step in metaphysical symbolism 
made the ostrich feather, from the equality of its filaments, typical of 
truth. It is evident from examples given in the present paper that the 
North American tribes at the time of the Columbian discovery had 
entered upon this second step of picture-writing, though with marked 
inequality between tribes and regions in advance therein. None of 
them appear to have reached such proficiency in the expression of con- 
nected ideas by picture as is shown in the sign-language existing among 
some of them, in which even conjunctions and prepositions are indi- 
cated. Still many truly ideographic pictures arc known. 

A consideration relative to the antiquity of mystic symbolism, and 
its position in the several culture-periods, arises in this connection. It 
appears to have been an outgrowth of human thought, perhaps in the 
nature of an excrescence, useful for a time, but abandoned after a cer- 
tain stage of advancement. 

A criticism has been made on the whole subject of pictography by 
Dr. Richard Andree, who, in his work, Ethnographische Parallelen und 
Yergleiche, Stuttgart, 1S7S, has described and figured a large number of 


examples of petroglyphs, a name given by bim to rock-drawings and 
adopted by the present writer. His view appears to be that these 
figures are frequently the idle marks which, among civilized people, 
boys <>r ignorant persons cut with their pen-knives on the desks 
and walls of school-rooms, or scrawl on the walls of lanes and re- 
tired places. From this criticism, however, Dr. Andree carefully ex- 
cludes the pictographs of the North American Indians, his conclusion 
being that those found in other parts of the world generally occupy a 
transition stage lower than that conceded for the Indians. It is possi- 
ble that significance may yet be ascertained in many of the characters 
found in other regions, and perhaps this may be aided by the study of 
those in North America : but no doubt should exist that the latter have 
purpose and meaning. Any attempt at the relegation of such picto- 
graphs as are described in the present paper, and have been the subject 
of the study of the present writer, to any trivial origin can be met by 
a thorough knowledge of the labor and pains which were necessary in 
the production of some of the petroglyphs described. 

All criticism in question with regard to the actual significance of 
North American pictographs is still better met by their practical use by 
historic Indians for important purposes, as important to them as the art 
of writing, of which the present paper presents a large number of con- 
clusive examples. It is also known that when they now make picto- 
graphs it is generally done with intention and significance. 

Even when this work is undertaken to supply the demand for painted 
robes as articles of trade it is a serious manufacture, though sometimes 
imitative in character and not intrinsically significant. All other in- 
stances known in which pictures are made without original design, as 
indicated under the several classifications of this paper, are when they 
are purely ornamental; but in such cases they are often elaborate and 
artistic, never the idle scrawls above mentioned. A main object of this 
paper is to call attention to the subject in other parts of the world, and 
to ascertain whether the practice of pictography does not still exist in 
some corresponding manner beyond what is now published. 

A general deduction made after several years of study of pictographs 
of all kinds found among the North American Indians is that they 
exhibit very little trace of mysticism or of esotericism in any form. 
They are objective representations, and cannot be treated as ciphers or 
cryptographs in any attempt at their interpretation. A knowledge of 
the customs, costumes, including arrangement of hair, paint, and all 
tribal designations, and of their histories and traditions is essential to 
the understanding of their drawings, for which reason some of those 
particulars known to have influenced pictography are set forth in this 
paper, and others are suggested which possibly had a similar influence. 

Comparatively few of their picture signs have become merely conven- 
tional. A still smaller proportion are either symbolical or emblematic, 
but some of these are noted. By far the larger part of them are merely 


mnemonic records and are treated of in connection with material objects 
formerly and, perhaps, still used mnemonically. 

It is believed that the interpretation of the ancient forms is to be ob- 
tained, if at all, not by the discovery of any hermenentic key, bat by 
an understanding of the modern forms, some of which fortunately can 
be interpreted by living men ; and when this is not the case the. more 
recent forms can be made intelligible at least in part by thorough knowl- 
edge of the historic tribes, including their sociology, philosophy, and 
aits, such as is now becoming acquired, and of their sign-language. 

It is not believetl that any considerable information of value in an 
historical point of view will be obtained directly from the interpretation 
of the pictographs in North America. The only pictures which can lie 
of great antiquity are rock-carvings and those in shell or similar sub- 
stances resisting the action of time, which have been or may be found 
in mounds. The greater part of those already known are simply peck- 
ings, etchings, or paintings delineating natural objects, very often 
animals, and illustrate the beginning of pictorial art. It is, however, 
probable that others were intended to commemorate events or to repre- 
sent ideas entertained by their authors, but the events which to them 
were of moment are of little importance as history. They referred gen- 
erally to some insignificant fight or some season of plenty or of famine, 
or to other circumstances the evident consequence of which has long 

While, however, it is not supposed that old inscriptions exist directly 
recording substantively important events, it is hoped that some mate- 
rials for history can be gathered from the characters in a manner similar 
to the triumph of comparative philology in resurrecting the life-history 
and culture of the ancient Aryans. The significance of the characters 
being granted, they exhibit what chiefly interested their authors, and 
those particulars may be of anthropologic consequence. The study has 
so far advanced that, independent of the significance of individual char- 
acters, several distinct types of execution are noted which may be ex- 
pected to disclose data regarding priscan habitat and migration. In 
this connection it may be mentioned that recent discoveries render it 
probable that some of the pictographs were intended as guide-marks to 
point out trails, springs, and fords, and some others are supposed to in- 
dicate at least the locality of mounds and graves, and possibly to record 
specific statements concerning them. A comparison of typical forms 
may also usefully be made with the objects of art now exhumed in large 
numbers from the mounds. 

Ample evidence exists that many of the pictographs, both ancient 
and modern, are connected with the mythology and religious practices 
of their makers. The interpretations obtained during the present year 
of some of those among the Mold, Zuni, and Navajo, throw new and 
strong light on this subject. It is regretted that the most valuable and 
novel part of this information cannot be included in the present paper, 


;is it is in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology iu a shape not yet 
arranged for publication, or forms part of the forthcoming' volume of the 
Transactions of the Anthropological Society of Washington, wbieh may 
not he anticipated. 

The following general remarks of Schoolcraft, Vol. 1, p. 351, are of 
si Hue value, though they apply with any accuracy only to the Ojibwa 
and are tinctured with a fondness for the mysterious: 

Fur their pictographic devices the North American Indians have two terms, namely, 
Kekeewin, or such things as are generally understood by the tribe; and Kekeenourin, 
or teachings of tilt; medas or priests, anAjossakeeds or prophets. The knowledge of the 
latter is chiefly confined to persons who are versed in their system of magic medi- 
eine. or their religion, and may be deemed hieratic. The former consists of the com- 
mon figurative signs, such as are employed at places of sepulture, or by hunting or 
traveling parties. It is also employed in the mtizzindbiks, or rock-writings. Many 
of the figures are common to both, and are seen in the drawings generally; but it is 
to be understood that this results from the figure-alphabet being precisely the same 
iu both, while the devices of the nugamoons, or medicine, wabino, hunting, and war 
songs, are known solely to the initiates who have learned them, and who always pay 
high to the native professors for this knowledge. 

It must, however, be admitted, as above suggested, that many of the 
pictographs found are not of the historic or mythologic significance 
once supposed. For instance, the examination ot the rock carvings in 
several parts of the country has shown that some of them were mere 
records of the visits of individuals to important springs or to fords on 
regularly established trails. In this respect there seems to have been, 
in the intention of the Indians, very much the same spirit as induces 
the civilized man to record his initials upon objects in the neighborhood of 
places of general resort. At Oakley Springs, Arizona Territory, totemic 
marks have been found, evidently made by the same individual at 
successive visits, showing that on the number of occasions indicated he 
had passed by those springs, probably camping there, and such record 
was the habit of the neighboring Indians at that time. The same 
repetition of totemic names lias been found iu great numbers iu the 
pipestone quarries of Dakota, and also at some old fords in West Vir- 
ginia. But these totemic marks are so designed and executed as to 
have intrinsic significance and value, wholly different in this respect 
from vulgar names in alphabetic form. It should also be remembered 
that mere graffiti are recognized as of value by the historian, the anthro- 
pologist, aud the artist. 

One very marked peculiarity of the drawings of the Indians is that 
within each particular system, such as may be called a tribal system, of 
pictography, every Indian draws in precisely the same manner. The 
figures of a man, of a horse, and of every other object delineated, are 
made by every one who attempts to make any such figure with all the 
identity of which their mechanical skill is capable, thus showing their 
conception aud motive to be the same. 

The intention of the present work is not to present at this time a 
view of the whole subject of pictography, though the writer has been 
i eth 2 


preparing materials with a reference to that more ambitious project. 
The paper is limited to the presentation of the most important known 
pictographs of the North American Indians, with such classification as 
has been found convenient to the writer, and, for that reason, may be 
so to collaborators. The scheme of the paper lias been to give very 
simply one or more examples, with illustrations, in connection with each 
one of the headings or titles of the classifications designated. This 
plan lias involved a considerable amount of cross reference, because, in 

many cases, a character, or a group of characters, could be c sidered 

with reference to a number of noticeable characteristics, and it was a 
question of choice under which one of the headings it should be pre- 
sented, involving reference to it from the other divisions of the paper. 
An amount of space disproportionate to the mere subdivision of Time 
under the class of Mnemonics, is occupied by the Dakota Winter Counts, 
but it is not believed that any apology is necessary for their full present- 
ation, as they not only exhibit the device mentioned in reference to their 
use as calendars, but furnish a repertory for all points connected with 
the graphic portrayal of ideas. 

Attention is invited to the employment of the heraldic scheme of 
designating colors by lines, dots, etc., in those instances in the illustra- 
tions where color appeared to have significance, while it was not prac- 
ticable to produce the coloration of the originals. In many cases, 
however, the figures are too minute to permit the successful use of that 
scheme, and the text must be referred to for explanation. 

Thanks are due and rendered for valuable assistance to correspond- 
ents and especially to officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and the United 
States Geological Survey, whose names are generally mentioned in con- 
uection with their several contributions. Acknowledgment is also made 
now and throughout the paper to Dr. W. J. Hoffman who has officially 
assisted the present writer during several years by researches in the 
field, and by drawing nearly all the illustrations presented. 


Etchings or paintings on rocks in North America are distributed gen- 

They are found throughout the extent of the continent, on bowlders 
formed by the sea waves or polished by ice of the glacial epoch; on the 
faces of rock ledges adjoining streams; on the high walls of canons 
and cliffs; on the sides and roofs of caves; in short, wherever smooth 
surfaces of rock appear. Drawings have also been discovered on stones 
deposited in mounds and eaves. Yet while these records are so fre- 
quent, there are localities to be distinguished in which they are espe- 
cially abundant and noticeable. Also they differ markedly in character 
of execution and apparent subject-matter. 

An obvious division can be made between characters etched or pecked 
and those painted without incision. This division in execution coin- 
cides to a certain extent with geographic areas. So far as ascertained, 
painted characters prevail perhaps exclusively throughout Southern 
California, west and southwest of the Sierra Nevada. Pictures, either 
painted or incised, are found in perhaps equal frequency in the area ex- 
tending eastward from the Colorado River to Georgia, northward into 
West Virginia, and in general along the course of the Mississippi River. 
In some cases the glyphs are both incised and painted. The remain- 
ing parts of the United States show rock-etchings almost exclusive of 

It is proposed with with the accumulation of information to portray 
the localities of these records upon a chart accompanied by a full de- 
scriptive text. In such chart will be designated their relative frequency, 
size, height, position, color, age, and other particulars regarded as im- 
portant. With such chart and list the classification and determination, 
now merely indicated may become thorough. 

In the present paper a few only of the more important localities will 
be mentioned; generally those which are referred to under several ap- 
propriate heads in various parts of the paper. Notices of some of these 
have been published; but many of them are publicly mentioned for the 
first time in this paper, knowledge respecting them having been obtained 
by the personal researches of the officers of the Bureau of Ethnology, 
or by their correspondents. 


A large number of known and described pictographs on rocks occur 
in that portion of the United States and Canada at one time in the pos- 
session of the several tribes constituting the Algonkian linguistic stock. 



This is particularly noticeable throughout the country of the great 
lakes, and the Northern, Middle, and New England States. 

The voluminous discussion upon the Dighton Rock, Massachusetts, 
inscription, renders it impossible wholly to neglect it. 

The following description, taken from Schoolcraft's History, Condi- 
tion, and Prospect of the Indian Tribes of the United States, Vol. IV, 
p. 119, which is accompanied with a plate, is, however, sufficient. It is 
merely a type of Algonkin rock-carving, not so interesting as many 
others : 

The ancient inscription on a bowlder of greenstone rock lying in the margin of the 
Assonet, or Taunton River, in the area of ancient- Vinland, was noticed by the New 
England colonists so early as 1680, when Dr. Dauforth made a drawing of it. This 
outline, together with several subsequent copies of it, at different eras, reaching to 
1830, all differing considerably in their details, but preserving a certain general resem- 
blance, is presented in the Antiquated Americanes [sic] (Tab. XI, XII) and referred to 
the same era of Scandinavian discovery. The imperfections of the drawings (includ- 
ing that executed under the auspices of the Rhode Island Historical Society, in 1830, 
Tali. XII) and the recognition of some characters bearing more or less resemblance to 
antique Roman letters and figures, may be considered to have misled Mr. Magnusen 
in his interpretation of it. From whatever cause, nothing could, it would seem, have 
been wider from the purport and true interpretation of it. It is of purely Indian 
origin, aud is executed in the peculiar symbolic character of the Kekeewin. 


Many of the rocks along the river courses in Northern and Western 
Pennsylvania bear traces of carvings, though, on account of the char- 
acter of the geological formations, some of these records are almost, if 
not entirely, obliterated. 

Mr. P. W. Shafer published in a historical map of Pennsylvania, in 
1 ST.".. several groups of pictographs. (They had before appeared in a 
rude and crowded form in the Transactions of the Anthropological Insti- 
tute of New York, N. Y., 1871-'72, p. 66, Figs. 25, 26, where the locali- 
ties are mentioned as "Big" and "Little" Indian Rocks, respectively.) 
One of these is situated on the Susquehanna River, below the dam at 
Safe Harbor, and clearly shows its Algonkin origin. The characters are 
nearly all either animals or various forms of the human body. Birds, 
bird-tracks, and serpents also occur. A part of this pictograph is pre 
sented below, Figure 149, page 220. 

On the same chart a group of pictures is also given, copied from the 
originals on the Allegheny River, in Venango County, 5 miles south of 
Franklin. There are but six characters furnished in this instance, three 
of which are variations of the human form, while the others are unde- 

Mr. J. Sutton Wall, of Monougahela City, describes in correspondence 
a rock bearing pictographs opposite the town of Millsborough, in Fayette 


County, Pennsylvania. This rock is about 390 feet above the level of 
Monongahela River, and belongs to the Waynesburg stratum of sand- 
stone. It is detached, and rests somewhat below its true horizon. It 
is about 6 feet iu thickness, and has vertical sides; only two figures are 
carved on the sides, the inscriptions being on the top, and are now con- 
siderably worn. Mr. Wall mentions the outlines of animals and some 
other figures, formed by grooves or channels cut from an inch to a mere 
trace in depth. No indications of tool marks were discovered. It is 
presented below as Figure 147, page 224. 

The resemblance between this record and the drawings on Dighton 
Rock is to be noted, as well as that between both of them and some in 

Mr. J. Sutton Wall also contributes a group of etchings on what is 
known as the "Geneva Picture Rock," in the Monongahela Valley, near 
Geneva. These are foot-prints and other characters similar to those 
mentioned from Hamilton Farm, West Virginia, which are shown in 
Figure 148, page 225. 

Schoolcraft (Vol. IV, pp. 172, 173, Pll. 17, 18), describes also, present- 
ing plates, a pictograph on the Allegheny River as follows: 

One of the most often noticed of these inscriptions exists on the left bank of this 
river [the Allegheny], about six miles below Franklin (the ancient Venango), Penn- 
sylvania. It is a prominent point of rocks, around which tin- river deflects, rendering 
this point a very conspicuous object. * The rock, which has been lodged here in some 
geological convulsion, is a species of hard standstone, about, twenty-two feet in length 
by fourteen in breadth. It has an inclination to the horizon of about fifty degrees. 
During freshets it is nearly overflown. The inscription is made upon the inclined 
lace of the rock. The present inhabitants in the couutry call it the 'Indian God.' 
It is only iu low stages of water that it can be examiued. Captain Eastman has suc- 
ceeded, by wading into the water, in making a perfect copy of this ancient record, 
rejecting from its borders the interpolations of modern names put there by boatmen, 
towliom it is known as a point of landing. The inscription itself appears distinctly to 
record, in symbols, the triumphs in hunting and war. 


In the Final Report of the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers, 
Columbus, 1877, many localities showing rock carvings are noted. The 
most important (besides those mentioned below) are as follows : Newark, 
Licking County, where human hands, many varieties of bird tracks, aud 
a cross are noticed. Independence, Cuyahoga County, showing human 
hands aud feet and serpents. Amherst, Lorain County, presenting 
similar objects. Wellsville, Columbiana County, where the characters 
are more elaborate aud varied. 

Mr. James W. Ward describes in the Journal of the Anthropological 
Institute of New York, Vol. I, 1871-'72, pp. 57-64, Figs. 14-22, some 
sculptured rocks. They are reported as occurring near Barnesville, Bel- 
mont County, and consist chiefly of the tracks of birds and animals. 
Serpentine forms also occur, together with concentric rings. The an- 


tbor also quotes Mr. "\N i 1 1 i ; » 1 1 1 A. Adams as describing, in a letter to 
Professor Silliman in 1842, some figures on the surface of a sandstone 
Kick, lying en the bank of the Muskingum River. These figures are 
mentioned as being engraved in the rock and consist of tracks of the 

turkey, and of man. 


Mr. P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports that he found 
numerous localities along the Kanawha River. West Virginia, bearing 
pictographs. Hock etchings arc numerous upon smooth rocks, covered 

during high water, at the prominent fords of the river, as well as in the 
niches or long shallow caves high in the rocky cliffs of this region. 
Although rude representations of men, animals, and some deemed 
symbolic characters were found, none were observed superior to, or 
essentially differing from, those of modern Indians. 

Mr. John Haywood mentions (The Natural and Aboriginal History 
of Tennessee, Nashville, 1823, pp. 332, 333) rock etchings four miles be- 
low the Burning Spring, near the mouth of Campbell's Creek, Kanawha 
County. West Virginia, These consist of forms of various animals, as 
the deer, buffalo, fox, hare; of tish of various kinds; '-infants scalped 
and scalps alone," and men of natural size. The rock is said to be in 
the Kanawha River, near its northern shore, accessible only at low 
water, and then only by boat. 

On the rocky walls of Little Coal River, near the mouth of Big Horse 
Creek, are cliffs upon which are many carvings. One of these meas- 
ures 8 feet in length and 5 feet in height, and consists of a dense mass 
of characters. 

About 2 miles above Mount Pleasant, Mason County. West Virginia, 
on the north side of the Kanawha River, are numbers of characters. 
apparently totemic. These are at the foot of the hills Hanking the 

On the cliffs near the mouth of the Kanawha River, opposite Mount 
Carbon, Nicholas County. West Virginia, are numerous pictographs. 
These appear to be cut into the sandstone rock. 

Si e also page 22.3, Figure 148. 


Charles C. Jones, jr., in his Antiquities of the Southern Indians, etc., 
New Vork, 1873, pp. 62, 63, gives some general remarks upon the pic- 
tographs of the southern Indians, as follows : 

In painting ami rock writing tin- efforts "f tin- Southern Indians were confi i t<> 

the fanciful ami profuse ornamentation of their own persons « itli various colors, in 


which red, yellow, and black predominated, and to marks, signs, and figures depicted 
on skins and scratched on wood, tho shoulder blade of a buffalo, or on stone. The 
smoolh baik of a standing tree or the face of a rock was usod to commemorate some 
feat of arms, to indicate the direction and strength of a military expedition, or the 
solemnization of a treaty of peace. High up the perpendicular sides of mountain 
gorges, and at points apparently inaccessible save to the fowls of the air, are seen 
representations of the sun and moon, accompanied by rude characters, the signifi- 
cance of which is frequently unknown to the present observer. The motive which 
incited to the execution of work so perilous was. doubtless, religious in its character, 
and directly connected with the worship of the sun and his pale consort of the night. 

The same author, page 377, particularly describes ami illustrates one 
in < reorgia, as follows : 

In Forsyth County, Georgia, is a carved or incised bowlder of fine-grained granite, 
about 9 feet long, 4 feet ii inches high, and 3 feet broad at its widest point. The 
figures are cut in the bowlder from one-half to three-fourths ofan inch deep. * It is 
generally believed that they are the work of the Cherokees. 

These figures are chiefly circles, both plain, nucleated, and concentric, 
sometimes two or more being joined by straight lines, forming what is 
now known as the "spectacle-shaped" figure. 

Dr. M. F. Stephenson mentions, in Geology and Mineralogy of Geor- 
gia. Atlanta, 187), p. 199, sculptures of human feet, various animals, 
bear tracks, etc., in Enchanted Mountain, Union County, Georgia. The 
whole number of etchings is reported as one hundred and forty-six. 


Mr. P. W. Norris found numerous caves on the banks of the Missis- 
sippi River, in Northeastern Iowa, ± miles south of New Albion, con- 
fining incised pictographs. Fifteen miles south of this locality paint- 
ings occur on the cliffs. 


.Mr. P. W. X orris has discovered large numbers of pecked totemic 
characters on the horizontal face of the ledges of rock at Pipe Stone 
Quarry, Minnesota, of which he has presented copies. The custom 
prevailed, it is stated, for each Indian who gathered stone (Catlinite) 
for pipes to inscribe his totem upon the rock before venturing to 
quarry upon this ground. Some of the cliffs in the immediate vicinity 
were of too hard a nature to admit of pecking or scratching, and upon 
these the characters were placed in colors. 



A number of pictographs in Wyoming are described in tin' report on 
Northwestern Wyoming, including Yellowstone National Park, by Gapt. 
William A. Jones, U. S. A., Washington, 1875, p. 268 <( seq., Figures 

r>0 to .">.". in that work. The last three in order of these figures arc re- 
produced in Sign Language among North American Indians, in the 
First Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, pages 378 and 379, to show 
their connection with gesture signs. The most important one was dis- 
covered on Little Popo-Agie, Northwestern Wyoming, by members of 
Captain Jones's party in 1S73. The etchings are upon a nearly vertical 
wall of the yellow sandstone in the rear of Murphy's ranch, and appear 
to be of some antiquity. 

Further remarks, with specimens of the figures, are presented in 
this paper as Figure 150, on page 227. 

Dr. William H. Corbusier, U. S. Army, in a letter to the writer, 
mentions the discovery of rock etchings on a sandstone rock near the 
headwaters of Sage Creek, in the vicinity of Fort Washakie, Wyoming. 
Dr. Corbusier remarks that neither the Shoshoni nor the Arapaho In- 
dians know who made the etchings. The two chief figures appear to lie 
those of the human form, with the hands and arms partly uplifted, the 
whole being surrounded above and on either side by an irregular line. 

The method of grouping, together with various accompanying appen- 
dages, as irregular lines, spirals, etc., observed in Dr. Corbusier's draw- 
ing, show great similarity to the Algonkin type, and resemble some 
etchings found near the Wind River Mountains, which were the work 
of Blackfeet (Satsika) Indians, who, in comparatively recent times, occu- 
pied portions of the country in question, and probably also etched the 
designs near Fort Washakie 

A number of examples from Idaho appear infra, pages 228 and 220. 


At the lower extremity of Pyramid Lake, Nevada, pictographs have 
been found by members of the United States Geological Survey, though 
no accurate reproductions are available. These characters are men- 
tioned as incised upon the surface of basalt rocks. 

On the western slope of Lone Butte, in the Carson Desert, Nevada, 
pictographs occur in considerable numbers. All of these appear to 
have been produced, on the faces of bowlders and rocks, by pecking 
and scratching with some hard mineral material like quartz. No 
copies have been obtained as yet. 

Great numbers of incised characters of various kinds are found on 
the walls of rock flanking Walker River, near Walker Lake, Nevada. 


Waving lines, rings, and what appear to be vegetable forms are of 
frequent occurrence. The human form and footprints are also depicted. 
Among the copies of pictographs obtained iu various portions of the 
Northwestern States and Territories, by Mr. G. K.Gilbert, is one referred 
as to as being on a block of basalt at lieveille, Nevada, and is mentioned 
as being Shiuumo or Mold. This suggestion is evidently based upon the 
general resemblance to drawings found iu Arizona, and known to have 
been made by the Moki Indians. The locality is within the territory of 
the Shoshonian linguistic division, and the etchings are in all prob- 
ability the work of one or more of the numerous tribes comprised within 
that division. 


Numerous bowlders and rock escarpments at and near the Dalles of 
the Columbia River, Oregon, are covered with incised or pecked picto- 
graphs. Human figures occur, though characters of other forms pre- 

Mr. Albert S. (latschet reports the discovery of rock etchings near 
Gaston, Oregon, in 1878, which are said to be near the ancient settlement 
of the Tualati (or Atfalati) Indians, according' to thestatement of these 
people. These etchings are about 100 feet above the valley bottom, 
and occur ou six rocks of soft sandstone, projecting from the grassy 
hillside of Patten's Valley, opposite Darling Smith's farm, and are 
surrounded with timber ou two sides. The distance from Gaston is 
about 4 miles; from the old Tualati settlement probably not more than 
2i miles in an air-line. 

This sandstone ledge extends for one-eighth of a mile horizontally 
along the hillside, upon the projecting portions of which the inscriptions 
are found. These rocks differ greatly in size, and slant forward so that 
the inscribed portions are exposed to the frequent rains of that region. 
The first rock, or that one nearest the mouth of the canon, consists of 
horizontal zigzag lines, and a detached straight line, also horizontal- 
On another side of the same rock is a series of oblique parallel lines. 
Some of the most striking characters found upon other exposed portions 
of the rock appear to be human figures, i. *., circles to which radiating 
lines are attached, and bearing indications of eyes and mouth, long ver- 
tical lines running downward as if to represent the body, and terminat- 
ing in a bifurcation, as if intended for legs, toes, etc. To the right of 
one figure is an arm and three-fingered hand (similar to some of the 
Moki characters), bent downward from the elbow, the humerus ex- 
tending at a right angle from the body. Horizontal rows of short ver- 
tical lines are placed below and between some of the figures, probably 
numerical marks of some kind. 

Other characters occur of various forms, the most striking being an 


arrow pointing upwind, with two horizontal lines drawn across the 
shaft, vertical lines having short oblique lines attached thereto. 

Mr. Gatschet, furthermore, remarks thai the Tnalati attach a trivial 
story t<> the origin of these pictures, the substance of which is as fol- 
lows: The Tillamnk warriors living on the Pacific coast were often at 
variance with the several Kalapuya tribes. One day, passing through 
Patten's Valley to invade the country of the Tnalati, they inquired of 
a passing woman how far they were from theircamp. The woman, de- 
sirous not to betray her own countrymen, said that they were yet at a 

distant fone (or two?) days' travel. This made them reflect over the 

intended invasion, and holding a council they preferred to retire. In 
commemoration of this the inscription with its numeration marks, was 
incised by the Tnalati. 

( a | it. ( 'ha lies Bendire, U. S. Army, states in a letter that Col. Henry 
C. Merriam, U. S Army, discovered pictographs on a perpendicular cliff 
of granite at the lower end of Lake Chelan, lat. 4S° N., near old Fort 
O'Kinakane, on the upper Columbia River. The etchings appear to 
have been made at widely different periods, and are evidently quite old. 
Those which appeared the earliest were from twenty-live to thirty feet 
above the present water level. Those appearing more recent are about 
ten feet above water level. The figures are in black and red colors, 
representing Indians with bows and arrows, elk, deer, bear, beaver, and 
fish. There are four or five rows of these figures, and quite a number 
in each row. The present native inhabitants know nothing whatever 
regarding the history of these paintings. 

For another example of pictographs from ^Yashingtoll .see Figure 
10(1, p. 100. 


A locality in the southern interior of Utah has been called Picto- 
graph Rocks, on account of the numerous records of that character 
found there. 

-Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the United States Geological Survey, in 1875 
collected a number of copies of inscriptions in Temple Creek Canon, 
Southeastern Utah, accompanied by the following notes : " The draw- 
ings were found only on the northeast wall of the canon, where it cuts 
the Vermillion cliff sandstone. The chief part are etched, apparently 
by pounding with a sharp point. The outline of a figure is usually 
more deeply cut than the body. Other marks are produced by rubbing 
or scraping, and still other by laying on colors. Some, not all, of the 
colors are accompanied by a rubbed appearance, as though the material 
had been a dry chalk. 

" I could discover no tools at the foot of the wall, only fragments of 
pottery, Hints, and a metate. 


" Several fallen blocks of sandstone have rubbed depressions that may 
have been ground out in the sharpening of tools. There have been 
many dates of inscriptions, and each new geueratiou has unscrupu- 
lously run its lines over the pictures already made. Upon the best 
protected surfaces, as well as the most exposed, there are drawings 
dimmed beyond restoration and others distinct. The period during 
which the work accumulated was longer by far than the time which has 
passed since the last. Some fallen blocks cover etchings on the wall, 
and are themselves etched. 

" Colors are preserved only where there is almost complete shelter from 
rain. In two places the holes worn in the rock by swaying branches 
impinge on etchings, but the trees themselves have disappeared. Some 
etchings are left high and dry by a diminishing talus (15-20 feet), but I 
saw none partly buried by an increasing talus (except in thecaseof the 
fallen block already mentioned). 

"The painted circles are exceedingly accurate, and it seems incredible 
that they were made without the use of a radius." 

In the collection contributed by Mr. Gilbert there are at least fifteen 
scries or groups of Bgures, most of which consist of the human form 
(from the simplest to the most complex style of drawing), animals, 
either singly or in long tiles, as if driven, bird tracks, human feet and 
hands, etc. There are also circles, parallel lines, and waving or undu- 
lating lines, spots, and other unintelligible characters. 

Mr. Gilbert also reports the discovery, in 1883, of a great number of 
pictographs, chiefly in color, though some are etched, in a canon of the 
Book Cliff, containing Thompson's spring, about 4 miles north of Thomp- 
son's station, on the Denver and Colorado Railroad, Utah. 

Collections of drawings of pictographs at Black Rock spring, on 
Beaver Creek, north of Milford, Utah, have been furnished by Mr. 
Gilbert. A number of fallen blocks of basalt, at a low escarpment, 
aie filled with etchings upon the vertical faces. The characters are 
generally of an "unintelligible" nature, though the human figure is 
drawn in complex forms. Foot-prints, circles, etc., also abound. 

Mr. I. 0. Russell, of the United States Geological Survey, furnished 
rude drawings of pictographs at Black Rock spring, Utah (see Figure 
153). Mi. Gilbert Thompson, of the United States Geological Survey, 
also discovered pictographs at Fool Creek Canon, Utah (see Figure 154). 
Both of those figures are ou page 230. 


Captain E. L. Berthoud furnished to the Kansas City Review of 
Science and Industry, VII, 1883, No. 8, pp. 189, 190, the following : 

The place is 20 miles southeast of Rio Del Norte, at the entrance of the canon of 
the Pieilra Pintada (Painted Rock | Creek. The carvings are found on the right of the 


cafioo, or valley, and upon volcanic rocks. They bear the marks of age and are cut in, 
not painted, as is still doue by the Utes everywhere. They are found fora quarter 
of a mile along the north wall of the canon, on 1 1 1 < - ranches of \V. M. Maguire and 1'. 
T. Hudson, and consist of .ill manner of pictures, symbols, and hieroglyphics done by 
artists whose memory even tradition does uol now preserve. The fact that these 
are carvings, done upon such hard rock merits them with additional interest, as 
they are quite distinct from the carvings I saw in New Mexico and Arizona on soft 
sand stone. Though some of them are evidently of much greater antiquity than 
others, yet all are ancient, the Utes admitting them to have been old when their 
fathers conquered the country. 


On the north wall of Canon de Chelly, one fourth of a mile east of the 
mouth of the canon, are several groups of pictographs, consisting chiefly 
of various grotesque forms of the human figure, and also numbers of 
animals, circles, etc. A few of them arc painted black, the greater por- 
tion consisting of rather shallow lines which arc in some places consid- 
erably weathered. 

Further up the canon, in the vicinity of cliff-dwellings, are numerous 
small groups of pictographic characters, consisting of men and animals, 
waving or zigzag lines, and other odd and "unintelligible" figures. 

Lieut. J. II. Simpson gives several illustrations of pictographs copied 
from rocks in the northwest part of New Mexico in his Report of an Ex- 
pedition into the Navajo Country. (Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 64,31st Cong., 
1st sess., 1856, PI. 23, 24, 25.) 

Inscriptions have been mentioned as occurring at El Moro, consist- 
ing of etchings of human figures and other unintelligible characters. 
This locality is better known as Inscription kock. Lieutenant Simp- 
son's remarks upon it, with illustrations, are given in the work last 
cited, on page 120. He states that most of the characters are no higher 
than a man's head, and that some of them are undoubtedly of Indian 

At Arch Spring, near Zuni, figures are cut upon a rock which Lieu- 
tenant Whipple thinks present some taint similarity to those at Rocky 
Dell Creek. (Rep. Lac. R, I!. Exped., Vol. 111. 1856, Pfc. III. p. .:'.». 
PI. 32.) 

Near Ojo Pescado, in the vicinity of the ruins, are pictographs, re- 
ported in the last mentioned volume and page, Plate 31, which arc very 
much weather-worn, and have " no trace of a modern hand about them." 


On a table laud near the Gila Bend is a mound of granite bowlders, 
blackened by augite, and covered with unknown characters, the work 
of human hands. On the ground near by were also traces of some of 



the figures, showing some of the pictographs, at least, to have been 
the work of modern Indians. Others were of undoubted antiquity, and 
the signs and symbols intended, doubtless, to commemorate some great 
event. (See Ex. Doe. ~No. 41, 30th Cong., 1st sess. (Emory's Recon- 
naissance), 184S, p. 89; 111. opposite p. SO, and on p. 90.) 

Characters upon rocks, of questionable antiquity, are reported in the 
last-mentioned volume, Plate, p. 63, to occur on the Gila River, at 32° 
?8' 13" N. hit., and 109° 07' 30" long. [According to the plate, the fig- 
ures are found upon bowlders and on the face of the cliff to the height 
of about 30 feet.] 

The party under Lieutenant Whipple (see Rep. Pac. R. R. Exped., 
Ill, 1856, Pt. Ill, p. 42) also discovered pictographs at Yampais Spring, 
Williams River. " The spot is a secluded glen among the mountains. 
A high shelving rock forms a cave, within which is a pool of water and 
a crystal stream flowing from it. The lower surface of the rock is 
covered with pictographs. None of the devices seem to be of recent 

Many of the country rocks lying on the Colorado plateau of Northern 
Arizona, east of Peach Springs, bear traces of considerable artistic 
workmanship. Some observed by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, in 1871, were 
rather elaborate and represented figures of the sun, human beings in 
various styles approaching the grotesque, and other characters not yet 
understood. All of those observed were made by pecking the surface 
of basalt with a harder variety of stone. 

Mr. G. K. Gilbert discovered etchings at Oakley Spring, eastern Ari- 
zona, in 1878, relative to which ho remarks that an Oraibi chief ex- 
plained them to him and said that the " Mokis make excursions to a 
locality in the canon of the Colorado Chiquito to get salt. On their re- 
turn they stop at Oakley Spring and each Indian makes a picture on the 
rock. Each Indian draws his crest or totem, the symbol of his gens [(?)]. 
He draws it once, and once only, at each visit." Mr. Gilbert adds, 
further, that " there are probably some exceptions to this, but the etch- 
ings show its general truth. There are a great many repetitions of the 
same sign, and from two to ten will often appear in a row. In several 
instances I saw the end drawings of a row quite fresh while the others 
were not so. Mucli of the work seems to have been performed by pound- 
ing with a hard point, but a few pictures are scratched on. Many draw- 
ings are weather-worn beyond recognition, and others are so fresh that 
the dust left by the tool has not been gashed away by rain. Oakley 
Spring is at the base of the Vermillion Cliff, and the etchings are on 
fallen blocks of sandstone, a homogeneous, massive, soft sandstone. 
Tubi, the Oraibi chief above referred to, says his totem is the rain cloud 
but it will be made no more as he is the last survivor of the gens." 

A group of the Oakley Spring etchings of which Figure 1 is a 
copy, measures six feet in length and four feet in height. Interpreta- 



tions of many of the separated characters of Figure l are presented on 
page 10 et seq., also in Figures L56 et seq., page 237. 

} j i b?"~ x o i- 

. 7*jtri*W.* 

1 " V , ,, f * V 

*K3 V ' 

Fig. 1.— Petroglyphs at Oafcley Springs, Arizona. 

Mr. Gilbert obtained sketches of etchings in November, 1878, on 
Partridge Creek, northern Arizona, at the point where the Beale wagon 
road comes to it from the east. "The rock is cross laminated Aubrey 
sandstone and the surfaces used are faces of the lamina?. All the work 
is done by blows with a sharp point. (Obsidian is abundant in the 
vicinity.) Some inscriptions are so fresh as to indicate that the locality 
is still resorted to. No Indians live in the immediate vicinity, but the 
region is a hunting ground of the Wallapais and Avasupais (Cosninos)." 

Notwithstanding the occasional visits of the above named tribes, the 
characters submitted more nearly resemble those of other localities 
known to have been made by the Mold Pueblos. 

Pock etchings are of frequent occurrence along the entire extent of 
the valley of the Eio Verde, from a short distance below Camp Verde 
to the Gila River. 

Mr. Thomas V. Keam reports etchings on the rocks in Canon Segy, 
and in Ream's Canon, northeastern Arizona. Some forms occurring at 
the latter locality are found also upon Moki pottery. 


From information received from Mr. Alphonse Pinart, pictographic 
records exist in the hills east of San Bernardino, somewhat resembling 


those at Tule River in the southern spurs of the Sierra Nevada, Kern 

These pictographic records are found at various localities along the 
hill tops, but to what distance is not positively known. 

In the range of mountains forming the northeastern boundary of 
Owen Valley are extensive groups of petroglyphs, apparently dissimi- 
lar to tbose found west of tbe Sierra Nevada. Dr. Oscar Loew also 
mentions a singular inscription on basaltic rocks in Black Lake Valley, 
about i miles southwest of the town of Benton, Mono County. This is 
scratched in the basalt surface with some sharp instrument and is evi- 
dently of great age. (Ann. Report upon the Geog. Surveys west of the 
100th meridian. Being Appendix J J, Ann. Report of Chief ot Engin- 
eers for 1870. Plate facing p. 320.) 

Dr. W, J. Hoffman, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports the occur- 
rence of a number of series of etchings scattered at intervals for over 
twenty miles in Owen's Valley, California. Some of these records were 
hastily examined by him in 1871, but it was not until the autumn of 
1884 that a thorough examination of them was made, when measure- 
ments, drawings, etc., were obtained for study and comparison. The 
country is generally of a sandy, desert, character, devoid of vegetation 
and water. The occasional bowlders and croppings of rock consist of 
vesicular basalt, upon the smooth vertical faces of which occur innumer- 
able characters different from any hitherto reported from California, but 
bearing marked similarity to some figures found in the country now occu- 
pied by the Moki and Zuni, in New Mexico and Arizona, respectively. 

The southernmost group of etchings is eighteen miles south of the 
town of Benton; the nest group, two miles almost due north, at the 
Chalk Grade ; the third, about three miles farther north, near the stage 
road; the fourth, half a mile north of the preceding; then a fifth, five 
and a half miles above the last named and twelve and a half miles south 
of Benton. The northernmost group is about ten or twelve miles north- 
west of the last-mentioned locality and southwest from Benton, at a 
place known as Watterson's Ranch. The principal figures consist of 
various simple, complex, and ornamental circles, some of the simple 
circles varying as nucleated, concentric, and spectacle-shaped, zigzag, 
and serpentine lines, etc. Animal forms arc not abundant, those read- 
ily identified being those of the deer, antelope, and jack-rabbits. Rep- 
resentations of snakes and huge sculpturings of grizzly-bear tracks oc- 
cur on one horizontal surface, twelve and a half miles south of Benton. 
In connection with the latter, several carvings of human foot-prints 
appear, leading in the same direction, i. c, toward the south-southwest. 

All of these figures are pecked into the vertical faces of the rocks. 
the depths varying from one-fourth of an inch to an inch and a quarter. 
A freshly broken surface of the rock presents various shades from a 
cream white to a Naples yellow color, though the sculptured lines are all 
blackened by exposure and oxidation of the iron contained therein. This 
fact has no importance toward the determiuat ion of the age of the work. 


At the Chalk (hade is a large bowlder measuring aboul six feet in 
heigbl and tour feei either way in thickness, upon one side of which is 
one half of what appears to have been an immense mortar. The sides 
of this cavity are vertical, and near the bottom turn abruptly and hor- 
izontally in toward the center, which is marked by a cone about three 
inches high and six inches across at its base. The interior diameter 
of the mortar is about twenty four inches, and from the appearance of 
the surface, being considerably grooved laterally, it would appear as it' 
a core had been used for grinding, similar in action to that of a mill- 
stone. No traces of such a core or corresponding fl rm were visible. 
This instance is mentioned as it is the only indication that the authors 
of the etchings made any prolonged visit to this region, and perhaps 
only for grinding grass seed, though neither grass nor water is now 
found nearer than the remains at Watterson's Ranch and at Benton. 

The records at Watterson's are pecked upon the surfaces of detached 
bowlders near the top of a mesa, about one hundred feet above the 
nearest spring, distant two hundred yards. These are also placed at 
the southeast corner of the mesa, or that nearest to the northern most 
of the main group across the Benton Range. At the base of the east- 
ern and northeastern portion of this elevation of land, and but a stone's 
throw from the etchings, are the remains of former camps, such as stone 
circles, marking the former sites of brush lodges, and a large number 
of obsidian flakes, arrowheads, knives, and some jasper remains of like 
character. Upon the flat granite bowlders are several mortar holes, 
which perhaps were used for crushing the seed of the grass still growing 
abundantly in the immediate vicinity. Pifiou nuts are also abundant 
in this locality. 

Upon following the most convenient course across the Benton Range 
to reach Owen's Valley proper, etchings are also found, though in lim- 
ited numbers, and seem to partake of the character of " indicators as 
to course of travel." By this trad the northernmost of the several 
groups of etchings above mentioned is the nearest and most easily 

The etchings upon the bowlders at Watterson's are somewhat differ- 
ent from those found elsewhere. The number of specific designs is lim- 
ited, many of them being reproduced from two to six or seven times, 
thus seeming to partake of the character of personal names. 

One of the most frequent is that resembling a horseshoe within which 
is a vertical stroke. Sometimes the upper extremity of such stroke is 
attached to the upper inside curve of the broken ring, and frequently 
there are two or more parallel vertical strokes within one such curve. 
Bear-tracks and the outline of human feet also occur, besides several 
unique forms. A few of these forms are figured, though not accurately, 
in the Ann. Report upon the Geog. Surveys west of the 100th meridian 
last mentioned (1870), Plate facing p. 320. 

Lieutenant Whipple reports (Rep. Pac. R.R. Exped. Ill, 1850, Pt. Ill, 


p. 42, PL 30) the discovery of pictographs at Pai- Cite Creek, about 30 
miles west of the Mojave villages. These are carved upon a rock, " arc 
numerous, appear old, and are too confusedly obscure to be easily trace- 

These bear great general resemblance to etchings scattered over 
Northeast Arizona, Southern Utah, and Western New Mexico. 

Remarkable pictographs have also been found at Tuie River Agency. 
See Figure 155, page 235. 


Mr. Gilbert Thompson reports the occurrence of painted characters 
at Paint Lick Mountain, 3 miles north of Maiden Spring, Tazewell 
County, Virginia. These characters are painted in red, blue, and yel- 
low. A brief description of this record is given in a work by Mr. 
Charles B. Coale, entitled "The Life and Adventures of Wilburn 
Waters," etc., Richmond, 1878, p. 130. 

Mr. John Haywood (The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennes- 
see, Nashville, 1823, p. 140) mentions painted figures of the sun, moon, a 
man, birds, etc., on the bluffs on the south bank of the Holston, 5 miles 
above the mouth of the French Broad. These are painted in red colors 
on a limestone bluff. He states that they were attributed to the Cher- 
okee Indians, who made this a resting place when journeying through 
the region. This author furthermore remarks : " Wherever on the rivers 
of Tennessee are perpendicular bluffs on the sides, and especially if 
caves be near, are often found mounds near them, enclosed in intrench- 
ments, with the sun and moon painted on the rocks," etc. 

Among the many colored etchings and paintings on rock discov- 
ered by the Pacific Railroad Expedition in 1853-'54 (Rep. Pac. R. R. 
Bxped., Ill, 1850, Pt. Ill, pp. 30, 37, PH. 28, 2!), 30) may be mentioned 
those at Rocky Dell Creek, New Mexico, which were found between the 
edge of the Llano Estacado and the Canadian River. The stream flows 
through a gorge, upon one side of which a shelving sandstone rock 
forms a sort of cave. The roof is covered with paintings, some evi 
dently ancient, and beneath are innumerable carvings of footprints, ani- 
mals, and symmetrical lines. 

Mr. James H. Blodgett, of the U. S. Geological Survey, calls atten- 
tion to the paintings on the rocks of the bluffs of the Mississippi River, 
a short distance below the mouth of the Illinois River, in Illinois, which 
were observed bj T early French explorers, and have been the subject of 
discussion by much more recent observers. 

Mr. P. W. Norris found numerous painted totemic characters upon 
the cliffs in the immediate vicinity of the pipestoue quarry, Minnesota. 
These consisted, probably, of the totems or names of Indians who had 
4 eth 3 


visited that locality for the purpose of obtaining catlinite for making 
pipes. These had been mentioned by early writers. 

Mr. Xonis also discovered painted characters upon the cliffs on the 
Mississippi River, 1!) miles below New Albin, in northeastern Iowa. 

Mr. Gilbert Thompson reports his observation of pictographs at San 
Antonio Springs, •'>() miles east of Fort Wingate, New Mexico. The 
human form, in various styles, occurs, as well as numerous other char- 
acters strikingly similar to those frequent in the country, farther wist, 
occupied by the Moki Indians. The peculiarity of these figures is that 
the outlines are incised or etched, the depressions thus formed being 
filled with pigments of either red, blue, or white. The interior portions 
of the figures are simply painted with one or more of the same colors. 

Charles D. Wright, esq., of Durango, Colorado, writes that he has 
discovered "hieroglyphical writings" upon rocks and niton the wall of 
a cliff house near the Colorado and New Mexico boundary line. On 
the wall in one small building was found a series of characters in red 
and black paints, consisting of a "chief on his horse, armed with spear 
and lance, wearing a pointed hat and robe; behind this were about 
twenty characters representing people on horses, lassoing horses, etc. : 
in fact, the whole scene represented breaking camp aud leaving in a 
hurry. The whole painting measured about 12 by 10 feet." Other rock- 
paintings are also mentioned as occurring near the San Juan River, 
consisting of four characters representing men as if in the act of taking 
an obligation, hands extended, etc. At the right are some characters 
in black paint, covering a space 3 by 4 feet. 

The rock paintings presented in Plates 1 and II are reduced copies of 
a record found by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, of the Bureau of Ethnology, in 
September, 1884, 12 miles west-northwest of the city of Santa Barbara, 
California. They are one-sixteenth original size. The locality is almost 
at the summit of the Santa Ynez range of mountains ; the gray sand- 
stone rock on which they are painted is about 30 feet high and projects 
from a ridge so as to form a very m arked promontory extending into a 
narrow mountain canon. At the base of the western side of this bowl- 
der is a rounded cavity, measuring, on the inside, about 15 feet in width 
and 8 feet in height. The floor ascends rapidly toward the back of the 
cave, and the entrance is rather smaller in dimensions than the above 
measurements of the interior. About 40 yards west of this rock is a tine 
spring of water. One of the four old Indian trails leading northward 
across the mountains passes by this locality, and it is probable that this 
was one of the camping-places of the tribe which came south to trade, 
and that some of its members were the authors of the paintings. The 
three trails beside the one just mentioned cross the mountains at various 
points east of this, the most distant being about 15 miles. Other trails 
were known, but these four were most direct to the immediate vicinity of 
the Spanish settlement which sprang up shortly after the establishment 
of the Santa Barbara Mission in 1 7SG. Pictographs (not now described ) 



appear upon rocks found at or near the origin of all of the above men- 
tioned trails at the base of the mountains, with the exception of tin- 
one under consideration. The appearance and positiou of these picto- 
graphs appear to be connected with the several trails. 

The circles figured in b and d of Plate I, and c, r, and ic of Plate II, 
together with other similar circular marks bearing cross-lines upon the 
interior, were at first unintelligible, as their forms among various tribes 
have very different signification. The character in Plate I, above and 
projecting from d, resembles the human form, with curious lateral bands 
of black and white, alternately. Two similar characters appear, also, 
in Plate II, a, b. In a, the lines from the head would seem to indicate 
a superior rank or condition of the person depicted. 

Having occasion subsequently to visit the private ethnologic collection 
of Hon. A. F. Coronel, of Los Angeles, California, Dr. Hoffman discov- 
ered a clue to the general import of the above record, as well as the signi- 
fication of some of the characters above mentioned. In a collection of 
colored illustrations of Mexican costumes some of them probably a cen- 
tury old, he found blankets bearing borders and colors, nearly identical 
with those shown in the circles in Plate I, d, and Plate II, c, r, w. It is 
more than probable that the circles represent bales of blankets which 
early became articles of trade at the Santa Barbara Mission. If this 
supposition is correct, the cross-lines would seem to represent the cords 
used in tying the blankets into bales, which same cross-lines appear 
as cords in /, Plate II. Mr. Coronel also possesses small figures of 
Mexicans, of various conditions of life, costumes, trades, and pro- 
fessions, one of which, a painted statuette, is a representation of a 
Mexican lying down fiat upon an outspread scrape, similar in color aud 
form to the black and white bauds shown in the upper figure of (/, Plate 
I, aud «, b, of Plate II, and instantly suggesting the explanation of those 
figures. Upon the latter the continuity of the black and white bauds is 
broken, as the human figures are probably intended to be in front, or 
on top, of the drawings of the blankets. 

The small statuette above mentioned is that of a Mexican trader, aud 
if the circles in the pictographs are considered to represent bales of 
blankets, there is a figure in Plate I, d, still more interesting, from the 
union of one of these circles with that of a character representing the 
trader, i. e., the man possessing the bales. Bales, or what appear to be 
bales, are represented to the top and right of the circle d, Plate I, aud 
also upon the right hand figure in /, Plate II. To the right of the latter 
are three short lines, evidently showing the knot or ends of the cords 
used in tying a bale of blankets without colors, therefore of less impor- 
tance, or of other goods. This bale is upon the back of what appears 
to be a horse, led in an upward direction by an Indian whose head-dress, 
and ends of the breech-cloth, are visible. Other human forms appear in 
the attitude of making gestures, one also in /, Plate II, probably carry- 
ing a bale of goods. Figure u represents a centipede, an insect found 


occasionally south of the mountains, but reported as extremely rare in 
the immediate northern regions. (For x, see page 232.) 

Mr. Coronel stated that when lie first settled in Los Angeles, in 1843, 
the Indians living north of the San Fernando mountains manufactured 
blankets of the far and hair of animals, showing transverse bands of 
black and white similar to those depicted, which were sold to the in- 
habitants of the valley of Los Angeles and to Indians who transported 
them to other tribes. 

1' is probable that the pictograph is intended to represent the salient 
features of a trading expedition from the north. The ceiling of the 
cavity found between the drawings represented in Plate I and Plate 11 
has disappeared, owing to disintegration, thus leaving a blank about 4 
feet long, and 6 feet from the top to the bottom of the original record 
between the parts represented in the two plates. 

Dr. W. J. Hoffman also reports the following additional localities in 
Santa Barbara and Los Angeles counties, fifteen miles west of Santa 
Barbara, on the northern summit of the Santa Ynez range, and near 
the San Marcos Pass, is a group of paintings in red and black. One 
figure resembles a portion of a checker-board in the arrangement of 
squares. Serpentine and zigzag lines occur, as also curved lines with 
serrations on the concave sides: figures of the sun, groups of short ver- 
tical lines, and tree forms, resembling representations of the dragon-fly, 
and the human form, as drawn by the Moki Indians, and very similar 
to Pig. c, PI. II. These paintings are in a cavity near the base of an 
immense bowlder, over twenty feet in height. A short distance from 
this is a flat granitic bowlder, containing twenty-one mortar holes, 
which had evidently been used by visiting Indians during the acorn 
season. Trees of this genus are very abundant, and their fruit formed 
one of the sources of subsistence. 

Three miles west-northwest of this locality, in the valley near the 
base of the mountain, are indistinct figures in faded red, painted upon 
a large rock. The characters appear similar, in general, to those above 

Forty-three miles west of Santa Barbara, in the Najowe Valley, is a 
promontory, at the base of which is a large shallow cavern, the opening 
being smaller than the interior, upon the roof and back of which are 
numerous figures of similar forms as those observed at San Marcos Pass. 
Several' characters appear to have been drawn at a later date than 
others, such as horned cattle, etc. The black color used was a manga- 
nese compound, while the red pigments consist of ferruginous clays, 
abundant at numerous localities in the mountain cafious. Some of the 
human figures are drawn with the hands and arms in the attitude of 
making the gestures for surprise or astonishment, and negation. 

One of the most extensive records, and probably also the most elab- 
orately drawn, is situated in the Carisa Plain, near Senor Oiena's ranch, 
sixty or seventy miles due north of Santa Barbara. The most conspicu- 


ous figure is that of the sun, resembling a face, with ornamental appen- 
dages at the cardinal points, and bearing striking resemblance to some 
Mold marks and pictographic work. Serpentine lines and numerous 
anomalous forms also abound. 

Four miles northeast of Santa Barbara, near the residence of Mr. 
Stevens, is an isolated sandstone bowlder measuring about twenty feet 
high and thirty feet in diameter, upon the western side of which is a 
slight cavity bearing figures corresponding in general form to others in 
this county. The gesture for negation again appears in the attitude of 
the human figures. 

Half a mile farther east, on Dr. Coe's farm, is another smaller bowlder, 
in a cavity of which some portions of human figures are shown. Parts 
of the drawings have disappeared through disintegration of the rock, 
which is called "Pulpit Rock," on account of the shape of the cavity, 
its position at the side of the narrow valley, and the echo observed 
upon speaking a little above the ordinary tone of voice. 

Painted rocks also occur in the Azuza (Jafion, about thirty miles north- 
east of Los Angeles, of which illustrations are given in Plate LXXX, 
described on p. 156. 

Dr. Hoffman also found other paintings in the valley of the South 
Fork of the Tule Eiver, in addition to those discovered in 1882, and given 
in Figure 155, p. 235. The forms are those of large iusects, and ef the 
bear, beaver, centipede, bald eagle, etc. 

Upon the eastern slope of an isolated peak between Porterville and 
Visalia, several miles east of the stage road, are pictographs in red and 
black. These are chiefly drawings of the deer, bear, and other animals 
and forms not yet determined. 

Just previous to his departure from the Santa Barbara region, Dr. 
noffman was informed of the existence of eight or nine painted records 
iu that neighborhood, which up to that time had been observed only by 
a few sheep-herders and hunters. 

Other important localities showing colored etchiugs, and other painted 
figures, are at San Diego, California ; at Oneida, Idaho ; in Temple 
Creek Canon, southeastern Utah, and in the Canon de Chelly, north 
western New Mexico. 


The distribution and the description of the petroglyphs of Mexico, as 
well as of otber forms of pictographs found there, are omitted in the 
present paper. The subject is so vast, and such a large amount of in- 
formation lias already been given to the public concerning it, that it is 
not considered in this work, which is mainly devoted to the similar pro- 
ductions of the tribes popularly known as North American Indians. 
although tbe pre-Columbian inhabitants of Mexico should, in strictness, 
be included in that category. It is, however, always to be recognized 
that one of the most important points in the study of pictographs, is 
the comparison of those of Mexico with those found farther north. 

Copies of many petroglyphs found in the eastern hemisphere have 
been collected, but the limitations of the present paper do not allow of 
their reproduction or discussion. 


While the scope of this work does not contemplate either showing 
the distribution of the rock carvings in South America, or entering upon 
any detailed discussion of them, some account is here subjoined for the 
purpose of indicating the great extent of the ethnic material of this 
character that is yet to be obtained from that continent. Alexander 
von Humboldt, in Aspects of Nature in different lauds and different 
climates, etc., Vol. I, pp. 196-201, London, 1850, gives the following gen- 
eral remarks concerning pictographs from South America: 

In tlic interior of South America, between the 2d and 4th degrees of North latitude, 
a forest-covered plain is enclosed by four rivers, the Orinoco, the Atabapo, the Rio 
Negro, and the Cassiquiare. Iu this district are found rocks of granite and of sye- 
nite, covered, like those of Caicara and Uruana, with colossal symbolical figures of 
crocodiles and tigers, and drawings of household utensils, and of the sun and moon. 
At the present time this remote corner of the earth is entirely without human inhab- 
itants, throughout an extent of more than 8,000 square geographical miles. The 
tribes nearest to its boundaries are wandering naked sa\ ages, in the lowest stages of 
human existence, and far removed from any thoughts of carving hieroglyphics on 
rocks. One may trace in South America an entire zone, extending through more 
than eight degrees of longitude, of rocks so ornamented : viz. from the Rnpuniri, Esse- 
qnibo, and the mountains of Pacaiaima, to the banks of the Orinoco and of the Yupura. 
These carvings may belong to very different epochs, for Sir Robert Schomburgk even 
found on the Rio Negro representations of a Spanish galiot, which must have been of 
a later date than the beginning of the lGth century : and this in a wilderness where 


the natives were probably as rude then as at the present time. But it must not be 
forgotten that * * nations of very different descent, when in a similar uncivilized 
state, having the same disposition to simplify and generalize outlines, and being im- 
pelled by inherent mental dispositions to form rythmical repetitious and series, may 
be led to produce similar signs and symbols. * ' * Some miles from Encaramada, 
there rises, in the middle of the savannah, the rock Tepu-Mereme, or painted rock. 
It shews several figures of animals and symbolical outlines which resemble much 
those observed by us at some distance above Encaramada, near Caycara, in 7° 5' to 
7° 40' lat., and 66° 28' to 67° 23' W. long, from Greenwich. Rocks thus marked are 
found between the Cassiquiare and the Atabapo (in 2° 5' to 3° 20' lat.), and what is 
particularly remarkable, 560 geographical miles farther to the East in the solitudes 
of the Pariiue. This last fact is placed beyond a doubt by the journal of Nicholas 
Hortsman, of which I have seen a copy in the handwriting of the celebrated D'Auville. 
That simple and modest traveller wrote down every day, on the spot, what had ap- 
peared to him most worthy of notice, and he deserves perhaps the more credence be- 
cause, being full of dissatisfaction at having failed to discover the objects of his 
researches, the Lake of Dorado, with lumps of gold and a diamond mine, he looked 
with a certain degree of contempt on whatever fell in his way. He found, on the 16th 
of April, 1749, on the banks of the Rupunuri, at the spot where the river winding be- 
tween tho Maearaua mountains forms several small cascades, and before arriving in 
the district immediately round Lake Amucu, " rocks covered with figures," — or, as he 
says in Portugese, " de varias letras." We were shown at the rock of Culimacari, on 
the banks of the Cassiquiare, signs which were called characters, arranged in lines — 
but they were only ill-shaped figures of heavenly bodies, boa-serpents, and the uten- 
sils employed in preparing manioc meal. I have never found among these painted 
rocks (piedras pintadas) any symmetrical arrangement or any regular even-spaced 
characters. I am therefore disposed to think that the word "letras" in Hortsmann's 
journal must not be taken in the strictest sense. 

.Schomburgk was not so fortunate as to rediscover the rock seen by Hortsmaun, but 
he has seen and described others on the banks of the Essequibo, near the cascade of 
Warraputa. " This cascade," he. says, "is celebrated not only for its height hut also 
for the quantity of figures cut on the rock, which have great resemblance to those 
which I have seen in the islaud of St. John, one of the Virgin Islands, and which I 
consider to be, without doubt, the work of the Caribs, by whom that part of the An- 
tilles was formerly inhabited. I made the utmost efforts to detach portions of the 
rock which contained tho inscription, and which I desired to take with me, but the 
stone was too hard and fever had taken away my strength. Neither promises nor 
threats could prevail on the Indians to give a single blow with a hammer to these 
rocks — the venerable monuments of the superior mental cultivation of their predeces- 
sors. They regard them as the work of the Great Spirit, and the different tribes who 
we met with, though living at a. great distance, were nevertheless acquainted with 
them. Terror was painted on the faces of my Indian companions, who appeared to 
expect every moment that the lire of heaven would fall on my head. I saw clearly 
that my endeavors would he fruitless, and I contented myself with bringing away a 
complete drawing of these memorials." Even the veneration everywhere 

testified by the Indians of the present day for these rude sculptures of their predeces- 
sors, shews that they have no idea of the execution of similar works. There is an- 
other circumstance which should be mentioned: between Encaramada aud Caycara, 
on the bauks of the Orinoco, a number of these hieroglyphical figures are sculptured 
on the face of precipices at a height which could now be reached only by means of 
extraordinarily high scaffolding. If one asks the natives how these figures have been 
cut, they answer, laughing, as if it. were a fact of which none but a white man could 
be ignorant, that " in the days of the great waters their fathers went iu canoes at that 
height." Thus a geological fancy is made to afford an answer to the problem pre- 
sented by a civilization which has long passed away. 


Mr. A. Pinarl has for several year,s pasl been engaged in ethnologic 
researches, in which, as he explained to the present writer, orally, be 
has discovered a very large Dumber of pictographs in the islands of the 
Caribbean Sea. in Venezuela, and Nicaragua, with remarkable corre- 
spondences between some of them, and strouglj demarkating lines in 
regard to different types. His report will he of inestimable value in the 
complete discussion of this subject. 


In particular, a copious extract is given from the recent work Among 
the Indians of Guiana, by Everard F. im TLurn : London, 1883. His 
account is so suggestive for comparison with the similar discoveries 
made in North America that there is a temptatiou to extract from it 
even more liberally thau has been done. 

The following is taken from pages 391, et seq., of that author: 

The pictured rocks, which are certainly the most striking and mysterious of the 
antiquities of Guiana, are — and this has apparently never yetheen pointed out— not 
all of one kind. In all cases various figures are rudely depicted on larger or smaller 
surfaces of rocks. Sometimes these figures are painted, though such cases are few 
and, as will be shown, of little moment ; more generally they are graven on the rock, 
and these alone are of great importance. Rock sculptures may, again, be distin- 
guished into two kinds, differing in the depth of incision, tin- apparent mode of execu- 
tion, and, most important of all, the character of the figures represented. 

Painted rocks iu British Guiana are mentioned by Mr. C. Barriugton Brown, well 
known as a traveler in the colony. He says, for instance, that in coming down past 
Amailah fall (in the same district and range as the Kaieteur), on the Cooriebrong 
River, he passed ' a large white sandstone rock ornamented with figures in red paint.' 
When in the Pacaraima mountains, on the Brazilian frontier, I heard of the existence 
of similar paintings in that neighborhood, but was unable to find them. Mr. Wallace, 
in his account of his 'Travels on the Amazons,' mentions the occurrence of similar 
drawings in more than one place near the Amazons ; and from these and other ac- 
counts it seems probable that they occur in various parts of .South America. If, 
as seems likely, these figures are painted with either of the red pigments which the 
Indians use so largely to paint their own bodies as well as their weapons and other 
implements, or, as is also possible, with some sort of red earth, they must be 
modern, the work of Indians of the present day : for these red pigments would not 
long withstand the effects of tin- weather, especially where, as in the case quoted 
from Mr. Brown, the drawings are on such an unenduring substance as sandstone. 
Some further account of these paintings is, however, much to be desired : for, though 
they arc probably modern, it would be very interesting to know whether the designs 
resemble those depicted on the engraved Kicks, or are of the kind with which the 
Indian at tin- present time ornaments both his own skin and his household utensils ami 
paddles. It may be mentioned that in the Christy collection there is a stone celt from 
British Guiana on which are painted lines very closely resembling in character those 
which the Indian commonly paints on his own body. 

The engraved rocks, on the contrary, must be of some antiquity ; that is to say , they 
must certainly date from a time before the influence of Europeans was much felt hi 
Guiana. As has already been said, the engravings are of two kinds and are prob- 
ably the work of two different people; nor is there even any reason to suppose that 
the two kinds were produced at oue and the same time. 


These two kinds of engraving may, for tin- sake of convenience, be distinguished as 
' deep,' [a typical example of which isinFigure2] and 'shallow' [typical example Figure 
3,] respectively, according as the figures are deeply cut into the rock or are merely 
scratched on thesurface. Theformer * * vary from one-eighth to one-half ofaniuch, 
or even more, in depth ; the latter are of quite inconsiderable depth. This difference 
probably corresponds with a difference in the means by which they were produced. 
The deep engravings seem cut iLto the rock with an edged tool, probably of stone : 
the shallow figures were apparently formed by long continued friction with stones 
and moist sand. The two kinds seem never to occur in the same place or even 
near to each other ; in fact, a distinct line may almost be drawn between the districts 
in which the deep and shallow kinds occur, respectively ; the deep * * form occurs at 
several spots on the Mazeruni, Essequibo, Ireug, Cotinga, Potaro, and Berbice Rivers. 
The shallow form has as yet only been reported from the Corentyu River and its tribu- 
taries, where, however, examples occur in considerable abundance. But the two 
kinds differ not only in the depth of incision, in the apparent mode of their produc- 
tion, and in the place of their occurrence, but also — and this is the chief difference be- 
tween the two — in the figures represented. 

* * * # # * * 

They (the shallow engravings) seem always to occur on comparatively large and 
more or less smooth surfaces of rock, and rarely, if ever, as the deep figures, on de- 
tached blocks of rock, piled one on the other. The shallow figures, too, are generally 
much larger, always combinations of straight or curved lines in figures much more 
elaborate than those which occur in the deep engravings ; and these shallow pictures 
always represent not animals, but greater or less variations of the figure which lias 
been described. Lastly, though I am not certain that much significance can be at- 
tributed to this, all the examples that I have seen face more or less accurately east- 

The deep engravings, oh the other hand, consist not of a single figure-but of a greater or 
less number of rude drawings. * These depict the human form, monkeys, snakes, 

and other animals, and also very simple combinations of two or three straight or 
curved lines in a pattern, and occasionally more elaborate combinations. The in- 
dividual figures are small, averaging from twelve to eighteen inches in height, but a 
considerable number are generally represented in a group. 

Some of the best examples of this latter kind are at Warrapoota cataracts, about 
six days' .journey up the Essequibo. 

The commonest figures at Warrapoota are figures of men or perhaps 
sometimes monkeys. These are very simple, and generally consist of one straight 
line, representing the trunk, crossed by two straight lines at right angles to the body 
line: one, about two-thirds of the distance from the top, represents the two arms as 
far as the elbows, where upward lines represent the lower part of the arms; the 
other, which is at the lower end, represents the two legs as far as the knees, from 
which point, downward lines represent the lower part of the legs. A round dot, or a 
small circle, at the top of the trunk-line, forms the head : and there are a few radiat- 
ing lines where the fingers, a few more where the toes, should be. Occasionally the 
trunk-line is produced downwards as if to represent a long tail. Perhaps the tail- 
less figures represent men, the tailed monkeys. In a few cases the trunk, instead of 
being indicated by one straight line, is formed by two curved lines, representing the 
rounded outlines of the body; and the body, thus termed, is bisected by a row of 
dots, almost invariably niue in number, which seem to represent vertebra-. 

Most of the other figures at Warrapoota are very simple combinations of two, three, 
or four straight lines similar to the so-called 'Greek meander pattern,' which is of 
such widespread occurrence. Combinations of curved lines and simple spiral lines 
also frequently occur. Many of these combinations closely resemble the figures which 
the Indians of the present day paint on their faces and naked bodies. The resem- 
blance is, however, not so great but that it may be merely due to the fact that the 



figures aiejual such simple combinations of lines which would occur independently 

to the rock-engravers and to the body-painters as to all other untaught designers. 

Fiii. 2. — Deep carvings in Guiana. 

The same author (pp. 308, 309) gives the following account of the 
superstitious reverence entertained for the petroglyphs by the living 
Indians of Guiana: 

Every time a sculptured rock or striking mountain or stone is seeu, Indians inert 
the ill-will of the spirits of such places by rubbing red peppers (Capsicum) each in li is 
or her own eyes. For instance, ou reaching the Timehri rock on the Corentyn River. 
I at (Hue began to sketch the figures sculptured thereon. Looking up the next mo- 
ment I saw the Indians — men, women and children — who accompanied me all grouped 
round the rock-picture, busily engaged in this painful operation of pepper-rubbing, 
The extreme pain of this operation when performed thoroughly by the Indians I 
can faintly realize from my own feelings when I have occasionally rubbed my eyes 
with lingers which had receutly handled red-peppers ; and from the fact that, though 



the oltler practitioners inflict this self-torture with the utmost stoicism, I have again 
and again seen that otherwise rare sight of Indians, children, and even young men, 
sobbing under the infliction. Yet the ceremony was never omitted. Sometimes 
when by a rare chance no member of the party had had the forethought to provide 
peppers, lime-juice was used as a substitute; and once, when neither peppers nor 

Frc. 3. — Shallow carvings in Guiana. 

limes were at hand, a piece of blue iudigo-dyed cloth was carefully soaked, and the 
dye was then rubbed into the eyes. These, I believe, are the only ceremonies ob- 
served by the Indians. One idea underlies them all, and that is the attempt to 
avoid attracting the attention of malignant spirits. 

The following extract from a paper ou the Indian picture writing 
in British Guiana, by Mr. Charles B. Brown, in the Journal of the An- 
thropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1873, Vol. 11,254- 
257, gives views and details somewhat different from the foregoing: 

These writings or markings are visible at a greater or less distance in proportion 
to the depth of the furrows. In some instances they are distinctly visible upon the 
rocks on the banks of the river at a distance of one hundred yards ; iu others they are 
so faint that they can only he seen in certain lights by reflected rays from their pol- 
ished surfaces. They occur upon greenstone, granite, quartz-porphyry, gneiss, and 
jasperous sandstone, both iu a vertical and horizontal position, at various elevations 
above the water. Sometimes they can only be seen during the dry season, when the 
rivers are low, as in several instances on the Berbice and Cassikytyn rivers. In one 


instance, on the Corentyne river, the markings on the rock are bo much above the 

level of the river when al its greatest height, that they could onlj bave I n made 

by erecting a staging against the face of the rock, unless the river was at the time 
much above its usual level. The widths of the furrows vary from half an inch to 
one inch, while the depth never exceeds one-fourth of an inch. Si .me times the mark- 
ings are ali in ist level with the surrounding surfaces, owing to the waste or degrada 
t ion by atmospheric influences, which have acted with greater force upon the rough 
rock than on the polished face of the grooved markings. The furrows present the 
same weather-stained aspect as the roeks upon which they are cut, and both the rocks 
and the furrows are in some instances coated with a thin layer of the oxides of iron 
and manganese. 

The Indians of Guiana know nothing about the picture writing by I radii ion. They 
scout the idea of their having been made by the hand of man, and ascribe them to 
the handiwork of the Makunaima, their great spirit. Nevertheless, they do not re- 
gard them with auy superstitious feelings, looking upon them merely as curiosities, 
which is the more extraordinary as there are numbers of large rocks without any 
markings on some rivers, which they will not even look at in passing, lest some ca- 
lamity should overtake them. Their Peaimen or sorcerers always squeeze tobacco 
juice in their eyes on approaching these, but pay no regard to the sculptured 
rocks. In the Pacaraima mountains, between the villages of Mora and Itabay, the 
path passes through a circle of square stones placed on one end, one of which has a 
carviug upon it : some of these blocks have been thrown down and broken by the 
Indians, clearly proving their utter disregard for them. If then there were any tra- 
ditions regarding these writings handed down from father to son, I conclude that the 
Indians of the present day — the most superstitious of beings — would undoubtedly 
treat them with awe and respect. Again, if their forefathers were as indolent as 
they now arc, they never would have gone to the trouble of making these pictures 
merely for the purpose of passing away their time, which they could have more easily 
accomplished by lying in their hammocks from morning to night in a semi-dreamy 
sort of state, as their descendants do at present. As these figures were evidently 
cut with great care and at much labor by a former race of men, I conclude that they 
were made for some great purpose, probably a religious one, as some of the figures 
give indications of Phallic worship. 


The following is an abstract from a paper by J. Whitfield on Rock 
Inscriptions iu Brazil, in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute 
of Great Britain and Ireland, 1874, Vol. Ill, p. 114: 

The rock inscriptions were visited in August, 1865, during an exploring expedition 
for gold mines in the province of Ceara. Several similar inscriptions are said to exist 
in the interior of the province of Ceara", as well as in the provinces of Pernambuco and 
Piauhy, especially in the Sertaos, that is, in the thinly-wooded parts of the interior, 
but no mention is ever made of their having been seen near the coast. 

In the margin and bed only of the river are the rocks inscribed. On the margin 
they extend in some instances to fifteen or twenty yards. Except in the rainy n ason 
the stream is dry. The rock is a silicious schist of excessively hard and flinty texture. 
The marks have the appearance of having been made with a blunt heavy tool, such 
as might be made with an almost worn-out mason's hammer. 

The situation is about midway between Serra Grande or [biapaba and Sena Meri- 
oca, about seventy miles from the coast and forty west of the town Sobral. There 
are not any indications of works of art or other antiquarian remains, nor anything 
peculiar to the locality. The country is gently undulating, and of the usual character 
that obtains for hundreds of miles extending along the base of the Serra Ibiapaba. 

The native population attribute all the 'Letreiros' (inscriptions), as they do every- 


thing else of which they have no information, to the Dutch as records of hidden 
wealth. The Dutch, however, only occupied the country for a few years in the early 
part of the seventeenth century. Along the coast numerous forts, the works of the 
Dutch, still remain; but there are no authentic records of their ever having estab- 
lished themselves iu the interior of the country, and less probability still of their 
amusing themselves with inscribing puzzling hieroglyphics, which must have been 
a work nf time, on the rocks of the far interior, for the admiration of wandering 


Dr. J. J. Von Tschudi mentions in his Travels in Peru during the years 
1838-1842, [Wiley and Putnam's Library, Vols. XCIII-XOIV, New- 
York. 1847,] Pt. II, p. :t !.">— 340, that the ancient Peruvians also used a 
certain kind of "hieroglyphics" which they engraved in stone, and pre- 
served in their temples. Notices of these "hieroglyphics" are given 
by some of the early writers. There appears to be a great similarity 
between these Peruvian pictographs and those found in Mexico and 

The temptation to quote from Charles Wiener's magnificent work 
Perou et Bolivie, Paris, 1SS0, and also from La Antigiiedad del Hombre 
en el Plata, by Florentino Aineghino, Paris (and Buenos Aires), 18S0, 
must be resisted. 


The objects depicted in pictographs of all kinds arc too numerous and 
varied for any immediate attempt at classification. Those upon the 
petroglyphs may, however, be usefully grouped. Instructive particu- 
lars regarding them may be discovered, for instance the delineation of 
the fauna in reference to its present or former habitat in the region 
where the representation of it is found, is of special interest. 

As an example of the number and kind of animals pictured, as well as 
of their mode of representation, the following Figures, 4 to 21, are pre- 
sented, taken from the Mold inscriptions at Oakley Springs, Arizona, 
by Mr. G. K. Gilbert. These were selected by him from a large number 
of etchings, for the purpose of obtaining the explanation, and they wen- 
explained to him by Tubi, an Oraibi chief living at Oraibi, one of the 
Moki villages. 

Jones, in his Southern Indians, p. 377-379, gives a resume of objects 
depicted as follows : 

Upon the Enchanted Mountain in Union County, cut in plutonic rock, are the tracks 
of men, women, children, deer, bears, bisons, turkeys and terrapins, and the outlines 
of a snake, of two deer, and of a human hand. These sculptures — so far as they have 
been ascertained and counted — number one hundred and thirty-six. The most ex- 
travagant among them is that known as the footprint of the " Great Warrior." It 
measures eighteen inches in length, and has six toes. The other human tracks and 
those of the animals are delineated with commendable fidelity. 

Most of them present the appearance of the natural tread of the animal in plastic 
clay. * These intaglios closely resemble those described by Mr. Ward [Jour. 

Anthrop. Inst, of N. Y., No. 1, 57 et sej.], as existing upon the upheaved strata of coarse 
carboniferous grit in Belmont County, Ohio, near the town of Barnesville. 

The appearance of objects showing the influence of European civil- 
ization and christianization should always be carefully noted. An in- 
stance where an object of that character is found anions a multitude of 
others not liable to such suspicion is in the heart surmounted by a cross, 
in the upper line of Figure l,page 30 ante. This suggests missionary 




Fig. 4 

£\ Jk> 


Fig. 15. 


Fig. 19. 


Fig. 20. 

Fig. 16. 


Fig. 17. 

The followiug is the explanation of the figures: 

Fig. 4. A beaver. 

5. A bear. 

6. A mountain sheep (Oris montanu). 

7. Three wolf heads. 

8. Three Jackass rabbits. 

9. Cottontail rabbit. 

10. Bear tracks. 

11. An eagle. 

12. Eagle tails. 

Fig. 13. A turkey tail. 

14. Horned toads (Phryosoma sp. ?). 

15. Lizards. 

16. A butterfly. 

17. Snakes. 

18. A rattlesnake. 

19. Deer track 

\10. Three Bird tracks. 

21. Bitterns (wading birds). 


These are often of anthropologic interest. A few examples are given 
as follows, though other descriptions appear elsewhere in this paper. 


This includes etching, peeking, and scratching. 

The Hidatsa, when carving upon stone or rocks, as well as upon pieces 
of wood, use a sharply pointed piece of hard stone, usually a fragment 
of quartz. 

The bow drill was an instrument largely used by the Innuit of Alaska 
in carving bone and ivory. The present method of cutting figures and 
oiher characters, to record events and personal exploits, consists in the 
use of a small blade, thick, though sharply pointed, resembling a graver. 


When in haste, or when the necessary materials are not at hand, the 
Hidatsa sometimes prepare notices by drawing upon a piece of wood or 
t he shoulder blade of a buffalo with a piece of charcoal obtained from 
the tire, or with a piece of red chalk, with which nearly every warrior is 
at all times supplied. 


Painting upon robes or skins is accomplished by means of thin strips 
of wood, or sometimes of bone. Tufts of antelope hair are also used. 
by tying them to sticks to make a brush. This is evidently a modern 
innovation. Pieces of wood, one end of each chewed so as to produce 
a loose fibrous brush, are also used at times, as has been, observed 
among the Titon Dakota. 

The Hidatsa, Arikara, and other Xorthwest Indians usually employ 
a piece of buffalo rib, or a piece of hard wood, having somewhat of an 
elliptical or lozenge-shaped form. This is dipped in thin glue and a 
tracing is made, which is subsequently treated in a similar manner with 
a solution of glue, water, and color. 



The Hidatsa say that formerly, when tattooing was practiced, sharp 
pieces of bone were used for pricking' the skin. 

Tlic tribes of Oregon, Washington, and northern California used sharp 
pieces of bone, thorns, and the dorsal spines of fish, though at present 
needles are employed, as they are more effective and less painful, and 
arc readily procured by purchase. 

Needles are used by the Klamath Indians, according to Mr. Gatschet. 

Rev. M. Hells reports (Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey II, p. 75) 
that for tattooing tbe.Twana Indians use a needle and thread, blacken- 
ing the thread with charcoal and drawing it under the skin as deeply 
as they can bear it. 

Stephen Powers says (Coutrib. to N. A. Ethnol. III., p. 130) that tat- 
tooing among the Yuki is done with pitch-pine soot, and a sharp-pointed 
bone. After the designs have been traced on the skin the soot is rubbed 
in dry. 

Paul Marcoy mentions iu his Travels in South America, N. Y., 1875, 
Vol. II, 353, that the Passes, Yuris, Banes and Chumanas, of Brazil, 
use a needle for tattooing. 

The following quotation is from Te lka a Maui, or New Zealand and 
its Inhabitants, by Rev. Richard Taylor, London, 1870, pp. 320, 321: 

The substance generally used as coloring matter is the resin of the kauri or rimu, 
which, when burut, is pounded and converted into a fine powder. 

The ahi or instrument used was a small chisel, made of the bone of an albatross, 
very narrow and sharp, which was driven by means of a little mallet, lie mahoe, quite 
through the skin, and sometimes completely through the cheek as well, in which case 
when the person undergoing the operation took his pipe, the smoke found its way out 
through the cuttings; the pain was excruciating, especially iu the more tender parts, 
and caused dreadful swellings, only a small piece could be done at a time: the op- 
erator held in his hand a piece of muka, tlax. dipped iu the pigment, which he drew 
over the incision immediately it was made : the blood which flowed freely from the 
wound was constantly wiped away with a bit of tlax; the pattern was first drawn 
either with charcoal or scratched in with a sharp-pointed instrument. To tattoo a 
person fully was therefore a work of time, and to atten pt to do too much at once en- 
dangered life. I remember a poor porangi, or insane person, who, during the war, was 
tattooed most unmercifully by some young scoundrels; the poor man's wounds were 
so dreadfully inflamed, as to occasion his death : whilst any one was being operated 
upon, all persons in the pa were tapn, until the termination of" the work, lest any evil 
should befall him; to have fine tattooed faces, was the great ambition of young men. 
both to render themselves attractive to the ladies, and conspicuous in war: for even if 
killed by the enemy, whilst the heads of the untattooed were treated with indignity 
and kicked on one side, those which were conspicuous by their beautiful nioko, were 
carefully cut off, stuck on the turuturu, a pole with a cross on it, and then preserved: 
all which was highly gratifying to the survivors, and the spirits of their late pos- 

The person operated upon was stretched all his length on the ground, and to en- 
courage him manfully to eudme the pain, songs were continually sung to him. 

4 ETH 4 



Since the establishment of traders" stores mosi colors of civilized 
manufacture are obtained by the Indians for painting and decoration. 
Frequently, however, the primitive colors are prepared and used when 
Indians are absent from localities where those may be obtained. The 
ferruginous clays of various shade of brown, red, and yellow, occur so 
widely distributed in nature that these are the most commou and leading 
tints. Black is generally prepared by grinding fragments of charcoal 
into a very line powder. Amongsome tribes, as has been found in some 
of the "ancient "pottery from the Arizona ruins, clay had evidently been 
mixed with charcoal to give better body. The black color of some of 
the Innuit tribes is blood and charcoal intimately mixed, which is after 
wards applied to the incisions made in ivory, bone, and wood. 

Among the Dakota, colors for dyeing porcupine quills are obtained 
chiefly from plants, or Lave been until very recently. The vegetable 
colors, being soluble, penetrate the substance of the quills more evenly 
and beautifully than the mineral colors of eastern manufacture. 

The black color of some of the Pueblo pottery is obtained by a special 
burning with pulverized manure, into which the vessel is placed as it is 
cooling after the first baking. The coloring matter — soot produced by 
smoke — is absorbed into the pores of the vessel, and will not wear off as 
readily as when colors are applied to the surface with sticks or primi- 
tive brushes. 

In decorating skins or robes the Arikara Indians boil the tail of the 
bearer, thus obtaining a viscous fluid which is in reality thin glue. 
The figures are first drawn in outline with a piece of beef rib, or some 
other flat bone, the edge only being used after having been dipped into 
the liquor. The various pigments to be employed in the drawing are 
then mixed with some of the same liquid, in separate vessels, when the 
various colors are applied to the objects by means of a sharpened piece 
of wood or bone. The colored mixture adheres firmly to the original 
tracing in glue, and does not readily rub off. 

When similar colors are to be applied to wood, the surface is fre- 
quently picked or slightly incised to receive the color more securely. 
For temporary purposes, as for mnemonic marks upon a shoulder blade 
of a buffalo or upon a piece of wood to direct comrades upon the course 
to be pursued to attain a certain object, a piece of red chalk, or a lump 
of red ocher of natural production is resorted to. This is often carried 
by the Indian for personal decoration. 

A small pouch, discovered on the Yellowstone River in L873, which 
had been dropped by some fleeing hostile Sioux, contained several 
fragments of black micaceous iron. The latter had almost the appear- 
ance and consistence of graphite, so soft and black was the result upon 


rubbing it. It bad evidently been used for decorating tbe face as war- 

Mr. Dall, in treating of tbe remains found in tbe mammalian layers in 
the Amakuak cave, Unalashka, remarks (Contributions to N". A. Eth- 
nology, I, p. 79) that '"in the remains of a woman's work-basket, found 
in tbe uppermost layer in tbe cave, were bits of this resin [from tbe bark 
of pine or spruce driftwood], evidently carefully treasured, with a little 
birch-bark case (tbe bark also derived from drift logs) containing pieces 
of soft haematite, graphite, and blue carbonate of copper, with which 
the ancient seamstress ornamented her handiwork." 

Tbe same author reports, op. cit. p. 86, " The coloration of wooden 
articles with native pigments is of ancient origin, but all the more elab- 
orate instances that have come to my knowledge bore marks of compara- 
tively recent origin. The pigments used were blue carbonates of iron 
and copper; the green fungus, or peziza, found in decayed birch and 
alder wood; haematite and red chalk; white infusorial or chalky eafth ; 
black charcoal, graphite, and micaceous ore of iron. A species of red 
was sometimes derived from pine bark or the cambium of the ground 

Stephen Powers states in Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, III, 244, 
that tbe Shastika women "smear their faces all over daily with choke- 
cherry juice, which gives them a bloody, corsair aspect." 

Mr. A. S. Gatschet reports that tbe Klamaths of southwestern Oregon 
employ a black color, Igu, made of burnt plum seeds and bulrushes, 
which is applied to the cheeks in the form of small round spots. This is 
used during dances. Red paint, for the face and body, is prepared from a 
resin exuding from the spruce tree, pdnam. A yellow mineral paint is 
also employed, consisting probably of ocher or ferruginous clay. Mr. 
Gatschet says the Klamath spdl, yellow mineral paint, is of light yellow 
color, but turns red when burned, after which it is applied in making 
small round dots upon the face. The white infusorial earth (".), termed 
chalk by Mr. Gatschet, is applied in the form of stripes or streaks over 
the body. The Klamaths use charcoal, Igum, in tattooing. 

The various colors required by a tribe were formerly obtained from 
plants as by the Dakota, while some of the earthy compounds consisted 
of red and yellow ocher — oxides of iron — and black micaceous ore of iron 
and graphite. Some of the California Indians in the vicinity of Tulare 
River also used a white color, obtained at that locality, and consisted of 
infusorial earth — diatomaceous. The tribes at and near the geysers, 
north of San Francisco Bay, obtained their vermilion from croppings 
of sulphuret of mercury — cinnabar. The same is said to have been the 
case at the present site of the New Almadeu mines, where tribes of the 
Mutsun formerly lived. Black colors were also prepared by mixing 
finely powdered charcoal and clay, this being practiced by some of the 
Pueblos for painting upon pottery. Some of the black color obtained 


from pictographs in Santa Barbara County, California, proved to 1"- a 
hydrous oxide of manganese. 

For black color in tattooing the Tuki, of California, use soot. The 
juice of certain plants is also used by the Karok, of California, to color 
the face. 

The Yoknts, of Tule River Agencj , < 'alifornia, employ the roots of the 
cedar (red) and willow (white) split and rendered uniform in caliber. 
Daring work the materials are kept moistened, so as to permit of easy 
manipulation and to prevent fracture of the vegetal fibers. 

Rev 1. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports regarding 
theOsages that one mode of obtaining black color for the face consists in 
burning a quantity of small willows. When these are charred they are 
broken in small pieces and placed in pans, with a little water in each. 
The hands are then dipped into the pan and rubbed together, and finally 
rubbed over the parts to be colored. 

Formerly tattooing was more frequently practiced among the Hidatsa 
than at present, the marks being caused by pricking the skin with a 
sharp splinter of bone and the application of a paste consisting of 
finely-powdered charcoal and water. 

The Hualpais, living on the western border of the Colorado Plateau. 
Arizona Territory, were found by Dr. Hoffman, in 1871, to decorate their 
persons by a disgusting process. Various individuals were observed who 
appeared as if their persons had been tattooed in vertical bands from the 
forehead to the waist, but upon closer examination it was found that 
dark and light bands of the natural skin are produced in the follow- 
ing manner: When a deer or an antelope has been killed, the blood is 
rubbed over the face and breast, after which the spread and curved 
fingers — to resemble claws — are scratched downward from the forehead 
over the face and over the breast, thus removing some of the blood ; 
that remaining soon dries, and gives the appearance of black stripes. 
The exposed portion of the skin retains the natural dark-tanned color, 
while that under the coating of coagulated blood naturally becomes 
paler by being protected against the light and air. These individuals 
do not wash off such marks of success in the chase, and after a while 
the blood begins to drop off by desquamation, leaving lighter spots and 
lines, which for a short period of a week or two appear like tattoo 

The Mojave pigments are ocher, clay, and probably charcoal, mingled 
with oil. See Pac. R. R, Exped., Vol. Ill, Pt. Ill, p. 33. 

