(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution"

y|:-%#^S^s^^J 






1 «S«.'-*;-,-^,-&'S>5X--,S-;rf,%. >%• . >V< 




'4; vg^- 



^V 



^*-\ 

^H.^ 



\ 


















^x^-\\\\^t 



^ ■*>> ^S^ X N 



X' 



^^ 






^*C 



\ 



\ 









S-%:§XNs 



^^$VUx 









.t". ^ 



■^:<i^-S;X=SSS.^--'S--i^Vv^^'S.:^^<->'- ?Sn,<<5:>^^^' 



c.i. ' 



FORTY-THIRD 
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE 

i^'^ BUREAU OF 
AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE 
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 



1925-1926 




UNITED STATES 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

WASHINGTON 

1928 



V '«i 



ADDITIONAL COPIES 

OF THIS PUBLICATION MAT BE PROCURED FROM 

THE SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS 

U.S.GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

WASHINGTON, D. C. 

AT 
$2.75 PER COPY 




LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL 



Smithsonian Institution, 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C, September 16, 1926. 
Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith the Forty-third 
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology for 
the fiscal year ended June 30, 1926. 

With appreciation of your aid in the work under my 
charge, I am 

Very respectfully, yours, 

J. Walter Fewkes, 

Chief. 
Dr. Charles D. Walcott, 

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 



CONTENTS 



REPORT OF THE CHIEF 

Page 

Systematic researches ^ 

Special researches 10 

Editorial work and publications 15 

Illustrations 1.7 

Library 17 

Collections 18 

Property 19 

Miscellaneous 19 

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS 

The Osage Tribe: Two Versions of the Child-naming Rite, by Francis La 

Flesche 23 

Wawenocli Myth Texts from Maine, by Frank G. Speck 165 

Native Tribes and Dialects of Connecticut, a Mohegan-Pequot Diary, 

by Frank G. Speck 199 

Picuris Children's Stories, by John P. Harrington and Helen H. Roberts. 289 

Iroquoian Cosmology — Second Part, by J. N. B. Hewitt 449 

Index 821 

V 



REPORT OF THE CHIEF 



FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT 

OF THE 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



J. Waltek Fewkes, Chief 



The operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1926, were conducted 
in accordance with the act of Congress approved AprU 22, 
1925, making appropriations for sundry civU expenses of the 
Government, which act contains the follomng item : 

American ethnology: For continuing ethnological researches among 
the American Indians and the natives of Hawaii, including the exca- 
vation and preservation of archajologic remains, mider the direction 
of the Smithsonian Institution, including necessary employees and 
the purchase of necessary books and periodicals, $57,160. 

In pursuance of the requirements for the excavation and 
preservation of ruins contained in the above item, consid- 
erable work has been done in the region near Flagstaff, 
Ariz. Arizona shows many evidences of a prehistoric abo- 
riginal population and is a State particularly favorable to the 
study of prehistoric ruins. Thus far very few ruins have 
been excavated in northern Arizona and very scanty material 
has been obtained for a study of the objects illustrating the 
former culture of this region. 

Research in this Une was inaugurated by the bureau in 
1907 at Casa Grande and has been continued m successive 
years at the Mesa Verde National Park, Colo. Formerly 
walls of ruins were destroyed in the search for smaU speci- 
mens, such as pottery, and thus work of great archeological 
value was lost. In such a case the institution represented 
by an archeologist who willfully destroys walls to obtain 
pottery or other artifacts becomes little more than an organ- 

1 



Z BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

ized pothunter. The method adopted by some institutions 
of burying the walls after objects have been extracted from 
the rooms, while intended as a means of preservation, is not 
satisfactory. The Bureau of American Ethnology, however, 
when the walls are not so mutilated that they can not be 
repaired, has endeavored to preserve them for future students. 

SYSTEMATIC RESEARCHES 

The chief of the bureau has headed an expedition to 
determine the western extension of the pueblo area in Ari- 
zona, where comparatively little attention had been given 
to the character of the sedentary Ufe of the Indians in pre- 
historic tunes. This includes the region west of the Little 
Colorado River which is archeologicaUy a terra incognita. 
The site chosen by the chief to be excavated is situated 
about 6 miles from Flagstaff on the National Old Trails 
Highway. The work was begun on May 27 and was 
unfinished at the close of the fiscal year. 

As a result of tliis excavation there has emerged from the 
ground near Elden Mountain a rectangular building meas- 
uring 145 by 125 feet, containing nearly 40 rooms and a 
large kiva, from a study of wliich a good idea can be obtained 
of the aboriginal architecture of this neighborhood. The 
building was a compact community house, in places two 
stories high, whose upper walls, judging from the amount of 
stones found in the rooms, were formerly 4 or 5 feet higher 
than at present. No walls were visible when the work began, 
but the earth has been removed and they now rise to a height 
of from 4 to 10 feet. 

The rooms are comparatively large and compactly united 
without any visible outside entrances, being formerly entered 
by ladders and a hatchway in the roof. No windows or 
lateral doorways are visible in the walls now standing. In 
order to protect this large building from the elements its 
walls have been repaired where necessary and their tops 
covered with Portland cement to prevent erosion. 