The colors, at present used by the Indians and obtained from the 
traders, consist generally of the following compounds, viz.: vermilion, 
red lead, chromate of lead (yellow), Prussian blue, chrome green, ivory 
black and lamp black, Chinese white, and oxide of zinc. All of these 
are in the form of powder or in crude masses, and are subsequently 
prepared for use as required. 



Everard F. im Thurn, op. cit, p. 31G, gives the following details: 

The dyes used by the Indians to paint their own bodies, and occasionally to draw 
patterns on their implements, are red faroah, purple caraweera, blue-black lana 
white felspathic clay, and. though Very rarely, a yellow vegetable dye of unknown 

Faroah is the deep red pulp around the seed of a shrub ! Bixa orellana >. which grows 
wild on the hanks of some of the rivers, and is cultivated by the Indians in their 
clearings. Mixed with a large quantity of oil, it is then either dried and so kept in 
lumps which can he. made soft again by the addition of more oil, or is stored in a 
liquid condition in tubes made of hollow bamboo-stems. When it is to be used, either 
a mass of it is taken in the palm of 1he hand and rubbed over the skin or other surface 
to be painted, or a pattern of tine lines is drawn with it by means of a stick used as a 
pencil. The True Caribs also use faroah large I \ to stain their hammocks. 

Caraweera is a somewhat similar dye, of a more purplish red, and by no means so 
commonly used. It is prepared fiom the leaves of a yellow flowered biguonia (B. 
chicTca), together with some other unimportant ingredients. The dried leaves are boiled 
for a few minutes over a tire, aud then some fresh-cut pieces of the bark of a certain 
tree and a bundle id' twigs and fresh leaves of another tree are added to the mixture. 
The whole is then boiled for about twenty minutes, care being taken to keep the bark 
and leaves under water. The pot is then taken from the lire, and the contents, being 
poured into bowls, are allowed to subside. The, clear water left at the top is poured 
away, and the sediment, of a beautiful purple colour, is put into a cloth, ou which it is 
allowed to dry ; after this it is scraped off and packed in tiny baskets woven of the 
leaves of the cokerite palm. The pigment is used for body-painting, with oil, just as 
is faroah. 

LaDa is the juice of the fruit of a small tree ( Genipa americana), with which, without 
further preparation, blue-black lines are drawn in patterns, or large surfaces are 
stained on the skin. The dye thus applied is for about a week indelible. 

One or more of the three body paints already mentioned is used by most Indiaus 
aud in large quantities. But the white, and still more the yellow, pigments are used 
only rarely, in lines or dots, and very sparingly, by some of the Savannah Indians. 
The white substance is simply a very semi-liquid felspathic clay, which occurs in 
pockets in one or two places on the savannah ; this is collected and dried in lumps, 
which are then pierced, threaded, and so put aside for future use. The nature of the 
yellow dye I was never able to trace; all that the Indians could or would say was 
that they received it in small quantities from a tribe living beyond the Wapianas, 
who extracted it from a tree which only grows in that neighborhood. 

Paul Marcoy, in Travels iu South America : N. Y., 1875, v'ol. II, p. 353, 
says the Passes, Yuris, Banes, aud Chuuiauas, of Brazil, employ a de- 
coction of iudigo or genipa in tattooing. 


Significance has beeu attached to the several colors among all peoples 
and in all periods of culture. That it is still recognized in the highest 
civilizations is shown by the associations of death and mourning con- 
nected ■with black, of innocence and peace with white, danger with red, 
and epidemic disease, officially, with yellow. Without dwelling upon 


tbe modern popular fancies on this subject, some illustrations from 
antiquity may be useful for comparison. 

The Babylonians represented the sun and its sphere of motion by 
gold, tbe moon by silver. Saturn by black, Jupiter by orange, Mars by 
red. Venus by pale yellow, and Mercury by deep blue. Red was an- 
ciently and generally connected with divinity and power both priestly 
aud royal. The tabernacle of the Israelites was covered with skins 
dyed red and the gods and images of Egypl and < 'ha Idea were noticeably 
of that color, which to this day is the one distinguishing the Roman 
Pontiff aud the cardinals. 

In ancient art each color had a mystic sense or symbolism, and its 
proper use was an important consideration and carefully studied. ^\*i tli 
regard to early Christian art, the following extract is given from Mrs. 
Clement's Handbook of Legendary and Mythologic Art, Boston, 18S3. 
The associations with the several colors therein mentioned differ widely 
from those in modern folk-lore — for instance, those with green and yel- 
low, from the same colors stigmatized in the song produced by Mr. Black 
in his Three Feathers, exhibiting the belief in Cornwall that "green's 
forsaken and yellow's forsworn." 

White is worn by the Saviour after his resurrection, by the Virgin in representations 
of the Assumption; i>\ women as the emblem of chastity; by rich men to indicate 
humility, and by the judge as the symbol of integrity. It is represented sometimes 
by silver or the diamond, aud its sentiment is purity, virginity, innocence, faith, joy. 
and light. 

Red, the color of the ruby, speaks of royalty, fire, divine love, the holy spirit, ere 
ative power, and heat. In an opposite sense it symbolized blood, war, and hatred. 
Red and black combined were the colors of Satan, purgatory, and evil spirits. Red 
and white roses are emblems of love and innocence, or love and wisdom, as in the 
garland of St. Cecilia. 

Blue, that of the sapphire, signified heaven, heavenly love and truth, constancy 
and fidelity. Christ and the Virgin Mary wear the blue mantle, St. John a blue tunic. 

Green, the emerald, the color of spring, expressed hope and victory. 

Yellow or gold was t he emblem of the sun. the goodness of God, marriage and fruit- 
fulness. St. Joseph and Sr. Peter wear yellow. Yellow has also a bad signification 
when it has a dirty, dingy hue, such as the usual dress of .Judas, and then signifies 
jealousy, inconc 4 uev, and deceit. 

Violet or amethyst signified passion and suffering, or love and truth. Penitents, as 
the Magdalene, wear it. The Madonna wears it after the crucifixion, and Christ after 
the resurrection. 

Gray is the color of penance, mourning, humility, or accused innocence. 

Black with white signified humility, mourning, and puritj of life. Alone, it spoke 
of darkness, wickedness, and death, and belonged to Satan. In pictures of the Temp- 
tation Jesus sometimes wears black. 

It is probable that, at one time, the several colors, at least in the same 
Indian tribe, had each special significance. This general significance 
was, however, modified by specific positions of the colors. 

Colors are generally applied at this day according to fancy and with- 
out regard to special signification. The warriors make a distinction 
when on the warpath, and when mouruing a deceased relative or en- 


gased in dances and religious ceremonies the members of most of the 
tribes still exhibit precise care in the selection and arrangement of color. 

The Dakota at Grand Eiver Agency, now abandoned, generally painted 
the face red from the eyes down to the chin when going to war. The 
whole face was blacked with charcoal or ashes when mourning. The 
women frequently resorted to this method of expressing grief. 

The Absaroka, or Crow Indians, generally paint the forehead red 
when on the war path. This distinction of the Crows is also noted by 
the Dakota in recording pictographic narratives of encounters with the 
Crows. See page G2, and Figures 124 et. seq. 

Haywood, Nat. and Aborig. Hist, of Tennessee, 1823, p. 228, says of 
the Cherokees: 

"When going to war their hair is combed and auuointed with bear's 
grease and the red-root [Sanguinaria canadensis?], and they adorn it 
with feathers of various beautiful colours, besides copper and iron rings, 
and sometimes wampum or peak iu the ears. And they paint their faces 
all over as red as vermilliou, making a circle of black about one eye 
and another circle of white about the other." 

When a Modoc warrior paints his face black before going into battle 
it means victory or death, and he will not survive a defeat. See Ban- 
croft's Native Eaces, I, p. 333. 

The Los Angeles County Indian girls paint the cheeks sparingly with 
red ocher when iu love. (Bancroft, I, 403.) This prevails, to some ex- 
tent also, among the northern bands of the Sioux, and among the An- 
kara at Fort Berthold, Dakota. 

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey reports that when the Osage men go to steal 
horses from the enemy they paint their faces with charcoal. 

The same authority gives the following description of the Osage paint 
for war parties : 

Before charging the foe the Osages warriors paint themselves anew. 
This is called the death paint. If any of the men die with this paint on 
them the survivors do not put on any other paint. 

All the geutes on the Tsiou side use the "fire paint" or ijrama", which 
is red. It is applied by them with the left hand all over the face. And 
they use prayers about the fire : "As the fire has no mercy, so should 
we have none." Then they put mud on the cheek below the left eye, as 
wide as two or more fingers. On the Han^a side this mud is put on the 
cheek, below the right eye. It is the young buffalo bull decoration 
(Tse-pi-oin'jia kinu" itaadi an). With reference to it, a man says, "My 
little grandfather (the young buffalo bull) is ever dangerous, as he makes 
attempts. Very close do I stand, ready to go to the attack" (Witsbpi 
oiii'^a w;icku n nu n 'pewa<f.e ehnu"di aii. Ecu D qtsita wa}[a n '^a df e atqa"'hi 
au!) The horse is painted with some of the mud on the left cheek, 
shoulder, and thigh. 

For the corresponding Hanka decorations, substitute the right for the 
left wherever the latter word occurs above. 


Some who act like a black bear painl with charcoal alone. 

Some paint in the wind style, sonic in the lightning style, and others 
in the panther or puma style. 

See also pages 85 and L62. arms himself tor war he paints his face and powders 
his hair a brilliant red. He then ornaments his head with while eagle- 
feathers, a token of stern vindictive determination. See Bancroft, 
Native Races, etc., I, page 105. 

Blue siguifes peace among the Indians of the Pueblo of Tesuque. 
See Schoolcraft, HI, 306. 

In several addresses before the Anthropological Society of Washing- 
ton, D. C, and papers yet unpublished, iu the possession of the Bureau 
of Ethnology, by Mr. James Stevenson, Dr. Washington Matthews. I'. 
S. Army, and Mr. Thomas V. Keam, the tribes below are mentioned as 
using in their ceremonial dances the respective colors designated to 
represent the four cardinal poiuts of the compass, viz.: 

N. S. E. W. 

Stevenson — Zuni ... Yellow. Red. White. Black. 

Matthews — Navajo Black. Blue. White. Yellow. 

Keam — Mold White. Red. Yellow. Blue. 

Capt. John G. Bourke, IT. S. Army, in the Snake Dance of the Moquis 
of Arizona, etc., New York, 1884, p. 120, says that the Moki employ 
the following colors: yellow iu prayers for pumpkins, green for corn, 
and red for peaches. Black aud white bauds are typical of rain, while 
red and blue bands are typical of lightning. 

The Central Californians (north of San Fraucisco Bay) formerly wore 
the down of Asclepias (?) (white) as an emblem of royalty. See Ban- 
croft, Native Races, I, 387, 388, quoting Drake's World Encomp. pp. 

The natives of Guatemala wore red feathers in their hats, the nobles 
only wearing green ones. Ibid, p. 691. 

See with reference to the Haidas, Mr. J. G. Swan's account, page CO, 

The following extract relative to the color red among the New Zea- 
landers is from Taylor's Te Ika a Maui, etc., pp. 20!)-210. 

Closely connected with religion, was the feeliDg they entertained for the Kura, or 
Red Paint, which was the sacred color; their idols, Pataka, sacred stages for the 
dead, and for oiferings or sacrifices, I'lnpa graves, chief's houses, and war canoes, 
\s ere all thus painted. 

The way of rendering anything tapu was by making it red. When a person died, 
his house was thus colored; when the tapu was laid on anything, the chief erected a 
post and painted it with the kura; wherever a corpse rested, some memorial was sel 
up, oftentimes the nearest stone, rock, or tree served as a monument; but whatever 
object was selected, it was sure to be made red. If the corpse wire conveyed by 
water, wherever they landed a similar token was left ; and when it reached its des- 
tination, the canoe was dragged on shore, thus distinguished, and abandoned. \\ lien 


the hahnoga took place, the scraped bones of the chief, thus ornamented, and wrapped 
in a red-stained mat, were deposited in a box or bowl, smeared with the sacred color, 
and placed in a tomb. Near bis final resting-place a lofty and elaborately carved 
monument was erected to his memory; this was called he tiki, which was also thus 

In former times the chief annointed his entire person with red ochre; when fully 
dressed on state occasions, both he and bis wives had red paint and oil poured upon 
the crown of the head and forehead, which gave them a gory appearance, as though 
their skulls had been cleft asunder. 

A large number of examples occur in the present paper where the 
use and significance of color is mentioned. Among these see pages G4, 
165-'6-'7, and 183. 


These may be divided into: 

1st. Natural objects other than the human person. 

I'd. The human person. 

3d. Artificial objects. 


Under the first head, the most important division is that of rocks 
and stones, mauy examples of which have already been presented. In 
addition to those respecting stone, Mr. Gilbert furnishes some data 
relating to the sacred stone kept by the Indians of the village of Oraibi, 
on the Mold mesas. This stone was seen by Messrs. John W. Young 
and Andrew S. Gibbon, and the notes were made by Mr. Gilbert from 
those furnished to him by Mr. Young. Few white men have had access 
to this sacred record, and but few Indians have enjoyed the privilege. 

Mr. Gilbert remarks that " the stone was evidently squared by the 
eye and not by any instrument. The engraving seems to have been 
done with some rude instrument, but executed with some degree of 
skill, like an ancient art faded into dim remembrance of the artist or 
writer of the characters. The stone is a red clouded marble, entirely 
different from anything found in the region, so I learn by the Indians. 
The stone is badly woru, and some of the characters are difficult to 

According to the notes accompanying the rude drawings of this 
stone, it is an oblong rectangle, measuring llf inches long, 7$ inches 
wide, and li inches thick. On one side there is an interior space, also 
an oblong rectangle measuring about three-fourths of the size of the 
whole tablet, between which and the outer margin are six nude human 
figures resembling one another, one at either end and two on each of 
the. two sides. The interior space may have contained characters, 
though no traces are now visible. 

On the other side are drawings of the sun, clouds with rain descend- 
ing therefrom, lightning, stars, arrows, foot-prints of the bear, and 
several other undeterminable characters. 

No history of the origin and import of this tablet has been obtained. 

Other materials may be mentioned as follows : 


For instances of the use of bone, refer to several Alaska ivory carv- 
ings in this paper, e. g., Figure 111, page 192 ; Comanche buffalo 
shoulder blade, Figure 137, page. 21G; Hidatsa shoulder blade, page 
151 ; New Zealaud human bone, Figure 34, page 74. 


An example is to be found in Schoolcraft, IV, p. 253, PI. 33, Fig. A, 
where it is stated that Mr. Richard 11. Kern furnished a copy of an 
Indian drawing, which was "found on the trunk of a Cottonwood tree 
in the valley of King's River, California, and evidently represents the 
manner of catching different wild animals with the lasso." 

The use of the lasso, and the characters being upon the bark of a 
living tree, show sufficient reason to believe that this record was of 
modern workmanship. 


The Indians of the Northwest Coast generally employ wood upon 
which to depict objects of various kinds. These appear to partake of a 
mythical nature, sometimes becoming absurdly grotesque. Totem posts 
(Plate LXXXIII, page 190), boats, boat paddles, the boards constitut- 
ing the front wall of a house, and masks are among the objects used 
upon which to display artistic skill. 

Ottawa drawings are also found upon pipe-stems made of wood, 
usually ash. Figure 120, page 204, is an example of this. 

Among the Arikara boat paddles are used upon which marks of per- 
sonal distinction are reproduced, as shown in Figure 80, page 182. 

Wooden dancing ornaments, such as fanciful representations of the 
human figure, idols, etc., are generally ornamented with a variety of 
colors, having them sometimes arranged to represent designs closely 
related to, if not actually signifying, marks of gentile distinction. 

In Alaska, mortuary records are drawn upon slabs of wood. See 
Figures 113 and 114, page 198. Mnemonic devices, notices of departure, 
distress, etc., are also drawn upon thin narrow slips of wood, averaging 
an inch in width, and of sufficient length. See Figures 58 and 59. page 
154. A circular piece of wood or board is sometimes drawn upon, 
showiug the human face, and placed upon a pole, and facing in a cer- 
tain direction, to show the course taken by the survivors of a settlement 
which has been attacked by an enemy. See Figure 50, page 152. 


The Ojibwa have, until very recently, been in the habit of tracing 
characters of various kinds upon the inner surface of birch bark. 
These records are usually mnemonic, though many pertain to personal 
exploits. An illustration is given iu Figure 139, page 218. The lines 
appear to have been traced with a sharply-pointed instrument, probably 
bone, and in some examples the drawings are made by simple punct- 
uring. Sometimes color is applied to the objects delineated, and 


apparently with reference to specific signification. The strips of bark, 
varying from an inch to several feel in length, roll up upon drying, 
and are straightened out for examination by heating near the fire. 

This includes scalps. A large number of records upon the bides bf 
animals are mentioned in the present paper. Plate IN' with its descrip- 
tion in the Dakota Winter Counts is one instance. 


The Sacramento Tribes of California are very expert in weaving 
blankets of feathers, many of them having really beautiful figures 
worked upon them. This is reported by Edward M. Kern in School- 
craft, V, G4'J, 650. 

The feather work in Mexico, Central America and the Hawaiian 
Islands is well known, often having designs properly to be considered 
among pictographs, though in general not, at least in modern times, 
passing beyond ornamentation. 


After gourds have dried the contents are removed and handles are 
attached; they serve as rattles in dances, and in religious and shaman- 
istic rites. The representations of natural or mythical objects for which 
the owner may have special reverence are often depicted upon their sur- 
faces. This custom prevails among the Pueblos generally, and, also, 
among many other tribes, notably those constituting the Siouan lin- 
guistic stock. 


The Hidatsa, Ankara, Dakota, and several other tribes of the North- 
west plains, use horse hair dyed red as appendages to feathers worn 
as personal marks of distinction. Its arrangement is significant. 


The illustrated and exhaustive paper of Mr. W. II. Holmes, in the 
Second Annual repoit of the Bureau of Ethnology, removes all necessity 
for present extended mention under this head. 


Papers by Dr. Washington Matthews, IT. S. A., Dr. W. H. Corbusier, 
U. S. A., and Mr. James Stevenson were read in the Anthropological 
Society of Washington during the season of 1884-5, giving account of 
important and entirely novel paintings by the Navajo, Yuman. and 
Zuni Indians. These paintings were made upon the ground by means 
of sand, ashes, and powdered vegetable matter of various colors. These 
were highly elaborate, made immediately preceding certain ceremonies, 
at the close of which they were obliterated. 

Dr. W. J. Hoffman states that when the expedition under command 
of Capt. C M. Wheeler, U. S. A., passed through Southern Nevada in 


1871, the encampment for one night was at Pai-TJta Charlie's rancheria, 
where it was visited by many of the Pai-Uta Indians of that vicinity. On 
leaving; camp the following morning representations of many mounted 
men, the odometer cart and pact animals were found depicted upon the 
hard, flat surface of the sand. The Indians had drawn the outlines in 
life size with sticks of wood, and the work was very artistically done. A 
mounted expedition was a new thing in that part of the country and 
amused them not a little. 

The well known animal mounds, sometimes called effigy mounds, of 
Wisconsin come in this category. 


Pictographs upon the human person may be divided into, 1st, paint 
on the face ; 2d, paint ou the body ; and, 3d, tattooing, which is also 
divided into tattoo marks upon the head and tattoo marks upon the 


Dr. Hoffman, who visited the Hualpai Indians of northern Arizona 
in 1871, gives an account (see ante, p. 52) of their habit of besmearing 
their bodies and faces with the blood of game killed. 

A colored plate, facing page 33 of the report of the Pacific Eailroad 
Expedition, 1856, pt. Ill, shows the designs adopted by the Mojave In- 
dians for painting the body. These designs consist of transverse Hues 
extending around the body, arms, and legs, or horizontal lines, or dif- 
ferent parts may partake of different designs. Clay is now generally 
used, as was observed by Dr. Hoffman, who visited Camp Mojave in 1871. 

For other notices of paint on head and body and the significance of 
color see ante, page 53 et seq. 

Everard F. im Thuru, in his work before cited, page 196, describes 
the painting of the Indians of Guiana as follows : 

The paint is applied either iu large masses or in patterns. For example, a man, 
when he wants to dress well, perhaps entirely coats both his feet nptothe ankles with 
a crust of red ; his whole trunk he sometimes stains uniformly with blue-black, more 
rarely with red, or covers it with an intricate pattern of lines of either colour; he puts 
a streak of red along the bridge of his nose ; where his eyebrows were till he pulled 
them out he puts two red lines ; at the top of the arch of his forehead he puts a big 
lump of red paint, and probably lie scatters other spots and lines somewhere on his 
face. The women, especially among the Ackawoi, who use more body-paint than 
other ornament, are more fond of blue-black than of red; and one very favorite orna- 
ment with them is a broad band of this, which edges the mouth, and passes from the 
corners of that to the ears. Some women especially affect certain little figures, like 
Chinese characters, which look as if some meaning were attached to them, but which 
the Indians are either unable or unwilling to explain. 

The Serranos, near Los Angeles, California, formerly cut lines upon 
the trees and posts, marking boundaries of laud, these lines correspond- 
ing to those adopted by the owner as facial decoratious. See page 182. 



Daring his connection with the Yellowstone expedition of 1*7.'5, under 
tbe command of General Stanley, Dr. Hoffman found elaborate narra- 
tives of hostile encounters between the Absaroka and Dakota Indians 
incised upon the bark of cotton wood trees, in the valley of the Mussel- 
shell River. The Absaroka were shown by having the bark in the fore- 
head removed, thus corresponding to their war custom of painting that 
portion of the face red, while the Dakota were denoted by having only 
the part of the face from the eyes down to tin- chin removed, referring 
to their custom of painting that part of the lace. The number of indi- 
viduals was shown by the outline of one individual of either tribe, with 
added short lines. The total number of arms was shown by drawing 
one gun and the requisite number of spots. The number of horses was 
indicated in a similar manner. 

See also with reference to paint on the human person, pages 165 and 

The present writer, when reading the magnificent work of Gonte 
Giovanni Gozzadini, I>i Ulteriori Scoperte Nell' Antica Necropoli a 
Marzabottonel Bolognese, Bologna, 1870, noticed in Plate XII,Figurel, 
the representation of a human head in bronze of great antiquity, and 
that it shows incised lines over the superior malar region, below and 
outward from the outer canthus of the eye. To any one recently fa- 
miliar with tattooing and the lines of face painting this gives a decided 
suggestion, and is offered as such. 

The head is reproduced in Figure 22. 

Fig. 22. — Bronze head from tin- Necropolis of tfarzabotto, Italy, 

A less distinct suggestion arose from the representation of a " Frag- 
ment of a lustrous black bowl, with an incised decoration tilled with 


white chalk," pictured iu Troja, etc., by Dr. Henry Schliemann, New 
York, 1884, p. 31, No. 1, and here presented, Figure 23. In the absence 
of knowledge as to the connection of the two sets of parallel lines on 
each side of the face, with the remainder of the bowl, it is not possible 
to form any decision as to whether there was any intention to portray 
face painting or tattooing, or whether the lines merely partook of the 
general pattern of the bowl. The lines, however, instantly caught the 
present writer's eye as connected with the subject now under consider 

Fig. 23.— Fragment of bow] from Troja. 

Tattooing, a permanent marking of the skin as distinguished from 
the temporary painting, and accomplished by the introduction of color- 
ing matter under the cutaneous epidermis, was formerly practiced ex- 
tensively among the Indians of North America. Some authorities for 
this statement are here quoted, as also some descriptions of the custom 
where still practiced. 

Capt. John Smith, in " The True Travels, Adventures, etc.," Kich- 
mond, 1819, Vol. I, page 130, is made to say of the Virginia Indians: 

" They adorne themselues most with copper beads and paintings. 
Their women, some haue their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly 
imbrodered with divers workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought 
into their flesh with blacke spots." 

The Innuit, according to Cook, practiced tattooing perpendicular lines 
upon the chin of women, and sometimes similar lines extending back 
ward from near the outer portions of the eyes. 

Mr. Gatschet reports that very few Klamath men now tattoo their 
faces, but such as are still observed have but a single line of black run- 
ning from the middle of the lower lip to the chin. The women have 
three lines, one from each corner of the mouth and one dowu over the 
center of the chin. 

The Modoc women tattoo three blue lines, extending perpendicularly 


from the center and corners of the lower lip to the chin. Sec Bancroft, 
Native Knees, I, |i. 332. 
Stephen Powers says (Contrib. N". A. Ethnol., [II, p. 20) thai the 

Karol. California, squaws tattoo in blue three narrow fern leaves per- 
pendicularly on the chin, one falling from each coiner of the mouth and 
one in the middle. For this purpose, thej are said to employ soot gath- 
ered from a stone, mingled with the juice of a certain plant. 

The same author reports, page 76 : " Nearly every (Ilupa. California) 
man has ten lines tattooed across the inside of the left arm, about half 
way between the wrist andtheelbow; and in measuring shell-money, he 
takes the String in his right hand, draws one end over his left thumb- 
nail, and if the, other end readies to the uppermost of the tattoo lines, 
the live shells are worth $25 in gold or $5 a shell. Of course it is only 
one in ten thousand that is long enough to reach this high value." 

The same author, on page 96, says: The squaws (Pat'awat, Oal.) tattoo 
in blue three narrow pinnate leaves perpendicularly on their eliius, 
and also lines of small dots on the backs of their hands. 

He reports, page 148, of the Kas'tel Porno: The women of this and 
other tribes of the Coast Range frequently tattoo a rude representation 
of a tree or other object, covering nearly the whole abdomen and 

Of the Wintuns of California the same author says (page 233) that 
the squaws all tattoo three narrow lines, one falling from each corner 
of the mouth, and one between. 

See also page 167 infra. 

Rev. M. Eells says (Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, III, p. 75) 
of the Twana Indians: A little of this tattooing is done, but much less 
than formerly, and chiefly now among the children. 

Blue marks tattooed upon a Mqjave woman's chin denotes that she 
is married. See Pacific It. It. Exped., Ill, 1856, p. 33. 

The only remarkable instance of tattooing now among the Hidatsa is 
that of Lean- Wolf, the present second chief of the tribe. The ornamen- 
tation consists of horizontal stripes, from one-third to one-half an inch 
broad, running from the middle of the breast around the right side of 
the body to the spinal column. The right arm and the right leg' are en- 
circled by similar bands, between which there are spaces of equal width. 
Lean- Wolf professed not to be able to give the origin and historj of 
this ornamentation, although he represents himself with it upon picto- 
graphs relating to personal events of warfare and the chase. 

Bancroft i Native Races, Vol. I, p. 48) says of the Eskimo, that the fe- 
males tattoo lines on their chins; the plebeian female of certain bands 
has one vertical line in the center and one parallel to it on either side. 
The higher classes mark two vertical lines from each corner of the 
mouth. On page TL' he says that young Kadiak wives tattoo the 
breast and adorn the face with black lines. The Kuskoquim women 
sew into their chin two parallel bine lines. This color is applied by 


drawing a thread under the skin or pricking it with a needle. On page 
117 lie says that the Chippewyans have tattooed cheeks and foreheads. 
Both sexes have blue or black bars or from one to four straight lines 
to distinguish the tribe to which they belong; they tattoo by entering 
au awl or needle under the skin and on drawing it out, immediately 
rubbing powdered charcoal into the wounds. On page 127 he states 
that ou the Yukon River among the Kutchins, the men draw a black 
stripe down the forehead and the nose, frequently crossing the forehead 
and cheeks with red lines and streaking the chin alternately with red 
and black, and the women tattoo the chin with a black pigment. 

It will be observed that these statements by Bancroft, about tattoo- 
ing among the Hyperboreans, seem to be confined to the face, except as 
is mentioned among the Kadiak, where the women tattoo the breast, 
and that these tattoo marks seem to be simple straight lines, either 
vertical or horizontal. 

In this place is properly inserted the following report of original re- 
search among the Haidas on this subject, by Mr. James G. Swan, of 
Port Townsend, Washington, for which the thanks of this Bureau are 
tendered to him. 
4 etii 5 


By James G. Swax. 

H. H. Bancroft, iu his "Native Races, Pacific States," Vol. I. p. 155. 
includes in the Haida family the nations occupying the coast and 
islands from the southern extremity of Prince of Wales Archipelago to 
tin' Bentiuck Arms in about 52° N. 

Their territory is bounded on the uorth and east by the Tblinkeet 
and Carrier nations of the Hyperboreans, and on the south by the 
Nootka family of the Columbians. 

Its chief nations, or, more correctly speaking, bands, whose bound- 
aries, however, can rarely be fixed with precision, are the Massets, Skidde- 
gates, Cumshawas, Laskeets, and the Skringwai, of Queen Charlotte 
Islands: the Kaigani, Howkau, Klemakoau, and Kazan, of Prince of 
Wales Archipelago; the Chimsyaus, about Fort Simpson and on Chat- 
ham Sound; the Nass and the Skenas, on the rivers of the same name; 
the Sebasses, on Pitt Archipelago and the shores of Gardiner Channel, 
and the Millbank Sound Indians, including the Hailtzas, Bella Bella, 
Bella Coola, etc. 

Among all the tribes or bauds belonging to the Haida family, the 
practice of tattooing the person in some manner is common; but the 
most marked are the llaidas proper, or those living on Queen Charlotte 
Islands, and the Kaigauis, of Prince of Wales Archipelago, Alaska. 
Of the Haida tribe, II. H. Bancroft says (Works 1882, Vol. 1, p. 159), 
•■ Besides the regular lip piece, ornaments various in shape and material, 
of shell, bone, wood, or metal, are worn, stuck iu the lips, nose, and 
ears, apparently according to the caprice or taste of the wearer, the skin 
being sometimes, though more rarely, tattooed to correspond " The 
authors quoted by Bancroft for this information are Mayne's British Co- 
lumbia, p, 282; Barrett-Lennard's Travels, pp. 45, 46 ; Poole's Queen 
Charlotte Islands, pp. 75-311 ; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 279, 285, and Keed, 
who says, "The men habitually go naked, but when they go off on a 
journey they wear a blanket." 

How this latter writer, presuming he speaks from personal experience, 
could have seen naked Haida men without noticing tattoo marks, I 
cannot understand. On page 182 of the same volume of Bancroft, foot- 
note, is the following: " 'The habit of tattooing the legs and arms is 
common to all the women of Vancouver's Island; the men do not 
adopt it.' Grant, in Loud. Geog. Soc. Jour., Vol. XXVII, p. 307. 'No 



.such practice as tattooing exists among these natives.' Sproat's 
Scenes, p. 27." 

What Grant says applies not to the women of Vancouver's Island, but 
to those of Queen Charlotte Islands. Sproat seems to have given more 
of his attention to some fancied terminal in their language, upon which 
he builds his theory of the "Aht" nation, than to the observance of their 
personal peculiarities. I am of the opinion, judging from my own ob- 
servation of over twenty years among the coast tribes, that but few 
females can be found among the Indians, not only on Vancouver's 
Island, but all along the coast to the Columbia Eiver, and perhaps even 
to California, that are not marked with some device tattooed on their 
hands, arms, or ankles, either dots or straight lines ; but of all the 
tribes mentioned, the Haidas stand pre eminent for tattooing, and 
seem to be excelled only by the natives of the Fiji Islands or the King's 
.Mills Group in the South Seas. The tattoo marks of the Haidas are 
heraldic designs or the family totem, or crests of the wearers, and are 
similar to the carvings depicted on the pillars and monuments around 
the homes of the chiefs, which casual observers have thought were idols. 

In a memoir written by me on the Haida Indians, for the Smith- 
sonian Institution, and published as No. 267 of Contributions to Kuowl 
edge, I have given illustrations of various tattoo designs and heraldic 
carvings in wood and stone, but did not attempt to delineate the posi- 
tion or appearance of those designs upon their bodies or limbs, although 
all the tattoo marks represented in that memoir were copied by me di- 
rectly from the persons of the Haidas, as stated in the illustrations. 

The publication of this memoir, with its illustrations, which I showed 
to the Haidas and Kaiganis in 1875, during my cruise to Alaska in 
the United States revenue steamer Wolcott, gave them confidence in 
me that I had not made the drawings from idle curiosity, and in Febru- 
ary, 1879, I was fortunate enough to meet a party of Haida men and 
women in Port Townsend, Washington, who permitted me to copy their 
tattoo marks again. 

These designs are invariably placed on the men between the shoul- 
ders, just below the back of the neck on the breast, on the front part 
of both thighs, and on the legs below the knee. On the women they 
are marked on the breast, on both shoulders, on both fore-arms, from 
the elbow, down oyer the back of the hands, to the knuckles, and on 
both legs below the knee to the ankle. 

When the Haidas visit Victoria or the towns on Puget Sound they 
are dressed in the garb of white people and present a respectable ap- 
pearance, in marked contrast with the Indians from the west coast of 
Vancouver's Island, or the vicinity of Cape Flattery, who dress in a 
more primitive manner, and attract notice by their more picturesque 
costumes than do the Haidas, about whom there is nothing outwardly 
of unusual appearance, except the tattoo marks on the hands of the 
women, which shosv their nationality at a glance of the most careless 



As I before remarked, almost ;ill of the Indian women of the north- 
west coast have tattoo marks on their hands and arms, and some on the 
face; but as a general thing- these marks are mere dots or straight lines, 
having no particular significance. With the Eaidas, however, every 

Fig. 24.— Haida Totem Post. 

mark has its meaning; those on the bauds and arms of the women indi- 
cate the family name, whether they belong to the bear, heaver, wolf, or 
eagle totems, or any of the famil.v of fishes. As one of them quaintly 



remarked to me, " If you were tattooed with the design of a swan, the 
Indians would know your family name." 

Although it is very easy to distinguish the Haida women from those 
of other tribes by seeing the tattoo marks on the backs of their hands, 
yet very few white persons have cared to know the meaning of these 

Fig. 25.— Haida man, tattooed. 

Fig. -0. — Haida woman, tattooed. 

designs, or are aware of the extent of the tattoo marks ou the persons 
of both sexes. 

In order to illustrate this tattooing as correctly as possible, I inclose 
herewith a view (Figure 2-1) taken at Massett, Queen Charlotte Island, of 



I lie carved columns in front of the chiefs residence; and also sketches 
of the tattoo marks on two women and their husbands taken by me at 
I 'oil Townsend. 

It should be borne in mind that during their festivals and mas- 
querade performances the men air entirely naked and the women have 
only a short skirt reaching from the waist to the knee ; the rest of their 

Fig. 'J7. — Haida woman, tattooe 1 

Fig. '_'8 — Haiti;! inau. tattmx-il. 

persons are exposed, and it is at such times that the tattoo marks show 
with the best effect, and the rank and family connection known by the 
variety of designs. 

Like all the other coast tribes, the Haidas are careful not to permit 
the intrusion of white persons or strangers ti> their Tomanawos cere- 



monies, and as a consequence but few white people, and certainly none 
of those who have ever written about those Indians, have been present 
at their opeuiug ceremonies when the tattoo marks are shown. 

Fig. 29.- Sknlpin. 

Fig. 30.— Frog. 

FIG. 31.— Cod. 

Fig 32. — Squid or octupus. 

Fig. 33.— Wolf. 

My information was derived from the Haidas themselves, who ex- 
plained to me while I was making the drawings, and illustrated some 
of the positions assumed in their dances by both sexes. 


Fig. 25 represents a man. On his breast is the cod (kahatta) split 
from the head to the tail and laid open ; on each thigh is the octopus 
(noo), and below each knee is the frog (llkamkostan). 

Figure 26 represents a woman. On her breast is the head with fore- 
paws of the beaver (tsching); on each shoulder is the head of the eagle 
or thunder-bird (skamskwin) ; on each arm, extending to and covering 
the back of the hand, is the halibut (hargo); on the right leg is the 
sculpin (kull) ; on the left leg is the frog (tlkamkostan). 

Figure 27 is a woman with the bear's head (hoorts)on her breast. On 
each shoulder is the eagle's head, and on her arms and legs are figures 
of the bear. 

Figure 28 shows the back of a man with the wolf (wasko) split in 
halves and tattooed between his shoulders, which is shown enlarged in 
Figure 33. Wasko is a mythological being of the wolf species similar 
to the. chu-chu-hmexl of the Makah Indians, an antediluviau demon 
supposed to live in the mountains. 

The skulpin on the right leg of the woman in Figure 26 is shown en- 
larged in Figure 29; the frog in the left leg in Figure 30. 

The codfish on the man in Figure 25 is shown enlarged in Figure 31, 
the octopus or sqid iu Figure -V2. 

As the Haidas, both men and women, are very light colored, some 
of the latter, full blooded Indians too, having their skins as fair as 
Europeans, the tattoo marks show very distinct. These sketches are 
not intended as portraits of persons, but simply to illustrate the posi- 
tions <if the various tattoo marks. To enter into a detailed description 
would require more space and study than is convenient at this time. 
Enough is given, it is hoped, to convey to you an idea of this interest- 
ing subject, which will require much study to properly elaborate or 

This tattooing is not all done at one time nor is it every one who can 
tattoo. Certain ones, almost always men, have a natural gift which 
enables them to excel in this kind of work. One of the young chiefs, 
named Geiieskelos, was the best designer I knew, and ranked among his 
tribe as a tattooer. He belonged to Laskeek village on the east side of 
Moresby's Island, one of the Queen Charlotte group. I employed him 
to decorate the great canoe which I sent to the Centennial Exposition 
at Philadelphia in 1870, for the National Museum. I was with him a 
great deal of the time both at Victoria and Port Towusend. He had a 
little sketch book in which he had traced designs for tattooing, which 
he gave to me. He subsequently died in Victoria of small-pox, soon 
alter he had finished decorating the canoe. 

He told me the plan he adopted was first to draw- the design carefully 
on the person with some dark pigment, then prick it in with needles 
and then rub over the wound with some more coloring matter till it 
acquired the proper hue He had a variety of iustrumeuts composed 


of needles tied neatly to sticks. His favorite one was a flat strip of 
ivory or bone, to which he had firmly tied five or six needles, with their 
points projecting- beyond the end just far enough to raise the skin with- 
out inflicting a dangerous wound, but these needle points stuck out 
quite sufficiently to make the operation very painful, and although he 
applied some substance to deaden the sensation of the skin, yet the 
effect was on some to make them quite sick for a few days; conse- 
quently the whole process of tattooing was not done at one time. As 
this tattooing is a mark of honor, it is generally done at or just prior 
to a Toinanawos performance and at the time of raising the heraldic 
columns in front of the chief's houses. The tattooing is done in open ■ 
lodge and is witnessed by the company assembled. Sometimes it takes 
several years before all the tattooing isdone,but when completed and the 
person well ornamented, then they are happy and can take their seats 
among the elders. 

It is an interesting question, and one worthy of careful and patient 
investigation, Why is it that the Haida Nation alone of all the coast 
tribes tattoo their persons to such an extent, and how they acquire the 
art of carving columns which bear such striking similarity to carving in 
wood and stone by the ancient inhabitants of Central America, as shown 
by drawings in Bancroft's fourth volume of Native Races and in Habel's 
investigation in Central and South America ? 

Some of these idols in design, particularly on pages 40 to 58, and 
notably on pages 49-50 (Bancroft, op. cit.), are very like some small 
carvings I have in Port Townsend which I received from Alaska, show- 
ing a similarity of idea which could not be the result of an accident. 

The tattoo marks, the carvings, and heraldic designs of the Haida 
are an exceedingly interesting study, and I hope what I have thus 
hastily and imperfectly written may be the means of awakening an in- 
terest to have those questions scientifically discussed, for they seem to 
me to point to a key which may unlock the mystery which for so many 
ages has kept us from the knowledge of the origin of the Pacific tribes. 


The following quotations and illustrations of tattooing in the islands 
of the Pacific Ocean are presented for comparison, and in hopes that the 
discussion of the subject may afford further information upon the sig- 
nificance of tattoo marks. It is by no means probable that they were 
originally altogether or chiefly for ornamentation. 

The accompanying illustration, Figure 34, is taken from a bone ob- 
tained from a mound in New Zealand, by Mr. I. C. Eussell, of the United 
States Geological Survey, several years ago. Mr. Russell says that 
the Maori formerly tattooed the bones of enemies, though the custom 
now seems to have been abandoned. The work consists of sharp, shal- 


low lines, as if made with a sharp-pointed steel instrument, into which 
some blackish pigment has been rubbed, filling up some of the markings. 

while in others scarcely a trace remains. 

FIG. 34.— Tattoo designs oil bone, New Zealand. 

In connection with the use of the tattoo marks as reproduced on ar- 
tificial objects see also, Figure 37, page 76, and Figure 110, page 200. 

The following is extracted from Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and 
its inhabitants, by Rev. Richard Taylor, London, 1S70, p. 320, etc 

Before they went to fight, the youth were accustomed to mark their countenance 
with charcoal in different lines, and their traditions state, that this was the beginning 
of the tattoo, for their wars became so continuous, that to save the trouble of thus 
constantly painting the face, they made the lines permanent by the moko ; it is how- 
ever a question whether it did not arise from a different cause; formerly the grand 
mass of men who went to fight were the black slaves, and when they fought side by 
side with their lighter colored masters, the latter on those occasions used charcoal to 
make it appear they were all one. 

Whilst the males had every part of the face tattooed, and the thighs as well, the 
females had chiefly the chin and the lips, although Occasionally they also had their 
thighs and breasts, with a few smaller marks on different parts of the body as well. 
There were regular rules for tattooing, and the artist always went systematically to 
work, beginning at one spot and gradually proceeding to another, each particular 
part having its distinguishing name. Thus, 

1. Te kawe, which are four lines on each side of the chin. 

2. Te pukawae, six lines ou the chin. 

3. Nga rerc liiipe, the lines below the. nostrils, six in number. 

4. Nga koMri, a curved line on the cheek-bone. 

5. Xfla koroaha, liues between the cheek-boue and ear. 

6. Nga wakarakau, lines below the former. 

7. Nga pongiangia, the lines on each side of the lower extremity of the nose. 
v . Nga pat: tarewa, the lines on the cheek-bone. 

9. Nga rerepi, and Nga ngatarewa, lines on the bridge of the nose. 

10. Nga tiwana, four lines on the forehead. 

11. Nga rewha, three lines below the eyebrows. 

12. Nga titi, lines on the center of the forehead. 

13. Ipii rangi, lilies above the former. 

14. Te tonokai, the general uames for the lines on the forehead. 

15. He ngutu pu rua, both lips tattooed. 
lb'. Te rape, the higher part of the thighs. 

17. Te pahipahi, the tattooing on the seat. 

18. Tepaki turi, the lower thigh. 

19. Nga tata, the adjoining part. 

The following are female tattoos : — 

1. Taki taki, lines from the breast to the navel. 

2. Hope hope, the lines on the thighs. 

3. Waka te he, the lines on the chin. 




Figure 35 is a copy of a tattooed head carved by Hongi, and also of 
the tattooing on a woman's chin, taken from the work last quoted. 

Fia. 35. — New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark. 

Figure 36 is a copy of a photograph obtained in New Zealand by 
Mr. Russell. It shows tattooing upon the chin. 

Fig. 36. — New Zealand tattooed woman. 

Two beautifully tattooed heads are in the collection of the Army 
Medical Museum at Washington, D. (J., of which illustrations are pre- 



sented in the accompanying Plate, III. No history of these heads can 

be obtained. The skin is almost perfect, and lias become much brighter 
in tint than the original color. The tattooing is a blue black, ami in 
certain lights becomes almost bright indigo. In many of the markings 
there appear slight grooves, which add greatly to the general ornamenta- 
tion, breaking the monotony of usually plain surfaces. Whether any 
mechanical work was performed upon the heads after death is not posi 
tively known, though from the general appearance of the work it would 
be suggested that the sharp creases or grooves was done subsequent to 
the death of the individual. The tattooing shows sub-cutaneous color- 
ing, which indicates that at least part of the ornamentation was done 
in life. 

Figure37 is an illustration from Te Ika a Maui, etc., op. cit., facing page 
378. It shows the " grave of an Australian native, with his name, rank, 
tribe, etc., cut in hieroglyphics on the trees," which "hieroglyphics" are 
supposed to be connected with his tattoo marks. 

Fig. 37. — Australian grave ami carved trees. 

Mr. I. C. Russell, in his sketch of New Zealand, published in the 
American Naturalist, Volume XIII, p. 72, February, 1879, remarks, that 
the desire of the Maori for ornament is so great that they covered their 
features with tattooing, transferring indelibly to their faces complicated 
patterns of curved and spiral lines, similar to the designs with which 
they decorated their canoes and their houses. 

In Mangaia, of the Hervey Group, the tattoo is said to be in imitation 
of the stripes on the two kinds of fish, avini and paoro, the color of 
which is blue. The legend of this is kept in the song of Ina'. See 
Myths and songs from the South Pacific, Loudon, 1S7G, p. 94. 



Mr. Everard F. im Thurn, in his work previously cited, pa^es L95-'96 
among tbe Indians of Guiana, says : 

Painting the body is the simplest mode of adornment. Tattooing or any other per- 
manent interference with the surface of the skin by way of ornament is practiced 
only to a very limited extent by the Indians ; is used, in fact, only to produce the small 
distinctive tribal mark which many of them bear at the corners of their mouths or on 
their arms. It is true that an adult Indian is hardly to be found on whose thighs and 
arms, or on other parts of whose body, are not a greater or less number of indelibly in- 
cised straight lines ; but these are scars originally made for surgical, not ornamental 

The following extracts are taken from Samoa, by George Turner, 
LL. D., London, 1884: 

Page 55. Taenia and Tilafainga, or Tila the sportive, were the goddesses of the 
tattooers. They swam from Fiji to introduce the craft to Samoa, and on leaving 
Fiji were commissioned to sing all the way, "Tattoo the women, but not the men." 
They got muddled over it in the long journey, and arrived at Samoa singing, "Tattoo 
the men and not the women." And hence the universal exercise of the blackening art 
on the men rather than the women. 

Page 88. "Herodotus found among the Thracians that the barbarians could be ex- 
ceedingly foppish after their fashion. The man who was not tattooed among them 
was not respected." It was the same in Samoa. Until a young man was tattooed, he 
was considered in his minority. He could not think of marriage, and he was con- 
stantly exposed to taunts and ridicule, as being poor and of low birth, and as having 
no right to speak in the society of men. But as soon as he was tattooed he passed 
into his majority, and considered himself entitled to the respect and privileges of ma- 
ture years. When a youth, therefore, reached the age of sixteen, he and his friends 
were all anxiety that, he should be tattooed. He w as then on the outlook for the tat- 
tooing of some young chief with whom he might unite. On these occasions, six or 
a dozen young men would be tattooed at one time ; and for these there might be four 
or five tattooers employed. 

Tattooing is still kept up to some extent, and is a regular profession, just, as house- 
building, and well paid. The custom is traced to Taenia and Tilafainga; and they 
were worshipped by the tattooers as the presiding deities of their craft. 

The instrument used in the operation is an oblong piece of human bone (os ilium), 
about, an inch and a half broad and two inches long. A time of war and slaughter 
was a harvest for the tattooers to get. a supply of instruments. The one eud is cut 
like a small-toothed comb, and the other is fastened to a piece of cane, and looks 
like a little serrated adze. They dip it into a mixture of candle-nut ashes and water, 
and, tapping it with a little mallet, it sinks into the skin, and in this way they 
puncture the whole surface over which the tattooing extends. The greater part of 
the body, from the waist down to the knee is covered with it, variegated here and 
there with neat regular stripes of the untattooed skin, which when they are well 
oiled, make them appear in the distance as if they had on black silk knee-breeches. 
Behrens, in describing these natives in his narrative of Eoggewein's voyage of 1772, 
says: "They were clothed from the waist downwards with fringes and a kind of 
silkeu stuff artificially wrought." A nearer inspection would have shown that the 
fringes were a bunch of red ti leaves (Draecena terminalis) glistening with cocoa nut 
oil, and the "kind of silkeu stuff," the tattooing just described. As it extends over 
such a large surface the operation is a tedious and painful affair. After smarting and 
bleediug for awhile under the hands of the tattooers, the patience of the youth is 
exhausted. They then let him rest and heal for a time, and, before returning to him 
again, do a little piece on each of the party. In two or three months the whole is 
completed. The friends of the young men are all the while in attendance with food. 
They also bring quantities of fine mats and native cloth, as the hire of the tattooers; 
connected with them, too, are many waiting on for a share in the food and property. 


Among the fellahs, as well as among' the laboring people of the cities, 
the women tattoo their chin, their forehead, the middle of the breast, a 
portion of their hands and arms, as well as feet, with indelible marks 
of bine and green. In Upper Egypt most females puncture their lips 
to give them a dark bluish hue. See Feathermau, Social Hist, of the 
Races of Mankind, V, 1881, p. 545. 

Professor Brauns, of Halle, reports (Science, III, No. 50, p. 69) that 
among the Ainos of Yazo the women tattoo their chins to imitate the 
beards of the men. 

The antiquity of tattooing in the eastern hemisphere is well estab- 
lished. With reference to the Hebrews, and the tribes surrounding 
them, the following Biblical texts may be in point : 

"Ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh for the dead, nor print 
any marks upon you." Lev., XIX, 28. 

* * * " Though thou rentest thy face with painting, in vain shalt 
thou make thyself fair." Jer., IV. 30. 


The objects of this character, on which pictographs are found, may 
be mentioned as follows : 

1. Lances. 6. Habitations. 

2. Arrows. 7. Utensils. 

3. Shields. 8. Pottery. 

1. Canoes. 9. Sinews or thread. 

5. Paddles. 10. Artiticial beads. 

It is believed that examples showing the use of each of these objects 
are presented in various parts of the present paper, but the following- 
do not appear under other headings : 

Many of the California tribes are expert workers in grass and roots 
in the manufacture of baskets, upon which designs are frequently 
worked, other than mere ornamentation, in geometric forms. The Yo- 
kuts, at Tule River Agency, in the southeastern part of the State, fre- 
quently incorporate various forms of the human body, in which the 
arms are suspended at the sides of the body with the hands directed 
outward to either side. Above the head is a heavy horizontal line. In 
the manufacture of these vessels grass is taken, carefully cleaned, and 
soaked, so as to become smooth and uniform in size. 

Among the Thliukit, boats as well as paddles are ornamented with 
painted figures, and the family coal of arms. See Bancroft's Native 
Races, etc., I, 106. 

There is no need to give evidence concerning the designs upon pot- 
tery, after the numerous illustrations in the Second Annual Report of 
this Bureau, from Zuni, etc. 


This has been the most apparent, and probably the most ancient, pur- 
pose for which pictographs have been made. It commenced by the use 
of material objects which afterwards were reproduced graphically in 
paintings, etchings, and carvings. 

In the present paper many examples appear of objects known to have 
been so used, the graphic representations of which, made with the same 
purpose, are explained by knowledge of the fact. Other instances are 
mentioned as counected with the evolution of pictographs, and possibly 
to interpret some of the latter which are not yet understood. 

The qnipu of the Peruvians is one of the most instructive devices for 
the general aid of memory, and as applicable to a variety of subjects, 
also having value for comparison with and reference to all other objects 
of this character. A good account of the qnipu, quoted from Travels 
in Peru, during the years 1838-1842, * * by Dr. J. J. von Tschudi 
[Wiley and Putnam's Library, Vols. XOIII-XCIV], New York, 1847, 
Pt. II, pp. 344, 345, is as follows : 


The ancient Peruvians had no manuscript characters for single sounds ; but they 
had a method by which they composed words and incorporated ideas. This method 
consisted in the dexterous intertwining of knots on strings, so as to render them aux- 
iliaries to the memory. The instrument consisting of these strings and knots was 
called the Quipi*. It was composed of one thick head or top string, to which, at cer- 
tain distances, thiuuer ones were fastened. The top string was much thicker than 
these pendent strings, and consisted of two doubly twisted threads, over which two 
single threads were wound. The branches, if I may apply the term to these pendent 
strings, were fastened to the top ones by a single loop ; the knots were made in the 
pendent strings, and were either single or manifold. The length of the strings used 
in making the quipu were various. The transverse or top string often measures 
several yards, and sometimes only a foot long; the branches are seldom more than 
two feet long, and iu general they are much shorter. 

The strings were often of different colors; each having its own particular significa- 
tion. The color for soldiers was red; for gold, yellow; for silver, white; for corn, 
green, &c. This writing by knots was especially employed for numerical and statisti- 
cal tables; each single knot representing ten ; each double knot stood for one hundred; 
each triple kuot for one thousand, &c. ; two single knots standing together made 
twenty; and two double knots, two hundred. 

This method of calculation is still practiced by the shepherds of the Puna. They 
explained it to me, and I could, with very little trouble, construe their quipus. On 
the first branch or string they usually place the numbers of the bulls* on the second, 



that of the cows; the latter being classed into those which were milked, and those 
which were not milked; on the next string were numbered the calves, according to 
their ages and sizes. Then came the sheep, in several subdivisions. Next followed 
the number of foxes killed, the quantity of salt consumed, and, finally, the cattle that 
had been slaughtered. Other quipus showed the produce of the herds in milk, cheese, 
wool, &c. Each list was distinguished by a particular color, or by some peculiarity 
in the twisting of the string. 

In this manner the ancient Peruvians kept the accounts of their army. On one 
string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on another, the spearmen ; on 
a third, those who carried clubs, &c. In the same manner the military reports were 
prepared. In every town some expert men were appointed to tie the knots of the 
quipu, and to explain them. These men were called quipuvamayocuna (literally, offi- 
cers of the knots). Imperfect as was this method, yet in the nourishing period of the 
Inca government the appointed officers had acquired great dexterity in unriddling 
tin- meaning of the knots. It, however, seldom happened that they had to nail a 
quipu without some verbal commentary. Something was always required to bo 
added if the quipu came from a distant province, to explain whether it related to the 
numbering of the population, to tributes, or to war, &c. Through long-continued 
practice, the officers who had charge of the quipus became so perfect in their duties 
that they could with facility communicate the laws and ordinances, and all the most 
important events of the kingdom, by their knots. 

All attempts made in modern times to decipher Peruvian quipus have proved un- 
satisfactory in their results. The principal obstacle to deciphering those found in 
graves consists in the want of the oral communication requisite for pointing out the 
subjects to which they refer. Such communication was necessary, even in former 
times, to the most learned quipucamayocuna. Most of the quipus here alluded to 
seems to be accounts of the population of particular towns or provinces, tax-lists, and 
information relating to the property of the deceased. Some Indians in the southern 
provinces of Peru are understood to possess a perfect knowledge of some of the ancient 
quipus, from information transmitted to them from their ancestors. But they keep 
that knowledge profoundly secret, particularly from the whites. 

That the general idea or invention for mnemonic purposes appearing 
in the quipus, was used pictorially is indicated in the illustrations 
given by Dr. S. Habel in The Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumal- 
whuapa in Guatemala, etc., Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, 
[No. 209], 1878, Vol. XXII, page 85. Upon these he remarks: 

It has been frequently affirmed that the aborigines of America bad nowhere arisen 
high enough in civilization to have characters for writing and numeral signs; but 
the sculptures of Santa Lucia exhibit signs which indicate a kind of cipher writing, 
higher in form than mere hieroglyphics. From the mouth of most of the human beings, 
living or dead, emanates a staff variously bent, to the sides of which nodes are at- 
tached. These nodes are of different sizes and shapes, and variously distributed on 
the sides of the stall', either singly or in twos and threes, — the last named either sepa- 
rated or in shape of a trefoil. This manner of writing not only indicates that the person 
is speaking, or praying, but also indicates the very words, the contents of the speech 
or prayer. It is quite certain that each staff, as bent and ornamented, stood for a 
well-known petition which the priest could read as easily as those acquainted with a 
cipher dispatch can know its purport. Further, one maybe allowed to conjecture 
that the various curves of the staves served the purpose of strength and rhythm, just- 
as the poet chooses his various meters for the same purpose. 

In connection with the quipu, Dr. Hoffman reports a corresponding 
device among the Indians formerly inhabiting the mountain valleys 
north of Los Angeles, California, who frequently came to the settle- 


meuts to dispose of native blankets, skius, and robes. The man dele- 
gated by tbe tribe to carry away and sell these articles was provided 
with a number of strings, made of some flexible vegetable fiber, one 
string for each class of goods, which were attached to his belt. Every 
one contributing articles mentioned the prices to be asked therefor, and 
when the salesman disposed of a blanket the proper cord was taken, 
and a single knot was tied for each real received, or a double knot for 
each peso. Thus any particular string indicated the kind of goods dis- 
posed of, as well as the whole sum realized, which was finally distributed 
among the original contributors. 


The use of these muemouically was very frequent. A few iustances 
only of this obvious expedient need be given. 

The Dakotas formerly residing at Grand River Agency, the Hidatsa, 
and the Shoshoni from Idaho were observed to note the number of days 
during which they journeyed irom one place to another, by cutting lines 
or notches upon a stick of wood. 

The coup sticks carried by Dakota warriors are often found bearing a 
number of small notches, which refer to the number of individuals the 
owners may have hit after they had been shot or wounded. 

The young men and boys of the several tribes at Fort Berthold, Da- 
kota, frequently carry a stick, upon which they cut a notch for every 
bird killed during a single expedition. 

Dr. Hoffman states that he found in the collection of the Hon. A. F. 
Coronel, of Los Angeles, California, a number of notched sticks, which 
had been invented and used by the Indians at the Mission of San Gabriel. 
The history of them is as follows: Immediately after the establishment 
of the mission the Franciscan father appointed major domos, who had 
under their charge corporals or overseers of the several classes of labor- 
ers, herders, etc. The chief herder was supplied with a stick of hard 
wood, measuring about one inch in thickness each way, and from twenty 
to twenty-four inches long. The corners were beveled at the handle. 
Upon each of these facets were marks to indicate the kinds of cattle 
herded, thus: one cut or notch, a bull; two cuts, a cow; one cross, 
a heifer; and a >-shaped character, an ox. Similar characters were 
also used for horses, respectively, for stallion, mare, colt, and gelding. 
Where only cattle were owned no difference was made in the upper end 
of the stick; but when both kinds of animals were owned near the same 
localities, or by the same settler, the stick referring to cattle was notched 
V-shaped at the head end, and reversed or pointed to denote horses. 
Sticks were also marked to denote the several kinds of stock, and to 
record those which had been branded. In all of these sticks numbers 
4 eth 6 


were indicated by cutting notches into the corners, each tenth cut ex- 
tending across the face of the stick. For instance, if the herder had 
thirteen oxen in charge, he selected that edge of the stick which bore 
upon the handle the >-shape, and cut nine short notches, one long one, 
and three short ones. 

Labor sticks were also used by the Indians. On one side was a circle 
intersected with cross lines to denote money, and on the opposite side, 
which was reserved for time, either nothing or some character, accord- 
ing to the fancy of the owner. Short notches on the money side indi- 
cated reals, long cuts pesos. On the opposite side short cuts indicated 
days, and long cuts weeks. 

For further reference to this subject, see Reliquiae Aquitanicse; etc., 
by Edouard Lartet and Henry Christy, * * London, 1875, p. 183 
et seq. 


Many instances have been published in regard to the use of mnemonic 
characters to preserve the remembrance of songs. The words of these 
are invariable as well as the notes to which they are chanted. Both 
words and notes must have been previously memorized by the singers. 
Ideographic characters might give the general interpretation, but would 
not suggest the exact words. 

Schoolcraft, 1, 361, remarks: Sounds are no further preserved by these 
mnemonic signs, than is incident, more or less, to all pure figurative or 
representative pictures. The simple figure of a quadruped, a man, or a 
bird, recalls the name of a quadruped, a man or a bird. * * We may 
thus recall something of the living language from the oblivion of the 
past, by the pictorial method. Mnemonic symbols are thus at the 
threshold of the hieroglyphic. 

One of the best examples of this mnemonic device is one of the Ojib- 
was, found in Schoolcraft, op. cit., I, page 362 et seq., and called by him 
Songs of the Meda. His illustration is reproduced as Plate IV, and his 
explanation, much condensed, is as follows: 

No. 1. A medicine lodge filled with the presence of the Great Spirit, 
who, it is affirmed, came down with wings to instruct the Indians in 
these ceremonies. The meda, or priest, sings, " The Great Spirit's lodge — 
you have heard of it. I will enter it." While this is sung, and repeated, 
the priest shakes his shi-shi-gwun. and each member of the society holds 
up one hand in a beseeching manner. All stand, without dancing. The 
drum is not struck during this introductory chant. 

No. 2. A candidate for admission crowned with feathers, and hold- 
ing, suspended to his arm, an otter-skin pouch, with the wind repre- 
sented as gushing out of one end. He sings, repeating after the priest, 
all dancing, with the accompaniment of the drum and rattle: * * "I 
have always loved that that I seek. I go into the new green leaf lodge." 



in m 



No. 3 marks a pause, during which the victuals prepared for the 
feast are introduced. 

No. 4. A man holding a dish in his hand, and decorated with magic 
feathers on his wrists, indicating his character as master of the feast. 
All sing, "I shall give you a share, my friend." 

No. 5. A lodge apart from that in which the meda-meu are assembled, 
having a vapor-bath within it. The elder men go into this lodge, and 
during the time of their taking the bath, or immediately preceding it, tell 
each other certain secrets relative to the arts they employ in the Meda- 
win. The six heavy marks at the top of the lodge indicate the steam 
escaping from the bath. There are three orders of men in this society, 
called 1. meda; 2. sangemau; and 3. ogemau. And it is in these secret 
exchanges of arts, or rather the communication of unknown secrets from 
the higher to the lower orders, that they are exalted from one to another 
degree. The priest sings, "I go into the bath — I blow my brother 

No. 6. The arm of the priest, or master of ceremonies, who conducts 
the candidate, represented in connection with the next figure. 

No. 7. The goods, or presents given, as a fee of admission, by the novi. 
tiate. "I wish to wear this, my father, my friend." 

No. 8. A meda-tree. The recurved projection from the trunk denotes 
the root that supplies the medicine. "What! my life, my single tree! — 
we dance around you." 

No. 9. A stuffed crane-skin, employed as a medicine-bag. By shak- 
ing this in the dance, plovers and other small birds are made, by a sleight- 
of-hand trickery, to jump out of it. These, the novitiates are taught, 
spring from the bag by the strong power of the operator. This is one 
of the prime acts of the dance. " I wish them to appear — that that has 
grown — I wish them to appear." 

No. 10. An arrow in the supposed circle of the sky. Represents a 
charmed arrow, which, by the power of the meda of the person owning 
it, is capable of penetrating the entire circle of the sky, and accomplish- 
ing the object for which it is shot out of the bow. " What are you say- 
ing, you inee da man? This — this is the meda bone." 

No. 11. The Ka Kaik, a species of»small hawk, swift of wing, and 
capable of dying high into the sky. The skin of this bird is worn round 
the necks of warriors going into battle. " My kite's skin is fluttering." 

No. 12. The sky, or celestial hemisphere, with the symbol of the Great 
Spirit looking over it. A Manito's arm is raised up from the earth in 
a supplicating posture. Birds of good omen are believed to be in the 
sky. "All round the circle of the sky I hear the Spirit's voice." 

No. 13. The next figure denotes a pause in the ceremonies. 

No. 14. A meda-tree. The idea represented is a tree animated by 
magic or spiritual power. " The Wabeno tree — it dances." 


No. 15. A stick used to beat the Tawa-e-gun or drum. " How rings 
aloud the drum-stick's souud." 

No. 16. Half of the celestial hemisphere — an Indian walking upon it. 
The idea symbolized is the sun pursuing his diurnal course till noon. 
" I walk upon half the sky." 

No. 17. The Great Spirit filling all space with his beams, and en- 
lightening the world by the halo of his head. He is here depicted as 
the god of thunder and lightning. " I sound all around the sky, that 
they can hear me." 

No. 18. The Ta-wa-e-gun, or single-headed drum. " Yon shall hear 
the sound of my Ta wa-e-gun." 

No. 19. The Ta-wa-e-gouse, or tambourine, ornamented with feathers, 
and a wing, indicative of its being prepared for a sacred use. " Do 
you understand my drum V 

No. 20. A raven. The skin and feathers of this bird are worn as 
head ornaments. "I sing the raven that has brave feathers." 

No. 21. A crow, the wings and head of which are worn as a head- 
dress. " I am the crow — I am the crow — his skin is my body." 

No. 22. A medicine lodge. A leader or master of the Meda society, 
standing with his drum stick raised, and holding in his hands the clouds 
and the celestial hemisphere. " I wish to go into your lodge — I go into 
your lodge." 

In connection with this topic reference may be made to the Lenap6 
and their Legends : with the complete text and symbols of The Walam 
Olum, by Daniel G. Brinton, A. M., M. D., Phila,, 1885. 8 vo. pp. 262, 
with numerous illustrations. 


As an example of a chart used to assist in the exact repetition of 
traditions, Figure 38 is presented with the following explanation by 
Rev. J. Owen Dorsey: 

" The chart accompanies a tradition chanted by members of a secret 
society of the Osage tribe. It was drawn by an Osage, Hada oiijse, Red 
Corn, who was adopted in childhood by a white man named Matthews; 
hence he is also known as Wm. P. Matthews, or " Bill Nix." He is one 
of the tribal lawyers. He obtained his version of the tradition from a 
member of his gens, Sadekiife. Another version of the same tradition 
was obtained by him from Pahii-ska, White Hair, the chief ot the Bald 
Eagle sub-gens of the Tsiou gens, ^rahi^e wa^ayinjje, Saucy Chief, 
gave me other parts of the tradition, which Hada oii^se had forgotten. 

He also chanted a few lines of the tradition of the Waoaoe gens. 
Wayiits'a,j[aoi, of the Black Bear gens, told me a little of his tradition ; 
and I obtained part of the Waoaoe tradition from Uufak<j:i u , Good Voice, 
of the Mi u k'i u gens. 


The tree at the top represents the tree of life. By this flows a river. 
The tree and the river are described later in the degrees. When a 
woman is initiated she is required by the head of her gens to take four 
sips of water (symbolizing the river), then he rubs cedar on the palms 
of his hands, with which he rubs her from head to foot. If she belongs 
to a gens on the left side of the tribal circle, her chief begins on the left 
side of her head, making three passes, and pronouncing the sacred name 
of Deity three times. Then he repeats the process from her forehead 
down ; then on the right side of her head ; then at the back of her head; 
four times three times, or twelve passes in all. 

Beneath the river are the following objects: The Watse iiuira, male 
slaying animal (?), or morning star, which is a red star. 2. Six stars 
called the "Elm rod " by the white people in the Indian Territory. 3. 
The evening star. 4. The little star. Beneath these are the moon, 
seven stars, and sun. Under the seven stars are the peace pipe and 
war hatchet, the latter is close to the sun, and the former and the moon 
are on the same side of the chart. Four parallel lines extending across 
the chart, represent four heavens or upper worlds through which the 
ancestors of the Tsiou people passed before they came to this earth. The 
lowest heaven rests on an oak tree : the ends of the others appear to be 
supported by pillars or ladders. The tradition, according to Sadeki<f,e, 
begius below the lowest heaven, on the left side of the chart, under the 
peace pipe. Each space on the pillar corresponds with a line of the 
cbant; and each stanza (at the opening of the tradition) oontaius four 
lines. The first stanza precedes the arrival of the first heaven, pointing 
to a time when tbe children of the " former end " of the race were with- 
out human bodies as well as human souls. The bird hovering over the 
arch denotes an advance in the condition of the people ; then they had 
human souls in the bodies of birds. Then followe d the progress from 
the fourth to the first heaven, followed by the descent to earth. The 
ascent to four heavens and the descent to three, makes up the number 

The tree on which the Tsiou was called pu-siihii, jack oak, or a sort 
of a red oak. When they alighted, it was on a beautiful day when the 
earth was covered with luxuriant vegetation. From that time the paths 
of the Osages separated; some marched on the right, being the war 
gentes, while those on the left were peace gentes, including the Tsiou, 
whose chart this is. 

Then the Tsiou met the black bear, called Kaxe-wahu-sa 11 ' in the tra- 
dition. Kaxe wahii-sa n/ , Crow-bone-white in the distance. He offered 
to become their messenger, so they sent him to the different stars for 
aid. According to the chart he went to them in the following order: 
Morning star, sun, moon, seven stars, evening star, little star ; but, ac- 
cording to the chant related, they were as follows: Watse ^UTja (morn- 
ing star) ; Watse nii n jpi (female animal that slays another star) ; Ha n - 
pa;a u -Wakan^a (Wakanda or Deity during the day, the sun) ; Wa- 



kamaha" (fifikce (Deity of the night, moon) ; Mikak'e pe<f-u n da, Seven 
Stars: Ta ad<fi n , Three Deer ; Mikak'e tan^a, Big Star ; Mikak'e oifhfa, 
Little Star. Then the Black bear went to the Waoin^a-oiiijse, a female 

red bird sitting on her nest. This grand- 
mother granted his request. She gave 
them human bodies, making them out of 
her own body. 

The earth lodge at the end of the chart 
denotes the village of the Halloa utaf a n ;si, 
who were a very warlike people. Buffalo 
skulls were on the tops of the lodges, and 
the bones of the animals on which they 
subsisted, whitened on the ground. The 
very air was rendered offensive by the de- 
caying bodies and offal. The Hafijja 
utaf a"jsi made a treaty of peace with the 
Waoace and Tsiou gentes, and from the 
union of the three resulted the present 
nation of the Osages. 

The Bald Eagle account of the tradi- 
tion begins very abruptly. The stars 
were approached thus : lla u da^a 1, -Wakanja 
(sun), Watse lujja (morning star), Wadaha 
(Great Dipper), Tapa (Pleiades) Mikak'e- 
ha n -dara u (Day Star). This version gives 
what is wanting in the other, the meeting 
of other gentes, Hank a oin*ia, Waoaoe, 
Han^a -uta<j-a"rsi,ctc, and the decisions of 
the chief of the Haiijja-utaifa"^^ 

The people on the war side had similar 

adventures, but the accurate account has 

not yet been obtained. 

The whole of the chart was used uiueinonically. Parts of it, such as 

the tour heavens and ladders, were tattooed on the throat and chest of 

the old men belonging to the order." 


Fig. 38.— Osage chart. 


The most familiar example of the recording of treaties is the employ- 
ment of wampum belts for that purpose. An authority on the subject 
says : •' The wampum belts given to Sir William Johnson, of immortal 
Indian memory, were in several rows, black on each side, and white in the 
middle ; the white being placed in the center was to express peace, and 
that tbe path between them was fair and open. In the center of the 



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mai.lerv.1 TREATIES WAR. 87 

belt was a figure of a diamond made of white wampum, which the 
Indians call the council fire." See Voyages and Travels of an Indian 
interpreter and trader, etc., by J. Long, London, 1791, p. 47. 

More minute statements regarding wampum is made superfluous after 
its full discussion by Mr. W. II. Holmes in his work, "Art in Shell of 
the ancient Americans," in the Second Annual Eeport of the Bureau of 
Ethnology, pages 253 et seq. One of his illustrations specially in point 
for the present purpose is here reproduced in Plate V. His remarks 
upon it are as follows: 

The remarkable belt sbowu has an extremely interesting, although a somewhat in- 
complete, history attached to it. It is believed to be the original belt delivered by 
the Leni-Lenape sachems to William Penn at the celebrated treaty under the elm tree 
at Shackamaxon in 1683. Although there is no documentary evidence to show that 
this identical belt was delivered on that occasion, it is conceded on all hands that it 
came into the possession of the great founder of Pennsylvania at some one of his 
treaties with the tribes that occupied the province ceded to him. Up to the year 
1857 this belt remained in the keeping of the Penn family. In March, 1857, it was 
presented to the Pennsylvania Historical Society by Granville John Penn, a great- 
grandson of William Penn. Mr. Penu, in his speech on this occasion, states that there 
can be no doubt that this is the identical belt used at the treaty, and presents his 
views in the following language: 

"In the first place, its dimensions are greater than of those used on more ordinary 
occasions, of which we have one still in our possession — this belt being composed of 
eighteen strings of wampum, which is a proof that it was the record of some very im- 
portant negotiation. Iu the next place, in the center of the belt, which is of white 
wampum, are delineated in dark-colored beads, in a rude but graphic style, two fig- 
ures —that of an Indian grasping with the hand of friendship the hand of a man evi- 
dently intended to be represented in the European costume, wearing a hat ; which 
can only be interpreted as having reference to the treaty of peace and friendship 
which was then concluded between William Penn and the Indians, and recorded by 
them in their own simple but descriptive mode of expressing their meaning, by the 
employment of hieroglyphics. Then the fact of its having been preserved in the 
family of the founder from that period to the present time, having descended through 
three generations, gives an authenticity to the document which leaves no doubt of its 
genuineness; and as the chain and medal which were presented by the parliament to 
his father the admiral, for his naval services, have descended among the family 
archives unaccompanied by any written document, but is recorded on the journals of 
the House of Commons, equal authenticity may be claimed for the wampum belt con- 
firmatory of the treaty made by his son with the Indians; which event is recorded on 
the page of history, though, like the older relic, it has been unaccompanied in its 
descent by any document in writing." 


Material objects were often employed iu challenge to and declaration 
of war, some of which may assist in the interpretation of pictographs. 
A few instances are mentioned : 

Arrows, to which long hairs are attached, were stuck up along the 


trail or road, by the Florida Indians, to siguify a declaration of war. 
See Captain Laudouniere in Hakluyt, III, 415. 

Challenging by heralds obtained. Thus the Shuineias challenged the 
Ponios [in central California] by placing three little sticks, notched in 
the middle and at both ends, on a mound which marked the boundary 
between the two tribes. If the Ponios accept, they tie a string round 
the middle notch. Heralds then meet and arrange time and place, and 
the battle comes off as appointed. See Bancroft, Native Eaces, I, p. 379. 

A few notices of the foreign use of material objects in connection 
with this branch of the subject may be given. 

ItappearsintheBible: Ezek., XXXVII, 16-20, and Numbers, XVII, 2. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Woodthorp says (Jour. Anth. Inst. Gr. Brit., 
Vol. XLI, 1882, p. 211) : " On the road to Xiao we saw on the ground 
a curious mud figure of a man in slight relief presenting a gong in the 
direction of Senna ; this was supposed to show that the Fiao men were 
willing to come to terms with Senna, then at war with Niao. Another 
mode of evincing a desire to turn away the wrath of an approaching 
enemy, and induce him to open negotiations, is to tie up in his path a 
couple of goats, sometimes also a gong, with the universal symbol of 
peace, a palm leaf planted in the ground hard by." 

The Maori bad neither the quipus nor wampum, but only a board 
shaped like a saw, which was called he rdkau wakapa-paranga, or gen- 
ealogical board; it was in fact a tally, having a notch for each name, 
and a blank space to denote where the male line failed and was suc- 
ceeded by that of the female ; youths were taught their genealogies by 
repeating the names of each to which the notches referred. See Te Ika 
a Maui.— Rev. Richard Taylor, Loudon, 1870, p. 379. 


Dr. William H. Corbusier, assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, gives the 
following information : 

The Dakotas make use of the circle as the symbol of a cycle of time ; 
a small one for a year and a large one for a longer period of time, as a 
life-time, one old man. Also a round of lodges, or a cycle of 70 years, as 

Fig. 39. — Device denoting succession of time. Dakota. 

in Battiste Good's Winter Count. The continuance of time is sometimes 
indicated by a line extending in a direction from right to left across the 
page, when on paper, and the annual circles are suspended from the 
line at regular intervals by short lines, as in Figure 39, and the ideo- 

;tii axxtai 










WINTEH << )l ' N 


< » Uoiil 


graph for the year is placed beneath each one. At other times the line 
is not continuous, but is interrupted at regular intervals by the yearly 
circle, as in Figure 40. 


Flo. 40. — Device denoting succession of time. Dakota. 

The large amount of space taken up by the Dakota Winter Counts, 
now following, renders it impracticable to devote more to the graphic 
devices regarding time. While these Winter Counts are properly under 
the present head, their value is not limited to it, as they suggest, if 
they do not explain, points relating to many other divisions of the 
present paper. 


The existence among the Dakota Indians of continuous designations 
of years, in the form of charts corresponding in part with the orderly 
arrangement of divisions of time termed calendars, was first made pub- 
lic by the present writer in a paper entitled " A Calendar of the Dakota 
Nation," which was issued in April, 1877, in Bulletin III, No. 1, of the 
United States Geological and Geographical Survey. Later considera- 
tion of the actual use of such charts by the Indinns has induced the 
change of their title to that adopted by themselves, viz., Winter Counts, 
in the original, waniyetu wowapi. 

The lithographed chart published with that pajjer, substantially the 
same as Plate VI, now presented, was ascertained to be the Winter Count 
used by or at least known to a large portion of the Dakota people, ex- 
tending over the seventy-one years commencing with the winter of A. 
D. 1800-'01. 

The copy from which the lithograph was taken is traced on a strip of 
cotton cloth, in size one yard square, which the characters almost en- 
tirely fill, and was made by Lieut. H. T. Reed, First United States In- 
fantry, an accomplished officer of the present writer's former company 
and regiment, in two colors, black and red, used in the original, of which 
it is a/ac simile. 

The general design of the chart and the meaning of most of its 
characters were ascertained by Lieutenant Reed, at Fort Sully, Dakota, 
and afterwards at Fort Rice, Dakota, in November, 1876, by the present 
writer; while further investigation of records and authorities at Wash- 
ington elicited additional details used in the publication mentioned and 
many more since its issue. 

After exhibition of the copy to a number of military and civil offi- 
cers connected with the Departments of War and of the Interior, it 
appeared that those who, from service on expeditions and surveys or 
from special study of American ethnology, were most familiar with 


the Indian tribes west of the Mississippi, had never heard of this or 
any other similar attempt among them to establish a chronological 
system. Bragging biographies of chiefs and partisan histories of par- 
ticular wars delineated in picture writing on hides or bark are very 
common. Nearly every traveler on the plains has obtained a painted 
robe, on which some aboriginal artist has stained rude signs purport- 
ing to represent tribal or personal occurrences, or often the family con- 
nections of the first owner. Some of these in the possession of the 
present writer have special significance and are mentioned under appro- 
priate heads in the present work. 

It is believed that, in the pictographs of all of these peoples discov- 
ered before the chart mentioned, the obvious intention was either his- 
torical or biographical, or more generally was to chronicle occurrences 
as such, and that there was not an apparent design to portray events 
selected without exclusive reference to their intrinsic interest or import- 
ance, but because they severally occurred within regular successive in- 
tervals of time, and to arrange them in an orderly form, specially con- 
venient for uf e as a calendar and valuable for no other purpose. 

The copy made by Lieutenant Reed was traced over a duplicate of 
the original, which latter was drawn on a buffalo robe by Lone-Dog, an 
aged Indian, belonging to the Yanktonai tribe of the Dakotas, who 
in the autumn of 1876 was near Fort Peck, Montana, and was reported 
to be still in his possession. His Dakota name is given him by cor- 
respondents who knew him, as in the ordinary English literation, 
Shuuka-ishnala, the words respectively corresponding very nearly with 
the vocables in Eiggs's lexicon for dog-lone. Others have, however, 
identified him as Chi-no-sa, translated as "a lone wanderer," and as- 
serted that he was at the time mentioned with the hostile Dakotas 
under Sitting Bull. There appear to have been several Dakotas of the 
present generation known to the whites as Lone-Dog. 

Plate VI is a representation of the chart as it would appear on the 
buffalo robe, but it is photographed from the copy on linen cloth, not 
directly from the robe. 

The duplicate from which the copy was immediately taken was in the 
possession of Basil Clement, a half-breed interpreter, living at Little 
Bend, near Fort Sully, Dakota, who professed to have obtained informa- 
tion concerning the chart from personal inquiries of many Indians, and 
whose dictated translation of them, reduced to writing in his own 
words, forms the basis of that given in the present paper. The genu- 
ineness of the document was verified by separate examination, through 
another interpreter, of the most intelligent Indians accessible at Fort 
Kice, and at a considerable distance from Clement, who could have had 
no recent communication with those so examined. One of the latter, 
named Good-Wood, a Blackfoot Dakota and an enlisted scout attached 
to the garrison at Fort Kice, immediately recognized the copy now in 
possession of the writer as "the same thing Lone-Dog had," and also 

maliekvi lone-dog's winter count. 91 

stated that be had seen another copy at Standing Eock Agency in the 
hands of Blue-Thunder, a Blackfoot Dakota. He said it showed " some- 
thing put down for every year about their nation." He knew how to 
use it as a calendar, beginning from the center and couutiug from right 
to left, and was familiar with the meaning of many of the later charac- 
ters and the events they commemorated, in which he corroborated 
Clement's translation, but explained that he had forgotten the interpre- 
tation of some of the earlier signs, which were about those things done 
before his birth. 

All the investigations that could be made elicited the following ac- 
count, which, whether accurate or not, the Indians examined certaiuly 
believed : Probably with the counsel of the old men and authorities of 
his tribe, Lone-Dog ever since his youth has been in the habit of de- 
ciding upon some event or circumstance which should distinguish each 
year as it passed, and when such decision was made he marked what 
was considered to be its appropriate symbol or device upon a buffalo 
robe kept for the purpose. The robe was at convenient times exhibited 
to other Indians of the nation, who were thus taught the meaning and use 
of the signs as designating the several years, in order that at the death of 
the recorder the knowledge might not be lost. A similar motive as to the 
preservation of the record led to its duplication in 1870 or 1871, so that 
Clement obtained it iu a form ending at that time. It was also reported 
by several Indians that other copies of the chart iu its various past 
stages of formation had been known to exist among the several tribes, 
being probably kept for reference, Lone-Dog and his robe being so fre- 
quently inaccessible. 

Although Lone-Dog was described as a very old Indian, it was not 
supposed that he was of sufficient age in the year 1800 to enter upon 
the duty as explained. Either there was a predecessor from whom he re- 
ceived the earlier records or obtained copies of them, or, his work being 
first undertaken when he had reached manhood, he, gathered the tradi- 
tions from his elders and worked back so far as he could do so accurately, 
the object either then or before being to establish some system of chro- 
nology for the use of the tribe, or more probably iu the first instance 
for the use of his particular band. 

Present knowledge of the Winter Count systems renders it improba- 
ble that Lone-Dog was their inventor or originator. They were evi- 
dently started, at the latest, before the present generation, and have 
been kept up by a number of independent recorders. The idea was 
one specially appropriate to the Indian genius, yet the peculiar mode 
of record was an invention, and is not probably a very old invention, 
as it has not, so far as known, spread beyond a definite district or been 
extensively adopted. If an invention of that character had been of 
great antiquity it would probably have spread by intertribal channels 
beyond the bauds or tribes of the Dakotas, where alone the copies of 
such charts have beeu found and are understood. Yet the known ex- 


istence of portable pictographs of tbis ascertained character renders 
it proper to examine rock etchings and other native records with 
reference to their possible interpretation as designating events chrono- 

A query is naturally suggested, whether intercourse with mission- 
aries and other whites did not first give the Dakotas some idea of 
dates and awaken a sense of want in that direction. The fact that 
Lone-Dog's winter count, the only one known at the time of its first 
publication, begins at a date nearly coinciding with the first year of 
the present century by our computation, awakened a suspicion that it 
might be due to civilized intercourse, and was not a mere coincidence. 
If the influence of missionaries or traders started any plan of chronology, 
it is remarkable that they did not suggest one in some manner resem- 
bling the system so long and widely used, and the only one they knew, 
of counting in numbers from an era, such as the birth of Christ, the 
Ilegira, the Ab Urbe Coudita, the First Olympiad, and the like. But 
the chart shows nothing of this nature. The earliest character (the 
one in the center or beginuing of the spiral) merely represents the kill- 
ing of a small number of Dakotas by their enemies, an event of fre- 
quent occurrence, and neither so important nor interesting as many 
others of the seventy-one shown in the chart, more than one of which, 
indeed, might well have been selected as a notable fixed point before 
and after which simple arithmetical notation could have been used to 
mark the years. Instead of any plan that civilized advisers would 
naturally have introduced, the one actually adopted — to individualize 
each year by a specific recorded symbol, or totem, according to the 
decision of a competent person, or by common consent acted upon by a 
person charged with or undertaking the duty whereby confusion was 
prevented — should not suffer denial of its originality merely because it 
was ingenious, and showed more of scientific method than has often 
been attributed to the northern tribes of America. The ideographic 
record, being preserved and understood by many, could be used and 
referred to with sufficient ease and accuracy for ordinary purposes. 
Definite signs for the first appearance of the small-pox and for the first 
capture of wild horses may be dates as satisfactory to the Dakotas as 
the corresponding expressions A. D. 1802 and 1813 to. the Christian 
world, and far more certain than much of the chronological tables of 
Begiomontanus and Archbishop Usher in terms of A. M. and B. C. 
The careful arrangement of distinctly separate characters in an out- 
ward spiral starting from a central point is a clever expedient to dis- 
pense with the use of numbers for noting the years, yet allowing every 
date to be determined by counting backward or forward from any other 
that might be known ; and it seems unlikely that any such device, so 
different from that common among the white visitors, should have been 
prompted by them. The whole conception seems one strongly charac- 
teristic of the Indians, who in other instances have shown such expert- 


ness iii ideography. The discovery of the other charts presented or 
referred to in this paper, which differ in their times of commencement 
and ending from that of Lone-Dog and from each other, removed any 
inference arising from the above-mentioned coincidence in beginning 
with the present century. 

Copies of the paper publishing and explaining Lone-Dog's record were 
widely circulated by the present writer among Army officers, Indian 
agents, missionaries, and other persons favorably situated, in hopes of 
obtaining other examples and further information. The result was a 
gratifying verification of all the important statements and suggestions 
in the publication, with the correction of some errors of detail and the 
supply of much additional material. The following copies of the chart, 
substantially the same as that of Lone-Dog, are now, or have been, in 
the possession of the present writer: 

1. A chart made and kept by Bo-i-de, The-Flaine (otherwise trans- 
lated The-Blaze), who, in 1877, lived at Peoria Bottom, 18 miles south 
of Fort Sully, Dakota. He was a Dakota and had generally dwelt 
with the Sans Arcs, though it was reported that he was by birth one 
of the Two Kettles. The interpretation was obtained (it is under- 
stood originally at the instance of Lieutenant Mans, First United States 
Infantry) directly from The-Flame by Alex. Laravey, official interpreter 
at Fort Sully, in the month of April, 1877. 

The facsimile copy in the writer's possession, also made by Lieutenant 
Beedj is on a cotton cloth about a yard square and in black and red — 
thus far similar to his copy of Lone-Dog's chart, but the arrangement is 
wholly different. The character for the first year mentioned appears in 
the lower left hand corner, and the record proceeds toward the right to 
the extremity of the cloth, then crossing toward the left and again toward 
the right at the edge of the cloth — and so throughout in the style called 
boustrophedon ; and ending in the upper left-hand corner. The gen- 
eral effect is that of seven straight lines of figures, but those lines are 
distinctly connected at their extremities with others above and below, 
so that the continuous figure is serpentine. It thus answers the same 
purpose of orderly arrangement, allowing constant additions, like the 
more circular spiral of Lone-Dog. This record is for the years 1786-7 
to 1870-'7, thus commencing earlier and ending later than that of Lone- 

2. The-Swan's chart was kindly furnished to the writer by Dr. Charles 
Ban, of the Smithsonian Institution. It was sent to him in 1872 by 
Dr. John B. Patrick, of Belleville, Saint Clair County, Illinois, who re- 
ceived it from Dr. Washington West, of Belleville, Illinois, who became 
an acting assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, November 2, 1S68, and was 
assigned to duty at Cheyenne Agency, Dakota, established by General 
Harney, as one of a number of agencies to become useful as rendezvous 
for Dakotas to keep them from disturbing the line of the Union Pacific 
Bailroad. He remained there from November, 18G8, to May, 1870. 


The agency was specially for the Two Kettles, Sans Arcs, and Min- 
neconjous. A Miuneconjou chief, The-Swau, elsewhere called The-Lit- 
tle-Swan, kept this record on the dressed skin of an antelope or deer, 
claiming that it had been preserved in his family for seventy years. 
The title of the written interpetation of this chart was called the His- 
tory of the Miuneconjou Dakotas, its true use not being then under- 
stood. In return for favors, Dr. West obtained permission to have some 
copies made on common domestic cotton cloth and employed an Indian 
expert of the Two Kettle band to do the work in fac-simile. From oue 
of these he had a photograph taken on a small plate, and then enlat ged 
in printing to about two thirds of the original size and traced and 
touched up in India ink and red paint to match the original, wbich 
was executed in some black pigment and ruddle. 

The characters are arranged in a spiral similar to those in Lone-Dog's 
chart, but more oblong in form. The course of the spiral is from left 
to right, not from right to left. The interpretation of this chart was 
made at Cheyenne Agency in 18C8 for Dr. Washington West by Jean 
Premeau, interpreter at that agency. 