The most striking result of the work has been the accu- 
mulation of a large collection of characteristic pottery from 
the two cemeteries which were discovered a short distance 



ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 6 

from the northern and eastern walls and which extended over 
a considerable area, but never very distant from the pueblo 
itself. A number of skeletons were found, some of which 
were nearly perfect, but many were more or less fragmentary. 
Several of these skeletons have been brought back for the 
study of specialists. They appear to have artificially 
deformed skulls. There was no common orientation, al- 
though a majority were interred with heads to the east. 

The distinction of the kinds of pottery would naturally be 
reserved for a more complete report, which will appear later. 
As a rule, however, the number of varieties was rather limited 
and there were very few intrusions from outside, all of which 
goes to show the ancient character of the ruin and the isola- 
tion of its people from others in the southwest. The typical 
specimens of pottery may be grouped under a few charac- 
teristic types. Perhaps the most abundant is colored dull 
red on the exterior with glossy black interior. The exterior 
surface is corrugated or smooth. From its abundance this 
type may be known as the Flagstaff ware. It is never 
decorated with painted designs. A more striking type is 
white with black decorations, mainly geometrical figures, 
which is widely distributed in Arizona. There occur also a 
few specimens of red ware with black interiors, which bear 
indubitable evidence of having been derived from the settle- 
ments on the banks of the Little Colorado or near Tuba City. 

The forms of the Elden Pueblo pottery are food bowls, 
ladles, dippers, vases, mugs, and ollas. Several very charac- 
teristic laieces of the black and white ware are effigy forms. 
There occur remarkable bracelets made of clam shell {Pectun- 
culus) with incised ornamentation from the Pacific coast, 
and there are ornamented bone objects, which may be 
mentioned among the rare specimens. Turquoise beads and 
shells, which when strung formed strands of a necklace 
several feet in length, were sifted out of the soU found near 
the necks of skeletons. There were undoubted examples of 
shells set with turquoise mosaics, but they were more or less 
damaged by long i^resence in the ground. Stone implements 
were excavated more commonly in the rooms of the building, 



4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

and there were several different forms of paint grinders which 
enrich the collection. There is nowhere a larger or better 
collection from Arizona than that excavated from Elden 
Pueblo. 

One of the most significant discoveries at Elden Pueblo 
was a room called the kiva, or ceremonial chamber, about 
midway in the length of the ruin on its east side. The kiva 
has thus far not been described from the Flagstaff area and 
its existence has been denied in the ruins of this area. 

The kiva of Elden Pueblo is very large and rectangular in 
form with round corners. It is partly subterranean and has 
a banquette extending wholly around the wall of the room. 
It also has a ventilator opening externally in the east wall, 
peculiarities which occur in the ruins at Marsh Pass and else- 
where in northern Arizona. It thus appears that the leg- 
end of the modern Hopi that certain of the Hopi clans for- 
merly lived on the San Juan and its tributaries is not fanciful, 
but that what they recount of the southern migration of 
these clans before they settled on their present mesas is sup- 
ported by archeological evidences in architecture as weU as 
ceramics. 

Several Hopi visitors retold their legends, published by the 
chief many years ago, that the ruins under Mount Elden were 
settlements of the Hopi in their ancient migrations, and as 
far as it goes the archeology of Elden Pueblo supports these 
legends, which are sometimes very vague, differing some- 
what in minor particulars. These legends differ in the names 
of the Hopi clans that lived at Elden Pueblo, but the Snake, 
Badger, and Patki are all mentioned as former inhabitants. 

The particular claim of this pueblo for popular consider- 
ation is that it is easily accessible and not far from the city 
of Flagstaff. It bids fair to be visited in the future by many 
tourists who now pass through northern Arizona to visit its 
attractions, such as the Grand Canyon and the great bridges, 
and to attend the ceremonial survivals of the ancient religious 
rites of the Hopi. The number of visitors to Elden Pueblo 
during its excavation was very large and consisted not only 
of a large number of residents of Flagstaff but also of tourists 
from distant States. 



ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT O 

Before commencing the archeological work, the chief, as- 
sisted by Mr. John P. Harrington, ethnologist, cooperated 
with Mr. J. 0. Prescott, of the Starr Piano Co., Richmond, 
Ind., in the recording of some Hopi songs. Through the 
kindness of the Office of Indian Affairs, four of the older Hopi 
were brought from Walpi to the Grand Canyon, where 11 
katcina songs M'ere recorded. It was particularly fitting 
that the records were made at the Grand Canyon, as it holds 
such a prominent position in Hopi mythology. 

The chief was also assisted in the archeological work by 
Mr. Harrington and by Mr. Anthony W. Wilding, stenog- 
rapher. Their assistance was invaluable and did much to 
make the field work a success. 

During the past year the bureau has had in the field a 
larger number of investigators than in any previous year 
during the last decade. Field work has been done in var- 
ious parts of our country, from Alaska to Florida, and while 
the line of research has in some instances been more or less 
limited in its nature, the total results have brought into the 
office much new data regarding the Indian life and a larger 
number of specimens illustrative of it than has resulted 
from field work in comparatively recent years. 

It is recognized by the chief that the time that can be 
devoted to rescuing data regarding the life and habits of 
the American Indians is more or less restricted — that is, 
Indian culture is rapidly fading away and is doomed in a 
short time to utter extinction. While this is true of ethno- 
logical data it is not necessarily true' of archeological material. 
In fact, the antiquities of our country belonging to the past 
of the Indian are yearly attracting more and more attention, 
and in order to keep pace with this interest the bureau has 
taken up in its field work a considerable proportion of 
archeological problems. 