A useful note is given in connection with the interpretation, that in 
it all the names are names given by the Minueconjous, and not the 
names the parties bear themselves, e. g., in the interpretation for the 
year 1829-'30, (see Plate XVIII, and page 114,) Bad Arrow Indian is a 
translation of the Dakota name for a band of Blackfeet. The owner 
and explainer of this copy of the chart was a Miuneconjou, and there- 
fore his rendering of names might differ from that of another person 
equally familiar with the chart. 

3. Another chart examined was kindly loaned to the writer by Brevet 
Maj. Joseph Bush, captain Tweuty-secoud United States Infantry. It 
was procured by him in 1870 at the Cheyenne Agency, from James C. 
Bobb, formerly Indian trader, and afterwards post trader. This copy 
is one yard by three-fourths of a yard, spiral, beginning in the center 
from right to left. The figures are substantially the same size as those 
in Lone-Dog's chart, with which it coincides in time, except that it ends 
at 1869-70. The interpretation differs from that accompanying the 
latter in a few particulars. 

4. The chart of Mato Sapa, Black-Bear. He was a Minneconjou 
warrior, residing in 1808 and 1869 on the Cheyenne Agency Reserva- 
tion, on the Missouri River, near Fort Sully, Dakota, near the mouth of 
the Cheyenne River. In order to please Lieut. O. D. Ladley, Tweuty- 
secoud United States Infantry, who was in charge of the reservation, 
he drew or copied on a piece of cotton cloth what he called, through the 
interpreter, the History of the Minueconjous, and also gave through 
the same interpreter the key or translation to the figures. Lieutenant 
Ladley loaned them to an ex-army friend in Washington, who brought 
them to the notice of the present writer. 


This copy is on a smaller scale than that of Lone-Dog, being a flat 
and elongated spiral, 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot C inches. The spiral reads 
from right to left. Tbis chart, which begins as does that of Lone-Dog, 
ends with the years 1868-'69. 

The present writer has had conversation and correspondence concern- 
ing other copies and other translated interpretations of what may be 
called for convenience and with some right, on account of priority in 
publication, the Lone-Dog system of winter counts. But it also was dis- 
covered that there were other systems in which the same pictographic 
method was adopted by the Dakotas. An account of the most import- 
ant of these, viz.: the charts of Baptiste or Battiste Good, American- 
Horse, Cloud-Shield, and White-cow-killer has been communicated by 
Dr. William H. Oorbusier, assistant surgeon, United States Army, and 
is presented infra, page 127, under the title of The Oorbusier Winter 

The study of all the charts, with their several interpretations, ren- 
ders plain some points remaining in doubt while the Lone-Dog chart 
was the only example known. In the first place, it became clear that 
there was no fixed or uniform mode of exhibiting the order of continuity 
of the year-characters. They were arranged spirally or lineally, or in 
serpentine curves, by boustrophedon or direct, starting backward from 
the last year shown, or proceeding uniformly forward from the tirst 
year selected or remembered. Any mode that would accomplish the 
object of continuity with the means of regular addition seemed to be 
equally acceptable. So a theory advanced that there was some sym- 
bolism in the right to left circling of Lone-Dog's chart was aborted, es- 
pecially when an obvious reproduction of that very chart was made by 
an Indian with the spiral reversed. It was also obvious that when 
copies were made, some of them probably from memory, there was no 
attempt at Chinese accuracy. It was enough to give the graphic or 
ideographic character, and frequently the character is better defined on 
one of the charts than on the others for the corresponding year. One 
interpretation or rather one translation of the interpretation would often 
throw light on the others. It also appeared that while different events 
were selected by the recorders of the different systems, there was some- 
times a selection of the same event for the same year and sometimes for 
the next, such as would be natural in the progress of a famine or epi- 
demic, or as an event gradually became known over a vast territory. 
To exhibit these points more clearly, the characters on the charts of The- 
Flame, Lone Dog, and The-Swau have been placed together on Plates 
VII-XXXIII, and their interpretations, separately obtained and trans- 
lated, have also been collated, commencing on page 100. Where any 
information was supplied by the charts of Mato Sapa or of Major Bush 
and their interpretation, or by other authorities, it is given in connection 
with the appropriate year. Reference is also made to some coincidences 
or explanatory manner noticed in the Oorbusier system. 


With regard to the Lone-Dog system, with which the present writer 
is more familiar, and upon which be has examined a large number of 
Indians during the last eigbt years, an attempt was made to ascertain 
whether the occurrences selected and represented were those peculiar 
to the clan or tribe of tbe recorder or were either of general concern or 
of notoriety throughout the Dakota tribes. This would tend to deter- 
mine whether the undertaking was of a merely individual nature, lim- 
ited by personal knowledge or special interests, or whether the scope 
was general. All inquiries led to the latter supposition. The persons 
examined were of different tribes, and far apart from each other, yet all 
knew what the document was, i. e., that "some one thing was put down 
for each year;" that it was the work of Lone-Dog, and that he was the 
only one who " could do it," or perhaps was authority for it. The internal 
evidence is to the same effect. All the symbols indicate what was done, 
experienced, or observed by the nation at large or by its tribes without 
distinction — not by that of which Lone-Dog is a member, no special feat 
of the Yanktonais, indeed, being mentioned — and the chiefs whose 
deaths or deeds are noted appear to have belonged indifferently to 
the several tribes, whose villages were generally at great distance each 
from the other and from that of the recorder. It is, however, true that 
the Minueconjous were more -familiar than other of the Dakotas with 
the interpretation of the characters on Lone-Dog's chart, and that a 
considerable proportion of the events selected relate to that division of 
the confederacy. 

In considering the extent to which Lone-Dog's chart is understood 
and used among his people, it may be mentioned that the writer has 
never shown it to an intelligent Dakota of full years who has not known 
what it was for, and many of them knew a large part of the years por- 
trayed. When there was less knowledge, there was the amount that 
may be likened to that of an uneducated person or child who is exam- 
ined about a map of the United States, which had been shown to him 
before, with some explanation only partially apprehended or remem- 
bered. He would tell that it was a map of the United States; would 
probably be able to point out with some accuracy the State or city 
where he lived ; perhaps the capital of the country ; probably the names 
of the States of peculiar position or shape, such as Maine, Delaware, 
or Florida. So the Indian examined would often point out in Lone- 
Dog's chart the year in which he was born or that in which his father 
died, or in which there was some occurrence that had strongly im- 
pressed him, but which had no relation whatever to the character for 
the year in question. It had been pointed out to him before, and he 
had remembered it, though not the remainder of the chart. 

With the interpretations of the several charts given below some ex- 
planations are furnished, but it may be useful to set forth in advance a 
few facts relating to the nomenclature and divisions of the tribes fre- 
quently mentioned. In the literature on the subject the great linguistic 


stock or family embracing not only the Sioux or Dakotas proper, but the 
Missouris, Omahas, Ponkas, Osages, Kansas, Otos, Assiniboines, Gros 
Ventres or Minnitaris, Crows, Iowas, Mandans, and some others, has 
been frequently styled the Dakota Family. Major Powell, the Director 
of the Bureau of Ethnology, from considerations of priority, has lately 
adopted the name Siouan for the family, and for the grand division of 
it popularly called Sioux has used the term Dakota, which the people 
claim for themselves. In this general respect it is possible to conform 
in this paper to Major Powell's classification, but, specially in the details 
of the "Winter Counts, the form of the titles of the tribes is that which 
is generally used, but with little consistency, in literature, and is not 
given with the accurate philologic literation of special scholars, or with 
reference to the synonomy determined by Major Powell, but not yet 
published. The reason for this temporary abandonment of scientific 
accuracy is that another course would require the correction or anno- 
tation of the whole material contributed from many sources, and would 
be cumbrous as well as confusing prior to the publication, by the 
Bureau of Ethnology, of the synonomy mentioned. 

The word "Dakota" is translated in Eiggs's Dictionary of that lan- 
guage as "leagued, or allied." Dr. J. Hammond Tiumbull, the distin- 
guished ethnographer and glossologist, gives the meaning to be more 
precisely "associated as comrades," the root being found in other dia- 
lects of 'be same group of languages for instance, in the Minitari, 
where ddki is the name for the clan or band, and dakoe means friend 
or comrade. In the Sioux (Dakota) dialect, cota or coda means friend, 
and Dakota may, literally translated, signify "our friends." 

The title Sioux, which is indignantly repudiated by the nation, is either 
the last syllable or the two last syllables, according to pronunciation, of 
" Nadowesioux," which is the French plural of the Algonkiu name for 
the Dakotas, " Nadowessi," "enemy," though the English word is not 
so strong as the Indian, " hated foe" being nearer. The Chippeways 
called an Iroquois " Nadowi," which is also their name for rattlesnake 
(or, as others translate, adder) ; in the plural, Nadowek. A Sioux they 
called Nadowessi, which is the same word with a contemptuous or di- 
minutive termination ; plural, Nadowessiwak or Xadawessyak. The 
French gave the name their own form of the plural, and the voyageurs 
and trappers cut it down to " Sioux." 

The more important of existing tribes and organized bands into 
which the nation is now divided are given below, being the dislocated 
remains of the " Seven Great Council Fires," not only famed in tradi- 
tion, but known to early white pioneers: 

Yankton and Yanktouai or Ihankto n wa n , both derived from a root 
meaning "at the end," alluding to the former locality of their villages. 

Sihasapa, or Blackfeet. 

Oheno n pa, or Two Kettles. 

i ETH 7 


Itaziptco, Without Bow. The French translation, Sans Arc, is, how- 
ever, more commonly used. 

Minneconjou, translated Those who plant by the water, the physical 
features of their old home. 

Sitca n gu, Burnt Hip or Brule. 

Santee, subdivided into Wahpeton, Men among Leaves, i. e., forests, 
and Sissetou, Men of Prairie Marsh. Two other bands, now practically 
extiuct, formerly belonged to the Santee, or, as it is more correctly 
spelled, Isanti tribe, from the root Issan, knife. Their former terri- 
tory furnished the material for stone knives, from the manufacture of 
which they were called the " knife people." 

Ogallalla, Ogalala, or Oglala. The meaning and derivation of this 
name, as well as the one next mentioned (Uncpapa), have been the sub- 
jects of much controversy. 

Uncpapa, Unkpapa, or Hunkpapa, the most warlike and probably the 
most powerful of all the bauds, though not the largest. 

Hale, Gallatin, and Biggs designate a " Titon tribe " as located west 
of the Missouri, and as much the largest division of the Dakotas, the 
latter authority subdividing into the Sichangu, Itazipcho, Sihasapa, 
Minneconjou, OhenCpa, Ogallalla, and Huucpapa, seven of the tribes 
specified above, which he calls bands. The fact probably is that "Titon " 
(from the word ti"tan, meaning, "at or on laud without trees, or prai- 
rie") was the name of a tribe, but it is now only an expression for all 
those tribes whose ranges are on the prairie, and that it has become a 
territorial and accidental, not a tribular distinction. One of the Da- 
kotas at Fort Bice spoke to the writer of the "hostiles" as " Titons," 
with obviously the same idea of locality, " away on the prairie ;" it be- 
ing well known that they were a conglomeration from several tribes. 

It is proper here to remark that throughout the charts the totem of 
the clan of the person indicated is not generally given, though it is 
often used in other kinds of records, but instead, a pictorial represent- 
ation of his name, which their selection of proper names rendered prac- 
ticable. The clans are divisions relating to consanguinity, and neither 
coincide with the political tribal organizations nor are limited by them. 
The number of the clans, or distinctive totemic groups, of the Dakota 
is less than that of (heir organized bands, if not of their tribes, and con- 
siderably less than that of the totems appearing on the charts. Although 
it has been contended that the clan-totem alone was used by Indians, 
there are many other specimens of picture-writings among the Dakota 
where the name-totem appears, notably the set of fifty-five drawings in 
the library of the Army Medical Museum narrating the deeds of Sitting- 
Bull. A pictured message lately sent by a Dakota at Fort Bice to an- 
other at a distant agency, and making the same use of name signs, came 
to the writer's notice. Captain Carver, who spent a considerable time 
with these Indians (called by him Nadowessies) in 17(JG-'77, explains that 
"besides the name of the animal by which every nation or tribe [clan] 

malleey 1 NAME-TOTEMS — MONTHS. 99 

is denominated, there are others that are personal, which the children, 
receive from their mother. * * * The chiefs are distinguished by a 
name that has either some reference to their abilities or to the hiero- 
glyphic of their families, and these are acquired after they have arrived 
at the age of manhood. Such as have signalized themselves either in 
their war or hunting parties, or are possessed of some eminent qualifi- 
cation, receive a name that serves to perpetuate the fame of their ac- 
tions or to make their abilities conspicuous." The common use of these 
name-signs appears in their being affixed to old treaties, and also to 
some petitions in the office of Indian Affairs. Their similarity in char- 
acter, use, and actual design, either with or without clan designation, 
affords an instructive comparison with the origiu of heraldry and of 
modern surnames. Further remarks about the name system of Iudiaus 
appear on page 169. 

With reference to the Winter Counts, it is well known that the Dakotas 
count their years by winters (which is quite natural, that season in their 
high levels and latitudes practically lasting more than six mouths), 
and say a man is so many snows old, or that so many snow seasons 
have passed since an occurrence. They have no division of time into 
weeks, and their months are absolutely lunar, only twelve, however, 
being designated, which receive their names upon the recurrence of 
some prominent physical phenomenon. For example, the period partly 
embraced by February is intended to be the " raccoon moon"; March, 
the "sore-eye moon"; and April, that ' ; iu which the geese lay eggs." 
As the appearance of raccoons after hibernation, the causes inducing in- 
flamed eyes, and oviposition by geese vary with the meteorological char- 
acter of each year, and as the twelve lunations reckoned do not bring- 
back the point in the season when counting commenced, there is often 
dispute in the Dakota tipis toward the end of winter as to the correct 
current date. In careful examination of the several Counts it does not 
appear to be clear whether the event portrayed occurred in the winter 
months or was selected in the months immediately before or in those 
immediately after the winter. No regularity or accuracy is noticed in 
these particulars. 

The next following pages give the translated interpretation of the 
above mentioned charts of The-Flame, designated as No. I; of Lone- 
Dog, designated as No. II ; and of The-Swan as No. Ill ; and are ex- 
planations of Plates VII to XXXIII. As The-Flame's count began be- 
fore the other two and ended later than those, Plates VII, VIII, and 
XXXIII are confined to that count, the others showing the three in 
connection. The red color frequently mentioned appears in the corre- 
sponding figures in Plate VI of Lone-Dog's chart as reproduced, but 
black takes its place in the series of plates now under consideration. 
Mention of the charts of Mato Sapa and of Major Bush is made where 
there seems to be any additional information or suggestion in them. 
When those charts are not mentioned they agree with that of Lone-Dog. 


Eeference is also made to the counts in the Corbusier system when cor- 
respondence is to he noted. 

1780-'87. — No. I represents an Uncpapa chief who wore an "iron" 
suield over his head. It is stated that he was a great warrior, killed by 
the Eees. This word is abbreviated from the word Arikaree, a corrupt 
form of Arikara. This year in the Anno Domini style is ascertained by 
counting back from several well-known historical events corresponding 
with those on the charts. 

Battiste Good's count for the same year says : " Iron-hand baud- went- 
ou-war-path winter," and adds, " They formerly carried burdens on their 
backs hung from a band passed across their forehead. This man had 
a band of iron which is shown on his head." 

1787-88. — No. I. A clown, well known to the Indians; a mischief- 
maker. A Minnecoujou. The interpreter could not learn how he was 
connected with this .year. His accoutrements are fantastic. The char- 
acter is explained by Battiste Good's winter count for the same year as 

"Left-the-heyoka-mau-behind winter." A certain man was heyoka, 
that is, in a peculiar frame, of mind, ami went about the village bedecked 
with feathers singing to himself, and, while so, joined a war party. On 
sighting the enemy the party fled, aud called to him to turn back also, 
but as he was heyoka, he construed everything tbat was said to him as 
meaning the very opposite, aud, therefore, instead of turning back he 
went forward and was killed. The interpreter remarked if they had only 
had sense enough to tell him to go on, he would then have run away, but 
the idiots talked to him just as if he had been an ordinary mortal, and, 
of course, were responsible for his death. 

The figure by Battiste Good strougly resembles that in this chart, 
giving indications of fantastic dress with the bow. The independent 
explanations of this figure and of some on the next page referring to 
dates so remote have been of interest to the present writer. 

17s,S-'89. — No. I. Very severe winter and much suffering among the 
Indians. Crows were frozen to death, which is a rare occurrence. 
Hence the figure of the crow. 

Battiste Good says : " Many-crows-died winter." 

Cloud Shield says : The winter was so cold that many crows froze 
to death. 

White-Cow-Killer calls the preceding year, 1787-'88, "Many -black- 
crows-died winter." 

For the year 1789-'90, American-Horse says : " The cold was so in- 
tense that crows froze iu the air aud dropped dead near the lodges." 

This is an instance of w T here three sets of accounts refer to the same 
severe cold, apparently to three successive years; it may really not have 
been three successive years, but that all charts referred to the same 
season, the fractions of years not being regarded, as above explained. 







K &8 





■ A .'. 












mallkbt.] DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1786-1793. 101 

1789-'90.— No. I. Two Maudans killed by Minneconjous. The pecu- 
liar arrangement of the hair distinguishes the tribe. 

The Maudans were in the last century one of the most numerous and 
civilized tribes of the Siouan stock. Lewis and Clarke, in 1804, say that 
the Maudans settled forty years before, i. e., 1764, in nine villages, 80 
miles below their then site (north of Knife River), seveu villages on the 
west, and two on the east side of the Missouri. Two villages, being 
destroyed by the small-pox and the Dakotas, united and moved up op- 
posite to the Arickaras, who probably occupied the same site as exhib- 
ited in the couuts for the year 1823-24. 

Battiste Good says : " Killed-two-Gros-Ventres-on-the ice winter." 

1790-'9L— No. I. The first United States flag in the country brought 
by United States troops. So said the interpreter. No special occasion 
or expedition is noted. 

Battiste Good says : " Carried-flag-about-with-them winter," and ex- 
plains ; they went to all the surrounding tribes with the flag, but for 
what purpose is unknown. 

"White-Cow-Killer says : " All-the-Iiidiaus-see the -flag winter." 

1791-'92. — No. I. A Mandan and a Dakota met in the middle of the 
Missouri; each swimming half way across, they shook hands, and made 

Mulligan, post interpreter at Fort Buford, says thaC this was at Fort 
Berthold, and is an historic fact ; also that the same Mandan, long 
afterwards, killed the same Dakota. 

Cloud-Shield says : The Sioux and Omahas made peace. 

1792-93. — No. I. Dakotas and Rees meet in camp together, and are 
at peace. 

The two styles of dwellings, viz., the tipiof the Dakotas, and the earth 
lodge of the Arickaras. are apparently depicted. 

Battiste Good says : " Camp-near-the-Gros-Yentres winter," and adds : 
"They were engaged in a constaut warfare during this time." The Gros 
Ventres' dirt-lodge, with the entry in front, is depicted in Battiste 
Good's figure, and on its roof is the head of a Gros Ventre. 

See Cloud-Shields's explanations of his figure for this year, page 133. 

1793-94. — No. I. Thin-Face, a noted Dakota chief, was killed by Rees. 

Battiste Good says : " Killeda-long-haired-man-at-Raw-Hide-Butte 
winter," adding that the Dakotas attacked a village of fifty-eight 
lodges, of a tribe [called by a correspondent the Cheyennes], and killed 
every soul iu it. After the fight they found the body of a man whose 
hair was done up with deer-hide iu large rolls, and ou cutting them 
open, found it was all real hair, very thick, and as long as a lodge-pole. 
(Mem.: Catlin tells of a Crow called Long-Hair, whose hair, by actual 
measurement, was 10 feet 7 inches long.) The fight was at Raw-Hide 
Butte, now so-called by the whites, which they named Buffalo-Hide 
Butte because they found so many buffalo hides in the lodges. 

According to Cloud-Shield, Long-Hair was killed in 17S6-87 ; and, 


according to American-Horse, Long-Hair (a Cheyenne) was killed in 

White Cow-Killer says : " Little-Face-kill winter." 

Battiste Good says in his count for the succeeding year, 1794-95, 
" Killed-little face-Pawnee winter." The Pawnee's face was long, flat, 
and narrow like a man's hand, but he had the body of a large man. 

179i-'95 — No. 1. A Mandan chief killed a noted Dakota chief with 
remarkably long hair, and took his scalp. 

White-Cow-Killer says : " Loug-Hair-killed winter." 

1795-9G — No. I. While surrounded by the enemy (Mandans) a Black- 
feet Dakota Indian goes at the risk of his life for water for the party. 

The interpreter states that this was near the present Cheyenne 
Agency, Dakota Territory. In the original character there is a bloody 
wound at the shoulder showing that the heroic Indian was wounded. 
He is shown bearing a water vessel. 

Battiste Good gives a figure for this year recognizably the same as 
that in The-Flame's chart, but with a different explanation. He calls 
it " The Rees-stood-the-frozen-inan-up-with-the-butfalo stomach-in-his- 
haud winter," and adds : " The body of a Dakota who had been killed 
in an encounter with the Bees, and had been left behind, froze. The 
Bees dragged it into their village, propped it up with a stick, and hung 
a buffalo stomach filled with ice in one hand to make sport of it. The 
buffalo stomach was in common use at that time as a water-jug." 

White-Cow Killer calls it " Water-stomach-killed winter." 

1796-'97— No. I. A Maudan chief, "The-Man-with tke-Hat," becomes 
noted as a warrior. The character is precisely the same as that often 
given for white man. Some error in the interpretation is suggested in 
the absence of knowledge whether there actually was a Maudan chief 
so named, in which case the pictograph would be consistent. 

Battiste Good says: " Wears-the- war-bonnet-died winter," adding: 
He did not die this winter, but received a wound in the abdomen from 
which the arrow head could not be extracted, but he died of the belly- 
ache years after. 

White-Cow-Killer says : " War-Bouuet-killed winter." 

The translated expression, "killed," has been noticed to refer often 
to a fatal wound, though the death did not take place immediately. 

1797-98. — No. I. A Ree woman is killed by a Dakota while gather- 
ing ''pomme-blanche," a root used for food. Pomme-blanche, or Navet 
de prairie, is a white root somewhat similar in appearance to a white 
turnip, botanically Psoralea esculenta (Nuttal), sometimes P. argophylla. 
It is a favorite food of the Indians, eaten boiled down to a sort of 
mush or hominy. A forked stick is used in gathering these roots. 

It will be noticed that this simple statement about the death of the 
Arikara woman is changed by other recorders or interpreters into one 
of a mythical character. 

■ .-."J OF ETHr 










mallery.] DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1794-1802. 103 

Battiste Good says: " Took-tke-god- woman-captive winter," adding : 
a Dakota war party captured a woman of a tribe unknown, who, in order 
to gain their respect, cried out, "I am a 'Waukau-Tauka' woman," 
meaning that she feared or belonged to God, the Great Spirit, where- 
upon they let her go unharmed. 

A note is added: This is the origin of their name for God [Waka n - 
TankaJ, the Great Holy, or Supernatural Cue, they having never heard 
of a Supreme Being, but had offered their prayers to the sun, earth, 
and many other objects, believing they were endowed with spirits. 

White-Cow-Killer says: "Caught-a-inedieiue-god- woman winter." 

179S-'99.— No. I. Blackfeet Dakotas kill three Bees. 

1799-1800. — No. I. Uncpapas kill two Eees. The figure over the 
heads of the two Bees is a bow, showing the mode of death. The hair 
of the Arickaras in this and the preceding character is represented in 
the same manner. 

1800-'01.— No. I. Thirty-one Dakotas killed by Crows. 

No. II. Thirty Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians. 

The device consists of thirty parallel black lines in three columns, 
the outer lines being united. In this chart, such black lines always 
signify the death of Dakotas killed by their enemies. 

The Absaroka or Crow tribe, although classed by ethnographers as 
belonging to the Siouan family, has nearly always been at war with 
the Dakotas proper since the whites have had any knowledge of either. 
The official tables of 1875 give the number of Crows then living as 
4,L'00. They are tall, well-made, bold, and noted for the extraordinary 
length of their hair. 

No. III. Thirty Dakotas killed by the Gros Ventres Indians between 
Forts Berthold and Union, Dakota. 

Mato Sapa's record has nine inside strokes in three rows, the inter- 
pretation being that thirty Dakotas were killed by Gros Ventres be- 
tween Forts Berthold and Union, Dakota. 

Major Bush says the same, adding that it was near the present site of 
Fort Buford. 

1801-'02.— No. I. Many died of small-pox. 

No. II. The small pox broke out in the nation. The device is the 
head and body of a man covered with red blotches. 

No. III. All the Dakotas had the small-pox very bad ; fatal. 

Battiste Good's record says : " Small-pox-used-them-up-again winter." 

White-Cow-Killer says : "All-sick winter." 

Major Bush adds " very badly" to "small-pox broke out." 

1802-'03. — No. I. First shod horses seen by Indians. 

No. II. A Dakota stole horses with shoes on, i, e., stole them either 
directly from the whites or from some other Indians who had before 
obtained them from whites, as the Indians never shoe their horses. 
The device is a horseshoe. 


No. III. Blackfeet Dakotas stole some American horses having shoes 
on. Horseshoes seen for the first time. 

Mato Sapa says: Blackfeet Dakota stole American horses with shoes 
on, then first seen by them. 

.Major Bush agrees with Mato Sapa. 

White-Cow Killer calls it "Brought in-horseshoes winter." 

Battiste Good says: "Brought-koine-Pawuee-korses-with-iron shoes- 
on winter." 

1803-'04. — No. I. A Blackfeet steals many curly horses from the As- 

No. II. They stole some "curly horses" from the Crows. Some of 
these horses are still seen on the plains, the hair growing in closely 
curling tufts, resembling in texture the negro's woolly pile. The device 
is a horse with black marks for the tufts. The Crows are known to have 
been early in the possession of horses. 

No. III. Uncpapa Dakotas stole five woolly horses from the Bee In- 

"White-Cow-Killer calls it "Plenty-woolly-horses winter." 

Mato Sapa says : Uncpapa stole from the Bees five horses having 
curly hair. 

Major Bush same as last, using " woolly" instead of "curly." 

Battiste Good says: "Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-their-hair- 
rough aud-curly winter." 

1 804-'05.— No. I. Calumet dance. Tall-Mandau born. 

No. II. The Dakotas had a calumet dance and then went to war. 
The device is a long pipe-stem, ornamented with feathers and streamers. 
The feathers are white, with black tips, evidently the tail feathers of 
the adult golden eagle [Aguila chrysaetos), highly prized by all Indians. 
The streamers anciently were colored strips of skin or flexible bark; 
now gayly colored strips of cloth are used. The word calumet is a cor- 
ruption of the French chalumeau, and the pipe among all the Mississippi 
tribes was a symbol of peace. Captain Carver, in his Three Years' 
Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America, Philadelphia, 
1790, which travels began in 17GG, after puzzling over the etymology 
of the word calumet (that honest "captain of Provincial troops" obvi- 
ously not understanding French), reports it as "about 4 feet long, 
bowl of red marble, stem of a light wood curiously painted with hiero- 
glyphics in various colors and adorned with feathers. Every nation 
lias a different method of decorating these pipes and can tell at once to 
what band it belongs. It is used as an introduction to all treaties, also 
as a flag of truce is among Europeans." The event commemorated in 
the figure was probably a couucil of some of the various tribes of the 
nation for settlement of all internal difficulties, so as to act unitedly 
against the common enemy. J. C. Beltrami, who visited the Dakotas 
not long after this date, describes them in his Pilgrimage, London, 
1828, as divided into independent tribes, managing their separate affairs 








:•■.; v .T pl si 






1803-1807. 105 

each by its own council, and sometimes coming into conflict with each 
other, but uniting in a general council on occasions affecting the whole 

No. III. Danced calumet dance before going to war. 

Battiste Good says: " Sung-over-each-otherwhileonthe war-path 
winter." He adds: "The war party while out made a large pipe and 
sang each other's praises." A memorandum is also added that the pipe 
here seems to indicate peace made with some other tribe assisting in 
the war. But see pages US and 139. 

1805-'06.— No. I. Eight Dakotas killed by Crows. 

No. II. The Crows killed eight Dakotas. Again the short parallel 
black lines, this time eight in number, united by a long stroke. The 
interpreter, Fielder, says that this character with black strokes is only 
used for grave marks. 

No. III. Eight Minuecoujou Dakotas killed by Crow Indians at the 
mouth of Powder River. 

Battiste Good says: "They-canie-aud-killed-eight winter.'* The 
enemy killed eight Dakotas. 

White Cow-Killer calls it " Eight-Dakotas-killed winter." 

Mato Sapa says : Eight Minneconjous killed by Crows at mouth of 
Powder River. 

Major Bush same as last. 

1806-'07. — No. I. Many eagles caught. This is done by digging a hole 
and baiting the eagles to the hole in which the Indian is concealed, who 
then catches the eagle. 

No. II. A Dakota killed an Arikara as he was about to shoot an 
eagle. The sign gives the head and shoulders of a man with a red spot 
of blood on his neck, an aim being extended, with a line drawn to a 
golden eagle. The Arickaras, a brauch of the Pawnee (L'ani) family, 
were at the date given a powerful body, divided into ten large bauds. 
They migrated in recent times from southeast to northwest along the 
Missouri River. 

No. III. A Ree Indian hunting eagles from a hole in the ground killed 
by the Two Kettle Dakotas, 

Battiste Good says: " Killed-them-while-hunting-eagles winter." 
Some Dakota eagle-hunters were killed by enemies. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Killed-while-hunting-eagles winter." 

Mato Sapa says : A Ree hunting eagles from a hole in the ground was 
killed by Two Kettles. 

Major Bush says the same without the words "hole in the ground." 

There is no doubt that the drawing represents an Indian in the act 
of catching an eagle by the legs, as the Arickaras were accustomed to 
catch eagles in their earth-traps. They rarely or never shot war eagles. 
The enemies probably shot the Arikara in his trap just as he put his 
hand up to grasp the bird. 

1807-'OS.— No. I. Red-Shirt killed by Rees. 


No. II. Red-Coat, a chief, was killed. The figure shows the red coat 
pierced by two arrows, with blood dropping from the wounds. 

No. III. Uucpapa Dakota, named Red-Shirt, killed by Ree Indians. 

Battiste Good says: " Game and-killed-man-witk-red-skirt-on winter." 

White Cow-Killer calls it "Red-shirt-killed winter." 

Mato Sapa says: Red-shirt, an Uncpapa Dakota, was killed by Rees. 

Major Bash same as last. 

lS08-'09.— No. I. Broken-Leg (Dakota) killed by Rees. 

No. II. The Dakota who had killed the Ree shown in this record for 
180(J-'O7 was himself killed by the Rees. He is represented running, 
and shot with two arrows ; blood dripping. These two figures, taken 
in connection, afford a goo<l illustration of the method pursued in the 
chart, which was not intended to be a continuous history, or even to 
record the most important event of each year, but to exhibit some one 
of special peculiarity. War then raging between the Dakotas and sev- 
eral tribes, probably many on both sides were killed in each of the 
years ; but there was some incident about the one Ree who was shot as 
in fancied security he was bringing down an eagle, and whose death 
was avenged by his brethren the second year afterward. Hence the 
selection of those occurrences. It would, indeed, have been impossible 
to have graphically distinguished the many battles, treaties, horse- 
stealings, big hunts, etc., so most of them were omitted and other events 
of greater individuality and better adapted for portrayal were taken for 
the calendar, the criterion being not that they were of national mo- 
ment, but that they were of general notoriety, or perhaps of special in- 
terest to the recorders. 

No. III. A Blackfeet Dakota, named Broken-Leg, killed by Ree Indians, 

Mato Sapa says : Broken-Leg, a Blackfeet Dakota, was killed by Rees. 

.Major Bush same as last. 

1809-'10. — No. I. Little-Beaver, a white trapper, is burnt to death by 
accident in his house on the White River. He was liked by Indians. 

No. II. A chief, Little-Beaver, set fire to a trading store, and was 
killed. The character is simply his name-totem. The other interpreta- 
tions say that he was a white man, but he probably had gained a Lew 
name among the Indians. 

No. III. White French trader, called Little-Beaver, was blown up by 
powder on the Little Missouri River. 

Battiste Good says: "Little-Beaver's house-burned winter." Little- 
Beaver was an English trader, and his trading house was a log one. 

White-Cow-Killer says: Little-Beaver's house was burned. 

1810-11. — No. I. Black-Rock, a Mitmeconjou chief, killed. See page 

No. II. Black-Stone made medicine. The " medicine men" have no 
connection with therapeutics, feel no pulses, and administer no drugs, or, 
if sometimes they direct the internal or external use of some secret prep 
aration, it is as a part of superstitious ceremonies, and with main reli- 



;al reform 








mallery.] DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1808-1811. 107 

ance upon those ceremonies they "put forth the charm of woven paces 
and of waving hands," utter wild cries, and muddle in blood and filth 
until they sometimes work themselves into an epileptic condition. Their 
iucautatious are not only to drive away disease, but for many other pur- 
poses, such as to obtain success in war, avert calamity, and very fre- 
quently to bring within reach the buffalo, on which the Dakotas de- 
pended for food. The rites are those known as Shamanism, noticeable 
in the ethnic periods of savagery and barbarism. In the ceremonial of 
•■making medicine," a buffalo head, and especially that of an albino, 
held a prominent place among the plains tribes. Many references to 
this are to be found in the Prince of Wied's Travels in the interior of 
North America; Loudon, 1843; also see infra, pages 118, 122 and 195. 

The device in the chart is the man-figure, with the head of an albino 
buffalo held over his own. 

No. III. A Minneeonjou Dakota, named Little-Tail, first made "medi- 
cine" with white buffalo cow-skin. 

Mato Sapa says : A Minneeonjou, named Little-Tail, first made medi- 
cine with white buffalo cow-skin. 

Major Bush same as last. 

American -Horse gives for the preceding year, 1809-'10 : Black-Rock 
was killed by the Crows. 

1811-12. — No. 1. Twenty-seven Mandans .surrounded and killed by 

No. II. The Dakotas fought a battle with the Gros Ventres, and 
killed a great many. Device, a circle inclosing three round objects 
with flat bases, resembling heads severed from trunks, which latter the 
copy shows too minute in this device for suggestiou of what they prob- 
ably represent; but they appear more distinct in the record for 1864-'65 
as the heads of enemies slain in battle. In the sign-language of the 
plains, the Dakotas are always denoted by drawing a hand across the 
throat, signifying that they cut the throats of their enemies. The Da- 
kotas count by the fingers, as is common to most peoples, but with a 
peculiarity of their own. When they have gone over the fingers and 
thumbs of both hands, one finger is temporarily turned down for one 
ten. At the end of the next ten another finger is turned, and so on to a 
hundred. Opawinge [Opawi n xe], one hundred, is derived from pawinga 
[pawi"xa], to go around in circles, to make gyrations, and contains the 
idea that the round of all the fingers has again been made for their re- 
spective tens. So the circle is never used for less than one hundred, but 
sometimes signifies an indefinite number greater thau a hundred. The 
circle, in this instance, therefore, was at first believed to express the 
killing in battle of many euemies. But the other interpretations remove 
all symbolic character, leaving the circle simply as the rude drawing of a 
dirt lodge, being an instance in which the present writer, by no means 
devoted to symbolism, had supposed a legitimate symbol to be indicated, 
which supposition full information on the subject did not support. 


There are two wholly distinct tribes called by the Canadians Gros 
Ventres. One, known also as Hidatsa and Minuetari, is classed in the 
Siouan family, and numbered, in 1804, according to Lewis and Clarke, 
2,500 souls. The other "Big Bellies," properly called Atsina, are the 
northern division of the Arapahos, an Algonkin tribe, from which they 
separated in the early part of this century, and, wandering eastward, 
met the Dakotas, by whom they were driven off to the north. It is 
probable that this is the conflict recorded, though the Dakotas have 
also often been at feud with their linguistic cousins, the Minuetari. 

No. III. Twenty of the Gros Ventres killed by Dakotas in a dirt lodge. 
They were chased into a deserted Bee dirt lodge and killed there. 

Mato Sapasays: Twenty Gros Ventres were killed by the Dakotas in 
a dirt lodge. In this record there is a circle with only one head. 

Major Bush's interpretation is the same as the last. 

1812-'13. — No. I. Many wild horses caught. 

No. II. The wild horses were first run and caught by the Dakotas. 
The device is a lasso. The date is of value, as showing when the 
herds of prairie horses, descended from those animals introduced by the 
Spaniards in Mexico, or those deposited by them on the shores of Texas 
and at other points, had multiplied so as to extend into the far northern 
regions. The Dakotas undoubtedly learned the use of the horse and 
perhaps also that of the lasso from southern tribes, with whom they were 
in contact; and it is noteworthy that notwithstanding the tenacity with 
which they generally adhere to ancient customs, in only two generations 
since they became familiar with the horse they have been so revolution- 
ized in their habits as to be utterly helpless, both in war and the chase, 
when deprived of that animal. 

No. III. Dakotas first used lariat (sic) for catching wild horses. 

Battiste Good says for the preceding year, 1811-'12: "First-kunted- 
horses winter." He adds: "The Dakotas caught wild horses in the 
sand hills with braided lariats." 

Amtrican-Horse also, forl811-'12, says: They caught many wild horses 
south of the Platte River. 

White-Cow-Killer calls 1811-'12 " Catching-wild-horses winter." 

Major Bush says: Dakotas first made use of lariat in catching wild 

1S13-14 — No. I. Many Indians died of cold (consumption). 

No. II. The whooping-cough was very prevalent and fatal. The sign 
is ludicrously suggestive of a blast of air coughed out by the man-figure. 

No. III. Dakotas had whooping-cough, very fatal. 

The interruption in the cough is curiously designed. An attempt at 
the same thing is made in Chart 1, and a less marked attempt appears 
in No. II. 

ISH-'lo— No. I. Hunchback, a Brule, killed by Utes. 

No. II. A Dakota killed an Arapaho in his lodge. The device repre- 







THE C * 
















malleky.] DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1812-1818. 109 

sents a tomahawk or battle-ax, the red being blood from the cleft skull. 

The Arapahos long dwelt near the head-waters of the Arkansas and 
Platte Rivers, and in 1822 numbered by report 10,000. 

No. III. A Wetapahata (a stranger Indian, whose nationality was not 
identified by the interpreter) Indian killed by a Brule Dakota, while 
on a visit to the Dakota. 

Mato Sapa says: a Wetopahata Indian was killed by a Brule Sioux 
while on a visit to the Dakotas. 

-"Major Bush says the same, but spells the word Watahpahata. 

Riggs gives Wl-ta-pa-ha, the Kiowas, and Ma-qpi-ya-to, the Arapa- 
hos, in the Dakota Dictionary. 

1815-16. — No. I. Large dirt lodge made by Sans Arcs. The figure 
at the top of the lodge is a bow. 

No. II. The Sans Arcs made the first attempt at a dirt lodge. This 
was at Peoria Bottom, Dakota Territory. Crow-Feather was their chief, 
which fact, in the absence of the other charts, seemed to explain the 
fairly-drawn feather of that bird protruding from the lodge top, but 
the figure must now be admitted to be a badly drawn bow, in allusion 
to the tribe Sans Arc, without, however, any sign of negation. As 
the interpreter explained the figure to be a crow feather, and as Crow- 
Feather actually was the chief, Lone-Dog's chart with its interpretation 
may be independently correct. 

No. III. Sans Arc Dakotas built dirt lodges at Peoria Bottom. A 
dirt lodge is considered a permanent habitation. Tbe mark on top of 
the lodge is evidently a strung bow, not a feather. 

Battiste Good says : "The-Sans-Arcs-made-large-house winter." 

White-Cow-Killer calls it: " Made a-house winter." 

Major Bush's copy also shows a clearly drawn figure of a bow, strung. 

1816-'17.— No. I. Buffalo very plenty. 

No. II. " Buffalo belly was plenty." The device rudely portrays a 
side or perhaps hide of buffalo. 

No. III. Dakotas had unusual quantities of buffalo. 

1817-18.— No. I. Trading store built at Fort Pierre. 

No. II. La Framboise, a Canadian, built a trading store with dry 
timber. The dryness is shown by the dead tree. La Framboise was 
an old trader among the Dakotas. He once established himself in the 
Minnesota Valley. His name is mentiored by various travelers. 

No. III. Trading post built on the Missouri River 10 miles above Fort 

Battiste Good says : " Choze-built-a-bouse-of-dead-logs winter." 

Mato Sapa says: A trading house was built on the Missouri River 10 

miles above Fort Thompson. 

Major Bush says the same as last, but that it was built by Louis La 

1818-'19. — No. I. Many Indians died of cholera [sic]. 


No. II. The measles broke out and many died. The device in the 
copy is the same as that for 1801-'02, relating to the small pox, except a 
very slight difference in the red blotches ; and though Lone Dog's artis- 
tic skill might not have been sufficient to distinctly vary the appear- 
ance of the two patients, both diseases being eruptive, still it is one of 
the few serious defects in the chart that the sign for the two years is so 
nearly identical that, separated from the continuous record, there would 
be confusion between them. Treating the document as a mere aide-de- 
mrmoirc, no inconvenience would arise, it probably being well known 
that the small-pox epidemic preceded that of the measles ; but such 
care is generally taken to make some, however minute, distinction be- 
tween the characters, that possibly the figures on Lone-Dog's robe show 
a more marked difference between the spots indicating the two erup- 
tions than is reproduced in the copy. It is also to be noticed that the 
Indian diagnosis makes little distinction between small-pox and measles, 
so that no important pictographic variation could be expected. The 
head of this figure is clearly distinguished from that iii lS0l-'02. 

No. III. All the Dakotas had measles, very fatal. 

Battiste Good says : " Small-pox-used-theni-up-agaiu winter." 
at this time lived on the Little White River, about 20 
miles above the Rosebud Agency. The character in 
Battiste Good's chart is presented here in Figure 41, as 
a variant from those in the plates. 

Cloud-Shield says : Many died of the small-pox. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "Little-small-pox winter." 

In Mato Sapa's drawing the head of the figure is dis- 
tinguished from that of 1801-'O2. 

lS19-'20.— No. I. Another trading store built. fig. w.-Measles 

° or small-pox. 

No. II. Another trading store was built ; this time 
by Louis La Conte, at Fort Pierre, Dakota. His timber, as one of the 
Indians consulted specially mentioned, was rotten. 

No. III. Trading post built on the Missouri River above Farm Island 
(near Fort Pierre). 
Battiste Good says: "Choze-built-a-house-of-rotten-wood winter." 
White-Cow Killer calls it: " Made-a-house-of-old-wood winter." 
1820-'2L— No. I. Large dirt lodge made by Two-Arrow. The pro- 
jection at the top extends downward from the left, giving the impres- 
sion of red and black cloth streamers. 

No. II. The trader, La Conte, gave Two- Arrow a war-dress for his 
bravery. So translated an interpreter, and the sign shows the two ar- 
rows as the warrior's totem ; likewise the gable of a house, which brings 
in the trader ; also a long strip of black tipped with red streaming from 
the roof, which possibly may be the piece of parti-colored material outof 
which the dress was fashioned. This strip is not intended for sparks 
and smoke, as at first sight suggested, as the red would in that case be 
nearest the roof, instead of farthest from it. 













1821- 22. 









M.u.i.Euv.l DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1819-1823. Ill 

No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Two-Arrows, built himself a 
dirt medicine-lodge. This the interpreter calls, rather inaccurately, a 
headquarters for dispensing medicines, charms, and nostrums to the 
different bands of Dakotas. The black and red lines above the roof are 
not united and do not touch the roof. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it: " Two- Arrows-made a-war-bonnet winter." 

Battiste Good says: They made bands of strips of blankets in the 

Major Bush says: A Minneconjou, named Two- Arrow, made mediciue 
in a dirt-lodge. 

It will be observed that the interpreters vary in the details. 

1821-'22. — No. I. Large ball of fire with hissing noise (aerolite). 

No. II. The character represents the falling to earth of a very brilliant 
meteor, and though no such appearance is on record, there were in 1S21 
few educated observers near the Upper Mississippi and Missouri who 
would take the trouble to notify scientific societies of the phenomenon. 

No. III. Dakota Indians saw an immense meteor passing from south- 
east to northwest which exploded with great noise (in Dakota Territory). 

Red-Cloud said he was born in that year. 

Battiste Good says : " Star-passed-by-with loud-noise winter." His 
device is shown in Figure 42, showing the meteor, its 
pathway, and the clouds from which it came. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "One star-madea-great- 
noise winter." See also Cloud-Shield's count, page 130. 

1822-'23.— No. I. Trading store built at Little Mis- 
souri, near Fort Pierre. 

No. II. — Another trading house was built, wbich was 
by a white man called Big-Leggings, and was at the 
mouth of the Little Missouri or Bad River. The draw- 
ing is distinguishable from that for 1819-'20. 

No. III. Trading post built at the mouth of Little F ig. 42— Meteor. 
Missouri River. 

1823-'24.— No. I. Whites and Dakotas fight Rees. 

No. II. White soldiers made their first appearance in the region. So 
said the interpreter, Clement, but from the unanimous interpretation of 
others the event portrayed is the attack of the United States forces, 
accompanied by Dakotas, upou the Arikara villages, the historic ac- 
count of which is as follows, abstracted from the annual report of J. C. 
Calhoun, Secretary of War, November 29, 1823 : 

General William H. Ashley, lieutenant-governor of the State of Mis- 
souri, a licensed trader, was treacherously attacked by the Arickara 
Indians at their village on the west bank of the Missouri River, about 
midway between the present Fort Sully and Fort Rice, on June 2, 1823. 
Twenty -three of the trading party were killed and wounded, and the 
remainder retreated in boats a considerable distance down the river, 


whence they sent appealing for succor to (he commanding officer at 
Fort Atkinson, the present site of Couucil Bluffs. This officer was Col. 
H. Leavenworth, Sixth United. States Infantry, who marched June 
22, with 220 men of that regiment, 80 men of trading companies, and 
two G-pound cannon, a Si-inch brass howitzer, and some small swivels, 
nearly 700 miles through a country filled with hostile or unreliable In- 
dians to the Ree villages, which, after much hardship and some losses, 
he reached on the 9th of August. The Dakotas were at war with the 
Arickara or Eees, and 700 to 800 of their warriors had joined the United 
States forces on the way ; of these Dakotas 500 are mentioned as Yank- 
tons, but the tribes of the remainder are not designated in the official 
reports. The Reeswereiu t wo villages, the lower one con tabling seven ty- 
one dirt lodges and the upper seventy, both being inclosed with pali- 
sades and a ditch, and the greater part of the lodges having a ditch 
around the bottom on the inside. The enemy, having knowledge of 
the expedition, had fortified and made every preparation for resistance. 
Their force consisted of over 700 warriors, most of whom were armed 
with rifles procured from British traders. On the 9th of August the 
Dakotas commenced the attack, and were driven back until the regular 
troops advanced, but nothing decisive resulted until the artillery was 
employed on the 10th, when a large number of the Bees, including 
their chief, Grey-Eyes, were killed, and early in the afternoon they 
begged for peace. They were much terrified and humbled by the effect 
of the cannon, which, though small, answered the purpose. During 
the main engagement the Dakotas occupied themselves in gathering 
and carrying off all the corn to be found, and before the treaty was 
concluded, which, at the supplication of the Bees, Colonel Leaven- 
worth agreed to, the Dakotas all left in great disgust at not being 
allowed to kill and scalp the surrendered warriors with their squaws 
and pappooses, take possession of the villages, horses, etc., and in fact 
to exterminate their hereditary foes. However, the Bees, having be- 
come panic-stricken after the treaty and two days of peaceful inter- 
course with the soldiers, deserted their homes, and the troops, embark- 
ing on the loth to descend the river, shortly saw the villages in flames, 
which was the work either of the Dakotas or of inimical traders. 

The device is believed to represent an Arickara palisaded village and 
attacking soldiers. Not only the remarkable character and triumphant 
result of this expedition, but the connection that the Dakotas them- 
selves had with it, made it a natural subject for the year's totem. 

All the winter counts refer to this expedition. 

> T o. III. United States troops fought Bee Indians. 

Battiste Good says: " General first-appearedand-the-Dakotas- 

aided-him in-an-attack-on-the-Bees winter," also " Much corn winter." 
For his character see Figure 09, page 166. The gun and the arrow in 
contact with the ear of corn show that both whites and Indians fought 
the Bees. 







L ^r\r\r\ D 




MALiiKvj DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1824-1826. 113 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "Old-corn-plenty winter." 

Mato Sapa's chart gives the human figure with a military cap, beard, 
and goatee. 

1824-'2o — No. I. All the horses of Little-Swan's father are killed by 
Indians through spite. 

No. II. Swan, chief of the Two Kettle tribe, had all of his horses 
killed. Device, a horse pierced by a lance, blood flowing from the 

No. III. Swan, a Minueconjou Indian, had twenty horses killed by a 
jealous Indian. 

Mato Sapa says : Swan, a Minneconjou chief, lost twenty horses killed 
by a jealous Indian. 

Major Bush says the same. 

1S2.">-'2G. — No. I. River overflows Ihe Indian camp ; several drowned. 
The-Flame, the recorder of this count, born. In the original drawing 
the five objects above the line are obviously human heads. 

No. II. There was a remarkable flood in the Missouri River, and a 
number of Indians were drowned. With some exercise of fancy, the 
symbol may suggest heads appearing above a line of water, or it may 
simply be the severed heads, several times used, to denote Indians other 
than Dakotas, with the uniting black line of death. 

No. III. Thirty lodges of Dakota Indians drowned by a sudden rise 
of the Missouri Eiver about Swan Lake Creek, which is in Horsehead 
Bottom, 15 miles below Fort Rice. The five heads are more clearly 
drawn than in No. II. 

Battiste Good says: " Many- Yanktonais-drowned winter;" adding: 
The river bottom on a bend of the Missouri River where they were 
encamped was suddenly submerged, when the ice broke and many 
women and children were drowned. This device is 
presented in Figure 43. £ ?^£j 

All the winter counts refer to this flood. 

1826-'27.— No. I. All of the Iudiaus who ate of a 
buffalo killed on a hunt died of it, a peculiar sub- fig. 43.— River freshet,. 
stance issuing from the mouth. 

No. II. "An Indian died of the dropsy." So Basil Clement was un- 
derstood, but it is not clear why this circumstance should have been 
noted, unless the appearance of the disease was so unusual in 182G as 
to excite remark. Baron de La Hontan, a good authority concerning 
the Northwestern Indians before they had been greatly affected by in- 
tercourse with whites, although showing a tendency to imitate another 
baron — Munchausen — as to his personal adventures, in his Nouveaux 
Voyages dans l'Amerique Septentrionale specially mentions dropsy 
as one of the diseases unknown to them. Carver also states that this 
malady was extremely rare. Whether or not the dropsy was very un- 
common, the swelling in this special case might have been so enormous 
4 eth 8 


as to render the patient an object of general curiosity and gossip, whose 
affliction thereby came within the plan of the count. The device merely 
shows a man-figure, not much fatter than several others, but distin- 
guished by a line extending sidewise from the top of the head and in- 
clining downward. The other records cast doubt upon the interpreta- 
tion of dropsy. 

No. III. Dakota war party killed a buffalo ; having eaten of it they 
all died. 

Battiste Good says: "Atea-wbistle anddied winter," and adds: "Six 
Dakotas, on the war-path, had nearly perished with hunger, when they 
found and ate the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on which the wolves 
had been feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in the stomach, 
their abdomens swelled and gas poured from the mouth, and they died 
of a whistle, or from eating a whistle." The sound of gas escaping from 
the mouth is illustrated in his figure which see in Figure 146, page 221. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "Long-whistle-sick winter." 

1827-'28. — No. I. A Minneconjou is stabbed by a Gros Ventre, and 
his arm shrivels up. 

No. II. Dead Arm was stabbed with a knife or dirk by a Mandan. 
The illustration is quite graphic, showing the long-handled dirk in the 
bloody wound and the withered arm. Though the Mandaus are also of 
the great Siouan family, the Dakotas have pursued them with special 
hatred. In 1823, their number, much diminished by wars, still ex- 
ceeded 2,500. 

No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota wounded with a large knife by a Gros 
Ventre. The large knife was a sword, and the Indian who was wounded 
was named, afterwards, Lame-Shoulder. This is an instance of a 
change of name after a remarkable event in life. 

1828-'29. — No. I. Chardran, a white man, builds a house at forks of 
( In yenne River. This name should probably be spelled Chadron, with 
whom Catlin hunted in 1832, in the region mentioned. 

No. II. A white man named Shardran, who lately (as reported in 1877) 
was still living in the same neighborhood, built a dirt lodge. The hatted 
head appears under the roof. 

III. Trading post opened in a dirt lodge on the. Missouri a little be- 
low the mouth of the Little Missouri River. 

1829-'30. — No. I. A Dakota found dead in a canoe. 

No. II. Bad-Spike killed another Indian with an arrow. 

No. III. A Yanktonai Dakota killed by Bad-Arrow Indians. 

The Bad Arrow Indians is a translation of the Dakota name for a cer- 
tain band of Blackfeet Indians. 

Mato Sapa says: a Yanktonai was killed by the Bad-Arrow Indians. 

Major Bush says the same as Mato Sapa. 

1830-'31.— No. I. Mandans kill twenty Grows at Bear Butte. 

No. II. Bloody battle with the Crows, of whom it is said twenty-three 

























mali.ert] DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1827-1832. 115 

were killed. Nothing in the sign denotes number, it being only a man- 
figure with red or bloody body and red war bonnet. 

No. III. Twenty Crow and one Cheyenne Indians killed by Dakotas 
at Bear Butte. 

Mato Sapa says: One Cheyenne and twenty Crows were killed by Da- 
kotas at Bear Butte. 

Major Bush says the same as Mato Sapa. 

lS31-'32. — No. I. Two white men killed by a white man at Medicine 
Creek, below Tort Sully. 

No. II. Le Beau, a white man, killed another named Kennel. An- 
other copy reads Kennel. Le Beau was still alive at Little Bend, 30 
miles above Fort Sully, in 1877. 

No. III. Trader named Le Beau killed one of his employes on Big 
Cheyenne River, below Cherry Creek. 

1832-'33.— No. I. Lone-Horn's father broke his leg. 

No. II. Lone-Horn had his leg "killed," as the interpretation gave it. 
The single horn is on the figure, and a leg is drawn up as if fractured 
or distorted, though not unlike the leg in the character for lS08-'09, 
where running is depicted. 

No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, Lone-Horn's father, had his leg 
broken while running buffalo. 

Mato Sapa and Major Bush also say Lone-Horn's father. 

Battiste Good says: "Stiff-leg-Witk- war- bonnet-on-died winter." He 
was killed in an engagement with the Pawnees on the Platte Eiver. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " One-Horn's-leg-broken winter." 

In Catlin's "North American Indians," New York, 1844, Vol. I, page 
211, the author, writing from themouth of Teton Biver, Upper Missouri, 
site of Fort Pierre, described Ha-won-je-tah, The One-Horn, head chief 
of all the bands of the Dakotas, which were about twenty. He was a 
bold, middle-aged man of medium stature, noble countenance, and fig- 
ure almost equalling an Apollo. His portrait was painted by Catlin in 
1832. He took the name of One-Horn, or One-Shell, from a simple 
small shell that was hanging on his neck, which descended to him from 
his father, and which he valued more than anything else which he pos- 
sessed, and he kept that name in preference to many others more hon- 
orable which he had a right to have taken, from his many exploits. 

On page 221, the same author states, that after being the accidental 
cause of the death of his only son, Lone Born became at times partially 
insane. One day he mounted his war-horse, vowing to kill the first 
living thing he should meet, and rode to the prairies. The horse came 
back in two hours afterwards, with two arrows in him covered with 
blood. His tracks were followed back, and the chief was found man- 
gled and gored by a buffalo bull, the carcass of which was stretched 
beside him. He had driven away the horse with his arrows and killed 
the bull with his knife. 


Another account in the catalogue, of Catlin's cartoons gives the por- 
trait of The One Horn as number 354, with the statement that having 
killed his only son accidentally, he became deranged, wandered into 
the prairies, and got himself killed by an infuriated buffalo bull's horns. 
This was at the mouth of Little Missouri River, in 1834. 

l,s:J3-'34. — No. I. Many stars fell (meteors). The character shows six 
black stars above the concavity of the moon. 

No. II. "The stars fell," as the Indians all agreed. This was the 
great meteoric shower observed all over the United States on the night 
of November 12th of that year. In this chart the moon is black and 
the stars are red. 

No. III. Dakotas witnessed magnificent meteoric showers; much 

Battiste Good calls it " Storm-of-stars winter," and gives as the device 
a tipi, with stars falling around it. This is presented in Figure 44. 
The tipi is colored yellow in the original, and so 
represented in the figure according to the heraldic 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "Plenty-stars winter." 

All the winter counts refer to this meteoric dis- 
play. See page 138. 

1834-'35.— No. I. A Ree killed by a Dakota. 

No. 1 1. The chief, Medicine-Hide, was killed. The 
device shows the body as bloody, but not the war 
bonnet, by which it is distinguished from the char- 
acter for 1830-'31. 

No. III. An Uncpapa Dakota Medicine-man killed fig. a.— Meteoric shower. 
by the Ree Indians. 

Ma to Sapa says : An Uncpapa medicine-man was killed by Rees. 
There is no red on the figure. 

1835-'36. — No. I. Lame-Deer killed by a Dakota. The Dakota had 
only one arrow. He pulled it out and shot Lame-Deer many times. 

No. II. Lame-Deer shot a Crow Indian with an arrow; drew it out 
and shot him again with the same arrow. The hand is drawing the 
arrow from the first wound. This is another instance of the principle 
on which events were selected. Many fights occurred of greater mo- 
ment, but with no incident precisely like this. 

No. III. Minneconjou chief named Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboine 
three times with the same arrow. He kept so close to his enemy that 
he never let the arrow slip away from the bow, but pulled it out and 
shot it in again. 

Mato Sapa says a Minneconjou named Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboine 
three times running with the same arrow. 

Lame-Deer was a distinguished chief among the hostiles in 187G. 
His camp of five hundred and ten lodges was surprised and destroyed 





























% ^ 




mallkry.1 DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1833-1839. 117 

by General Miles, and four hundred and fifty horses, mules, and ponies 
were captured. 

183C-'37.— No. I. Father-of the-Mandaus died. 

No. II. Band's-Father, chief of the Two Kettles, died. The device is 
nearly the same as that for 1816-'17, denoting plenty of buffalo belly ; 
and the question might be raised, what the buffalo belly had to do with 
the demise of the lamented chieftain, unless he suffered from a fatal 
indigestion after eating too much of that delicacy. 

Interpreter Fielder, however, throws light on the subject by saying 
tbat this character was used to designate the year when The-Breast, 
father of The-Baud, a Minneconjou, died. The-Band himself died in 
1875, on Powder River. His name was O-ye-a-pee. The character was 
therefore the buffalo breast, a name-totem. 

No. III. Two Kettle, Dakota, named The-Breast, died. 

Mato Sapa says : A Two Kettle, named The-Breast, died. 

Major Bush same as Mato Sapa. 

1837-'38. — No. I. Many elk and deer killed. The figure does not show 
the split hoof 

No. II. Commemorates a remarkably successful hunt, in which it is 
said one hundred elk were killed. The drawing of the elk is good 
enough to distinguish it from the other quadrupeds in this chart. 

No. III. The Dakotas killed one hundred elk at the Black Hills. 

Mato Sapa says : The Dakotas killed one hundred elk at the Black 
Hills. His figure does not show the split hoof. 

1838-'39.— No. I. Indians built a lodge on White Wood Creek, in the 
Black Hills, and wintered there. 

No. II. A dirt lodge was built for Iron-Horn. The other dirt lodge 
(1815-'16) has a mark of ownership, which this has not. Perhaps it was 
not so easy to draw an iron horn as a crow feather, and the distinction 
was accomplished by omission. A chief of the Minneconjous is men- 
tioned in General Harney's report in 1850, under the name of The-One- 

No. III. A Minneconjou chief, named Iron-Horn, built dirt lodge 
(medicine lodge) on Moreau River (same as Owl River). 

This Miuuecoujou chief, Iron-Horn, died a few years ago and was 
buried near Fort Sully. He was father-in-law of Dupuis, a French 

183!)-'40. — No. I. Dakotas killed twenty lodges of Arapahos. 

No. II. The Dakotas killed an entire village of Snake Indians. The 
character is the ordinary tipi pierced by arrows. The Snakes, or 
Shoshoni, were a numerous and wide-spread people, inhabiting South- 
eastern Oregon, Idaho, Western Montana, and portions of Utah and 
Nevada, extending into Arizona and California. 

No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named The-Hard (with band), killed 
seven lodges of the Blue Cloud Indians. 

The Blue Clouds are the Arapahos, so styled by the Dakotas, origi- 
nal Maqpiyato. 


Mato Sapa says: A Minneconjou Dakota named The-Hard killed 
seven lodges of the Blue Cloud Indians. 

Major Bush same as Mato Sapa. 

1840-'4L— No. I. Bed-Arm, a Cheyenne, and Lone-Horn, a Dakota, 
make peace. 

No. II. The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyennes, a well-known 
tribe belonging to the Algonkin family. The symbol of peace is the 
common one of the approaching palms of two persons. The different 
coloration of the two arms distinguishes them from the approximation 
of the palms of one person. 

No. HI. Dakotas made peace with Cheyenne Indians. 

1841-'42. — No. I. Feather in-the-Ear steals horses from the Crows. 

No. II. Feather-in-the-Ear stole thirty spotted ponies. The spots are 
shown red, distinguishing them from those of the curly horse in the 
character for 1803-'04. 

No. III. A Minueconjou Dakota, named Feather-in his-Ear, stole 
nineteen spotted horses from the Crow Indians. 

Mato Sapa says : A Minueconjou named Feather-in-the-Ear stole 
nineteen spotted horses from the Crows. 

Major Bush says the same, except that he gives the number as nine 
instead of nineteen. 

A successful theft of horses, demanding skill, patience, and daring, 
is generally considered by the plains Indians to be of equal merit with 
the taking of scalps. Indeed, the successful horse-thief is more popular 
than a mere warrior on account of the riches gained by the tribe, wealth 
until lately being generally estimated in ponies as the unit of value. 

184l'-'43. — No. I. A Minueconjou chief tries to make war. The tip of 
the feather is black. No red iu it. 

No. II. One-Feather raised a large war party against the Crows. 
This chief is designated by his long solitary red eagle feather, and holds 
a pipe with black stem and red bowl, alluding to the usual ceremonies 
before starting on the war path. For further information on this sub- 
ject see page 139. The Red-War-Eagle-Feather was at this time a chief 
of the Sans Arcs. 

No. III. Feather-in-the-Ear made a feast, to which he invited all the 
young Dakota braves, wanting them to go with him. A memorandum is 
added that he failed to persuade them. See Corbusier Winter Counts 
for same year, page 141. 

Mato Sapasays : The same man (referring tolast year), Feather-in-the- 
Ear, made a feast inviting all Dakota young men to go to war. 

Major Bush says same as Mato Sapa. 

1843-'44. — No. I. Buffalo is scarce ; an Indian makes medicine and 
brings them to the suffering. 

No. TI. The Sans Arcs made medicine to bring the buffalo. The 
mediciue tent is denoted by a buffalo's head drawn on it. 




















No. III. No buffalo ; Indians made medicine to tbe Great Spirit by 
painting a buffalo's head on lodge ; plenty came. 

Mato Sapa says: Dakotas were starving; made medicine to Great 
Spirit by painting buffalo bead on their lodges ; plenty came. 

Major Bush substantially same as Mato Sapa. 

1844-'45.— No. I. Mandans wintered in Black Hills. 

No. II. Tbe Minnecoujous built a pine fort. Device: A pine tree con- 
nected with a tipi. 

No. III. Uu usually heavy snow ; had to build corrals for ponies. 

Major Bush says : Heavy suow, in which many of their ponies per- 

Probably the Indians went into the woods and erected their tipis 
there as protection from the snow, thus accounting for the figure of the 

lS45-'46 — No. I. Dakotas have much feasting at Ash Point, 20 miles 
above Port Sully. 

No. II. Plenty of buffalo meat, which is represented as hung upon 
poles and trees to dry. 

No. III. Immense quantities of buffalo meat. 

lS4G-'47.— No. I. Broken-Leg dies. 

No. II. Broken-Leg died. Bev. Dr. Williamson says he knew him. 
He was a BruI6. There is enough difference between this device and 
those for 1808-'09 and 1832-'33 to distinguish each. 

No. HI. A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Leg died. 

Battiste Good calls this: "The-Teal-broke-his-leg winter." The arm in 
biscbaracter, given in Figure 45, is lengthened so as nearly 
to touch tbe broken leg, which is shown distorted, instead 
of indicating the injury by the mere distortion of the leg 
itself as in the charts on Plate XXIV. Tbe bird over 
the head and connected by a line with it, probably repre- 
sents the teal as a name-totem. He was perhaps called 
Broken-Leg after the injury, or perhaps the other inter- 
preters did not remember bis name, only the circumstance. 

Mato Sapa says: A Minneconjou named Broken-Leg 

The Corbusier records for 1847-48 refer to a number of 
accidents by which legs were broken. See page 142. 

1847-48 — No. I. Mandans kill two Minnecoujous. 

No. II. Two-Man was killed. His totem is drawn — two 
small man-figures side by side. 

No. III. Two Minneconjou Dakotas killed by tbe Assiniboine In 

Major Bush says : the wife of an Assiniboine chief named Big-Tbun 
der bad twins. 

1848-'49. — No. I. Humpback, a Minneconjou. killed. 

Fig. 45.— The- 
Teal -broke -his- 


No. II. Humpback was killed. Au ornamented lance pierces the dis- 
torted back. 

No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Back was killed by the 
Crow Indians at Black Hills. . 

Major Bush says: A Minneconjou, Broken-Back, was killed by Crows. 

1849-'50. — No. I. Crows steal all the Dakotas' horses. 

No. II. The Crows stole a large drove of horses (it is said eight hun- 
dred) from the Bruits. The circle may denote multitude, at least one 
hundred, but probably is a simple design for a camp or corral from 
which a number of horse-tracks are departing. 

No. III. Crow Indians stole two hundred horses from the Minneconjou 
Dakotas near Black Hills. 

Interpreter A. Lavary says: Bruits were at the headwaters of White 
River, about 75 miles from Fort Laramie, Wyoming. The Dakotas sur 
prised the Crows in 1849, killed ten, and took one prisoner, because he 
was a man dressed in woman's clothes, and next winter the Crows 
stole six hundred horses from the Brules. See page 142. 

1850-'51. — No. I. Cow with old woman in her belly. Cloven hoof 
not shown. 

No. II. The character is a distinct drawing of a buffalo containing a 
human figure. Clement translated that " a buffalo cow was killed in 
that year, and an old woman found in her belly"; also that all the In- 
dians believed this. Good-Wood, examined through another interpre- 
ter, could or -would give no explanation, except that it was "about their 
religion." At first the writer suspected that the medicine men had 
manufactured some pretended portent out of a foetus taken from a real 
cow, but the Dakotas have long believed in the appearance from time 
to time of a monstrous animal that swallows human beings. This 
superstition was perhaps suggested by the bones of mastodons, often 
found in the territory of those Indians ; and the buffalo being the largest 
living animal known to them, its name was given to the legendary mon- 
ster, in which nomenclature they were not wholly wrong, as the horns 
of the fossil Bison latifrons are 10 feet in length. The medicine men, 
perhaps, announced, in 1850, that a squaw who had disappeared was 
swallowed by the mammoth, which was then on its periodical visit, and 
must be propitiated. 

No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, having killed a buffalo cow, found an 
old woman inside of her. 

Memorandum from interpreter : A small party of Dakotas, two or 
three young men, returning unsuccessful from a buffalo hunt, told this 
story, and it is implicitly believed by the Dakotas. 

Major Bush suggests that perhaps some old squaw left to die sought 
the carcass of a buffalo for shelter and then died. He has known that 
to occur. 

1851-'52.— No. I. Peace made with the Crows. 







rv rv <^ r»/^ 


n n 0o 

^ In 




« ft% 








1855-'56. 1856-'57. 



111 ■ ftijftr 




MALLEiiv. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1849-1855. 121 

No. It. Peace with the Crows. Two Indians, with differing arrange- 
ment of hair, showing two tribes, are exchanging pipes for a peace- 

No. III. Dakotas made peace with tbe Crow Indians. It was, as 
usual, broken immediately. 

The treaty of Fort Laramie was in 1851. 

1852-'53.— No. I. A Crow chief, Flat-Head, comes into the tipi of a 
Dakota chief, where a council was assembled, and forces them to smoke 
the pipe of peace. This was a daring act, for he was in danger of im- 
mediate death if he failed. 

No. II. The Nez Percys came to Lone- Horn's lodge at midnight. The 
device shows an Indian touching with a pipe a tipi, the top of which is 
black or opaque, signifying night. Tbe Nez Percys are so styled by a 
blunder of the early travelers, as they never have been known to pierce 
their noses, although others of their family, the Sahaptin, do so. The 
tribe was large, dwelling chiefly in Idaho. 

No. III. An enemy came into Lone-Horn's lodge during a medicine 
feast and was not killed. (The enemy numbered about fourteen and 
had lost their way in a snow-storm.) The pipe is not in the man's hand, 
and the head only is drawn with the pipe between it and the tipi. 

Mato Sapa says: Several strange Indians came into the Dakota camp, 
were saved from being killed by running into Lone Horn's lodge. 

Major Bush says : An enemy came into Lone-Horn's lodge during a 
feast and was not killed. 

Touch-the Clouds, a Miuneconjou, sou of Lone-Horn, on being shown 
Chart No. II by the present writer, designated this character as being 
particularly known to him from the fact of its being his father's lodge. 
He remembers all about it from talk in his family, and said it was the 
Nez Perces who came. 

1853-'54. — No. I. Spanish blankets introduced by traders. The blan- 
ket is represented without the human figure. 

No. II. Spanish blankets were first brought to the country. A fair 
drawing of one of those striped blankets, held out by a white trader. 

No. III. Dakotas first saw the Spanish blankets. 

See Corbusier records for 1851-52, page 142. 

1854-'55.-No. I. Brave-Bear killed by Blackfeet. 

No. II. Brave-Bear was killed. It does not appear certain whether 
he had already invested in the new style of blanket or whether the ex- 
tended arms are ornamented with pendent stripes. The latter is more 

No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota named Brave-Bear was killed b\ tin- 
Upper Blackfeet. [Satsika ?] 

See Corbusier winter-counts for the same year, page 143. 

1855-'56. — No. I. General Harney (Putin ska) makes a treaty. 

No. II. General Harney made peace with a number of the tribes or 


bands of the Dakotas. This was at Fort Pierre, Dakota. The figure 
shows an officer in uniform shaking hands with an Indian. 

Executive document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Congress, first session, Sen- 
ate, contains the "minutes of a council held at Fort Pierre, Nebraska, 
on the 1st day of March, 1856, by Brevet Brig.-Gen. William S. Harney, 
U. S. Army, commanding the Sioux expedition, with the delegations 
from nine of the bauds of the Sioux, viz., the Two-Kettle band, Lower 
Yankton, Oncpapas, Blackfeet Sioux, Minneconjous, Sans Arcs, Yanc- 
tonnais (two bands), Brides of the Platte." 

No. III. Dakotas made peace with General Harney (called by them 
Putinska, white beard or moustache) at Fort Pierre, Dakota. 

1856-'57. — No. I. Four-Horns, a great warrior. 

No. II. Four-Horn was made a calumet or medicine man. This was 
probably the result of an important political struggle, as there is much 
rivalry and electioneering for the office, which, with its triple character 
of doctor, priest, and magician, is one of far greater power than the 
chieftainship. A man with four horns holds out the same kind of orna- 
mented pipe-stem shown in the character for 1801-'05, it being his badge 
of office. Four-Horn was one of the subchiefs of the Uncpapas, and 
was introduced to General Harney at the council of 1856 by Bear-Rib, 
head chief of that tribe. 

No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Red-Fish's-Son, danced calu- 
met dance. 

Mato Sapa says the same as last. 

Major Bush says, "A Minneconjou, Red-Fish's- Son, The- Ass, danced 
the Four- Horn calumet." 

Interpreter Clement, in the spring of 1874, said that Four Horn and 
Sitting-Bull were the same person, the name Sitting-Bull being given 
him after he was made a calumet man. No other authority tells this. 

1857-'58. — No. I. White-Robe kills a Crow woman. There is but one 
arrow and one blood spot iu the character. 

No. II. The Dakotas killed a Crow squaw. The stripes on the blan- 
ket are shown horizontally, Brave-Bear's, 1854-'55, and Swan's, 1866-'67, 
being vertical. She is pierced by four arrows, and the peace made with 
the Crows in 1851-52 seems to have been short lived. 

No. III. A party of Crow Indians, while on a visit to the Dakotas, had 
one of their number killed by a young Dakota. The figure has blood 
from the four arrows running down each side of the body. 

Mato-Sapa says : A Crow was killed by a Dakota while on a visit to 
the latter. 

Major Bush says substantially the same as Mato Sapa. 

1858-'59. — No. I. Lone-Horn makes medicine. "At such times In- 
dians sacrifice ponies, etc., and fast." In this character the buffalo- 
head is black. 

No. II. Lone-Horn, whose solitary horn appears, made buffalo medi- 
cine, probably on account of the scarcity of that animal. Again the 




1 838-59. 




. T 








malleky.1 DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1856-1861. 123 

head of an albino bison. One-Horn, doubtless the same individual, is 
recorded as the head chief of the Minneconjous at this date. 

No. III. A Minneconjou chief, named Lone-Horn, made medicine with 
white buffalo-cow skin. 

Lone-Horn, chief of Minneconjous, died in 1874, in his camp on the 
Big Cheyenne. 

1859-'G0.— No. I. Big-Crow killed. 

No. II. Big-Crow, a Dakota chief, was killed by the Crows. The 
crow, transfixed by an arrow, is drawn so as to give quite the appear- 
ance of an heraldic crest. 

No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Big Crow, was killed by the 
Crow Indians. He had received his name from killing a Crow Indian 
of unusual size. 

Mato Sapa says: Big-Crow, a Minneconjou, was killed by Crows. 

Major Bush says same as Mato Sapa. 

1SG0-'61. — No. I. The Elk-wkoshows himselfwhen-he-walks makes 

No. II. Device, the head and neck of an elk, like that part of the ani- 
mal in 1837-'38, with a line extending from its mouth, at the extremity of 
of which is the albino buffalo head. " The elk made you understand his 
voice while he was walking." The interpreter persisted in this oracular 
rendering, probably not being able to fully catch the Indian explanation 
from want of thorough knowledge of the language. The ignorance of 
professed interpreters, who easily get beyond their philological depth, 
but are ashamed to acknowledge it, has occasioned many official blun- 
ders. This device and its interpretation were unintelligible to the writer 
until examination of General Harney's report above referred to showed 
the name of a prominent chief of the Minneconjous, set forth as "The- 
Elk-that-Hollows-Walking." It then became probable that the device 
simply meant that the aforesaid chief made buffalo medicine, which con- 
jecture, published in 1877, the other records subsequently discovered 

No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Bed-Fish's-Son, made med- 
icine with white buffalo-cow skin. 

Mato Sapa's record agrees with No. III. 

Major Bush says the same, adding, after the words "Bed-Fish's-Son," 
" The- Ass." 

Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, that The-Elk-that-Hollows-Walk- 
ing, then chief of the Minneconjous, was then at Spotted-Tail's camp. 
His father was Red-Fish. He was the elder brother of Lone-Horn. 
His name is given as A-hag-a hoo-man-ie, translated The Elk's- Voice- 
Walking, compounded of He-ha-ka, elk, and Omani, walk — this accord- 
ing to Lavary's literation. The correct literatiou of the Dakota word 
meaning elk is heqaka; voice ho; and to walk, walking, mani. Their 
compound would be Heqaka ho mani, the translation being the same as 
above given. 

18Cl-'62.— No. I. Buffalo very plenty. 


No. II. Buffalo were so plenty that their tracks came close to the 
tipis. The cloven hoof-mark is cleverly distinguished from the tracks 
of horses in the character for 1849-'o<). 

No. III. Dakotas had unusual abundance of buffalo. 

18G2-'G3.— No. I. Eed-Plume kills an enemy. 

No. II. Red-Feather, a Minueconjou, was killed. His feather is shown 
entirely red, while the " one-feather" in 1S42-M3 has a black tip. 

5o. III. A Minueconjou Dakota killed an Assiniboine named Red- 

Mato Sapa says : Minneconjous kill an Assiniboine named Red-Feather. 

Major Bush agrees with Mato Sapa. 

It is to be noted that there is no allusion to the great Minnesota mas- 
sacre, which commenced in August, 1802, and in which many of the 
Dakotas belonging to the tribes familiar with these charts, were en- 
gaged. Little-Crow was the leader. He escaped to the British pos- 
sessions, but was killed in July, 1SG3. Perhaps the reason of the omis- 
sion of any character to designate the massacre, was the terrible retri- 
bution that followed it, beginning with the rout by Colonel Sibley, on 
September 23, 18G2. The Indian captives amounted in all to about 
eighteen hundred. A military commission sentenced three hundred and 
three to be hanged and eighteen to imprisonment for life. Thirty-eight 
were actually hanged, December 2(5, 18G2, at Camp Lincoln. 

l863-'64. — No. I. Crows kill eight Dakotas on the Yellowstone. 

No. II. Eight Dakotas were killed. Again the short parallel black 
lines united by a long stroke. In this year Sitting Bull fought General 
Sully in the Black Hills. 

Interpreter La vary says General Sully killed seven or eight Crows at 
The-Place They-Shot-The-Deer, Ta cha-con-te, about 90 miles southwest 
of Fort Rice, Dakota. Mulligan says that General Sully fought the 
Yanktonnais and the Sautees at that place. 

No. III. Eight Minueconjou Dakotas killed by Crow Indians. 

See Corbusier Winter Counts for same year, page 144. 

1804-'G5. — No. I. Four Crows caught stealing horses from the Dakotas 
■were tortured to death. Shoulders shown. 

No. II. The Dakotas killed four Crows. Four of the same rounded 
objects, like several heads, shown in 1S25-'2G, but these are bloody, thus 
distinguishing them from the cases of drowning. 

No. III. Four Crow Indians killed by the Miuneconjou Dakotas. 
Necks shown. 

18G5-G6. — No. I. Many horses died. 

No. II. Many horses died for want of grass. The horse here drawn 
is sufficiently distinct from all others in the chart. 

No. III. Dakotas lost many horses in the snow. 

See Corbusier's Winter Counts, No. II for same year, page 144. 

18G6-'G7. — No. I. Little Swan, a great warrior. 

No. II. Swan, father of Swan, chief of the Minneconjous in 1877, died. 





lsi;5- m: 














unr yrrm 








malleky.] DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1862-1869. 125 

With the assistance of the name the object intended for his totem may 
be recognized as a swau swimming on the water. 

No. III. Minneconjou Dakota chief, named Swan, died. 

Mato Sapa's record has a better representation of a swan. 

Interpreter La vary says: Little-Swan died in this year on CherryCreek, 
75 miles northwest of Fort Sully. 

Major Bush says this is historically correct. 

18G7-'68. — No. I. Much medicine made. 

No. II. Many flags were given them by the Peace Commission. The 
flag refers to the visit of the Peace Commissioners, among whom were 
Generals Sherman, Terry, and other prominent military and civil officers. 
Their report appears in the Annual Report of the Commissioner of In- 
dian Affairs for 1868. They met at Fort Leavenworth, August 13, 1867, 
and between August 30 and September 13 held councils with the various 
bands of the Dakota Indians at Forts Sully and Thompson, and also at 
the Yankton, Ponka, and Santee Reservations. These resulted in the 
great Dakota treaty of 1868. 

No. III. Made peace with General Sherman and others at Fort Lara- 

Mato Sapa says : Made peace with General Sherman aud others at 
Fort Laramie. 

Major Bush agrees with Mato Sapa. 

See Corbusier's Winter Counts, No. II, page 144. 

1868-'69. — No. I. First issue of beef by Government to Indians. 

No. II. Texas cattle were brought into the country. This was done 
by Mr. William A. Paxton, a well-known business man, resident in Da- 
kota in 1877. 

No. III. Dakotas had plenty of white men's cattle (the result of the 

Mato Sapa agrees with No. III. 

18G9-'70.— No. I. Eclipse of the moon. . 

No. II. An eclipse of the sun. This was the solar eclipse of August 
7, 1869, which was central and total on a line drawn through the Dakota 
country. This device has been criticised because the Indians believe 
an eclipse to be occasioned by a dragon or aerial monster swallowing 
the sun, and it is contended that they would so represent it. Au im- 
swer is that the design is objectively good, the sun being painted black, 
as concealed, while the stars come out red, i. c, bright, and graphic 
illustration prevails throughout the charts where it is possible to employ 
it. In addition, it is learned that Prof. Cleveland Abbe, who was famed 
as an astronomer before he became so as a meteorologist, was at Sioux 
Falls, with a corps of assistants, to observe this very eclipse, and ex- 
plained the silbject to a large number of Indians there at that time, so 
that their attention was not only directed specially to that eclipse, but 
also to the white men as interested in it, aud to its real appearance as 
apart from their old superstition. 


In addition to this fact, Dr. Washington Matthews, assistant surgeon 
United States Army, communicates the statement that the Indians had 
numberless other opportunities all over their country of receiviug the 
same information. He was at Fort Eice during the eclipse and remem- 
bers that long before the eclipse occurred the officers, men, and citi- 
zens .around the post told the Indians of the coming event and discussed 
it with tliem so much that they were on the tip-toe of expectancy 
when the day came. Two-Bears and his baud were then encamped at 
Fort Eice, and he and several of his leading men watched the eclipse 
along with the whites and through their smoked glass, and then and 
there the phenomenon was thoroughly explained to them over and over 
again. There is no doubt that similar explanations were made at all 
the numerous posts and agencies along the river that day. The path of 
the eclipse coincided nearly with the course of the Missouri for over a 
thousand miles. The duration of totality at Fort Eice was nearly two 
minutes (l m 48*.) 

No. III. Dakotas witnessed eclipse of the sun; frightened terribly. 

It is remarkable that the Corbusier Winter Counts do not mention 
this eclipse. 

1870-'71. — No. I. The-Flame's son killed by Eees. The recorder, The- 
Flamc, evidently considered his family misfortune to be of more im- 
portance than the battle referred to by the other recorders. 

No. II. The Uncpapas had a battle with the Crows, the former losing, 
it is said, 14 and killing 29 out of 30 of the latter, though nothing ap- 
pears to show those numbers. The central object in the symbol is not 
a circle denoting multitude, but an irregularly rounded object, clearly 
intended for one of the wooden inclosures or forts frequently erected 
by the Indians, and especially the Crows. The Crow fort is shown as 
nearly surrounded, and bullets, not arrows or lances, are flying. This 
is the first instance in which any combat or killing is portrayed wheie 
guns explicitly appear to be used by Indians, though nothing in the 
chart is at variance with the fact that the Dakotas had for a number 
of years beeu familiar with fire arms. The most recent indications 
of any weapon were those of the arrows piercing the Crow squaw in 
1857-'5S and Brave-Bear in 1854-55, while the last one before them was 
the lance used in 1848-'49, and those arms might well have been em- 
ployed in all the cases selected for the calendar, although rifles and 
muskets were common. There is also an obvious practical difficulty in 
picturing by a single character killing with a bullet, not arising as to 
arrows, lances, dirks, and hatchets, all of which can be and are in the 
chart shown projecting from the wounds made by them. Pictdgraphs 
in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology show battles in which 
bullets are denoted by continuous dotted lines, the spots at which they 
take effect being sometimes indicated. It is, however, to be noted that 
the bloody wound on the Eee's shoulder (180G-'07) is without any pro- 
truding weapon, as if made by a bullet. 




+ f 




, xs \ I 1 1 I 1 














• » '/ 


mallery.j DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS, 1*70-1877. 127 

No. III. A Crow war party of 30 were surprised and surrounded in tbe 
Black Hills by the Dakotas and killed. Fourteen of the Dakotas were 
killed in the engagement. 

1871-72. — No. I. The-Flame's second son killed by Eees. 

lS72- , 73.— No. I. Sans- Arc- John killed by Eees. 

1873-'74. — No. I. Brides kill a number of Pawnees. 

Cloud-Shield says they killed many Pawnees on the Republican River. 

187I-'75. — No. I. A Dakota kills one Ree. 

1875-'7G.— No. I. Council at Spotted Tail Agency. 

1870-77. — No. I. Horses taken by United States Government. 

White Cow-Killer calls it "General-Mackeuzie-took-tke-Red-Cloud- 
Indiaiis'-horses away-from-them wiuter." 

Iii the account of Lone-Dog's chart, published in 1877, as above men- 
tioned, the present writer, on the subject of the recorder's selection of 
events, remarked as follows : 

" The year 1S7G has furnished good store of events for his choice, and 
it will be interesting to learn whether he has selected as the distin- 
guishing event the victory over Custer, or, as of still greater interest, 
the general seizure of ponies, whereat the tribes, imitating Rachel, 
weep and will not be comforted, because they are not." 

It now appears that two of the counts have selected the event of the 
seizure of the ponies, and none of them yet seen make any allusion to 
the defeat of Custer. 

After examination of the three charts it will be conceded that, as 
above stated, the design is not narrative, the noting of events being 
subordinated to the marking of the years by them, and the pictographic 
serial arrangements of sometimes trivial, though generally notorious, in- 
cidents, being with special adaptation for use as a calendar. That in a 
few instances small personal events, such as the biith or death of the 
recorder or members of his family, are set forth, may be regarded as in 
the line of interpolations in or unauthorized additions to the charts. If 
they had exhibited a complete national or tribal history for the years em- 
braced in them, their discovery would have been, in some respects, more 
valuable, but they are the more interesting to ethnologists because they 
show an attempt, before unsuspected among the tribes of American Iu- 
ilians, to form a system of chronology. 


While the present paper was in preparation, a valuable and elaborate 
communication was received from Dr. William H. Corbusier,, assistant 
surgeon, United State Army, styled by him the Dakota Winter Counts, 
which title was adopted for the whole subject-matter, including the 
charts with their interpretations which had before been known to the 
present writer, and those from Dr. Corbusier, which furnish a different 


system, are distinguished by his name. It is necessary to explain that 
all references in the test to colors, other than black, must be understood 
as applicable to the originals. Other colors could not be reproduced in 
the plates without an expense disproportionate to the importance of the 
rule us for significance and comprehension. 

A more important explanation is due on account of the necessity to omit 
from Dr. Oorbusier's contribution the figures of Battiste Good's count 
and tbeir interpretation. This count is in some respects the most im- 
portant of all those yet made known. As set down by Battiste Good, it 
begins in a peculiar cyclic computation with the year A. D. 900, and in 
thirteen figures includes the time to A. D. 1700, all these figures being 
connected with legends and myths, some of which indicate European in- 
fluence. From lVOO-'Ol to 1879-'80 a separate character for each year 
is given, with its interpretation, in a manner generally similar to those 
in the other charts. Unfortunately all of these figures are colored, 
either in whole or in large part, five colors being used besides black, 
and the drawing is so rude that without the colors it is in many cases 
unintelligible. The presentation at this time of so large a number of 
colored figures — in all one hundred and ninety-three — in addition to the 
other illustrations of the present paper, involved too great expense. 
It is hoped that this count can be so far revised, with the elimination of 
unessential coloration and with more precision in the outlines, as to 
allow of its publication. Several of its characters, with references also 
to its interpretation when compared with that of other counts, are given 
in various parts of the present paper. Where it was important to 
specify their coloration the heraldic scheme has been used. 

The pages immediately following contain the contribution of Dr. 
Gorbusier, diminished by the extraction of the parts comprising Battiste 
Good's count. Its necessary omission, as above explained, is much 
regretted, not only on account of its intrinsic value, but because with- 
out it the work of Dr. Corbusier does not appear to all the advantage 
merited by his zeal and industry. 

The Dakotas reckon time by winters, and apply names to them in- 
stead of numbering them from an era. Each name refers to some no- 
table occurrence of the winter or year to which it belongs, and has 
been agreed upon in council on the expiration of the winter. Separate 
bands have often fixed upon different events, and it thus happens that 
the names are not uniform throughout the nation. Ideographic records 
of these occurrences have been kept in several bands for many years, 
and they constitute the Dakota Winter-Counts (waniyetu wowapi) or 
Counts Back (h6kta yawapi). They are used in computing time, and 
to aid the memory in recalling the names and events of the different 
years, their places in the count, and their order of succession. The enu- 
meration of the winters is begun at the one last recorded and carried 
backward. Notches on sticks, war-shirts, pipes, arrows, and other de- 


vices also serve a mnemonic purpose. The Counts were formerly exe- 
cuted in colors on the hides of animals, but the present recorders make 
use of paper, books, pens, pencils, and paints obtained from the whites. 
The alignment of the ideographs depends to some extent upon the ma- 
terial on which they are depicted. On robes it is spiral from right to 
left and from the center outward, each year being added to the coil as 
the snail adds to its whorl. The spiral line, frequently seen in etchings 
on rocks, has been explained to me as indicating a snail shell. On 
paper they are sometimes carried from right to left, sometimes from left 
to right, and again the two methods are combined as in Battiste Good's 
winter-count, which begins at the back of the book and is carried for- 
ward, i. e., from right to left, but in which the alignment on each page 
is from left to right. The direction from right to left is that followed 
in many of their ceremonies, as when tobacco is smoked as incense to 
the sun and the pipe is passed around, and when the devotees in the 
dance to the suu enter and leave the consecrated lodge in which they 
fulfill their vows. 

Among theOglalasand the B rules there are at least five of these counts 
kept by as many different men, each man seeming to be the recorder 
for his branch of the tribe. I obtained copies of three of them in 1879 
and 1880, while stationed at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska, near the Pine 
Bidge Agency, Dakota. One winter count was made forme by Bat- 
tiste Good, a Brule" Dakota, at the Rosebud Agency, Dakota, being a 
copy of the one of which he is the recorder. He explained the meaning 
of the pictographs to the Rev. William J. Cleveland, of the Rosebud 
Agency, to whom I am indebted for rendering his explanations into 
English. Several Indians and half-breeds had informed me that his 
count formerly embraced about the same number of years as the other 
two, but that Battiste Good gathered the names of many years from the 
old people and placed them in chronological order as far back as he was 
able to learn them. 

Another winter count is a copy of the one in the possession of 
American-Horse, an Oglala Dakota, at the Pine Ridge Agency, who 
asserts that his grandfather began it, and that it is the production of 
his grandfather, his father, and himself. I received the explanations 
from American Horse through an interpreter. 

A third winter count is a copy of one kept by Cloud-Shield, ne is 
also an Oglala Dakota at the Pine Ridge Agency, but of a different 
band from American-Horse. I also received his explanations through 
an interpreter. The last two counts embrace nearly the same number 
of years. I have added the dates to both of them, beginning at the last 
year, the date of which was known, and carrying them back. Two 
dates belong to each figure, as a Dakota year covers a portion of two of 
our calendar years. 

I have seen copies of a fourth winter count which is kept by White- 
4 eth 9 


Cow-Killer at the Pine Ridge Agency. I did not obtain a copy of it, 
but learned most of the names given to the winters. 

On comparing the winter counts, it is found that they often corre- 
spond, but more frequently differ. In a few instances the differences are 
in the succession of the events, but in most instances they are due to 
an omission or to the selection of another event. When a year has the 
same name in all of them, the bands were probably encamped together 
or else the event fixed upon was of general interest; and, when the 
name is different, the bauds were scattered or nothing of general interest 
occurred. Differences iu the succession may be due to the loss of a 
record and the depiction of another from memory,- or to errors in copy- 
ing an old one. 

The explanations of the counts are far from complete, as the recorders 
who furnished them could in mauy instances recall nothing except the 
name of the year, and in others were loth to speak of the events or else 
their explanations were vague and unsatisfactory, and, again, the in- 
terpreters were sometimes at fault. Many of the recent events are fresh 
in the memory of the people, as the warriors who strive to make their 
exploits a part of the tribal traditions proclaim them on all occasions 
of ceremony — count their coups, as it is called. Declarations of this kiud 
partake of the nature of affirmations made in the presence of God. 
War-shirts on which scores of the enemies killed are kept, and which 
are carefully transmitted from one generation to another, help to refresh 
their memories in regard to some of the events. By testing many In- 
dians I learned that but few could interpret the significance of the 
figures; some of them could point out the year of their birth and that 
of some members of their families; others could not do so, or pretended 
that they could not, but named the year and asked me to point it out 
and tell their age. 

In the following explanation of the winter counts, [figured on Plates 
XXXIV-LI,] No. I refers to that of American-Horse and No. II to that 
of Cloud-Shield. 

1775-'7G. — No. I. Standing-Bull, the great-grandfather of the present 
Standing-Bull, discovered the Black Hills. He carried home with him 
a pine tree of a species he had never seen before. (In this count the 
Dakotas are usually distinguished by the braided scalp-lock and the 
feather they wear at the crown of the head, or by the manner in which 
they brush back and tie the hair. It will be noticed that the profile of 
most of the faces is given, whereas Battiste Good gives the full face. 
The Dakotas have of late years claimed the Black Hills, probably by 
right of discovery in 1775-'7C ; but the Crows were the former posses- 

This is also the first winter of White Cow-Killer's count and is called 
" Two-warriors-killed winter." 

1776-'77. — No. I. Many of their horses were killed by some of their 
own people, who were jealous because they were fatter than their own. 












~~C <^ 











i r 


mallert.1 COKBUSIER WINTER COUNTS, 1775-1784. 131 

1777-78. — No. I. It was an intensely cold winter, and the Man-who- 
has-no-skin-on-his-penis froze to death. The sign for snow or winter, 
i. c, a cloud with snow falling from it, is above his head. A haka-stick, 
which, in playing that game, they cast after a ring, is represented in 
front of him. 

Battiste Good's record is that a Dakota named Skinned-Penis was 
killed in a fight with the Pawnees, and his companions left his body 
where they supposed it would not be found, but the Pawnees found it, 
and as it was frozen stiff, they dragged it into their camp and played 
haka with it. 

No. II. A war party brought in the lone pine tree from the enemy's 
country. They met no enemies while out. This event is also the first 
in No. I, in which it marks the winter of 1775-'7G. 

I778-'79.— No. L The Poukas came and attacked a village, notwith- 
standing peace had just been made with them. The people repulsed 
and followed them, killing sixty. Some elk-hair and a feather repre- 
sent Ponka. Horse tracks are used for horses. Attack is indicated by 
signs which were said to represent bullet marks, and which convey the 
idea that the bullet struck. The sign seems to be derived from the 
gesture-sign for " it struck." 

No. II. Many of their horses were killed, but by whom is not known. 
The same event is recorded in No. I, 1770-77. 

1779-'80. — No. I. Long-Pine was killed in a fight with the Crows. 
The absence of his scalp denotes that he was killed by an enemy. The 
wound was made with the bow and arrow. 

No. II. Skinned-his-penis was used in the ring-and-pole game. 

1780-'81.— No. I. Many died of small-pox. 

No. II. "The policeman" was killed by the enemy. 

1781-'82. — No. I. Many died of small-pox. 

No. II. Many people died of small-pox. They all record two succes- 
sive winters of small-pox, but No. I makes the first year of the epidemic 
one year later than that of Battiste Good, and No. II makes it two years 

1782-'83.— No. I. A Dakota named Stabber froze to death. The sign 
for winter is the same as before. 

No. II. Many people died of small-pox again. 

1783-'84. — No. I. The Mandans and Pees made a charge on a Dakota 
village. The Dakotas drove them back, killed twenty five of them, 
and captured a boy. An eagle's tail, which is worn on the head, stands 
for Mandan and Eee. 

No. II. The-Stabber froze to death. The man's name is suggested 
by the spear iu the body over his head, which is connected with his 
mouth by a Hue. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "Big-fire winter," possibly because big 
fires were required to keep them warm. 

178-4-'85. — No. I. A young man who -was afflicted with the small-pox, 


and was in his tipi, off by himself, sang his death-song and shot himself. 
Suicide is more common among Indians than is generally suspected, and 
even boys sometimes take their own lives. A Dakota boy at one of the 
agencies shot himself rather than face his companions after his mother 
had whipped him, andaPai-Ute boy at Camp McDermit, Nevada, tried 
to poison himself with the wild parsnip because he was not well and 
strong like the other boys. The Pai-TJtes usually eat the wild pars- 
nip when bent on suicide. 

No. II. An Omaha woman who was living with the Oglalas attempted 
to run away from them, and they killed her. A war between the two 
tribes was the result. 

1785-'86. — No. I. Bear's-Ears, a Brule, was killed in an Oglala vil- 
lage by the Crows. 

No. II. The Oglalas killed three lodges of Omahas. 

17S6-'87.— No. I. Broken-Leg-Duck, an Oglala, went to a Crow vil- 
lage to steal horses and was killed. A line connects the name with the 

No. II. Long-Hair was killed. To what tribe he belonged is not 

1787-88. — No. I. They went out in search of the Crows in order to 
avenge the death of Broken-Leg-Duck. They did not find any Crows, 
but, chancing on a Mandau village, captured it and killed all the people 
in it. 

No. II. A year of famine. They lived on roots, which are represented 
in front of the tipi. 

178S-'S9. — No. I. Last-Badger, an Oglala, was killed by the Bees. 

No. II. The winter was so cold that many crows froze to death. 

White-Cow-Killer calls 1787-'88 "Many -black-crows-died winter." 

1789-'0O. — No. I. The cold was so intense that crows froze in the air 
and dropped dead near the lodges. 

No. II. White-Goose was killed in an attack made by some enemies. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Goose-Feather-killed winter." 

1790-'01. — No. I. They could not hunt on account of the deep snow, 
and were compelled to subsist on anything they could get, as herbs 
(pezi) and roots. 

No. II. Picket-Pin went against the Cheyennes. A picket-pin is 
represented in front of him and is connected with his mouth by the 
usual line. The black band across his face denotes that be was brave 
and had killed enemies. The cross is the symbol for Cheyenne. The 
mark used for Cheyenne stands for the scars on their arms, or stripes on 
their sleeves, which also gave rise to the gesture sign for this tribe, 
given in Sign Language among the North American Indians, etc., First 
Annual Beport of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 465, viz. : Draw the ex- 
tended right index, or the inner edge of the open right hand, several 
times across the base of the extended left index or across the left fore- 
arm at different heights. 





















malleey] CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS, 1785-1798. 133 

"White-Cow- Killer calls it " All-the-Indians-see-tbe-tlag winter." 

1791-'92. — ]So. I. Glue, an Oglala, froze to death on his way to a Brule 
village. A glue-stick is represented back of his head. Glue, made 
from the hoofs of buffalo, is used to fasten arrow-heads on, and is car- 
ried about on sticks. 

No. II. The Dakotas and Oinahas made peace. 

1792-'93.— No. I. Many women died in child-birth. 

No. II. The Dakotas camped on the Missouri Eiver near the Gros 
Ventres and fought with them a long time. The Dakota tipi and the 
Gros Ventre lodge are shown in the figure. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Eees-house- winter." 

1793-94. — No. I. A Ponka who was captured when a boy by the Ogla- 
las was killed while outside the village by a war party of Ponkas. 

No. II. Bear's-Ears was killed in a fight with the Pees. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Little-Face-killed winter." 

1794-'95. — No. I. The-Good -White-Man came with two other white 
men. He promised that if they would let him and his companions go 
undisturbed he would return and bring with him weapons with which 
they could kill game with but little labor. They gave them buffalo 
robes and dogs to pack them on and sent the party off. The sign for 
white man is a hat, either by itself or on a head, and the gesture-sign 
indicates one who wears a hat. Draw the open right hand horizontally 
from left to right across the forehead a little above the eyebrows, the 
back of the hand to be upward and the fingers pointing toward the left, 
or draw the index across the forehead in the same manner. 

No. II. Bad-Pace, a Dakota, was shot in the face. 

"White-Cow- Killer calls it "Long-Hair killed winter." 

1795-'9C— No. I. The-Man - Who-O wns-the-Plute was killed by the Chey- 
ennes. His flute is represented in front of him with sounds coming from 
it. A bullet mark is on his neck. 

No. II. The Dakotas camped near the Eees and fought with them. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Water-Stomach-killed winter." 

179G-'97. — No. I. They killed the long-haired man in a fight with the 
Cheyennes while on an expedition to avenge the death of The-Man- 
Who-Owns-the-Flute, who was killed by the Cheyennes the year before. 

No. II. Badger, a Dakota, was killed by enemies, as shown by the 
absence of his scalp. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "War-Bonnet- killed winter." 

1797-98. — No. I. Little-Beaver and three other white men came to 
trade, having been sent by the Good- White-Man. Their goods were 
loaded on three sleds, each drawn by six dogs. 

No. II. The-Wise-Man was killed by enemies. 

White-Cow- Killer calls it " Caught-the medicine-god-woman-winter." 

1798-'99. — No. I. Owns-the-Pole, the leader of an Oglala war party, 
brought home many Cheyenne scalps. The cross stands for Cheyenne. 

No. II. Many women died in child-birth. 


White-Cow-Killer says, "Many-squaws-died winter." 

1799-1800. — No. 1. The-Good-White-Man returned and gave guns to 
the Dakotas. The circle of marks represents the people sitting around 
him, the flint lock musket the guns. 

No. II. A woman who had been given to a white man by the Dakotas 
was killed because she ran away from him. [See No. I, 1804-05.] 

White-Cow-Killer says, "The-Good- White-Man-came winter." 

1800-01. — No. I. Nine white men came to trade witb them. The cov- 
ered bead with short hair stands for a white man and also intimates 
that the eight dots over it are for white men. According to this couut 
the first whites came in 1794-'95. 

No. II. The Good- White-Man came. He was the first white man to 
trade and live with the" Dakotas. 

Wbite-Cow-Killer calls it " Don't-Eat-Heart-makes-a-god-house win- 

1801-02. — No. I. The Oglalas, Brules, Minneconjous, Sans Arcs, and 
Cheyennes united in an expedition against the Crows. They surprised 
and captured a village of thirty lodges, killed all the men, and took the 
women and children prisoners. The three tipis stand for thirty ; the red 
6pots are for blood. 

No. II. A trader brought them their first guns. 

White-Cow-Killer says, " All-sick-winter." 

1802-'03.— No. I. The Ponkas attacked two lodges of Oglalas, killed 
some of the people, and made the rest prisoners. The Oglalas went to 
the Tonka village a short time afterward and took their people from 
the Ponkas. In the figure an Oglala has a prisoner by the arm leading 
him away. The arrow indicates that they were ready to fight. 

No. II. The Omahas made an assault on a Dakota village. Arrows 
and bullets are flying back and forth. 

"White Cow-Killer calls it " Brought-in-horse-shoes winter." 

1803-'01. — No. I. They made peace with the Gros Ventres. 

No. II. Little Beaver, a white, trader, came. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Pleutyof-woolly-horses winter." 

1804-'05. — No. I. An Indian woman who had been unfaithful to a 
white man to whom she was married was killed by an Indian named 
Ponka. The symbol for Ponka indicates the name. 

No. II. The Omahas came and made peace to get their people, whom 
the Dakotas held as prisoners. 

180j-'00. — No. I. The Dakotas had a council with the whites on the 
Missouri River, below the Cheyenne Agency, near the mouth of Bad 
Creek (the Lewis and Clarke Expedition ?). They had many flags, 
which the Good- White-Man gave them with their guns, and they erected 
them on poles to show their friendly feelings. The curved line is to 
represent the council lodge, which they made by opening several tipis 
and uniting them at their sides to form a semicircle. The marks are for 
the people. American-Horse's father was born this year. 




.»«•• *. 






























mallert.] CORBDSIER WINTER COUNTS, 1799 1814. 135 

No. II. Nino white men came to trade. The thiee covered heads 
represent the white men. 

White-Oow-Killer calls it " Eight-Dakotas-killed winter." 

1SOO-'07.— No. I. Black-Rock, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows. A 
rock is represented above his head. He was killed with a bow and 
arrow and was scalped. 

No. II. The Dakotas killed an Omaha in the night. 

White-Oow-Killer calls it " Killed-while-huntiug-eagles winter." 

1807-'08. — No. I. Broken-Leg was killed by the Pawnees. His leg 
had been broken by a bullet in a previous fight with the Pawnees. 

No. II. Many people camped together and had many flags flying. 

'White-Cow-killer calls it " Red-shirt-killed Winter." 

180S-'09. — No. I. Little-Beaver's trading house was burned down. 

No. II. A Brule" was found dead under a tree which had fallen on 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Blue-Blanket's father-dead winter." 

1S00-'10.— No. I. Black-Rock was killed by the Crows. His brother, 
whose name he had taken, was killed by the Crows three years before. 

No. II. Little-Beaver's house was burned. 

White-Oow-Killer says," Little-Beaver's (the white man) house-burned- 
down winter." 

1S10-'11.— No. I. Red-Shirt, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows while 
looking for his ponies near Old Woman's Fork. 

No. II. They brought in a fine horse with feathers tied to his tail. 

White Cow-Killer calls it "Came-with-medicine-on-horse's-tail winter." 

1811-12. — No. I. They caught many wild horses south of the Platte 

No. II. They had very little buffalo meat, as the empty drying pole 
indicates, but plenty of ducks in the fall. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Catching-wild-horses winter." 

1812-'13.— No. I. Big-Waist's father killed. 

No. II. Big-Owl killed. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Big-Belly's-father-killed winter." 

1813-14. — No. I. Many had the whooping-cough. The cough is rep- 
resented by the lines issuing from the man's mouth. 

No. II. Food was very scarce and they had to live on acorns. The 
tree is intended for an oak and the marks beneath it for acorns. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Six-Rees-killed winter." 

1S14-'15. — No. I. The Dakotas went to a Kaiowa village, about G miles 
from Scott's Bluff, and near the mouth of Horse Creek, to treat for 
peace ; but their intentions were frustrated by one of their number, who 
drove his hatchet into a Kaiowa's head. 

No. II. They made peace with the Pawnees. The man with the blue 
forehead is a Pawnee, the other is a Dakota, whose body is smeared 
with clay. The four arrows show that they had been at war, and the 
clasped hands denote peace. 

White Cow-Killer calls it "Kaiowa-hit-on-head-with-axe winter." 


Young-Man's-Horses-Afraid, i. e., whose horses are afraid, was born 
this year. He is now called " Old-Mauafraidof-his-Horses" by the 
whites, and his sod, the present chief of the Oglalas, is known as 
" Young-Man afraid-of-his Horses." [The present writer has heard an- 
other interpretation about " afraid-of-his-horses," i. e., that the man 
valued his horses so much that he was afraid of losing them. The 
present representative of the name, however, stated to the writer that 
the true meaning was " The-youngman- whose horses-they-fear."] 

1815-'16. — No. I. The figure is intended to represent a white man's 

No. II. Some of the Dakotas built a large house and lived in it dur- 
ing the winter. 

W hite-Cow-Killer calls it " Made-a-house winter." 

1816-'17.— No. I. They made peace with the Crows at Pine Bluff. The 
arrow shows they had been at war. 

No. II. They lived in the same house that they did last winter. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Made-a-house winter." 

1817-'18. — No. I. The Oglalas had an abundance of buffalo meat and 
shared it with the Bruits, who were short of food. Tbe buffalo hide 
hung on the drying pole, with the buffalo head above it, indicates an 
abundance' of meat. 

No. II. The-Brave-Man was killed in a great fight. The fight is shown 
by the arrows flying to and from him. Having been killed by an enemy, 
he is scalped. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Plenty-ofmeat winter." 

1818-'19. — No. I. A large house was built. 

No. II. Many died of the small-pox. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "Little-small-pox winter." 

1819-20. — No. I. Another house was built. The Dakotas made medi- 
cine in it. 

No. II. In an engagement with the Crows, both sides expended all of 
their arrows, and then threw dirt at each other. A Crow is represented 
on the right, and is distinguished by the manner in which the hair is 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Made-a-house-of-old-wood winter." 

1S20-'21.— No. I. The Dakotas assaulted and took a Crow village of 
a hundred lodges. They killed many and took many prisoners. 

No. II. A Dakota, named Glue, froze to death. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Two-arrows-madea-war-bonnet winter." 

1821-'22. — No. I. They had all the mini wakan (spirit water or whisky) 
they could drink. They never had any before. A barrel with a waved 
or spiral line running from it represents the whisky, the waved line sig- 
nifying spirit. 

No. II. A large roaring star fell. It came from the east, and shot 
out sparks of fire along its course. Its track and the sparks are shown 
in the figure. See also page 111. 



























mallery.] CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS, 1815-1825. 137 

White-Cow-Killer says, " Oue-star-niade-a-great-noise winter." 

Battiste Good, alias Wa-po-ctan-qi (Brown-Hat), historian and chief, 
designated this year as that of his birth. Omaha bullets were whizzing 
through the village and striking and piercing his mother's lodge as she 
brought him forth. Red-Cloud also was born. 

1822-'23. — No. I. Dog, an Oglala, stole seventy horses from the 
Crows. Each of the seven tracks stands for ten horses. A lariat, 
which serves the purpose of a long whip, and is usually allowed to trail 
on the ground, is shown in the man's hand. 

No. II. A Bruit 5 , who had left the village the night before, was found 
dead in the morning outside the village, and the dogs were eating his 
body. The black spot on the upper part of the thigh shows he was a 

White-Cow-Killer says," White-man-peels-tbe-stick-in-his-hand-broke- 
his-leg winter." 

1823-'24. — No. I. They had an abundance of corn, which they got at 
the Ree villages. 

No. II. They joined the whites in an expedition up the Missouri River 
against the Rees. . 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Old-corn-pleuty winter." For further ex- 
planation of the record of this year, see page 111. 

1824-'25. — No. I. Cloud-Bear, a Dakota, killed a Dakota, who was a 
long distance off, by throwing a bullet from his hand and striking him 
in the heart. The spiral line is again used for wakan. The gesture- 
sign for wdkan (holy, supernatural) is: With its index-finger extended 
and pointing upward, or all the fingers extended, back of hand outward, 
move the right hand from just in front of the forehead spirally upward 
nearly to arm's length from left to right. [See "Sign Language N. A. 
Indians," p. 380, by the present writer, in the First Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology.] 

No. II. Cat-Owner was killed with a spider-web thrown at him by a 
Dakota. The spider-web is shown reaching to his heart from the hand 
of the man who threw it. The blood issuing from his mouth and nose 
indicates that he bled to death. It is a common belief among them that 
certain medicine men possess the power of taking life by shooting 
needles, straws, spider-webs, bullets, and other objects, however distant 
the person may be against whom they are directed. 

White-Co w-Killer calls it "Killed-the-women-pickingcherries win- 

1825-'26. — No. I. Some of the Dakotas were living on the bottom- 
lauds of the Missouri River, below the Whetstone, when the river, 
which was filled with broken ice, unexpectedly rose and flooded their 
village. Many were drowned or else killed by the floating ice. Many 
of those that escaped climbed on cakes of ice or into trees. 

No. II. Many of the Dakotas were drowned in a flood caused by a 
rise of the Missouri River, in a bend of which they were camped. The 


curved Hue is the bend in the river ; the waved line is the water, above 
which the tops of the tipis are shown. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Great-flood-and-many-Indiausdrowued 
winter." [See page 113.] 

182G-27.— No. I. The brother of the Good-White-Man came. 

No. II. Held a commemoration of the dead. The pipe-stem and the 
skull iudicate this. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Long- Whistle-sick winter." 

1827-'28. — No. I. The snow was very deep. 

No. II. In a fight with the Mandans, Crier was shot in the head with 
a gun. 

Wliite-Oow-Killer calls it " Suow-shoe-makiug winter." 

1828-'29. — No. I. They provided themselves with a large supply of 
antelope meat by driving antelope into a corral, in which they were 
easily killed. 

No. II. They drove many antelope into a corral and then killed them. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Many-Rees-killed winter." 

1829-'30.— No. I. Striped-Face stabbed aud killed his son-in-law for 
whipping his wife. 

No. II. Spotted-Face stabs his son-in-law for whipping his wife. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Spotted-Face-held on-long winter." 

1830-'31. — No. I. They saw wagons for the first time. Red -Lake, a 
white trader, brought his goods in them. 

No. II. The Crows were approaching a village at a time when there 
was a great deal of snow on the ground and intended to surprise it, but 
some herders discovering them the Dakotas went out, laid in wait for 
the Crows, surprised them, and killed many. A Crow's head is repre- 
sented in the figure. 

White Cow-Killer calls it "Killed-many-white-buffalo winter." 

183L-'32.— No. I. Red-Lake's house, which he had recently built, was 
destroyed by fire, and he was killed by the accidental explosion of some 

No. II. A white man, whom they called Gray-Eyes, shot and killed 
a man who was working for him. 

1832-'33.— No. I. They killed many Gros Ventres in a village which 
they assaulted. 

No. II. All of Standing-Bull's horses were killed, but by whom is 
unknown. Hoof-prints, blood stains, and arrows are shown under the 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "Une-Horn's-leg-broken winter." 

1S33-34.— No. I. The stars moved around. 

No. H. It rained stars. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Plenty-stars winter." 

The records [see page 116] all undoubtedly refer to the magnificent 
meteoric display of the morning of November 13th, 1833, which was wit- 
nessed throughout North America, and which they have correctly as- 




















mallery.] CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS, 1926-1838. 139 

signed to the winter corresponding with that of 1833-'34. All of them 
represent stars as having four points. 

1834-35. — No. I. They were at war with the Cheyennes. The Chey- 
enne is the one with the stripes on his arm. 

No. II. They fought with the Cheyennes. The stripes on the arm are 
for Cheyenne as before. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Cheyennes-caine-andone-killed winter." 

1835-'36.— No. I. They killed a very fat buffalo bull. 

No. II. They killed a very fat buffalo bull. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Two warriors-killed winter." 

183C-'37. — No. I. The Dakotas and the Pawnees fought on the ice on 
the North Platte River. The former were on the north side, the right- 
hand tide in the figure, the latter on the south side, the left in the fig- 
ure. Horsemen and footmen on the right are opposed to footmen on the 
left. Both sides have gnus and bows, as shown by the bullet-marks and 
the arrows. The red marks are for blood-stains on the ice. 

No. II. They fought the Pawnees across the ice on the North Platte. 
The man on the left is a Pawnee. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Figkt-on-ice winter." 

1837-38. — No. I. Paiuts-His-Cheeks-Bed and his family, who were 
camping by themselves, were killed by Pawnees. 

No. II. Paints-His-Face-Bed, a Dakota, was killed in his tipi by the 

White-Cow-Killer calls it u Five-Fingers-died winter." 

1838-'39. — No. I. Spotted-Horse carried the pipe around and took the 
war path against the Pawnees, to avenge the death of his uncle, Paints- 

No. II. Crazy-Dog, a Dakota, carried the pipe around and took the 
war path. The waved or spiral lines denote crazy. 

White-Cow-Killer says, "Paiuts-his-Chin's-lodge all-killed winter." 

When a warrior desires to make up a war party he visits his friends 
and offers them a filled pipe as an invitation to follow him, and those 
who are willing to go accept the invitation by lighting and smoking it. 
Any man whose courage has been proved may become the leader of a 
war party. Among the Arapahos the would-be leader does not invite 
anyone to accompany him, but publicly announces his intention of going 
to war. He fixes the day for his departure and states where he will 
camp the first night, naming some place not far off. The morning on 
which he starts, and before leaving the village, he invokes the aid of 
the suu, his guardian by day, and often, to propitiate him, secretly vows 
to undergo penance, or offer a sacrifice on his return. He rides off alone, 
carrying his bare pipe in his hand, with the bowl carefully tied to the 
stem to prevent it from slipping off. If the bowl should at any time 
accidentally fall to the ground, he considers it an evil omen, and imme- 
diately returns to the village, and nothing could induce him to proceed, 
as he thinks that only misfortune would attend him if he did. Some- 


times be ties eagle or hawk plumes to the stem of his pipe, and, after 
quitting the village, repairs to the top of some hill and makes an offer- 
ing of them to the sun, taking them from his pipe and tying them to a 
pole, which he erects in a pile of stones. (Some of the stone-heaps seen 
on the hills in the Arapaho country originated in this way, but most of 
them were made by dreamers, who withdraw from their people to de- 
vote themselves in solitude to contemplation, fastiug, and prayer, in 
order to work themselves into a state of rapture, hoping to have visions 
and receive messages from spirits.) Those who intend to follow him 
usually join him at the first camp, equipped for the expedition ; but 
often there are some who do not join him until he has gone further on. 
He eats nothing before leaving the village, nor as long as the sun is up; 
but breaks his fast at his first camp, after the sun sets. The next morn- 
ing he begins another fast, to be continued until sunset. He counts his 
party, saddles his horse, names some place six or seven miles ahead, 
where he says he will halt for awhile, and again rides oft' alone with his 
pipe in his hand. After awhile the party follow him in single file. When 
they have reached his halting place he tells them to dismount and let 
their horses graze. They all then seat themselves on the ground on 
the left of the leader, forming a semicircle, facing the sun. The leader 
fills his pipe, all bow their heads, and, pointing the stem of the pipe up- 
ward, he prays to the sun, asking that they may find an abundance of 
game, that dead-shots may be made, so that their ammunition will not 
be wasted, but reserved for their enemies ; that they may easily find 
their enemies and kill them ; that they may be preserved from wounds 
and death. He makes his petition four times, then lights his pipe, and 
after sending a few whiffs of smoke skyward as incense to the sun, 
hands the pipe to his neighbor, who smokes and passes it on to the next. 
It is passed from one to another, toward the left, until all have smoked, 
the leader refilling it as often as necessary. They then proceed to their 
next camp, where probably others join them. The same programme is 
carried out for three or four days before the party is prepared for 

1839-'40.— No. I. Left-Handed-Big-Nose was killed by the Shoshoni. 
His left arm is represented extended, and his nose is very conspicuous. 
American-Horse was born in the spring of 1840. 

No. II. They killed a Crow and his squaw, who were found on a trail. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Large- war-party -huugry-eat Pawnee- 
horses winter." 

1840-'41. — No. I. Sitting-Bear, American-Horse's father, and others, 
stole two hundred horses from the Flat Heads. A trailing lariat is in 
the man's hand. 

No. II. They stole one hundred (many) horses from the Snakes. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Little-Thunder's-brothers-killed wiuter." 

1841-'42. — No. I. The Oglalas engaged in a drunken brawl, which re- 





*i* « 







mallbby.) COKBUSIER WINTER COUNTS, 1839-1345. 141 

suited iu a division of the tribe, the Kiyuksas (Cut-Offs) separating from 
the others. 

No. II. The Oglalas got drunk on Chug Creek, and engaged in a 
quarrel among themselves, iu which Red-Cloud's brother was killed, 
and Red-Cloud killed three men. Cloud-Shield (Mahpiya-Wahacauka) 
was born. 

1842-'43. — No. I. Feather-Ear-Riugs was killed by the Shoshoni. 
The four lodges and the many blood-stains intimate that he was killed 
at the time the four lodges of Shoshoni were killed. 

No. II. Lone-Feather said his prayers, and took the war path to 
avenge the death of some relatives. 

Wbite-Cow-Killer calls it " Crane's-son-killed winter." 

1843-'44. — No. I. The great medicine arrow was taken from the Paw- 
nees by the Oglalas and Brules, and returned to theCheyennes, to whom 
it rightly belonged. 

No. II. In a great fight with the Pawnees they captured the great 
medicine arrow which had been taken from the Cheyeunes, who made 
it, by the Pawnees. The head of the arrow projects from the bag which 
contains it. The delicate waved lines (intended probably for spiral 
lines) show that it is sacred. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "The Great-medicine-arrow -comes-in win- 

Battiste Good's record gives the following for the same year: 

"Brought-hoine-the-inagic arrow winter. This arrow originally be- 
longed to the Cheyeunes, from whom the Pawnees stole it. The Dakotas 
captured it this winter from the Pawnees, and the Cheyennes then re- 
deemed it for one hundred horses." His sign for the year is somewhat 
different, as shown in Figure 4G. As before mentioned, an attempt is 
made to distinguish colors by the heraldic scheme, which 
iu this instance may require explanation. The upper part 
of the body is sable or black, the feathers on the arrow 
are azure or blue, and the shaft, gules or red. The remain- 
der of the figure is of an undecided color not requiring 

184J-'4~>.— No. I. Male-Crow, an Oglala, was killed by 
the Shoshoni. 

No. II. Crazy-Horse says his prayers and goes on the war 
path. The waved lines are used again for crazy. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " White-Buffalo-Bull-killed by- 
the-Crows winter." fig. 46— Magic 

1845-'4G.— No. I. White-Bull and thirty other Oglalas 
were killed by the Crows and Shoshoni. 

No. II. W T hite-Bull and many others were killed in a fight with the 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Many-sick winter." 


1846-'47. — No. I. Big-Crow and Conquering-Bear bad a great feast 
and gave many presents. 

No. II. Long-Pine, a Dakota, was killed by Dakotas. He was not 
killed by an enemy, as be bas not lost bis scalp. 

White-Cow- Killer calls it "Diver's-neck-broken winter." 

1847-4S. — No. I. Tbere were a great many accidents and some legs 
were broken, tbe ground being covered witb ice. 

No. II. Many were thrown from their horses while surrounding buffalo 
in the dec)) snow, and some had their legs-broken. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Many-legs-broken winter." 

1848-'49. — No. I. American-Horse's father captured a Crow who was 
dressed as a woman, but who was found to be an hermaphrodite and 
was killed. 

No. II. American-Horse's father captured a Crow woman and gave 
her to the young men, who discovered that she was an hermaphrodite 
and killed her. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "Half-man and-half- woman-killed winter." 

It is probable that this was one of those men, not uncommon among 
the Indian tribes, who adopt tbe dress and occupation of women. | This 
is sometimes compulsory, e. g., on account of failure to pass an ordeal.] 

L849-'50. — No. I. Many died of the cramps. The cramps were those 
of Asiatic cholera, which was epidemic in the United States at that time, 
and was carried to the plains by the California and Jregou emigrants. 
The position of the man is very suggestive of cholera. 

No. II. Making-the-Hole stole many horses from a Crow tipi. The 
index points to the hole, which is suggestive of the man's name. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " The-people-had-the-cramps winter." 

1850-'5L — No. I. Wolf-Bobe was killed by the Pawnees. 

No. II. Many died of the small -pox. 

White-Crow Killer calls it " All-the-time-sick-with-the-big-small-pox 

L851-'52. — No. I. They received their first annuities at the mouth of 
Horse Creek. A one-point blanket is depicted and denotes dry-goods, 
it is surrounded by a circle of marks which represent the people. 

No. II. Many goods were issued to them at Fort Laramie. They were 
the first they received. The blanket which is represented stands for the 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "Large-issue-of-goods-on-the-Platte-Eiver 

1852-'53. — No. I. The Cheyennes carry the pipe around to invite all 
the tribes to unite with them in a war against the Pawnees. 

No. II. A white man made medicine over the skull of Crazy-Horse's 
brother. He holds a pipe-stem in his band. This probably refers to 
the custom of gathering the bones of the dead that have been placed on 
scaffolds and burying them. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Great-snow winter." 











a n m 











y A 





IK' O << 



mallert.] CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS, 1846-1859. 143 

1853-54:. — No. I. Antelope-Dung broke his neck while surrounding 

No. II. Antelope-Dung broke his neck while running antelope. His 
severed head is the only part of bis body that is shown. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "Oak-wood-house winter." 

1854-55. — No. I. Couqueriug-Bear was killed by white soldiers, and 
thirty white soldiers were killed by the Dakotas 9 miles below Fort 
Laramie. The thirty black dots in three lines stand for the soldiers, 
and the red stains for killed. The head covered with a fatigue-cap 
further shows they were white soldiers. Indian soldiers are usually 
represented in a circle or semicircle. The gesture-sign for soldier means 
all in line, and is made by placing the nearly closed hands with palms 
forward, and thumbs near together, in front of the body and then 
separating them laterally about two feet. 

No. II. Brave-Bear was killed in a quarrel over a calf. He was killed 
by enemies ; hence his scalp is gone. 

White-Cow-Killer says, "Mato-wayuhi (or Couquering-Bear) killed- 
by-white-soldiers winter." 

1855-'5G. — No. I. A war party of Oglalas killed one Pawnee — his scalp 
is on the pole — and on their way home froze their feet. 

No. II. Torn-Belly and his wife were killed by some of their own 
people in a quarrel. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "A-medicine-man-made-buffalo medicine 

1856-'57. — No. I. They received annuities at Baw-Hide Butte. The 
house and the blanket represent the agency and the goods. 

No. II. They have au abundauce of buffalo meat. This is shown by 
the full drying pole. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " White-hill-house winter." 

1857-58. — No. I. Little-Gay, a white trader, was killed by the explo- 
sion of a can of gunpowder. He was measuring out powder from the 
can in his wagon whde smoking his pipe. 

No. II. They surrounded and killed ten Crows. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Bull-hunting winter." 

1858-'59. — No. I. They made peace with the Pawnees. The one on 
the left is a Pawnee. 

No. II. They bought Mexican blankets of John Richard, who bought 
many wagon-loads of the Mexicans. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Yellow-blanket-killed winter." 

1S59-'G0. — No. I. Broken-Arrow fell from his horse while running buf- 
falo and broke his neck. 

No. II. Black-Shield says prayers and takes the warpath to avenge 
the death of two of his sons who had been kdled by the Crows. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Black-Shield's-two boys-go hunting-aud- 
are-killedby-the-Crows winter." 


1SG0-'61. — No. I. Two-Face, au Oglala, was badly burnt by the ex- 
plosion of bis powder-horn. 

No. II. They capture a great many antelope by driving them into a 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Babies-all- sick-and-many-die winter." 

1861-'G2.— No. I. Spider was killed (stabbed) in a fight with the 

No. II. Young-Rabbit, a Crow, was killed in battle by Red-Cloud. 

White-Cow Killer calls it " Crow-IndianSpotted-Horse-stole-inany- 
horses-and-was-killed winter." 

1862-'G3. — No. I. The Crows scalped an Oglala boy alive. 

No. II. Some Crows came to their camp and scalped a boy. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Crows-scalp-boy winter." 

1863-64. — No. I. The Oglalas and Minnecoujous took the war path 
against the Crows and stole three hundred Crow horses. The Crows 
followed them and killed eight of the party. 

No. II. Eight Dakotas were killed by the Crows. Here eight long 
marks represent the number killed. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Dakotas-and-Crows-have-a-big-fight-eight- 
Dakotas-killed winter." 

1SG4-'G5. — No. I. Bird, a white trader, went to Powder River to trade 
with the Cheyennes. They killed him and appropriated his goods. 

No. II. Bird, a white trader, was burned to death by the Cheyennes. 
He is surrounded by flames in the picture. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Big-Lips-died-suddenly winter." 

1SG5-'G6. — No. 1. General Maynadier made peace with the Oglalas and 
Brutes. His name, the sound of which resembles the words "many 
deer," is indicated by the two deers' heads connected with his mouth by 
the lines. 

No. II. Many horses were lost by starvation, as the snow was so deep 
they couldn't get at the grass. 

18GG-'G7.— No. I. They killed one hundred white men at Port Phil. 
Kearny. The hats and the cap-covered head represent the whites ; 
the red spots, the killed ; the circle of characters around them, rifle or 
arrow shots ; the black strokes, Dakota footmen ; and the hoof-prints, 
Dakota horsemen. The Phil. Kearny massacre occurred December 21, 
18GG, and eighty-two whites were killed, including officers, citizens, and 
enlisted men. Capt. W. J. Fetterman was in command of the party. 

No. II. Lone-Bear was killed in battle. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " One-huudred-whitemen-killed winter." 

1SG7-'6S. — No. I. They captured a train of wagons near Tongue River. 
The men who were with it got away. The blanket represents the goods 
found in the wagons. 

No. II. Blankets were issued to them at Fort Laramie. 

White-Cow- Killer calls it "Seven-Pawnees-killed winter." 

18G8-'G9. — No. I. They were compelled to sell many mules and horses 



U O . 

'I - ( c c 





&.U of eth:' ■ 











/■v^ a r\ ^ 



mallbkt.J C0RBUS1ER WINTER COUNTS, 1860-1875. 145 

to enable thein to procure food, as they were in a starving condition. 
They willingly gave a mule for a sack of flour. The mule's halter is 
attached to two sacks of flour. 

No. II. They had to sell many mules and horses to get food, as they 
were starving. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Mules-sold-by-hungry-Sioux winter." 

1869-'70. — No. I. Tall-Bull was killed by white soldiers and Pawnees 
on the south side of the South Platte River. 

No. II. John Richard shot a white soldier at Fort Fetterman, Wyo- 
ming, and fled north, joining Red-Cloud. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Tree-fell ou-woman-who- was-cutting-wood- 
aud-killed-her winter." 

1870-71. — No. I. High-Back-Bone, a very brave Oglala, was killed by 
the Shoshoni. They also shot another man, who died after he reached 

No. II. High-Back-Bone was killed in a fight with the Snakes (Sho- 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " High-Back-Boue-killed-by-Snake Indians 

1871-71'.— No. I. John Richard shot and killed an Oglala named Yel- 
low-Bear, and the Oglalas killed Richard before he could get out of the 
lodge. This occurred in the spring of 1872. As the white man was 
killed after the Indian, he is placed behind him in the figure. 

No. II. Adobe houses were built by Maj. J. W. Wham, Indian agent 
(now paymaster, United States Army), on the Platte River, about 30 
miles below Fort Laramie. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Major-Whain's-housebuilt-on-Platte-River 

1872-'73. — No. I. Whistler, also named Little-Bull, and two other 
Oglalas, were killed by white hunters on the Republican River. 

No. II. Antoine Jauis's two boys were killed by Joe (John ?) Richard. 

White Cow-Killer calls it " Stay-at-plenty-ash-wood winter." 

1873-'7L— No. I. The Oglalas killed the Indian agent's (Seville's) 
clerk inside the stockade of the lied Cloud Agency, at Fort Robinson, 

No. II. They killed many Pawnees on the Republican River. 

1N71-75.— No. I. The Oglalas at the Red Cloud Agency, near Fort 
Robinson, Nebraska, cut to pieces the flag staff which their agent had 
had cut and hauled, but which they would not allow him to erect, as they 
did not wish to have a flag flying over their agency. This was in 1874. 
The flag which the agent intended to hoist is now at the Pine Ridge 
Agency, Dakota. 

No. II. The Utes stole all of the Brule horses. 

ls75-'76. — No. I. The first stock cattle were issued to them. The 
figure represents a cow or spotted buffalo, surrounded by people. The 
gesture-sign also signifies spotted buffalo. 
4 kth 10 


No. II. Seven of Eed-Cloud's band were killed by the Crows. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "Five -Dakotas-killed winter." 

1876-77. — No. I. The Oglalas helped General Mackenzie to whip the 
Cheyennes. The Indian's head represents the man who was the first to 
enter the Cheyenne village. The white man holding up three fingers is 
General Mackenzie, who is placed upon the head of the Dakota to indi- 
cate that the Dakotas backed or assisted him. The other white man is 
General Crook, or Three Stars, as indicated by the three stars above 

[This designation might be suggested from the uniform, but General 
Crook did not probably wear during the year mentioned or for a long 
time before it the uniform either of his rank as major-general of volun- 
teers or as brevet major general in the Army, and by either of those 
ranks he was entitled to but two stars on his shoulder-straps.] 

No. II. Three-Stars (General Crook) took Red-Cloud's, young men to 
help him fight the Cheyennes. A red cloud, indicating the chief's 
name, is represented above his head. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "General-Mackenzie-took-tkeRed-Cloud- 
Indians'-horses-awayfrom-them winter." 

1877-'78. — No. I. A soldier ran a bayonet into Crazy-Horse, and killed 
him in the guard house, at Fort Robinson, Nebraska (September 5, 

No. II. Crazy- Horse's band left the Spotted Tail Agency (at Camp 
Sheridan, Nebraska), and went norih, after Crazy-Horse was killed at 
Fort Robinson, Nebraska. Hoof-prints and lodge pole tracks run north- 
ward from the house, which represents the Agency. That the horse is 
crazy is shown by the waved or spiral lines on his body, running from 
his nose, foot, and forehead. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Crazy-Horse-killed winter." 

1878-79. — No. I. Wagons were given to them. 

No. II. The Cheyenne who boasted that he was bullet and arrow 
proof was killed by white soldiers, near Fort Robinson, Nebraska, in 
the intrenchments behind which the Cheyennes were defending them- 
selves after they had escaped from the fort. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Wagons- givento-the-Dakota-Iudians win- 





This is an important division of the purposes for which pictographs 
are used. The pictographs and the objective devices antecedent to pic- 
tographs under this head that have come immediately to the writer's at- 
tention, may be grouped as follows: 1st. Notice of departure, direction, 
etc. 2d. Notice of condition, suffering, etc. 3d. Warning and guidance. 
4th. Charts of geographic features. 5th. Claim or demand. Gth. Mes- 
sages or communications. 7th. .Record of expedition. 


Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained the original of the accompanying draw- 
ing, Fig. 47, from Naumoff an Alaskan native, in San Francisco, Califor- 

12 345678 9 10 11 12 

Fig. 47. — Alaskan notice of hunt. 

nia, in 1882, also the interpretation, with text in the Kiatexamut dialect 
of the Innuit language. 

The drawing was in imitation of similar ones made by the natives, to 
inform their visitors or friends of their departure for a certain purpose. 
They are depicted upon strips of wood which are placed in conspicuous 
places near the doors of the habitations. 

Dr. Hoffman has published a brief account of this drawing as well as 
the succeeding one, in the Trans. Anthrop. Soc. Washington, II, 1883, 
p. 134, Fig. 3, and p. 132, Fig 2. 

The spelling adopted in the Innuit text, following in each case the 
explanation of characters, is in accordance with the system now used 
by the Bureau of Ethnology. 

The following is the explanation of the characters : • 

1. The speaker, with the right hand indicating himself, and with the 
left pointing in the direction to be taken. 

2. Holding a boat paddle — going by boat. 

3. The right hand to the side of the head, to denote sleep, and the left 
elevated with one finger elevated to signify one — one night. 



4. A circle with two marks in the middle, signifying an island with 
huts upon it. 

5. Same as No. 1. 

G. A circle to denote another island. 

7. Same as No. 3, with an additional finger elevated, signifying two— 
two nights. 

8. The speaker with his harpoon, making the sign of a sea lion with 
the left hand. The flat hand is held edgewise with the thumb elevated, 
then pushed outward from the body in a slightly downward curve. 

9. A sea lion. 

10. Shooting with bow and arrow. 

11. The boat with two persons in it, the paddles projecting down- 

12. The winter, or permanent habitation of the speaker. 

The following is the text in the Aigaluxamut dialect, with an inter- 
linear translation: 

Hui ta want ai-wi-xa-na kui-gi-qta-mun a-xi-lu-muk ka-wa-xa-lu-a, 

I there go (with boat) that island one sleep there, 

(to that place) 

tca-li hui ai-wi-lu-a a-xamun kui gi-qta-mun, ta-wa-ui nia-lu-qnnk 

then I go another that island, there two 


ka-wa-xa-lu-a, hui pi-qlu-a a-xilu-miik' wi-namuk tca-li a-ni-xlu-a 

sleeps, I catch one sea lion then return 


nu-nau m'nun. 

(to) place mine. 

The following is of a similar nature, and was obtained under circum- 
stances similar to the. preceding. 

* <r * *r * * * it 

1234 50 7 8 

Fig. 48. — Alaskan notice of departure. 

The explanation of the above characters is as follows: 

1, 3, 5, 7, represent the person spoken to. 

2. Indicates the speaker with his right hand to the side or breast, in- 
dicating self, the left hand pointing in the direction in which he is going. 

4. Both hands elevated, with fingers and thumbs signifies many, ac- 
cording to the informant. When the hands are thus held up, in sign- 
language, it signifies ten, but when they are brought toward and back- 
ward from one another, many. 

6. The right hand is placed to the head to denote sleep — many sleeps, 
or, in other words, many nights and days; the left hand points down- 
ward, at that place. 

8. The right hand is directed toward the starting point, while the left 
is brought upward toward the head — to go home, or whence he came. 


The following is the text in the same dialect last mentioned, with 
translation : 

Hni a-qtci-kua a-xla inun mi-na-miin, am-lic-ka inn' ik ha-wa-xa-lu-a, 

I go (to) another place, many sleeps 

(settlement) (nights) 

ta- wit-ill, tca-li' hni a-ni -qlii-a. 

there, then I return. 

The drawing presented in Figure 49 was made by a native Alaskan, 
and represents information to the effect that the artist contemplates 
making a journey to hunt deer. The drawing is made upon a narrow 
strip of wood, and placed somewhere about the door of the house, where 
visitors will readily perceive it. 

4 5 6 7 

Fir,. 49. — Alaskan notice of hunt. 

1. Eepresents the contour lines of the country and mountain peaks. 

2. Native going away from home. 

3. Stick placed on hill-top, with bunch of grass attached, pointing in 
the direction he has taken. 

4. Native of another settlement, with whom the traveler remained 
over night. 

5. Lodge. 

6. Line representing the end of the first day, i. e., the time between 
two days; rest. 

7. Traveler again on the way. 

8. Making signal that on second day (right hand raised with two ex- 
tended fingers) he saw game (deer, 9) on a hill-top, which he secured, 
so terminating his journey. 

9. Deer. 

Figures 50, 51, and 52 were drawn by Kaumoff, under the circum- 
stances above mentioned, and signify "Have gone home." 

Fig. 50. — Alaskan notice of direction. 

His explanation of Figure 50 is as follows: 

When one of a hunting party is about to return home and wishes to 
inform his companions that he has set out on such return, he ascends 
the hill-top nearest to which they became separated, where he ties a bunch 
of grass or other light colored material to the top of a long stick or pole. 
The lower end of the stick is placed firmly in the ground, leaning in the 
direction taken. When another hill is ascended, another stick with 



Fig. 51. — Alaskan notice of direction. 

similar attachment is erected, again leaning in the direction to be taken. 
These sticks are placed at proper intervals until the village is sighted. 
This device is employed by Southern Alaskan Indians. 
He also explained Figure 51 as follows : 

Seal hunters adopt the following 
method of informing their comrades 
that they have returned to the settle- 
ment. The first to return to the regu- 
lar landing place sometimes sticks a 
piece of wood into the ground, leaning 
toward the village, upon which is drawn 
or scratched the outline of a baidarka, 
or skin canoe, heading toward one or 
more outlines of lodges, signifying that 
the occupants of the boat have gone 
toward their homes. This is resorted 
to when the voyage has been a danger- 
ous one, and is intended to inform their 
companions of the safe arrival of some of the party. 
This device is used by coast natives of Southern Alaska and Kadiak. 
He also explained Figure 52 as follows : 

When hunters become separated, the one first re- 
turning to the forks of the trail puts a piece of wood 
in the ground, on the top of which he makes an in- 
cision, into which a short piece of wood is secured 
horizontally, so as to point in the direction taken by 
the individual. 

The following instance is taken from the Narrative 
of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, 
* * under the command of Stephen H. Long, major 
U. S. Top. Eng. [commonly known as Keating's Long's 
Expedition]. Philadelphia, 1824. Vol. I, p. 217. 

When we stopped, says Major Long, to dine, White Thunder, 
(the Winnubago chief that accompanied me,) suspecting that 
the rest of his party were in the neighborhood, requested a piece of paper, pen and ink, 
to communicate to them the intelligence of his having come up with me. He then 
seated himself and drew three rude figures, which at my request he explained to me. 
Tbe first represented my boat with a mast and flag, with three benches of oars and a 
helmsman; to show that we were Americans, our heads were represented by a rude 
cross, indicating that wo wore hats. 

The representation of himself was a rude figure of a hear over a kind of cypher 
representing a hunting ground. The second figure was designed to show that his 
wife was with him; the device was a boat with a squaw seated in it; over her head 
lines were drawn in a zigzag direction, indicating that she was the wife of White 
Thunder. The third was a boat with a bear sitting at the helm, showing that an 
Indian of that name had been seen on his way up the river, and had given intelli- 
gence where the party were. This paper he set up at the mouth of Kickapoo Creek, 
up which the party had gone on a huuting trip. 


FIG. 52.— Alaskan notico 
of direction. 

m.ylleky] NOTICE OF DIRECTION. 151 

The following is extracted from an Account of au Expedition from 
Pittsburgh to the Eocky Mountains, * * under the command of 
Major Stephen H. Long [commonly known as James' Long's Expedi- 
tion]. Philadelphia, 18:33. Vol. I, p. 478. 

At a little distance [on the bank of the, Platte River], in front of the entrance of this 
breastwork, was a semicircular row of sixteen bison skulls, with their noses pointing 
down the river. Near the center of the circle which this row would describe, if con- 
tinued, was another skull marked with a number of red lines. 

Our interpreter informed us that this arrangement of skulls and other marks here 
discovered, were designed to communicate the following information, namely, that 
the camp had been occupied by a war party of the Skeeree or Pawnee Loup Indians, 
who had lately come from au excursion against the CiiLuaucias, Ietans, or some of the 
■western tribes. The number of red lines traced on the painted skull indicated the 
number of the party to have been thirty-six; the position in which the skulls were 
placed, that they were on their return to their own country. Two small rods stuck 
in the ground, with a few hairs tied in two parcels to the end of each, signified that 
four scalps had been taken. 

When a hunting party of the Hidatsa has arrived at any temporary 
camping ground, from which point a portion of the members might leave 
on a short reconnoitering expedition, the remainder, upon leaving for a 
time, will erect a pole and cause it to lean in the direction taken. At 
the foot of this pole a buffalo shoulder-blade or other flat bone is placed, 
upon which is depicted the object causing departure. For instance, 
should buffalo or antelope be discovered, an animal of the character 
sighted is rudely drawn with a piece of charred wood or red lead, the 
latter being a substance in the possession of nearly every warrior to 
use in facial decoration, etc. 

When a Hidatsa party has gone on the war path, and a certain num- 
ber is detailed to take another direction, the point of separation is 
taken as the rendezvous. After the return of the first party to the 
rendezvous, should the second not come up in a reasonable length of 
time, they will set sticks in the ground leaning in the direction to be 
taken, and notches are cut into the upper ends of the sticks to repre- 
sent the number of nights spent there by the waiting party. 

A party of Hidatsa who may be away from home for any purpose 
whatever often appoint a rendezvous, from which point they return to 
their respective lodges. Should an individual return to the rendezvous 
before any others and wish to make a special trip for game or plunder, 
he will, for the information of the others, place a stick of about 3 or 4 
feet in length in the ground, upon the upper end of which a notch is 
cut, or perhaps split, for the reception of a thinner piece of twig or 
branch having a length of about a foot. This horizontal top piece is 
inserted at one end, so that the whole may point in the direction to be 
taken. Should the person wish to say that the trail would turn at a 
right angle, to either side, at about one-half the distance of the whole 
journey in prospect, the horizontal branch is either bent in that direc- 
tion or a naturally-curved branch is selected having the turn at the 
middle of its entire length, thus corresponding to the turn in the trail. 
Any direction can be indicated by curves in the top branch. 



According to Masta, chief of the Abnaki, members of that tribe re- 
move the bark of trees in prominent places to denote that the inhabit- 
ants of the nearest lodge are in a starving condition. 

The Ottawa and the Potawatomi Indians indicate hunger and starva- 
tion by drawing a black line across the breast or stomach of the fig- 
ure of a man. (See Fig. 145, page 221.) This drawing is placed upon 
a piece of wood, either incised or with a mixture of powdered charcoal 
and glue water, or red ocher. This is then attached to a tree or fas- 
tened to a piece of wood, and erected near the lodge on a trail, where 
it will be observed by passers by, who are expected to alleviate the suf- 
ferings of the native who erected the notice. 

Figure 53 illustrates information witli regard to distress in another 
village, which occasioned the departure of the party giving the notifi- 
cation. The drawing was made for Dr. W. J. Hoffman, in 1882, by Nau- 
moff, in imitation of drawings prepared by Alaska natives. The designs 
are traced upon a strip of wood, which is then stuck upon the roof of 
the house belonging to the recorder. 

13 3 4 5 

Fijr. 53. — Alaskan notice of distress. 

1. The summer habitation, showing a stick leaning in the direction to 
be taken. 

2. The baidarka, containing the residents of the house. The first 
person is observed pointing forward, indicating that they " go by boat 
to the other settlement." 

3. A grave stick, indicating a death in the settlement. 
4,5. Summer and winter habitations, denoting a village. 

The drawing, Figure 54, made for Dr. Hoffman in 1882, by a native, in 
imitation of originals in Alaska, is intended to be placed in a conspicu- 
ous portion of a settlement which has been attacked by a hostile force 
and finally deserted. The last one to leave prepares the drawing upon 
a strip of wood to inform friends of the resort of the survivors. 



£=* s&* 

12 3 4 5 6 

Fig. 54. — Alaskan notice of departure and refuge. 

1. Eepresents three hills or ranges, signifying that the course taken 
would carry them beyond that number of hills or mountains.] NOTICE OF CONDITION AND SUFFERING. 153 

2. The recorder, indicating the direction, with the left hand pointing 
to the ground, one hill, and the right hand indicating the number two, 
the number still to be crossed. 

3. A circular piece of wood or leather, with the representation of a 
face, placed upon a pole and facing the direction to be taken from the 
settlement. In this instance the drawing of the character denotes a 
hostile attack upon the town, for which misfortune such devices are 
sometimes erected. 

4. 5. Winter and summer habitations. 

6. Store house, erected upon upright poles. 

This device is used by Alaska coast natives generally. 

In connection with these figures reference may be made to a paper by 
the present writer in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnol- 
ogy, p. 3G9, showing the devices of the Abnaki. 

Dr. George Gibbs (Contributions to K A. Ethnology, Vol. I, p. 222) 
says of "symbolic writing" of the northwest tribes: 

I am not aware how far this may be carried among the Sound tribes. Probably 
there is no great essential difference between them and their neighbors of the plains 
in this art. It may perhaps be best explained by an example, given me by a veteran 
mountaineer, Dr. Robert Newell, of Cbampoeg. A party of Snakes are going to hunt 
strayed horses. A figure of a man, with a long queue, or scalp lock, reaching to his 
heels, denoted Shoshonee; that tribe being in the habit of braiding horse- or other 
hair into their own in that manner. A number of marks follow, signifying the strength 
of the party. A foot-print, pointed in the direction they take, shows their course, 
and a hoof-mark turned backward, that they expect to return with animals. If well 
armed, and expecting a possible attack, a little powder mixed with sand tells that 
they are ready, or a square dotted about the figures indicates that they have fortified. 

The design shown in Figure 55 is in imitation of etchings made by 
natives of Southern Alaska to convey to the observer the information 
that the recorder had gone away to another settlement the inhabitants 
of which were in distress. The drawings were put on a strip of wood 
and placed at the door of the house where it might be seen by visitors 
or inquirers. 

12 34 5678 

Fig. 55. — Notice of departure to relieve distress. Alaska. 

Nanmoff gave the following explanation : 

1. A native making the gesture of indicating self with the right hand, 
and with the left indicating direction and going. 

2. The native's habitation. 

3. Scaffold used for drying fish. Upon the top of the pole is placed 
a piece of wood tied so that the longest end points in the direction to be 
taken by the recorder. 

4. The baidarka conveying the recorder. 

5. A native of the settlement to be visited. 

6. Summer habitation. 



Fig. 56. — Ammunition 
wanted. Alaska. 

7. "Shaman stick "or grave stick, erected to the memory of a recently 
deceased person, the cause of which has necessitated the journey of the 

8. Winter habitation. This, together with Xo. 0, indicates a settle- 

Fig. 56, also drawn by Naumoff, means " ammunition wanted." 

When a hunter is tracking game, and exhausts 
his ammunition, be returns to the nearest and most 
conspicuous part of the trail and sticks his ihiV'uk 
in the ground, the top leaning in the. direction taken. 
The ilnV'uk is the pair of sticks arranged like the 
letter A, used as a gun-rest. This method of 
transmitting the request to the first passer is re- 
sorted to by the greater number of coast natives of 
Southern Alaska. 

Fig. 57, also drawn by Naumoff, means "discovery of bear; assist- 
ance wanted." 

When a hunter discovers a bear, and requires assist- 
ance, he ties together a bunch of grass, or other fibrous 
matter, in the form of an animal with legs, and places it 
upon a long stick or pole which is erected at a conspicuous 
point to attract attention. The head of the effigy is directed 
toward the locality where the animal was last seen. 

This device is also used at times by most of the South- 
ern Alaskan Indians. 

Figure 58 was also drawn by Naumoff, and signifies 
"starving hunters." 

Fig. 57.— As- 
■wanted i n 
hunt. Al- 

1 2 3 4 

Fig. 58.— Starving banters. Alaska. 

Hunters who have been unfortunate, and are suffering from hunger, 
scratch or draw upon a piece of wood characters similar to those figured, 
and place the lower end of the stick in the ground on the trail where 
the greatest chauce of its discovery occurs. The stick is inclined toward 
the locality of the habitation. The accompanying explanation will 
serve to illustrate more fully the information contained in the drawing. 

1. A horizontal line denoting a canoe, showing the persons to be 

2. An individual with both arms extended signifying nothing, corre- 
sponding with the gesture for negation. 

3. A person with the right hand to the mouth, signifying to eat, the 
left hand pointing to the house occupied by the hunters. 

4. The habitation. 


The whole signifies that there is nothing to eat in the house. This is 
used by natives of Southern Alaska. 



1 2 3 4 

Fig. 59.— Starving hunters. Alaska. 

Figure 59, with the same signification, and from the same hand, is 
similar to the preceding in general design. This is placed in the ground 
near the landing place of the canoemen, so that the top points toward 
the lodge. 

The following is the explanation of the characters : 

1. Baidarka, showing double projections at bow, as well as the two 
individuals, owners, in the boat. 

2. A man making the gesture for nothing. (See in this connection 
Figure 155, page 235.) 

3. Gesture drawn, denoting to eat, with the right hand, while the left 
points to the lodge. 

4. A winter habitation. 

This is used bv the Alaskan coast natives. 


An amusing instance of the notice or warning of " No thoroughfare " 
is given on page 383 of the present writer's paper, Sign Language among 
North American Indians, in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of, 
Ethnology. It was taken from a rock-etching in Canon de Chelly, 
New Mexico. A graphic warning against trespass appears in School- 
craft, Vol. I, Plate 48, Figure B, op. page 338. 

During his connection with the geographic surveys west of the one 
hundredth meridian under the direction of Oapt. G. M. Wheeler, U. S. 
Army, Dr. Hoffman observed a practice which prevailed among the 
Tivatikai Shoshoui, of Nevada, in which heaps of stones were erected 
along or near trails to indicate the direction to be taken and followed 
to reach springs of water. 

Upon slight elevations of ground, or at points where a trail branched 
into two or more directions, or at the intersection of two trails, a heap 
of stones would be placed, varying from 1 to 2 or more feet in height, 
according to the necessity of the case, to attract attention. Upon the 
top of this would be fixed an elongated piece of rock so placed that 
the most conspicuous point projected and pointed in the course to be 


followed. This was continued sometimes at intervals of several miles 
unless indistinct portions of a trail or intersections demanded a repeti- 
tion at shorter distances. 

A knowledge of the prevalence of this custom proved very beneficial 
to the early prospectors and pioneers. 

Stone circles and stone heaps of irregular form were also met with, 
which to a casual observer might be misleading. These resulted from 
previous deposits of edible pine nuts, which had been heaped upon the 
ground and covered over with stones, grass, and earth to prevent their 
destruction by birds and rodents. These deposits were placed along 
the trails in the timbered regions to afford sustenance to Indians who 
had failed in the hunt, or who might not reach camp in time to prevent 
suffering from hunger. 

Plate LXXX (A, B, C) represents colored pietographs found by Dr. 
Hoffman in 1S8I on the North Fork of the San Gabriel Eiver, also 
knowu as the Azuza Canon, Los Angeles County, California. Its de- 
scription is as follows : 

A and "B are copies, one-sixteenth natural size, of rock painting 
found in the Azuza Canon, 30 miles northeast of Los Angeles, Cali- 

The bowlder upon which the paintings occur measures 8 feet loug, 
about 4 feet high, aud the same in width. The figures occur on the 
eastern side of the rock, so that the left arm of the human figure on 
the right points toward the north. 

The map (C) at the bottom of the plate presents the topography of 
the immediate vicinity and the relative positions of the rocks bearing 
the two illustrations. The map is drawn ou a scale of 1,000 yards to 
tbe inch. 

The stream is the North Fork of the San Gabriel Eiver, and is 
hemmed in by precipitous mountains, with the exception of two points 
marked c, c, over which the old Indian trail passed iu going from 
the Mojave Desert on the north to the San Gabriel Valley below, this 
course being the nearest for reaching the mission settlements at San 
Gabriel and Los Augeles. In attempting to follow the water-course 
the distance would be greatly increased and a rougher trail encoun- 
tered. The pictograph A, painted ou the rock marked b ou the map C, 
shows characters in pale yellow, upon a bowlder of almost white gran- 
ite, which are partly obliterated by weatheriug and annual floods, 
though still enough remains to indicate that the right hand figure is 
directing the observer to the northeast, although upon taking that 
course it would be necessary to round the point a short distance to the 
west. It may have been placed as a notification of direction to those 
Indians who might have come up the canon iustead of on the regular 
trail. Farther west, at the spot marked a on the map, is a granite 
bowlder bearing a large number of paintings part of which have be- 
come almost obliterated. These were drawn with red ocher (ferric 








mallehy.] TRAILS CHARTS. 157 

oxide). A selection of these is shown in B on the plate. This is on the 
western face of the rock, almost vertical. This also appears to refer 
to the course of the trail, which might" readily be lost on account of 
the numerous mountain ridges ami spurs. The left-hand figure appears 
to place the left hand upon a series of ridges, as if showing pantomim- 
ically the rough and ridged country over the mountains. 

The middle figure represents gesture, which in its present connection 
may indicate direction of the trail, i. c, toward the left, or northward 
in an up-hill course, as indicated by the arm and leg, and southward, 
or downward, as suggested by the lower inclination of the leg, and 
lower forearm and hand on the right of the illustration. 

The right-hand figure, although similar in manner of delineating ges- 
ture and general resemblance to the Shoshonian method, is not yet de- 
termined in that connection. 

These illustrations, as well as other pictographs on the same rock, not 
at present submitted, bear remarkable resemblance to the general type 
of Shoshonian drawing, and from such evidence as is now attainable it 
appears more than probable that they are of Chemehuevi origin, as that 
tribe at one time ranged thus far west, though north of the mountains, 
and also visited the valley and settlements at Los Angeles at stated 
intervals to trade. It is also known that the Mojaves came at stated 
periods to Los Angeles as late as 1845, and the trail indicated at point 
a of the map would appear to have been their most practicable and 
convenient route. Then? is strong evidence that the Molds sometimes 
visited the Pacific coast and might readily have taken this same course, 
marking the important portion of the route by drawings in the nature 
of guide boards. 


Dr. W. J. Hoffman states that when at Grapevine Springs, Nevada, in 
1871, the PaiUta living at that locality informed the party of the ex- 
act location of Las Vegas, the objective point. The Indian sat upon 
the sand, and with the palms of his hands formed an oblong ridge to rep- 
resent Spring Mountain, and southeast of this ridge another gradual 
slope, terminating on the eastern side more abruptly ; over the latter 
he passed his fingers to represent the side valleys running eastward. 
He then took a stick and showed the direction of the old Spanish trail 
running east and west over the lower portion of the last-named ridge. 

When this was completed the Indian looked at the members of the 
party, and with a mixture of English, Spanish, Pai-Uta, and gesture 
signs, told them that from where, they were now they would have to go 
southward, east of Spring Mountain, to the camp of Pai-Uta Charlie, 
where they would have to sleep ; then indicating a line southeastward to 



another spring (Stump's) to complete the second clay ; then he followed 
the line representing the Spanish trail to the east of the divide of the 
second ridge above named, where he left it, and passing northward to the 
first valley, he thrust the short stick into the ground and said, " Las 

It is needless to say that the information was found to be correct and 
of considerable value to the party. 

Schoolcraft (Vol. I, p. 334, PI. 47, Fig. B) mentions that the discovery, 
on one of the tributaries of the Susquehanna River, "of an Indian map 
drawn on stone, with intermixed devices, a copy of which appears in 
the first volume of the collections of the Historical Committee of the 
American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, proves, although it is 
thus far isolated, that stone was also employed in that branch of inscrip- 
tion. This discovery was in the area occupied by the Lenapees, who 
are known to have practiced the art, which they called Ola Waluin." 

The Tegua Pueblos, of Xew Mexico, " traced upon the ground a sketch 
of their country, with the names and locations of the pueblos occupied 
in New Mexico," a copy of which, " somewhat improved," is given in 
Vol. Ill, Pacific R. R. Explorations, 1856, Part III, pp. 9, 10. 

A Yuma map of the Colorado River, with the names and locations 
of tribes within its valley, is also figured in the last mentioned volume, 
page 19. The map was originally traced upon the ground. 

A Pai-Uta map of the Colorado River is also figured in the same con- 
nection, which was obtained by Lieutenant Whipple and party. 

Fig. 60.— Lean-Wolf 8 map. Hidatsa. 

Lean-Wolf, of the Hidatsa, who drew the picture of which Figure 
60 is a facsimile, made a trip on foot from Fort Berthold to Fort Bu- 
ford, Dakota, to steal a horse from the Dakotas encamped there. The 

malleby.] CHARTS CLAIM OR DEMAND. 159 

returning tracks show that he attained the object in view, and 
that he rode home. The following explanation of characters was made 
to Dr. Hoffman, at Fort Berthold, in 1S8L: 

1. Lean-Wolf, the head only of a man to which is attached the out- 
line of a wolf. 

2. Hidatsa earth lodges, circular in form, the spots representing the 
pillars supporting the roof. Indian village at Fort Berthold, Dakota. 

3. Human footprints; the course taken by the recorder. 

4. The Government buildings at Fort Buford (square). 

5. Several Hidatsa lodges (round), the occupauts of which had inter- 
married with the Dakotas. 

6. Dakota lodges. 

7. A small square — a white man's house — with a cross marked upon 
it, to represent a Dakota lodge. This denotes that the owner, a white 
man, had married a Dakota woman wlio dwelt there. 

8. Horse tracks returning to Fort Berthold. 

9. The Missouri River. 

10. Tule Creek. 

11. Little Knife River. 

12. White Earth River. 

13. Muddy Creek. 

14. Yellowstone River. 

15. Little Missouri River. 

16. Dancing Beard Creek. 


Stephen Powers states that the Xishinam of California have a curi- 
ous way of collecting debts. " When an Indian owes another, it is held 
to be in bad taste, if not positively insulting, for the creditor to dun 
the debtor, as the brutal Saxon does ; so he devises a more subtle method. 
He prepares a certain number of little sticks, according to the amount 
of the debt, and paints a ring around the end of each. These he carries 
and tosses into the delinquent's wigwam without a word and goes his 
way; whereupon the other generally takes the hint, pays the debt, and 
destroys the sticks." See Coutrib. to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. Ill, 321. 

Dr. W. J. Hoffman says, " When a patient has neglected to remuner- 
ate the Shamau [ Wiktcom'ni of the Yokotsan linguistic division] for his 
services, the latter prepares short sticks of wood, with bauds of colored 
porcupine quills wrapped around them, at one end only, and every time 
he passes the delinquent's lodge a- certain number of them are thrown 
in as a reminder of the indebtedness." See San Francisco (Cal.) West- 
ern Laucet, XI, 1882, p. 443. 




Figure 61 is a letter sent by mail from a Southern Cheyenne, named 
Turtle-following-his-Wife, at the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, In- 
dian Territory, to his son, Little-Man, at the Pine Ridge Agency, Da- 
kota Territory. It was drawn on a half-sheet of ordinary writingpaper, 
without a word written. It was inclosed in an envelope, which was ad- 
dressed to " Little-Man, Cheyenne, Pine Ridge Agency," in the ordinary 
manner, written by some one at the first- named agency. The letter 
was evidently understood by Little-Man, as he immediately called upon 
Dr. V. T. McGillycuddy, Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, and was 

Fig. 61. — Lt-tter to Little-Mas from liia father Cheyenne. 

aware that the sum of $53 had been placed to his credit for the purpose 
of enabling him to pay his expenses in going the long journey to his 
father's home in Indian Territory. Dr. McGillycuddy had, by the same 
mail, received a letter from Agent Dyer, inclosing $53, and explaining 
the reason for its being sent, which enabled him also to understand the 
pictograpuic letter. With the above explanation it very clearly shows, 
over the head of the figure to the left, the turtle following the turtle's 
wife united with the head of the figure by a line, and over the head of 
the other figure, also united by a line to it, is a little man. Also over 


the right arm of the last-mentioned figure is another little man in the act 
of springing or advancing toward Turtle-following-his- Wife, from whose 
mouth proceed two lines, curved or hooked at the end, as if drawing 
the little figure towards him. It is suggested that the last-mentioned 
part of the. pictograph is the substance of the communication, i. c, "come 
to me," the larger figures with their name totems being the persons ad- 
dressed and addressing. Between and above the two large figures 
are fifty-three round objects intended for dollars. Both the Indian fig- 
ures have on breech-cloths, corresponding with the information given 
concerning them, which is that they are Cheyennes who are not all civ- 
ilized or educated. 

The illustration, Figure 62, was made by a native Alaskan, and repre- 
sents a native of the Teuinahs making a smoke signal to the people of 
the village on the opposite shore of a lake, so that a boat may be sent to 
cany the sigualist across. The K'niqamut band of the Tenina have 
no boats, as they live inland, and therefore resort to signaling with 
smoke when desiring transportation. On account of this custom they 
are termed " Signal People." If the pictograph could be transmitted 
in advance of the necessity, the actual use of the smoke sigual, with 
consequent delay in obtaining the boat, would be avoided. 

5 6 4 2 3 
Fig. 62. — Drawing of smoke signal. Alaska. 

1. Bepresents the mountain contour of the country. 

2. A Tenina Indian. 

3. Column of smoke. 

4. Bird's-eye view of the lake. 

5. The. settlement on opposite shore of lake. 

6. Boat crossing for the sigualist. 

Under this head of messages and communications may be included 
the material objects sent as messages, many accounts of which are pub- 
lished. It is to be expected that graphic representations of the same 
or similar objects, with corresponding arrangement, should have similar 
significance. Among the Indians painted arrows, bearing messages 
when discharged, are familiar. The Turkish Selam, or flower letters, 
are. in the same category. 

The following account of a " diplomatic packet" is extracted from 
Schoolcraft, Vol. Ill, p. 306, et seq. : 

In the mouth of August, 1852, a message reached the President of the United States, 
by a delegation of the Pueblos of Tesuque in New Mexico, offering him friendship 
and intercommunication; and opening, symbolically, a road from the Moqui country 
to Washington. * * * 

4 ETH 11 



This unique diplomatic packet consists of several articles of symbolic import. The 
first is the official and ceremonial offer of the peace-pipe. This is symbolized by a 
joint of the maize, five and a half inches long, and half an inch in diameter. The 
hollow of the tube is rilled by leaves of a plant -which represents tobacco. It is 
stopped to secure the weed from falling out, by the downy yellow under plumage of 
some small bird. Externally, around the center of the stalk, is a tie of white cotton 
twisted string of four strands, (not twisted by the distaff,) holding, at its end, a small 
tuft of the before-mentioned downy yellow feathers, and a small wiry feather of the 
same species. The interpreter has written ou this, "The pipe to be smoked by the 
President." * * The object is represented iu thecut, A, [represented in Fignre6b\] 

Fig. 1)3.— Part of diplomatic packet. 

The second symbol consists of two small columnar round pieces of wood, four and 
a half inches long, and four-tenths in diameter, terminating in a cone. The cone is 
one and a half inches long, and is colored black; the rest of the pieces are blue; a 
peace color among the Indians south, it seems, as well as north. This color has the 

Fig. 64. — Part of diplomatic packet. 

Fig. 65. — Part of diplomatic packet. 

appearance of being produced by the carbonate of copper mixed with aluminous 
earth ; and reminds one strongly of the blue clays of the Dacotahs. The wood, when 
cut, is white, compact, and of a peculiar species. A notch is cut at one end of one of 



the pieces, and colored yellow. A shuck of the maize, one end of which, rolled in the 
shape of a cone, is bound up by cotton strings, with a small bird's feather, in the man- 
ner of the symbolic pipe. There is also tied up with the symbolic sticks, one of the 
secondary feathers and bits of down of a bird of dingy color. The feather is naturally 
tipped with white. Together with this, the tie holds a couple of sticks of a native 
plant or small seed of the prairie grass, perhaps. It may, together with the husk of 
the maize, be emblematic of their cultivation. The whole of the tie represents the 
Moquis. The following cut, B, [reproduced in Figure 64,] represents this symbol: 

The third object is, in every respect, like B, [reproduced in Figure 64,] and symbol- 
izes the President of the United States. A colored cotton cord, four feet long, unites 
these symbols. Sis inches of this cord is small and white. At the point, of its being 
tied to the long colored cord there is a bunch of small bird's feathers. This bunch, 
which symbolizes the geographical position of the Navajoes, with respect to Wash- 
ington, consists of the feathers of six species, the colors which are pure white, blue, 
brown, mottled, yellow, and dark, like the pigeon-hawk, and white, tipped with 
brown. (See the preceding cut, C.) 

The interpreter appends to these material effigies or devices [which are arranged 
as in D, reproduced in Figure 66] the following remarks. 

" These two figures represent the Moqui people and the President; the cord is tho 
road which separates them; the feather tied to the cord is the meeting point ; that 

Fig. 66— Part of diplomatic packet. 

part of the cord which is white is intended to signify the distance between the Presi- 
dent and the place of meeting ; and that part which is stained is the distance between 
the Moqui and the same point. Your Excellency will perceive that the distance be" 
tween the Moqui and place of meeting is short, while tho other is very long. 

Fig. 67.— Tart of diplomatic packet. 

"The last object of this communication from the high plains of New Mexico, is the 
most curious, and themost strongly indicative of the wild, superstitious notions of the 


Moqui mind. It. consists of a small quantity of wild honey, wrapped up in a wrapper 
or inner fold of the husk of the maize, as represented iu E, [reproduced in Figure 67.] 
It is accompanied by these remarks: 

"A charm to call down rain from heaven. — To produce the effect desired, the Presi- 
dent must take a piece of the shuck which contains the wild honey, chew it, and spit 
it upon the ground which needs rain ; and the Moquis assure him that it will come." 

The Maori used a kind of hieroglyphical or symbolical way of com- 
munication ; a chief inviting another to join in a war party sent a tat- 
tooed potato and a fig of tobacco bound up together, which was inter- 
preted to mean that the enemy was a Maori and not European by the 
tattoo, and by the tobacco that it represented smoke; he therefore 
roasted the one and eat it, and smoked the other, to show he accepted 
the invitation, and would join him with his guns and powder. Another 
sent a water-proof coat with the sleeves made of patchwork, red, blue, 
yellow, and green, intimating that they must wait until all the tribes 
were united before their force would be water-proof, i. e., able to en- 
counter the European. Another chief sent a large pipe, which would 
hold a pound of tobacco, which was lighted in a large assembly, the 
emissary taking the first whiff, and then passing it round ; whoever 
smoked it showed that he joined in the war. See Te Ika a Maui, by 
Key. Eichard Taylor, London, 1S70. 


Under this head, many illustrations of which might be given besides 
several in this paper, see account of colored pictographs in Santa Bar- 
bara Couuty, California, page 3-i et seq., Plates I and II, also Lean- 
Wolf's trip, Figure GO, page 158. Also, Figures 135 and 136, pages 
214 and 215. 


This is one of the most striking of the special uses to which picto- 
graphy has been applied by the North American Indians. For con- 
venience, the characters may be divided iuto: First, tribal; Second, 
gentile; and Third, personal designations. 


A large number of these graphic distinctions are to be found in the 
Dakota Winter Counts. 

Kev. J. Owen Dorsey reports that the Tsiou side of the Osage tribe, 
when on a war party, have the face painted red, with mud upon the 
cheek, below the left eye, as wide as two or more fingers. 

The Haiika side of the tribe paint the face red, with a spot of 
mud upon the right cheek, below the eye, as wide as two or more 

For an ingenious method of indicating by variation of incisions on 
trees, the tribal use of paint by the Absaroka and Dakota respectively, 
see page 62. 

Figure 68 shows the tribal designation of the Kaiowa by the Dakota, 
taken from the winter count of Battiste Good, 1814-'lo. 
He calls the winter " Smashed-a-Kaiowa's-head-iu winter." 
The tomahawk with which it was done is in contact with 
the Kaiowa's head. 

The sign for Kaiowa is made by passing the hands — 
naturally extended — in short horizontal circles on either 
side of the head, and the picture is probably drawn to 
represent the man in the attitude of making this gesture, 
and not the involuntary raising of the hands upon re- 
ceiving the blow, such attitudes not appearing in Bat- 
tiste Good's system. 

Fig. 68.— Kaiowa. 





Figure 69 is the tribal sign of the Arikara made by the Dakotas, taken 
from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year 1823 

-'24, which he calls "General first-appeared-and- 

the Dakotas-aided-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees winter " ; also 
" Much-corn winter.' 1 

The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn 
sbow that both whites and Indians fought the Eees. 

The ear of corn signifies ''Ree" or Arikara Indians, 
who are designated in gesture language as " Corn Shell- 

Figure 70 is the tribal designation of the Omahas by 
the Dakotas, taken from the winter count of Battiste 
A human head with cropped hair and red cheeks signifies Omaha 
This tribe cuts the hair short and uses red paint upon the 
cheeks very extensively. This character is of frequent occur- 
rence in Battiste Good's count. 

Figure 71 is the tribal designation of the Pani by the Da- 
kotas, taken from Battiste Good's winter count for the year 
says: The lower legs are ornamented with slight projections re- 
sembling the marks on the bottom of an ear of corn 
[husks], and signifies Pani. 

A pictograph for Cheyenne is given in Figure 78, page 
173, with some remarks. 

Figure 72 is the tribal designation for Assiniboiue by 
the Dakotas from winter count of Battiste Good 
for the year 170!)-' 10. 

The Dakota pictorial sign for Assiniboine or 
Hohe, which means the voice, or, as some say, 
the voice of the musk-ox, is the outline of the 
vocal organs, as they conceive them, and rep- 
resents the upper lip and roof of the mouth, the tongue, the lower lip, 
and chin and neck. The view is lateral, and resembles the sectional 
aspect of the mouth and tongue. 

Figure 73 is the tribal designation of the Gros Ventres, by the same 
tribe and on the same authority. 

Two Gros Ventres were killed on the ice by the Dakotas in 1789-'90. 
The two are designated by two spots of blood on the ice, and killed is 
expressed by the blood-tipped arrow against the fig- 
ure of the man above. The long hair, with the red 
forehead, denotes the Gros Ventre. The red fore- 
head illustrates the manner of applying war paint, 
and applies, also, to the Arikara and Absaroka In- 
dians, in other Dakota records. The horizontal blue 
band signifies ice. 
Stephen Powers says (Coutrib. to N. A. Ethnology, III, p. 109) the 

Fig. 71.— Pani. 


Fig. 72.— As- 

Groa Ventre. 


Mattoal, of California, differ from other tribes in that the men tattoo. 
" Their distinctive mark is a round blue spot in the center of the fore- 

He adds : Among the Mattoal — 

The women tattoo pretty much all over their faces. 

In respect to this matter of tattooing there is a theory entertained by some old 
pioneers which may be worth the men1 ion. They bold that the reason why the women 
alone tattoo in all other tribes is that in case they are taken captives their own peo- 
ple may be able to recognize them when there comes an opportunity of ransom. 
There are two facts which give some color of probability to this reasoning. One is 
that the California Indians are rent into such infinitesimal divisions, any one of which 
may be arrayed in deadly fend against another at any moment, that the slight differ- 
ences in their dialects would not suffice to distinguish the captive squaws. A second 
is that the squaws almost never attempt any ornamental tattooing, but adhere closely 
to the plain regulation mark of the. tribe. 

Paul Marcoy, in Travels in South America, N. Y., 1875, Vol. II, page 
353, says of the Passes, Yuris, Barrel, and Chumanas, of Brazil, that 
they mark their faces (in tattoo) with the totem or emblem of the nation 
to which they belong. It is possible at a few steps distant to distinguish 
one nation from another. 


Rev. J. Owen Dorsey reports of the Osages that all the old men who 
have beeu distinguished in war are paiuted with the decorations of their 
respective gentes. That of the Tsiou wactake is as follows : The face is 
first whitened all over with white clay; then a red spot is made on the 
forehead, and the lower part of the face is reddened ; then with the 
Angers the man scrapes off the white clay, forming the dark figures, by 
letting the natural color of the face show through. 

In Schoolcraft, V, 73, 74, it is stated that by totemic marks the various 
families of the Ojibwa denote their affiliation. A guardian spirit has 
been selected by the progenitor of a family from some object in the 
zoological chain. The representative device of this is called the totem. 
A warrior's totem never wants honors in their reminiscences, and the 
mark is put on his grave-post, or adjedatig, when he is dead. In his 
funeral pictograph he invariably sinks his personal name in that of his 
totem or family name. These marks are, in one sense, the surname of 
the clan. The personal name is not indicative of an Indian's totem. 

The same custom, according to Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, prevails among 
the Omahas ; and with the exception of that portion which relates to 
the drawing of the totemic mark upon the grave post the above remarks 
apply also to the Dakotas, of Northern Dakota, according to the observa- 
tions of Dr. Hoffman. The Pueblos, remarked Mr. James Stevenson in 
a conversation with the writer, depict the gens totems upon their vari- 



ous forms and styles of ceramic manufacture. The peculiar forms of 
secondary decoration also permit the article to be traced to any partic- 
ular family by which it may have been produced. 


This head may be divided into (1) Insignia, or tokens of authority. 
(2) Connected with personal name. (3) Property marks. (4) Status 
of the individual. (5) Signs of particular achievement. 


A large number of examples are presented in connection with other 
divisions of this paper. Many more are noted in Schoolcraft, especially 
in Vol. I, plates 58 and 59, following page 408. In addition the follow- 
ing may be mentioned : 

Fig. 74.— Lean-Wolf. Partisan. 

Figure 74 is a copy of a drawing made by Lean- Wolf, second chief of 
the Hidatsa, to represent himself. The horns on his head-dress show 
that he is a chief. The eagle feathers on his war-bonnet, arranged in 
the special manner portrayed, also show high distinction as a warrior. His 
authority as ''partisan," or leader of a war party is represented by the 
elevated pipe. His name is also added with the usual line drawn from 
the head. He explained the outline character of the wolf, having a 
white body with the mouth unfinished, to show that it was hollow, noth- 
ing there, i. e., lean. The animal's tail is drawn in detail anil dark to 
distinguish it from the body. 

The character for "partisan" is also shown in the Dakota winter 
counts for the year 1842-'43. See Plate XXIII. 




Figure 75 (extracted from the First Annual Report Bureau of Eth- 
nology, Fig. 227), drawn and explained by an Oglala Dakota, exhibits 
four erect pipes to show that he had led four war parties. 

Fig. 75. — Two-Strike as Partisan. 


The names of Indians as formerly adopted or bestowed among them- 
selves were and still remain counotive, when not subjected to white 
influence. They very often refer to some animal, predicating an attri- 
bute or position of that animal. On account of their objective, or at 
least ideographic, character, they almost invariably admit of being ex- 
pressed in sign-language; and for the same reason they can with the 
same ease be portrayed in pictographs. Abundant proof of this is 
given in two collections infra, viz., the Ogalala Roster and the Eed-Cloud 
Census. The device generally adopted by the Dakotas to signify that 
an object drawn in connection with a human head or figure was a name 
totem or a personal nameof the individual, is to connect that object with 
the figure by a line drawn to the head or more frequently to the mouth 
of the latter. The same tribes make a distinction in manifesting that 
the gesture-sign for the object gestured is intended to be the name of an 
individual, by passing the index forward from the mouth in a direct 
line after the conclusion of the sign for the object. This signifies, 
" that is his name," — the name of the person referred to. 

A similar designation of an object as a name by means of a connected 
line is mentioned in Eingsborough's Mexico, Vol. I, Plate 33, part 4, and 
text, Vol. VI, page 150. Pedro de Alvarado, one of the companions of 
Cortez, was red-headed. Because of this the Mexicans called him Tona- 
tihu, the "Sun," and in their picture-writing his name was represented 
by a picture of that luminary attached to his person by a line. 