At the beginning of the fiscal year Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, 
ethnologist, took up anew the work of transliterating, 
amending, and translating the Chippewa text of The Myth 
of the Daymaker, by Mr. George Gabaoosa, and also that 
of an Ottawa version of a portion of the Nanabozho cycle 
of myths by John L. Miscogeon. 



6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

In October Mr. Hewitt began the work of reclassifying 
and recataloguing the Unguistic, historical, and other ethno- 
logical manuscripts in the archives of the bureau. In this 
work he was assisted by Miss Mae W. Tucker. The card 
index consists of 2,924 items, with approximately 6,150 
cross-reference cards. 

During the fiscal year Dr. John R. Swanton, ethnologist, 
made final additions to his papers on the "Social Organiza- 
tion and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confed- 
eracj'-, " "Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the 
Creek Indians," and "Aboriginal Culture of the Southeast." 
These papers are now going through the press. He has also 
finished the scientific editing of a paper on the "Trails of 
the Southeast," by WilUam E. Myer, which, with those just 
mentioned, is to appear in the Forty-second Annual Report. 

With the help of Miss Mae W. Tucker, stenographer, 
Doctor Swanton made a considerable advance in compiling a 
card catalogue of the words of the Timucua language pre- 
viously extracted from missionary publications of the Spanish 
fathers, Pareja and Movilla. 

Doctor Swanton also continued his investigations bearing 
on the aboriginal trail system of North America. 

Dr. Truman Michelson, ethnologist, continued his 
researches among the Algonquian Indians of Iowa, concen- 
trating on the gens festivals of the Fox Indians, especially 
those of the Thunder and Bear gentes. He also revised in 
the field the list of Fox stems incorporated in the Fortieth 
Annual Report of the bureau. In August he went to 
Odanah, Wis., to gain further first-hand information on 
the Ojibwa Indians, and enough material was secured to 
show decided dialectic differences from the western Ojibwa 
dialects. The social organization of the Ojibwa is relatively 
simple as compared with that of the Foxes, and the various 
gentes lack rituals peculiar to themselves, in sharp contrast 
■with Fox customs. At Baraga and L'Anse, Mich., Doctor 
Michelson located one Stockbridge (Mahican) family in the 
vicinity, but unfortunately none spoke their native language. 
The Ojibwa dialect, though not identical with that spoken 
at Odanah, is closel.y allied to it. He also made a pre- 



ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 7 

liininary survey of the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi, 
finding that the various languages still persist and that their 
ethnology is better preserved than might be expected. 

Doctor Michelson returned to Washington on September 
19, when he prepared for publication by the bureau two 
papers on sacred packs of the Fox Indians and their appur- 
tenant gens festivals, one called A'peniiwana''^' belong- 
ing to the Thunder gens; the other, Sagima'kwawA, belong- 
ing to the Bear gens. Doctor Michelson also completed 
typewriting the English translation and Indian text of a 
Fox sacred pack belonging to the Thunder gens formerly 
in possession of Pyatwaya. A fuUer text than this on 
Pyatwaya's pack, written in the current syllabary, was 
restored phonetically, as was the Indian text on the Thunder 
Dance of the Bear gens, a complete version having been 
obtained. 

Mr. J. P. Harrington, ethnologist, was engaged during 
the fiscal year in the important work of rescuing what can 
still be learned of the vanishing culture of the Mission Indians 
of California. Work was continued at ruined village sites 
of the Santa Ines, Ojai, and Sinii VaUeys, and at several of 
these sites extensive excavations were made, revealing an 
earUer and later coast Indian culture. Pictographs were 
discovered and photographed, and also many rocks who 
were "first people" and petrified and figure in Indian legends 
still extant. Spirit footprints on the rocks, both of moc- 
casined and bare feet, made by these "first people" when the 
earth was still soft and muddy, were found at several places 
and photographed. At San Marcos the bowlders on a hill- 
side represent the warriors of a mythic battle; some are 
standing vdih the blood from wounds running down their 
sides, seen as stains on the rock. A curious medicine rock 
was also visited, the size of a man and standing erect and sur- 
rounded at least at the present time by a bunch of opuntia 
cactus which keeps the curious at a respectful distance. At 
Rincon were photographed a couple of tall bowlders which 
stand 6 feet apart. To have good luck in hunting, so that 
one w^ould be able to jump successfully among the rocks in 



8 BUREAU *OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

the mountains, it was tlie custom for Indian boys to spring 
from one to the other of these bowlders. They also were 
called "medicine. " 

Mr. Harrington also discovered at Rincon the ruins of 
a medicine house formerly used by the island wizards for 
secret ceremonies. An enormous bowlder is supported on 
several rocks forming a natural cave, still smudged on the 
interior by the smoke of ancient fires. In front of this 
chamber on the east is a circular corral or parapet 18 feet 
in diameter and rising to a height of 3 feet. From the top 
of this stone wall rafters had formerly extended to the roof 
of the cave chamber, and on these thatch had been placed. 
It is beUeved by the Indians that if a person comes upon 
this place by mistake, thunder, lightning, and rain will 
immediately result. 

The construction of a Mission Indian house by one of the 
few survivors who stiU know how to make them was next 
attempted under the direction of Mr. Harrington, and an 
excellent series of photographs was obtained, showing the 
house in all the successive stages of building. The jacal is 
slightly eUii^tical in shape with the door, less than 4 feet 
high, at one end. Door leaves, both of woven tules and of 
jariUa, were constructed. The diameter of the structure 
is 13 feet and it is only 7 feet high, with an unduly ample 
smokehole at the top. 