As a general rule Indians are named at first according to a clan or 
gentile system, but in later life one generally acquires a new name, or 
perhaps several names in succession, from some special exploits or ad- 
ventures. Frequently a sobriquet is given which is not complimentary. 
All of the names subsequently acquired as well as the original names 
are so connected with material objects or with substantive actions as 
to be expressible in a graphic picture, and also in a pictorial sign. The 
determination to use names of this connotive character is shown by the 
objective translation, whenever possible, of such European names as it 
became necessary for them to introduce frequently into their speech. 
William Fenn was called Onas, that being the word for feather-quill in 
the Mohawk dialect. The name of the second French governor of Can- 
ada was Montuiagny, erroneously translated to be " great mountain," 
which words were correctly translated by the Iroquois into Orwntio, and 
this expression becoming associated with the title has been applied to 
all successive Canadian governors, though the origin having been gen- 
erally forgotten, it has been considered to be a metaphorical compli- 
ment. Governor Fletcher was named by the Iroquois Cajenquiragoe, 
" the great swift arrow," not because of his speedy arrival at a critical 
time, as has been supposed, but because they had somehow been in- 
formed of the etymology of his name, "arrow-maker" (Fr.flcchier). A 
notable example of the adoption of a graphic illustration from a simi- 
larity in the sound of the name to known English words is given in the 
present paper in the Wiuter Count of American- Horse for the year 
1865-'G6, page 141, where General Maynadier is made to figure as " many 

While, as before said, some tribes give names to children from con- 
siderations of birth and kinship according to a fixed rule, others confer 
them after solemn deliberation. They are not necessarily permanent. 
A diminutive form is frequently bestowed by the affection of the parent. 
On initiation a warrior always assumes or receives a name. Until this 
is established he is liable to change his name after every fight or hunt. 
He will generally only acknowledge the name he has himself assumed, 
perhaps from a dream or vision, though he may be habitually called by 
an entirely different name. From that reason the same man is some- 
times known under several different epithets. Personal peculiarity, de- 
formity, or accident is sure to fix a name, against which it is vain to 
struggle. Girls do uot habitually change names bestowed in their child- 
hood. It may also be remarked that the same precise name is often 
given to different individuals in the same tribe, but not so frequently in 
the same band, whereby the iucouvenience would be increased. For 
this reason it is often necessary to specify the baud, sometimes also the 
father. For instance, when the writer asked an Indian who Black-Stone, 
a chief mentioned in the Dakota winter counts, was, the Indian asked. 
first, what tribe was he; then, what baud; then, who was his father; 
and, except in the case of very noted persons, the identity is not proved 

mallery.] PERSONAL NAME. 171 

without an answer to these questions. A striking instance of this plu- 
rality of names among theDakotas was connected with the name Sitting- 
Bull, belonging to the leader of the hostile band, while one of that name 
was almostequally noted as being the head soldier of the friendly Dakotas 
at Red-Cloud Agency. The present writer also found a number of Da- 
kotas named Lone Dog when in search of the recorder of the winter count 
above explained. The case may be illustrated by christian names among 
civilized people. At the time when a former President of the United 
.States was the leading topic of conversation, nearly any one being asked 
who bore the name of Ulysses would be able to refer to General Grant, 
but few other christian names would convey any recognized identity. 
Indeed, the surname may be added and multiplicity with confusion still 
remain. Very few r men have names so peculiar as not to find them with 
exact literation iu the directories of the large cities. 

Among the many peculiarities connected with Indian personal names, 
far too many for discussion here, is their avoidance of them iu direct 
address, terms of kinship or relative age taking their place. Major J. 
W. Powell, in some remarks before the Anthropological Society of 
Washington, on the functions performed by kinship terms among Indian 
tribes, stated that at one time he had the Kaibab Indians, a small tribe 
of northern Arizona, traveling with him. The young chief was called 
by white men "Frank." For several weeks he refused to give his Indian 
name, and Major Powell endeavored to discover it by noticing the term 
by which he was addressed by the other Indians ; but invariably some 
kinship term was employed. One day in a quarrel his wife called him 
"Chuarumpik (Yucca-heart.)" Subsequently Major Powell questioned 
the young chief about the matter, who explained and apologized for the 
great insult which his wife had given him by stating that she was 
excused by great provocation. The insult consisted iu calling the man 
by his real name. 

The following is quoted for comparison with the name-system of the 
Indians of Guiana, from Everard F. im Thurn, op. cit., p. 219, et scq.: 

The system under which the Indians have their personal names is intricate, and 
difficult to explain. In the first place, a name, which may be called the proper name, 
is always given to a young child soon after birth. It is said to be proper that the 
peaiman, or medicine-man, should choose and give this name ; but, at any rate now, 
the naming seems moie often left to the parents. The word selected is generally the 
name of some plant, bird, or other natural object. Among Arawak proper names may 
be mentioned Yambenassi (night-monkey) and Yuri-tokoro (tobacco-flower), and among 
Macusi names Ti-ti (owl), Cheripvng (star?), and Simiri (locust-tree). But these 
names seem of little use, in that owners have a very strong objection to telling or 
using them, apparently on the ground that the name is part of the man, and that he 
who knows the name has part of the owner of that name in his power. 

To avoid any danger of spreading kuowledge of their names, one Indian, therefore, 
generally addresses another only according to the relationship of the caller and the 
called, as brother, sister, father, mother, and so on ; or, when there is no relationship, 
as boy, girl, companion, and so on. These terms, therefore, practically form the 
names actually used by Indiaus amongst themselves. But an Indian is just as un- 


■willing to tell his proper name to a white man as to an Indian ; and, of course, be- 
tween the Indian and the white man there is no relationship the term for which can 
serve as a proper name. An Indian, therefore, when he has to do with a European, 
asks the latter to give him a name, and if one is given to him, always afterwards 
uses this. The names given in this way are generally simple enough — John, Peter, 
Thomas, and so on. But sometimes they are not sufficiently simple to he compre- 
hended and remembered by their Indian owners, who therefore, having induced the 
donor to write the name on a piece of paper, preserve this ever after most carefully, 
and whenever asked for their name by another European, exhibit the document as 
the only way of answering. Sometimes, however, an Indian, though he cannot pro- 
nouuco his English names, makes it possible by corruption. For instance, a certain 
Macusi Indian was known to me for a long time as Shassapoon, which I thought was 
his proper name, until it accidentally appeared that it was his 'English name,' he 
having been named by and after one Charles Appun, a German traveler. 

The original of Figure 76 was made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the 
Hidatsa, for Dr. W. J. Hoffman in 1881, and represents the method 
which this Indian has employed to designate himself 
for many years past. During his boyhood he had au- 
~~ \^**" — *~^ other name. This is a current, or perhaps it may be 
'/\ ■*» ) called cursive, form of the name, which is given more 
elaborately in Figure 74, 

Figure 77 is taken from the winter count of Bat 
tiste Good for the year 1841-42. He calls the year 
"Poiuter-made-acommemoratiou-of the dead winter." 

J?IG. 76. — Lean-W olr. 

Also "Deep-snow winter." 
The extended index denotes the man's name, " Pointer," the ring 
and spots, deep snow. 
The spots denoting snow occur also in other portions of this count, 
and the circle, denoting quantity, is also attached in 
Figure 141, p. 219, to a forked stick and incloses a buf- 
falo head to signify much meat. That the circle is in- 
tended to signify quantity is probable, as the gesture 
for " much" or "quantity " is made by passing the hands 
upward from both sides and together before the body, 
describing the upper half of a circle, i.e., showing a heap. 
Figure 78 is also from the winter count of Battiste 
Good for the year 17S5-'8C. This year he calls " The- 
Ckeyennes-killed-Shadow's-father winter." 
Fi^T77.— Pointer. The umbrella signifies Shadow; the three marks 

under the arrow, Cheyenne ; the blood-stained arrow 
in the man's body, killed; Shadow's name and the umbrella in the figure 
intimates that he was the first Dakota to carry an umbrella. The ad- 
vantages of the umbrella were soon recognized by the Dakotas, and the 
first they obtained from the whites were highly prized. 

In the record prepared by Battiste Good this is the only instance 
where the short vertical lines below the arrow signify Cheyenne. In 
all others these marks are numerical, and denote the number of persons 
killed. That these short lines signify Cheyenne may be attributable 




■ 8.— Shadow. 

to a practice of that tribe, to make transverse cuts in the forearm after 
or before going into a conflict, as an offering or vow to the Great Spirit 
for success. Cheyennes are thus represented in the 
winter count of Cloud-Shield for 1834-35 (see page 
139) and 1878-'79 (see page 140.) 

Mr. P. W. Norris has presented a buffalo robe con- 
taining a record of exploits, which was drawn by 
Black-Crow, a Dakota warrior, several years ago. 
The peculiarity of the drawings is, that the warrior 
is represented in each instance in an upright posi- 
lion, the accompanying figure being always in a re- 
cumbent posture, representing the enemy who was 
slain. Instead of depicting the personal name above 
the fallen personage with a liue connecting the two, 
the name of the enemy is placed above the head of 
the victor in each instance, a line extending between 
the character and the speaker or warrior whose exploits the characters 
represent. The latter seems to proclaim the name of his victim. A 
pipe is also figured between the victor and the vanquished, showing 
that he is entitled to smoke a pipe of celebration. 

A copy T of the whole record was shown to the Mdewakantawan Da- 
kotas, near Fort Snelliug, Minnesota, in 1883, and the character re- 
produced in Figure 79, about 
which there was the most 
doubt, was explained as sig- 
nifying "many tongues," i.e., 
Loud-Talker, being the name 
of the person killed. 

The circle at the end of the 
line running from the mouth 
contains a number of lanceo- 
late forms, the half of each 
of which is black, the other 
white. They have the ap- 
pearance of feathers. These 
figures signify voice, the 
sounds as issuing from the 
mouth, and correspond in 
some respect to those drawn 
by the Mexicans with that significance. The considerable number of 
these figures, signifying intensity, denotes loud voice, or, as given liter- 
ally, "loud talker," that being the name of the victim. 

It is however to be noted that " Shield," an Oglala Dakota, says the 
character signifies Feather- Shield, the name of a warrior formerly living 
at the Pine Eidge Agency, Dakota. 

Fig. 79.— Loud-Talker. 



Plates LII to LYIII represent a pictorial roster of the beads of families, 
eighty-four in number, in the band or perhaps clan of Chief Big-Road, 
and were obtained by Rev. S. D. Hiuman at Standing Rock Agency, 
Dakota, in 1883, from the United States Indian agent, Major McLaugh- 
lin, to whom the original was submitted by Chief Big-Road when brought 
to that agency and required to give an account of his followers. 

Chief Big-Road and his people belong to the Northern Ogalala (accu- 
rately Oglala), and were lately hostile, having been associated with 
Sitting-Bull in various depredations and hostilities against both settlers 
and the United States authorities. Mr. Hiuman states that the trans- 
lations of the names were made by the agency interpreter, and al- 
though not as complete as might be, are, in the whole, satisfactory. 
Chief Big-Road " is a man of fifty years and upwards, and is as igno- 
rant and uncompromising a savage, in mind and appearance, as one 
could well find at this late date." 

The drawings in the original are on a single sheet of foolscap paper, 
made with black and colored pencils, and a few characters are in yellow 
ocher — water-color paint. On each of the seven plates, into which the 
original is here divided from the requirements of the mode of publica- 
tion, the first figure in the upper left-hand corner represents, as stated, 
the chief of the sub-band, or perhaps, "family" in the Indian sense. 

On five of the plates the chief has before him a decorated pipe and 
pouch, the design of each being distinct from the others. On Plates 
LIV and LV the upper left hand figure does not have a pipe, which 
leads to the suspicion that, contrary to the information so far received, 
the whole of the figures from Nos. 11 to 45 inclusive, on Plates LIII, 
LIV, and LV, constitute one band under the same chief, viz., No. 11. 
In that case Nos. 23 and 3G would appear to be leaders of subordinate 
divisions of that baud. Each of the five chiefs has at least three 
transverse bands on the cheek, with differentiation of the pattern. 

It will be noticed that each figure throughout the plates, which car- 
ries before it a war club, is decorated with three red transverse bauds, 
but that of No. 30, on Plate LIV, and No. 48 on Plate LVI, have the 
three bands without a war club. 

The other male figures seem in some instances to have each but a 
single red band ; in others two bauds, red and blue, but the drawing is 
so indistinct as to render this uncertain. 

It will be observed, also, that in four instances (Nos. 14, 44, 4.5, and 72) 
women are depicted as the surviving heads of families. Their figures 
do not have the transverse bands ou the cheek. 

Also that the five chiefs do not have the war club, their rank being 
shown by pipe and pouch. Those men who are armed with war clubs, 
which are held vertically before the person, indicate (in accordance with 
a similar custom among other branches of the Dakota Nation, in which, 
however, the pipe is held instead of the club) that the man has at some 
time led war parties on his own account. See pages 118 and 139. 



















English names of the figures in the Ogalala Roster. 




No. 45. 





Long-dog. Erroneously 



printed Wall dog on 


White buffalo. 

Plate LVI. 






Shield boy. 








Wears-t lie- feather. 






Four crows. 




Tall- white-man. 










White- tail. 


Causes trouble-ahead. 


Blue-cloud (woman). 


Makes-dirt (-'foul"). 




















Owns -an - animal -with- 









Kills- Grows (Indians). 
















Bed crow. 












Horse- with-horus. 


Makes enemy. 








Red -flute-woman. 




Little hawk. 


Carries- the-badger. 




Red-earth- woman. 






Iron-white man. 


Has-a- war-club. 




Little buffalo. 




Has-a-point (weapon.) 










Iron -boy. 
















The information yet obtained from the author of the pictograph con- 
cerning its details is meager, and as it will probably be procured no 
unimportant conjectures are now hazarded. It is presented for the 
ideography shown, which may in most cases be understood from the 
translation of the several names into English as given in the preceding 
list. A few remarks of explanation, occurring to the writer, may be 

No. 34, on plate LIV, with the translation Red-earth woman, appears 
from the scalp lock and the warrior's necklace to be a man, and Red- 
earth-woman to be his name. 

No. 62 on Plate LVIT, probably refers to an Ogalala who was called 
Arapaho, the interpretation, as well as the blue cloud, being in the 
Dakota language " Blue cloud," a term by which the Arapaho Indians 
are known to the Dakotas, as several times mentioned in this paper. In 
No. Co, Plate LVII, the cloud is drawn iu blue, the searching being de- 
rived from the expression of that idea in gesture bypassing the extended 
index of one hand (or both) forward from the eye, then from right to 
left, as if indicating various uncertain localities before the person, i. e., 
searching for something. The lines from the eyes are in imitation of 
this gesture. 

In No. 77, Plate LVIII, is a reproduction of the character given in 
Red-Cloud's Census, No. 133. See Plate LXVII. The figure appears, 
according to the explanation given by several Ogalala Dakota Indians, 
to signify the course of a whirlwind, with the transverse lines in imita- 
tion of the circular movement of the air, dirt, leaves, etc., observed 
during such aerial disturbances. 

In No. 78 of the same plate the lines above the bird's head agaiu 
appear to signify sacred, mystic, usually termed " medicine" in other 
records. Similar lines are iu No. 04, Plate LYII. 


The pictorial census, shown in Plates LIX to LXXIX, was prepared 
under the direction of Red-Cloud, chief of the Dakota at Pine Ridge 
Agency, Dakota Territory, about two years ago. The individuals re- 
ferred to and enumerated are the adherents of Red-Cloud, and do not 
represent all the Indians at that Agency. Owing to some disagreement 
the agent refused to acknowledge that chief as head of the Indians at 
the agency, and named another as the official chief. The Indians under 
Red-Cloud exhibited their allegiance to him by attaching, or having 
their names attached, to seven sheets of ordinary manilla paper, which 
were sent to Washington and, while in the custody of Dr. T. A. Bland, 
of that city, were kindly loaned by him to the Bureau of Ethnology to 
be copied by photography. The different sheets were apparently drawn 
by different persons, as the drawings of human heads vary enough to 
indicate individuality. 

The first sheet of the original series contains in the present series of 
plates Nos. 1 -130 ; the second sheet, Nos. 131-174 ; third sheet, Nos. 175- 


fourth a::::cal report PL Lis 















ha ! 

^ 1 C^T 












v ° 



v n 
















































bureau op eth::oloqt 






Bureau of ethnology 






























210 ; fourth sheet, Nos. 211-235 ; fifth sheet, Nos. 230-253 ; sixth sheet, 
Nos. 254-277 ; seventh sheet, Nos. 278-289. This arrangement seems 
to imply seven bands or, perhaps, gentes. 

Dr. V. T. McGillvcuddy, Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota, 
in correspondence, gives the impression that the several pictographs, 
representing names, were attached as signatures by the several individ- 
uals to a subscription list for Dr. T. A. Bland, before mentioned, the 
editor of The Council Fire, in support of that publication, and with an 
agreement that each should give twenty-five cents. The subscribers 
were, in fact, the adherents of Red Cloud. The motive for the collec- 
tion of pictured names is of little consequence, its interest, as that of the 
foregoing Ogalala Roster, being in the mode of their portrayal, together 
with the assurance that they were the spontaneous and genuine work 
of the Indians concerned. 

Many suggestions regarding the origin of heraldry and that of proper 
names can be obtained from this and the preceding series of plates. 

The translation of the names corresponding witli the figures is as fol- 

English names of the figures in Red Cloud 's census. 


1. Chief Red- Cloud. 

No. 27. 

2. Top-Man. 


3. Slow-Bear. 


4. He-Dog. 


5. Little Chief. 


6. Red-Shirt. 


7. White-Hawk. 


8. Cloud Shield. 


9. Good- Weasel. 


10. Afraid-Eagle. 


11. Bear-Brains. 


12. War-Bonnet. 


13. Little-Soldier. 


14. Little-Dog. 


I.".. Call-for. 


16. Short-Bull. 


17. White-Bird. 


18. Painted-Face. 


19. Iron-Beaver. 


20. Big-Leggings. 


21. Only-Man. 


22. Mad-Hearted-Bull. 


23. Running-Eagle. 


24. Ring-Cloud. 


25. White-Bird. 


26. Arapaho. 


4 ETH 12 


Kills by-the-Camp. 


Knock -a-hole-iu-the-head. 






War- Eagle. 



Wears-t he-Bonnet. 


Shot-in front-the-Lodge. 

Kills in-Lodge. 

Kills at-Night. 









Bear conies-out. 



No. 53 


No. 99 











Runs -by -the-Enemy. 








Roman -Nose. 


Licks- with-his-tongue 




Old Horse. 






Bear- Looks-Back. 


Bob- tail Horse. 






Sees-the Enemy. 






Keeps -the -Battle. 


Cut Through. 






Bone Necklace. 


Good Bird. 


Goes- Walking. 


Red Fly. 


IlOll IIolNC. 


Kills- Euemy-at-Night. 


Blue Hatchet. 










< Jheyenne- Butcher. 




Red- Eagle. 










Took Skunk. 




Own-the- Arrows. 


Runs off- the- Horse. 
















Runs off the- Horses. 


Eagle- Horse. 








Good Bird. 






Yellow Fox. 




Feather on his head. 




Little Bear. 




Spotted Horse. 








Sj lotted -Face. 




Got- there-first. 












Poor Dog. 






Small Ring. 






Brin gs-lots of-horses. 






Medicine Horse. 





No. 145. 

Two Eagles. 

No. 190. 

White tail. 


Bed Shirt. 








Spotted- Horse. 


Horned Horse. 


Afraid -of-Bear. 


















Smokes at-Night. 
















Stone Necklace. 








High Eagle. 




Black Bull. 












Goes-in -Front. 




















Many Shells. 


Wolf-stands on-a-Hill. 






Crazy Head. 




Shoots the-Auimal, 




Kills two. 


Elk- walking- with-his- 


Fast- Horse. 



Big Turnip. 










Takes Enemy. 


























Big Hand. 


Keeps-the Battle. 




Wolf stands on-Hill. 














Cloud -Eing. 






Drags the-rope. 








Sits-like-a- Woman. 

No. 263. 

Big- Voiced-Eagle. 






























Bear- Back. 






















Black Bull. 
















Horse the-Clothiug 








Eagle Swallow. 





























The remark made above (page 176) in couuectiou with the Ogalala 
Roster, acknowledging the paucity of direct information as to details 
while presenting the pictographs as sufficiently interpreted for the 
present purposes by the translation of the personal names, may be here 
repeated. The following notes are, however, subjoined as of some as- 
sistance to the reader: 

No. 2. Top-man, or more properly "man above," is drawn a short 
distance above a curved line, which represents the character for sky 
inverted. The gesture for sky is sometimes made by passing the hand 
from east to west describing an arc. The Ojibwa pictograph for the 
same occurs in Plate IV, No. 1, beneath which a bird appears. 

No. 9. The character is represented with two waving lines passing 
upward from the mouth, in imitation of the gesture-sign good talk, 
spiritual tall-, as made by passing two extended and separated fingers 
(or all fingers separated) upward and forward from the mouth. This 
gesture is made when referring either to a shaman or to a christian 
clergyman, or to a house of worship, and the name seems to have beeu 

MALutBY.] red-cloud's CENSUS. 181 

translated here as "good," without sufficient emphasis, being probably 
more with the idea of "mystic." 

No. 15. The gesture for come or to call to one's self is shown in this 

No. 24. The semicircle for cloud is the reverse in conception to that 
shown above in No. 2. 

No. 20. Arapaho, in Dakota, magpiyato— Hue cloud — is here shown 
by a circular cloud, drawn in blue in the original, inclosing the head 
of a man. 

No. 38. Night appears to be indicated by the black circle around the 
head, suggested by the covering over with darkness, as shown in the 
gesture for night bypassing both flat hands from their respective sides 
inwards and downwards before the body. The sign for Mil is denoted 
here by the bow iu contact with the head, a custom in practice among 
the Dakota of striking the dead enemy with the bow or coup stick. See 
also Figure 130, page 211. 

No. 43. Night is here shown by the curve for sky, and the suspension, 
beneath it, of a star, or more properly in Dakota signification, a night 
sun — the moon. 

No. 59. Cloud is drawn in blue in the original; old is signified by 
drawing a staff in the hand o" 'he man. The gesture for old is made 
in imitation of walking with a staff. 

No. 69. This drawing is similar to No. 38. The differentiation is suf- 
ficient to allow of a distinction between the two characters, each rep- 
resenting the same name, though two different men. 

No. 131. The uppermost character is said to be drawn in imitation of 
a number of fallen leaves lying against one another, and has reference 
to the season when leaves fall — autumn. 

No. 101. The thunder-bird is here drawn with five lines — voices — is- 
suing from the mouth. 

No. 201. The waving lines above the head signify sacred, and are 
made in gesture in a similar manner as that for prayer and voice iu 
No. 9. 

No. 236. This person is also portrayed in a recent Dakota record, 
where the character is represented by the "woman seated" only. The 
name of this man is not "Sits-like-a- Woman," but High- Wolf — Shiiuka 
manita wa D galia. This is an instance of giving one name iu a piclo- 
graph and retaining another by which the man is known iu camp to his 

No. 250. The word medicine is in the Indian sense, before explained, 
and would be more correctly expressed by the word sacred, or mystic, 
as is also indicated by the waving lines issuing from the mouth. 

No. 289. The character for sacred again appears, attached to the end 
of the liue issuing from the mouth. 




Fie. 80.— Boat paddle. Ankara. 

The Serrano Indians in the vicinity of Los Angeles, California, formerly 
practiced a method of marking trees to indicate the corner boundaries of 
patches of land. According to Hon. A. F. Corouel, of the above-named 
city, the Indians owning areas of territory of whatever size would cut 
lines upon the bark of the tree corresponding to certain cheek lines drawn 
on their own faces, i. e., lines running outward and downward over the 
cheeks or perhaps over the chin only, tattooed in color. These lines 
were made on the trees on the side facing the property, and were under- 
standingly recognized by all. The marks were personal and distinctive, 
and when adopted by land owners could not be used by any other per- 
son. This custom still prevailed when Mr. Coronel first located in 
Southern California, about the year 1843. So is the account, but it may 
be remarked that the land was probably owned or claimed by a gens 
rather than by individuals, the individual ownership of land not belong- 
ing to the stage of culture of any North American Indians. Perhaps 
some of the leading members of the gens were noted in connection with 

the occupancy of the land, and their 
tattoo marks were the same as those on 
the trees. The correspondence of these 
marks is of special importance. It is 
also noteworthy that the designations 
common to the men and the trees were understood and 
respected. /-fyzs 

Among the Ankara Indians a custom prevails of draw- MJ^ 

ing upon the blade of a canoe or bull-boat paddle such 
designs as are worn by the chief and owner to suggest 
his personal exploits. This has to great extent been 
adopted by the Hidatsa and the Mandaus. The marks 
are chiefly horseshoes and crosses (see Figure 80), referring 
to the capture of the enemy's ponies and to coups in war- 
fare or defense against enemies. 

The squaws being the persons who generally use the 
boats during the course of their labors in collecting wood 
along the river banks, or in ferrying their warriors across 
the water, have need of this illustration of their husbands' 
prowess as a matter of social status, it being also a mat- 
ter of pride. The entire tribe being intimately aequaiuted 
with the courage and bravery of any individual, imposi- 
tion and fraud in the delineation of any character are not 
attempted, as such would surely be detected and the im- 
postor would be ridiculed if not ostracised. See in con- 
nection with the design last figured, others under the head 
ing of Signs of Particular Achievements, page 18G. 

The brands upon cattle in Texas and other regions of the United 

Fig. 81. — African 
property mark 


States where ranches are common, illustrate the modern use of prop- 
erty marks. A collection of these brands made by the writer compares 
unfavorably for individuality and ideography with the marks of Indians 
for similar pnrposes. 

The following translation from Kunst and Witz der Neger (Art and 
Ingenuity of the Negro) is inserted for the purpose of comparison be- 
tween Africa and America. The article was published at Munich, 
Bavaria, in Das Ausland, 1884, No. 1, p. 12. 

" Whenever a pumpkin of surprisingly line appearance is growing, 
which promises to furnish a desirable water- vase, the proprietor hurries 
to distinguish it by cutting into it some special mark with his knife, 
and probably superstitious feelings may co-operate in this act. I have 
reproduced herewith the best types of such property marks which I 
have been able to discover." 

These property marks are reproduced in Figure 81. 


Several notices of pictographs under this head appear in other parts 
of this paper; among others, designations of chiefs, sub-chiefs, parti- 
sans, medicinemen or shamans, horse thieves, and squaw men,areshowu 
in the Winter Counts and in the Ogalala Roster. See also Figure 120, 
page 204. Captives are drawn in Figure 180, page 242. With reference 
to the status of women as married or single see pages 04 and 232. For 
widow, see page 197. Marks for higher and lower classes are mentioned 
on page 64. 

To these may be added the following, contributed by Mr. Gatschet: 
Half-breed girls among the Klamaths of Oregon appear to have but 
one perpendicular line tattooed down over the chin, while the full- 
blood women have four perpendicular lines on the chin. Tattooing, 
when practiced at this day, is performed with needles, the color being- 
prepared from charcoal. 


Eagle feathers are worn by the Hidatsa Indians to denote acts of 
courage or success in war. The various markings have different signi- 
fications, as is shown in the following account, which, with sketches of 
the features made from the original objects, were obtained by Dr. Hoff- 
man from the Hidatsa at Fort Berthold, Dakota, during 1881. 



Fig. 82.— First Fig. 83.— Second 
to strike ene- to strike enemy. 
my. Hidatsa. Hidatsa. 

Fig. 84.— Third to 

strike enemy. 

A feather, to the tip of which is attached a tuft of down or several 
strands of horse hair, dyed red, denotes that the wearer has killed an 

enemy and that he was the first 
% to touch or strike him with the 

coup stick. Figure 82. 

A feather bearing one red bar, 
made with vermilion, signifies the 
wearer to have been the second 
person to strike the fallen enemy 
with the coup stick. Figure 83. 

A feather bearing two red bars 
signifies that the wearer was the 
third person to strike the body. 
Figure 84. 

A feather with three bars sig- 
nifies that the wearer was the 
fourth to strike the fallen enemy. 
Figure 85. Beyond this number 
honors are not counted. 

A red feather denotes that 

the wearer was wounded in an encounter with an enemy. Figure 80. 

A narrow strip of rawhide or buckskin is wrapped from end to end 

with porcupine quills dyed red, though sometimes a few white ones are 

inserted to break the monotony of color; this strip is attached to the 

inner surface of the rib or shaft of 
the quill by means of very thin 
fibers of sinew. This signifies that 
the wearer killed a woman belong- 
ing to a hostile tribe. The figure 
so decorated is shown in Figure 
87. In very fine specimens it will 
be found that the quills are di- 
rectly applied to the shaft with- 
out resorting to the strap of 

The following scheme, used by 
the Dakotas, is taken from Dah- 
Knied c °tah, or Life ail( l Legends of the 
Sioux around Fort Snelling, by 
Mrs. Mary Eastman. New York, 
1849. Colors are not given, but red undoubtedly predominates, as is 
known from personal observation. 

A spot upon the larger web denotes that the wearer has killed an 
enemy. Figure 88. 


Fig. 85.— Fourth 
to strike eneuij . 

Fig. 86.— Wound- 
ed bv au enemy. 

Fig. 87, 
a woman, 



Figure 89 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy, 
and taken his scalp. 

Fig. 88.— KiUi (I an enemy. 

Fig. 89. —Cut throat and scalped. Fig. 90.— Cut enemy's throat 
Dakota. Dakota. 

Figure 90 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy. 
Figure 91 denotes that the wearer was the third that touched the 
body of his enemy after he was killed. 

Fig. 91.— Third to strike. Dakota. 

Fig. 92. -Fourth to strike. Dakota. 

Figure 92 denotes that the wearer was the fourth that touched the 
body of his enemy after he was killed. 

Fig. 93.— Fifth to strike. Dakota. 

Fig. 94. — Many wounds. Dakota. 

Figure 93 denotes that the wearer was the fifth that touched the 
body of his enemy after he was killed. 


Figure 91 denotes the wearer has been wounded in many places by 
Lis enemy. 

The following variations in the scheme were noticed in 1883 among the 
Mdewakantanwan Dakotas near Fort Snelling, Minnesota. 

In personal ornamentation, and for marks of disti action in war, featbers 
of tbe eagle are used as among the other bands of Dakotas. 

A plain feather is used to signify that the wearer has killed an enemy, 
without regard to the manner in which he was slain. 

When the end is clipped transversely, and the edge colored red, it 
signifies that the throat of the enemy was cut. 

A black feather denotes that an Ojibwa woman was killed. Enemies 
are considered as Ojibwas, the latter being the tribe with whom the 
Mdewakantawan Dakotas have had most to do. 

When a warrior has been wounded a red spot is painted upon the 
broad side of a feather. If the wearer has been shot in the body, arms, 
or legs, a similar spot, in red, is painted upon his clothing or blanket, 
immediately over the locality. These red spots are sometimes worked 
in porcupine quills, or in cotton fiber as obtained from the traders. 

Marks denoting similar exploits are used by the Hidatsa, Mandan, 
and Arikara Indians. The Hidatsa claim to have been the originators of 
the devices, which were subsequently adopted by the Arikara with slight 
variation. All of the information with reference to the following fig- 
ures, 95 to 103, was obtained by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, from chiefs of the 
several tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota, during the summer of 1881. 

The following characters are marked upon robes and blankets, usually 
in red or blue colors, and often upon the boat paddles. Frequently an 
Indian may be seen who lias them even painted upon his thighs, though 
this is generally resorted to only on festal occasions, or for dancing : 

Figure 95 denotes that the wearer success- 

t fully defended himself against the enemy by 
throwing up a ridge of earth or sand to pro- 
tect the body. 
Figure 96 signifies that the wearer has upon 
two different occasions defended himself by 
Hldli d etc nse - 8 £ces 9 sfn7 T r hiding his body within low earthworks. The 
tenses. Hida- character is merely a compound of two of the 

til, CtC* 

preceding marks placed together. 
Figure 97 signifies that the one who carries this mark upon his blanket, 
leggings, boat paddle, or any other property, or his person, 

nhas distinguished himself by capturing a horse belonging to 
a hostile tribe. 
Pig.97.— Cap. Figure. 98 signifies among the Hidatsa and Mandans that 

tared a horse. ° " 

Hidatsa, etc. the wearer was the first person to strike a fallen enemy with 
a coup stick. It signifies among the Arikara simply that 
the wearer killed an enemy. 


Figure 99 represents among the Hidatsa aud Mandans the second per- 
son to strike a fallen enemy. It represents among the Arikara the first 
person to strike the fallen enemy. 

Figure 100 denotes the third person to strike the enemy, according to 

X X X 

Fir. 98.— First to strike FlG - " — Second to stnko FlG ioo.— Third to strike 

an enemy. Hidatsa. an enemy. Hidatsa. an enemy. Hidatsa. 

the Hidatsa and Mandan; the second person to strike him, according 
to the Arikara. 

Figure. 101 shows among the Hidatsa and Mandan the fourth person 
to strike the fallen enemy. This is the highest and last number ; the 
fifth person to risk the danger is considered brave for venturing so uear 
the ground held by the enemy, but has no right to wear the mark. 

The same mark among the Arikara represents the person to be the 
third to strike the enemy. 

Figure 102, according to the Arikara, represents the fourth person 
to strike the enemy. 

According to the Hidatsa, the wearer of the accompanying mark. 
Figure 103, would have figured in four encounters; in the two lateral 

X» X" f- 

FIG. 101.— Fourth to strike Fir:. 102.— Fiftli to strike Fig. 103— Struck four en- 

an eneiuy. Hidatsa. an enemy. Arikara. emies. Hidatsa. 

ones, each, he was the second to strike the fallen enemy, and in the 
upper and lower spaces it would signify that he was the third person 
upon two occasions. 

The mark of a black band, sometimes made by the impress of an 
actually blackened palm, or drawn natural size or less, was found upon 
articles of Ojibwa manufacture in the possession of Hidatsa and Arikara 
Indians at Fort Berthold, Dakota, in 1881. These Indians say it is an 
old custom, and signifies that the person authorized to wear the mark has 
killed an enemy. The articles upon which the designs occurred came 
from Red Lake "Reservation, Minnesota, the Indians of the latter locality 
frequently going west to Fort Berthold to trade bead and other work 
for horses. 

Further signs of particular achievements are given in Figures 174, 175, 
176, 177, aud 179, and others may be noticed frequently in the Dakota 
Winter Counts. 


Under this bead pictographs already known may be divided into 
those relating to — 

1. Mythic personages. 

2. Shamanism. 

3. Dances and ceremonies. 

4. Mortuary practices. 

5. Charms and fetiches. 


Reference may be made to the considerable number of pictographs 
of this character in Schoolcraft, more particularly in his first volume; 
also to the Walum Olum or Bark-Becord of the Lenni Lenape, which 
was published iu Beach's "Indian Miscellany," Albany, 1877; and since 
in The Lenape and their Legends: By Dr. D. G. Brinton. Several ex- 
amples are also to be found in other parts of the present paper. 

Some forms of the Thunder-Bird are here presented, as follows: 

ig. 104— Thunder-Bird. Dakota. 




Jig. 105.— Thunder-bird. Dakota. 

Figures 10-1 and 105 are forms of the thunder-bird found in 1SS3 
among the Dakotas near Fort Suelling, drawn and interpreted by 
themselves. They are both winged and have waving lines extending 
from the mouth downward, signifying 
lightning. It is noticeable that Figure 
105 placed vertically, then appearing 
roughly as an upright human figure, is 
almost identically the same as some of 
the Ojibwa meda or spirit figures repre- 
sented in Schoolcraft, and also on a 
bark Ojibwa record in the possession of 
the writer. 

Figure. 106 is another and more cur- 
sive form of the thunder-bird obtained 
at the same place and time as those im- 
mediately preceding. It is wingless, and, with changed position or 
point of view, would suggest a headless human 

The blue thunder-bird, Figure 107, with red 
breast and tail, is a copy of one worked in beads, 
found at Mendota, Minnesota. At that place 
stories were told of several Indians who had pre- 
sentiments that the thunder-bird was coming 
they would so state the case to their friends that they might retire 
to a place of safety, while the victim of super- 
stition would go out to an elevated point of land 
or upon the prairie to await his expected doom. 

Frequently, no doubt on account of the iso- 
lated and elevated position of the person in a 
thunder storm, accidents of this kind do occur, 
thus giving notoriety to the presentiment above 

A still different form of the Dakota thunder bird 
is reproduced in Mrs. Eastman's Dahcotah, op. cit., 
page 2GL\ See also page 181 supra. 

Figure 10S is "Skam-son," the thunder bird, a tat- 
too mark copied from the back of an Indian belong- 
ing to the Laskeek village of the Haida tribe, Queen Charlotte's Island, 
by Mr. James G. Swan. 

Figure 109 is a Twaua thunder bird, as reported by Rev. M. Eells in 
Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, III, p. 112. 

There is at Eueii, on the reservation [Washington Territory], an irregular basaltic 
rock, abi at :! feet by :i feet and 4 inches, and a foot and a half high. On one side 
there has been hammered a face, said to be the representation of the face of the thun- 
der bird, which could also cause storms. 

Fig. 106.— Thunner-bird. 
Windless. Dakota. 

to kill them, when 

! I I 

— Thunder-bird. 



The two eyes are about 6 inches in diameter and 4 inches apart and the nose about 
9 inches long. It is said to have been made by soni9 man a long time ago, who felt 
very badly, and went and sat on the rock, and with another stoue hammered out the 

Fig. 108.— Thunder-bird. Haida. 

eyes and nose. For a long time they believed that it' the rock was shaken it would 
cause rain, probably because the thunder bird was angry. 

Graphic representations of Atotarko and of the Great Heads are 

Fig. 109.— Tliuuder-biid. Twana. 

shown in Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith's Myths of the Iroquois, in the 
Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Mythic Person- 
ages are also presented in aboriginal drawing by Mr. Charles G. Leland 
in bis work, the Algonquin Legends of New England, etc. Boston, 1884. 


The term Shamanism is a corrupted form of the Sanscrit word for 
ascetic. Its original application was to the religion of certain tribes of 
northern Asia, but in general it expresses the worship of spirits with 
magic arts and fetich-practices. The Shaman or priest pretends to con- 
trol by iucantatious and ceremonies the evil spirits to whom death, sick- 
ness, and other misfortunes are ascribed. This form or stage of religion 


is so prevalent among the North American Indians that the adoption of 
the term Shaman here is substantially correct, and it avoids both the 
stupid expression "medicine-man" of current literature and the indefi- 
nite title priest, the associations with which are not appropriate to 
the Indian religious practitioner. The statement that the Indians wor- 
ship one "Great Spirit" or single overruling personal god is erroneous. 
That philosophical conception is beyond the stage of culture reached by 
them and was not found in any tribe previous to missionary influence. 
Their actual philosophy can be expressed far more objectively and 
therefore pictorially. 

Many instances of the " Making Medicine " are shown in the Dakota 
Winter Counts; also graphic expressions regarding magic. Especial ref- 
erence may be made to American-Horse's count for the years lS24-'25 
and 1843-41, in the Corbusier Winter Counts. 

Figure 110 was copied from a piece of walrus ivory in the museum of 
the Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, California, by Dr. 
Hoffman, and the interpretation is as obtained from an Alaskan native. 

jjjj? ^j^p >agr^ 

8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 . 

Fig. 110. — Shaman exorcising Demon. Alaska. 

1, 2. The Shaman's summer habitations, trees growing in the vicinity. 

3. The Shaman, who is represented in the act of holding one of his 
" demons." These " evil spirits " are considered as under the control of 
the Shaman, who employs them to drive other "evil beings" out of the 
bodies of sick men. 

4. The demon or aid. 

5. The same Shaman exorcising the demons causing the sickness. 

6. 7. Sick men, who have been under treatment, and from whose 
bodies the "evil beings" or sickness has been expelled. 

8. Two "evil spirits" which have left the bodies of Nos. 6 and 7. 

Fig. Ill represents a record of a Shamauistic nature, and was copied 
by Dr. Hoffman from an ivory bow in the museum of the Alaska 
Commercial Company in 1882. The interpretation was also obtained at 
the same time from an Alaskan native, with text in the Kiatexamut 
dialect of the Inuuit language. 

The l'od of the bow upon which the characters occur is here repre- 
sented in three sections, A, B, and C. A bears the beginning of the 
narrative, extending over only one-half of the length of the rod. The 
course of the inscription is then continued on the adjacent side of the 
rod at the middle, and reading in both directions (section B and C), 
towards the two files of approaching animals. B and C occupy the 
whole of one side. 




. -.■ .11 - 


The following is the explanation of the characters. 

A. No. 1. Baidarka or skin boat resting on poles. 

2. Winter habitation. 

3. Tree. 

4. Winter habitations. 

5. Store-house. 

6. Tree. Between this and the store-house is placed a piece of 

timber, from which are suspended tish for (living'. 

7. Store-house. From 1 to 7 represents an accumulation of 

dwellings, which signifies a settlement, the home of the 
person to whom the history relates. 

8. The hunter sitting on the ground, asking for aid, and mak- 

ing the gesture for supplication. 

9. The Shaman to whom application is made by the hunter 

desiring success in the chase. The Shaman has just fin- 
ished his incantations, and while still retaining his left 
arm in the position for that ceremony, holds the right 
toward the hunter, giving him the success requested. 

10. The Shaman's winter lodge. 

11. Trees. 

12. Summer habitation of the Shaman. 

13. Trees in vicinity of the Shaman's residence. 

B. No. 14. Tree. 

15. A Shaman standing upon his lodge, driving back game 

which had approached a dangerous locality. To this 
Shaman the hunter had also made application for success 
in the chase, but was denied, hence the act of the Shaman. 

16. Deer leaving at the Shaman's order. 

17. Horns of a deer swimming a river. 

18. Young deer, apparently, from the smaller size of the. body 

and unusually long legs. 

C. No. 19. A tree. 

20. The lodge of the hunter (A. S), who, after having been 

granted the request for success, placed his totem upon the 
lodge as a mark of gratification and to insuie greater luck 
in his undertaking. 

21. The hunter in the act of shooting. 
22-23. The game killed, consisting of five deer. 

24. The demon sent out by the Shaman (A. 9) to drive the game 
in the way of the hunter. 
25-28. The demon's assistants. 
The original text above mentioned with interlinear translation, is as 

Nu-niim' cu-a u-xla qa, pi-cu-qi-a kii da ku-lu-ni, ka xa qaluk'. 

Settlement man came, hunting go wanted (to), (and) Shaman (bej 


4 ETH 13 


Ka-xa-qliitn' mi-na-qa lu-qu ta-xli-mu-niik tu-du ia-nfik. Kii xla Ink 

Shaman gave tu hiin five deer. Shaman 

u-qli-ni u n -i-lum' kai-na-nirn' ka-xa-hu pi-gu, i-u-ni 

went to lodge (where), stand- spirits | incantations] devil 

the top (winter habitation) ingoniup made he, 


au-qkua-glu-hu teMtc-lu-gi' te xle men' tun du-ia-gut, tau-na-cuk 

sent to him [the hun- brought to him five deer, same man 

ter] (and) 

pi-xlu-ni' ta-xli-mu-uuk tun-dui'-a-xa-nuk' tu-gu-xli-u-qi. A-xli-lum 

he caught five deer killed. Another 

[secured 1 

Ka xla-qlum' tu-mu-qtcu-gi. 

Shaman not gave them. 

(To whom application had been made previously.) 


Plate LXXXI exhibits drawings of various masks used in dancing, 
the characters of which were obtained by Mr. G. K. Gilbert from rocks 
at Oakley Springs, and were explained to him by Tubi, the chief of the 
Oraibi Pueblos. They probably are in imitation of masks, as used by 
the Moki, Znfii, and Kio Grande Pueblos. 

Many examples of masks, dance ornaments, and fetiches used in 
ceremonies are reported and illustrated in the several papers of Messrs. 
dishing, Holmes, and Stevenson in the Second Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology. Paintings or drawings of many of them have 
been found on pottery, on shells, and on rocks. 

In this connection the following extract from a letter dated Port 
Townseud, Washington, June 1, 1883, from Mr. James G. Swan, will 
be acceptable: "You may remember my calling your attention about 
a year since to the fact that a gentleman who bad been employed on a 
preliminary survey for the Mexican National Construction Company 
had called on me and was astonished at tbe striking similarity betweeu 
the wooden-carved images of the Haida ludians and the terracotta im- 
ages he had found in the railroad excavations in Mexico. 

"I have long entertained the belief that the coast tribes originated 
among the Aztecs, and have made it a subject of careful study for many 
years. 1 received unexpected aid by the plates in Habel's Investiga- 
tions in Central and South America. I have shown them to Indians of 
various coast tribes at various times, and they all recognize certain of 
those pictures. No. 1, Plate 1, represents a priest cutting oft' the head 
of his victim with his stone knife. They lx'cognize this, because they 
always cut off the heads of their enemies slain in battle; they never 
scalp. The bird of the sun is recognized by all who have seen the pic- 
ture as the thunder bird of the coast tribes. But the most singular evi- 
dence I have seen is in Cushing's description of the Zufii Indian, as 
published in the Century Magazine. The Haidas recognize the scenes, 
particularly the masquerade scenes in the February |T883] number, as 
similar to their own tomanawos ceremonies. I have had at least a dozen 







mallkhv .] DANCES AND CEREMONIES. 195 

Haida men and women at one time looking at those pictures and talk 
and explain to each other their meaning. One chief who speaks Eng- 
lish said to me after he had for a long time examined the pictures, 
'Those are our people ; they do as we do. If you wish, I will make you 
just such masks as those in the pictures.' 

"These Indians know nothing, and recognize nothing in the Hebrew 
or Egyptian, the Chinese or Japanese pictures, but when I show them 
any Central or South American scenes, if they do not understand them 
they recognize that they are ' their people.' " 

According to Stephen Powers (in Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol. Ill, p. 140), 
there is at the head of Potter Valley, California, " a singular knoll of red 
earth which the Tatu or Huchnom believe to have furnished the mate- 
rial for the creation of the original coyote-man. They mix this red 
earth into their acorn bread, and employ it for painting their bodies on 
divers mystic occasions." Mr. Powers supposed this to be a ceremonial 
performance, but having found the custom to extend to other tribes he 
was induced to believe the statements of the Indians " that it made the 
bread sweeter and go further." 

See also the mnemonic devices relative to Songs, page 82, and to Tra- 
ditions, page 84 ; also page 237. 

Plate LXXXII represents stone heaps surmounted by buffalo skulls 
found near the junction of the Yellowstone and Missouri Rivers by Prince 
Maximiliau zu Wied, and described in his Eeise in das Innere Nord- 
America. Cobleuz, 1841, II, p. 435. Atlas plate 29. The description 
by him, as translated in the London edition, is as follows : " Erom the 
highest points of this ridge of hills, curious signals are perceived at 
certain distances from one another, consisting of large stones and granite 
blocks, piled up by the Assiniboins, on the summits of each of which are 
placed Buffalo skulls, and which were erected by the Indians, as alleged, 
for the purpose of attracting the Bison herds, and to have a successful 

Thisobjective monument is to be compared with the pictographs above, 
" making buffalo medicine," frequent in the Dakota Winter Couats. 

Descriptions of ceremonies in medicine lodges and in the initiation 
of candidates to secret associations have been published with and with- 
out illustrations. The most striking of these are graphic ceremonial 
charts made by the Indians themselves. Figure 38, on page 3C, is con- 
nected with this subject, as is also No. 7 of Figure 122, page 205. A 
good illustration is to be found in Mis. Eastman's Dahcotah, or Life and 
Legends of the Sioux, page 206. Sketches, with descriptions of draw- 
ings used in the ceremonials of the Zuni and Navajo, have been made 
by Messrs. dishing and Stevenson and Dr. Matthews, but cannot be 
published here. 

Figure Ilia was drawn and interpreted by Naumoff, a Kadiak native, 
in Sau Francisco, California, in 1882. 

It represents the ground plan of a Shaman's lodge with the Shaman 
curing a sick man. 



The following is the explanation : 

No. 1. The entrance to the lodge. 

No. 2. The fire place. 

No. 3. A vertical piece of wood upon which is placed a cross-piece, 
upon each end of which is a lamp. 

No. 4. The musicians seated upon the raised seats furnishing drum- 
ming and music to the movements of the Shaman during his incanta- 

Fi£. Ilia. Shaman's lodge. Alaska. 

tions in exorcising the "evil spirit" supposed to have possession of the 

>'o. 5. Visitors and friends of the afflicted seated around the walls of 
the lodge. 

No. 0. The Shaman represented in making his incantations. 

No. 7. The patient seated upon the floor of the lodge. 

No. 8. Bepresents the Shaman in another stage of the ceremonies, 
driving out of the patient the "evil being." 

No. 9. Another figure of the patient; from his head is seen to issue a 
line connecting it with No. 10. 

No. 10. The "evil spirit" causing the sickness. 

No. 11. The Shaman in the act of driving the " evil being" out of the 
room. In his bauds are sacred objects, his persoual fetish, iu which the 
power lies. 

No. 12. The flying "evil one." 

Nos. 13, 11. Are assistants to the Shaman, stationed at the entrance 
to hit and hasten the departure of the evil being. 


A chart of this character appears to have been seen among the 
natives of New Holland by Mr. James Manning, but not copied or fully 
described in his Notes on the Aborigines of New Holland (Jour, of 
Royal Society, New South Wales, Vol. XVI, p. 167). He mentions it 
in connection with a corrobery or solemn religious ceremony among 
adults, as follows: "It has for its form the most curious painting upon 
a sheet of bark, clone in various colors of red, yellow, and white ochre, 
which is exhibited by the priest." Such objects would be highly im- 
portant for comparison, and their existence beiug known they should 
be sought for. 


Several devices indicating death are presented under other headings 
of this paper. See, for example, page 103 and the illustrations in con- 
nection with the text. 

According to Powers, "A Yokaia widow's style of mourning is pecu- 
liar. In addition to the usual evidences of grief she mingles the ashes 
of her dead husband with pitch, making a white tar or unguent, with 
which she smears a band about 2 inches wide all around the edge of the 
hair (which is previously cut off close to the head), so that at a little 
distance she appears to be wearing a white chaplet." (See Contrib. to 
N. A. Bthnol., Ill, p. 1G(>.) Mr. Horsey reports that mud is used by a 
mourner in the sacred-bag war party among theOsages. Many object- 
ive modes of showing mouruing by styles of paint and markings are 
known, the significance of which are apparent when discovered in 

Figure 112 is copied from a piece of ivory in the museum of the Alaska 
Commercial Company, San Francisco, California, and was interpreted 
by an Alaskan native in San Francisco in 1882. 

No. 1. Is a votive offering or "Shaman stick," erected to the memory 
of one departed. The "bird" carvings are considered typical of "good 
spirits," and the above was erected by the 
remorse-stricken individual, No. 3, who had g* 
killed the person shown in No. 2. 

No. 2. The headless body represents the 
man who was killed. In this respect the 
Ojibwa manner of drawing a person "killed" 
is similar. 

No. 3. The individual who killed No. 2, and fig. 112— Votive offering. Alaska. 
who erected the "grave-post" or "sacred 

stick." The arm is thrown earthward, resembling the Blackfeet aud 
Bakota gesture for " kill." 





The following is the text in Aigahxxamut: 

Nu-na-mu-quk' a-x'1-xik' ai-ba-li to-qgu-qlu gu nii-hu tcuk nac-qui 

Place two quarrel (with) one an- (one) killed him (the large knife took head 

other, othei > (with a) 

qlu-gu,i-no-qtelu-gu; Ka-sa-ha-lik'ua-bou'ca-gu-luka-gu-nu-qua-qlu-hu'. 

oft", laid him down ; Shaman atick bird to set (or place) on the 

(buried) (offering) (wooden) top of (over). 

That portion of the Kauvnya tribe of Indians in Southern California 
known as the Playsanos, or loiclanders, formerly inscribed characters 
upon the gravestones of their dead, relating to the pursuits or good 
qualities of the deceased. Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained several pieces 
or slabs of finely-grained sandstone near Los Angeles, California, during 
the summer of 1884, which had been used for this purpose. Upon these 
were the drawings, in iucised lines, of the Fiu-back whale, with figures 
of men pursuing them with harpoons. Around the etchings were close 
parallel lines with cross lines similar to the drawings made on ivory by 
the southern Iunuit of Alaska. 


Figures 113 and 114 were procured from a native Alaskan by Dr. 
Hoffman in 1882, and explained to him to be drawings made upon 

Drawings similar to these are made on slabs of wood by devoted 

friends, or relatives, to present and perpetuate the good qualities of a 

deceased native. The occupation is usually referred to, 

• *, x as well as articles of importance of which the departed 

0f one was the possessor. 

Figure 113 refers to a hunter, as land animals are 
shown as the chief pursuit. The following is the expla- 
nation of the characters: 

1. The baidarka, or boat, holding two persons; the 
occupants are shown, as are also the paddles, which 
project below the horizontal body of the vessel. 
/Jiff 2. A rack for drying skins and fish. A pole is added 

above it, from which are seen Moating streamers of calico 
or cloth. 
^fff « 3. A fox. 

4. A land otter. 

5. The hunter's summer habitations. These are tem- 
porary dwellings and usually constructed at a distance 
from home. This also indicates the profession of a skiu- 

^p'ost. 13 Alaska 6 hunter, as the permanent lodges, indicated as winter 
houses, i. e., with round or dome-like roof, are located 
near the sea-shore, and summer houses are only needed when at some 
distance from home, where a considerable length of time is spent. 


fourth annual report fl. lksxii! 


7V, . . 




The following is the explanation of Figure 114. It is another design 
for a grave-post, but refers to a fisherman : 

1. The double-seated baidarka, <>r skin canoe. 

2. A bow used in shooting seal and other marine animals. 

3. A seal. 

4. A whale. 
The summer lodge is absent in this, as the fisherman did 

not leave the sea-shore in the pursuit of game on land. *<fs 

Figure 115 is a native drawing of a village and neighbor- 
ing burial-ground, prepared by an Alaskan native in imita- 
tion of originals seen by him among the natives of the 3 
mainland of Alaska, especially the Aigaliiqamut. Carvings 
are generally ou walrus ivory ; sometimes on wooden slats. * 
In the figure, No. 7 is a representation of a grave-post in posi- 
tion, bearing an inscription similar in general character to ^lilsu-. 1 """' 
those in the last two preceding figures. 


Fig. 114. — 

12 3 4 5 6 7 « 

Fig. 115. — Village and burial-grounds. Alaska. 

The details are explained as follows: 

No. 1, 2, 3, 4. Various styles of habitations, representing a settlement. 

5. An elevated structure used for the storage of food. 

6. A box with wrappings, containing the corpse of a child. The 
small lines, with ball attached, are ornamented appendages consisting 
of strips of cloth or skin, with charms, or, sometimes, tassels. 

7. Grave-post, bearing rude illustrations of the weapons or imple- 
ments used by a person during his life. 

8. A grave scaffold, containing adult. Besides the ornamental ap- 
pendages, as in the preceding, there is a " Shaman stick " erected over 
the box containing the corpse as a mark of good wishes of a sorrowing 
survivor. See object No. 1, in Figure 112. 

The following extract from Schoolcraft (Hist. Indian Tribes of the 
United States, 1851, Vol. I, p. 350, Fig. 40) relates to the burial posts 
used by the Sioux and Chippewas. Plate LXXX1II is after the illus- 
tration given by this author in connection with the account quoted : 

Among the Sioux arid Western Chippewas, after the body has been wrapped in its 
best clothes and ornaments, it is then placed ou a scafford, or in a tree, where it re- 
mains until the flesh is entirely decayed ; alter which the bones are buried, and the 
grave-posts fixed. At the head of the grave a tabular piece of cedar, or other wood, 
called the adjedatig, is set. This grave-board contains the symbolic or representative 
figure which records, if it be a wairior, his totem; that is to say, the symbol of his 
family, or surname, and such arithmetical or other devices as serve to denote how 
many times the deceased has been in war parties, and how many scalps he had taken 



from the enemy; two facts from which his reputation is essentially to be derived. It 
is seldom that more is attempted in the way of inscription. Often, however, distin- 
guished chiefs have their war-flag, or, in modern days, a small ensign of American 
fabric, displayed on a standard at the head of their graves, which is left to fly Over 
the deceased till it is wasted by the elements. Scalps of their enemies, feathers of 
the bald and black eagle, the swallow-tailed falcon, or some carnivorous bird, are 
also placed, in such instances, on the adjedatig, or suspended, with offerings of various 
kinds, on a separate staff. But the latter are super-additions of a religious character, 
and belong to the class of tin- ke-ke-wa-o-win-an-tig. The building of a funeral lire 
on recent graves, is also a rite which belongs to the eousideration of their religious 

The following quotations and illustrations are taken from Dr. Ferdi- 
nand von Hochstetter's New Zealand, before cited. That author says 
on page 437 et scq : 

The carved Maori-figures, which are met with on the road, are the memorials of 
chiefs, who, while journeying to the restorative baths of Rotorua, succumbed to their 
ills on the road. Some of the figures are decked out with pieces of clothing or ker- 
chiefs; and the most remarkable feature in them is the close imitation of the tattoo- 


Fie.. 1 16 —New Zealand grave effigy. 

ing of the deceased, by which the Maoris are able to recognize for whom the monu- 
ment has been erected. Certain lines are peculiar to the tribe, others to the family, 
and again others to the individual. A (lose imitation of the tattooing of tin face, 
therefore, is to the Maori the same as to us a photographic likeness; it dors m>t re- 
quire any description of name. 

A representation of one of these carved posts is given in Figure 110. 
Another carved post of like character is represented in Figure 117, 
concerning which the same author says, page 338: 



"Beside my lent, at Tahuahu, on the right bank of the Mangapu, there 
stood an odd half decomposed figure carved of 
wood; it was designated tome by the natives as 
a Tiki, marking the tomb of a chief." 

The same author states, page 4-l\'5: "The dwell- 
ings of the chiefs at Oliineinutu arc surrounded 
with inclosnres of pole-fences ; and the Whares 
and Wharepunis, some of them exhibiting very 
fine specimens of the Maori order of architecture, 
are ornamented with grotesque wood-carvings. 
The annexed wood-cut [here reproduced as Figure 
118] is intended as an illustration of some of them. 
The gable figure, with the lizard having six feet 
and two heads, is very remarkable. The human 
figures are not idols, but are intended to represent 
departed sires of the present generation." 

Fig. 117.— Now Zealand 

Fig. lis.— New Zealand house posta. 


The use of objects as charms and fetiches is well knowu. Their 
graphic representation is not so well understood, although in the at- 
tempted interpretation of pictographs it is to be supposed that objects 



of this character would be pictorially represented. The following is an 
instance where the use in action of a charm or fetich was certainly por- 
1 rayed in a pictograph. 

Figure 119, drawn by the Dakota Indians near Fort Snelling, Minne- 
sota, exhibits the use for a fetichistic purpose of an instrument which is 

Fig. 119.— Hdewatantawan Fcticb. 

usually included among war clubs, though this particular object is more 
adapted to defense than to offense. 

The head of the fetich is a grooved stone hammer of moderate size, 
measuring from an inch and a half to as much as 5 inches in length. 
A withe is tied about the middle of the hammer in the groove provided 
for the purpose, having a handle of from 2 to 4 feet in length. The 
latter is frequently wrapped with buckskin or raw hide to strengthen 
it, as well as for ornamental purposes. Feathers attached bear mne- 
monic marks or designs, indicating marks of distinction, perhaps fetich- 
istic devices not understood. 

These objects are believed to possess the peculiar charm of warding 
off an enemy's missiles when held upright before the body. In the pic- 
tograph made by the Dakota Indian, the manner of holding it, as well 
as the act of shooting an arrow by an enemy, is shown with consider- 
able clearness. The interpretation was explained by the draftsman 

Properties are attributed to this instrument similar to those of the 
small bags prepared by the Shaman, which are carried suspended from 
the neck by means of string or buckskin cords. 

Subject-matter connected with this heading appears in several parts 
of this paper, e. #., Figure 46, on page 141, and the characters for 1824- 
'25 on plate XLII. 


Pictographs in the writer's possession, to be classed under this very 
general heading, in addition to those that are more intimately con- 
nected with other headings, and therefore arranged in other parts of 
this paper, may be divided into those relating to Associations and those 
exhibiting details of daily life and habits. 


It is well known that voluntary associations, generally of a religious 
character, have existed among the Indians, the members of which are 
designated by special paintings and marks entirely distinct from those 
relating to their clan-totems and name-totems. This topic requires too 
minute details to be entered upon in this paper after the space taken 
by other divisions. That it may become a feature in the interpretation 
of pictographs is shown by the following account: 

Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained a copy of drawings on a pipe-stem, 
which had been made and used by Ottawa Indians. Both of the flat 
surfaces bore incisions of figures, which are represented in Figure 120. 
On each side are four spaces, upon each of which are various charac- 
ters, three spaces on one side being reserved for the delineation of 
human figures, each having diverging lines from the head upward, 
denoting their social status as chiefs or warriors and medicine-men. 

Upon the space nearest the mouth is the drawing of a fire, the flames 
passing upward from the horizontal surface beneath them. The blue 
cross-bauds are raised portions of the wood (ash) of which the pipe-stem 
is made; these show peculiarly shaped openings which pass entirely 
through the stem, though not interfering with the tube necessary for 
the passage of the smoke. This indicates considerable mechanical skill. 

Upon each sideof the stem are spaces corresponding in length and posi- 
tion to those upon the opposite side. In the lower space of the stem is 
a drawing of a bear, indicating that the two persons in the corresponding 
space on the opposite side belong to the Bear gens. The next upper 
figure is that of a beaver, showing the three human figures to belong to 
the Beaver gens, while the next to this, the eagle, indicates the oppo- 
site persons to be members of the Eagle gens. The upper figure is that 
of a lodge, the lodge containing a council fire, shown on the opposite 



' ! 


Fio. 120.— Ottawa pipe stem. 




The signification of the whole is that two members of the Bear gens, 
three members of the Beaver gens, and three members of the Eagle 
geus have united and constitute a society living in one lodge, around 
one fire, and smoke through the same pipe. 


Examples of daily life and habits are given in Figures 121 and 122 : 
Figure 121 represents an Alaskan native in the water killing a wal- 
rus. The illustration was obtained from a slab of walrus ivory in the 
museum of the Alaska Commercial Com- 
pany, of San Francisco, California, and 
interpreted by a native. 

The carving, Figure 122, made of a 
piece of walrus tusk, was copied from 
the original in the museum of the Alaska 
Commercial Company, San Francisco," 

California, during the summer of 1882. Interpretations were verified 
by Naumoff, a Kadiak half-breed, in San Francisco at the time. The 
special purport of some of the characters and etchings is not apparent. 

Fig. 121.— Walrus lumtor. Alaska. 


; 8 10 11 12 13 

Fig. 122. — Ivory carving with records. Ala- ka. 

In No. 1 is a native whose left hand is resting against the house, 
while the right hangs toward the ground. The character to his right 
represents a ''Shaman stick" surmounted by the emblem of a bird, a 
'•good spirit," in memory of some departed friend. It was suggested 
that the grave stick had been erected to the memory of his wife. 

No. 2. Represents a reindeer, but the special import in this drawing- 
is unknown. 

No. 3. Signifies that one man, the recorder, shot and killed another 
with an arrow. 


No. 4. Denotes that the narrator has made trading expeditious with 
a dog-sledge. 

No. 5. Is a sailboat, although the elevated paddle signifies that that 
was the manner in which the voyage was best made. 

No. 6. A dog-sled, with the animal hitched up for a journey. The 
radiating lines in the upper left hand corner, over the head of the man, 
is a representation of the sun. 

No. 7. A sacred lodge. The four figures at the outer corners of the 
square represent the young men placed on guard, armed with bows and 
arrows, to keep away those not members of the band, who are depicted 
as holding a dance. The small square in the center of the lodge rep- 
resents the fire-place. The angular lines extending from the right side 
of the lodge to the vertical partition line are an outline of the sub- 
terranean eutrance to the lodge. 

No. 8. A pine tree, upon which a porcupine is crawling upward. 

No. 9. A pine tree, from which a bird (woodpecker) is extracting 
larva? for food. 

No. 10. A bear. 

No. 11. The recorder in his boat, holding aloft his double-bladed 
paddle to drive fish into a net. 

No. 12. An assistant fisherman driving fish into the net. 

No. 13. The net. 

The figure over the man (No. 12) represents a whale, with harpoon 
and line attached, caught by the narrator. 

It will be understood that all personal customs, such, for instance, as 
the peculiar arrangement of hair in any tribe, are embodied in their 
pictorial designation by other tribes and perhaps by themselves. See 
in this connection, page 230. 

Among the many customs susceptible of graphic portrayal which do 
not happen to be illustrated in this paper, an example may be given in 
the mode in several tribes (e. g., Apache, Muskoki, Dakota and Miztec, 
of punishing the infidelity of wives, namely, by cutting oft' the nose. 
The picture of a noseless woman would, therefore, when made by those 
tribes, have distinct meaning. The unfaithful wife mentioned on page 
134 is drawn with a nose, but in her case the greater punishment of 
death was inflicted. 


It is very difficult, if not impossible, to distinguish in pictographs, or, 

indeed, orally, between historical and traditional accounts obtained 

from Indians, so that this heading may be connected with one before 

. presented, having relation to Traditions as mnemonically pictured. See 

page 84. 

The Walum-Olum, or Bark Record of the Leuni Leu ape, before men- 
tioned, as also some of Schoolcraft's pictographic illustrations, may be, in 
accordance with the judgment of the reader, more or less properly con- 
nected with history. The Dakota Winter Counts, including the Corbu- 
sier Winter Counts, in the present paper, while having their chief value 
as calendars, contain some material that is absolute and veritable tribal 
history, though seldom of more than local and transient interest. An 
example from Battiste Good's count for the year 1862-'G3, is given in 
addition, explaining the origin of the title "Brule" Dakota. 

He calls the year " The-people-were-burnt winter," and adds: 

They were living somewhere east of their present country, when a 
prairie Are destroyed their entire village. Many of their children and 

Fig. 123. — OrigiD iif Braid. Dakota. 


a man and his wife, who were on foot some distance away from the vil- 
lage, were burned to death. Many of their horses were also burned to 
death. All the people that could get to a long lake which was near by 
saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of these were badly 
burued about the thighs and legs, and this circumstance gave rise to 
the name, si-can gu, translated as Burnt Thigh, and Brule, by which 
they have since been known. Battiste Good's character for the year is 
here given as Figure 123. 

This is of later date than the mythical times, even among Indians, 
and, being veriiied as it is, must be accepted as historical. 



The pictographs under this head that have come to the writer's notice 
have been grouped as, First, a continuous account of the chief events in 
the life of the subject of the sketch; Second, separate accouuts of some 
particular exploit or event in the life of the person referred to. Picto- 
graphs of both of these descriptions are very common. 


An example of a continuous record is the following "autobiography" 
of Running-Antelope : 

The accompanying illustrations, Figures 1-4 to 134 are copied from a 
record of eleven drawings prepared by Running- Antelope, chief of the 

Fig. 124— Killed an Arikara. 

Qncpapa Dakota, at Grand River, Dakota, in 1873. The sketches were 
painted in a large drawing-hook by means of water colors, and were made 
for Dr. W. J. Hoffman, to whom the following interpretations were given 
by the artist : 

The record comprises the most important events in the life of Run- 
ning-Antelope as a warrior. Although frequently more than one per- 



son is represented as slain, it is not to be inferred that all were killed 
in one day, but during the duration of one expedition, of which the re- 
corder was a member or chief. The bird (Falco cooperi t ) upon the shield 

Fig. 125. — Shot and scalped an Arikara. 

refers to the clan or band totem, while the antelope drawn beneath the 
horses, in the act of running, signifies the personal name. 

Figure 124. Killed two Arikara Indians in one day. The lance held 
in the hand, thrusting at the foremost of the enemy, signifies that he 

FIG. 126.— Shot an Arilsara. 

killed the person with that weapon ; the left-hand figure was shot, as 
is shown, by the discharging gun, and afterwards struck with the lance. 
This occurred in 1S53. 
4 eth 14 



Figure 125. Shot and scalped an Arikara Indian in 1853. It appears 
that the Arikara attempted to inform Running-Antelope of his being 
unarmed, as the right hand is thrown outward with distended fingers, 
in imitation of making the gesture for negation, having nothing. 

Fig. 127. — Killed two warriors. 

Figure 126. Shot and killed an Arikara in 1853. 
Figure 127. Killed two warriors on one day in 1854. 

Fig. 128. — Killed ten men and three women. 

Figure 128. Killed ten men and three squaws in 1850. The grouping 
of persons strongly resembles the ancient Egyptian method of drawing. 




Figure 129. Killed two Arikara chiefs in 1856. Their rank is shown by 
the appendages to the sleeves, which consist of white weasel skins. The 
arrow in the left thigh of the recorder shows that he was wounded. The 

Fig. 129. —Killed two chiefs. 

scars are still distinct upon the person of Running-Antelope, showing 
that the arrow passed through the thigh. 

Fig. 130.— Killed one Arikara. 

Figure 130. Killed one Arikara in 1857. Striking the enemy with a 
bow is considered the greatest insult that can be offered to another. 



The act of so doing also entitles the warrior to count one coup when 
relating' his exploits in the council chamber. 

Figure 131. Killed an Arikara in 1859 and captured a horse. 

Fig. 131.— Killed one Arikara. 

Figure 132. Killed two Arikara hunters in 1859. Both were shot, as 
is indicated by the figure of a gun in contact with each Indian. The 
cluster of lines drawn across the body of each victim represents the 

Fig. 132.— Killed tiro Arikara hunters. 

discharge of the gun, and shows where the ball took effect. The up- 
per one of the two figures was in the act of shooting an arrow when he 
was killed. 




Figure 133. Killed five Arikara in one day in 1863. The dotted line 
indicates the trail which Running-Antelope followed, and when the 
Indians discovered that they were pursued, they took shelter in an iso- 

FlG. 133.— Killed five Arikara. 

lated copse of shrubbery, where they were killed at leisure. The five 
guns within the iuclosure represent the five persons armed. 
Figure 134. An Arikara killed iu 1805. 

Fig. 134 Killed an Arikara. 

The Arikara are delineated in the above, in nearly all instances, wear- 
ing the top-knot of hair, a custom similar to that rjracticed by the Absa- 


roka, though as the latter were the most inveterate enemies of the 
Sioux, aud as the word Pallani for Arikara is applied to all enemies, 
the Crow custom may have been depicted as a generic mark. The 
practice of painting the forehead red, also an Absaroka custom, serves 
to distinguish the pictures as individuals of one of the two tribes. 


A record on ivory shown as Figure 135, was obtained by Dr. W. J. 
Hoffman in San Francisco, California, iu 1882, and was interpreted to 
him by an Alaskan native. The story represents the success of a hunt; 
the animals desired are shown, as well as those which were secured. 

.-«■» ^~ir****i#^r^r^0«* jft triflj^ jgjgf 

10 11 12 13 14 15 10 17 18 19 20 21 

Fig. 135. — Record of hunt. Alaska. 

The following is the explanation of the characters : 
1, 2. Deer. 

3. Porcupine. 

4. Winter, or permanent, habitation. The cross-piece resting upon 
two vertical poles constitutes the rack, used for drying fish. 

5. One of the natives occupying the same lodge with the recorder. 

6. The hunter whose exploits are narrated. 

7. 8, 9. Beavers. 
10-14. Martens. 

15. A weasel, according to the interpretation, although there are no 
specific characters to identify it as different from the preceding. 

16. Land otter. . 19. A walrus. 

17. A bear. 20. A seal. 

18. A fox. 21. A wolf. 

By reference to the illustration it will be observed that all the 
animals secured are turned toward the house of the speaker, while the 
heads of those animals desired, but not captured, are turned away from 

The following is the text iu the Kiatexamut dialect of the Innuit lau- 



guage as dictated by the Alaskan, with bis own literal translation into 
English : 

Hui-mi-na-gahui-pu-qtu-api-cu-qu -lu-amus' -qu-li qnut. Pa mu qtu-llt' 

I, (front) my place. I went bunting (for) skins. martens 

(settlement.) (animals) 

ta-qi-men, a-mi-da-duk' a-xla-luk', a -qui-a-muk pi qii-a a-xla-luk' ; ku-qii- 

tive, weasel one, land otter caught one ; 

lu-hfi-nu-miik'a-xla-luk'jtuii'-du-inuktu-gu-qli-u-gunie-lu-ga-nuk'jP^ Ink 

wolf one, deer (I) killed two, bearer 

pi-nai-u-uuk, nu-nuk pit'-qu-ni, ma klak-inuk' pit'-qu-ni, a-cia-na muk 

three, porcupine (I) caught none, seal (I) caught none, walrus 

pit'-qu-ni, ua-qi-la-muk pit'-qu-ni, ta-gd-xa-muk pit'-qu-ni. 

(I) caught none, fox (I) caught none, bear (I) caught none. 

The following narrative of personal exploit was given to Dr. W. J. 
Hoffman by "Pete," a Shoshoni chief, during a visit of the latter to 
Washington, iu 1880. The sketch, Figure 130, was drawn by the nar- 
rator, and the following explanation of characters will be sufficient in- 
terpretation to render the figures intelligible. 



Fig. 136. — Shoshoni horse raid. 

a. Pete, a Shoshoni chief. 

b. A Nez Perces Indian, one of the party from whom the horses were 
stampeded, and who wounded Pete iu the side with an arrow. 

c. Hoof marks, showing course of stampede. 

d. Lance, which was captured from the Nez Perces. 

e. e, e. Saddles captured. 
/. Bridle captured. 

g. Lariat captured. 

h. Saddle-blanket captured. 



i. Body-blanket captured. 
j. Pair of leggings captured. 

k. Three single legs of leggings captured. 

Figure 137, copied from Schoolcraft, IV, p. 253, PI. 32, is taken from the 
shoulder-blade of a buffalo, found on the plaius in the Comanche country 
of Texas. No. 5 is a symbol showing the strife for the buffalo existing 
between the Indian and white races. The Indian (1), presented on 

Fig. 137. — Comanche drawing on shoulder-blade. 

horseback, protected by his ornamented shield and armed with a lance, 
kills a Spaniard (3), the latter being armed with a gun, after a circui- 
tous chase (6). His companion (4), armed with a lance, shares the same 

Figure 138 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the 
year 1853-'54. 




He calls the year Cross-Bear died-on the-hunt winter. 

The "travail" means, they moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the 
bear with mouth open and paw advanced, cross-bear. The involute 
character frequently repeated in Battiste's record sig- 
nifies pain in the stomach and intestines, resulting in jjjp^ 
death. In this group of characters there is not only ^w^^0 
the brief story, an obituary notice, but an ideographic 
mark for a particular kind of death, a noticeable uame- 
totem, and a presentation of the Indian mode of trans 

The word "travail" appearing above, as given by F n' '? 8 T C th 8 * 
the interpreter, requires explanation. It refers to the 
peculiar sledge which is used by many tribes of Indians for the purpose 
of transportation. It is used on the surface of the ground when not 
covered with snow, even more than when snow prevails. The word is 
more generally found in print in the plural, where it is spelled "tra- 
vaux" and sometimes "travois." 

The etymology of this word, which has not yet been found in any In- 
dian language, has been the subject of considerable discussion. The 
present writer considers it to be oue of the class of words which de- 
scended in corrupted form from the language of the Canadian voy- 
ageurs, and that it was originally the French word "traineau," with its 
meaning of sledge. 

Figure 139 is taken from a roll of birch bark obtained from the Ojibwa 
Indians at Ked Lake, Minnesota, in 1882, known to be more than sev- 
enty years old. The interpretation was given by an Indian from that 
reservation, although he did not know the author nor the history of 
the record. With one exception, all of the characters were understood 
and interpreted to Dr. Hoffman, in 18S3 by Ottawa Indians at Harbor 
Springs, Michigan. This tribe at one time habitually used similar 
methods of recording historic and mythologic data. 

No. 1. Represents the person who visited a country supposed to have 
been near one of the great lakes. He has a scalp in his hand which he 
obtained from the head of an enemy, after having killed him. The line 
from the head to the small circle denotes the name of the person, and 
the line from the mouth to the same circle signifies (in the Dakota 
method), "That is it," having reference to proper names. 

No. 2. The person killed. He was a man who held a position of some 
cousequence in his tribe, as is iudicated by the horns, marks used by 
the Ojibwas among themselves for Shaman, "Wabeno, etc. It has been 
suggested that the object held in the hand of this figure is a rattle, 
though the Indians, to whom the record was submitted for examina- 
tion, are in doubt, the character being indistinct. 

No. 3. Three disks connected by short lines signify, in the present 
instance, three nights, i. e., three black suns. Three days from home 



was the distance the person in No. 1 traveled to reach the country for 
which started. 

No. 4. Bepresents a shell, and denotes the primary object of the 
journey. Shells were needed for making ornaments aud to trade. 

Fig. 139.— Bark record from Red Lake, Minnesota. 

No. 5. Two parallel lines are here iuserted to mark the eud of the 
present record and the beginning of another. 


The number of instances in this paper in which the picture has been 
expressive of an idea, and not a mere portraiture of an object, and has 
amounted sometimes to a graphic representation of an abstract idea, 
is so great as to render cross-references superfluous. As examples, 
attention may be invited to Figure 72, page 1GG, for the idea of "voice," 
Figure 179, page 241, for that of " war," and the Corbusier winter counts 
for the year 1870-'77— No. I, page 14G, for that of "support." In ad- 
dition to them, however, for convenience of grouping under this special 
heading, the following illustrations (some of which would as properly 
appear under the head of Conventionalizing) are presented. 


Fir.. 140.- 
for pipe, 



Figure 140 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good, and is 
drawn to represent the sign for pipe, which it is intended to signify. 
The sign is made by placing the right hand near the up- 
per portion of the breast, the left farther forward, and 
both held so that the index and thumb approximate a 
circle, as if holding a pipe-stem. The remaining fingers 
are closed. 

The point of interest in this character is that instead 
of drawing a pipe the artist drew a human figure making 
the sign for pipe, showing the intimate connection be- 
tween gesture-signs and pictographs. The pipe, in this instance, was 
the symbol of peace. 

Figure 141, taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year 
1703-04, signifies plenty of buffalo meat. 

The forked stick being one of the supports of a drying- 
pole or scaffold, indicates meat. The circle may repre- 
sent a pit or " cache" in which buffalo meat was placed 
during the winter of 1703-04, or it may mean "heap" — 
i. e., large quantity, buffalo having been very plentiful 
that year. The buffalo head denotes the kind of meat 
stored. This is an abbreviated form of the device im- 
mediately following, and being fully understood affords a 
suggestive comparison with some Egyptian hieroglyphs 
and Chinese letters, both in their full pictographic origin and in their 


Fig. 141.— Plenty 
Butfalo meat. 



Figure 142 is taken from the same count for the year 1745-'46, in 
■winch the drying-pole is supported by two forked sticks or poles, only 
one of which, without the drying-pole, was indicated in 
the preceding figure, which is an abbreviated or conven- 
tionalized form of the objective representation in the pre- 
present figure, viz., a scaffold or pole upon which buffalo 
meat was placed for drying. Buffalo were very plentiful 
during the winter of 1745-'46, and the kind of meat is de- 
noted by the buffalo head placed above the pole, from 
which meat appears suspended. 
Figure 143 is taken from Prince Maximilian's Travels, op. cit. p. 352. 
The cross signifies, I will barter or trade. Three animals are drawn on 
the right hand of the cross ; one is a buffalo (probably albino); the two 
others, a weasel (Mustela Canadensis) and an otter. The pictographer 

Fig. 142.— 
Plenty Buffalo 
meat. Dakota. 






■•** * 

Fig. 143.— Pictograph for trade. Dakota. 

offers in exchange for the skins of these animals the articles which he 
has drawn on the left side of the cross. He has there, in the first place, 
depicted a beaver very plainly, behind which there is a gun ; to the left 
of the. beaver are thirty strokes, each ten separated by a longer line; 
this means: I will give thirty beaver skins and a gun 
^> for the skins of the three animals on the right hand 

I I tif the cross. 

The ideographic character of the design consists in 
the use of the cross — being a draw ing of the gesture-sign 
for "trade" — the arms being in position interchanged. 
Of the two things each one is put in the place before 
occupied by the other thing — the idea of exchange. 

Figure 144, from the record of Battiste Good for 
the year 1720-'21, siguifies starvation, denoted by the 
bare ribs. 

This design survives among the Ottawa and Potta- 
watomi Indians of Northern Michigan, but among the 
latter a single line only is drawn across the breast, 
shown in Figure. 145. This corresponds, also, with one of the gesture- 
signs for the same idea. 

Fig. 144— Starvation. 



Figure 146, from the record of Battiste Good for the year 1826-27, signi- 
fies "pain." He calls the year "Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter,'" and ex- 
plains that six Dakotas, on the war path, had nearly perished with hun- 
ger when they found and ate the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on 
which the wolves had been feeding. Thev were seized soon after with 

Fig. 145.— Starvation. Ottawa 
and l'ottawatomi. 

FIG. 146.— Pain. Died of 
"whistle." Dakota. 

pains in the stomach, their bellies swelled, aud gas poured from the 
mouth and the anus, and they died of a whistle, or from eating a whistle. 
The sound of gas escaping from the mouth is illustrated in the figure. 
The character on the abdomen and on its right may be considered to be 
the ideograph for pain in that part of the body. 


The writer has, in a former publication, suggested the distinction to 
be made between a pictorial sign, an emblem, and a symbol; but it is 
not easy to preserve the discrimination iu reference to ideographic char- 
acters which have often become conventionalized. To partly express 
the distinction, nearly all of the characters in the Dakota Winter Counts 
are regarded as pictorial signs, and the class represented by tribal signs, 
personal insignia, etc., is considered to belong to the category of em- 
blems. There is uo doubt, however, that true symbols exist among the 
Indians, as they must exist to some extent among all peoples not devoid 
of poetic imagination. Some of them are shown iu this paper. The 
pipe is generally a symbol of peace, although in certain positions and 
connections it sometimes signifies preparation for war, and again sub- 
sequent victory. The hatchet is a common symbol for war, aud closed 
hands or approaching palms denote friendship. The tortoise has been 
clearly used as a symbol for land, and many other examples can be 
admitted. If Schoolcraft is to be taken as uncoutroverted authority, 
the symbolism of the Ojibwa rivalled that of the Egyptians, and the 
recent unpublished accounts of the Zulu, Moki, and Navajo before men- 
tioned indicate the frequent employment of symbolic devices by those 
tribes which are notably devoted to mystic ceremonies. Nevertheless, 


the writer's personal experience is, that often when he has at first sup- 
posed a character to be a genuine symbol it has resulted, with better 
means of understanding, in being not even an ideograph but a mere 
objective representation. In this connection, the remarks on the circle 
on page 107, and those on Figure 200, on page 246, may be in point. 

Another case for consideration occurs. The impression, real or rep- 
resented, of a human hand is used in several regions in the world with 
symbolic significance. For instance, in Jerusalem a rough representa- 
tion of a hand is reported by Lieutenant Couder (Palestine Exploration 
Fund, January, 1873, p. 10) to be marked on the wall of every house 
whilst in building by the native races. Some authorities connect it 
with the five names of God, and it is generally considered to avert the 
evil eye. The Moors generally, and especially the Arabs in Kairwan, 
employ the marks on their houses as prophylactics. Similar hand 
prints are fouud in the ruins of El Baird, near Petra. Some of the 
quaint symbolism connected with horns is supposed to originate from 
such hand marks. Among the North American Indians the mark so 
readily applied is of frequent occurrence, an instance, with its ascer- 
tained significance, being given on page 187, supra. 

It has been recently ascertained that the figure of a hand, with ex- 
tended fingers, is very common in the vicinity of ruins in Arizona as a 
rock-etching, and is also frequently seen daubed on the rocks with col- 
ored pigments or white clay. This coincidence would seem at first to 
assure symbolic significance, and possibly to connect the symbolism of 
the two hemispheres. But Mr. Thomas V. Keam explains the Arizona 
etchings of hands, on the authority of the living Moki, as follows: 

" These are vestiges of the test formerly practiced among young men 
who aspired for admission to the fraternity of Salyko. The Salyko is a 
trinity of two women and a woman from whom the Hopitus [Moki] first 
obtained corn. Only those were chosen as novices, the imprints of 
whose hands had dried on the instant." 

While the subject-matter is, therefore, ceremonial, there is absolutely 
no symbolism connected with it. The etchings either simply perpetu- 
ate the marks made in the several tests or imitate them. 

In the present stage of the study no more can be suggested than that 
symbolic interpretations should be accepted with caution. 

With regard to the symbolic use of material objects, which would 
probably be extended into graphic portrayal, the following remarks 
may be given: 

The Prince of Wied mentions (op. tit., Vol. I, p. 241) that in the Sac 
and Fox tribes the rattle of a rattlesnake attached to the end of the 
feather worn on the head signifies a good horse stealer. The stealthy 
approach of the serpent, accompanied with latent power, is here clearly 

Mr. Schoolcraft says of the Dakotas that "some of the chiefs had the 
skins of skunks tied to their heels to symbolize that they never ran, as 


that animal is noted for its slow and self-possessed movements." See 
Personal Memoirs of a Residence of Thirty Years with the Indian 
Tribes on the American Frontier, etc., Philadelphia, 1851, p. 214. 

This is one of the many customs to be remembered in the attempted 
interpretations of pictographs. The present writer does not know that 
a skunk skin, or a strip of skin which might be supposed to be a skunk 
skin, attached to a human heel, has ever been used pictorially as the 
ideograph of courage or steadfastness, but with the knowledge of this 
objective use of the skins, if they were found so represented pictorially, 
as might well be expected, the interpretation would be suggested, 
without any direct explanation from Indians. 


The first point in the examination of a pictograph is to determine by 
what body of people it was made. This is not only because the marks 
or devices made by the artists of one tribe, or perhaps of one linguistic 
stock if not disintegrated into separated divisions distant from each 
other, may have a different significance from figures virtually tho same 

Fig. 147.— Algonkian petroglyph. Hillsborough, Pennsylvania. 

produced by another tribe or stock, but because the value of the record 
is greatly enhanced when the recorders are known. In arriving at the 
identification mentioned it is advisable to study : 1st. The general style 
or type. 2d. The presence of characteristic objects. 3d. The apparent 




subject-matter. 4th. The localities with reference to the kuown habi- 
tat of tribes. 


Although the collection of pictographs, particularly of petroglyphs, is 
uot complete, and their study, therefore, is only commenced, it is possi- 
ble to present some of the varieties in general style and type. 

Figure 147 is presented asa type of the Eastern Algonkian pictographs. 
It was copied by Messrs. J. Sutton Wall and William Arison, in 1882, 
from a rock opposite Millsborough, in Fayette County, Pennsylvania, 
and is mentioned on page 20, supra, in connection with the local distri- 
bution of petroglyphs. The locality is within the area once occupied 
by the tribes of the Algonkian linguistic family, and there is apparent 
a general similarity to the well-known Dighton Rock inscription. 

Mr. J. Sutton Wall, of Monongahela City, Pennsylvania, who has 
kindly furnished the drawing of the etchings, states that the outlines of 
figures are formed by grooves carved or cut in the rock from an inch to 
a mere trace in depth. The footprints are carved depressions. The 
character marked Z (near the lower left-hand corner) is a circular cavity 
7 inches deep. The rock is sandstone, of the Waynesburg series. 

Mr. Wall has also contributed a copy ot the " Hamilton Picture Rock," 



> r <- # 

'• K I 



Fig. 148. — Algonkiau petroglypb. Hamilton Farm, West Virginia. 

of which Figure 148 is an illustration. The etchings are on a sand- 
stone rock, on the Hamilton farm, G miles southeast from Morgantown, 
West Virginia. The turnpike passes over the south edge of the rock. 
4 eth 15 


Mr. Wall furnishes the following interpretation of the figures: 

A. Outline of a turkey. 

B. Outline of a panther. 

C. Outline of a rattlesnake. 

D. Outline of a human form. 

E. A '-spiral or volute." 

F. Impression of a horse foot. 

G. Impression of a human foot. 

H. Outline of the top portion of a tree or branch. 

I. Impression of a human hand. 

J. Impression of a bear's forefoot, but lacks the proper number of toe 

K. Impression of two turkey tracks. 

L. Has some appearance of a hare or rabbit, but lacks the correspond- 
ing length of ears. 

M. Impression of a bear's hindfoot, but lacks the proper number of 
toe marks. 

N. Outline of infant human form, with two arrows in the right baud. 

O, P. Two cup-shaped depressions. 

(}. Outline of the hind part of an animal. 

It. Might be taken to represent the impression of a. horse's foot were 
it not for the line bisecting the outer curved line. 

S. Represent buffalo and deer tracks. 

The turkey A. the rattlesnake U, the rabbit L, and the "footprints" 
,1, M, and Q, are specially noticeable as typical characters in Algonkian 

Mr. P. W. Sheafer furnishes in his Histoiical Map of Pennsylvania, 

^ (I » U 

v) )ir-$ 


k^^n *"}/-— -k tin? 



Fig. 149.— Algoukiau pefcroglypb. SatV Harbor, Pennsylvania. 

Philadelphia, 1875, a sketch of a pictograph on the Susquehanna River, 
Pennsylvania, below the dam at Safe Harbor, part of which is repro- 


duced iu Figure 149. This appears to be purely Algonkian, and has more 
resemblance to Ojibwa characters thau any other petroglyph yet noted 
from the Eastern United States. 

The best type of Western Algonkian petroglyphs known to the writer 
is reported as discovered by members of the party of Capt. William A. 
Jones, United States Army, in 1873, and published in his report on 
Northwestern Wyoming, including the Yellowstone National Park, 
Washington, 1875, p. 207, et seq., Fig. 50, reproduced in this paper by 

FlG. 150.— Aljionkiaii petroglyph. Wyoming. 