Postholes a step apart and the same distance in depth 
were dug with a short bar of willow, the earth being scooped 
out with the hand. TaU and slender wiUow poles were 
selected with the greatest care from a place where the 
growth was tliick. These poles were burnt down. Eight 
of them were first erected in the postholes, forming a Greek 
cross. Opposite pairs of poles were then arched and lashed 
together with yucca tyings. Only after the complete frame- 
work of uprights had been constructed were the "latas" 
or horizontals lashed on at intervals of a foot apart. On 
these a thick thatching of deerbrush was sewed, the bottom 
layer being stem down but all the higher layers tip down, 
the inverted leaves better shedding the water. The sew- 
ing was done with yucca shreds, using a great needle of wood 



ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 9 

called "raton" in Spanish, which is poked through the 
thatch; the sewing was performed by two Indian workers, 
one outside and one inside. 

An expedition to the Canada de las Uvas proved rich in 
discovery along several different Unes. At several of the sites 
the old hut circles could still be traced on the surface of the 
ground and proved that our recently constructed house was 
about normal size. The old fireplaces in the center were also 
discovered. 

Special attention was given by Mr. Harrington to the site 
of the old rancheria of Misyahu. This place resembles a 
giant citadel when viewed from dowTi canyon. A great rocky 
hill was completely covered with wigwams, 12 to even 20 feet 
in diameter. At the base of the chff a strong flowing spring 
bursts forth from an otherwise dry arroyo, 75 feet below the 
Indian city. It was discovered that the Misyahu cemetery 
has unfortunately been washed away by the freshets of the 
arroyo. Choriy village was located, also Sikutip, a mile 
distant. Four large springs with pictographs traced on their 
rocky walls were located in the vicinity of Choriy. At 
Sikutip the Inchan huts were formerly clustered at the south- 
west border of the cienega. 

In May Mr. Harrington proceeded to Flagstaff, Ariz., where 
he assisted in bringing four Hopi singers to the Grand Canyon 
for the purpose of recording their songs. At Flagstaff, 
Mr. Harrington also assisted the cliief in the excavation of the 
Elden Pueblo ruin. 

During the fiscal year Dr. Francis La Flesche, ethnologist, 
was engaged in classifying the personal names of the full- 
blood members of the Osage tribe according to their places in 
the various gentes that comprise the tribe. Each name refers, 
cryptically, to the origin story of the gens to which it belongs. 
Thus, the name Star-radiant is itself meaningless until some 
one who is versed in the tribal rites explains that it refers to 
the story of the people who, when they came from the blue 
sky to earth, came suddenly upon a stranger whose dignified 
appearance and bearing immediately struck them \\'ith awe 
and reverence. WTien the people asked "Who art thou" the 

19078°— 28 2 



10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

stranger replied, " I am Star-radiant who has brought for you 
from the starry regions, Peace and Brotherly Love." This 
and other star names belong to the Wa-tse-tzi (People of the 
Stars) gens, in whose keeping are the House of Refuge and the 
Fireplace of Peace. The meaning of the name Pi-si (acorn) 
is also obscure until it is explained that it points to the story 
of the people of the Tsi-zhu gens and subgentes, who when 
they came from the sky to the earth, ahghted upon seven red 
oak trees. The alighting of the people on the tops of the 
trees sent down showers of acorns, and a voice spoke, saying, 
"Your little ones shall be as numerous as the acorns that fall 
from these trees." About 1,991 gentile names have been 
recorded, covering 83 pages. The translations of the names 
are yet to be made. 

Doctor La Flesche also spent three weeks' time assisting 
Mr. DeLancey Gill, illustrator, in classifying negatives of 
photographs of Ponca, Omaha, and Osage Indians. 

A vocabulary of the Osage language has also been started 
by Doctor La Flesche and Dr. John R. Swanton. So far some 
3,000 or more words have been recorded with translations. 

SPECIAL RESEARCHES 

The research in Indian music by Miss Frances Densmore 
during this fiscal year has been marked by the collecting and 
developing of extensive material among the Menominee of 
Wisconsin, and the completion of the book on Papago music 
which is now ready for j^ublication. The proof of the book 
on "The Music of the Tule Indians of Panama" was read, 
and the text of "Pawnee Music" (apart from analyses) was 
retyped, putting it in final form. 

The titles of the manuscripts furnished to the bureau dur- 
ing the fiscal year are as follows: "Songs connected with 
ceremonial games and adoption dances of the Menominee 
Indians," "Menominee songs connected with hunting bun- 
dles, war bundles, and the moccasin game," "Menominee 
songs connected with a boy's fast, also dream songs, love 
songs, and flute melodies," "Dream dance songs of the 
Menominee Indians," "Songs used in the treatment of the 



ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 11 

sick by Menominee Indians," and "Menominee war songs 
and other songs." 

The Menominee Indians have been in contact with civili- 
zation for many years, but retain their old customs to a 
remarkable degree. Miss Densmore attended a meeting of 
their medicine lodge (corresponding to the Chippewa grand 
medicine), at which two persons were initiated. She wit- 
nessed the ceremony for about four hours, listening to the 
songs, and presented tobacco, which was received in a cere- 
monial manner. She was also present at a gathering where 
a lacrosse game was played "in fulfillment of a dream," and 
witnessed the similar playing of a "dice and bowl" game by 
a woman who had dreamed of the "four spirit women in the 
east" and been instructed by them to play the game once 
each year. 

The songs of the dream dance received extended considera- 
tion, the dance having been witnessed in 1910. 

Among the interesting war songs were those connected 
witTi the enlistment and service of Menominee in the Civil 
War, with the songs of the charms ("fetiches") by which 
they beUeved that they were protected. Songs of the war- 
fare against Black Hawk were obtained, and one very old 
war song with the words "The Queen (of England) wants us 
to fight against her enemies." 

Mr. Gerard Fowke, special archeologist, was engaged for 
three months, February to April, in making a survey and 
explorations of a group of aboriginal remains near Marks- 
viUe, La. The works consisted of 3 inclosures, 20 mounds, 
8 lodge sites, and several village sites, extending a distance 
of 2 miles along the bluff overlooking Old River and in the 
bottom land liordering that water course. Eight of the 
mounds are of the flat-topped, domicihary type; the others 
are conical or dome-shaped, usually classed as burial mounds. 
Six of the last were fully excavated. Two of them contained 
evidence of many interments; two were house sites indicating 
at least three periods of construction; the remaining two 
yielded notliing that would show the reason for their build- 
ing. All were singularly barren of contents. Only traces of 
bones were found in the graves. The manner of construe- 



12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

tion of these mounds and the methods of burial were of a 
character which differentiates them from any other that have 
so far been reported to the bureau. They do not seem to 
belong with those to the east of the Mississippi, or with 
those which are so numerous to the westward. 

A full report, with map and illustrations, has been 
prepared. 

During the months of April, May, and June, Mr. H. W. 
Krieger, curator of ethnology of the National Museum, was 
detailed to engage in field work for the Bureau of American 
Ethnology. He was authorized by the chief of the bureau 
to proceed to WaUa Walla, Wash., and vicinity for the pur- 
pose of studying the archeology of the upper Columbia 
River Valley, thence to proceed to southeastern Alaska to 
undertake the restoration of Old Kasaan, a national monu- 
ment on Prince of Wales Island 

A careful inspection was made of the various collections 
of archeological material gathered by members of the Colum- 
bia River Archeological Society at Walla Walla, Wenatchee, 
Quincy, and other points in the State of Washington. 

Accompanied by Mr. H. T. Harding, a local archeologist, 
who had spent over 20 years in archeological investigations 
along the upper Columbia, a reconnaissance was undertaken 
from The Dalles, in Oregon, to Wenatchee, Wash., for the 
purpose of plotting a map of the known archeological sites 
and selecting likely stations for excavation. The old Indian 
camp site at Wahluke Ferry, located at the extreme southern 
extent of the big bend of the Columbia, was selected as the 
most promising. There were no traces of previous disturb- 
ance by curio hunters. The ruins of the old Indian camp 
site and the cemetery near by yielded several hundred 
objects, most of which had been placed in the group burials 
as ceremonial offerings accompanying the cremation form ot 
burial. No objects were found in the more deeply placed 
graves where no cremation practices had been observed. 

The restoration of the national monument of old Kasaan, 
southeast Alaska, has long been the ambition of the chief ot 
the bureau, but conditions at this unique old Haida village 



ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 13 

were found to be very discouraging. Rainfall reaches a 
total of 235 days annually at the town of Ketchikan on Revil- 
lagigedo Island near by, and the process of rotting and dis- 
integration is practically continuous throughout the year. 
Many of the fine old carvings on the totem poles and memo- 
rial columns still standing are either partially or entirely 
obliterated, while every house in the village has either fallen 
into decay or was burned in the recent fire which destroyed 
the major portion of the village. The house ("big doings") 
and the totem pole erected by the former Haida chief Skay-al 
are among the objects consumed in this fire. 

Several of the house sites at Old Kasaan, Tongass, Village 
Island, and Cape Fox village were excavated in an attempt 
to determine the relative age of the settlements of extreme 
southeastern Alaska. But few objects were obtained which 
might indicate a culture older than the Hudson Bay Co. 
post at Fort Simpson, British Columbia, or the Russian 
settlement at Sitka, Alaska, on the north. The few poles 
worthy of restoration at Old Kasaan were scraped and rotted 
wood was removed. The tall alder brush was cut from the 
immediate vicinity of the poles. Information relative to 
house, totem, and place names was obtained from a few 
survivors of the old village still living either at Wrangell, 
Ketchikan, or the recently established Indian village of 
New Kasaan, about 40 miles from the old abandoned village. 

Upon returning to the United States, the task of complet- 
ing the map of archeological sites on the upper Columbia 
River to the Canadian border was completed. Excavation 
was undertaken at eight different stations along the river 
between Wenatchee, Wash., and the mouth of the Okanagan 
River. 