Figure 150, in which the greater number of the characters are shown 
about one-fifth of their size. 
An abstract of his description is as follows: 

* * Upon a nearly vertical wall of the yellow sandstones just, back of Murphy's 
ranch, a number of rude figures had been chiseled, apparently at a period not very re- 
cent, as they had become much worn. * ' * * No certain cine to the connected mean- 
ing of this record was obtained, although Piuatsi attempted to explain it when the 
sketch was shown to him some days later by Mr. F. W. Bond, who copied the inscrip- 
tions from the rocks. The figure on the left, in the upper row, somewhat resembles 
the design commonly used to represent a shield, with the greater part of the orna- 
mental fringe omitted, perhaps worn away in the Inscription. We shall possibly be 
justified in regarding the whole as an attempt to record the particulars of a fight or 
battle which once occurred in this neighborhood. 1'inatsi's remarks conveyed the 
idea to Mr. Bond that he understood the figure [the second in the upper liuej to sig- 
nify cavalry, and the six figures L three iu the middle of the upper line, as also the three 
to the left of the lower line,] to mean infantry, but he did not appear to recognize the 
hieroglyphs as the copy of any record with which he was familiar. 

Several years ago Dr. W. J. Hoffman showed these (as well as other 
pictographs from the same locality) to several prominent Shoshoni In- 
dians from near that locality, who at once pronounced them the work 
of the Pawkees (Satsika, or Blackfeet), who formerly occupied that 
country. The general resemblance of many of the drawings from this 
area of country is similar to many of the Eastern Algonkin records. 
The Satsika are part of the great Algonkian stock. 

Throughout the Wind River country of Wyoming many pictographic 
records have been found, and others reported by the Shoshoni Indians. 
These are said, by the latter, to be the work of the " Pawkees," as they 
call the Blackfeet, or more properly Satsika, and the general style of 



many of the figures bears strong resemblance to similar carvings found 
in the eastern portion of the United States, in regions known to have 
been occupied by other tribes of the same linguistic stock, viz., the A 1 

The four specimens of Algonkian petroglyphs presented above in 
Figures 147-150 show gradations in type. In connection with them 
reference may be made to the Ojibwa bark record, Figure 139, page 218; 
the Ojibwa grave posts, Plate LXXXIII; the Ottawa pipe-stem, Fig- 
ure 120, page 204, in this paper; and to Schoolcraft's numerous Ojibwa 
pictographs; and they may be contrasted with the many Dakota and 
Inuuit drawings in this paper. 

Mr. G. K. Gilbert bas furnished a small collection of drawings "of Sbo- 
shoniau petroglyphs, from Oneida, Idaho, shown in Figure 151. Someof 

& @ ® S> 

I h-. 151. — Shoshonian petroglyph. Idaho 

them appear to be totemic characters, and to record the names of visit- 
ors to the locality. 

Five miles northwest from this locality, and one-half mile east from 
Marsh Creek, is another group of characters, on basalt bowlders, appar- 
ently totemic, and by Shoshoni. A copy of these, also contributed by 
Mr. Gilbert, is given in Figure 152. 

All of these drawings resemble the petroglyphs found at Partridge 
Creek, northern Arizona, and in Temple Creek Cafiou, southeastern 
Utah, mentioned ante, pages 30 aud 2G respectively. 




Mr. I. C. Russell, of the United States Geological Survey, has fur- 
nished drawings of rude pictographs at Black Rock Spring, Utah, repre- 
sented in Figure 153. Some of the 
other characters not represented in 
the figure consist of several horizon- 
tal lines, placed one above another, 
above which are a number of spots, 
the whole appearing like a numeri- 
cal record having reference to the 
figure alongside, which resembles, 
to a slight extent, a melon with tor- 
tuous 'vines and steins. The left- 
hand upper figure suggests the 
masks shown on Plate LXXXI. 

Mr. Gilbert Thompson, of the 
United States Geological Survey, 
has discovered pictographs at Fool 
Creek Canon, Utah, shown in Fig- 
ure 154, which strongly resemble 
those still made by the Moki of Ari- 
zona. Several characters are ident- 
ical with those last mentioned, and 
represent human figures, one of 
which is drawn to represent a man, 
shown by a cross, the upper arm of 
which is attached to the perinseum. 

These are all drawn in red color and were executed at three different 
periods. Other neighboring pictographs are pecked and unpainted, 
while others are both pecked and painted. 

Both of these pictographs from Utah may be compared with the Moki 
pictographs from Oakley Springs, Arizona, copied in Figure 1, page 30. 

Dr. G. W. Barnes, of San Diego, California, has kindly furnished 
sketches of pictographs prepared for him by Mrs. F. A. Kimball, of 
National City, California, which were copied from records 25 miles north- 
east of the former city. Mauy of them found upon the faces of large 
rocks are almost obliterated, though sufficient remains to permit trac- 
ing. The only color used appears to be red ocher. Many of the char- 
acters, as noticed upon the drawings, closely resemble those in New 
Mexico, at Ojo de Benado, south of Zufii, and in the canon leading 
from the canon at Stewart's ranch, to the Kanab (reek Canon, Utah. 
This is an indication of the habitat of the Shoshouian stock apart from 
the linguistic evidence with which it agrees. 

The power of determining the authorship of pictographs made ou 
materials other than rocks, by means of their general style and type, 

Flu. 1.". 

-Skushuuiau petroglyph. -l*laho. 



can be estimated by a comparison of those of the Ojibwa, Dakota, 
Haida, and Innuit of Alaska presented in various parts of this paper. 

Fig. 153. — Sboahouian petroglyph. Utah. 


With regard to the study of the individual characters themselves to 
identify the delineators of pictographs, the various considerations of 

fauna, religion, customs, tribal signs, indeed, 
most of the headings of this paper will be ap- 
plicable. 1 1 is impracticable now to give fur- 
ther details in this immediate connection, 
except to add to similar particulars before 
presented the following notes with regard to 
the arrangement of hair and display of paint 
in identification. 

A custom obtains among the Absaroka, 
■which, when depicted in pictographs, as is 
frequently done, serves greatly to facilitate 
identification of the principal actors in events 
recorded. This consists in wearing false hair, 
attached to the back of the head and allowed 
a^t^ to hang down over the back. Horse hair, 

P taken from the tail, is arranged in .S or 10 

Fig. 154. — Skoshoniaii rock-painting. .1 , 1 , ,, . . ~ ■, 

Utah strands, each about as thick as a linger, and 


laid parallel with spaces between them of the width of a single strand. 
Pine gum is then mixed with red ocher, or vermilion, when the indi- 
vidual can afford the expense, and by means of other hair, or fibers of 
any kind laid cross-wise, the strands are secured, and around each in- 
tersection of hair a ball of gum is plastered to hold it in place. About 
4 inches further down, a similar row of gum balls and cross strings are 
placed, and so on down to the end. The top of the tail ornament is 
then secured to the hair on the back of the head. The Indians fre- 
quently incorporate the false hair with their own so as to lengthen the 
latter without any marked evidence of the deception. Nevertheless 
the transverse fastenings with their gum attachments are present. The 
Arikara have adopted this custom of late, and they have obtained it 
from the Hidatsa, who, in turn, learned it of the Absaroka. 

In picture-writing this is shown upon the figure of a man by the 
presence of parallel lines drawn downward from the back of the head, 
with cross lines, the whole appearing like small squares or a piece of ret. 

Dr. George Gibbs mentions a pietograph made by one of the North- 
western tribes (of Oregon and Washington) upon which '-the figure 
of a man, with a long queue, or scalp-lock, reached to his heels, de- 
noted a Shoshonee, that tribe being in the habit of braiding horse- or 
other hair into their own in that manner." See Contrib. to N. A. 
Ethnol., Vol. I, p. 222. 

This may have reference to the Shoshoni Indians among the extreme 
Northwestern tribes, but it can by no means be positively affirmed that 
the mark of identification could be based upon the custom of braiding 
with their own hair that of animals to increase the length and appear- 
ance of the queue, as this custom also prevails among the Absaroka 
and Arikara Indians of Montana and Dakota, respectively, as above 

Pictures drawn by some of the northern tribes of the Dakota, the 
Titon, for instance, show the characteristic and distinctive features for a 
Crow Indian + o be the distribution of the red war paint, which covers 
the forehead. A Dakota upon the same picture is designated by paint- 
ing the face red from the eyes down to the end of the chin. Again, 
the Crow is designated by a top-knot of hair extending upward from 
the forehead, that lock of hair being actually worn by that tribe and 
brushed upward and slightly backward. See the seated figure in tin- 
record of Running- Antelope in Fig. 127, page 210. 

The Pueblos generally, when accurate and particular in delineation, 
designate the women of that tribe by a huge coil of hair over either 
ear. This custom prevails also among the Coyotero Apaches, the women 
wearing the hair in a coil to denote a virgin or an unmarried person, 
while the coil is absent in the case of a married woman. 

The folio wing remarks are extracted from the unpublished "Catalogue 
of the Relics of the Ancient Builders of the Southwest Tablelands," by 
Mr. Thomas V. Keam : 


"The Maltese cross is the emblem of a virgin; still so recognized by 
the Mokis. It is a conventional development of a more common em- 
blem of maidenhood, the form in wliich the maidens wear their hair 
arranged as a disk of three or four inches in diameter upon each side 
of the head. This discoidal arrangement of their hair is typical of the 
emblem of fructification, worn by the maiden in the Muiugwa festival. 
Sometimes the hair, instead of being worn in the complete discoid form, 
is dressed from two curved twigs, and presents the form of two semi- 
circles upon each side of the head. The partition of these is sometimes 
horizontal and sometimes vertical. A combination of both of these 
styles presents the form from which the Maltese cross was convention- 
alized. The. brim decorations are of ornamental locks of hair which a 
maiden trains t<> grow upon the sides of the forehead." 

This strongly marked form of Maltese cross, the origin of which is 
above explained, appears frequently in the pottery, and also in the 
petroglyphs of the Moki. 

Regarding the apparent subject matter of pictographs an obvious 
distinction may be made between hunting and land scenes such as 
would be familiar to interior tribes and those showing fishing and water 
transportation common to seaboard and lacustrine peoples. Similar 
and more perspicuous modes of discrimination are available. The gen- 
eral scope of known history, traditions, and myths may also serve in 

Knowledge of the priscau homes and of the migrations of tribes nec- 
essary to ascertain their former habitat in connection with the probable 
age of rock-etchings or paintings is manifestly desirable. 


It is obvious that before attempting the interpretation of pictographs, 
concerning which no direct information is to be obtained, there, should 
be a full collection of known characters, in order that through them 
the unknown may be learned. When any considerable number of ob- 
jects in a pictograph are actually known, the remainder may be ascer- 
tained by the context, the relation, and the position of the several 
designs, and sometimes by the recognized principles of the art. 

The Bureau of Ethnology has been engaged, therefore, for a consid- 
erable time in collating a large number of characters in a card-catalogue 
arranged primarily by similarity in forms, and in attaching to each char- 
acter any significance ascertained or suggested. As before explained, 
the interpretation upon which reliance is mainl\ based is that which 
has been made known by direct information from Indians who them- 
selves were actually makers of pictographs at the time of giving the 
interpretation. Apart from the comparisons obtained by this collation, 
the only mode of ascertaining the meaning of the characters, in other 
words, the only key yet discovered, is in the study of the gesture-sign 
included in many of them. The writer several years ago suggested that 
among people where a system of ideographic gesture-signs prevailed, it 
would be expected that their form would appear in any mode of artistic 
representation made by the same people with the object of conveying 
ideas or recording facts. When a gesture-sign had been established 
and it became necessary or desirable to draw a character or design to 
convey the same ideas, nothing could be more natural than to use the 
graphic form or delineation which was known and used in the gesture- 
sign. It was but one more step, and an easy one, to fasten upon bark, 
skins, or rocks the evanescent air pictures of the signs. 

The industrious research of Dr. D. CI. Brintou, whose recent work, 
The Lenape and their Legends, before mentioned, is received as this 
paper passes through the press, has discovered passages in Rafinesque's 
generally neglected and perhaps unduly discredited volumes, by which 
that eccentric but acute writer seems to have announced the general 
proposition thai the graphic signs of the Indians correspond to their 
manual signs. He also asserted that he had collected a large number 
of them, though the statement is not clear, for if all Indian pictographs 
are, in a very general sense, -'based upon their language of signs," all 
of those pictographs might be included in his alleged collection, without 
an ascertained specific relation between any pictograph and any sign. 
It is probable, however, that Rafiuesque actually had at least valuable 
notes on the subject, the loss of which is greatly to be regretted. 



Ill the paper "Sign Language among the North American Indians," 
published in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, a large 
number of instances were given of the reproduction of gesture lines in 
the pictographs made by the North American Indians, and they ap- 
peared to be most frequent when there was an attempt to convey sub- 
jective ideas. These were beyond the range of an artistic skill limited 
to the rough presentation of objects in outline. It was suggested, there- 
fore, that the part of pictographs which is the most difficult of inter- 
pretation in the absence of positive knowledge, was the one in the 
elucidation of which the study of sign-language would assist. Many 
pictographs in the present paper, the meaning of which is definitely 
known from direct sources, are noted in connection with the gesture- 
signs corresponding with the same idea, which signs are also under- 
stood from independent evidence. 

So numerous and conclusive are these examples, that it is not neces- 
sary to add to them save by presenting the pictograph copied in Figure 
155, as one of special importance in this connection. 

During the summer of 1882 Dr. W. J. Hoffman visited the Tule River 
Agency, California, where he found a large rock painting, of which Fig- 
ure 155 is a copy made by him, the following being his description: 

The agency is located upon the western side of the Sierra Nevada in 
the headwater canons of the branches of the south fork of Tule River. 
The country is at present occupied by several tribes of the Yokuts lin- 
guistic stock, and the only answer received to inquiries respecting the 
age or origin of the record was, that it was found there when the an- 
cestors of the present tribes arrived. The local migrations of the vari- 
ous Indian tribes of this part of ( Jalifornia are not yet known with suffi- 
cient certainty to determine to whom the records may be credited, but 
all appearances with respect to the weathering and disintegration of the 
l'ock upon which the l'ecord is etched, the appearance of the coloring 
matter subsequently applied, and the condition of the small depressions 
made at the time for mixing the pigments with a viscous substance 
would indicate that the work had been performed about a century ago. 

The Tulare Indians have been residents of that part of the State for 
at least one hundred years, and the oldest now living state that the 
records were found by their ancestors, though whether more than two 
generations ago could not be ascertained. 

The drawings were outlined by pecking with a piece of quartz orother 
silicions rock, to the depth of from a mere visible depression to a third 
of an inch. Having thus satisfactorily depicted the several ideas, col- 
ors were applied which upon examination appearto have penetrated the 
slight interstice's between the crystalline particles of the rock, which 
had been bruised and slightly fractured by hammering with a piece <>!' 
stone. It appears probable, too, that the hammering was repeated after 
application of the colors to insure better results. 

Upon a small bowlder, under the natural archway formed by the 



breaking of the large rock, small depressions were found which had 
been used as mortars for grinding and mixing the colors. These de- 
pressions average 2 inches in diameter and about 1 inch in depth. 
Traces of color still remain, mixed with a thin layer of a shining sub- 
stance resembling a coating of varnish, though of a flinty hardness. 


This coating is so thin that it cannot be removed with a steel instru- 
ment, and appears to have become part of the rock itself. 

From the animals depicted upon the ceilingit seems that both beaver 
and deer were found in the country, and as the beaver tail and the hoofs 
of deer and antelope arc boiled to procure glue, it is probable that the 


tribe which made these pictographs was as far advanced in respect to 
the making' of glue and preparing of paints as other tribes throughout 
the United States. 

Examination shows that the dull red color is red ocher, found in vari- 
ous places in the valley, while the yellow was an ocherous clay, also 
found there. The white color was probably obtained there, and is evi- 
dently earthy, though of what nature can only lie surmised, not suffi- 
cient being obtainable from the rock picture to make satisfactory analy- 
sis with the blow pipe. The composition of the black is not known, un- 
less it was made by mixing clay and powdered charcoal from the embers. 
The latter is a preparation common at this day among other tribes. 

An immense granite bowlder, about 20 feet in thickness and 30 in 
length, is so broken that a lower quarter is removed, leaving a large 
square passageway through its entire diameter almost northwest aud 
southeast. Upon the western wall of this passageway is a collection 
of the colored sketches of which Figure loo is a reduced copy. The en- 
tire face of the rock upon which the piciograph occurs measures about 
113 or 15 feet in width and 8 in height. The ceiling also contains many 
characters of birds, quadrupeds, etc. No. 1 in the figure measures 6 
feet in height, from the end of the toes to the top of the head, the others 
being in proportion as represented. 

The attempt at reproducing gestures is admirably portrayed, and the 
following explanations are based upon such natural gestures as are 
almost universally in use : 

No. 1 represents a person weeping. The eyes have lines running down 
to the breast, below the ends of which are three short lines on either 
side. The arms and hands are in the exact position for making the 
gesture for rain. It was evidently the intention of the artist to show 
that the hands in this gesture should be passed downward over the face, 
as probably suggested by the short lines upon the lower end of the tears. 
This is a noticeable illustration of the general term used by Indians 
when making the gesture for weeping ; i, e., " eye-rain." It is evident 
that sorrow is portrayed in this illustration, grief based upon the suf- 
ferings of others who are shown iu connection therewith. 

Nos. 2, 3, 4. Six individuals apparently making the gesture for "hun- 
ger," by passing the hands towards and backward from the sides of 
the body, denoting a "gnawing sensation." as expressed by Indians. 
No. 4 occupying a horizontal position, may possibly denote a "dead 
man," dead of starvation, this position being adopted by the Ojibwa, 
Blackfeet, and others as a common way of representing a dead person. 
The varying lengths of head ornaments denote different degrees of posi- 
tion as warriors or chiefs. 

Nos. 5, 0, 7, 8, 9 are individuals in various, shapes making gestures 
for negation, or more specifically nothing, nothing here, a natural and 
universal gesture made by throwing one or both hands outward toward 
either side of the body. The hands are extended also, and, to make the 
action apparently more emphatic, the extended toes are also shown on 




Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 9. The several lines upon the leg of No. 9 refer evi- 
dently to trimming's upon the leggings. 

No. 10 is strikingly similar to the Alaskan pictographs (see No. 1 of 
Figure 55, page 153) indicating .self with the right hand, and the left 
pointing away, signifying to <jo. 

No. 11 is an ornamented head with body and legs, and is unintelligi- 
ble. This may probably refer to a Shaman, the head being similar to 
like personages as represented by the Ojibwa and Iroquois. 

Similar drawings occur at a distance of about 10 miles southeast of 
this locality, as well as at other places toward the northwest, and it 
appears probable that the present record was made by a portion of a 
tribe which had advanced for the purpose of selecting a new camping 
place, but failing to find the necessary quantities of food for sustenance, 
this notice was erected to advise their successors of their misfortune 
and ultimate departure toward the northwest. It is noticeable, also, 
that the picture is so placed upon the rock that the extended arm of 
No. 10 points toward the north. 

The foregoing description is substantially the same as published by 
Dr. Hoffman in Transactions of the Anthropological Society, Washing- 
ton, II, 1883, pages 128-132. 

The limits of this paper do not allow of presenting a list of the charac- 
ters in the pictographs which have become known. It may be properly 
demanded, however, that some of the characters in the petroglyph, Fig- 
ure 1, should be explained. The following is a list of those which were 
interpreted to Mr. Gilbert, as mentioned on page 29 supra. 



Fig. 157. 

Figure 150 is an iuclosure, or pen, in which ceremonial dances are 
performed. Figure 157 is a head-dress used in ceremonial dances. 

cUb □ 

Fig. 158. 

Figure 158 shows different representations of houses. 


A A ^ ^ ^ , 


tig. itio. . 



Figure 159 sketches the frames or sticks used in carrying wood on the 
back. Figure 100 shows different forms of arrows. 


FIG. 161. 

Figure 161 represents the blossoms of melons, squashes, etc. 




Fig. 102. 

Fig. 163. 

Figure 1(52 shows three, ways iu which lightning is represented. Fig- 
ure 163 represents clouds. 

Fig. icj. 

Figure 104 represents clouds with rain descending. 

n 4- © *- 


Fig. 165 

Figure 165 shows various forms of stars. 





Fu;. 166. 

Figure 100 shows various representations of the sun. 

O / / 


Figure 107 shows various representations of sunrise. 

It is of interest in this connection that in the pictorial notation of 
the Laplanders the sun bears its usual figure of a man's head, rayed, as 
reported in Schoolcraft, op. cit. I, 4120. See drawings in Scheffer's Hist, 
of Lapland, London ed., 1704:. 

It may be desirable also to note, to avoid misconception, that where, 
through this paper, mention is made of particulars under the headings 
of Customs, Religious, etc., which might be made the subject of graphic 
illustration in pictographs, and for that reason should be known as pre- 
liminary to the. attempted interpretation of the latter, the suggestion is 
not given as a mere hypothesis. Such objective marks and conceptions 
of the character indicated which can readily be made objective, are in 
fact frequently found in pictographs and have been understood by 
means of the preliminary information to which reference is made. 
When interpretations obtained through this line of study are properly 
verified they can take places in the card-catalogue little inferior to those 
of interpretations derived directly from aboriginal pictographers. 


It has been already mentioned that characters substantially the same, 
or hoinomorphs, made by one set of people, have a different signification 
among others. Differing forms for the same general conception or idea 
are also noticed. These may be termed symmorphs. Some examples 



under these titles are noted as follows, not for the purpose of giving an 

even approximately complete list, but merely to show the manner in 

which they may be compared and sometimes confused with 

X similar characters, some of which appear in other parts of 

X this paper. 

Figure 1CS represents Dakota lodges as drawn by the Hi 
fig. 108. datsa. These characters when carelessly or rudely drawn 
can only be distinguished from personal marks by their 
position and their relation to other characters. 

Figure 1G9 signifies earth lodges among the Hi 
datsa. The circles resemble the ground plan of the 

©/rv lodges, while the central markings are intended to 

represent the upright poles, which support the roof 
on the interior. Some of these are similar to the 
Kailiak drawing for island, Figure 47, page 147. 
Figure 170 represents buildiugs erected by white 
men ; the character is generally used by the Hidatsa to designate Gov- 
ernment buildings and traders' stores. 


Fig. 169, 


Fig. 170. 

Q Q^ 



Fig. 173. 

Inclostire with 

Figure 171 is the Hidatsati, the home of the Hidatsa. 
earth lodges within. 
The Ankara sometimes simply mark dots or spots to signify men; 
when in connection with small crescents to 
_ denote horses. The numerical strength of — 

a war party is sometimes shown in this man- 
ner, as in Figure 172. 

Figure 173 was drawn for dead man by the 
Arikara. Cf. ''nothing there," page 168. 

Figure. 174. In records of personal events 
the two lines above the head of the fallen 
enemy denote among the Hidatsa that the 
person to whom the exploit refers was the second to strike the body. 

l'l'.. 17-1. 

Fig. 17 

Fig. 177. 



Figure 17") shows the third person to strike the enemy, as drawn by 
the Hidatsa, 

Figure 17<> means a sculp taken. Hidatsa. 

Figure 177 signifies, in Hidatsa drawing, the man who struck the 
enemy, and who took his gun. 

The following specimens from the writer's card collection are pre 
seuted as having some individual interest: 

Figure 178 was drawn by a Dakota 
Indian, at Mendota, Minnesota, and 
represents a man holding a scalp in 
one hand, while in the other is the gun, 
the weapon used in the destruction of 
the enemy. The short vertical lines 
below the periphery of the scalp indi- 
cate hair. The line crossing the leg 
of the Indian is only an indication of 
the ground upon which the figure is 
supposed to stand. 

Figure 179 is taken from the winter 
count of Battiste Good for the year 
1840-'41. He names it "Carne-and- 

winter 1 ' and " Battiste-aloue-returns winter." He explains that the 
live were killed in an encounter with the Panis. Battiste Good was the 
only one of the party to escape. The capote is shown, 
and signifies war, as in several other instances of 
the same record. The five short vertical lines below 
the arrow signify that five were killed. 

Figure 180 is taken from Mrs. Eastman's Dahcotah, 
or Life and Legends of the Sioux, New York, 1849, 
p. xxvii, and shows a Dakota method of recording 
the taking of prisoners. Nos. 1 and 3 are the pris- 
oners ; No. 1 being a female, as denoted by the pres- 
ence of mammae, and No. 3 a male. No. 2 is the per- 
sou making the capture. It is also noted that the 
prisoners are without hands, to signify their help- 

lu this connection the following quotation is taken from the Historical 
Collections of Louisiana, Part III, 1851, p. 124, describing a pictograph, 
as follows : " There were two figures of men without heads and soaie 
entire. The first denoted the dead and the second the prisoners. One 
of my conductors told 'me on this occasion that when there are any 
French among either, they set their arms akimbo, or their hands upon 
their hips, to distinguish them from the savages, whom they represent 
with their arms hanging down. This distinction is not purely arbitrary ; 
4 E'l'H 10' 



it proceeds from these people having observed that the French often put 
themselves in this posture, which is not used among them." 

Fig. 180. 

Figure 181 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year 
1851-Til!. In the year 185l-'5l3, the first issue of goods was made to 

Fio. 181.— Cin !<• of men. 


FIG. 182.— Shooting from 

river banks. Dakota. 

the Indians, and the character represents a blanket surrounded by a 
circle to show how the Indians sat awaiting the distribution. The 
people are represented by small lines running at right angles to the 

figure 182 is also from Battiste Good. An encounter is represented 
between two tribes, each on the banks of a river, from which arrows 
were tired across the water at the opposing party. The vertical lines 
represent the banks, while the opposing arrows denote a fight or an 

The drawing, Figure 1S3, was made by Mr. J. G. Swan while on a visit 
to the Prince of Wales Archipelago, where he found two carved fig- 
ures with panthers' heads, and claws upon the fore feet, and human feet 
attached to the hind legs. These mythical animals were placed upon 
either side of a corpse which was lying in state, awaiting burial. 




Fig. 184.— Wolf 
head. Haidil, 

This uniou of the human figure with that of other animals is of in- 
terest in comparison with the well-known forms of similar character in 
the art of Egypt and Assyria. 

The feet of the accompanying Figure 184 cannot be 
seen, being hidden in the head of the figure beneath. 
It is squatting, with its hands on its knees, and has a 
wolfs head. Arms, legs, mouth, jaws, nostrils, and ear 
holes are scarlet ; eyebrows, irises, and edges of the ears 
black. The figure is reproduced from The Northwest 
Coast of America, being results of recent ethnological 
researches from the collections of the Royal Museums 
at Berlin. (Trans, from German.) New York, PL 7, Fig. .">. 

The accompanying illustration, Figure 185, represents 
a knife from Africa, which bears upon both sides of the 
blade incised characters of the human form, strikingly 
similar to those found among the Ojibwa. The lines 
running upward from the head are identical with an 
Ojibwa form of representing a meda, or Shaman, while 
the hour-glass form of body is also frequently found, 
though generally used to designate a woman, the lower 
part of the body representing the skirt. In the present instance, it may 
have allusion to the peculiar skirt like dress often worn by the men 
among the tribes of Northern Africa. 

The lines extending from the middle of the body 
downward to below the skirt and terminating in 
an irregular knob somewhat resemble the Pueblo 
method of designating sex, the male being shown 
by a small cross, and the female by a simple, 
short, vertical line attached to the periuaeum. 

The upper character, in B, in addition to the 
line and circle extending downward from the lower 
extremity, shows a bird's leg and toes at either 
side. This is also, according to Schoolcraft, an 
Ojibwa method of depicting a person or being who 
is endowed with the power of flight into the upper 
regions, hence one of superior knowledge. 

The hisfory of the knife here figured is received 
from Mr. Thomas M. Chatard, of the National 
Museum, who in turn obtained it from his father, 
Mr. F. E. Chatard, Baltimore, Maryland, who 
writes that it was obtained at Cape Mesurado, 
Africa, in November, 1822, where the natives had 
attacked a recently established colony. The Afri- 
cans were repulsed, and the knife was subse- 
quently picked up on the battle-field and brought 
to America by the late William Seton, an officer b. 

of the United States Navy. FlG ' ] 8 I £&£££ °" au 


The course of conventionalizing is noticeable in pictograpbs as well 
as in gesture-signs, on the one hand, and, on the other, as it appears in 
all forms of graphic art. The analysis of such conventions in form could 
be pursued at great length with regard to the pictograpbs now known 
in the same manner as has been done with success by Dr. Harrison Allen 
in his work " An analysis of the Life-form in Art," Philadelphia, 1875. 
Some suggestions may be obtained from the present paper, especially 
from examples given under the headings of Ideographs, page 219, and 
Homomorphs and Symmorphs, page 239. See also conventionalized 
sign for Pouka in Winter Count No. I for 1778-79, on page 131, and for 
Mandan in the same count for 1783-84, on the same page; also the con- 
ventional sign for Cheyenne, Figure 78, page 173; also the device for 
starvation, Figure 144, page 220, as conventionalized in Figure 145, page 
221. The limits of this paper will only allow of submitting in addition 
the following conventionalized forms of the human figure, in some cases 
being merely marks arbitrarily used to represent humanity: 

- \ 

Fig. ISO. Fig. 187. Fig. 188. Fig. 189. 

Figure 186 signifies men among the Arikara. The characters are used 
in connection with horse-shoes, to denote "mounted men." In other 
pictographs such spots or dots are merely numerical. 

Figure 187 is draw i by the Kiatexainut branch of the Innuits for man. 
It is an abbreviated form and rare. 

Figure 188, drawn by the Blackfeet, signifies " Man — dead." This 
is from a pictograph in Wind River Mountains. See Jones's North- 
western Wyoming, etc., op. cit. 

Figure 1S9 is the Kiatexamut Innuit drawing for man. This figure is 
armless ; generally represents the person addressed. 

* i J 

Fig. 190. Fig. 191. Fig. 192. Fig. VS. 

Figure 190 is also a Kiatexamut Innuit drawing for man. The fig- 
ure makes the gesture for negation. 



Figure 191, from a California]] pictograph, is a man, also gesturing 

Figure 192 is another Californian pictograph for man, making the 
same gesture. 

Figure 11)3, from Schoolcraft, I, PI. 59, No. 91, is the Ojibwa "symbol" 
for disabled man. 


Fig. 10 Fig. 195. I'm.. 196 Fig. 197. 

Figure 194 is the Kiatexamut Inimit drawing for Shaman. 

Figure 195, used by the Kiatexamut Inuuit, represents man suppli- 

The five figures, 196 to 200, are reproduced from Schoolcraft, Vol. I, PI. 
58, opp. p. 408. The Numbers attached are those given by that author: 

Figure 196, No. 6, is the Ojibwa representative figure for man. 

Figure 197, No. 10, is used by the Ojibwa to denote a spirit or man 
enlightened from on high, having the head of the sun. 


FIG. 19fl FlG. 199. 

Figure 198, No. 20, is drawn by the Ojibwa for a " wabeno" or Shaman. 
Figure 190, No. 30, is the Ojibwa " symbol" for an evil or one-sided 
meda" or higher grade Shaman. 

Figure 200, No. 29, is the Ojibwa general "symbol" for a meda. 
Figure 201 is drawn by the Hidatsa for man. 



Fig. 202. Fig. 203. Fig. 204. Fig. 205 

Figure 202. from Schoolcraft, I, PL 58, No. 3, is an Ojibwa drawing of 
a headless body. 

Figure 203, from Schoolcraft, I, PI. 58, No. 2, is another Ojibwa figure 
for a headless body, perhaps female. 

Figure 204, contributed by Mr. Gilbert Thompson, is a drawing for 
man, made by the Mold in Arizona. 

Figure 205, reproduced from Schoolcraft, I, PI. 64, opposite page 424, 
is a drawing from the banks of the River Yenesei, Siberia, by Von Strah- 


lenberg, in his historical and geographical description of the northern 

and eastern parts of Europe, Asia, etc. London, 1738. 

The similarity to characters on Figure 185 is obvious. 

Figure 206, also from Strahlenberg, and quoted in Schoolcraft, Vol. 

I, PI. CO, Fig. 4, opp. p. 342, was found in Siberia, 

J? and is identical with the character winch, according to 

v|^ Schoolcraft, is drawn by the Ojibwa to represent speed 

c S and the power of superior knowledge by exaltation to the 

fig. 206. regions of the air, being, in his opinion, a combination of 

bird and man. 
It is to be noticed that some Ojibwa recently examined regard the 
character merely as a human figure with outstretched arms, and fringes 
pendant therefrom. It has, also, a strong resemblance 
to some of the figures in the Dakota Winter Counts 
(those for 18.54-55 and 186G-'67, pages 121 and 124, 
respectively), in which there is no attempt understood 
to siguify any thing more than a war-dress. 

Figure 207, according to Schoolcraft, Vol. I, PI. 58, 
No. 58, is the Ojibwa drawing symbolic for an American. 


No large amount of space need be occupied in the mention of recog- 
nized pictographic frauds, their importance being small, but much more 
than is now allowed would be required for the discussion of contro- 
verted cases. 

There is little inducement, beyond a disposition to hoax, to commit 
actual frauds in the fabrication of rock-carvings. The instances where 
inscribed stones from mounds have been ascertained to be forgeries or 
fictitious drawings have been about equally divided between simple 
mischief and an attempt either to increase the marketable value ot 
some real estate, supposed to contain more, or to sell the specimens. 

With regard to the much more familiar and more portable material 
of engraved pipes, painted robes and like curios, it is well known to 
all recent travelers in the West who have had former experience that 
the fancy juices paid by amateurs for those decorations have stimulated 
their wholesale manufacture by Indians at agencies (locally termed 
"coffee-coolers'"), who make a business of sketching upon ordinary 
robes or plain pipes the characters in common use by them, without 
regard to any real event or person, and selling them as curious records. 

This pictorial forgery would seem to show a gratifying advance of 
the Indians in civilization, but it is feared that the credit of the inven- 
tion is chiefly due to some enterprising traders who have been known 
to furnish the unstained robes, plain pipes, paints, and other materials 
for the purpose, and simply pay a skillful Indian for his work, when 
the fresh antique or imaginary chronicle is delivered. 

Six inscribed copper plates were said to have been found in a mound 
near Kinderhook, Pike County, Illinois, which were reported to bear a 
close resemblance to < ihinese. This resemblance seemed not to be so 
extraordinary when it was ascertained that the plate had been en- 
graved by the village blacksmith, copied from the lid of a Chinese tea- 

Mica plates were found in a mound at Lower Sandusky, Ohio, which, 
after some attempts at interpretation, proved to belong to the material 
known as graphic or hieroglyphic mica, the discoloratious having been 
caused by the infiltration of mineral solution between the lamina?.. 

The following recent notice of a case of alleged fraud is quoted from 
Science, Vol. Ill, No. 58, March 14, 1884, page 334: 

Dr. N. Roc Bradner exhibited [at the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, 
Pennsylvania,] an inscribed stone found inside a skull taken from one of the ancient 
mounds at Newark, Ohio, in 1865, An exploration of the regiou had been undertaken 



in consequence of the finding of stones bearing markings somewhat resembling He- 
brew letters, in 1he hope of finding other specimens of a like character. The. explo- 
ration was supposed to have been entirely unproductive of such objects until Dr. 
Bradner had fouud the engra\ ed stone, now exhibited, in a skull which had been given 
to him. 

This was supplemented by au editorial note in No. 62 of the same 
publication, page 467, as follows : 

A correspondent from Newark, Ohio, warns us that any inscribed stones said to 
originate from that locality may be looked upon as spurious. Years ago certain par- 
ties in that place made a business of manufacturing aud burying inscribed stones 
and other objects in the autumn, and exhuming them the following spring in the 
presence of innocent witnesses. Some of the parties to these frauds afterwards con- 
fessed to them; and no such objects, except such as were spurious, have ever been 
known from that region. 

The correspondent of Science probably remembered the operations of 
David Wyrick, of Newark, who, to prove his theory that the Hebrews 
were the mound-builders, discovered in 1860 a tablet bearing on one 
side a truculent " likeness" of Moses with his name in Hebrew, and on 
the other a Hebrew abridgment of the ten commandments. A Hebrew 
bible afterwards found in Mr. Wyrick's private room threw some light 
on the inscribed characters. 

As the business of making and selling archaeological frauds has be- 
come so extensive in Egypt and Palestine, it can be no matter of sur- 
prise that it has been attempted by the enterprising people of the 
United States. The Bureau of Ethnology has discovered several centers 
of that fraudulent industry. 

Without further pursuing the subject of mercenary frauds, an ex- 
ample may be mentioned which was brought forth during the researches 
of the present writer and his assistant, Dr. Hoffman, which is probably 
as good a case of a modern antique in this line as can be presented. 
Figure 208 is a copy of a drawing taken from an Ojibwa pipe-stem, ob- 
tained by Dr. Hoffman from au officer of the United States Army, who had 
procured it from an Indian in Saint Paul, Minnesota. On a later and 
more minute examination, it appeared that the pipe-stem had been pur- 
chased at a store in Saint Paul, which had furnished a large number of 
similar objects, so large as to awaken suspicion that they were in the 
course of daily manufacture. The figures aud characters on the pipe- 
stem were drawn in colors. In the present figure, which is without 
colors, the horizontal lines represent blue and the vertical red, accord- 
ing to the heraldic scheme several times used in this paper. The out- 
lines were drawn in a dark neutral tint, in some lines approaching black; 
the triangular characters, representing lodges, beiug also in a neutral 
tint, or an ashen hue, and approaching black in several instances. The 
explanation of the figures, made before there was any suspicion of their 
real character, is as follows: 

The first figure is that of a bear, representing the individual to whom 
the record pertains. The three hearts above the line, according to au 





expression in gesture language, signifies a brave heart; increased num- 
bers indicating much or many, i. e., a large brave heart. 

The second figure, a circle inclosing a triradiate character, refers to 
tbe persona] totem. Tlie character in the middle resembles, to some 
extent, the pictograph sometimes found to rep- 
resent stars, though in the latter the lines center 
upon the disks and not at a common point. 

The seven triangular characters represent the 
lodges of a village to which the individual to 
wh^iu reference is made belongs. 

The serpentine line immediately below these 
signifies a stream or river, near which the village 
is located. 

The two persons holding guns in their left 
hands, together with another having a spear, 
appear to be the companions of the speaker, all 
of whom are members of the turtle gens, as shown 
by that reptile. 

The curve from left to right is a representa- 
tion of the sky, the sun having appeared upon 
the left or eastern horizon when the transaction 
below mentioned was enacted. In an explana- 
tion by gesture, or by pictograph, the speaker 
always faces the south, or conducts himself as 
if he did so, and begins on the left side to con- 
vey the idea of morning, if day ; the hand, or 
line, is drawn all the way from the eastern hori- 
zon to the western. The above, then, represents 
the morning when a female — headless body of 
a woman — a member of the crane gens, was 

The figure of a bear below is the same appar- 

( WSrrg^n. 

ently as number one, though turned to the right. 
The heart is reversed to denote sadness, grief, 
remorse, as expressed in gesture-language, and 
to atone for the misdeed committed in the pro- 
ceeding the pipe is brought and offering made 
to the "Great Spirit." 

Altogether, the act depicted appears to have 
been accidental, the woman belonging to the 
same tribe, as can be learned from the gens of 

which she was a member. The regret or sorrow signified in the bear, 
next to the last figure, corresponds with that supposition, as such feel- 
ings would not be congruous to the Indian in the case of an enemy. 

The point of interest in this pictograph is, that the figures are very 
skillfully copied from the numerous characters of the same kind repre- 

FlG. 208.— Speointi u uf imita- 
ted pictograph. 


senting Ojibwa pictographs, and given by Schoolcraft. The arrange- 
ment of these copied characters is precisely that which would be nat- 
ural in the similar work of Indians. In fact, the groups constitute a 
thoroughly genuine pictograph, and afford a good illustration of the 
manner in which a record can be made. The fact that it was made 
and sold under false representations is its objectionable feature. 

An inscribed stone found in Grave Creek Mound, near the Ohio River, 
in 1838, has been the subject of much linguistic contention among those 
who admitted its authenticity. Twenty-four characters on it have been 
considered to be alphabetic and one is a supposed hieroglyphic sign. • Mr. 
Schoolcraft says that twenty-two of the characters are alphabetic, but 
there has been a difference of opinion with regard to their origin. One 
scholar finds among them four characters which he claims are ancient 
Greek; another claims that four are Etruscan; five have been said to 
be Runic; six, ancient Gaelic; seven, old Erse; ten, Phoenician; four- 
teen, old British; and sixteen, Celteberic. M. Levy Bing reported at 
the Congress of Americanists at Nancy, in 1875, that he found in the 
inscription twenty-three Canaauite letters, and translated it: "What 
thou sayest, thou dost impose it, thou shinest in thy impetuous clan and 
rapid chamois." (!) M. Maurice Schwab in 1857 rendered it: "The Chief 
of Emigration who reached these places (or this island) has fixed these 
statutes forever.'' M. Oppert, however, gave additional variety by the 
translation, so that all tastes can be suited: "The grave of one who was 
assassinated here. May God to avenge him strike his murderer, cutting 
off the hand of his existence." 

For further particulars on this topic reference may be made to Colonel 
Charles Whittlesey's Archaeological Frauds, in several tracts, and to 
The Mound Builders, by J. P. MacLeau, Cincinnati, 1879, p. 90, ctseq. 

From considerations mentioned in the introduction of this paper, and 
others that are obvious, any inscriptions purporting to be pre-Columbian 
showing apparent use of alphabetic characters, signs of the zodiac, or 
other evidences of a culture higher than that known among the North 
American Indians, must be received with caution, but the pictographs 
may be altogether genuine, and their erroneous interpretation be the 
sole ground of their being discredited. 

In this connection some allusion may be made to the learned discus- 
sions upon the Dighton rock before mentioned. The originally Algon- 
kian characters were translated by a Scandinavian antiquary as an 
account of the party of Thorfinn, the Hopeful. A distinguished Orient- 
alist made out clearly the word melek (king). Another scholar trium- 
phantly established the characters to be Scythian, and still another 
made them Phoenician. But this inscription has been so manipulated 
that it is difficult now to determine the original details. 

The course above explained, viz., to attempt the interpretation of all 
unknown American pictographs by the aid of actual pietographers 
among the living Indians, should lie adopted regarding all remarkable 


" finds." This course was pursued by Mr. Horatio N. Bust, of Pasadena, 
California, regarding the much-discussed Davenport Tablets, in the 
genuineness of which he believes, and which is not here placed in ques- 
tion Mr. Rust exhibited the drawings to Dakotas, with the result 
made public at the late Montreal meeting of the American Association 
for the Advancement of Science, and also in a letter, an extract from 
which is as follows : 

As I made the acquaintance of several of the older and more intelligent members 
of the tribe, I took tile opportunity to show them the drawings. Explaining that 
they were pictures copied from stones found in a mound, I asked what they meant. 
They readily gave me the same interpretation (and in no instance did either inter- 
preter know that another had seen the pictures, so there could be no collusion). In 
Plate I, of the Davenport Inscribed Tablets [so numbered in the Proceedings of the 
Davenport Academy, Vol. II], the lower central figure represents a dome-shaped 
lodge, with smoke issuing from the top, behind and to either side of which appears a 
number of individuals with hands joined, while three persons are depicted as lying 
upon the ground. Upon the right and left central margins are the sun and moon, 
the whole surmounted by three arched lines, between each of which, as well as above 
them, are numerous unintelligible characters. * * * The central figure, which 
has been supposed by some to represent a funeral pile, was simply the picture of a 
dirt lodge. The irregular markings apparently upon the side and to the left of the 
lodge represent a fence made of sticks and brush set in the ground. The same style 
of fence may be seen now in any Sioux village. 

The lines of human figures standing hand-in-hand indicate that a dance was being 
conducted in the lodge. The three prostrate forms at right and left sides of the lodge 
represent two men and a woman who, being overcome by the excitement and fatigue 
of the dance, had been carried out in the air to recover. The difference in the shape 
of the prostrate forms indicates the different sexes. 

The curling figures or rings above the lodge represent smoke, and indicates that the 
dance was held in winter, when fire was used. 

An example of forced interpretation of a genuine petroglyph is given 
by Lieutenant J. W. Gunnison, U. S.Top. Engineers, in his work entitled 
The Mormons, or, Latter-day Saints, in the Valley of the Great Salt 
Lake, etc., Philadelphia, 1852, pp. G2, 63. He furnishes two illustrations 
of petroglyph s taken from the cliff in Sam Pete Valley, Utah, not repro- 
duced in this paper, which resemble the general type of the Shoshonian 
system. On account of various coincidences which have occurred to 
strikingly keep alive in the mountain brethren their idea of being the 
chosen of the Lord, these etchings confirm them in the belief of the in- 
spiration of the Look of Mormon. One of their Regents has translated 
one of them as follows: 

I, Mahanti, the 2nd Kiug of the Lamanites, in five valleys in the mountains, make 
this record in the 12 hundredth year since we came out of Jerusalem. Aud I have 
three sons gone to the South country to live by hunting antelope aud deer. 

Among the curiosities of literature in connection with the interpreta- 
tion of pictographs may be mentioned La Verite stir le Livre des Sauv- 
ages, par L'Abb6 Em. Domenech, Paris, 1861, aud Researches into the 
Lost Histories of America, by W. S. Blacket, London and Philadelphia, 



Under the bead of errors some of the most marked have arisen from 
the determination of enthusiastic symbolists to discover something mys- 
tical in the form of the cross wherever found. 

The following- quotation is taken from a work by Gabriel de Mortillet, 
entitled Le Signe de la Croix avant le Christianisme (Paris, Reinwald, 
L866), p. 173: 

Ou voit qu'il ne pent, plus y avoir de doute sur l'emploi de la Croix coiuiue signe 
religieux, bien longtemps avant le christianisme. Le culte de la Croix, repandu en 
Gaule avant la conquete, existait dcja dans l'fimilie a l'epoque du bronze, plus de 
inille aus avant Jesus-Christ. 

C'est snrtout dans les sepultures de Golasecca ou ce culte s'estr6ve'l<$delaniauie,re]a 
plus complete; etla, chose strange, onatrouvgun vase portant le monogramtneancien 
du Christ, figure 117 [reproduced in the present paper by Figure 209; the right- 
hand figure being from the vase, and that on the left 
the recoguized monogram of Christ], dessine' peut- 
etre mille ans avant la venue de Jesus-Christ. La 
presence isolee de ce monogramme du Christ an milieu 
de nombreuses Croix est-elle un fait accideutel en- 
titlement fortuit ? Des recherches plus completes 
Fro. 209.-Symbols of the cross, peuvent seules permettre de repondre a cette question. 

Un autre fait fort curieux, tres-interessant a con- 
stater, c'est que ce grand de'veloppenient du culte de la Croix, avant la venue du Christ, 
semble toujonrs coincide!' avec ['absence d'idoles et meme de toute representation 
d'objets vivants. Des que ces objets se montreut, on dirait que les Croix deviennent 
phis rares et finisseut meme par disparaltre. 

La Croix a done 6t4, dans la haute antiquite", bien longtemps avant la venue de 
Jesus-Christ, l'embleme sa.crr' d'une secte religieuse qui repoussait l'idolatrie! !! 

The author, with considerable naivete\ has evidently determined that 
theform of the cross was significant of a high state of religious culture, and 
that its being succeeded by effigies, which lie calls idols, showed a lapse 
into idolatry. The fact is simply that, next to one straight line, the com- 
bination of two straight lines forming a cross is the easiest figure to draw, 
and its use before art could attain to the drawing of animal forms, or 
their representation in plastic material, is merely an evidence of crude- 
ness or imperfection in designing. It is wflrthy of remark that Dr. 
Schliemann, in his " Troja," page 107, presents as Fig. 38 a much more 
distinct cross than that given by M. Mortillet, with the simple remark 
that it is " a geometrical ornamentation." An anecdote told by Dr. 
Robert Fletcher, U. S. Army, in connection with his exhaustive paper 
on Tattooing Among Civilized People, published in the Transactions of 
the Anthropological Society of Washington, Vol. II, page 40, is also in 
point. Some savants were much excited over the form of the cross found 
in tattoo marks on an Arab boy, but on inquiry of the mother as to why 
the cross had been placed there, she simply answered "because it looked 
pretty." The present writer will add to the literature on the subject a 
reference to the cross as shown upon the arm of a Cheyenne in Cloud- 
Shield's winter count for the year 1790-'91, page 132, ante. (See also page 
173.) This is explained fully by one of the common gestures tor the 
tribal sign, Cheyenne. 

malleky.] SVMBOL OF THE CROSS 253 

"The extended index, palm upward, is drawn across the forefinger of 
the left hand, palm inward, several times, left hand stationary; right 
hand is drawn toward the body until the index is drawn clear off; then 
repeat. Some Cheyenues believe this to have reference to the former 
custom of cutting the arm as offerings to spirits, while others think that 
it refers to a more ancient custom, the cutting of the enemy's lingers 
for necklaces." The pictograph is simply a graphic representation of 
this gesture sign. See also the Moki use of the Maltese cross, page 232, 
the form of which in a rock painting appears in x on Plate II, page 35. 

There is no doubt that among the Egyptians and several of the peo- 
ples of the eastern hemisphere, ancient and modern, the form of the 
cross was used symbolically, and there is no more "doubt that it was 
employed in a similar manner by many American tribes with reference 
to the points of the compass, or rather the four winds. It was also 
used with many differing significations. See in this paper Figure 60, 
page 158, Figure 143, page 220, Figure 154, page 230, Figure 105, page 
238, and Figure 108, page 240. The ease with which the desigu was made 
would tend to its early adoption as a sign, an emblem, or a symbol. 

Rev. S. D. Hin man states that among the Dakota, symbolic crosses 
always have the members equal, or of the "Greek" pattern, and are 
always worn resting on one foot, not two as in the St. Andrew's cross. 
They represent the four winds issuing from the four caverns in which 
the souls of men existed before, embodiment. The top of the cross is 
the cold, all-conquering giant, the north wind. As worn on the body it 
is nearest the head, the seat of intelligence. The top arm, covering the 
heart, is the east wind, coming from the seat of life and love. The foot 
is the burning south wind, indicating as it is worn the seat of passion 
and fiery lust. The right is the gentle west wind, blowing from the 
spirit land, covering the lungs, from which at last the breath goes out. 
The center of the cross is the earth and man, sometimes indicated at 
that point by a circle surrounding a dot. On the npper arm an arrow 
is sometimes drawn, ou the left a heart, on the right a star, and on the 
lower a sun. 


The present writer hopes to receive contributions from travelers and 
observers, not only in North America, bnt in other parts of the world. 
Such collaboration will always receive due credit, and when practicable 
will be reproduced in the language of the collaborator. 

The number and the importance of the contributions received upon 
the collateral branch of sign-language encourages the hope of similar 
success in this application for assistance in the monograph on picto- 
graphs now in preparation. 

The main object of the classification both of the text and of the 
illustrations in the present paper has been to stimulate the research 
and assist the collaboration invited, so that reference to the various 
preceding headings is unnecessary. Some practical suggestions may 
however, be offered as follows : 

As a small drawing of large rock inscriptions may give au exagger- 
ated idea of the degree of finish or fineness of the subject, it is desirable, 
in every instance, to affix the scale of the drawing, or to give a principal 
dimension that may serve as a guide. A convenient scale for ordinary 
petroglyphs is one sixteenth of full size. The drawing should be suffi- 
ciently close and accurate to show the character of the work. It is de- 
sirable to note the lithologic character of the rock or bowlder used; 
whether the drawing has been etched into the face of the rock, or 
pecked in more deeply with a sharp implement, and the depth of such 
peeking; whether the design is merely outlined, or the whole body of 
the figures pecked out, and whether paint has been applied to the 
pecked surface, or the design executed with paint only. The composition 
of paint should be ascertained when possible. The amount of weather- 
ing or erosion, together with the exposure, or any other feature bearing 
on the question of antiquity, would prove important. If actual colors 
arc not accessible for representation the ordinary heraldic scheme of 
colors can be used. 

That sketches even by fair artists, are of not high value in accuracy, 
is shown by the discrepant copies of some of the most carefully-studied 
pictographs, which discrepancies sometimes leave in uncertainty ihe 
points most needed for interpretation. Sketches, or still better, photo- 
graphs are desirable to present a connected and general view of the 
characters and the surface upon which they are found. For accuracy 
of details ''squeezes" should be obtained when practicable. 

A simple method of obtaining squeezes of petroglyphs, when the 
lines are sufficiently deep to receive an impression, is to take ordinary 



manilla paper of loose texture, and to spread the sheet, after being 
thoroughly wetted, over the surface desired, commencing at the top. 
The top edge may be temporarily secured by a small streak of starch 
or flour paste. The paper is then pressed upon the surface of the rock 
by means of a soft bristle brush, so that its texture is gently forced into 
every depression. Torn portions of the paper may be supplied by ap- 
plying small patches of wet paper until every opening is thoroughly 
covered. A coating of ordinary paste, as above mentioned, is now ap- 
plied to the entire surface, and a new sheet of paper, similarly softened 
by water, is laid over this and pressed down with the brush. This pro- 
cess is continued until three or four thicknesses of paper have been 
used. Upon drying, the entire mold will usually fall off by contraction. 
The. edge at the top, if previously pasted to the rock, should be cut. 
The entire sheet can then be rolled up, or if inconveniently large can 
be cut in sections and properly marked for future purposes. This 
process yields the negative. To obtain the positive the inner coating of 
the negative may be oiled, and the former process renewed upon the 

Pictographs, when of bright colors and upon a light-colored surface, 
may readily be traced upon tracing linen, such as is employed by topo- 
graphers. Should the rock be of a dark color, and the characters in- 
distinct, a simple process is to first follow the pictographic characters 
in outline with colored crayons, red chalk, or dry colors mixed with 
water and applied with a brush, after which a piece of muslin is placed 
over the surface and pressed so as to receive sufficient coloring matter 
to indicate the general form and relative positions of the characters. 
After these impressions are touched up the true position may be ob- 
tained by painting the lines upon the back of the sheet of muslin, or 
by making a true tracing of the negative. 

A mode, of securing the outline once adopted was to clear out the 
channels of the intaglios, then, after painting them heavily, to press a 
sheet of muslin into the freshly-painted depressions. The objection to 
this method is the obvious damage inflicted on the inscription. Before 
such treatment, if the only one practicable, all particulars of the work 
to be covered by paint should be carefully recorded. 

The locality should be reported with detail of State (or Territory), 
county, township, and distance and directiou from the nearest post- 
office, railway station or country road. In addition the name of any 
contiguous stream, hill, bluff, or other remarkable natural feature 
should be given. The name of the owner of the land is of some second- 
ary value, but that indication is liable to frequent changes. The site or 
station should be particularly described with reference to the surround- 
ing country and to the natural circumstances and geological history of 
the location. 

When numbers and groups of petroglyphs or rock paintings occur. 
their relation to each other, to the points of the compass, or to topo- 


graphical features should be noted, if possible, by an accurate survey, 
otherwise by numeration and sketching. 

The following details should be carefully noted : The direction of the 
lace of the rock. The presence of probable trails and gaps which may 
have been used in shortening distances in travel. Localities of mounds 
and caves, if any, in the vicinity. Ancient camping grounds, indicated 
by fragments of pottery, Hint chips, etc. Existence of aboriginal relics, 
particularly flints which may have been used in pecking; these may be 
found at the base of the rocks upon which petroglyphs occur. The 
presence of small mortar-holes which may have served in the prepara- 
tion of colors. 

With reference to pictographs on other objects than rock the mate- 
rial upon which they appear and the substances used in their execution 
should be reported, as indicated in another part of this paper. 

With reference to all kinds of pictographs, it should be noted that 
mere descriptions without reproduction are of little value. Probable 
age and origin and traditions relating to them should be ascertained. 
Their interpretation by natives of the locality who themselves make 
pictographs or who belong to people who have lately made pictographs 
is most valuable, especially in reference to such designs as do not repre- 
sent objects of nature, and which may be either conventional orcouuected 
with lines of gesture-signs. 






4 ETH 17 



Introductory 265 

Pnebloart 2G6 

Distribution 266 

Character 26ti 

Treat m en t 266 

The ceramic art 2 "' 

Age 267 

Material 26 ~ 

Tempering 2 "' 

Construction 2 "8 

Surface finish 2o ^ 

Firing 2G8 

Glaze i 266 

Hardness 269 

Color 269 

Form 269 

Origin of forms 269 

Handles 271 

Ornament "' ' 

Origin of ornament 27- 



Classification 272 

Coil-made ware 273 

Coiling -'3 

Coil ing of the Pueblos 273 

Coiling of other peoples 275 

Origin of the coil 277 

The coil in ornamentation 278 

Other varieties of ornament .... 282 

Material 283 

Color, etc • 283 

Form 283 

Use 283 

Illustrations of vessels 284 

District of the Rio San Juan '--4 

District of the Rio Virgen 287 

District of the Little Colorado 29a 

Pecos and the Rio Grande 298 

District of the Rio Gila 299 

Imitation coiled ware '-99 

Plain ware -99 

Painted ware 302 

Preliminary remarks 302 

Color of designs 302 



The ceramic art — Continued. 

Painted ware — Continued. 

Execution 302 

Stages of ornament 303 

Classification of ware 304 

White ware ' 305 

Classification by forms 306 

Bowls 300 

Ollas 306 

Bottles 306 

Handled vessels 306 

Eccentric and life forms 307 

Illustrations 307 

District of the Rio Virgen 307 

Bowls 308 

Ollas 314 

Handled vessels 314 

District of the Rio San Juan 315 

Bowls 316 

Handled cups 318 

Ollas 318 

Handled vases 319 

District of the Colorado Chiquito 321 

Bowls 322 

Ollas 335 

Bottles 343 

Handled vessels 346 

Eccentric and life forms 353 

Concluding remarks 358 



Fig. 210.— Origin of forms 270 

211.— Origin of forms 270 

212.— Origin of forms 270 

213. — Origin of forms i70 

214. — Origin of forms 270 

215.— Origin of handles 271 

216.— Origin of handles 271 

217. — Beginning of the coil 274 

218. — Section of ooil-made vessel 274 

219.— Ordinary superposition of coils 277 

220. — Coiled and plain surface 278 

221.— Rib-like coil 279 

222.— Rib-like coil 279 

223.— Indented pat tern 280 

224.— Thumb-nail indentation 280 

225. — Wave-like indentation 281 

226.— Wave-like indentation 281 

227. — Impressions of finger tips 281 

228. — Implement indentations 281 

229.— Nail markings 282 

230.— Incised lines 282 

231.— Incised pattern 282 

232.— Applied fillet 283 

233. — Examples of relief ornaments 283 

234. — Examples of relief ornaments 283 

235. — Examples of relief ornaments 283 

236. — Examples of relief ornaments 283 

237. — Examples of relief ornaments 283 

238. — Examples of relief ornaments 283 

239. — Vase from a cliff house, Mancos Canon 285 

240.— Vase from Epsom Creek 287 

241. — Vase from tumulus at Saint George 288 

242. — Vase from tumulus at Saint George 289 

243. — Vase from tumulus at Saint George 290 

244. — Bowl from tumulus at Saint George 291 

24."..— Vase from Parowau, Utah 291 

246. — Cup from central Utah 292 

247.— Vase from Zuiii 293 

248.— Vase from Zuiii 294 

249. — Mug from Tusayan 294 

250. — Vase from Tusayan 295 

251. — Vase from Tusayan 296 

252. — Vessel from Tusayan 296 

253.— Vase from Tusayan 297 




Fig. 254.— Bowl from Cibola 297 

255. — Bottle from tumulus at Saint Georgo 300 

256. — Vase from tumulus at Saiut George 301 

257. — Vase from tumulus at Saint George 301 

258. — Bowl from tumulus at Saint George 308 

259.— Bowl from tumulus at Saint George 309 

260. — Bowl from tumulus at Saint George 309 

261.— Painted design 310 

262.— Bowl from Kanab, Utah 310 

263.— Painted design 311 

264.— Bowl from Kanab, Utah 311 

265.— Painted design 311 

266. — Bowl from tumulus at Saint George 312 

267.— Painted design 312 

268.— Bowl from Tusayau 312 

269. — Bowl from tumulus at Saint George 313 

270. — Bowl from tumulus at Saint George 313 

271. — Pitcher from tumulus at Saint George 314 

272. — Bowl from Montezuma Canon 316 

273.— Bowl from San Juan Valley 316 

274.— Bowl from San Juan Valley 317 

275. — Bowl from San Juan Valley 317 

276.— Painted design : 318 

277. — Handled cup from Montezuma Cafion 318 

278. — Handled cup from Montezuma Canon 318 

279.— Vase from San Juau Valley 318 

280. —Vase from San Juan Valley 319 

281.— Vase lid from San Juan Valley 319 

282.— Vase lid from San Juau Valley 319 

283.— Handled bottle from San Juan Valley 319 

284.— Handled bottle from San Juan Valley 320 

285. — Handled mug from San Juan Valley 320 

286. — Handled mug from San Juau Valley 320 

287. — Handled mug from San Juan Valley 320 

288. — Handled mug from southern Utah 320 

289.— Bowl from Tusayan 322 

290.— Bowl from Tusayan 323 

29 1 .— Pai u ted design 323 

292.— Bowl from Tusayan 324 

293.— Painted design 325 

294. — Handled bowl from Tusayan 325 

295.— Painted design 326 

296. — Original form of painted design 326 

297. — Handled cup from Tusayan 327 

298. — Handled cup from Tusayan 327 

299. — Dipper from Tusayan 327 

300. — Dipper from Tusayan 328 

301.— Figure of bird 328 

302.— Dipper from Tusayan 328 

303.— Painted design 329 

304.— Painted design 329 

305.— Unit of the design 329 

306. -Bowl from Tusayau 330 

307.— Bowl from Tusayan 331 

308.— Bowl from Tusayan 331 



Fig. 309. —Bowl from Tusay an 332 

310.— Bowl from Tusayan 332 

311.— Painted design 333 

312.— Bowl from Tusayan 333 

313.— Bowl from Tusayan 334 

314. — Vase from Tusayan 334 

315. — Vase from Tusayan 335 

316 — Vase from Tusayan 335 

317.— Vase from Tusayan 336 

318. — Vase from Tusayan 336 

319.— Painted design 337 

320.— Vase from Tusayan 337 

321.— Vase from Tusayan 338 

322.— Painted design : 338 

323.— Unit of the design 339 

324.— Vase from Tusayan 339 

325.— Fainted design 340 

326.— Unit of the design 340 

327. — Vase, from Tusayan 341 

328.— Painted design 342 

329.— Unit of the design 342 

330.— Vase from Tusayan 343 

331.— Vase from Cibola 343 

332.— Vase from Cibola 344 

333.— Painted design 345 

334.— Painted design 345 

335. — Vase from Tusayan 346 

336. — Handled vase from Tusayan 346 

337.— Painted design 347 

338.— Handled mug from Tusayan 347 

339.— Painted design 348 

340. — Vase from Tusayan 348 

341.— Painted design 348 

342.— Handled cup from Cibola 349 

343.— Painted ornament 349 

344.— Painted ornament 349 

345. — Painted ornament 350 

346. — Painted ornament 350 

347. — Vase from Tusayan 350 

348.— Vase from Tusayan 351 

349.— Bottle from Tusayan 351 

350.— Bottle from Tusayau 352 

351.— Bottle from Tusayan 352 

352. — Vase from eastern Arizona. — 353 

353. — Vase from eastern Arizona. — 354 

354. — Vase from Tusayan 354 

355.— Vase from Tusayau 355 

356. — Vase from Tusayan 355 

357. — Vase from Tusayan 356 

358. — Vase from Cibola 357 

359. — Vase from Arizona 358 

360. — Bird-shaped cup from Tusayan 358 


By William IT. Holmes. 


A study of tbe pottery of the ancient Pueblo peoples is here com- 
menced in accordance with plans formed years ago by the Director of 
the Bureau of Ethnology, liis aim was to present to the world a 
monographic work upon the splendid material obtained by the Bureau, 
including with it the important collections made previously by him- 
self. The preparation of this work has been postponed from time to 
time with the view of completing the collections, which were being en- 
riched by annual visits to the Pueblo country. Meantime I began the 
study of the collection for the purpose of securing at the start a satis- 
factory classification of the material on hand. 

The present paper is the first result of that study. I have, however, 
taken up only the more ancient groups of ware, leaving the rest for 
subsequent papers. A comparative study is not attempted, for the 
reason that a detailed examination of all the groups to be considered is 
absolutely essential to satisfactory results. Conclusions drawn from 
partial observations lead generally to error. 

There were great difficulties in the way of treating satisfactorily the 
modern varieties of ware, as no one had sufficient familiarity with the 
language of the Pueblo tribes to discuss the ideographic phases of the 
ornamentation. Mr. F. H. Cushing's studies bid fair to supply this 
want, and his recent return from Zuiii has led to the preparation of the 
valuable paper presented in this volume. 

Mr. James Stevenson, who has procured a large portion of the col- 
lection of modern pottery, has published catalogues with copious illus- 
trations. Most of the cuts have been prepared under my supervision, 
and have been selected with the view of securing engravings of a full 
series of typical examples for a final work. 



Distribution. — The ancient Pueblo peoples dwelt in aland of canons 
and high plateaus. They had their greatest development in the valley 
of the Eio Colorado, where they delighted to haunt the shadows of the 
deepest gorges and build their dwellings along the loftiest cliffs. The 
limits of their territory are still in a measure undefined. We discover 
remnants of their arts in the neighboring valleys of Great Salt Lake, 
the Arkansas, and the Rio Grande, and southward we can trace them 
beyond the Rio Gila into the table-lands of Chihuahua and Souora. 

Thus outlined, we have an area of more thau one hundred thousand 
square miles, which has at times more or less remote been occupied by 
tribes of town building and pottery-making Indians. 

Character. — High and desert like as this land is, it has borne a 
noble part in fostering and maturing a culture of its own — a culture 
born of unusual needs, shaped by exceptional environment, and limited 
by the capacities of a peculiar people. Cliff houses and cavate dwell- 
ings are not new to architecture, and pottery resembling the Pueblo 
ware in many respects may be found wherever man has developed a 
corresponding degree of technical'skill ; yet there is an individuality in 
these Pueblo remains that separates them distinctly from all others and 
lends a keen pleasure to their investigation. 

Treatment. — The study of prehistoric art leads inevitably to in- 
quiries into the origin of races. Solutions of these questions have gen- 
erally been sought through migrations, and these have been traced in 
a great measure by analogies in archajologic remains; but in such inves- 
tigation one important factor has been overlooked, namely, the laws 
that govern migrations of races do not regulate the distribution of arts. 
The pathways do not correspond, but very often conflict. The arts mi- 
grate in ways of their own. They pass from place to place and from 
people to people by a process of acculturation, so that peoples of unlike 
origin practice like arts, while those of like origin are found practicing 
unlike arts. The threads of the story are thus so entangled that we 
find it impossible to trace them backward to their beginnings. 

For the present, therefore, I do not propose to study the arts of this 
province with the expectation that they will furnish a key to the origin 
of the peoples, or to the birthplace of their arts, but I shall treat them 
with reference rather to their bearing upon the processes by which cul- 
ture has been achieved and the stages through which it has passed, 
keeping always in mind that a first requisite in this work is a system- 
atic and detailed study of the material to be employed. 


Age. — The ceramic art of the ancient Pueblos is practically a unit. 
We find in its remains few indications of distinct periods. There is 
nothing to carry us back to a remote past. The oldest specimens known 
are nearly as high in the scale as the latest. In the deposits of caves 
and burial grounds we find, so far, nothing more archaic than in the 
ruins of once populous villages and beneath the fallen walls of hewn- 
stone cliff houses. In methods of manufacture and in styles of orna- 
mentation there is no specific distinction. 

Once introduced, there is much in the character of the country to de- 
velop this art. The people were sedentary, and thus able to practice 
the art continuously for a long period; and iii a country so arid there 
was often great need of vessels suitable for the transportation and stor- 
age of water. 

Material. — Nature was lavish in her supply of the material needed. 
Suitable clay could be found in nearly every valley, both in the well- 
exposed strata and in the sediment of streams. 1 have noticed that 
after the passage of a sudden storm over the mesa country, and the 
rapid disappearance of the transient flood, the pools of the arroyos 
would retain a sediment of clay two or three inches thick, having a 
consistency perfectly suited to the hand of the potter. This I have 
taken without tempering aud have made imitations of the handsome 
vases whose remnants I could pick up on all sides. In drying and 
burning, these vessels were liable to crack and fall to pieces ; but I see 
no reason why, with the use of proper tempering materials, this natural 
paste might not be successfully employed. It would not be difficult,, 
however, to find the native clay among the sedimentary formations of 
this district. Usually the clay has been very fine grained, and when 
used without coarse tempering the vessels have an extremely even and 
often a conchoidal fracture. 

Tempering. — The materials used in tempering do not often come into 
notice. It appears that, in a majority of cases, fine sand, probably de- 
rived from naturally disintegrated rocks, was employed. A large per- 
centage of rather coarse sand is found in the more roughly finished 
coil-made ware, but vessels intended for smooth finish have little per- 
ceptible tempering material. 

The speckled appearance of some of the abraded surfaces suggests 
the use of pulverized potsherds, a practice frequently resorted to by 
the modern tribes. In some localities, uotably iu the south, we find a 



slight admixture of mica, which may have come from the use of pulver- 
ized micaceous rock. 

Construction. — Xo oue can say just how the materials were manipu- 
lated, fashioned into vessels, and baked; yet many facts can be gleaned 
from a critical examination of the vessels themselves; and an approxi- 
mate idea of the various processes employed may be formed by a study 
of the methods of modern potters of the same region or of corresponding 
grades of culture. 

It is evident that the vessels were built and finished by the hands 
alone; no wheel was used, although supports, such as shallow earthen 
vessels, baskets, and gourds were certainly employed to a considerable 
extent. Primitive processes of building have varied considerably. The 
simplest method perhaps was that of shaping a single mass of clay by 
pressure with the fingers, either with or without the assistance of a mold 
or support. The mold would be useful in shaping shallow vessels, such 
as plates, cups, and bowls. The walls of vessels of eccentric forms or 
having constricted apertures would be carried upward by the addition 
of small more or less elongated masses of clay, with no support but the 
hand or an implement held in the hand. Casting proper, in regularly 
constructed molds, was practiced only by the more cultured races, such 
as the Peruvians. A variety of methods may have been employed in 
the construction of a single piece. 

Surface Finish. — A great deal of attention was given to surface 
finish. In the coiled ware the imbricate edges of the fillets were generally 
either smoothed down and obliterated entirely, or treated in such a way 
as to give a variety of pleasing effects of relief decoration. Vessels 
with smooth surfaces, whether built by coiling, modeling, or molding, 
very often received a thin coat of fine liquid clay, probably after par- 
tial drying and polishing. This took the place of the enamels used by 
more accomplished potters, and being usually white, it gave a beautiful 
surface upon which to execute designs in color. Before the color was 
applied the surface received a considerable degree of polish by rubbing 
with a suitable implement of stone or other material. Attention was 
given chiefly to surfaces exposed to view — the interior of bowls and the 
exterior of narrow-necked vases. 

Firing. — The firing of the ancient ware seems to have been carefully 
and successfully accomplished. The methods probably did not differ 
greatly from those practiced by the modern Pueblo tribes. The ware 
is, as a rule, light in color, but is generally much clouded by the dark 
spots that result from imperfections in the methods of applying the tire. 
The heat was rarely great enough to produce anything like vitrifactiou 
of the surface, and the paste is seldom as hard as our stone ware. 

Glaze. — A great deal has been said about the glaze of native Ameri- 
can wares, which exists, if at all, through accident. The surface of the 
white ware of nearly all sections received a high degree of mechanical 
polish, and the effect of tiring was often to heighten this and give 

holmes] GENERAL DISlUSSION. 269 

at times a slightly translucent effect; a result of the spreading or sink- 
ing of tbe coloring matter of the designs. 

Hardness. — The paste exposed in fractured edges can be scratched 
with a steel point, and often with ease. Some of the white pottery of 
ancient Tusayan can be carved almost as readily as cbalk or sun-dried 
clay. At the same time all localities furnish occasionally specimens 
that through the accidents of firing have the ring and hardness of 
stoneware. The ancient pottery is generally superior in hardness to 
that produced by the historic tribes. 

Color.— This pottery presents a pleasing variety of color, although 
the light grays prevail, especially in the more archaic varieties. The 
general color probably depended greatly upon the natural constituents 
of the clay and the degree of heat applied, and these conditions varied 
with the locality and the people. Reds and browns result from the 
presence of iron, which may have been oxidized in burning, or the red 
oxides may have been used in rare cases as coloring matter in kneading 
the clay. The surface is often lighter than the mass; a coudition prob- 
ably resulting from the presence of vegetable matter in the clay, which 
is destroyed on the surface and remains unchauged within. In the 
south the colors of the paste are often slightly reddish or yellowish in 
hue. It is notable that a small percentage of the ware of all localities 
is red. This gives rise to the suggestion that vessels of this color prob- 
ably had some especial or sacred use. Color is known to have an inti- 
mate connection with superstitious observauces among many barbarian 

Form. — In form the ancient ware is universally simple and pleasing. 
Many shapes known to both civilized and barbarian art are absent. 
High necked bottles and shallow plates are of rare occurrence, and 
pitchers, canteens or lenticular bottles, and vessels with legs and stands 
are unknown. There is a notable dearth of life forms, a circumstance 
that would seem to indicate the rather tardy development of a taste for 
modeling — a condition which may have resulted from the comparatively 
recent origin or introduction of art in clay. 

Vessels with full globular bodies prevail. The bottoms are generally 
round or a little pointed, indicating primitive conditions of life and sug- 
gesting great simplicity in methods of manufacture and in the models 

Origin of Forms. — There can be no doubt that ceramic forms are 
to a great extent derivative, and the search for their originals will 
constitute a most important feature in our studies. Turning to nature 
for possible originals, we find them liberally supplied by both the animal 
and the vegetable kingdom. The shells of the sea shore were probably 
among the first receptacles for food and drink. We have examples of 
pottery from the mounds in the Mississippi Valley, representing three 
or four distinct varieties of shells. The shells of turtles and the horns 
of cattle and other animals have also served as models. 


The vegetable world furnishes many originals; the gourd, for example, 
was utilized at a very early date. Its forms are greatly varied, and 

Fig. 210. — Origin of forms 

must have given rise to many primitive shapes of vessels in clay, and 
perhaps in wicker-work and wood. One of the ordinary forms cut off 

Fig. 211.— Origin of forms. 

midway would suggest the series of bowls outlined in Fig. 210. Simply 
perforated it would give rise to the series illustrated in Fig. 211. 

Fig. 212.— Origin of forms. 

Wide-mouthed vases would be suggested as indicated in Fig. 212, 
bottles as shown in Fig. 213, and eccentric forms as seen in Fig. 214. 

Fig. 213.— Origin of forms. 

Fig. 214. — Origin of forms. 

These particular examples are presented in illustration of the manner 
in which forms may be derived and nothing more, as there are many 


possible origins or' the same forms. In a separate paper I bave amplified 
this topic, and bave discussed the relative importance of the influence of 
natural and artificial products upon the conformation of utensils of clay. 

Handles. — In searching for the first suggestions of handles we must 
certainly go back to the very beginnings of art, when men and women 
employed leaves or vines to carry their children or their food, or to sus- 
pend them for safety from the trees of the forest. The art of basketry 
would naturally fall heir to this use of handles. Clay, bronze, and iron, 
when they came into use, would also inherit some of the forms thus de- 
veloped. There are, however, other sources of equal importance, among 
which are animal forms, such as horns, and various forms of vegetable 
growth, such as the gourd. The latter may again serve as an illustration. 

By cutting the body of the gourd longitudinally at one side of the axis, 
we have dippers with straight or curved necks or handles. The primi- 
tive potter would in like manner have the suggestion of a handled vessel 
in clay, which, carried forward by the ever active spirit of improvement, 
would in time give us the series shown in Figs. 215 and 216 : 

Fig. 215.- Origin of handles. 


Fio. 216.— Origin and development of handles 

Ornament. — The shapes of vessels are, in a measure, ornamental, but 
it is difficult to say just how much the necessary or functional characters 
of particular forms have given way to decorative modifications. Pure 
ornament is a feature not essential to the vessel. Its ideas may be ex- 
pressed by three principal methods: by relieved, by flat, and by intaglio 

Relief ornament was not extensively employed by the ancient Pueblos. 
The forms are few and simple, and nearly all are traceable to construc- 
tional or to functional features. Thus the ornamental crenulated sur- 
face of the coiled ware is constructional, consisting as it does of ridges, 
resulting from the method of building. The kuobs, isolated coils, and 
festooned fillets are probably, in some cases, atrophied forms of handles. 

Intaglio decoration is still more rare. It consists of incised, impressed, 
and punctured figures. No designs of importance are produced by this 
method, the most notable being the simple patterns traced by the 
finger or a sharp implement upon the relieved edges of fillets in the 
coiled ware. 


With these people, the highest class of decoration consisted of designs 
in color. This topic is fully discussed in a subsequent section. 

Origin of ornament. — It is probable that before pottery came into use 
the decorative art had been cultivated in other fields, and we shall need 
to look both to nature and to antecedent arts for the originals of many 
decorative ideas. 

From a remote period man has been able to appreciate beauty. The 
first exercise of taste would probably be iu the direction of personal 
adornment, and would consist iu the choice of colors or articles thought 
to enhance attractiveness, or in the grouping and modification of objects 
at first functional in character. Later, taste would be exercised on a 
variety of subjects, and finally it would extend to all things in use. Man 
may have recognized the comeliness of the first simple articles em- 
ployed in his humble arts, but when he came to attempt the multipli- 
cation of these articles artificially, utility was probably the only thought. 
In reproducing them, however, non-essential features would be copied 
automatically, aud the work of art would through this accident inherit 
purely ornamental attributes. 

Thus it appears that the first ideas of decoration do not necessarily 
originate iu the mind of the potter, but that, like the shapes of art pro- 
ducts, they may be derived, unconsciously, from nature. This is an 
important consideration. At a later stage new forms of ornament are 
derived in a like manner from constructional features of the various 
arts. Invention of decorative motives is not to be expected of a prim- 
itive, tradition following people. Advance is greatly by utilization of 

Use. — A satisfactory classification of this pottery by functional char- 
acters will be most difficult to make. In the early stages of its manu- 
facture it was confined chiefly, if not solely, to the alimentary arts. A 
differentiation of use would take place when certain vessels were set 
aside for special departments of the domestic work. Thus we would 
have vessels for eating, for cooking, for carrying, and for storage. When 
vessels came to be used in superstitious exercises, certain forms were 
probably set aside for especial ceremonies. With some peoples, particu- 
lar forms were dedicated to mortuary uses, but we have no clew to any 
such custom among the ancient Pueblos, as the same vessel served for 
food both before and after death, and cinerary vessels were not called 
for. Certain classes of the ruder and plainer ware are found to be black- 
ened by smoke. These were evidently cooking vessels. The painted 
pottery rarely shows evidences of such use. Bowls were probably em- 
ployed chiefly in preparing and serving food. The larger vessels were 
devoted to carrying and storing water, fruits, grains, and miscellaneous 
articles. Smaller vessels were used as receptacles for paint, grease, and 
the like. The ancient people had not yet devoted their ceramic art to 
trivial uses — there are no toys, no rattles, aud no grotesque figures. 

Classification. — In treating a subject covering so wide a field, and 
embracing such a diversity of products, a careful classification of the ma- 

holmes] COIL-MADE POTTERY. 273 

terial is called for. Three grand divisions of the ceramic work of tliis 
province may be made, on a time basis, namely: prehistoric, transitional, 
and modern. At present I have to deal chiefly with the prehistoric, but 
must also pay some attention to the transitional, as it embraces many 
features common both to the archaic and to the modern art. In dis 
cussing the prehistoric pottery I find it convenient to consider it under 
the three heads, coiled ware, plain ware, and painted ware. This classi- 
fication is unsatisfactory, as it is based upon somewhat imperfectly 
differentiated characters. The smooth vessel is in many cases a coil- 
built one with obliterated coils, and a painted vessel a smooth one with 
the addition of designs in color. Very little of the pottery was left 
plain, but the coiled and painted varieties are fully represented in every 

I place the coiled ware first because to all appearances it is the most 
archaic variety and one which is rarely made at the present day. I 
suspect that the pieces made by modern potters serve to supply the wants 
of the collectors rather than to meet the requirements of traditional 
art. Among the collections in the National Museum are found many 
crude attempts to manufacture this ware by potters who did not com- 
prehend the secrets of its construction, or who thought to produce the 
coiled effect by the cheap device of scarifying and indenting the surface 
of a plain vessel. 

Close relations are established between the coiled and the painted 
pottery, not only by the identity of materials, form, color, and time, but 
by the union of the two methods of finishing, the coiling and painting, 
in one and the same vessel, as may be seen in the examples given in 
in the following pages. 


Coiling. — The art of building vessels by means of coils of clay has 
been practiced by T many widely separated communities, and is, there- 
fore, certainly not peculiar to the ancient Pueblos. A careful study of 
the ceramic field shows considerable diversity in the treatment of the 
coil. The most striking variation, the employment of the coil as a 
means of embellishment, is, so far as my observation extends, peculiar to 
the Pueblo peoples. With others it is a feature of construction simply. 

The preliminary steps are with all primitive potters in a general 
sense the same. The first care is to secure suitable clay and to have it 
properly purified and tempered. After this the treatment varies greatly. 

Coiling of the Ptieblos. — The ancient Pueblo potter rolled out long, 
slender fillets or ropes of clay, varying in width and thickness to suit 
the size and character of the vessel to be constructed. They were usually 
perhaps from one-fourth to one half of an inch in thickness. When they 
were properly trimmed and smoothed the potter began by taking the 
4 eth 18 



end of a single strip between his fingers and proceeded to coil it upon 
itself, gradually forming a disk, as shown in Fig. 217, which represents 
the base of a large vase from the San Juan Valley. 

At first the fillets overlapped only a little, but as the disk grew large 
and was rounded upward to form the body of the vessel, the imbrica- 
tion became more pronounced. The fillet was placed obliquely, as shown 

Fig. 218.— Section of coil-made vessel. 

in the section, Fig. 218, and was exposed on the exterior side to probably 
one-half of its width. Strip after strip of clay was added, the ends 

holmes] METHODS OP COILING. 275 

being carefully joined, so that tbe continuity might not be broken until 
the vessel was completed. The rim generally consisted of a broad strip, 
thickened a little at the lip, and somewhat recurved. The exterior im- 
bricate edges were carefully preserved, while those on the inner surface 
were totally obliterated, first by pressure, and finally by smoothing 
down with an implement, or with the fingers, imprints of the latter being 
frequently visible. So thoroughly were the fillets pressed down and 
welded together that the vessels seldom fracture more readily along 
the lines of junction than in other directions. 

The fact that the spiral ridges of the bottom are frequently without 
abrasion, as shown in Fig. 217, suggests an idea in regard to the manip- 
ulation of the coil. While building the upper part of the vase the base 
would necessarily rest upon some sort of support and the soft ridges 
would suffer from abrasion. In preventing such defacement, an interior 
support, such as a mold or the base of another vessel, must have been 
used, in which case the vessel was necessarily built in an inverted posi- 
tion. At the same time it is clear that this would be practicable only 
with bowls or with very wide- mouthed vessels, as the mold, if rigid, 
could not be removed through a restricted aperture. 

In pressing the coil down, in welding it to the preceding turn, internal 
support would be necessary, as otherwise the strain would warp the 
walls. A curved trowel or a rounded pebble could be used as long as the 
aperture would admit the hand, but no support excepting the fingers, 
or an implement shaped for the purpose, could be used beyond this 
stage. The whole process was a most delicate one, requiring patience 
and skill. In this respect it contrasted strongly with the coiling of other 
peoples. As indicated by numerous specimens, the coil was sometimes 
laid on the inside of a shallow basket or bowl, the surface of the vessel 
showing a combination of basket-markings and nearly obliterated spiral 
creases. This device served a good purpose in starting the vessel, the 
upper part being completed by free-hand coiling. 

Coiling of other peoples. — The art, as practiced by the Indians of 
Louisiana, is graphically described by Duinont. The following para- 
graph is translated from his work : 

" Moreover, the industry of these (savage) girls and women is admi- 
rable. I have already alluded to tbe skill with which, with their fingers 
only, and without a wheel, they make large pieces of pottery. The fol- 
lowing is their method of work : After having collected a quantity of 
the proper kind of earth, and having cleaned it thoroughly, they take 
shells which they break up and reduce to a very fine, loose powder ; 
they mix this tine dust with the earth which they have collected, and, 
moistening the whole with a little water, work it with their hands and 
feet into a paste, from which they make rolls six or seven feet long and 
as thick as they may desire. If they wish to make a dish or a vase, 
tbey take one of these rolls by the end, and marking on this lump with 
the thumb of the left hand the center of the vessel, they turn the roll 


around this center with admirable rapidity and dexterity, describing a 
spiral. From time to time they dip their fingers into the water, which 
they are always careful to have near them, and, with the right hand, 
they flatten the inside and the outside of the vase, which without this 
would be uneven. In this way they make all kinds of earthen utensils, 
dishes, plates, bowls, pots, and jugs, some of which hold as much as 40 
or even 50 pints. This pottery does not require much preparation for 
baking. After having dried it in the shade, they make a large fire, and 
as soon as they think they have enough embers they clean a place in 
the middle, and, arranging the pieces of pottery, cover them with char- 
coal. It is thus that the pieces are given the necessary heating (cook- 
ing), after which they are as strong as our pottery. There is no doubt 
but that we must attribute their strength to the mixture which these 
women make of powdered shells with the earth which they employ." 1 

Professor C. F. Hartt has furnished many facts in regard to the manu- 
facture of pottery by the Brazilian Indians. According to his account 
the women of Santarem model the bottom of a vessel from a lump of clay 
in the usual way. Then "a piece of clay is rolled under the hand into 
a long, rope-like cylinder. This rope is then coiled around the edge of 
the bottom of the vessel, being flattened sidewise by pinching with the 
fingers of the left hand, and caused to adhere to the bottom. On this, 
coil after coil is laid in like manner, each being flattened as before. 
After a few have been added they are worked into shape with the fingers, 
which are occasionally moistened in water, and the irregularities pro- 
duced by the coils are caused to disappear. The vessel is formed by 
the hand alone and the surface is smoothed down by means of a bit of 
gourd or a shell, which is from time to time dipped in water. If the 
vessel be large it is now set away in the shade for a while to dry a little, 
after which new coils are added as above, no other instrument being 
used except the hands and the gourd or shell, with which alone the ves- 
sel may receive not only an extremely regular form, but also a very 
smooth surface. * * * The coils are so worked together that from 
a simple inspection of the vessel it is impossible to determine how it 
was built up. I should never have suspected that the pottery of Pacoval 
had been made by coiling, were it not that I found the coils still un- 
united on the inner surface of the heads of idols." 2 

Prof. Hartt states, also, on the authority of Dr. de Magalhaes, that 
the pottery of the several tribes of the Araquaya River is always made 
by coiling, the surface being worked down by the hand and water and 
the aid of a spoon-like trowel made of bamboo. Humboldt makes a 
similar statement in regard to the tribes of the Orinoco. 

Mr. E. A. Barber 3 relates, on the authority of Captain John Moss, a 
resident, for a long time, of southwestern Colorado, that the Ute In- 

■Mernoires sur la Louisiana. Butel-Dumont. Vol. II, pp. 271-273. Paris, 1753. 
'-Hartt: American Naturalist, February, 1879, pp. 83-86. 
'Barber: Americau Naturalist, Vol. X, p. 412. 



dians manufacture pottery at the present time, and that they probably 
follow the methods of the Mokis, from whom they learned the art. 

Captain Moss states that " They use marl, which they grind between 
two rocks to a very flue powder. They theu mix this with water aud 
knead it as we would dough. Afterwards they roll it out into a rope- 
like state about one inch in diameter and several yards in length. They 
then commence at the bottom of the jar, or whatever vessel they may 
be making, aud coil the clay-rope layer on layer until they have the 
bottom and three iuches of the sides laid up. The tools for smoothing 
aud joining the layers together are a paddle made out of wood and per- 
fectly smooth, and an oval-shaped polished stone." Both of these tools 
are dipped in the water (salt water is preferred), the stone is held in the 
left hand and on the inside of the vessel, and the paddle is applied vig- 
orously until the surfaces are smooth. The method thus described by 
these authors was, probably, almost universal'}* practiced. 

I have specimens from a number of the Eastern and Southern States 
that fracture along the line of junction, showiug clearly the width of 
the fillets and the manner of their attachment. I picked up a small 
specimen at Avoca, North Carolina, which has broken along the liue of 
junction, giving the section illustrated in Fig. 219. It will be seen that 


Fig. 211).— Ordinary superposition of coils. 



there is no overlapping as in the Pueblo work, the attachment being 
accomplished by pressure and by drawing both edges of the coil down 
over the convex edge of the preceding coil. I have similar specimens 
from the modern Pueblos, from Florida, from Mexico, aud from Brazil. 
It will readily be seen that this method of building differs essentially 
from that practiced so successfully by the aucient Pueblos. 