Mr. Henry B. Collins, jr., assistant curator of ethnology 
of the National Museum, was detailed by the bureau to carry 
on archeological work in southern Louisiana and Mississippi, 
a region in which scarcely any work of this nature had pre- 
viously been done. A reconnaissance of the field was begun 
in April, first in southern Mississippi, where a number of 
mounds were examined, and then along the low-lying Gulf 



14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

coast of Louisiana. Many earth mounds and shell heaps 
were found throughout this latter region, indicating the exist- 
ence there in prehistoric times of an advanced culture of 
fairly uniform type. Particular attention was given to the 
21 mounds on Pecan Island in the lower part of Vermilhon 
Parish. This part of Louisiana was occupied in historic times 
by the Attacapa, a cannibalistic tribe of comparatively low 
culture. The builders of the Pecan Island mounds, however, 
were apparently not Attacapa, but an earUer and more 
advanced people, who made an excellent type of pottery and 
who were skilled workers in stone, shell, and bone. The pres- 
ence in these Pecan Island mounds of native copper and 
galena, as well as slate and other kinds of stone not native to 
the section, indicates that at a very early date the Indians 
of lower Louisiana had trade relations with other tribes to 
the north and east. In addition to the ctdtural material col- 
lected, a number of undeformed skulls were obtained from 
Pecan Island and these will be of particular value, since 
skeletal material from Louisiana is scarce. 

Upon completion of the work in Louisiana in the latter 
part of June, Mr. ColUns proceeded to eastern Mississippi 
and located the sites of several of the historic Choctaw vil- 
lages and secured physical measurements on 72 living Choc- 
taw in the vicinity of Philadelphia, Miss. The latter phase 
of the work was in continuation of similar studies on the 
Choctaw begun in the summer of 1925, and was made pos- 
sible by an appropriation from the American Association for 
the Advancement of Science. 

Dr. J. W. Gidley, assistant curator of vertebrate paleon- 
tology in the National Museum, was detailed to the bureau 
for a continuation of work begun in the summer in conjunc- 
tion with Amherst CoUege, in ex^Dloring the fossil beds in the 
vicinity of Melbourne and Vero, Fla., for fossil bones and pos- 
sible human remains. Mr. C. Wythe Cook, of the United 
States Geological Survey, aided Doctor Gidley in a deter- 
mination of the geologic formation of the bed. Most of the 
work of this expedition was to verify the geological obser- 
vations of the previous expedition and to obtain if possible 



ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 15 

more evidence on the subject. More than 100 specimens 
of fossil bones were added to the collection and some new 
forms were represented, the most important of which were 
fossil remains of a large extinct jaguar and teeth of an extinct 
species of Termarctos, a genus of bear living now in South 
America and having never been found before in North 
America. Several Indian mounds were visited and ex- 
amined, a survey was taken of the Grant mound, 14 miles 
south of Melbourne, and a plot made of the general struc- 
ture of the shell heap, burial mound, and connecting ridges. 
Doctor Gidley also visited some mounds near Sarasota that 
had been reported to the bureau, but found that they had 
been dug into by curio hunters. He also examined the 
region at Lake Thonotosassa, 14 miles northeast of Tampa. 
Here he secured a few Indian artifacts that had been picked 
up by Mr. Samuel Conant. Mr. Conant also guided Doctor 
Gidley to an ancient workshop, which covers several acres and 
seemed to be a favorable location for future investigation. 

Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, curator of physical anthropology in 
the National Museum, was detailed to the bureau and sent to 
Alaska in May for the puri)ose of studying the archeology of 
Seward Island in the vicinity of Nome. As he did not reach 
the site of his work until the close of the fiscal year, a consid- 
eration of the results of his expedition is reserved until next 

year. 

EDITORIAL WORK AND PUBLICATIONS 

The editing of the publications of the bureau was continued 
through the year by Mr. Stanley Searles, editor, assisted 
by Mrs. Frances S. Nichols, editorial assistant. The status 
of the pubUcations is presented in the following summary. 

PUBLICATION ISSUED 

Fortieth Annual Report. — Accompanying papers: The Mythical Ori- 
gin of the White Buffalo Dance of the Fox Indians; The Autobi- 
ography of a Fox Indian Woman; Notes on Fox Mortuary Cus- 
toms and Beliefs; Notes on the Fox Society Known as "Those 
Wlio Worship the Little Spotted Buffalo;" The Traditional Origin 
of the Fox Society Known as "The Singing Around Rite," by Tru- 
man Michelson. 664 pp., 1 pi., 1 fig. 



16 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY 

PUBLICATIONS IN PRESS OR IN PREPARATION 

Forty-first Annual Report. — Accompanying papers: Coiled Basketry 
in British Columbia and Surrounding Region (Boas, assisted by 
Haeberlin, Roberts, and Teit); Two Prehistoric Villages in Middle 
Tennessee (Myer). 

Forty-second Annual Report. — Accompanying papers: Social Organ- 
ization and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy; 
Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the Creek Indians; 
Aboriginal Culture of the Southeast (Swanton); Indian Trails of 
the Southeast (Myer). 

Bulletin 82. — Archeological Observations North of the Rio Colorado 
(Judd). 

Bulletin 83. — Burials of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan Tribes 
West of the Mississippi (Bushnell). 

Bulletin 84- — Vocabulary of the Kiowa Language (Harrington). 

DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLICATIONS 

The distribution of the publications of the bureau has 
been continued under the immediate charge of Miss Helen 
Munroe, assisted by Miss Emma B. Powers. Publications 
were distributed as follows: 

Report volumes and separates 5, 729 

Bulletins and separates 6, 582 

Contributions to North American Ethnology 33 

Introductions 12 

Miscellaneous publications 637 

Total 12,993 

As compared with the fiscal year ended June 30, 1925, 
there was an increase of 5,639 publications distributed. This 
was partl}^ due to the fact that more publications were 
issued by the bureau than in the previous year and partly 
to the increase in demand for the works. 

Five addresses were added to the maihng Ust during the 
year and 37 taken from the list, making a net decrease of 32. 
The list now stands at 1 ,738 in addition to members of the 
staff of the institution and its branches. 



ADMINISTKATIVE REPORT 17 

ILLUSTRATIONS 

Mr. DeLancey Gill, illustrator, continued the preparation 
of the illustrations of the bureau. A summary of the work 
follows: 

Negatives of ethnologic and archeologic subjects 34 

Negative films from field exposures 15 

Portrait negatives of Indians 5 

Photographic prints 466 

Drawings prepared for book illustrations 41 

Illustrations prepared for engraving (Bureau of American 

Ethnology) 567 

Illustrations prepared for engraving (other Smithsonian 

Institution bureaus) 681 

Engravers' proof read 635 

Edition prints of colored plates examined at Government 

Printing Office 17,000 

On the 1st of February, 1926, the services of a photographer 
were discontinued and the work was taken over by the 
photographer of the Smithsonian Institution in cooperation 
with the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

LIBRARY 

The reference library has continued under the immediate 
care of Miss Ella Leary, librarian, assisted by Mr. Thomas 
Blackwell. During the year 560 volumes were accessioned, 
and 200 pamphlets were received and catalogued; also 2,992 
serials, cliiefly the publications of learned societies, were 
received and recorded. Of these, 155 were acquired by 
purchase, 207 by binding of periodicals, and the remainder 
through gift and exchange. The Ubrary now contains 26,661 
volumes, 15,712 pamphlets, and several thousand unbound 
periodicals. During the year there were sent to the bindery 
207 volumes. In addition to the use of its own library, 
which is becoming more and more valuable through exchange 
and by hmited purchase, it was found necessary to draw on 
the Library of Congress for the loan of about 200 volumes. 
The purchase of books and periodicals has been restricted 
to such as relate to the bureau's researches. Although 
maintained primarily as a reference library for the bureau 



18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

staff, its value is becoming better known to students not 
connected with the Smithsonian Institution, who make 
frequent use of it. During the year the Ubrary was used 
also by officers of the executive departments and the Library 
of Congress. The library is greatly indebted to many 
private individuals for numerous donations of pubUcations. 
Mention may be made of a collection given by Mrs. Safford, 
consisting of 50 books and one manuscript belonging to 
her husband, the late Dr. W. E. Safford. 

During the year the cataloguing has been carried on as 
new accessions were acquired and good progress was made 
in cataloguing ethnologic and related articles in the earlier 
serials. 

The Ubrary, among other respresentative libraries, is 
cooperating with the Library of Congress in checking up 
the "Union List of Serials of the United States and Canada," 
compiled by the H. W. Wilson Co. This necessitates the 
checking up of our entire collection of periodicals. Con- 
siderable time has been given to this work. 

COLLECTIONS 

88232. Two plaster casts made by Mr. Egberts of an amulet sent 

to the bureau for identification by W. W. C. Dunlop, 

Codrington College, Barbados, B. W. L 
90380. Two chert rejects, 4 potsherds, and 1 smaU arrow point 

found in a gravel pit about one-half mile west of the Grand 

River, near Prior, Olda., and presented to the bureau by 

Grant Foreman. 
90604. Archeological and skeletal material collected by H. B. 

Collins, Jr., at various localities in Mississippi during 1925. 

(78 specimens.) 
90652. Collection of 44 archeological specimens from graves at 

Vantage Ferry, Wash., purchased by the bureau from 

Earle 0. Roberts. 
90813. Collection of 8 stone and shell implements found by Charles 

T. Earle on the beach at Shaw's Point, Fla., and presented 

by him to the bureau. 
91825. Collection of about 19 lots of human skeletal material col- 
lected in Florida by Dr. J. W. Gidley. 
92317. Archeological specimens collected in Louisiana by Gerard 

Fowke. (108 specimens.) 



ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 19 

PROPERTY 

Furniture and office equipment were purchased to the 
amount of $750. 

MISCELLANEOUS 

Clerical. — The correspondence and other clerical work of 
the office has been conducted by Miss May S. Clark, clerk 
to the chief. Mr. Anthony W. Wilding, stenographer, was 
engaged in taking dictation from the chief and in attending 
to various duties incident to the work in the main office. 
On May 15 he accompanied the chief to the field, acting 
as general assistant. Miss Mae W. Tucker, stenographer, 
was engaged in assisting Dr. John R. Swanton in compihng 
a Timucua dictionary and in assisting Mr. Hewitt in reclas- 
sifying and recataloguing the manuscripts in the bureau 
archives. Mrs. Frances S. Nichols assisted the editor. 

Personnel. — Mr. James E. Connor, who received a tem- 
porary appointment as minor clerk February 4, to assist in 
the cataloguing of the archives of the bureau, was dropped 
from the roUs June 15, there being no further need for his 
services. 

Mr. Gerard Fowke was given a temporary appointment 
as special archeologist in the bureau from February 9 to 
June 30. 

Mr. Albert E. Sweeney, photographer, resigned January 
31. 

Respectfully submitted. 

J. Walter Fewkes, 

Chief. 

Dr. Charles D. Walcott, 

Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. 