Origin of the Coil. — This use of the coil is but a refinement of the 
most simple possible method of construction, that of bnilding by the 
addition of small masses of clay. A disk or shallow cup can be formed 
successfully by the fingers alone from a single lump of clay, but to 
carry the wall upward by pressure or by blows from a paddle would 
result in a weak, frayed edge. To counteract or prevent this tendency 
small elongated masses are used, which are laid one upon another along 
the growing margin. From this, in the most natural manner possible. 



we arrive at the use of the long, even rope or fillet. The imbrication or 
overlapping of the coil practiced by the Pueblos may have originated 
in the effort to secure a more stable union of the parts which had to be 
welded together by pressure. It would also almost necessarily arise 
from the attempt to lay the coil upon or within a mold or support. There 
is a possibility that it may have been suggested by features of construc- 
tion observed in other arts — the overlapping parts of a roof, of a plate 
or scale garment, or of a coiled basket. The latter is especially sug- 
gestive, since we must generally look for the origin of features of the 
ceramic art in the features of closely associated arts. 

The Coil in Ornamentation. — Ordinarily the coil has not been ex- 
pected to contribute to the beauty of the vessel, but the Pueblo tribes 
made it a prominent feature in decoration. The primitive potter as he 
laid his rude coils noticed that the ridges thus produced served to en- 
hance the appearance of the vessel. He also observed that the series 
of indentations left on the outer surface of the fillet in pressing it down 
gave a pleasing effect, and made use of the suggestion. Improving 
upon the accidents of manufacture, he worked out a variety of decora- 
tive devices. 

In some cases the coiled ridges are confined to particular parts of the 
vessel, the other parts having been worked down or originally con- 
structed by plain modeling. Numerous examples have the body quite 
plain, the collar alone retaining the spiral ridges of the coil. Fig. 251 
illustrates a very good example of this peculiarity. 


Fir.. 220.— Coiled and plain surface. 


The fragment shown in Fig. 220 is from the neck of a pot-shaped 
vase. The surface has been plain below and the fillets of the upper part 
have been pressed down evenly with the thumb, leaving the extreme 
edge of the overlapping band in sharp relief, as shown more clearly in 
the section. 


2 79 

The whole coil is sometimes left plain, as in Figs. 221 and 222, in 
which cases the edges have been carefully pressed down and smoothed 
with the lingers. 

A great variety of devices were resorted to to diversify and decorate 
the ribbed spirals, and in this the innate good taste of the Indian ex- 

FlG. 221.— Rib-like coil. 


hibits itself to much advantage. The coil is often indented or crimped 
throughout, from the center of the bottom to the rim of the vessel. At 
times a few turns at the beginning are left plain, as shown in Fig. 217, 

Fig. 222. -Kib-like coil. 


while again alternate bauds, consisting of several turns each, are not 
crimped, as clearly brought out by an example from Southern Utah, 
illustrated in the Art Review for July, 1874, by F. W. Putnam, and also 
by two fine specimens recently collected by E. W. Nelson near Spring- 
erville, Arizona. 

The decided taste of this ancient people for ornament is still further 
indicated by attempts to elaborate more intricate patterns by means of 
thumbnail indentations. The idea may have been borrowed from bas- 
ketry. The fragment given in Fig. 223 illustrates the method of pro- 
cedure. We have some very fine vessels of this class from Springer- 
ville, and others from the province of Tusayan in which the entire sur- 
face is covered with checkered or meandered patterns. An excellent 



example is shown in Fig. 253. We shall appreciate the cleverness of 
this work more fully when we remember that the separate thumb inden- 

23. — Indented pattern. 

tations forming the figures of the pattern are made in each coil as it is 
laid and pressed into place and before the succeeding turn is made. 

These curious decorative effects were still further elaborated by di 
versifying the character of the indentations of the coil. In Fig. 224: 

FIG. 224.— Nail indentations. 

we have a most successful effort in this direction. The fillets are alter- 
nately crimped and plain. The thumb, in pressing down the one, has 



been applied with such force that the nail has cut entirely through it, 
indenting the plain layer below and causing the two to coalesce. This 
specimen was obtained from the canon of the Rio Mancos. 

Certain districts are particularly rich in remains of this peculiar ware 
and furnish many examples of crimped ornament. The remarkable 
desert like plateau lying north of the Grand Canon of the Colorado con- 
tains many house and village sites. At intervals along the very brink 
of the great cbasm we come upon heaps of stones and razed walls of 
bouses about which are countless fragments of this ware. These are 
identical in nearly every character with the pottery of Saint George on 
the west, of the San Juan on the east, and of the Gila on the south. 
A few miles south of Kanab stands a little hill— an island in the creek 
bottom — which is literally covered with the ruins of an aucieut village, 
and the great abundance of pottery fragments indicates that it was, for 
a long period, the home of cliff-dwelling peoples. In no other case have I 
found so complete an assortment of all the varieties of coil-ornamenta- 
tion. All the forms already given are represented and a number of 
new ones are added. 

F'ig. 'j-5. — Wave-like indentation. 

FIG. 226. Wave-like indentation 

Iu the example given in Fig. 225 the fillets are deeply indented, giv- 
ing a wave-like effect. Another pretty variety is seen in Fig. 226. 

One of the most successful of these archaic attempts at relief em- 
bellishment is illustrated in the fragment shown in Fig. 227. The 
raised edge of the fillet is pinched out at regular intervals, producing 

Fig. 227. — Impressions of finger-tips. 

FIG. 228. — Implement indentations 

rows of sharp-pointed "beads." Over the entire surface impressions of 
the fine lines of the finger-tips are still distinctly visible. The dotted 
lines show the direction of the coil. 



The indenting was not always done with the thumb or finger-tips, but 
a variety of implements were used. The vase, of which Fig. 22S shows 
a small fragment, had a figure worked upon it by indenting the soft 
coils with a sharp implement. 

The coil ridges were sometimes worked down into more regular forms 
by means of an implement and were left plain or were interrupted by 
transverse lines. Lines of nail marking are shown in Fig. 229. These 
lines are occasionally combined in rude patterns. 

Fig. 229. — Nail markings. 

Fig. 230— Incised lines 

In the specimen illustrated in Fig. 230, incised lines are drawn across 
the ridges of the coil. 

Other varieties of ornament. — I have already remarked that cer- 
tain styles of decoration are confined to somewhat definite geographic 

limits. In the ancient Pueblo district 
we find that painted designs and coil 
ornaments are co-extensive, while 
within this area there are but rare 
examples of incised designs, stamped 
figures, or cord-marking. We find 
basket indentations, but these are in 
all cases the accidents of manufacture. 
The coil has often been laid upon the 
inner surface of a basket. 

The fragment shown in Fig. 231 
was picked up on the site of an an- 
cient Pueblo village near Abiquiu, 
New Mexico. It is a portion of the 
neck and upper part of the body of a small vase which was covered 
by a simple pattern of intaglio lines, produced with a bone or wooden 

Ornaments in relief, aside from the coil and forms resulting directly 
from its use, were sparingly employed and are of comparatively little 
interest. They consist of straight, curved, or crimped fillets, applied 
to the surface of the vessel as shown in Fig. 232. Additional exam- 
ples are given in Figs. 233, 234, and 235. 

Fig. 231.— Incised pattern. 



Nodes, cones, and other forms are also used as seen in Figs. 236, 237, 
and 238. These are usually placed about the neck of the vessel, occu- 
pying the places of the handles. 

Material. — The clay used in this ware was 
in some sections tempered with a large per- 
centage of rather coarse silicious sand, which 
gives to the surface a rough, granular look. In 
the south the paste seems to be finer grained 
than in the northern districts. 

Color, etc. — The color of the paste is gen- 
erally gray, but in the province of Tusayan it 
is frequently yellow. In some cases the surface 
has received a wash of fine liquid clay, and 
a few bowls from the Little Colorado and Gila 
Valleys have designs in white paint covering 
the exterior surface. This ware is always well 
baked and extremely hard. Fir - 232 - A PP Ued m ^- 

Form. — The forms are not nearly so varied as are those of the painted 
ware. The leading variety is a round-bodied, wide-mouthed olla or pot, 
with flaring rim. Bottles are of rare occurrence, and bowls are not 
nearly so plentiful as in other varieties of pottery. Life and eccentric 

Fig. 233. 

Fig 234. 

Fig. 236. Fig. 237. Fig. 238. 

Examples of relief ornament*. 

forms are occasionally found. Many small vessels of the more elon- 
gated shapes are furnished with handles, which are in most cases 
placed vertically upon the neck, and consist of single, or double bands 
or ropes or of two or more strands twisted together. 

Use. — As a rule the forms are such as have been devoted by most 
peoples to culinary uses, and in many cases the entire exterior surface 
is coated with soot. Plain vessels of similar outlines are used by the 
modern tribes of this province for cooking and serving food. Exam- 


pies having very neatly or elaborately finished surfaces have appar- 
ently not been used over a fire. Those of large size doubtless served 
for the transportation and storage of water. 


As it is my desire to give this paper something of a monographic 
completeness, I shall present a typical series of the best preserved ves- 
sels of this class along with some notices of the circumstances under 
which they were discovered. The treatment by districts or localities is 
for convenience simply, and has no reference to distinctions in the 
character of the ware. 


Our first expeditions into the land of the cliff-dwellers were full of 
interest. We were not, however, the first explorers. The miners of 
the silver-bearing mountains to the north had made occasional excur- 
sions into the sinuous canons of the plateau district, and failing to bring 
back the coveted gold, told tales of the marvelous cities of the cliffs, 
and speculated upon discovering in the debris of ancient temples and 
tombs a portion of the fabled gold and jewels of the provinces of Cibola 
and Tusayan. 

Notwithstanding our entire freedom from expectations in this direc- 
tion, the thought gave color to our anticipations, and it was not an un- 
common occurrence to hear, about the slumbering camp fire, half jocular 
references to the " great pots of gold moous" that some one had whis- 
pered might be hidden away in the inaccessible cliffs that over- 
shadowed us. 

I shall not soon forget the incidents connected with the discovery of 
a pair of fine water-jars — one of which is illustrated in Fig. 239. On 
the occasion of our first passage down the canon of the Eio Mancos 4 1 
made the discovery of a group of fine cliff-houses on the south side, 
far up in the vertical walls. On our return I made it a point to camp 
for I lie night directly below these houses, although a dense growth of 
underbrush had to be cut away to give room for our beds by the side of 
the sluggish stream. 

The two finest houses were set in shallow, wind-worn caves, several 
hundred feet above the valley. One was almost directly above the 
other, the upper being reached by a number of notches picked in the 
nearly vertical rock-face. 

I had ascended alone and was busily engaged in studying the upper 
house and tracing the plans of its fallen walls, when I heard a voice 
echoing among the cliffs. Descending hastily to the lower house I found 

••Tenth Auuual Report U. S. Geological Survey of the Territories, p. X>4. 




that one of my men hart followed me and was excitedly seratching with 
a stick among the debris of fallen walls. He hart just discovered the 
rim of a buried pot, and was fairly breathless from the anticipation of 
" piles of moons." By the aid of my geologic hammer we soon had the 
upper part of the neck uncovered, but hesitated a moment with bated 
breath before venturing to raise the rough stone lid. But there was 
no treasure — only a heap of dust. I was content, however, and when 
by a little further search we came upon a second vessel, a mate to the 
first, the momentary shades of disappointment vanished. 

These vessels had been placed in a small recess, where the falling 
walls bad not reached tliem, and were standing just as they had been 

Fig. 239.— Coiled vase from a cliffio 

) iu the MancoB Canon, Colorado. - 

left by their ancient possessors. The more perfect one, which had lost 
only a small chip from the rim, I determined to bring away entire. 
This I succeeded in doing by wrapping it in a blanket, and by means of 
straps, slinging it across my back. I carried it thus for a number of 
days over the rough trails of the canons and plateaus. The other, 
which was badly cracked when found, was pulled apart and packed 
away in one of the mess chests. It is now with its mate in the National 
Museum, perfectly restored. 


The unbroken vessel is shown in Fig. 239 about one-third its real 
height. Its capacity is nearly four gallons. The clay is tempered with 
a large portion of sand, some grains of which are quite coarse. The 
color of the paste is a light gray, apparently not having been greatly 
changed by the baking. A few dark contact clouds appear on the sides 
of the body. The walls are quite thin for a vessel of its size and are 
of very uniform thickness. The entire weight hardly exceeds that of a 
common wooden pail of the same capacity. The mouth is wide and the 
rim, which is made of a plain rough baud, is one inch wide and abruptly 
recurved. The vessel can hardly be said to have a neck, as the walls 
round gradually outward from the rim to the periphery of the body, 
which is full and nearly symmetrical. The narrow strands of clay have 
been coiled with something less than average care, the exposed surfaces 
being wide in places and in others very narrow. The thumb indenta- 
tions have been carelessly made. Two small conical bits of clay are 
affixed to the neck as if to represent handles. These may have been 
intended for ornaments, but are as likely to owe their preseuce to some 
little superstition of the archaic artisans. 

The companion vessel has also a capacity of about four gallons. Its 
form differs from that of its mate, being considerably more elongated 
above and having a more pronounced neck. The material is about the 
same, but the color is darker and the workmanship is superior. The 
surface is coated with soot, indicating use over a fire in cooking food or 
in boiling water. The coil was laid with a good deal of care and the 
indentation was done in a way to produce a series of sharp points along 
the margin of the coil. The interior of the rim was finished with a pol- 
ishing stone. A small cord of clay was neatly coiled into a double scroll 
and attached to the narrowest part of the vessel, corresponding in posi- 
tion to the knobs in the other example. This ornament, though small, 
is nevertheless effective. Similar scrolls are found upon vases from 
many parts of the Pueblo Province. 

It is an interesting fact that this vessel had been successfully mended 
by its owners. A small perforation near the base had been stopped by 
cementing a bit of pottery to the inside with clay paste. These 
vases were evidently the most important of the household utensils 
of the cliff-dwellers, especially as in this place water had to be carried, 
at least during a part of the year, from the creek five hundred feet below. 
It is probable that baskets and skins were sometimes used for carrying- 
water, and that the earthen vessels were used as coolers, as are similar 
vessels among many primitive peoples. That they were used for carry- 
ing water up the cliffs is indicated by the fragments that lie upon the 
slopes and point out the location of houses invisible from the trails be- 

A large fragment of a similar olla was picked up in the valley of Ep- 
som Creek, southeast Utah. This vessel was larger, neater in finish, 
and more elegant in shape, than either of those described. A suffi- 



ciently large fragment was discovered to show satisfactorily the char- 
acter of the rim, the outline of the body, and the details of surface finish. 
(Fig. 240.) The rim is but slightly recurved and the neck is high and 
upright. The body swelled to a diameter of about eighteen inches at 
the greatest circumference. The paste, as usual, indicates a gray clay 
tempered with coarse sand. The inside is smooth and the walls are 
remarkably thin for so large a vessel, being about one-fourth of an inch 
in thickness. The coil is very neatly laid and indented, a variety to 
the effect being given by leaving occasional plain bands. This vessel 
is described by W. H. Jackson in the Bulletin of the U. S. Geological 
Survey of the Territories, Vol. II. 

Fig. 240. — Part of a large vase from Epsom Creek. Utah. — $ 

Fragments of this class of ware are found throughout the canoned 
region of southern Utah and for au undetermined distance into Nevada. 
I have already described fragmentary specimens from Kauab and there- 
fore pass on to the west. 


The most notable collection of this coiled ware ever yet made in any 
one locality is from a dwelling-site tumulus near Saint George, Utah, 
nearly three hundred miles west of the Eio Mancos. 

About the year 1875, the curator of the National Museum obtained 
information of a deposit of ancient relics at the above locality, and in 
1876 a collector was sent out to make an investigation. The result, so 
far as collections go, was most satisfactory, and the account furnished 
gives an insight into the customs of this ancient people not yet obtained 
from any other source. On the Santa Clara Eiver, a tributary of the 
Eio Virgen, about three miles from the Mormon town of Saint George, 
a low mound, which I suppose to have been a sort of village-site tumulus, 
was found. The outline was irregular, but had originally been approxi- 



mately circular. It was less than ten feet in height, and covered about 
half an acre. One side had been undermined and carried away by the 
stream. The work of exhumation was most successfully accomplished 
by means of water. A small stream was made to play upon the soft 
alluvium, of which the mound was chiefly composed. The sensations 
of the collector, as skeleton after skeleton and vase after vase appeared, 
must have been highly pleasurable. 

It is thought that the inhabitants of this place, like many other primi- 
tive peoples, buried their dead beneath their dwellings, which were 
then burned down or otherwise destroyed. As time passed on and the 
dead were forgotten, other dwellings were built upon the old sites, until 
quite a mound was formed in which all the less perishable remains were 
preserved in successive layers. 

Following the customs of most primitive peoples, tbe belongings of 
the deceased were buried with them. Earthen vessels were found in 
profusion. With a single body, there were sometimes as many as eight 
vases, the children having been in this respect more highly favored 
than the adults. There seems to have been no system in the arrange- 
ment either of the bodies or of the accompanying relics. 

The majority of the vases were either plain or decorated in color, but 
many of the larger specimens were of the coiled variety. About sixty 
vessels were recovered. Those of the former classes will be described 
under their proper headings. 

Fig. 341.— Vessel from I he tumulus, at Saint George. — £. 

The shapes of the corrugated vases are of the simplest kind. The 
prevailing form corresponds very closely with the Cliff House specimen 
illustrated in Fig. 239. One unusually large example was brought back 
in fragmeuts, but has since been successfully restored. It stands 


nearly seventeen inches high and is sixteen inches in diameter. The 
plain part of the rim is one and one-half inches wide, and the lip is well 
rounded and strongly recurved. The lines are quite graceful, the neck 
expanding below into a globular body which is just a little pointed at 
the base. The color is dark, from use over the fire. The fillets of clay 
were narrow and very neatly crimped. Roughly estimated, there were 
at least three hundred feet of the coil used. The vessel has a capacity 
of about ten gallons. 

Fig. 242. — Vase from the tumulus at Saint George. — h 

Vases of this particular outline may be found, varying in size from 
these grand proportions to small cups an inch or two iu height. Of a 
somewhat different type is the vessel shown in Fig. 241. The outline is 
symmetrical. The neck is comparatively high and wide and swells out 
gently to the widest part of the body, the base being almost hemispherical. 
A band about the neck is coiled and roughly indented, while the body is 
quite smooth. The plain band about the mouth is broad and sharply 
recurved. The coils are wide and deeply indented. They have been 
smoothed down somewhat while the clay was still soft. The vase shown 
in Fig. 242 is characterized by its upright rim, elongated neck, round 
body, and plain broad coils. The fillets are set one upon another, ap- 
parently without the usual imbrication. This latter feature occurs in 
a number of cases in the vessels of this locality. 

The bottle given iu Fig. 243 is quite comely in shape. The neck ex- 
pands gracefully from the rim to its junction with the body, which swells 
out abruptly to its greatest fullness. The coil is not neatly laid. The 
indentation began with the coil, but was almost obliterated on the lower 
part of the vessel while the clay was yet soft. The fillets are not so well 
4 eth 19 



smoothed down on the interior surface as usual, a ridged appearance 
being the result. This comes from the difficulty of operating within a 
much restricted aperture. The color is gray, with a few effective clouds 

Fig. 243.— Vase from the tumulus at Saint George. — J. 

of black, the result of firing. Another, of similar form, was taken from 
the collection by unknown persons. 

The only example, of coiled ware from this locality having a handle 
is a small mug. Its body is shaped much like the larger vessels, but it 
is less regular in outline. The single vertically placed handle, now par- 
tially broken away, was attached to the side of the body near the top, 
and consisted of a rough cord of clay less than half an inch in diameter. 
The Saint George tumulus furnished a number of vessels with smooth, 
unpainted surfaces, very similar in form and size to the coiled vessels. 
They are generally blackened by use over fire, and, like the large coiled 
pots, were evidently used for culinary purposes. A few smaller vessels 
of the same style of finish exhibit forms characteristic of the painted 
ware, as will be seen by reference to the illustrations of these two groups. 

From the same source we have two bowls of especial interest, as they 
have coiled exteriors and polished and painted interiors. One of these 
is illustrated in Fig. 244. They form an important link between the two 
varieties of ware, demonstrating the fact that both styles belong to 
the same age and to the same people. A similar bowl, found in pos- 
session of the Zuiii Indians, is illustrated in another part of this paper, 
Fig. 254. Another was obtained at Mold. Fragments of ideutical vessels 




are found occasionally throughout the whole Pueblo district. One piece 
from the San Juan Valley has figures painted upon the coiled exterior 
surface, the interior being polished and unpainted. Specimens from the 
vicinity of Springerville, Arizona, have designs in white painted over 

Fig. 244. — Bowl with coiled exterior and painted interior: Saint George. — £. 

the coiled surface. A large number of well-made, hemispherical bowls 
from this locality have a coiled band about the exterior margin, but are 
otherwise plain and well polished. Some are brownish or reddish in 
color. Many of them have been used over the fire. 

FlG. 245.— Vase from Parowan, Utah.— J. 

The ceramic remains of Utah present some puzzling features. As we 
go north from the Eio Yirgen there is an apparent gradation from the 



typical Pueblo ware to a distinct group characteristic of Salt Lake Val- 
ley. The interesting' problems suggested by this condition of things 
cannot be discussed in this place, and I will stop only to present a 
specimen of the coiled ware from Parowan, which is in some respects 
the finest example known. The form, so lar as it is preserved, seems 
unusually graceful, and the laying and indenting of the coil is surpris- 
ingly perfect. This vase is in the Salt Lake Museum, and the cut, Fig. 
245, is made from a photograph furnished by Prof. Marcus E. Jones. 
Vessels with similar finish have recently be< n obtained from graves at 
Fillmore, Utah, by Dr. H. C. Yarrow, and, singularly enough, identi- 
cal work is seen in some very fine pieces obtained by Mr. Nelson from 
ruined pueblos in middle eastern Arizona. 

FlG.24€. — Cup from central Utah. — $. 

An interesting little cup, said to have been found in central Utah, 
illustrates some of the peculiar characters of the more northern exam- 
ples of this ware. The vessel has apparently been built with coils, as 
usual, but the surface is worked over in such a way as to obscure the 
spiral ridges. The rim is upright and plain. The high, wide neck has 
a series of narrow, vertical (lutings, made with a round-pointed imple- 
ment, or possibly with the finger tip. A hand of four channels encir- 
cles the middle of the body, the lower part of which is covered with 
oblique markings. 

The handle is large and round, and is attached above to the top of the 
rim, and below to the middle of the body. This cup is now in the mu- 
seum at Salt Lake. The photograph from which the engraving is 
made was obtained through Professor Jones. 


The region now inhabited by the Pueblo tribes seems to have been 
a favorite residence of the ancient peoples. Ruins and remains of 
ceramic art may be found at every turn, and it is a common thing to 




find ancient vessels in possession of the Pueblo Indians. This is espe- 
cially true of the Zunis and Molds, from whom considerable collec- 
tions have been obtained. These vessels have apparently been culled 
from the sites of ancient ruins, from cave and cliff houses, and possibly 
iu some cases from burial places. Recently, since they have become val- 
uable in trade, the country about Moki has been ransacked by both In- 
dians and whites, and many valuable specimens have been acquired. 

Within recent years a number of expeditions have been sent into this 
region. To these the canons and cliffs have yielded many specimens. 
Both Mr. Stevenson and Mr. Victor Mindeleff have brought iu excellent 
examples, a few of which have already been illustrated in the publi- 
cations of the Bureau of Ethnology. I must not fail to mention the 
very extensive collection of Mr. T. V. Keain and his associate, Mr. John 
Stephen, examples from which I am permitted to illustrate iu this paper. 

Most of the pieces described by Mr. Stevenson are small and not at all 
pleasing in appearance. They comprise ollas and handled mugs of 
an elongated scrotoid or sack shape, the widest part of the body being, 
as a rule, near the base, while the upper part is elongated into a heavy 
neck, to which a recurved rim has been added. 

A number of examples, illustrated iu the Second Annual Report of 
the Bureau of Ethnology, were obtained from the Zufii Indians, and are 
thought by Mr. Stevenson to have come from the Canon de Chelly. 

Fig. 247 

A large, very badly constructed specimen is given in Fig. 247. The 
rim is roughly finished, the body uusymmetrical, and the bottom slightly 
flattened. The coils differ greatly in width, and are carelessly joined 



and unevenly indented. The rudeness of workmanship noticed in this 
case is characteristic of many of the specimens from Zuili. 

Fig. 248.— "Vessel from Zurji. —J. 

A rudely constructed cylindrical cup, of the wide-mouthed, narrow- 
bodied variety, is illustrated in Fig. 248. The bottom was flattened by 
contact with some hard, scarred surface before the clay hardened. Two 

Fig. 249.— Handled mug from Tusayan.— J. 

round, tapering, serpent-like fillets of clay have beeu fixed in a vertical 
position upon opposite sides of the vessel. 

holmeb.j VASES FROM TUSAYAN. 295 

There are a number of handled vessels of this class. They are mostly 
rather rudely made and uusymmetrical. They are small in size and 
were probably devoted to ordinary domestic uses. A good specimen 
from the Keam collection is shown in Fig. 249. The handle in this 
case is a large loop made of three ropes of clay placed side by side. In 
one case there are three strands set side by side, and joined near the 
ends. In another case the strands have been twisted, giving a rope- 
like effect. These forms closely resemble wicker handles in appear- 
ance and manner of attachment, and are probably to some extent derived 
from them, although there is no reason why the ropes of clay, in con- 
stant use by potters, should not be joined in pairs, or even twisted, if 
greater strength or variety were desired. 

Vessels from the province of Tusayau may often be identified by their 
color, which, like that of the transition and modern wares of the same 
region, is often a rich yellow, sometimes approaching an orange. This 
color is probably a result of changes in the natural constituents of the 
clay employed. 

An excellent example of the yellow coiled vases is illustrated in Fig. 
250. It has a new look, and probably belongs to a later period than the 

Fig. 25U. — Yellow vase from Tusayan. — i- 

light gray ware of the district. If is symmetrical, and the coil is neatly 
laid and indented. Portions of the sides and base were blackened in 

There are a number of fine specimens of this class in the Keam col- 
lection, all obtained from the ancient province of Tusayan. A small, 
wide-necked pot is shown in Fig. 251. The surface is smooth, with the 
exception of a narrow band or collar about the neck, formed of a few 
indented coils. Other vessels closely resembling this in style are much 
larger and heavier. 



A vessel of very archaic appearance is illustrated in Fig. 252. In 
form, color, and finish it differs from the preceding example. The 

Fig. 251. — Yellow vaae from Tusavan.- 

mouth is almost as wide as the body at its greatest circumference, the 
color is gray, and the coils are narrow and regularly indented. A minute 
coiled fillet is attached to the rim for ornament. 

Fig. 252.— Vessel from Tusayan. — J. 

The vessel illustrated in Fig. 253 is one of the most noteworthy of 
its class. In form and construction it does not differ essentially from 
specimens already described, but the decoration is superior. The coils 
are indented in such a way as to produce a pattern of triangular figures, 
which is carried over the entire surface of the vessel. It belongs to the 
Keam collection, and comes from the province of Tusayau. 




From Cibola we have a bowl, the exterior of which is coiled and the 
interior polished and painted. It is undoubtedly of the most archaic 

Fig. 253. — Large vase from Tusayan. — $. 

variety of ware, and is almost a duplicate of the example from the Saint 
George tumulus, shown in Fig. 244. The interior is encircled by a 

Pig. 254.— Bowl from Cibola.— J. 

series of five triangular volutes in black lines, and the exterior exhibits 
a very neatly laid and indented coil. Fig. 254. 



In New Mexico, upwards of four hundred miles east of Saint George, 
in the handsome upland valley of the Rio Pecos, we have the most east- 
erly of the ancient Pueblo remains. The site was occupied at the time 
of the conquest, but is now wholly deserted, a small remnant of the peo- 
ple having gone to dwell with their kindred at Jetnez. 

The site of this village has been thoroughly examined by that learned 
gentleman, Mr. A. F. Baudelier. It is his opinion that the remains show 
at least two distinct periods of occupation, the first being marked 
chiefly by a stratum of ashes, pottery, etc., of great horizontal extent. 
This underlies more recent deposits which belong to tire people found 
in possession, and whose arts are nearly identical with those of the ex- 
isting Pueblos. 

The underlying stratum is characterized by great quantities of frag- 
mentary coiled ware uniform with that of more western localities. At 
the snuie time there is almost a total absence of painted pottery. 

The conclusion reached by Mr. Baudelier is that probably the coiled 
pottery wherever found marks the occupancy of a people antecedent to 
those who made painted ware. It is my impression, as already stated, 
that the coiled form may be the most archaic of the ancient Pueblo 
pottery, yet I think it best to notice two things in regard to the con- 
ditions at Pecos. 

Iu the first place, it should be remembered that the painted pottery 
found by Mr. Baudelier is said to resemble that of Nainbe of to-day, 
nothing being said of the painted ware characteristic of the ancient 
ruins of the west, and which is always found associated with the coiled 
fragments, as at Saint George, in the same graves and even in the same 
vessel, Pig. 241. We would not expect iu Pecos, or in any other place, 
to find modern Pueblo ware like the more recent pottery from Pecos in- 
timately associated with the ancient ware either painted or corrugated. 
The only strange feature at Pecos is that the coiled fragments are not 
associated with ancient painted ware as in other places. 

Mr. Baudelier advances the idea that this deposit of corrugated ware 
may represent the site of an aucieut pottery, where the vessels were 
laid out in heaps surrounded by fuel and burned as by the modern 
Pueblo potters, the broken pieces being left on the ground, forming 
finally a considerable stratum. If this is correct, then the true explan- 
ation probably is that on this spot only the one variety of pottery was 
made, the painted pottery of the same locality, if such was in use, being 
made by potters in other parts of the village. Unless there is an actual 
superposition of the ancient painted ware upon deposits of the coiled 
variety, we learn nothing of chronological importance. 

The valley of the Eio Grande has furnished but few specimens of the 
coiled ware, although it is known to occur along nearly its entire course 
through New Mexico. 



The broad area drained by the Gila River and its tributaries abounds 
in ruins and relics, but its exploration is .vet very incomplete. Coiled 
pottery identical, in nearly every respect, with that of the more northern 
valleys is abundant, but it is sometimes associated with painted wares 
very different in style from those of the cliff-house districts. It will 
probably be found that the ceramic products of the Eio Gila and the 
Eio Grande are much less homogeneous than those of the Colorado Chi- 
quito, the San Juan, and the Eio Virgen. 


I have already mentioned the occurrence in the Pueblo towns of mod- 
ern coiled pottery, and also that there are seen, occasionally, vessels in 
which the coiled effect is rudely imitated by means of scarifying and 
indenting the plastic surface. Specimens of the latter class are gener- 
ally small rude bottles with wide recurved lips and slightly conical 
bases. They are very rudely made and clumsy and are but slightly 
baked, and on account of the omission of proper tempering material are 
extremely brittle. They are new looking, and in no case show- indica- 
tions of use, and I have seen no example worthy of a place upon our 
museum shelves save as illustrating the trickery of the makers. It is 
possible that they are made by the Mokis, but if so by very unskilled 
persons who have neither understood the methods nor employed the 
same materials as the professional potters. I consider it highly proba- 
ble that some clever Navajo has thought, by imitating archaic types of 
ware, to outwit collectors and turn an honest penny. 


All the groups of pottery furnish examples of plain vessels. These 
are generally rudely finished and heavy, as if intended for the more or- 
dinary domestic uses, such as the cooking of food and the storing of 
provisions and water. The material is coarser than in the nicely finished 
pieces and the surface is without the usual slip and without polish or 
applied color. 

The characters of these utensils are quite uniform throughout very 
widely separated districts, so that it is more difficult to assign a single 
vessel to its proper family than in the case of decorated wares. 

We have from Saint George and other localities examples of plain 
vessels that belong, without a doubt, to the coiled variety, the resem- 
blance in material, color, shape, and finish being quite marked. 


These vessels are plentiful in the province of Tusayan, and many of 
them, as indicated by their color, construction, and texture, belong to 
the yellow and orange groups of ancient coiled ware. There is in many 
cases an easily discernible gradation from the wholly coiled through the 
partially coiled to the plain ware. In some cases the coil has been so 
imperfectly smoothed down that obscure ribs encircle the vessel indi- 
cating its direction, and in other cases fractures extend along the junc- 
tion lines, separating the vessel when broken, into its original coils. 
These vessels are large and heavy, with wide mouths and full bodies, 
which are occasionally somewhat compressed laterally, giving an oval 

Similar pithoi like vessels are in daily use by the Mokis and also by 
the Zufiis, Acomas, Yumas, and others. They are employed in cooking 
the messes for feasts and large gatherings, for dyeing wool, and for stor- 
ing various household materials. The modern work is so like the ancient 
that it is difficult in many cases to distinguish the one from the other. 

Besides the typical pot or cask there are many varieties of plain ves- 
sels, some of which appear to be closely related to, or even identical 
with, the classes usually finished in color. These include bowls, pots, 
and bottles. I present three examples from the tumulus at Saint 
George, Utah. The little bottle, shown in Fig. 255, is remarkable in 

Fig. 255. — Bottle from the tumulus at Suiut George. — J. 

having a subtriangular shape, three nearly symmetrical nodes occurring 
about the most expanded part of the body. An interesting series of 
similar vessels has been obtained from Tusayan, some of which are de- 
cidedly askoidal in shape. 

Similar to the last in general outline is the curious vessel given in 
Fig. 256. It was obtained in Southern Utah, and is now in possession 
of the Salt Lake City Museum. The three nodes are very prominent 
and curve upwards at the points like horns. An upright handle is 
attached to the side of the neck. 




A large bottle-shaped vessel from the same locality is illustrated in 
Fig. 257. The neck is short and widens rapidly below. The body is 
large and globular, and is furnished with two small perforated ears 

—Vase From 

ia at Saint George.— J. 

placed at the sides near the top. There are a number of similar exam- 
ples in the collection from this place. We have also a number of han- 
dled cups, mostly with globular bodies and wide apertures. All are 
quite plain. 

Vase from tUu tumulus at Saint George.- 

Examples from this and other sections could be multiplied indefinitely, 
but since the forms are all repeated in more highly finished pieces it is 
needless to present them. 



Preliminary remarks. — It is with a peculiar sense ot delight that 
we enter upon the study of a group of art products so full of new and 
interesting features. Every object of antiquity has its charm for us, but 
there is an especial fascination about the works of a people like the 
"cliff-dwellers," whose long forgotten history takes the form of a ro- 
mance in our imaginations. In the study of these relics we have the 
additional charm engendered by a contemplation of new forms of 
beauty, and we follow the stages of their evolution from the initial steps 
to the end with ever increasing zest. 

The ceramic art of classic and oriental countries has exerted a pow- 
erful influence upon existing culture, and is therefore much nearer the 
heart of the general student than the work of the American races; but it- 
will not do for science to underrate the value of a study of the latter. 
Its thorough examination cannot fail to furnish many illustrations of the 
methods by which arts grow and races advance in culture, and, supple- 
mented by a study of the art of the modern peoples, it will serve to illus- 
trate the interesting phenomena attending the contact of widely sepa- 
rated grades of art. In the introductory pages I have considered many 
of the technical questions of construction and ornamentation. Before 
entering upon detailed descriptions of the specimens, I desire to give a 
brief review of the subject of painted decoration. 

Color of designs. — The colors employed are doubtless gener- 
ally of a mineral character, although carbonaceous matter derived 
directly from vegetable sources may have been used to some extent. 
They comprised white, black, red, and various shades ot brown, and 
were applied to the surfaces of the vessels by means of brushes not infe- 
rior in efficiency to those employed by the potters of more enlightened 

Execution. — The technical skill of the artist has not generally been 
of a high order, although examples are found that indicate a trained eye 
and a skilled hand. The designs are painted upon the show spaces of 
the vessels, which have been tinted and polished with especial reference 
to their reception. Large apertured vessels, such as dishes, cups, and 
bowls, are decorated chiefly upon the inner surface. The design often 
occupies only a band about the rim, but not infrequently covers the en- 
tire inner surface. High or incurved rims have in some cases received 
figures upon the exterior margin. 

Vessels with constricted necks have exterior decorations only. The 
placing of the designs was governed, to a great extent, by the contour 
of the vessel, although there was no fixed rule. The grouping of the fig- 
ures is possibly a little more irregular in the more archaic forms, but in 
nearly all cases there is a tendency toward arrangement in zones hori- 
zontally encircling the vessel. This feature is suggestive of the use of 


the wheel or of the influence of wheel-made decoration; but there is 
probably a pre-ceramic reason for this peculiarity, to be sought in the 
decoration of antecedent vessels of more pronounced surface or con- 
structional characters, such as basketry. This arrangement may also 
be attributed in a measure to the conformation of the vessel decorated. 
It will be observed that generally the neck furnishes the space for one 
zone of devices and the body that for another, while the shoulder, where 
wide or particularly accentuated, suggests the introduction of a third. 
In vessels of irregular form the figures take such positions as happen 
to have been suggested to the decorator by the available spaces, by the 
demands of superstition, or the dictates of fancy pure and simple. 

It appears that the artist never worked in a haphazard manner, yet 
never by rule or by pattern. The conception of the intended design 
was well formed in the mind, and the decoration commenced with a thor- 
ough understanding of the requirements of the vessel under treatment 
and of the effect of each added line upon the complete result. The ves- 
sels, being for the most part free-hand products, are necessarily varied 
in form and proportion, and the mobility of method in decoration is 
therefore a necessary as well as a natural condition. In accommodating 
the ordinary geometric figures to the variously curved and uneven sur- 
faces, there were no erasures and, apparently, no embarrassments. This 
feature of the art shows it to be a native and spontaneous growth — the 
untrammeled working out of traditional conceptions by native gifts. 

Stages of ornament. — In the transmission of a nation's art inher- 
itance from generation to generation, all the original forms of orna- 
ment undergo changes by .alterations, eliminations, or additions. At 
the end of a long period we find the style of decoration so modified as 
to be hardly recognizable as the work of the same people; yet rapid 
changes would not occur in the uninterrupted course of evolution, for 
there is a wonderful stability about the arts, institutions, and beliefs of 
primitive races. Change of environment has a decided tendency to 
modify, and contact with other peoples, especially if of a high grade of 
culture, is liable to revolutionize the whole character of the art. The 
manufactures of our modern tribes show abundant evidence of the de- 
moralizing effect upon native art of contact with the whites. There are 
no such features iu the prehistoric art. s 

First stage. — In the early stages of art the elements used in embellish- 
ment are greatly non-ideographic, and the forms of expression are chiefly 
geometric. The elements or motives are limited in number and are in a 
measure common to all archaic art. They embrace dots, straight lines, 
and various angular and curvilinear figures, which in their higher stages 
become checkers, zigzags, chevrons, complex forms of meanders, fretted 
figures, and scrolls, with an infinite variety of combination and detail. 
At the same time there is no confusion. The processes by which the 
parts are segregated are as well regulated as are the processes of natural 


growth. This phase of decoration seems to be the prevailing one in 
the earlier stages of Pueblo art. 

Second stage. — A second phase or stage is marked by the free introduc- 
tion of ideographic devices of pictorial origin into decoration. These 
are drawn, to a great extent, from that most prolific source of artistic 
conceptions, mythology. This stage is the second in Pueblo art. The 
period or stage of culture at which such elements are introduced varies 
with different peoples. It is possible that ideographic and non-ideo- 
graphic devices may enter art simultaneously. This is certainly to be 
expected in the ceramic art, which comes into existence rather late in 
the course of progress. 

Third stage. — In strong contrast with the preceding stages is the state 
of modern Pueblo decoration. Contact with the whites has led to the 
introduction of life forms and varied pictorial delineations. These condi- 
tions belong to a stage in advance of the position reached in the natural 
course of growth. Ideographic, non-ideographic, and purely pictorial 
characters are combined in the most heterogeneous manner in the dec- 
oration of a single vessel. The decorator has ceased to work under the 
guidance of his instincts as a rule unerring, and now, like the mass ot 
his more highly civilized brethren, he must grope in darkness until 
culture shall come to his aid with canons of taste — the product of in- 

Classification of ware. — In the treatment of this great group, or 
rather collection of groups, of pottery a scheme of classification is the 
first thing to be considered. In glancing over the field we notice that 
a whitish ware, having a certain range of material, finish, form, and 
decoration, is very widely distributed, that, in fact, it is found over 
nearly the entire area known to have been occupied by the Pueblo 
tribes. We find, however, that within this area there are varieties of 
this particular group distinguished by more or less pronounced peculiari- 
ties of color, form, and ornament, resulting from dissimilarity of environ- 
ment rather than from differences in time, race, or method of construc- 
tion. This group is associated, in nearly every locality, with the archaic 
coiled ware, and together they are especially typical of the first great 
period of Pueblo art. Its makers were the builders of the cliff dwell- 
ings, of the round towers, and of countless stone pueblos. 

Distinct from the preceding, and apparently occupying an intermedi- 
ate place in time and culture between the primitive and the recent wares, 
we have a number of pretty well defined groups. At least two of these 
are peculiar to the ancient province of Tusayan. The vessels of one of 
these groups are noticeable for their rounded symmetrical bodies, their 
finely textured paste, and their delicate creamy shades of color. The 
designs are well executed and display unusual refinement of taste. 

Another, and probably the more important variety, is characterized, 
first, by peculiarities of form, the body being doubly conical and the 
bottom deeply indented; second, by richness of color, orange and yel- 


low tints prevailing-; and, third, by the striking individuality and re- 
markable execution of the painted designs. 

In the valley of the Little Colorado and extending southward to the 
Gila, we find remnants of a group of highly colored pottery differing from 
the preceding and, in many respects, from the widely distributed red ware 
of the north, specimens of which occur in connection with the white 
ware. The surfaces are painted red and profusely decorated in white, 
black, and red lines and figures. 

Still another variety is obtained from this region. As indicated by 
collections from Saint John and Springerville, it consists greatly of 
bowls, the colors, forms, and decorations having decided points of re- 
semblance to corresponding features of the cream colored ware of ancient 
Tusayan. There are still other groups, probably of intermediary periods, 
whose limits are not yet well defined, examples of which are found in 
possession of the Pueblo Indians. 

At Pecos the art was practiced long after the advent of the conquer- 
ors, and later specimens show the archaic decorative ideas worked out 
in Spanish glaze. The deserted pueblos of the Eio Grande furnish an- 
tique forms that show wide distinctions from the ancient wares of the 
west. Another variety peculiar to the southwest shows indications of 
having been carried down to the present in the work of the Indians of 
the Lower Colorado Valley. Each of these groups and such new ones 
as may be discovered will be made the subject of careful study. 

The remainder of this paper will be devoted to a single group — the 
first mentioned in the preceding list. 


The coiled ware has already been presented in some detail. Most 
nearly related to it in material, form, color, and distribution is the 
archaic white ware, the pottery par excellance of the "Cliff-Dwellers." 
It is easily recognized, even from small fragments, whether found in the 
valley of the Colorado, of the Eio Grande, or of the Gila, although each lo- 
cality has its slight peculiarities of texture, tint, shape, and ornamenta- 
tion. As a rule the material is a fine-grained clay, tempered with fine 
sand, the surfaces of the vessels being coated with a thin wash of very 
fine white clay. The ware is nearly always well baked and hard, breaking 
with a saccharoidal, rarely with a couchoidal, fracture. The surface is, 
as a rule, well polished, but often slightly undulating. The color of the 
paste is generally gray within the mass and white upon the surface. 
Associated with the white ware in most localities we find a small percent- 
age of red ware nearly identical in all save color with the white ware. 

The forms are comparatively few and simple, a full, well-rounded 
body, as with the coiled ware, being a strong characteristic. The or- 
namentation is generally in black paint, exceptionally in red and white, 
and consists to a great extent of geometric figures, often rather rudely 
drawn. Very rarely we observe an attempt to delineate a life form — 
human or animal, never vegetable. 
4 eth 20 


Classification by form. — The ware of each province is conven- 
iently presented in form-groups, beginning with the more simple shapes 
and advancing to the more complex. 

Bowls. — Bowl-shaped vessels have been in great favor with all the 
Pueblo peoples, and in ancient times, especially in the north and west, 
predominated very decidedly over all other forms. This is naturally a 
favorite shape with primitive peoples, as it is the most simple and prob- 
ably that first developed. A long experience would be necessary for 
the evolution of narrow-necked or complex forms. 

Our collections contain many examples of ancient bowls, perfectly 
preserved, but if this were not the case the shapes are so simple that it 
would be an easy matter to make satisfactory restorations from frag- 
ments. There is considerable diversity of outline, yet all may be con- 
veniently classed under two beads : the hemispherical and the heart 
shaped. The former are much more plentiful and were probably the 
favorite food vessels of the people. Asa rule they are plain segments 
of spheres. The rims are, in rare cases, oval in outline, and a few are 
elongated at the ends. 

Heart-shaped bowls are characterized by a somewhat conical base and 
a deeply incurved rim, sometimes much depressed about the contracted 
mouth. The forms are often elegant, and the painted designs are gen- 
erally well executed and pleading to the eye. 

Ollas. — Between bowls and pot-shaped vases or ollas there is but a 
stop — the addition of an upright or recurving band forming a neck. 
Iu vessels of the latter class the body is almost universally globular, 
often tapering a very little below. Occasionally there is a slight flat- 
tening of the bottom and very rarely a concavity. The neck is seldom 
high, but varies greatly in size and shape. These vessels correspond to 
the water vases of the modern tribes. 

Bottles. — Bottle-shaped vessels are very widely distributed. They 
differ from the ollas in one respect only — the necks are narrower and 
higher. They are rarely flattened, as are the modern Pueblo bottles 
known as canteens. 

Handled vessels. — Smaller vessels of nearly all shapes are at times 
furnished with handles. The origin of certain forms of these has re- 
ceived attention in the introductory pages. They vary in style with the 
shape of the vessel to which they are attached. Bowls exhibit two well- 
marked varieties — a cylindrical form and a simple loop. Those of the 
former often imitate the handle-like ueck of a gourd, and archaic speci- 
mens from various parts of the Pueblo province are so literally copied 
that the small curved stem of the gourd is represented. This feature in 
some cases becomes a loop at the end of the handle, serving to suspend 
the vessel, like the ring attached to our dipper handles. Specimens 
from the headwaters of the Colorado Chiquito have the ends of the han- 
dles modeled to represent the head of a serpents or other creatures. A 
loop sometimes takes the place of the cylindrical handle, and is at- 


tached to the side of the bowl iu a vertical or a horizontal position. It 
may be long or short, wide or narrow, simple or compound, and is not 
always evenly curved. In certain forms of cups the vertically-placed 
loop occupies the whole length of the vessel, suggesting well-known 
forms of the beer-mug. 

High necked cups, vases, and bottles have rather long, vertically- 
placed loops, giving a pitcher-like effect. These may consist of two or 
more strands placed side by side or twisted together. Barely an ani- 
mal form is imitated, the fore feet of the creature resting upon the rim 
of the vessel and the hind feet upon the shoulder. Perforated knobs 
often take the place of the loops, and imperforated nodes and projec- 
tions of varied shapes are not unusual. Some of these, placed upon 
the upper part of the neck, represent the heads of animals. 

A novel handle is sometimes seen in the ancient vases of Cibola and 
Tusayan. While the clay was still soft a deep abrupt indentation was 
made iu the lower part of the vessel, sufficiently large to admit the 
ends of two or three fingers, thus giving a hold that facilitated the 
handling of the vessel. I have seen no looped handles arching the 
aperture of the vessel, as in the modern meal baskets of the Zulus. 

Eccentric and life forms. — The simple potter of early Pueblo 
times seems barely to have reached the period of eccentric and com- 
pound forms, and animal and grotesque shapes, so common in the pot- 
tery of the mound-bnilders of the Mississippi valley, the Mexicans, and 
the Peruvians, are of rather rare occurrence. The last sectiou of this 
paper is devoted to life and eccentric forms. 

For convenience of treatment, the following illustrations will be pre- 
sented by districts, beginning at the northwest. 


Under the head of coiled pottery I have given a detailed descrip- 
tion of the remarkable dwelling-site tumulus at Saint George, Utah, 
which has furnished such a complete set of the fictile works of the cliff- 
house potter, the first collection of importance known to have been 
made by exhumation. I will now present the painted ware and point 
out its very interesting local peculiarities. All the ordinary shapes are 
present excepting the olla. Vessels of this form are all of the plain or 
coiled varieties. The paste is gray and the surface color is usually a 
light gray. A small percentage of the vessels are painted or stained 
red. The designs are all executed in black, and are for the most part 
nicely drawn. They differ slightly in a number of ways from those of 
other districts, their relationships being, with a few exceptions, more 



intimate with the ware of the Rio San Juan. A characteristic of this 
pottery is the thinness of the walls and the hardness and tenacity of 
the paste. In form a striking feature is the occurrence of bowls of 
oval form, and in one case such a bowl has sides cut dowu or scalloped 
and ends prolonged. The oval form is sometimes seen in other dis- 
tricts, and the elongation of portions of the rim is a feature especially 
characteristic of the Pima and Mojave work of to-day. 

Bowls. — I have already shown in Fig. 244 a small bowl from this 
locality, in which a coiled exterior is combined with a polished and 
painted interior. This is an unusual combination, the exterior com- 
monly being plain. The following examples are grouped, as far as 
possible, according to tbeir painted designs. A usual and very widely 
distributed decoration consists of a belt of figures encircling the inner 
margin. In its simplest condition it is only a single broad line, but 
more fiequently it is elaborated into a tasteful border so wide as to 
leave only a small circle of the plain surface in the bottom of the vessel. 
The figures present much variety of effect, but combine only a few ele- 
ments or ideas, as the following figures will amply show. All are rec- 
tilinear, or as nearly so as the conformation of the vessels will permit. 
No example of exterior decoration occurs. As my illustrations are 
necessarily limited to a few pieces, those having the simpler combina- 
tions of lines are omitted, and such only are given as exhibit the decora- 
tions of this district to tbe best advantage. 

The bowl shown in Fig. 258 may be regarded as a typical example. 

FlG. 258.— Bowl : Tumulus at Saint George.— J. 

It is a plain hemisphere of gray clay, with roughly finished exterior 
and whitened and polished interior surface. It is eight inches in diam- 
eter and nearly four inches deep. The painted design occupies a band 
about two inches wide, and consists of two broad bordering lines in- 
closing meandered lines. The triangular interspaces are occupied by 
serrate figures, giving to the whole ornament an appearance character- 
istic of textile borders. 

Two small bowls have borders in which the meandered lines are in 
the natural color of the ground, the triangular spaces being filled in with 



black. Iu one case the effect of the guilloche is given in the same 

Few vessels exhibit a more characteristic example of the ornamenta- 
tion of this ware than that given in Fig. 259. It is identical in surface 
finish with the last, excepting that the exterior has been painted red. 
An exceptional feature maybe noticed in the shaping of the rim, which 
has been brought to a sharp edge. 

Fig. 259 —Bowl ; Tumulus at Saint Geor 

The design occupies the usual space, and consists of a very elab- 
orately meandered or fretted line, which is so involved that the eye 
follows it with difficulty. Four units of the combination complete the 
circuit of the vessel. Iu another specimen, which also has the design 
divided into four parts, the lower line of each par.t is made straight, by 
which means the space left iu the bottom of the vessel is square instead 
of round, as iu the other cases. 

Fig. 260. — Bowl: Tumulus at Saint Oeorge.- 

Another variety of decoration, quite characteristic of this region, 
consists of a band of fretwork dashed boldly across the inner surface 



of tbe bowl, giving a most striking result. These figures appear to 
be fragments of continuous borders, taken from their proper connec- 
tions and made to do duty on a surface that had ordinarily been left 

without decoration. This observa- 
tion has led to the proper inter- 
pretation of many enigmatic combi- 
nations at first thought to have 
especial application and signifi- 

The handsome shallow bowl pre- 
sented in Fig. 260 has been badly 
broken and carefully mended while 
still in the hands of its aboriginal 
owners. It is ten and one-half in- 
ches in diameter, and only three 
and three-fourths inches in depth. 
The surface finish is identical with 
that of the preceding example. The 
design, which consists of a single segment of a chain of fret-work, is 
drawn in broad, steady lines. Fig. 261. 

Not unlike the last in its leading features is the vessel illustrated in 
Fig. 262. The label indicates that it was collected at Kanab, Utah, a 
Mormon village ninety miles east of Saint George. The design is carried 
over the whole inner surface, and is somewhat difficult to analyze. 
There is little doubt, however, that it consists of portions of fretted or 
meandered patterns arbitrarily selected from basketry or other geomet- 

ric. 261.— Painted devil- 

ries. 'JG2-— Bowl fioui Kanab.— J. 

rically embellished articles, and applied to this use. The complete 
device is shown in Fig. 263. 

The following examples are unique in their styles of decoration. The 
first, Fig. 264, resembles the preceding save in its painted device. Like 
a few others, it has been badly fractured and carefully mended by its 
Indian owners. It was obtained also at Kanab, and is nine inches in 



diameter by four and one-half in height. The design is cruciform in 
arrangement, the four parts being joined in pairs by connecting lines. 
It exhibits some very unusual fea- 
tures .(Fig. 265), and we are led to 
suspect that it may in some way have 
been significant, or at least that it is 
a copy of some emblematic device. 
The almost total absence of life 
forms in the art of the primitive 
Pueblos has often been remarked. 
One example only has been discov- 
ered in this region. This occurs in 
a subject painted on the inner sur- 
face of a rather rude, oblong, bowl, 
from the Saint George tumulus, Fig. 
266. A checkered belt in black ex- 
tends longitudinally across the bowl. 
At the sides of this, near the middle, are two human figures, executed 

Fig. 263.— Paiuted device. 

FIG. 264.— Bowl from Kanab. — J. 

in the most primitive style, as shown in Fig. 267. Their angular forms 

are indicative of textile influence. 

The middle part of the bowl is 

broken out, so that the feet of one 

figure and the head of the other are 


These figures resemble those 
painted upon and picked in the 
rocks of the pueblo region, and the 
triangular head is sometimes seen 
in the ceramic decoration of modern 
tribes. A bowl with similar figures 
was brought from Tusayau by Mr. 
Mindelerf. It is illustrated in Fig. 

-WO. Fig. 265.— Painted device. 



Among the many fine things from the mound at Saint George are a 
few red bowls. They were made of a slightly reddish clay, or the paste 
has reddened uniformly in burning, and a slip or wash of bright red 

Fie. 2CG. — Bowl with buuiau figures: Tumulus at Saint George. — ]. 

color has been applied to the surface. The designs are painted iu black, 
but differ in style from any of the preceding. This work corresponds 

Fit;. 267.— Painted design. 

very closely indeed with the decorations of similar vessels from the 
Little Colorado. The marked peculiarities of tho ornamentation and 

Fig. 2G8. — Bowl with huujau figures: Province of Tusayan. — $. 

color of these bowls give rise to the idea that they may have been in- 
tended for some especial service of a ceremonial character. It is not 



impossible, however, that these vessels reached very distant localities 
by means of trade. A representative example is shown in Fig. 2G9. 
The broad interior band of ornament is divided into four compartments 
by vertical panels of reticulated lines. The compartments are occu- 
pied by groups of disconnected rectangular fret-links on a ground of 
oblique stripes. 

Fig. 269.— Keil be 

int George.— £. 

The heart-shaped bowls previously mentioned include medium sized 
and small vases, with slightly conical bases, distended shoulders, and 
much constricted, often depressed, apertures. They are. of very general 
distribution, but like the hemispherical red bowls are rarely found in 
numbers. It is probable that they were devoted to ceremonial rather 
than to domestic uses. The shapes are generally pleasing to the eye; 
the finish is exceptionally fine, and the designs, though simple, are ap- 
plied with more than usual care. 

A very good specimen from the tumulus at Saint George is illustrated 
in Fig. 270. 

Fig. 270.- Heart-shaped bowl oi'reil ware: Tumulus at Saint George. — $. 

The bottom in this case is slightly flattened, and the incurved lip but 
slightly sunken. The paste is a light red and the surface has received 



a coat of bright red color. The design is in black, is extremely simple, 
and rather carelessly drawn. The principal figure seems to be a very 
simple form of the favorite device — the meander. 

A large fine bowl much like the preceding, and obtained from the 
same locality, is owned by the Salt Lake City Museum. The design is 
of the same class, but very much more elaborate. Another example 
from Saint George is smaller and yellowish-gray in color, with figures 
in red and black. At Kauab I picked up fragments of a small vessel, 
highly polished and of a rich, brownish-purple color, the designs being 
in black. Another fragment showed designs in bright red and black 
upon a yellowish ground. 

Ollas. — I have already called attention to the fact, that the Saint 
George tumulus furnished no example of ollas or large-necked vases 
of the painted variety, vessels of this class being plain or of the coiled 
ware. In the vicinity, however, I collected fragments of the white 
painted pottery derived from large vessels of this class, very much like 
the large, handsome vessels of ancient Tusayau. A number of such 
fragments come from the vicinity of Kanab. Plain vessels of this 
shape were obtained from the tumulus at Saint George. They are iden- 
tical in every other respect, save the presence of designs, with the 
painted pottery. Some have received a wash of red, while it is not im- 
probable that others have lost their color or decorative figures by wear 
or weather. 

Fig. 271.— Eed iii 

at Saint G«orge. — J. 

Handled vessels. — From the tumulus at Saint George we have a 
very excellent example of pitcher, which is shown in Fig. 271. The 
shape is not quite satisfactory, the neck being clumsy, but the workman- 


ship is exceptionally good. The surface is even and well polished and 
the color is a strong red. The painted design in black, upon the red 
ground, consists of a number of meandered lines, to which are added 
at intervals small dentate figures, as seen in the cut. 


In a number of ways the valley of the Rio San Juan possesses un- 
usual interest to the antiquarian. Until within the latter half of the nine- 
teenth century, it remained wholly unknown. The early Spanish ex- 
peditions are not known to have penetrated its secluded precincts, and 
its cliff-houses, its ruined pueblos and curious towers have been so long 
deserted that it is doubtful whether even a tradition of their occupation 
has been preserved, either by the nomadic tribes of the district or by the 
modern pueblos of the south. Certain it is that no foreign hand has in- 
fluenced the art of this district, and no Spanish adventurer has left 
traces of his presence. 

The ceramic remains are more uniform in character and apparently 
more archaic in decoration than those of any other district. They 
belong almost exclusively to two varieties, the coiled ware and the white 
ware with black figures. The former has already been described, the 
latter must now pass under review. 

It is unfortunate that so few entire vessels of the painted pottery 
have been found in this region. The fragments, however, are very 
plentiful, and by proper study of these a great deal can be done to re- 
store the various forms of vessels. In my paper upon this region, in 
the Annual Report of the Survey of the Territories for 1S76, I gave a 
pretty careful review of the material then in hand. Finding that in 
very few cases were there whole vessels representing the achievements of 
the ancient potter and decorator, I presented a number of restorations 
from the better class of fragments. This was done in a way that could 
lead to no serions misapprehension, as the fragments used were always 
clearly indicated. The expert need never go astray in his estimate of 
the character of the vessel to which given pieces belonged, and his 
restoration from them gives a completeness of conception to the reader 
or student at a distance that could never be acquired by the most care- 
ful study of illustrations of the fragments. The fragments are exceed- 
ingly plentiful about camp sites and ruins, and fairly whiten the debris 
slopes beneath the houses in the cliffs. I found my mind so diverted 
by these fascinating relics that it was often difficult to keep the geologic 
problems of the district properly in view. 

No tumuli or burial places were observed, but I suspect that careful 
search will bring them to light, and that they will jield much richer 
results than the scattered fragments of the surface. The district now 
under consideration comprises the entire drainage of the Rio San Juan. 
It includes the well-known valleys of the Animas, the La Plata, the 
Mancos, the McElmel, and the Montezuma on the north, and the Chaco 



and the de Chelly on the south. On the north I include also a portion of 
the valley of the Bio Dolores. The center of the district will not be 
very far distant from the corner stone of the four political divisions of 
Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, and Utah. 

The collections from the valley of the Eio de Chelly, one of the richest 
sections of this district, are very badly scattered, and the vessels can- 
not be identified. Many fine things have been carried away to the south 
and are now in the collections from Cibola and Tusayan; while others 
have been brought east by the various expeditious without a proper 
record of the locality. This is to be regretted, as it makes it impos- 
sible to study the shades of distinction between the wares of neighbor- 
ing localities. 

Bowls were very numerous and greatly varied in size, finish, and or- 
namentation. Many have received painted designs both inside and 
out. This occurs with those having nearly upright rims. Handled-cups 
of hemispherical shape are also common, but the heart-shaped bowls 
are of rare occurrence. Bottle-shaped vessels and ollas have not, as in 
the south, formed a prominent feature. For some of the latter very neat 
lids have been made, the rims being shaped for their reception. Upright 
vessels with handles are common. Eccentric or animal forms have not 
been found. 

Bowls. — The arrangement of the designs upon the bowls is far from 
uniform. In a great majority of cases, however, they occupy belts en- 
circling the inner and outer margin. The fragmentary condition of the 
remains makes it impossible to restore designs that covered the entire 
surface of the vessels. The decorations comprise nearly all the usual 
elements and motives. In Fig. 272 we have a small bowl from Monte- 

FlG. 272* — Bowl: Montezuma Cauon. — £. 

Fig. 273.— Bowl: Bio San Juan.— ^. 

zuma Cauon, Utah. In form it is a deep hemisphere. The design is 
upon the interior surface, and consists of a broad baud bordered by 
heavy lines and filled in with vertical lines. The rim is ornamented 
with seven pairs of dots. Fig. 273 is restored from a fragment obtained 
in southwest Colorado. It shows an interior ornament consisting of a 
well-drawn chain of volutes. 

Many of the bowls were large and handsomely finished, both surfaces 
being whitened and polished. A superior example is given in Fig. 274. 


Neat borders have been applied to both interior and exterior surfaces. 
They are suggestive of patterns produced through the technique of tex- 
tile products, and consist of interrupted forms of the meander. I have 
restored from small fragments in this aud other cases, for the reason 
that no large fragments of the finer vessels are preserved. 

Fig. 274.— Bowl: Bio San Juan. 

Fig. 275 illustrates a very pleasing vessel. It is hemispherical, and 
about eleven inches in diameter. A narrow zone of ornament based 
upon the meander encircles the exterior margin of the rim, and a broad, 
carefully drawn design, consisting of two parallel meanders, Fig. 276, 
occupies the interior. It will be seen that the meandered fillets are 
in white, and the bordering stripes and the upper aud lower rows of 

Fig. 275. — Bowl: Bio San JuaD. 

triangular interspaces are in solid black, while the median band and its 
connecting triangles are obliquely striped. It should be noticed that 
the oblique portions of the meanders are indented or stepped. This is 
a very usual occurrence in these decorations, and may be taken as a 
pretty decided indication that they were copied, more or less directly, 



from textile ornamentation in which all oblique lines are necessarily 

Fig. 276.— Painted design. 

Handled cups. — Small cups were generally furnished with handles 
and probably served as ladles and spoons. An entire specimen is rarely 
found. Two are illustrated in Figs. 277 and 278. They were obtained 
by W. H. Jackson from the ruins of Montezuma Canon. The handles 
of these vessels vary a great deal; some are flat, while others are round, 
consisting" either of a single or a looped roll of clay ; some are hollow, 

Figs. 277 and 278.— Handled eups: Montezuma Canon. — J. 

resembling the handles of gourds, and a few are made of twisted fillets. 

This latter form belongs generally to upright cups. 
Ollas. — It is quite impossible to make satisfactory restorations of 

the vases or ollas from the small fragments recovered. The evidence is 

sufficient, however, to show that 
vessels of this class were numer- 
ous, and often large. I have 
made two restorations of small 
examples belonging to this class, 
of which there are fragments 
showing the neck and upper 
part of the bodies. Tbe bot- 
toms are so universally rounded 
that I have drawn full globular 
shapes; Figs. 279 and 280. The 
most striking character of Fig. 
279 is the shape of the rim, 
which is fashioned for the re- 
ception of a lid. The same fea- 

FlG. 279.— Vase: Rio San Juan. 

tare is noticed in a small vessel obtained at Zimi. 




Examples of lids from the San Juan Valley are shown in Figs. 281 and 
282. They were evidently designed for vessels of the class just de- 
scribed. The specimen given in Fig. 
281 is neatly finished and embel- 
lished, and the quality of the ware 
is very superior. 

Handled vases. — Many small 
vessels were furnished with handles, 
some horizontal and others vertical. J 
Of the first variety is the example ! 
shown in Fig. 283. The fragment 
was obtained from the great ruin at 
"Aztec Springs," Colorado. It shows ' 
a small, symmetrical vessel, with 
black lines and devices. The handle, 
which probably had a companion on 
the opposite side, is strong and neatly made. 

Figure 284 represents a very pretty little vessel, brought by Mr. W. 

Fig. 280.— Vase: Rio San Juan. 

Fin. 281.— Vnso lid: Rio San Juan. 

Fig. 282.— Vase lid : Rio San Juan. 

H. Jackson from the Caiiou de Cuelly. It is of the usual gray polished 
ware, the base being somewhat roughened by use. The design consists 
of encircling lines combined with a 
belt of disconnected triangular hooks 
or fret links. 

Handled mugs with round bodies 
and wide high necks were in great 
favor with the San Juan potter. 
There are but two entire specimens 
in the collection. These were ob- 
tained by Capt. Moss, of Parrott, who 
stated that they, with other relics, 
had been exhumed from a grave in 
the San Juan Valley. Both are com- 
paratively rude in construction, and 
seem to be considerably weathered. 
The one shown in Fig. 285 is decor- 



ated with a classic meander which encircles the body of the vessel. The 
other, illustrated in Fig. 280, has the upper part covered with simple 

figures resembling bird tracks. 

Among tbe most novel works of 
the ancient potter are the flat-bot- 
tomed mugs with upright sides, and 
with vertical handles which extend 
the whole length of the vessel, giv- 
ing very much the appearance of a 
German beer mng. For a long time 
it was thought improbable that a 
vessel of this character should be 
the bona fide work of the cliff dweller, 
for his status of culture seemed to 
call for globular bodies and rounded 

FIG. 284-Small bottle: Sao Juan.- ^^ But gQ :mu|y ex;imples have 

been found that there is no longer room for doubt. 

Fig. 285. — Handled mug: Rio San Juan. — i. 

FIG. 286.— Handled mng: Rio Sun Juan.— J. 

FIG. 287 —Handled mug: Kio San Juan. — \. 

Fa:. 28ri.— Handled mug: Southern Utab.-J. 

Fig. 2S7 is restored from a large fragment brought from the San Juan 
Valley. Its walls widen a little below, and the very pretty ornament is 


somewhat unevenly applied. The handle is made of a double rope of 
clay, and extends from tbe lip to the base. The example shown in Fig. 
28S was obtained in the vicinity of Provo, Utah, by Oapt. G. M. Wheeler's 
expedition. It is so like those from the San Juan that I place it here 
for comparison. It is a little wider toward the base, and is nearly sym- 
metrical. It is four inches in height and the same in diameter. A very 
similar vessel, probably from the Province of Tusayau, is found in the 
Keam collection. 


The collection from this district, which includes the ancient provinces 
of Cibola and Tusayan, is already very large, and much more material 
will yet accrue, for pottery fanciers have taken up the search, and both 
whites and Indians are on the qui vive for additional examples of the 
artistic and showy specimens. 

The National Museum has procured many fine pieces through the 
agents of the Bureau of Ethnology, and the collection of Mr. Keam is 
especially rich in the pottery of Tusayan. Some of the finer examples 
of the latter collection are selected for illustration. 

It seems unaccountable that such a large number of the ancient ves- 
sels should be preserved, aud that too in a country where vessels are 
constantly in demand. Many have been picked up by the Pueblo tribes 
and laid away for especial uses or possibly as heirlooms; but many of 
those secured by recent collectors were obtained from the sites of an- 
cient settlements, from burial places, and from caves, and brought di- 
rectly to the market so recently made for them. 

There can be no doubt that many of the specimens accredited to this 
district have come from neighboring or distant provinces; yet within 
the valley of the Little Colorado there are such wide variations from 
predominant types that foreign pieces cannot be readily detected. Many 
of the finer pieces of the white ware are rather new looking and show 
very superior taste and skill. The indications are that the manufacture 
of this white ware was kept up in portions of this district down to a 
comparatively recent date, possibly until the coming of the Europeans. 
It will probably be impossible to determine just why and how the 
archaic types gave way to the transitional aud modern. It may be 
found, however, that the influence of the Spaniard was a factor in the 

Beside the archaic white ware and its closely associated red ware 
the province of Tusayan furnishes two or three distinct varieties, all of 
which, unlike that ware, are apparently confined to very limited dis- 
tricts. These have been briefly described on a preceding page. 

Many pieces of the white ware are of large size and of elegant shape 
aud finish. Some of the ollas and bottles are masterpieces of the art. 
The texture of the paste is fine and the color is often quite white. The 
4 eth 21 



designs are uniformly in black and are superior in execution and con- 
ception to those of the north. 

Bowls. — The bowls are very generally hemispherical. The finish, 
like that of the pottery of the San Juan and the Eio Virgen, is rather 
rough on the exterior, and whitened and polished on the inner surface. 
The painted figures are confined to the interior, and are highly elabo- 
rated combinations of the usual geometric motives. They are gener- 
ally made up of four sections of double-zoned borders such as occur 
on the exterior of vases, cut out, as it were, and fitted into the bowl in 
a cruciform arrangement, a plain square remaining in the bottom of the 
vessel. See Fig. 291. There are, however, many examples which con- 
sist of two encircling zones of ornament identical in style and arrange- 
ment with examples from the Rio Virgen, Figs. 230 and 231, and from 
the Eio Sau Juan, Figs. 248, 259, and 274. 

In Fig. 289 we have a representative example of the bowls of ancient 
Tusayan. The outer surface is rudely trowel-finished, but the inside is 

Fig. 289. — Bowl: Province of TusayaD.— ^. 

well polished. The painted design consists of four parts arranged about 
a central square. Each part comprises a number of alternate bauds of 
straight and zigzag lines. 

The superb bowl presented in Fig. 290 is nearly fifteen inches in di- 
ameter and seven inches deep. It is hemispherical but not quite sym- 
metrical. Having been broken, it was mended by its owners after their 
aboriginal fashion. Two pairs of holes have been bored on opposite 
sides of a long fracture for the insertion of thongs. Other perforations 
have been commenced but do not penetrate the vessel. The walls are 
upwards of one-eighth of an inch in thickuess near the rim, but are less 
than that throughout the body of the bowl. The paste is of a dark gray 
color, speckled with ashy-white particles, which may be pulverized 
potsherds. The interior surface is finished with a slip of white clay 



and lias received a fair degree of polish. The exterior is only trowel- 
finished and is much scarified by use. The interior is embellished with 
a very elaborate design, which is given with all possible accuracy in a 


Fie. 200.— Bowl: Province of Tusayan.— J. 

plain projection, in Fig. 291. The work does not exhibit a great deal of 
skill or neatness in execution, but the whole design is carefully made out 

Fig. 291.— Painted design. 

and well adjusted to the deeply concave surface. An analysis of this 
figure is easily given. It is a cruciform arrangement of four portions of 
rather elaborate double borders. Each part consists of two parallel 



bauds, a principal and a subordinate, separated by parallel lines and 
taking the relation to each other always noticed in the two belts of de- 
signs painted upon the exterior of vases. Two of the sections are 
alike. The others differ from these and from each other. 

One figure, consisting of three linked volutes, is defined in white by 
painting around it a black ground. The artist in painting this vessel 
has probably not thought of achieving anything beyond the filling up 
neatly of the four spaces, and has followed the usual practice of bor- 
rowing his motives from other objects; yet it will not be wise to con- 
clude that these figures are really meaningless combinations of lines- 
The persistency and individuality of certain motives makes it almost 
certain that they are not the result of aimless elaboration, and that the 
potter understood their significance. They are too purely geometric, 
however, to furnish any clew to us through internal evidence. We 
have no resource beyond the analogies of historic art. Modern tribes 
use the current meander to symbolize water, and a leading motive in 
many of these designs — the linked scroll running through a field of 
senate lines — is wonderfully like some forms of the Aztec symbol for 
water, as may be seen by reference to the Mexican codices. 

Another very excellent example of these bowls is presented in Fig. 
292. It is small and shallow, measuring six and a half inches in diam- 

Fig. 292.— Bowl: Province of Tusayan. — J. 

eter and two and a half in depth. The material is somewhat soft and 
chalky. The walls are thick and the surface is well finished. The 
painted design is cruciform, like the preceding, but is much more simple 
and satisfactory. It is interesting to note the changes rung upon the 
few simple motives employed in these designs. Again apparently each 
of the four parts is a fragment of a double border, cut up and fitted 
into the concave surface. The bauds with oblique, dotted, or stepped 
lines, Fig. 293, are repetitious of the neck belt of a bottle-shaped vase 



or basket, and tbe other bands with their chaste fret-work repeat a 
section of the body zone. 

Bowls and cups of the hemispherical model are very often supplied 
with handles. Like other bowls, they are embellished with painted de- 

FlG. 293.— Painted design. 

signs derived from vases or from textile sources. In order of evolution, 
they probably follow the plain form — the handles being added to facil- 
itate use. 

The principal varieties of handles have already been described. The 
bowl illustrated in Fig. 294 is furnished with a single semicircular loop. 

Fig. 294.— Handled bowl: Province of Tusayan. — J. 

In form, finish, and color it is the same as that of the other bowls, and 
the painted design has a similar derivation and arrangement. 

In the collection we have a flue large red bowl, now in a fragmentary 
state. It is eleven inches in diameter and six inches deep. A small 
loop is attached to the outside near the margin. It has a very decided 
resemblance in color, finish, and ornamentation to the red bowls of the 
Rio Virgen. The color of both the surface and the mass is a dull red. 
A broad band of bright red paint encircles the exterior, leaving a plain 


marginal band of the ground color and a plain area of the same upon 
the bottom. The painted design, which covers the inner surface is 
shown in Fig. 295. We discover in it at first sight a type to all appear- 

Fig. 295. — Painted design. 

ances totally distinct from the usual devices of this locality, but a closer 
study reveals the existence of the favorite motive — the meander- — 
doubled up across the middle in a way to challenge detection, with the 
ever-present auxiliary baud above and below. The curiously complex 
and very pleasing ornament is amplified in Fig. 296. 

Fig. 296. — Original form of painted design. 

One small cup or bowl has two ears, not semicircular, but rectangu- 
lar, which are placed horizontally and project in sharp points at the 

The neat little vessel given in Fig. 297 has a much elongated hori- 
zontal loop, carelessly made and rudely attached. The bowl is hand- 
somely finished. The margin is ornamented with a series of closely 
placed transverse lines or dots, a character appearing more frequently 
in the northern ware. The interior design is made up of four independ- 
ent parts as usual. 

The cup presented in Fig. 29S serves to illustrate another variety of 
handle — a large vertical loop, extending from rim to base, like those on 
the upright cups given in Figs. 287 and 288. The paste is very fine 



grained, and breaks with a conchoidal fracture. The color is gray and 
the paint reddish from the firing. The bottom is flat, a rare occurrence 
in the more archaic pottery. The painted design is based upon the 

Flo. 297.— Handled cup: Province of Tusayan. -J. 

meander, and occupies nearly the entire exterior surface of the cup. 
Ths handle has two bird-track shaped figures on its outer surface. 

Fig. 298.— Handled cup : Province of Tusayan. — J. 

Vessels with long cylindrical handles are distributed over a very 
extended district, but in Tusayan they are of a better class of ware than 
elsewhere. Here the handles are long and stout and frequently tenni- 

Fig. 299. — Dipper : Province of Tusayan. — ^. 

nate in a loop, probably intended for the attachment of a cord. The 
bowl is often graceful in form and tasteful in ornament. One of the 
finer examples is illustrated in Fig. 299. It is of the chalky ware, and 
has a very good surface finish. The handle is one iuch in diameter 
and five inches long. It is hollow and terminates in a narrow loop. It 
is decorated with two groups of spirally inclined lines. The interior 
decoration of the bowl furnishes a most excellent example of the cru- 



ciform designs previously described. This is well shown iii Fig. 300. 
The exterior surface is embellished with a most primitive drawing of a 
bird, Fig. 301 — a striking illustration of the pictorial accomplishments 

Fig. 300. — Dipper: Province of Tusayan. — J. 

of these classic decorators. Subjects of this class are of rare occur- 
rence upon the ancient white ware. 

Fig. 301. — Figure of bird from exterior of dipper. 

The dipper presented in Fig. 302 is somewhat inferior in workmanship 
to the preceding example. The handle is plain and terminates in a liori 

Fig. 302. — Dipper : Province of Tusayan. — 4. 

zoutal loop. The painted design is not arranged about a square, as in 
the examples given, but leaves a space in the center of the bowl 




resembling a four-cornered star. This shape is, however, the result of 
accident. The four parts are units of an elaborate border, uot severed 
from their original connection, but contorted from crowding into the cir- 

Fig. 303.— Painted design. 

Fig. 301. — Painted design. 

Fig. 305. — Unit of the design drawn in black. 

cular space. The design drawn' upon a plain surface is shown in Fig. 
303. Projected in a straight line, as in Fig. 3(M, it is readily recognized 
as the lower three-fourths of a zone of scroll ornamentation. A unit of 



the design drawn in black is shown in Fig. 305. The meander is de- 
veloped in the white color of the ground, and consists of two charm- 
ingly varied threads running side by side through a field of black, 
bordered by heavy black lines. The involute ends of the units are con- 
nected by two minute auxiliary scrolls. 

Bowls heretofore referred to as heart-shaped are of frequent occur- 
rence in the valley of the Little Colorado. A number have been ob- 
tained by the Bureau of Ethnology directly from the Pueblo Indians, 
while a few very superior specimens are in the collection of Mr. Keam. 
A somewhat globular example is represented in Fig. 306. 

It is remarkable in having four zones of devices. The narrow belt next 
the lip contains a single line of bird-track figures. The others exhibit 
simple forms of the meander. It is interesting to notice the variety 

Fig. 30U. — Heart-shaped bowl : Provinco of Tusayan.— k. 

of treatment. In the upper band we have a chain of units imperfectly 
connected. In the others there are series of triangular links quite 
disconnected from each other. All are defined in white by painting in 
a ground of black. 

This district has furnished tew vessels of more exquisite form and dec- 
oration than that shown in Fig. 307. It is from the Keam collection. 
The outlines are exceptionally symmetrical, and the design, developed 
in the white of the ground, is drawn with more than usual care. The 
figures are severely simple, however, and comprise but one motive — the 
typical scroll, which is arranged in three zones, separated by parallel 
lines. The spaces are tilled in with serrate lines, parallel with the con- 
necting fillets or stems of the volutes, as in the case given in Fig. 290. 

Another smaller vessel from the same collection is simple and unpre- 
tentious, but so thoroughly satisfactory in every respect that one could 
hardly suggest an improvement. The surface is well polished. The 



ground color is whitish, and the design — a chain of classic scrolls — is 
produced in white by filling up the interstices with black. It is a note- 
worthy fact that the base of this cup has been perforated, apparently for 
use as a strainer. Nearly a hundred small round holes have been made 
while the clay was still soft. A pottery ladle from this region, now in 
the National collection, exhibits the same feature. 

Fig. 307.— Bowl: Province of Tusayan. — §. 

I add another example from the Keam collection, Fig. 309. The 
margins of the figures are serrate and the volutes, which are in white, 
have clumsy, disconnected stems. 

The vessel presented in Fig. 310 has a flattened upper surface, an an- 
gular shoulder, and a high body, slightly conical below. The painted 

Fig. 308.— Bowl: Province of Tusayau.— A. 

design is nearly obliterated in places by abrasion or weathering, but is 
correctly presented in Fig. 311, which gives the three zones in hori- 
zontal projection. This brings out a very marked feature, the cruciform 
arrangement of the parts, which would not be apparent in a vertical 



The two inner circles occupy the upper surface of the vessel ami the 
outer one the most expanded portion of the body. The inner belt is 
separated into four panels or compartments by as many series of trans- 
verse lines, the panels being filled in with longitudinal, broken lines. 

Fig. 309.— Bowl: Province of Tusayan- 

The second baud is also divided by four series of straight lines, but the 

( ipartments are occupied by scrolls in white, bordered by serrate 

wings in black. The outer band exhibits a very curious combination 
of features, the whole figure, however, being based upon the meander 


Fig. 310. — Bowl: Province of Tuaayan. — A. 

It is probable that the grouping in fours is accidental, the division of a 
surface into four being much more readily accomplished than into auy 
other number above two. 




There are few better examples of the skill and good taste of the an- 
cient potter than the bowl illustrated in Pig, 312. The body is much 
flattened and the incurved margin considerably depressed. The color 
is reddish, both on the surface and in the mass, while the upper part is 
painted a bright red. Upon this color, encircling the shoulder and 
extending inward toward the lip, is a handsome design in black and 

Fig. 311. — Painted design. 

white lines. This is nearly obliterated, but enough is left to show that 
it consists of a highly elaborated rectilinear meander pattern, the idea 
being developed apparently in the light ground color. The painted 
lines are iu black bordered with fine white stripes — a common occur- 
ence in the south. 

Fig- 312.— Red bowl: Province of Tusayan.— J. 

We have in the Museum an exquisitely shaped vessel of this class 
obtained from the Zufii Indians. The material and color are identical 
with the red specimen from Saint George. The whole surface is painted 
red and a neat border design in black is worked over this. The lip is 
not so much depressed as in the preceding examples. Two perforations 



occur near the margin, through which the Zuflis have passed a buck- 
skin thong. Another plain bowl is very much compressed vertically. 

Oblong bowls are not a prominent feature in Pueblo pottery. A few 
examples were found at Saint George, Utah, but these are of the shal- 
low variety. The only oblong bowl with incurved rim yet sent in is 
shown in Fig. 313. It is six inches long and four inches wide. The 

Fig. 313. — Oblong bowl: Province of Tusayan.— §. 

ornamentation consists of three lines of meanders, that upon the flat 
upper surface being irregular and not continuous. 

In Fig. 314 we see another variation from the two usual forms of 
bowls. This vessel is globular, and the aperture quite large. Two 
small nodes attached to the sides and vertically perforated serve as 
handles. The ornamentation consists of a number of disconnected and 

Fig. 314. — Globular vase: Province of Tusayan. — J. 

greatly varied bands of meandered lines and figures, obliquely placed. 
The ornamented surface is separated into two parts by vertical panels 
at the handles. This affords a suggestion of an adventitious or me- 
chanical origin for the vertical bands which are so prominent a feature 
in modern Pueblo pottery. One of these is partially visible at the right 
side in the cut. 




Ollas. — A typical example of the chalky ware of Tusayan is illus- 
trated in Fig. 315. It is a wide, low vase of symmetrical form. The 
body is flattened above and hemispherical below. The material is almost 
as white and as soft as chalk. The design comprises two zones of 
devices. One occupies the upright neck, and consists of encircling lines 
interrupted by vertical bands. The other, upon the flattened shoulder, 

Fig. 315.— Vase: Province of Tusayan. — J. 

is based upon the meander. Both are bordered by wide bauds in the 
dark color and an additional band encircles the body. 

Another handsome little vase is presented in Fig. 316. The two 
meanders show very diverse styles of treatment. In the upper the 
lines are all oblique, while in the lower they are chiefly rectangular and 

Fig. 316.— Vase: Pioviuco of Tusayan.— \. 

much prolonged horizontally. Corresponding treatment of the two 
bands occurs in other vessels. 

The vessel shown in' Fig. 317 is very different in appearance from the 
two preceding, and is much larger and ruder in finish. The surface has 
been finished with the trowel or hand without polishing. It is ten 
inches high and the same in width. The whole decoration consists of 



interlinked meander-units not arranged in belts, but thrown together 
in a careless manner across the body of the vase. In the Keam col- 
lection there is a water bottle nearly twice as large as this, similar 

Fig. 317.— Vase: Province of Tusayan. — J 

Fig. 318.— Vase: l'rovincoof Tusayan. — $■ 

in shape and finish, but having a very different though equally rude 
painted design. This collection contains also the large pot-like vessel 



or cauldron shown in Fig'. 318. The walls are heavy, the lip is rounded, 
and the form is such as to be very serviceable for ordinary domestic use. 
The ornamentation consists of two bands of figures, the upper, as 
usual, being very simple. The figures of the body zone are in black upon 
the light ground. Two sets, or pairs, of the triangular links make the 
circuit of the vessel, the entire ornament appearing in Fig. 319. 

Fir.. 310— Painted di sijn 

There is, however, something less simple and consistent in the orna- 
ment seen in Fig. 320. The connecting stems of the units are heavy dark 
lines. The ends of the links are but imperfectly developed or are ob- 
scured by elaboration giving a suggestion of degeneracy, but the whole 

Fig. 320. — Vase: Province of Tusavan. — £. 

result is highly pleasing. The shape is an exceptional one, the body 
being flattened to a greater degree than usual. The ground color and 
the paste are quite white, yet there is in the design and its treatment a 
suggestion of the decoration of the cream colored ware of Tusayan. 
This suggestion is emphasized by the occurrence of the two pairs of 
dark strokes on the neck — a feature more usual in the yellow wares. 
4 eth 22 



Iu 1883 Mr. Mindeleff brought in two superb examples of ancient 
water vases. They are excellent illustrations of the skill and taste of 
the ancient Pueblo potter. The example illustrated iu Fig. 321 is ten 
and a half inches in height and twelve inches in diameter. Its form 

Fig. 321.— Vase: Province of Tusayan. - $. 

is symmetrical and graceful. The surface has been whitened, but is 
somewhat uneven and not highly polished. The painted design is 
well preserved, and consists of two broad belts of devices. The upper, 
occupying the sloping neck, is a very simple combination of lines, based 

Fig. 322.— Painted design. 

upon a single white meandered line, and the lower is quite complex and 
encircles the widest part of the body. The latter appears at first sight 
to be rather complicated, but is easily resolved into its elements. 



The zoue is five and a half inches in width and consists of two lines 
of highly elaborated meanders combined in a most ingenious and pleas- 
ing manner. The design is projected in Fig. 322 and compares favora- 
bly with the exquisite diaper patterns of oriental decorators. A single 

Fig. 323.— Unit oi the design. 

unit of its structure is giveu in Fig. 323. The triangular spaces along 
the border are filled in with fragments of designs harmonious in style 
with the principal figures. Certain spaces of the expanded connecting 

Fig. 324.— Vase: Pi 

of Tuaayan.- 

fillets of the units, are filled in with serrate or dotted lines. Some por- 
tion of the design seem to be developed in the. white ground, as, for in- 
stance, the figures in the lateral triangles. 



The boldness of the primitive decorator is well shown in the manipu- 
lation of these large vases. Simplicity and breadth were not sacrificed 
when it became necessary to carry the oft-repeated figures over the 
broad surface of such a vessel as that shown in Fig. 324, whose height 
and width measure fourteen inches each. Iu shape, in surface, treat- 
ment, and in the arrangement of the broad belts of decoration this 

Fin. 325— Painted design. 

vessel corresponds very closely with the preceding, but the favorite 
motives are executed in the white color of the. ground, and are thrown 
across the surface of the vessel with charming freedom and boldness. 
The upper zone encircling the neck is occupied by a large, rather 
rudely drawn chain of scrolls developed iu the white ground by paint- 
ing the interspaces black. The broad belt of figures encircling the body 

Fig. 326.— Unit of the design. 

of the vase is not filled out as in the preceding case, the lower series 
of triangular spaces being plain. The principal feature consists of a sin- 
gle line of the fret work developed in the white ground. This is shown 
in Fig. 325. A unit of the design is given in black in Fig. 320. The 
connecting curve or stem of the unit incloses a rectangular space, through 




which the fillet returns in a series of fine scrolls. The interlocked ends 
of the units of the principal chain have terminations or hooks angular 
in two cases and curved in another, demonstrating the identity of the 
curvilinear and the rectilinear forms of this ornament. The small iso- 
lated stepped figure between the hooks tells, I imagine, of a textile 

In Fig. 327 we have another vase of still higher grade — a very master- 
piece of fictile work. It is next to the largest piece of the ancient ware 
yet described, being twenty -four inches in diameter and up ward of twenty 
iuches in height. The form is not quite symmetrical, but the outline 
is highly satisfactory. The body is full and slightly conical at the 

Fie:. 327.— Large rase: Province of Tusayan. — ^. 

base, and above joins the neck with a graceful convex curve. The sur- 
face is even and well polished, and the painted design is executed with 
great precision. The motives employed are identical with the preced- 
ing. Scrolls and fretted figures are carried around the neck, shoulder, 
and body in three bands suited exactly in width and in size of parts to 
the conformation of the vessel. The simple scrolls of the upper part 
need no explanation, and a careful analysis of the broader band, as 
projected in Fig. 328, furnishes a key to its rather extraordinary con- 
struction. The dark lines are drawn with mechanical exactness, and 
the delicate white lines, in which many of the finer details are worked 


out, are left with a nicety of handling worthy of the most skilled deco- 
rator. By a reference to the outline given in Fig. 329 it will be seen that 
the whole ornament hangs upon a single thread woven into a chain of 
delicate fretwork running through the middle of the design. The long 

Fig. 32*.— Painted design. 

connecting band of each unit consists of two lines (taking the black 
lines as representative of the idea or motive), which separate in the 
middle part, inclosing a wide rectangular space. This is filled with geo- 
metric ornamentation in white lines upon a black ground, as shown in 

Fig. 329.— Unit of the design. 

Fig. 328. The triangular spaces above are occupied by checker-work 
of light and heavy lines. The very marked rectangular character of 
this handsome design indicates familiarity with the textile embodiment 
of the motive. 




Bottles. — Under this head I desire to present a number of vases 
having high, narrow necks. Few examples of the pottery of any people 

Fig. 330. — Vase: Province of Tusavan.- 

show bolder and more successful treatment than the specimen illus- 
trated in Fig. 330. It is a large, full bodied bottle, the neck and lip of 

Fig. 331. — Vase: Province of Cibola.- 

whicli unfortunately are lost. The restored outline can profess to be ap- 
proximate only. The surface is well polished, though gray from age. 



Two masterly scrolls, formed each of a broad black line bordered by 
white lines, are thrown across opposite sides of the vase. The ground 
upon which they are drawn is fdled in with series of lines which acconi 
modate themselves very gracefully to the surface of the vessel and to 
the scrolls. 

A number of ancient vessels, found in the hands of the Zuni Indians, 
were probably obtained by them from some of the neighboring ruins, 
although in a few cases they may have been carried from distant places 
in the north or west. The finer examples correspond very closely to 
the ware of which multitudes of fragments are found at old Zuni, 
San Antonio Springs, Nutria, and other places in or near the province 
of Cibola. They seem to be identical also in many respects with the 
better class of the white ware of Tusayan. The forms are very much 
the same and the ornaments exhibit similar arrangements of identical 

The superb vessel illustrated in Fig. 331, is a typical example of 
the work of the ancient potters of Cibola. In form it falls but little 

*\4 "\ 
■ I 

Fig. 332.— Vase: l'rminc 

short of perfect symmetry. The body is nearly globular, being slightly 
compressed vertically. The neck is small and the lip slightly recurved. 
The surface, originally white, now darkened from use, is well polished 
except in.; where roughened by age. In Fig. 333 we have a partial pro- 
jection of the painted design obtained by viewing the vase vertically. 
This may be described as a rosette of spiral rays which consist of grace- 
fully meandered lines alternating with groups of plain stripes. These 
are developed in the light color of the vase by painting in a black ground. 




Viewed from the side the decoration is seen to consist of the two usual 
zones — a narrow one about the neck, occupied by a meander, and a 
broad one covering the greater part of the body, crossed obliquely by a 
number of bands of ornament. 

A similar vase, also from Zuni, is illustrated in Fig. 332. It is much 
darkened by use and age and has suffered considerably from wear and 
tear. The ornament consists of three zones, a band of stepped figures 
about the neck, a handsome meander-chain with terraced links upon 
the rounded collar, and a broad belt of radiating meanders encircling 
the body. A vertical view showing the two outer lines of decoration is 
given in Fig. 334. A peculiar feature in this vessel is the indented fin- 
ger-hold seen in the lower part of the body, Fig. 332. 

In both form and ornament these bottles exhibit decided resemblances 
to wicker vessels. The introduction of stepped figures and spiral rays 
sufficiently demonstrates the textile origin of the painted designs. 

Fig. 333.— Painted design. 

Fig. 334. — Painted design. 

A few bottles are larger than the examples given. One having a 
high narrow neck is seventeen inches high and sixteen in diameter 
of body. Generally vases of this shape are below medium size, and 
they are very often supplied with handles or perforated knobs, either 
upon the shoulder or the neck. In a few cases only the necks are high 
and slender like the bottles of the mound-builders of the middle Missis- 
sippi region. 

The vessel illustrated in Fig. 335 is not properly classified either with 
the preceding or with the following group, but I place it here on account 
of its peculiar painted device, which appears in other forms and connec- 
tions in the two succeeding figures. The ornament as usual occupies 
two zones, each of which has three groups of vertical lines alternating 
with as many star-like figures resembling somewhat the Maltese cross. 
The latter device may possibly have been introduced to represent some 
idea, and I have no doubt that almost any member of the modern tribes 



could be induced to give a full explanation of its significance. It would, 
however, be his idea only and not necessarily that of the ancient potter. 

Fig. 335. — Vase: Province of Tnsayan. — £. 

Handled vessels. — Handled vessels of this province are greatly va- 
ried. Examples of the dippers have already been given. Besides them 
there is a long series of vessels with more or less constricted necks, the 

Fig. 336.— Handled va 

Province of Tnsayan. — I. 

handles of which are of three or four pretty distinct varieties, including 
the long vertical loop connecting the rim with the shoulder or body, the 




strong horizontal loop set at the base of the neck, and the perforated 
knob placed upon the shoulder. There are also a few examples of cup- 
shaped projections, Fig. 351, and heads of animals, Fig. 352, which are 
set upon the neck near the rim and seem to be survivals of handles or 
ornaments merely. 

The vessel shown in Fig. 336 has an interesting combination of dec- 
orative features. I present it here, although a little out of place in my 

Fig. 337. — Painted design. 

classification by form, in order to point out the similarity between its 
decoration and that of Fig. 335. It is a handsome mug of hard gray 
ware, finished with a white slip, and decorated with painted designs in 
the prevailing arrangement. Four equidistant nodes of large size are 
placed about the shoulder of the vessel. These occur along the middle 
of the lower zone of painted devices, the notable feature being that the 

Fig. 338. — Handled mug: Province of Tusayau.- 

volutes of the painted scroll-work encircle the nodes and inclose, between 
their interlinked points, cross-like devices, resembling those found upon 
the preceding specimen. These crosses occupy the apices of the nodes, 
as shown in the illustration. The painted design is given in Fig. 337. 



The design proper — the interlinked scrolls — is in white, the dark color 
beiug used as a ground to develop it. This is true of a great majority 
of the examples presented. The same device, with a slightly different 
combination, is seen in Fig. 33S, which illustrates a small jug from the 

Fig. 339.— Painted design. 

Keam collection. The design is well shown in Fig. 339, and in this case 
it will readily be seen that the motive proper is in white, while the bLick 
hooks and the connecting lozenge-shaped figures, forming the cross, 
represent the ground. This association of the cross with the linking of 

Fig. 340.^ Vase: Province of Tusayau. — £. 

the scrolls is suggestive of a possible origin of the device as used inde- 
pendently in the instance given in Fig. 335. 

I shall now present a small group of handled vessels of varying char- 

Fig. 341. — Painted design. 

acters upon which we have some illustrations of a peculiar treatment of 
meander motives. 




The vessel illustrated in Fig. 340 belongs to the Keain collection. The 
decoration is very simple and consists of a novel combination of run- 
ning scrolls. The design is produced by filling in the space between 
two separate chains of scrolls in black with fine oblique lines, Fig. 341. 

Fig. 342 —Handled cup: Province of Cibola.— J, 

Identical treatment of the meander is found upon a mug brought from 
Zuni and illustrated by Mr. Stevenson in the Second Annual IJeport of 
the Bureau of Ethnology. Fig. 342. This will be apparent when the 

Fig. 343.— Painted ornament. 

design, Fig. 343, is placed by the side of the preceding. The first is 
drawn in curved black lines, the ground remaining white, the second 
is in rectilinear white lines, the ground being black. 

Fig. 344.— Painted ornament. 

Two others of like character, one angular and the other curvilinear, 
are found upon small red vessels from Tusayan, Figs. 344 and 345. Still 



another noteworthy example is found upon the interior surface of a red 
bowl from Cibola, which, when projected in a straight Hue, gives the 
handsome ornament illustrated in Fig. 346. 

Fig. 345. — Painted ornament. 

There is in the Keam collection a very interesting vessel, having two 
heavy horizontal loops attached to opposite sides of the body. The 

Fig. 346. — Painted ornament. 

painted figure consists chiefly of a rectangular meander in white bor 
dered by black and forming a wide zone about the body of the vessel. 
The spaces are filled in with fine parallel oblique lines. With the addi- 

Fig. 347. — Handled vase: Province of Tusayan. — J. 

tion of a foot this vessel would be found to resemble, in both form and 
ornament, some early varieties of the Greek kylix. 

The wide-mouthed vase shown in Fig. 348 differs very decidedly iu 
style from the last. It is finer in texture and much more carefully fin- 
ished. The form is decidedly antique. The painted design is quite 



indistinct, the color having rubbed off or faded out. The work has been 
neatly done with a fine brush and exhibits some new features in point 
of detail. If we trace out the figures, however, we will see that there 

FIG. 348.— Vase: Province of Tusayan. — J. 

are no new motives, the meander forming the basis of all. There is a 

double line of figures, the upper one being the more simple, as usual. 

In the bottle illustrated in Fig. 349 the usual motives have been ein- 

Fig. 349 — Bottle: Province of Tusayan. — i- 

ployed. A few heavy lines serve to give emphasis to the lip, while a 
baud of linked scrolls is carried around the shoulder, bordered by sim- 
ple parallel lines. Unpretentious as the work is, it has a very pleasing 
effect. The shape is repeated in modern Pueblo pottery. It is the 



original of the canteen, which has acquired the flattened form through 
accident, or change in the habits of the people employing it. A very 
superior example of these bottles is given in Fig. 350. The body is 
somewhat flattened and the sides are nearly perpendicular, giving two 

Fig. 350.— Bottle: Province of Tuaayan.- 

well defined spaces for decoration, the one above and the other about 
the middle of the body. The latter space is occupied by a very slen- 
der, meandered line in white, the interspaces being filled in with black. 
Four links encircle the vessel, two oblong ones occurring upon the sides 

Fig. 351.— Bottle: Province of Tusayan.— J. 

and two short ones beneath the handles. The upper surface is deco- 
rated with a band of scrolls, four in number, partially defined in white 
by painting the space on one side black. There are two low, knob- 
like, vertically perforated handles on the shoulder of the vessel. 


The vessel shown in Fig. 351 is interesting on account of the peculiar 
knobs or ears placed on the sides of the neck, near the lip. They rudely 
resemble the corolla of a flower, but suggest as well the wheel-like coils 
of hair gathered up at the sides of the head by the women of Moki. 
They were probably associated with some superstition of the ancients. 
The neck of the bottle is unusually high. The shape is quite graceful 
and the painted decoration is simple and effective. 

In a collection recently sent from the vicinity of Springerville, Arizona, 
by E. W. Nelson, there are a number of vessels similar in appearance to 
the preceding, but with shorter necks and rounder bodies. They are 
small, well-finished, and in some cases quite new-looking. The designs 
in black are nicely executed and exhibit considerable refinement of taste. 
One having a small animal head attached to the side of the ueck is illus- 
trated in Fig. 352. A broad meandered bonier encircles the neck, and 

FiG, 352. — Vase: Eastern Arizona. — i. 

a superb pattern, consisting of four ingeniously combined horizontal 
chains of meanders in white covers the upper three fourths of the body. 

Eccentric and life forms. — In the collection made- by Mr. Nelson there 
are several eccentric forms. One, a two-storied vessel of good propor 
tion, neat finish and ornamentation, is illustrated in Fig. 353. The form 
is an exceptional one in the ancient ware, but is frequently seen in mod- 
ern work of the Pueblos and other tribes. It had its origin perhaps in 
a double-lobed form of the gourd, or possibly the idea was suggested 
by the superposition of one vessel upon another. 

As previously observed, the Pueblo ware is characterized, in a general 
way. by great simplicity of form. There is, however, one small group 
of eccentric forms within which we find a pretty wide range of outline, 
a few specimens exhibiting undoubted resemblances to life forms. Near- 
ly all are bottles with handles and lobed bodies, often unsymmetrical. 
i eth. 23 



The handle in each case connects the lip with the shoulder or body of the 
vessel. The lobes are generally three in number and are rarely of equal 
dimensions, one being more or less prolonged. 

Fig. 353— Vase of eccentric form : Eastern Arizona. — ^. 

It is very difficult to say where these curious forms originated, or in 
what direction they were developing. Did the archaic potter, by exag- 
gerating the accidental eccentricities of early and simple forms, arrive 
at these grotesque shapes, did use determine their conformation, or must 
we look for their originals in antecedent utensils derived from, or made 
in direct imitation of, life forms? 

Fig. 354.— Vase uf eccentric form : Tusayan. — ^. 

It is manifestly useless to seek for their antecedents within the limits 
of the ceramic art. A few are of such a shape as to suggest the skin 
vessels so often used by primitive peoples, and their origin in this 



manner would be entirely consistent with the laws of art growth. One 
variety is shaped somewhat like a shoe or moccasin. Another takes 
the form of a bird. In regard to their origin it would indeed be 
a marvel if they should be found to represent an intermediate step be- 
tween the skin vessels of primitive peoples aud the conventional pitcher 
of civilization, as corresponding shapes are thought to do in Eastern 

Fig. 355. 

Within the Pueblo province these vessels are widely but not very 
generally distributed, so far as specimens at hand show. I have already 
described two examines, Figs. 255 and 256, from Saint George, Utah, 
which are of the simplest type, having three nodes with no suggestion 
of life form. 


Fig. 356.— Vaao of ecceutric form: Tuaayau. — §. 

In Fig. 354 we have a small, well-finished cup of white ware, from 
Tusayan, similar in outline to the Saint George specimens. One of the 
three somewhat pointed nodes is considerably more prominent than the 
others. The handle is unique, being modeled apparently after the 
curved neck of a gourd, the pointed tip touching but not uniting with 
the body of the vessel. This vessel is handsomely decorated with two 
bands of scrolls. That upon the neck is of a usual form consisting 
of three sets of linked scrolls with zigzag or stepped connecting fillets. 
The scrolls of the lower bands interlock upon the three nodes and are 



connected by broad Z- shaped stems also stepped or notched. This spe- 
cimen is from the Keam collection. 

Another smaller vessel, still more unique in character, is illustrated in 
Fig. 355. One of the nodes is very much prolonged, giving, with the 
upright neck, a form rudely suggestive of a bird. The ornament, like 
the last, consists of two bauds. The upper is of diamond-shaped figures 
in white upon a black ground, and the lower of a cleverly managed 
meander, which is made to conform neatly to the eccentricities of the 
body. The hooks encircle the nodes as in the preceding case. 

A smaller specimen is given in Fig. 356. The node next the handle 
being prolonged resembles the tail of a bird, while the other nodes, 
which would occupy the place of the two prominences of the breast, are 
barely suggested. The decoration is extremely simple. 

A fine specimen of these novel vessels is illustrated in Fig. 357. The 
body is much prolonged on one side and has no prominence whatever 
at the breast points. The handle is but slightly arched and connects 
the rim with the extreme point of the projecting lobe. There is here a 
rather decided suggestion of a skin or intestine vessel. It is but a 
step from this form to the well-known shoe or moccasin shape of a later 

Fig. 357. — Vast* of eccentric form: Tusayan.— $. 

perit id of Pueblo art, a form known in nearly all centers of ancient 
American culture. The decoration is simple and unique, consisting of 
a meandered figure in white upon a black ground, with parallel border- 
ing lines in black. It connects opposite sides of the rim passing be- 
neath the projecting lobe. 

A number of the best examples are in the National collection. One 
of these, Fig. 358, is figured by Mr. Stevenson in the Third Annual Re- 
port of the Bureau of Ethnology. It might be described as shoe-shaped, 
yet we are forcibly reminded of the headless body of a bird, the rather 

holmes] BIRD-SHAPED VASES. 357 

square projecting; breast being a marked feature. The painted orna- 
ment consists of broad zigzag, meandered bands idled in with fine oblique 

One of the finest specimens is presented in Fig. .'559. The triangular 
or three lobed form of body is still noticeable, two of the points forming 
the breast, and the other, much prolonged, standing for the tail of the 
bird. The meaning of the latter feature is made plain by the painted 
figure. A conventional design, consisting of concentric, plain and 
zigzag lines, occupies the back, and terminates behind in a row of pin- 
nate marks, evidently a conventional drawing of the tail. The wings 
are indicated at the sides by a design like that upon the back. The 
breast is embellished with a series of oblong dots probably intended for 
feathers. In this case the neck, which is high and narrow, has three 
prominences near the top; one at the front represents the bill of the 

Fig. 358. — Vase of eccentric form : Cibola 

bird, and others at the sides are meant for eyes. A handle has con- 
nected the head with the middle of the back. This is nearly all broken 
away and the stumps have been perforated for the insertion of cords. 
A serrate collar in black encircles the neck. The original of this vase 
was obtained in the Pueblo country and belongs to Dr. Sheldon Jack- 
sou. A specimen recently acquired by the National Museum is supe- 
rior to this in its decorative treatment. The body has four lobes, one 
for the breast, another for the tail, and one for each of the wings. 
Each of these lobes is made the center about which the volutes of the 
very elaborate scroll-work are turned. 

I shall give one more illustration, Fig. 360. This is taken from the 
Keam collection and represents a bird. The vessel is quite distinct in 



shape from those previously given, being much like the bird vessels of 
the mound-builders. It is a cup with constricted rim, the head, tail, 
and wings of the bird projecting horizontally from the outer margin of 

Fig. 359.— Bird-shaped vase : Arizona. — J. 

the rim. It is of the white ware and has had a painted design in black 
lines, now nearly obliterated. 

i'lG. 360.— Bird-shaped cup : Tusayau.- 


Two great groups of ceramic products have now been presented — the 
coiled ware and the white decorated ware. These groups belong to the 
first great period of pueblo art in clay. Their chronological identity is 
sometimes questioned, the coiled ware to all appearances being the more 
archaic. It is simple in form and rude in finish, is without painted or- 
nament, and was relegated to the more ordinary uses. These and other 
features give countenance to the theory of greater antiquity ; but the 


intimate association of the two groups in nearly every locality indicates 
close indentity in time. It cannot be said that the other classes of ware 
found within the same province belong to different times or to distinct 
races, but they are widely separated in many important characters from 
the two leading groups. They exhibit greater variety of form, less 
constraint in decoration, and greatly improved technique, points tend- 
ing to prove advance in culture, and, presumably, in time. 

The more closely the ceramic art of the ancient peoples is studied the 
more decidedly it appears that it was profoundly influenced by the text- 
ile arts, and especially by basketry. The latter art was practiced from 
remote antiquity, and within historic times the manufacture of baskets 
has been the most important industry of the tribes of the Pacific slope 
of temperate North America. Ceramic shapes, wherever found within 
this region, coincide closely with textile outlines, and the geometric 
ornamentation can be traced to textile prototypes originating in the 
technical peculiarities of construction. 

Another point brought out by the preceding studies follows naturally 
the foregoing statement. There are in the pueblo country no primitive 
forms of earthenware. This may lead to the inference that the pueblo 
tribes migrated from other regions in which the earlier stages of the art 
had existed, but taken in connection with the lack of individuality in 
the potter's art, and its evident dependence upon the textile art, it 
leads decidedly to the conclusion that art in clay was acquired by these 
tribes in comparatively recent times. The ancient pueblos practised 
the art of basketry, but clearly remained ignorant of the plastic art, 
until by some accident of environment it was introduced or discov- 
ered. Under the influence of the sister art, pottery at once took a high 
stand. During the first stages, however, it was a servile art, repro- 
ducing the forms and decorations of basketry. The true plastic char- 
acters of clay remained practically undiscovered, and is only now, under 
the influence of the European, dawning upon the conservative mind of 
the inhabitant of the plateaus. 

Besides basketry, it is probable that the early pueblos made use of 
gourds and of tissue vessels, traces of their influence occurring quite 
frequently, but there is no indication whatever of the presence of carv- 
ings in shell, wood, and stone. 

I do not wish in this place to dwell upon the details of pueblo orna- 
ment. A single example will serve to illustrate the origin and char- 
acter of the leading decorative conceptions. Glancing through the 
series of vases illustrated under painted ware, we find that ninety-four 
out of one hundred designs are meanders, or are based upon the 
meander. Beginning with the simple waved or broken line we pass up 
through all grades of increasing complexity to chains of curvilinear and 
rectilinear meanders in which the links are highly individualized, being 
composed of a sigmoid line, terminating in reversed hooks ; but in no 


case do we reach a loop in the curved forms or au intersection in the 
angular forms. The typical intersecting Greek fret does not therefore 
occur, nor, I may add, is it found anywhere in native American art. 

The constructional characters of the art in which these linear forms 
developed, although they encouraged geometrical elaboration, forbade 
iutersectious or crossings of a line upon itself, and the genius of the 
decorator had never freed itself from this bondage. The forms im- 
posed upou decoration by the textile art are necessarily geometric and 
rectilinear, and their employment in other and less conventional arts, 
has been too limited to destroy or even greatly modify these characters. 

The study of Pueblo art embodied in the preceding pages tells the 
simple story of the evolution of art — and especially of decorative art — 
in a period when the expanding mind of primitive man, still held in the 
firm grasp of instinctive and traditional methods — the bonds of nature — 
was steadily working out its aesthetic destiny. 








Introductory 367 

Ceramic groups 369 

Middle Mississippi province 369 

Distribution 369 

How found 370 

Age 371 

Use 371 

Construction 372 

Material 372 

Color 373 

Form 373 

Finish 373 

Ornament 373 

Modification of shape 373 

Relief ornament '. 374 

Intaglio designs 374 

Designs in color 374 

Classification of forms 375 

Origin of form 376 

Bowls 376 

' Form 376 

Ornament 377 

I [lustrations 378 

Ordinary forms 378 

Eccentric forms 380 

Life forms 383 

Pot-shaped vessels 392 

Material 393 

Form 393 

Handles 393 

Origin of handles 393 

Ornament 394 

Illustrations 394 

Wide-mouthed bottles or jars 398 

Form 399 

Ornament 399 

Illustrations 399 

Ordinary forms 399 

Eccentric forms 403 

Life forms 404 



Ceramic groups — Continued. 

Middle Mississippi province — Continued. 

High-necked bottles 411 

Form 411 

Ornament 412 

Illustrations 413 

Ordinary forms : 413 

Eccentric forms 420 

Life forms 422 

Upper Mississippi province 426 

Gulf province 431 

Resume 434 



Fig. 361.— Scale of forms 376 

362. — Forms of bowls 376 

363. — Rim mollification 377 

364. — Bowl : Arkansas 378 

365. — Bowl : Arkansas 378 

366 — Cup : Arkansas 3711 

367. — Bowl : Arkansas 370 

368. — Bowl : Arkansas 380 

369.— Cup: Arkansas 380 

370.— Cup : Arkansas 380 

371. — Rectangular bowl : Arkansas 381 

372. — Burial casket : Tennessee 381 

373. — Trough-shaped vessel : Arkansas 382 

374. — Clay vessels imitating shell 384 

375. — Bowl imitating a conch shell 384 

376. — Frog-shaped bowl : Arkansas 385 

377. — Frog-shaped bowl : Arkansas 385 

378. — Animal-shaped bowl : Arkansas 385 

379. — Bird-shaped bowl : Arkansas 386 

380. — Bird-shaped bowl : Arkansas 3S6 

381. — Bird-shaped bowl : Arkansas 387 

382. — Bowl with grotesque heads : Arkansas 387 

383.— Heads of birds 383 

384.— Grotesque heads 388 

385. — Bowl with grotesque head : Arkansas 389 

386. — Bowl with grotesque head : Arkansas 389 

387. — Bowl with grotesque handle : Arkansas 390 

388. — Animal-shaped bowl : Arkansas 390 

389. — Animal-shaped bowl : Arkansas 391 

390.— Bowl with hat's head : Arkansas 392 

391.— Bowl: Arkansas 392 

392.— Forms of pots 393 

393.— Handles 393 

394.— Pot: Arkansas 394 

395.— Pot : Arkansas 395 

396— Pot : Tennessee 395 

397.— Pot: Arkansas 395 

398.— Pot: Arkansas 395 

399.— Pot : Alabama 396 

400.— Pot: Arkansas 396 

401.— Pot : Arkansas 396 

402.— Pot: Arkansas 396 

403.— Pot : Arkansas 397 

404. — Pot : Tennessee 397 

405.— Pot: Arkansas 398 

406. — Forms of jar-shaped bottles 399 

407.— Bottle : Arkansas 399 

408 — Bottle: Arkansas 400 




409.— Bottle: Arkansas 400 

410. — Engraved bottle : Arkansas 401 

411. — Engraved bottle: Arkansas 401 

412. — Engraved design 402 

413. — Teapot-shaped vessel : Arkansas - 403 

414.— Vessel of eccentric form : Arkansas 403 

415. — Vessel of eccentric form : Arkansas 404 

416. — Animal-shaped vase : Arkansas 404 

417. — Sun-fish vase : Arkansas 405 

1 18. —Opossum vase : Arkansas • ... . 405 

419. — Animal-shaped vase : Arkansas ' 406 

420. — Head-shaped vase : Arkansas 407 

421. — Engraved figures 408 

422.— Head covering 408 

423. — Head-shaped vase : Arkansas 409 

424. — Head-shaped vase : Arkansas 410 

425. — Scale of forms 411 

426.— Tripods 411 

427.— Stands 412 

428. — Compound forms of vessels 412 

429. — Adaptation of the human form 412 

430.— Bottle : Tennessee 413 

431. — Gourd-shaped vessel : Tennessee 413 

432. — Bottle: Arkansas 414 

433.— Bottle : Arkansas 414 

434. — Bottle: Arkansas 415 

435. — Engraved bottle : Arkansas 416 

436.— Bottle : Arkansas 417 

437.— Bottle : Arkansas 417 

438.— Bottle : Arkansas : 418 

439.— Fluted bottle : Arkansas 419 

440. — Engraved bottle: Arkansas 419 

441.— Tripod bottle: Arkansas 420 

442.— Tripod bottle : Arkansas 421 

443.— Tripod bottle : Arkansas 421 

444. — Bottle of eccentric form : Arkansas 422 

445. — Owl-shaped bottle : Arkansas 420 

446. — Bear-shaped bottle : Tennessee 423 

447. — Bear-shaped bottle : Arkansas 423 

448. — Bottle with human head: Arkansas 424 

449. — Bottle with human head : Arkansas 424 

450. — Bottle with human head : Arkansas . . . .". 424 

451. — Bottlo with human head : Arkansas 124 

452. — Bottle with human heail : Arkansas 425 

453.— Position of feet 425 

(54. — Bottle with human form : Arkansas 426 

455. — Bottle with human form : Arkansas 426 

456.— Vase : Io wa 428 

457. — Vase : Wisconsin 429 

458.— Vase : Illinois 430 

459. — Cup : Alabama 431 

460.— Bowl : Alabama 432 

461. — Bottle: Mississippi 432 

462.— Bottle: Alabama 433 

463.— Painted design 434 


By William H. Holmes. 


This paper is the third of a series of preliminary studies of aboriginal 
ceramic art which are intended to be absorbed into a final work of a 
comprehensive character. 

The groups of relics selected for these studies are in all cases of lim- 
ited extent, aud are such as can lay claim to a considerable degree of 
completeness. It is true that no series of archseologic objects can ever 
be considered complete, but in exceptional cases the sources of supply 
may be so thoroughly explored that the development of new features of 
importance cannot reasonably be expected. If any series of American 
ceramic products has reached such a condition, it is that of the middle 
portions of the Mississippi Valley; yet, even in this case, I consider it 
unwise to attempt a monographic study, and prefer to single out a par- 
ticular collection, making it the subject of a thorough investigation. 

When the idea of preparing such a paper was first conceived, the col- 
lection presenting the greatest advantages was that of the Academy of 
Natural Sciences at Davenport, Iowa, which was, therefore, chosen. 
Other museums, especially those at Cambridge, Saint Louis, and Wash- 
ington, were rich in material from this region, but none of these collec- 
tions were so homogeneous and satisfactory. 

The National Museum has recently received important accessions 
from the Mississippi Valley, through the agency of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology, and ere the publication of this paper will probably excel all 
others iu the number and variety of its mound relics. Some of its ma- 
terial has already been published by Dr. Charles Rau, Prof. C. C. Jones, 
Dr. Joseph Jones, and myself, aud several additional examples are given 
in this paper. 

Professor F. W. Putnam has described aud illustrated many pieces 
belonging to the Peabody Museum, and Professor W. B. Potter and 
Dr. Edward Evers have issued an important work on the Saint Louis 
collections, in Contributions to the Arclmeology of Missouri. 



This study is intended to pave the way to a thorough classification of 
the multitude of relics, and to the discovery of a method of procedure 
suited to a broad and exhaustive treatment of the ceramic art. 

I do not expect to discuss ethnical questions, although ceramic studies 
will eventually be of assistance in determining the distribution and 
migrations of peoples, and in fixing the chronology of very remote 
events in the history of pottery -making races. 

Some of the results of my studies of the evolutionary phase of the 
subject are embodied in an accompanying paper upon the " Origin and 
Development of Form and Ornament," and a second paper will soon 
follow. Before the final work is issued I hope to make close studies of 
all the principal collections, public and private. In such a work the 
importance of great numbers of examples cannot be overestimated. 
Facts can be learned from a few specimens, but relationships and prin- 
ciples can only be derived from the study of multitudes. 

I shall probably have occasion to modify many of the views advanced 
in these preliminary papers, but it is only by pushing out such advance 
guards that the final goal can be reached. 

Since the origiual issue of this paper in the Proceedings of the Daven- 
port Academy of Sciences, a careful revision of the text has been made 
and much additional matter and a number of illustrations have been 

I wish in this place to express my obligations to the officers and mem- 
bers of the Davenport Academy of Sciences, and especially to Mrs. M. 
L. D. Putnam and Prof. W. H. Pratt, whose generous aid has been of 
the greatest service to me. 


In studying the collections from the Mississippi Valley, I find it con 
veuieut to classify the ceramic products in three great groups, which be 
long to as many pretty well-defined districts ; these I have named, for 
convenience of treatment, the Upper Mississippi, the Middle Mississippi, 
and the Lower Mississippi or Gulf provinces. Other pottery occurs within 
the limits of these areas, but the examples found in the museums are so 
few that very little of importance can be learned from them. 

The three groups enumerated are not equally represented. The great 
body of our collections is from the middle province. The ware of the 
Lower Mississippi or Gulf district, of which we have but a small num- 
ber of pieces, has many features in common with the pottery of the mid- 
dle district, and at the same time is identical in most respects with 
that of the Gulf coast to the east. No well defined line can be drawn 
between them ; but the ware of the north is wholly distinct and need 
never be confounded with the other groups. 


Distribution. — It must not be inferred that there is perfect uni- 
formity in the pottery of this, or any other, extended region; local pe- 
culiarities are always to be found. The products of contiguous districts, 
such, for example, as those of Mississippi County, Arkansas, aud New 
Madrid County, Missouri, have much in common, and will at once be 
recognized as belonging to the same family, yet the differences are so 
marked that the unskilled observer could point them out with ease. 

As indicated by decided family resemblances, the wares of this group 
extend over the greater part of the States of Missouri, Arkansas, aud 
Tennessee, cover large portions of Mississippi, Kentucky, and Illinois, 
and reach somewhat into Iowa, Indiana, Alabama, Louisiana, and 
Texas. The types are better marked and the products more abundant 
about the center of this area, which may be defined roughly as includ- 
ing contiguous parts of Missouri, Arkansas, and Tennessee, with a 
pretty decided focal center, at least in the abundance of relies, at Pecan 
Point, Arkansas. 

The borders of the district are necessarily not clearly defined. The 
characters of the art products blend more or less with those of neigh- 
1 ETII 24 369 


boring sections. This is a usual phenomenon, and is probably due to a 
variety of causes. The mere contact of peoples leads to the exchange 
of ideas, and, consequently, to similarities in the products of industry. 
A change of habitat, with its consequent change of environment, is ca- 
pable of modifying art to a great extent. Groups of relics aud remains 
attributed by archaeologists to distinct stocks of people, may, in cases, 
be the work of one and the same people executed under the influence of 
different environments and at widely separated periods of time. 

Mixed conditions in the remains of a locality are often due to the 
presence of different peoples, synchronously or otherwise. This occurs 
in many places on the outskirts of this district, a good illustration being 
found in East Tennessee, where three or four distinct groups of ware 
are intermingled. As would naturally be expected, the distribution is 
governed somewhat by the great water-ways, and pottery of this prov- 
ince is found far up the Ohio, Tennessee, and Arkansas Rivers. 

How found. — All peoples have resorted, at some period of their his- 
tory, to the practice of burying articles of use or value with the dead. 
It is to this custom that we owe the preservation of so many entire 
pieces of these fragile utensils. They are exhumed from burial mounds 
in great numbers, and to an equal extent, perhaps, from simple, un- 
marked graves which are constantly being brought to light by the 
plowshare. Fragmentary ware is found also in refuse heaps, on 
house and village sites, and scattered broadcast over the face of the 

This pottery, at its best, was probably not greatly superior in hard- 
ness to our own soft earthenware, and the disintegrating agencies of 
the soil have often reduced it to a very fragile state. Some writer 
has expressed the belief that a considerable portion of the ware of this 
province was sun-baked merely. This view is hardly a safe one, how- 
ever, as clay, unmixed with lime or other like indurating ingredient, 
no matter how long exposed to the rays of the sun, would, from ages 
of contact with the moist earth, certainly return to its original con- 
dition. I have seen but few pieces that, even after the bleaching 
of centuries, did not show traces of the daik mottliugs that result from 
imperfect firing. There probably was a period of unbaked clay preced- 
ing the terracotta epoch, but we cannot expect to rind definite traces 
of its existence except, perhaps, in cases where large masses, such as 
mounds or fortifications, were employed. 

The relations of the various articles of pottery to the bodies with 
which they were associated seem to be quite varied. The position of 
each vessel was determined by its contents, by its symbolic use, or by 
the pleasure of the depositor. Uniformity cannot be expected in this 
more than in other features of burial. In other sections of the country 
the pieces of pottery are said to have been broken before final inhuma 
tion took place, but such was certainly not the practice in this province. 


Age. — There can be no reasonable doubt that the manufacture of 
this ware began many centuries before the advent of the white race, 
but it is equally certain that the art was extensively practiced until 
quite recent times. The early exploi-ers of Louisiana saw it in use, and 
the processes of manufacture are described by Dumont and others. 

Possibly Du Pratz had in mind some of the identical vessels now upon 
our museum shelves when he said that "the women make pots of an 
extraordinary size, jars with a medium-sized opening, bowls, two-pint 
bottles with long necks, pots or jugs for containing bear's oil, which 
hold as much as forty pints, and finally plates and dishes in the French 
fashion." 1 

Vessels were certainly made in great numbers by the Natchez and 
other tribes within our period, and it is reasonable to suppose that they 
belonged to the great group under discussion. If not, it w ill be necessary 
to seek the cause of their total disappearance, since, as I have already 
said, the pottery of this district, as shown by the relics, is practically 
a unit. 

The introduction of metal utensils was a death-blow to the native in- 
dustry, although some of the southern tribes, the (Jherokees, for example, 
seem to have practiced the art continuously, in a very limited way, 
down to the present time. There is but little evidence of the influence 
of the art of the whites upon the ceramic products of this province, 
although the forms are sometimes thought to be suggestive of European 
models. It is certain, however, that the art had reached its highest 
stage without the aid of civilized hands, and in the study of its many 
interesting features we can feel assured that we are dealing with purely 
aboriginal ideas. 

The pottery of this province is remarkably homogeneous in character, 
and we are warranted in assigning it to a single period of culture, and, 
in concluding, that the peoples who developed and practiced the art be- 
longed to a group of closely-allied tribes. We can also state without 
fear of precipitating a controversy that the people who made this pot- 
tery were "mound-builders." At the same time, they were not neces- 
sarily of the same people as the builders of the mounds of Wisconsin, 
Ohio, or Georgia or contemporaneous with them. 

Use. — It is difficult to determine the functions of the various forms 
of vessels. We are safe in stating that in very primitive times nearly 
all were intended for use in the domestic arts, and that as time went on 
uses were differentiated — form, as a consequence, undergoing many 
changes. Early writers on the Southern States mention a number of 
ordinary uses, such as cooking, the carrying and boiling of water, the 
manufacture of sugar and salt, and the preservation of honey, oil, and 

Only a small percentage of the vessels, and these generally of the 
pot-shaped variety, show indications of use over fire. It is well known 

Du Pratz: Histoire <le la Louisiaue, Vol. II, j). 179. 


that with most peoples particular forms were devoted to especial cere- 
monial uses. The construction of vases exclusively for mortuary pur- 
poses was probably not generally practiced, although a few examples, 
notably those illustrated in Figs. 372 and 420, point decidedly in this 

The simple conditions of life with these people are indicated by the 
absence of certain forms. Lamps, whistles, toys, bricks, tiles, and other 
articles in common use with many barbaric nations, are not found in this 
province. Pipes, so neatly shaped by other mound-building peoples, are 
here of a very rude character, a point indicating decided distinctions be- 
tween the tribes of this province and those of neighboring sections. 

Construction. — The methods of manufacture have evidently been 
of a primitive character. The wheel or lathe has not been used. At 
the advent of the whites, the natives were observed to build their ves- 
sels by a process known as " coiling," and by modeling over gourds, 
and over blocks of wood and masses of indurated clay shaped for the 

It is probable that in many cases the support was not a mold in 
the ordinary sense, but was simply a rounded object of small size held 
in one hand while the base of the vessel was formed over it by the 
other. Rounded pebbles, or the mushroom-shaped objects of clay some- 
times found in the mounds, would have served the purpose perfectly. 
Trowels, paddles, stamps, polishing-stones, and other implements were 
used in finishing. 

Baskets were also used as molds, and pliable fabrics, such as nets 
and coarse cloths, were employed in some sections. The methods of 
baking have apparently not been described in much detail by early 
writers, but the ware itself bears the marks of those simple processes 
known to our modern tribes. It is highly probable that the work was 
done by the women, and that each community had its skilled potters, 
who built and baked the ware in the open air, going through those 
simple mummeries that accompany the work among most primitive 

Material. — The material employed was usually a moderately fine- 
graiued clay, tempered, in a great majority of cases, with pulverized 
shells. The shells used were doubtless obtained from the neighboring 
rivers. In many of the vessels the particles are large, measuring as 
much as one-fourth or even one-half of an inch in width, but in the 
more, elegant vases the shell has been reduced to a fine powder. Pow- 
dered potsherds were also used. The clay was, apparently, often 
impure or loamy. It was, probably, at times, obtained from recent 
alluvial deposits of the bayous— the sediment of overflows — as was the 
potter's clay of the Nile. There is no reason for believing that the 
liner processes of powdering and levigatiou were known. A slip or 
wash of very finely comminuted clay was sometimes applied to the 
surface of the vessel. The walls of the vessels are often thick and un- 


even, and are always quite porous, a feature of no little importance in 
the storage of drinking-water, but one resulting from accident rather 
tbau from design. 

Color. — The paste of this ware presents two marked varieties of 
color, a dark and a light hue. In a majority of cases it is dark, ranging 
from a rich black to all shades of brown and gray. The lighter tints 
are usually warm ochrey grays, rarely approaching reddish or terra 
cotta hues. It is highly probable that the differences of color were, to 
some extent, intentionally produced, and that the material or methods 
of firing were regulated in a way to produce one tint or another at pleas- 
ure. This theory is confirmed by the fact that certain forms of vases 
are pretty generally dark, while certain other forms are as uniformly 
light — the latter in nearly all cases being used for the application of 
color, or of designs in color. 

Form. — This ware exhibits a great variety of forms, many of which 
are extremely pleasing. In this respect it is far superior to the other 
prehistoric groups of the eastern United States. The shapes are as 
varied and elegant as those of the ancient Pueblo pottery, but are infe- 
rior to those of Mexico, Central America, aud Peru. They take a higher 
rank than the prehistoric wares of central and northern Europe, but as 
a matter of course lack the symmetry and refinement of outline that 
characterize the wheel-made wares of Mediterranean countries. 

As I classify by form farther on, and discuss the origin of form as 
each form-group is presented, I shall not make further reference to this 
topic here. 

Finish. — The finish, as compared with the work of civilized nations, 
is rude. The surface is often simply hand or trowel smoothed. Gen- 
erally, however, it was more or less carefully polished by rubbing with 
an implement of stoue, shell, bone, or other suitable substance, the 
markings of these tools being distinctly visible. Nothing resembling 
a glaze has been found on pieces known to be ancient. The surface 
was sometimes washed or coated with a slip or film of fine clay which 
facilitated the polishing, aud in very many cases a coat of thick red 
ocher was applied. 

Ornament. — The ancient potter of the middle province has taken 
especial delight in the embellishment of his wares, and the devices used 
are varied and interesting. They include, first, fanciful modifications 
of form ; second, relief ornament ; third, intaglio figures; and, fourth, 
designs in color. 

Modification of shape. — It can hardly be claimed that the ancient peo 
pies of this region had a very refined appreciation of elegance of out- 
line, yet the simple, essential forms of cups and pots were by no means 
satisfactory to them. There are many modifications of shape that indi- 
cate a taste for higher types of beauty, and a constant attempt to realize 
them. The aesthetic sentiment was considerably developed. 


There is also a decided tendency toward the grotesque. To such an 
extreme have the dictates of fancy been followed, in this respect, that 
utility, the true office of the utensil, has often taken a secondary place, 
although it is never lost sight of entirely. Bowls have been fashioned 
into the shapes of birds, fishes, and reptiles, and vases and bottles into 
a multitude of animal and vegetable forms without apparent regard to 
convenience. All of these modifications of essential forms were doubt- 
less looked upon as, in a sense, ornamental. So far as I can determine 
they were, in no case intended to be humorous. 

Relief ornament. — Decorative ideas of a purely conventional character 
are often worked out iu both low and salient relief. This is generally 
accomplished by the addition of nodes and fillets of clay to the plain 
surfaces of the vessel. Fillets are applied in various ways over the 
bod}', forming horizontal, oblique, and vertical bauds or ribs. When 
placed about .the rim or base, these fillets are often indented with 
the finger or an implement in a way to imitate, rudely, a heavy twisted 
cord — a feature evidently borrowed from basketry. Nodes are like- 
wise attached iu various ways to the neck and body of the vessel. In 
some cases the entire surface of the larger vessels is varied by pinching 
up small bits of the clay between the nails of the fingers and thumb. 
An implement is sometimes used to produce a similar result. 

Intaglio designs. — The aesthetic tendencies of these potters are well 
shown by their essays in engraving. They worked with points upon 
both the plastic and the sun-dried clay, as well as at times upon the 
fire-baked surface. Figures thus produced exhibit a wide range of 
artistic achievement. They illustrate all stages of progress from the 
most archaic type ot ornament — the use of dots and straight lines — 
to the most elegant combinations of curves; and, finally, to the delinea- 
tion of life forms and fanciful conceptions. 

Generally, when a blunt implement is employed, the line is produced 
by a movement that I shall call trailing, in contradistinction to incision, 
in which a sharp point is used, and excision or excavation, which is 
more easily accomplished with the end of a hollow reed or bone. Im- 
pressed or stamped ornament is of rare occurrence, and anything like 
repoussee work is practically unknown. The practice of impressing 
cords and fabrics was common among many of the northern tribes, and 
nets have been used in the manufacture and ornamentation of vases at 
many points within this province. The use of stamps, especially pre- 
pared, was in vogue in most of the Gulf States, and to a limited extent 
in northern localities. 

Designs in color. — The colors used in painting are white, red, brown, 
and black, and have generally consisted of thick, opaque, clayey paste, 
white, or colored with ochers. Occasionally the colors used seem to 
have beeu mere stains. All were probably laid on with coarse brushes 
of hair, feathers, or vegetable fiber. The figures are in most cases sim- 


pie. and are applied in broad, bold lines, judicative of a strong talent 
for decoration. The forms are, to a great extent, curvilinear, and 
embrace meanders, scrolls, circles, and combinations and groupings of 
curved lines in great variety. Of rectilinear forms, lozenges, guillpches, 
zigzags, and checkers are best known. 

The decided prevalence of curved forms is worthy of remark. With 
all their fertility of invention, the inhabitants of this valley seem never 
to have achieved the rectangular linked meander, or anything more 
nearly approaching it than the current scroll or the angular guilloche, 
while other peoples, such as the Pueblos of the Southwest and the 
ancient nations of Mexico and Peru found in it a chief resource. The 
reasons for this, as well as for other peculiarities of the decorative art 
of the mound-builders as embodied in pottery, must be sought for in 
the antecedent and coexistent arts of these tribes. These peoples 
were certainly not highly accomplished in the textile arts, nor had 
they felt the influence of advanced architecture such as that of Mex- 
ico. The influence of such arts inevitably gives rise to angular geo- 
metric figures. Taken as a whole, the remains of the mound-builders 
would seem to point to a hyperborean origin for both the people and 
their arts. 

The origin of decorative ideas, the processes by which they are 
acquired by the various arts, and their subsequent mutations of form 
and significance are matters of the greatest interest, and a separate 
paper will be devoted to their consideration. 

Classification of forms. — Form cannot be made a satisfactory 
basis of classification, yet within a given group of products, defined by 
general characters, a classification by shape will be found to facilitate 
description. In making such a classification we must distinguish 
essential from non-essential features, that is to say. for example, 
that bowls must be placed with bowls, bottles with bottles, etc., dis- 
regarding the various fanciful modifications given to rims, necks, and 
bodies for the sake of embellishment. To recognize these adventitious 
features, which are almost infinite in variety, would he to greatly em- 
barrass form classification. 

There is also another difficulty in the employment of form in classifi- 
cation — the nomenclature is very imperfect. We cannot use Greek 
names, as our forms correspond in a very few instances only with the 
highly developed forms known to classic art. Our own plain terms, al- 
though defective, are better and far more appropriate. All necessary 
correlations of form can readily be made when the comparative study of 
the ] tottery of the world is undertaken. 

If we take a full set of these primitive vessels and arrange them in 
the order of increasing complexity we have an unbroken series ranging 
from the simplest cup to the high-necked bottle with perforated foot or 
with tripod. A partial series is shown in the upper Hue, Fig 361. A 


multitude of variations from these outlines are found, a few of which 
are suggested in the lower line. 

^3 O 

Fig. 301.— Scale of forms. 

Compound, eccentric, and life forms are given elsewhere. 

In deciding upon the order of arrangement for the various form 
groups, I shall be governed by what appears to be the natural order 
of evolution — a progress from simple to complex. First then we have 
basin like vessels, such as dishes, cups, and bowls. Second, vases with 
wide mouths and somewhat globular bodies, the larger of which would 
be very generally recognized as j)ots. Third, vases with full bodies and 
narrow mouths, such as are often termed Jar*, but which are as properly 
called bottles. Fourth, vessels with high, narrow necks, universally 
denominated bottles. Vessels that cannot be grouped with either of 
these classes will have to be described in sub-groups, arranged in the 
order of their complexity or importance. 

Origin of form. — Tke derivation and subsequent mutations of 
form will be treated somewhat in detail as the various forms come up, 
and a subsequent paper will dwell upon the topic at considerable length. 


Basin or bowl-shaped vessels exhibit great diversity of shape and or- 
nament. In size they range from less than one inch in diameter and 
depth to more than twenty inches in diameter and a foot in depth. In 
color and finish they are uniform with vessels of the other classes. 
Their uses were doubtless chiefly domestic. 

Form. — The forms are greatly varied, as will be seen in Fig. 3G2. 
Many are simply segments of spheres and vary from a shallow saucer 
to a hollow perforated globe. Others have elongated, compressed, or 


Flu. 362.— Forms of bowls. 

conical bodies, with round or flattened bases. Rectangular and irregu- 
lar forms are sometimes found. Stands and legs are but rarely attached, 
and handles, excepting those of a grotesque character, are exceptional. 



37 7 

It will probably be safe to assume that some form of shallow vessel — 
a dish, cup, or bowl, was the first artificial form produced. Such a ves- 
sel would be most easily fashioned in clay and may have been suggested 
by accident, or by uatural or artificial vessels. 

Whatever the origin or whichever the method of construction, the 
difficulties encountered would at first prevent the manufacture of other 
than the simplest forms. 

Ornament. — The ornamentation of bowls was accomplished in a 
variety of ways. These have been already described in a general way, 
under the head of ornament. Kim modifications constitute an im- 
portant feature. The margin or lip may be square, oblique, round, or 
grooved, as indicated in Fig. 363 a, b, c, and d. The scallop may be 
employed as in eand/, and relief ornament may be added, such as fil- 
lets and nodes, aud various horizontal projections, as shown in the 

b c d 

Fig. 363. — Modification of rirus. 

second line, Fig. 303, to say nothing of incised lines and indentations, 
which are the heritage of wicker-work. 

Not satisfied with these simple ideas of decoration, the fancy of the 
potter led him to add embellishments of most varied aud often of ex- 
traordinary character. The nodes aud ridges have been enlarged aud 
prolonged, and fashioned into a thousand natural aud fanciful forms. 
Shells, fish, birds, beasts, human and impossible creatures have been 
utilized in a multitude of ways. Many illustrations of these are given 
on subsequent pages. 

The body of the bowl is somewhat less profusely ornamented than the 
rim. The interior, as well as the exterior, has received painted, relieved, 
and intaglio designs. In the paiuted ones the favorite idea for the in- 
terior is a series of volutes, in broad lines, radiating from the center of 
the basin. Groups of festooned lines, either painted or engraved, aud 
arranged to give the effect of imbricate scales, form also a favorite mo- 
tive. The exterior surface of the incurved rims of globular vessels 
offers a tempting surface to the artist and is often tastefully decorated 
in all the styles. 



Illustrations. — Ordinary forms. — I have not thought it necessary 
to present many cuts of simple undecorated vessels, as their shapes are 
repeated numberless times in elaborated forms. The crude examples 
teach nothing as to stage of culture. They are of the same time and 
people as the finer specimens. 

The small bowl given in Fig. 364 is unusually well made, and is pe- 
culiar in having its interior surface decorated with a rather chaste in- 

Fig. 364.— Bowl: Arkansas.— \. 

" cised design consisting of festooned lines. This was a favorite idea with 
the ancient potters aud may be seen on both exterior and interior 
surfaces of a variety of vessels. The rim is beveled on the inner edge 
and has a beaded or indented fillet encircling the outer margin. The 
bottom is somewhat flattened. This specimen is from Arkansas. 

In Fig. 305 we have a good example of the dark, nicely-finished ware 
of Arkansas. The widely expanding rim is neatly scalloped on the 

Fig. 305.— Bowl: Arkansas.— J. 

margin and is finished on the inside with a pattern of incised lines. 
These lines appear to have been engraved in the hardened clay. The 
form is rendered graceful by a shallow encircling depression or groove 
at the base of the rim. The bottom is somewhat flattened. 

Occasionally we find very deep bowls with sloping sides and flat bot- 
toms resembling our common flower pots. One example from Arkansas 
is seven inches in diameter at the top and four at the base, and five 
inches deep. A heavy band of clay has been added to the outer margin 
of the rim, leaving a channel above and beneath. A number of perfora- 
tions occur in this rim, as if made for the passage of thongs or filaments. 
A similar specimen of larger dimensions may be seen in the National 


We have a number of bowls with incurved rims. This form is more 
characteristic of tlie south and is common along the Gulf coast. 

A very small example is shown in Fig. 306. The lower part of the 
body is nearly hemispherical while the. rim contracts slightly, giving a 
rather graceful outliue. The exterior is embellished with a simple flg- 

FlG. :!6G.— Cup: Arkansas. — J. 

ure consisting of four linked scrolls which have been traced with a blunt 
point in the moist clay. 

A much larger vessel resembling the above in shape is given in Fig. 
307. It is of the dark brownish shell-tempered ware, characteristic of 
Arkansas. The lip is much incurved and the base considerably flat- 
tened, so that the form is that of a greatly compressed oblate spheroid. 

Fig. 367. — Bowl: Arkansas. (') — '. 

The outer surface has been moderately well polished, and is ornamented 
in a very effective manner by a series of figures, outlined by incised 
lines, alternate spaces being filled in with minute punctures. 

A favorite form is a bowl with full deep bodj and incurved lip. A 
vessel of this class is illustrated in Fig. 308. The rim is but slightly in- 
curved, while the body is considerably constricted below the greatest 
circumference. It is a unique and handsome specimen. The color of 
the slip is a pale, reddish-gray, a little darker than an ordinary flesh 
tint. The paste is seen to be yellowish where the surface has been in- 
jured. The ornament is a simple meander, consisting of three incised 
lines. It is said to have been found in Arkansas. Other bowls of like 
form and of elegant finish are found in the collection. They are gener- 
ally dark in color, and have large apertures, low walls and flattened 
bases. The meander, mostly in its more simple forms, is the favorite 



There are many red vessels of the class under consideration, but the 
majority are less contracted at the aperture and thus are somewhat pot- 
shaped. They are rather rudely constructed and finished, and but for 
the color, would seem to be intended for ordinary cooking purposes. I 
observe in a number of cases that circula r medallion like ornaments have 
been set around the rim. These are from one-half to one inch in diam- 
eter, and are generally perforated or punctured in two or three places, 

Fig. 368. — Bowl: Arkansas. — J. 

apparently with the idea of representing a face. The effect is very much 
like that of the small perforated disks, riveted upon the exterior of cop- 
per or tin kettles for the purpose of attaching handles. Occasionally 
a tail-like appendage is added to the under side of these discoidal heads, 
suggesting the tadpole figures upon the sacred water vessels of the 
Pueblo Indians. 

One large basin with slightly incurved rim has a series of triangular 
figures in red and brown upon both the inner and the outer surfaces. 
It is rudely finished and of large size, being eleven inches in diameter 
and seven and a half in height. 

Eccentric forms. — Before proceeding with the discussion of life-forms 
as exhibited in bowls, I must present a few unique shapes. 

Fig. 369. 

Cuius: Arkansas (?).■ 

These consist of ladle-shaped vessels, and of bowls or basins with 
rectangular, oval, or unsymmetrical outlines. Ladles are of rare occur- 
rence. In the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology I have 
illustrated the best example that has come to my notice. The Daven- 
port collection contains but one specimen — a rude shallow cup with a 
short thick handle. The form suggests the wooden and horn spoons of 
the modern tribes and may have originated in their archaic prototypes. 


Fig. 369 illustrates a minute cup rudely made of coarse clay. The 
outline is oval and slightly pointed at one end, as if intended for pour- 
iug liquids. 

In Fig. 370 we have another small vessel of rude finish with two 
pointed lips. A much larger vessel of similar shape may be seen in 
the Davenport collection. The projecting pointed lip is rarely found in 
aboriginal pottery, although I see no reason why such a feature may 
not readily have been suggested to the savage by the prolonged mar- 
gins of his vessels of shell. 

Eectangular vessels are of the rude shell-tempered ware, and, although 
rare, are widely distributed. 

Fig. 371 illustrates a specimen from Pecan Point, Arkansas. The sur 
face is rudely finished and without polish. The color is a dark gray, 
much flecked with large particles of white shell. Another example has 

Fig. 371. — Hectangular bowl: Pecan Point, Arkansas. — J. 

a square rim but a rounded bottom, and is covered with a coat or slip of 
dark red clay. 

A small vessel from the same region as the preceding has tlie rim 
pressed in on the four sides, leaving sharp, projecting corners. 

One of tlie most notable vessels in the collection is illustrated in Fig. 
372. It is a heavy casket consisting of two parts, body and lid, and is 
made as usual of clay and coarsely pulverized shell. It is brownish gray 
in color and bears some marks of the baking. It was obtained by Oap- 
taiu W. r. Hall from a low mound at Bale's Point, Tennessee, and is de- 
scribed by Mr. W. II. Pratt, in the following language : " It is of rude, 
irregular, quadrangular form, made in two parts. The lower, or case 
proper, is 12 inches long, 7 inches wide, and 5 inches deep, inside 
measure, the. upper edge being slightly bent inward all around. The 
upper part or lid is of similar form and dimensions, being very slightly 
larger, so as to close down over the other part, about one and a half 
inches, and is somewhat more shallow. As the lid does not fit very per- 
fectly, the joint around the edge had been plastered up with clay. 
When found, it contained the remains of a very small child reduced to 
dust, except that some of the bones of the skull, jaws, and limbs retained 



their form, crumbling rapidly, however, upon removal and exposure to 
the air. There were also found two or three dozen small shell beads. 
Excepting the remains described, the case was entirely empty. The 
case weighs six and a quarter, aud the lid just six pounds." This is 
one of the very few vessels that would seem to have been constructed 
especially for mortuary purposes. 

I wish to add to the list of eccentric forms a singular example from 
the collection of J. R. Thibault, of Little Bock, Arkansas. As shown 
in Fig. 373 it is an oblong, trough-like vessel with flat projecting wings 
at the ends. It is extremely well-finished, with thin walls, symmetrical 
form, and high polish. The color is quite dark and the material is as 
usual. The engraved design consists of incised lines, which form a 

Fig. 372.— Burial casket: Hale's Point, Tennessee. — J. 

number of rectangular compartments extending around the exterior sur 
face of the body. The wings are perforated. The form of this vessel 
suggests the wooden trays of some modern tribes. A similar example, 
which is illustrated in the Third Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology, is of much inferior interest, being plain and rude. 

Life forms. — A very large percentage of the bowls of this district are 
modified in such a way as to resemble, more or less closely, the form of 
some living creature — bird, beast, or reptile. Especial attention has 
been given to the heads. These are modeled in the round and attached 
to the rim or side, while other parts of the animal appear upon different 
portions of the vessel. 



It will be difficult to determine the origin of this curious practice. 
We shall not be able to say that it came from the elaboration of han- 
dles, simply to please fancy, for the reason that vessels of this class are 
rarely known to have had simple handles; nor from the modification of 
simple ornaments, as such were but little used. It is still less probable 
that animal forms were first modeled independently, and afterwards 
changed in such a way as to serve as vessels. There are no examples 
of animal forms in clay independent of vessels. It would not be con- 
sistent with primitive methods of procedure to copy nature direct, at 
least until some mystic significance had become attached to the form 
employed. It is possible, however, that the origin of this practice is 
not to be found within the plastic art itself, but in the shapes of antece- 
dent aud co-existeut vessels of other materials in which life forms had 
been employed ; or in the use of natural objects themselves as utensils, 
the original forms not having been lost sight of and having in time sug- 
gested the employment of other natural forms. Examples of the latter 
class may be cited. 

Fig. 373. — Trough-shaped vessel : Arkansas.- 
[National Museum.] 

Shells were primitive vessels. The hard cases of seeds and fruits were 
also much used. These were doubtless antecedent to vessels of clay. 
They were the natural models for the potter, the carver in wood or 
stone, and their employment as such served to lead up gradually to a 
more realistic and general use of natural shapes in works of art to 
which they were not essential features. The importance of the various 
animal forms was increased by their association with religious ideas. 
Nearly all the vessels of this class presented in the following illustrations 
come from the vicinity of Pecan Point, Arkansas. 

Glay vessels imitating both marine and fresh-water shells are occasion- 
ally obtained from the mounds and graves of the Mississippi Valley. 
The conch shell appears to have been a favorite model, especially in its 
modified form, Fig. 374, a aud b. The clam shell is also imitated in c and 
d. The more conventional forms of these vessels are exceedingly in- 
teresting, as they point out the tendencies and possibilities of modifica- 
tion. An instructive example illustrated in e has four groups of nodes, 



each consisting of a large central node with four or five smaller ones, 
surrounding it, set about tbe rim, the conception being that of four 
shells joined in one vessel, with the noded apexes turned outward and 
the bases inward. 

A still more highly conventionalized form is shown in/. The cup is 
unsyminetrical in outline, and has a few imperfect nodes near one cor- 


Fig. 374. — Clay vessels imitating shells. 

ner, but its resemblance to a shell would hardly be recognized by one 
unacquainted with more realistic renderings of like subjects. In g we 
have an imitation of a shell cup placed within a plain cup. 

A very good illustration of thisclass of vessel is given in Fig. 375. It is 
evidently intended to imitate a trimmed conch shell. The apex and a few 
of the surrounding nodes are shown at the right, while the base or spine 
forms a projecting lip at the left. A coil of clay forms the apex. This 

Fig. 375. — Bowl imitating a modified conch shell. — ^. 

is carried outward in a sinistral spiral to the noded shoulder. We have 
here a suggestion of the origin of a favorite decorative motive, the 
scroll, a clew, however, which the paucity of examples makes it difficult 
to follow up satisfactorily. 

Although we may not be able to arrive at any definite conclusion in 
regard to the origin and significance of the practice of modeling life 
forms in clay, we are certain of one thing, that it became an important 
feature in the potter's art, and that in due course of time the practice 
broke loose from the restraints of birth and tradition and asserted its 



freedom in the production of any form that superstition or fancy hap- 
pened to select. 

The artist probably did not follow nature with great accuracy in all the 
details of species and varieties, but some definite model must have been 

Fig. 376. — Frog-shaped bowl : Craigsbead Poiut, Arkansas.— J 

in view, in nearly all cases, and such characters as came to be re- 
garded as essential to that creature were never lost sight of, consistency 

Fig. 377. — Frog-shaped howl : Pecan Poiut, Arkansas. — £. 

being a most notable characteristic of the art of a savage or barbaric 

Fig. 378. — Animal-shaped bowl : Arkansas. — J. 

The sun-fish was a favorite model, but its form was generally em- 
ployed in vessels with upright necks. A number of examples occur 
4 eth 25 



in the next section. Of reptilian forms the frog seems to have been 
the favorite. 

Few examples occur, however, in the shallower vessels. In the bowl 
illustrated in Fig. 376, the various members of the body are boldly 

Fig. 379.— Bird-shaped bowl: Aikansns — J 


Fig. 380.— Bird-shaped bowl: Arkansas. — J. 

modeled, and appear about the most expanded portion of the vessel. 
The rim is ornamented with a series of notches, and two small loops 
connect the rim with the head and tail of the creature. The legs are 
characteristic, and the long toes extend beneath the body. The bottom 


of the vessel is flat. The make and finish are as usual, but the surface 
has been painted red. A similar vessel is shown in Fig. 377, the view 
being taken from the front. It is well polished and has a rounded bot- 
tom. The color is dark. 

Fig. 381.— Bird-shaped bowl: Arkansas. — J. 

Another remarkable example of this use of animal forms is seen in 
the vessel presented in Fig. 378. A deep globular bowl of dark, well- 
polished ware is made to represent the head of an animal. A long 
snout, with teeth and nostrils and accompanied by a pair of knobs 

Flo. 382. — Bowl with grotesque heads : Arkansas. - 

for eyes, embellishes the right side — as seen in the cut— ears appear 
at the front and back, and a circular node standing, perhaps, for the 
severed neck, is placed at the left. The head has a decidedly porcine 
look, yet it may have been intended for a raccoon or an opossum. 



Fig. 379 illustrates a large shallow bowl or pan of ordinary form and 
finish. The head of a bird resembling a turkey is attached to one side, 
with the bill turned inward. On the opposite side there is a small 
handle-like projection that represents the bird's tail. 

A vessel of somewhat extraordinary form is shown in Fig. 3S0. The 
bowl is smaller and deeper than the last, and serves as the body of 
a bird, the head and tail of which are of unusual proportions. The 
neck is very long and thick and is gracefully curved, but the head 
is not modeled with sufficient care to make apparent the species in- 

The vessel shown in Fig. 381 is also finished in imitation of a bird. 
In this case the bird is placed upon its back, the neck and head being 
looped up to form a sort of handle on one side, while the legs answer a 
like purpose on the opposite side. The wings are represented by a 
number of lines rudely engraved upon the sides of the vessel. The 
resemblance of this bowl to the wooden basins made by Northwest 
< 'oast Indians is very striking. 

The vessel shown in Fig. 382 is one of the most unique yet brought to 
light. It is a heavy, rather rudely finished bowl, to the rim of which 
two grotesque heads, apparently of nondescript character, have been 
attached. One resembles the oft-occurring plnmed serpent of aborigi- 
nal American art in a number of its characters. The other has a double 
comb somewhat resembling that of a domestic fowl. No description 
can convey as clear a conception of these monstrosities as the accom- 
panying illustration. 

Fig. 383.— Heads of birds. 

Fig. 384 Grotesque heads. 

A good degree of skill is shown in the modeling of varieties of birds. 
A fair idea of the accuracy of these potters in this direction will be 
conveyed by the series of heads shown in Fig. 383. Several species of 




ducks are apparently differentiated, one of which, resembling the sum- 
mer duck closely, is given in a, while the head given in b, although 
possibly also intended for a duck, is much like a grouse or partridge. 
The pigeon or dove is seen in c, the vulture or eagle in d, and the owl 
in e. 

Flo. 385.— Bowl with grotesque Lead: Pecan Point. Arkansas. — J. 

It would be difficult to imagine more grotesque and outlandish heads 
than those attached to the bowls illustrated in Figs. 385 and 38G. The 
vessels themselves are of the usual type, rudely modeled and finished 

Fig. 386. — Bowl with grotesque bead : Pecan Point, Arkansas. — £. 

and very heavy. The first is dark in color, the other red. The strange 
animal here represented is certainly not a close copy of anything in 



nature. It is characterized by upright ears, a high bulbous suout and 
a grinning mouth. The teeth in some cases resemble the faugs of a 
serpent. The eyes consist of rounded nodes ; and often curved lines, 



Fig. 387.— Bowl with grotesque handle : Soaulou's Lauding, Arkansas.— J. 

incised or in relief, extend from them or the mouth down the sides of 
the neck. The tail at the opposite end of the vessel is turned upward 

Fig. 388.— Animal-shaped bowl: Arkansas. — \. 

and coiled. The type specimens of this form are from Pecan Point, 


The peculiar character of this class of heads is well shown in the 
series given in Fig. 384. My observations have led me to suspect that 
they may be the result of attempts to model in clay the mythical plumed 
serpent which is so graphically delineated in the engraving upon the 
little vase shown in Fig. 407. The fact that in one case legs have been 
added to the base of the body militates against this theory. Their re- 
semblauce to the gargoyle heads of mediaeval architecture suggests 
the possibility of early European influence. 

If possible, a still more novel conceit is embodied in the handle of 
the vessel shown in Fig. 387. It can be likened to nothing in nature 
more readily than to the antler of an elk. This vessel is of a dark 
brownish color, and is but slightly polished. A duplicate specimen of 
inferior size and finish has recently been added to the National Museum 
from a grave at Pecan Point. 

Similar to the preceding in general appearance are a number of bowls 
or deep pans, embellished with the heads of animals. A very good 
example is given in Fig. 388. The head has a decided resemblance 
to that of a female deer or fawn. The tail appears upon the oppo- 
site side of the basin, and is pendant, as in nature. Legs have been 
added to the base of the bowl; these terminate beneath the body in 
cloven hoofs. 

The small bowl, shown in Fig. 389, is nearly hemispherical in shape. 

Fig. 389. — Aaiuial-shaped buwl : Arkansas. — \. 

A small head, representing some animal, has been attached to the 
rim. The exterior surface is covered with a number of groups of 
roughly-worked concentric ridges, which may be meant to imitate hair. 
These ridges have apparently been made by pinching up the clay be- 
tween the nails of the fingers and thumb. Figures of similar form are 
generally incised. This vessel is probably from the vicinity of Pecan 

The creature represented by the head, shown in Fig. 390, would not 
be recognized from the cut, or perhaps not even with certainty from 
any single specimen, but with a number of examples in view, there 
need be no hesitation. The animal intended is a bat. In a number of 
features the likeness is striking. The high top head, the angular ears, 
and the small eyes crowded down upon the mouth are characteristic. 



The tail is flat, curved a little upward, and ridged along the middle 
in imitation of the attenuated caudal column. The general consistency 
of this work is demonstrated by the fact that this particular form of 
tail accompanies this form of head in all cases, aud is uot associated 

Fig. 390.— Bowl with bat's bead : Pecan Point, Arkansas. — J. 

with auy other. The face of the bat is always turned toward the vessel ; 

in imitation of other varieties of animals, it is nearly always turned out. 

In one case, Fig. 391, we have, what appears to be, a human head 

attached to the side of the bowl. This head is furnished with a tri- 

Fig. 391.— Bowl: Arkansas. — J. 

angular crest, notched on the edges, and enlarged at the top. The case 
is a perplexing one, especially as a tail like that attached to the bird 
bowls occurs on the side opposite the head. 


There is no hard line of demarkatiou between the class of vessels now 
to be considered and those already described. The distinction is made 
chiefly for convenience of treatment. 



Material, etc. — As a rule, pot-shaped vessels are of coarser ma- 
terials and of ruder finish than other forms, indicating, perhaps, their 
exclusive relegation to the culinary arts, where nice finish was not es- 
sential. In main* cases they show use over fire. 

In size, they have a wide range. The larger are often as much as 
fifteen inches in diameter, and twenty in height. Tbere are a score or 
more of very large size in the Davenport museum. 

Form. — The form characteristics are a full globular body — sometimes 
elongated, sometimes compressed vertically — a low neck, and a wide 
aperture. The bottom is very generally rounded. A few of the form 
modifications are shown in Fig. 392. The rim or neck is always short. 

Fig. 392.— Forms of pots. 

and is upright or slightly recurved. Many vessels resembling the shapes 
here presented are placed with the succeeding group, as they appear to 
be functionally distinct from this. There are no examples with legs or 

Handles. — Looped handles are confined almost wholly to this class 
of vessels. They are generally ranged about the rim or neck. In a ma- 
jority of cases there are four handles to a vessel. We rarely find less 
than that number, but often more. It is a usual thing to see fifteen or 
twenty handles set about the rim. Originally the handles may have 
been exclusively functional in character; they were so at least in ante- 
cedent forms. These potters have certainly, at times, employed them 
for purposes of embellishment. In some cases they are too fragile for 
use, in others they are flattened out against the neck of the vessel and 
united with it throughout their whole length. Again, they have degen- 
erated into mere ridges, notched and otherwise modified to suit the fancy. 
In many instances their place is taken by incised lines or indentations 
which form effective and appropriate ornamental figures. A series of 
vessels showing gradations from perfect handles to their atrophied rep- 
resentatives is shown in Fig'. 393. 

Fig. 393.— Handles. 

Origin of Handles. — Handles were doubtless originally attached 
to facilitate the suspension and handling of vessels and other articles. 
They probably had their typical development in basketry, and there 


are good reasons for supposing that certain forms of the handles upon 
pottery owe their existence to contact with the sister art. This idea 
is confirmed by their shapes, and by the fact that a large percentage 
of the pottery handles are useless as aids to suspension or transporta- 

Ornament. — Eim margins are modified for decorative purposes, very 
much as they are in bowls. See Fig. 363. 

The bodies of these vessels are often elaborately ornamented, mostly 
by incised figures, but often by punctures, nodes and ribs. The incised 
lines are arranged principally in groups of straight Hues forming an- 
gular figures — a very archaic style — and in groups of festooned lines so 
placed as to resemble scales. The punctures are made with a sharp 
point, and form encircling lines and various carelessly executed pat- 
terns. A rude sort of ornamentation is produced by pinching up the 
soft clay of the surface between the nails of the fingers and thumb. 
Relief ornament consists chiefly of applied fillets of clay, arranged to 
form vertical ribs. Rows of nodes are sometimes seen, and in a few 
cases the whole body is covered with rude nodes. 

Illustrations. — The specimens selected for illustration are intended 
to epitomize the forms and decorations of a very great number of ves- 
sels, and are not always the most showy examples to be found. 

A vessel of rather exceptional shape is given in Fig. 391. It could 
as well be classed with bowls as with pots. The ware is of the rude 

Fig. 304— Pot: Arkansas (!) £. 

kind generally used over the fire. The body is high and cylindrical, 
the rim flaring, and the bottom quite flat. The form is suggestive of 
our domestic crockery. 

Another bowl-like pot is illustrated in Fig. 395. It is of the dark, 
rudely hand-polished variety. The body is globular, the neck is very 
short and is ornamented with a dentate band. Below this are two 
pairs of perforations, probably used for suspending the vessel. There 
are a number of vessels of this variety, mostly smaller than the example 



The vessel shown in Fig. 39G is still more pot-like. The neck is higher 
than the preceding and is slightly constricted. It is of very rude con- 
struction and finish. The rim is furnished with two small horizontal 

Fig. 395.— Pot: Arkansas (?).■ 

Fig. 396.— Pot: Waverly, Tennessee. — J. 

projections, and the body is somewhat obscurely lobed. It represents 
a very numerous class, especially plentiful iu Southeast Missouri. 

The little pot presented in Fig. 397 has the body covered with rude 
nodes. The neck is surrounded by a heavy fillet, notched obliquely in 
imitation of a twisted cord. Four rude handles have also been attached. 

Fig. 397.— Pot: Arkansas (?) 5. 

Fig. 398.— Pot: Arkansas.- 

In Fig. 398 we have one of the rudest examples iu the collection. 
The neck is furnished with four handles, which alternate with four ver- 
tical ribs. The body is misshapen and rough, and is ornamented with 
a series of nearly vertical ridges, a rather usual device, and one which 
is sometimes very neatly executed. 

The body of the nicely finished pot shown iu Fig. 399 is embellished 
with short, incised markings, arranged in vertical lines. The neck is 
furnished with a heavy indented band and four strong handles. The 
locality 7 given is " Four-Mile Bayou, Alabama." 

The specimen given in Fig. 400 illustrates the use of great numbers 
of handles. In this case there are sixteen. They are gracefully formed 
and add much to the appearance of the vessel, which is really a bowl 
with wide, flaring rim. Iu most of its characters it resembles the pots. 



Another curious variation in the shape of handles is shown in the 
little cup given in Fig. 401. This can hardly be called a usual feature, 
although occurring iu vessels of various localities. I have seen an ex- 

Fig. 399.— Pot: Alabama (?).— J. 

Fig. 400.— Pot : Arkansas (?).—£. 

ample from the Missouri Valley iu which a great number of perforated 
handles were set about the rim, and another in which there was a con- 
tinuous, partially free, collar perforated at intervals. There is a speci- 
men of this class in the Davenport Academy collection in which the 
flattened handles are so placed about the neck as to form a series of 

Fig. 401.— Pot: Arkansas (?).— J. 

Fig. 402.— Pot: Arkansas (?).— J. 

arches. These, I take it, are partially atrophied forms. The body is 
ornamented by a scale-like pattern of incised lines — a favorite method 
of decoration with the ancient potter. 

In Fig. 40-' we have an illustration of total atrophy. The handles 
are represented by simple incised lines. There is no relief whatever. 
In many cases the form of the handles is shown in low relief, the outer 
surface being plain or ornamented with incised lines or punctures. 
The body of the vessel last mentioned is covered with rudely incised 
scroll designs. 

Another good illustration of this class of vessels is shown iu Fig. 403. 

The cut is taken from my paper in the Third Annual Eeport of the 
Bureau of Ethnology. The handles are indicated by incised lines. 
The body was ornamented by pinching up the clay between the nails 
of the thumb and forefinger. Locality: Pecan Point, Arkansas. 



A good example of the larger pots is illustrated in Fig. 404. It is 
engraved a little less than one-fourth the dimensions of the original. 

Flo. 403.— Pot: Pecan Point, Arkansas.— £. 
[ National Museum } 

Fig. 404— Pot: Bale's Point, Tennessee. — J. 

The height is seventeen inches and the greatest diameter eighteen inches. 
It is very well made. The walls are even and only moderately thick. 



The dark, uupolished surface is profusely speckled with fragments of 
white shell. There are four wide, strong handles. The rim and neck 
are ornamented with encircling lines of finger-nail indentations. 
A masterpiece of this class of work is shown in Fig. 405. It was ob- 

Fig. 405. — Pot: Pecan Point, Arkansas. — ^. 

tained at Pecan Point. It is not quite symmetrical in form but is 
carefully finished. The color is gray, with mottlings of dark spots, the 
result of firing. The height is eleven inches, and the aperture is ten 
inches in diameter. There are ten strong, well-proportioned handles, 
each having a knob resembling a rivet head, near the upper end. The 
margin of the rim has a circle of indentations. There are a few red ves- 
sels of this shape which have figures of reptiles attached to the neck. 


Vessels of this class were probably not devoted to the ordinary uses 
of cooking and serving food. They are handsome in shape, tasteful in 
decoration, and generally of small dimensions. They are found, as are 
all other forms, buried with the dead, placed by the head or feet, or 
within reach of the hands. Their appearance is not suggestive of their 
original office, as there is no indication of wear, or of use over fire. 

Form. — 1 include under this head a series of forms reaching from 



the wide-mouthed pot to the well-developed bottle. They really cor- 
respond closely to the high-necked bottles in all respects save in height 
of neck, and the separation is therefore for convenience of treatment 
only. The following illustration (Fig. 406) will give a good idea of the 
forms included. 

Fig. 406.— Forms of jar-shaped bottles. 

There are also many eccentric and many extremely interesting life 
forms included in this group. A number of vases, modeled after the 
human head, are, by their general outline, properly included. 

Ornamentation. — The rims, bodies, and bases are embellished much 
after the fashion of the vessels already described, with the exception 
that handles or handle-like appendages or ornaments seldom appear. 
The painted designs are in one, two, or three colors, and the incised 
figures have been executed both in the soft and in the thoroughly dried 

The style of execution is often of a very high order, especially in some 
of the more southerly examples, a number of which are from the mounds 
of Mississippi and Louisiana. We note the fact that in a few of the 
designs there is a slight suggestion of Mexican forms. 

In illustrating this group, I am compelled, for the want of space to 
omit many interesting examples. I present only such as seem to me 
especially instructive 

Illustrations. — Ordinary forms. — The vessel shown in Fig. 407 may 
be taken as a type of a very large class. It is most readily described 
as a short-necked, wide-mouthed bottle. It is symmetrical in shape 

Fig. 407.— Bottle: Pecan Point, Arkansas.— J. 

and very nicely finished. The lip is supplied with a narrow, horizontal 
rim. The body expands somewhat abruptly from the base of the up- 



right neck to the squarish shoulder, and contracts below in an even 
curve, giving a hemispherical base. There are a multitude, of varia- 
tions from this outline, a few of which are suggested in Fig. 406. These 
vessels are nearly all of the dark, grayish-brown, fire-mottled ware. A 
few are yellowish, and such are often painted red or decorated with 
designs in red and white 

Fig. 408.— Eotile: Arkansas.— J. 

Two charming vases are shown in Figs. 408 and 409. The surface 
finish is in both cases very superior. The lines of the figures are care- 
fully drawn, and seem to have been produced by the trailing, under 
even pressure, of a smooth rather blunt point. It is difficult to get so 
nicely finished and even a line by simple incision, or by excavating the 
clay. The design in Fig. 408 consists of eight groups of curved lines 

Fig. 409.— Bottle: Arkansas.— J. 

arranged in pairs, which are separated by plain vertical bands. It might 
be considered an interrupted or imperfectly connected form of the run- 
ning scroll. This grouping of lines is frequently met with in the dec- 
orative designs of the Southern States. The design upon the other 
vase, Fig. 409, is still more characteristic of the South. It consists of 
an encircling row of round, shallow indentations, about which series 



of incised scrolls are linked, ami of two additional rows of depressions, 
one above and the otber below, through which parallel lines are drawn. 

Many other interesting illustrations of the simpler forms could be 
given, but nearly all are very similar in their more important features 
to the examples that precede or follow. 

As skilled as these peoples were in modeling life forms, and in engrav- 
ing geometric devices, they seem rarely to have attempted the linear rep- 
resentation of life forms. We have, however, two very good examples. 

Fig. 410.— Engraved bottle: Arkansas. 

The first of these is shown in outline in Fig. 410. It is a large bottle 
embellished with four rude drawings of the human figure, executed 
with a sharp point in the soft clay. Height of vessel, eight inches. 

The work is characteristic of a very early stage of art. The figures 
could be duplicated in the work of the ancient Pueblos, aud in the picto- 

Fig. 411— Engraved bottle: Arkansas.— J. . 

graphic art of many of our savage tribes. They are probably derived 
from syinbolie art, and possibly relate to the guardians of the four 
points of the compass, or to some similar mythical characters. 
The work upon the neat little bottle, presented in Fig. 411, is of the 
4 eth 26 



same class as the above but of a much higher grade, both in execution 

and conception. The engraved design 
is one of the most remarkable ever ob- 
tained from the mounds. It consists of 
two winged and crested rattlesnakes, 
which encircle the most expanded part 
of the vessel, and of two sunflower-like 
figures, alternating with them. These 
designs are very carefully engraved with 
a needle-like point, and are adjusted to 
the form of the vase in a way that sug- 
gests forethought and an appreciation 
of the decorative value of the figures. 
By dint of rubbings, photographs and 
sketches, 1 have obtained the complete 
drawing of the various figures which are 
given in Fig. 412 on a scale of one-half 
the original. 
The serpent, especially the rattle- 
T snake, has always taken a leading place 
S. in the mythology and the art of the more 
•S cultured American races, and crest- 
g plumes, and wings have often been con- 
& sidered its proper attributes. The con- 
ventional method of representation is 
also characteristically aboriginal. The 
plumes, the figure connected with the 
eye, the bands upon the neck, the 
stepped figures of the body, and the 
semicircular patches on the wings are 
all characters that appear again and 
again in the ancient art of the United 
States. The peculiar emblematic treat- 
ment of the heart is almost universal in 
temperate North America. And just 
here 1 may be permitted to suggest that 
the remarkable feature of the great 
earth- work serpent of Adams county, 
Ohio, which has been regarded as the 
"symbolic egg," and which in its latest 
phase has become the issue of a frog 
and the prey of the serpent, is possibly 
intended for the heart of the serpent, 
the so-called frog being the head. The 
rosette figures are not often duplicated 

in Indian art. There can be little doubt that the figures of this design 

are derived from mythology. 




Eccentric forms. — A form of vessel of which civilized men make pecu- 
liar use is depicted in Fig. 413. There is a marked resemblance to a 
common teapot. A very few examples have been found, two of which 
are illustrated in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnol- 
ogy. The specimen here given is well made and carefully finished. 

Fig. 413. — Teapot-shaped vessel: Arkansas. — $. 

The neck is Low and wide, and the body is a compressed sphere. The 
spout is placed upon one side and a low knob upon the other. The ab- 
sence of a handle for grasping indicates that the vessel was probably 
not intended for boiling water. These characters are uniform in all the 
specimens that have come to my notice. Two small circular depres- 

Fig. 414. — Vessel of eccentric form: Arkansas. — \. 

sions occur on the sides of the vessel alternating with the spout and 
the knob and with these features form centers for four rosettes of in- 
volute incised lines. The origin of this form of vessel is suggested by 
a fine red piece from " Mississippi," now in the national collection. The 
knob is the head of a turtle or other full-bodied reptile, and the spout 
takes the place of the creature's tail. Many of the animal shaped 
vases would resemble this form closely if an opening were made through 
the top of the body and through the tail. 

In connection with the teapot-like vessels it will be well to describe 
another novel form not wholly unlike them in appearance, an example 



being shown in Fig. 414. The shoulder is elongated on opposite sides 
into two curved, horn-like cones, which give to the body a somewhat 
crescent-shaped outline. It is of the ordinary plain, dark ware, and 
has had a low stand or base which is now broken away. 

The specimen given in Fig. 415 has been considerably mutilated, but 
evidently belongs to the same class as the preceding. It probably also 

Fig. 415. — Vessel of eccentric form : Pecau Point, Arkansas. — J. 

resembled the vessel which follows; it serves at least as a link between 
the two. The body is ornamented with carelessly drawn, deeply in- 
cised, involute designs. 

Life forma. — A further elaboration of the preceding forms is illustrated 
in Fig. 416. On one side the conical projection is greatly elongated and 
fashioned to resemble the head of some grotesque beast, with horns, 

Fig. 416. — Animal-shaped vase: Pecan Point, Arkansas. — J. 

expanded nostrils, and grinning mouth. The opposite point is elongated 
and looped, forming a tail, while the base of the body is furnished with 
four feet. On the sides of the vessel are engraved figures, consisting 
of clusters of involute lines, as in the specimen just given. It is of the 
ordinary dark pottery, and was obtained at Pecan Point. 




Equally noteworthy as plastic representations are the two examples 
that follow. The vessel shown in Fig-. 417 is modeled in imitation of a 
sunflsh. The body is much flattened and is neatly polished. The head is 
well modeled, as are also the fins and tail. Many examples of this form 
are. found, some of which are elaborately treated, the scales being 
minutely shown. The body of the fish is sometimes placed in the nat- 

Fig. 417.— Sunlisu v;i 

Ai kansas.- 

ural upright position, the neck of the vessel rising from the back, pro- 
ducing a lenticular shape. 

The animal so carefully modeled in the vessel given in Fig. 418 re- 
sembles a raccoon or an opossum. The mouth of the vessel is wide and 
the, neck upright and short. The body is ornamented with a pattern 

Fig. 418. — Opossum ' 

Arkansas. — i. 

made up of triangular groups of incised lines, which may or may not 
be meant for hair. 

The love of modeling life forms shows itself again in the little vase 
illustrated in Fig. 419. The head of some animal, rudely suggested, 
projects from one side, while a curved tail on the other carries out the 


idea of the complete creature. The round body is decorated with broad 
vertical lines in dark red. A red line encircles the rim. 

Fig. 419. — Animal-Bhaped vase: Arkansas. — ). 

It is not strange that a people who had successfully engaged in the 
modeling of life forms, and especially the heads of animals, should at- 
tempt the human head. Their remarkable success iu this direction is 
shown in a number of vases, one of which is given in Fig. 420. This 
and kindred peoples had made considerable progress in carving in stone 
and other materials, evincing a decided talent for sculpture; but clay is 
so much more readily manipulated than either wood, stone, or shell, 
that we are not surprised to find their best work in that material. 

It is an interesting fact that with all this cleverness in the handling 
of clay, and iu the delineation of varied models, the art had not freed 
itself from the parent stem — the vessel — and launched out into an inde- 
pendent field. In a few cases such au end seems to have been achieved 
by certain groups of mound builders, notably those whose works at 
Madisonville, Ohio, have recently been explored by Professor Putnam. 
Modeling in clay was probably confined to vessels for the reason that, 
through their humble agency, the art was developed. 

Up to the present time I have met with but eight of these curious 
head shaped vases. All were obtained from the vicinity of Pecan Point, 
Arkansas, and, like other vessels, have been associated with human re- 
mains in graves or mounds. It is true that iu all cases the bones of the 
dead have not been found, but this only indicates their complete decay. 
The question as to whether or not these vases were made exclusively 
for sepulchral purposes must remain unanswered; there is no source of 
information upon the subject. Such a purpose is, however, suggested 
in this case by the semblance of death given to the faces. 

The finest example yet found is shown iu Fig. 420. Iu form it is a 
simple head, five inches in height and five inches wide from ear to ear. 
The aperture of the vase is in the crown, and is surrounded by a low, 
upright rim, slightly recurved. The cavity is roughly finished, and fol- 
lows pretty closely the contour of the exterior surface, excepting in pro- 
jecting features such as the ears, lips, and nose. The walls are generally 



from one-eighth to one-fourth of an inch in thickness, the base being 
about three-eighths. The bottom is fiat, and takes the level of the chin 
and jaws. 

The material does not differ from that of the other vessels of the same 
locality. There is a large percentage of "shell, some particles of which 
are quite large. The paste is yellowish gray in color and rather coarse 
in texture. The vase was modeled in the plain clay and permitted to 
harden before the devices were engraved. After this a thick film of line 
yellowish-gray clay was applied to the face, partially filling up the en- 
graved lines. The remainder of the surface, including the lips, received 
a thick coat of dark red paint. The whole surface was then highly 

The illustration will convey a more vivid conception of this striking 
head than any T description that can be given. The face cannot be said 

Fig. 420. — Head-shaped vase: Pecan Point, Arkansas.— i. 

to have a single feature strongly characteristic of Indian physiognomy. 
We have instead the round forehead and the projecting mouth of the 
African. The nose, however, is small and the nostrils are narrow. The 
face would seem to be that of a youngish person, perhaps a female. 
The features are all well modeled, and are so decidedly individual in 
character that the artist must have had in his mind a pretty definite 
conception of the face to be produced as well as of the expression ap- 



propriate to it, before beginning bis work. It will be impossible, how- 
ever, to prove that the portrait of a particular personage was intended. 
The closed eyes, the rather sunken nose, and the parted lips were cer- 
tainly intended to give the effect of death. The ears are large, cor- 
rectly placed, and well modeled ; they are perforated all along the mar- 
gin, thus revealing a practice of the people to whom they referred. The 
septum of the nose appears to have been pierced, and the horizontal de- 
pression across the upper lip may indicate the former presence of a sus- 
pended ornament. 

Fig. 421.— The engraved figures. 

Perhaps the most unique and striking feature is the pattern of in- 
cised lines that covers the greater part of the face. The lines are 
deeply engraved and somewhat " scratchy," and were apparently exe- 
cuted in the hardened clay before the slip was applied. The left side 
of the face is plain, with the exception of a figure somewhat resein- 

Fig. 422.— nead covering. 

bling a grappling hook in outline which partially surrounds the eye. 
The light side is covered with a comb-like pattern, placed vertically, 
with the teeth upwards. The middle of the forehead has a series of 




vertical lines and a few short horizontal ones just above the root of the 
nose. There are also three curved lines near the corner of the mouth 
not shown in the cut. 

The diagram presented herewith (Fig. 421) gives in dotted lines the 
correct outline of the front face, and shows projected in solid lines the 
engraved figures. The significance of these markings can only be sur- 
mised in the most general way. Their function is probably the same as 
that of the tattooed and painted figures upon the faces of living races. 

It will be well to observe that upon the forehead, at the top, there is 
a small perforated knob or loop. (Similar appendages may be seen 
upon many of the clay hum