ACCOMPANYING PAPERS 



21 



THE OSAGE TRIBE 

TWO VERSIONS OF THE CHILD-NAMING RITE 



BY 
FRANCIS LA FLESCHE 



23 



CONTENTS 



Page 

Int roduction 29 

Child-naming rituals 31 

Birth names of the Puma gens 31 

The first three sons 31 

The first three daughters 32 

Sky names 32 

Child-naming ritual of the Puma gens 33 

Ceremony of decorating the Xo'-ka 33 

Ki'-no" Wi'-gi-e 34 

Wa'-tse-tsi and the Xsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gentes 35 

Tsi Ta'-pe (approach to the house) 36 

The Wa-the'-the ceremony 38 

Zha'-zhe Ki-to" Wi'-gi-e (name taking) 40 

Old-age Wi'-gi-e 45 

Wi'-gi-e of the Wa'-tse-tsi gens 47 

Wi'-gi-e of the Bow people 47 

Earth names and wi'-gi-es 48 

Wi'-gi-e of the Wa'-tse-gi-tsi (Wa-tse'-mo"-!") 51 

Special instructions to the mother 54 

Origin Wi'-gi-e of the Tho'-xe gens 56 

Child-naming ritvial of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens 59 

Certain gentes called to take part in the ceremony 59 

Wa-zho'-i-ga-the (Life symbol) Wi'-gi-e 60 

The Xo'-ka ceremonially conducted to the child's house 67 

A life symbol sent to each of the officiating gentes 68 

Gentes recite their wi'-gi-es simultaneously 68 

The child is passed from gens to gens to be blessed 71 

First child-naming wi'-gi-e of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no" gens 75 

The gentile hair cut of children 87 

Hair cut of the fsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens 89 

Paraphrase of the wi'-gi-e of the Red Eagle gens 90 

Wi'-gi-e of the Ni'-ka Wa-ko°-da-gi and the Tho'-xe gentes 93 

Fondness of personal adornment 95 

Ear perforating 95 

Ki'-no" Wi'-gi-e in Osage 96 

Tsi Ta'-pe Wa-tho" and Wi'-gi-e in Osage 97 

Zha'-zhe Ki-to° Wi'-gi-e in Osage 97 

U'-no° Wi-gi-e in Osage 101 

Wa-zho'-i-ga-the Wi'-gi-e in Osage 103 

Zha'-zhe Ki-to" Wi'-gi-e in Osage 110 

Wa-zho'-i-ga-the Wi'-gi-e in Osage 113 

Native names of Osage full bloods 122 

Names of the gentes and subgentes 122 

Wa'-tse-tsi or Po"'-ka Wa-shta-ge 124 

Ta' I-ni-ica-shi-ga 128 

19078°— 28 3 25 



26 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

Native names of Osage full bloods — Continued. Page 

Ho' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 130 

Hc'-ga U-ta-no"-dsi 132 

Wa-5a'-be 133 

I^-gtho^'-ga 135 

Ho"'-ga Gthe-zhe 136 

Ho-'-ga U-thu-ha-ge 139 

0'-po° 141 

I'-ba-tse 142 

Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° 144 

Qi°'-dse-a-gthe 146 

Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 146 

Tse-do'-ga I--dse 152 

Tse Tho"'-ka 153 

Mi-k'i"' 153 

Ho°' I-ni-lca-shi-ga 155 

Ni'-ka Wa-ko°-da-gi 157 

Tho'-xe 160 

Index 821 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



PLATKS 

Page 

1. Wa-xthi'-zhi (I°-gtho°'-ga (Puma) gens) 30 

2. Sho"'-ge-mo''-i" (Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens) 30 

3. Shell gorget and downy plume (Life symbols) 44 

4. Wa-sho'-she (Ho'''-ga A-hiu-to° (Eagle) gens) 44 

5. Wa-tse'-mo"-!'' (Wa-ga'-be (Black Bear) gens) 54 

6. a, War standard (Symbolizes the white swan). 6, Tse'-wa-the root 

(Nclumbo lutea) used for food 54 

7. Xu-tha'-wa-to"-!" (Tsi'-zhu Wa-no" gens) 84 

8. Straps for tying captives 84 

9. Four Osage children 92 

10. Child's hair cut of the Tho-xe and Ni'-ka Wa-ko^-da-gi gentes 92 

11. Men, showing hair cut of adult Osages 92 

12. Bone ear perforators and expanders 92 

TEXT FIGURES 

1. Diagram showing places of gentes in the lodge 36 

2. Symbolic robe prepared for children 54 

3. Chart of constellation Wa'-ba-ha (Ursa Major) 74 

4. Chart of Ta Tha'-bthi°, Three Deer (in Orion) 74 

5. Totemic cut of the Omaha boys' hair 87 

6. Symbolic hair cut of the Ho°'-ga gens . 89 

7. Symbolic hair cut of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens 89 

8. Hair out of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-uo" and the Wa-ja'-be (Black Bear) gentes, 92 

27 



THE OSAGE TRIBE: TWO VERSIONS OF THE 
CHILD-NAMING RITE 



By Francis La Flesche 



INTRODUCTION 

The two versions of the Osage Child-naming Rite recorded in 
this volume were obtained with considerable difficulty, owing to the 
reluctance of the people to speak of the sacred rites that were for- 
mulated by the Ni'-ka Xu-be, Holy Men, of long ago. This un- 
willingness to speak of the tribal rites, excepting in the prescribed 
ceremonial way, arose from a sense of reverence for things sacred and 
from the belief that within the rites, and in the articles dedicated 
to religious use, there resides a mystic power which could punish, by 
supernatural means, the persons who speak irreverently of the rites 
and put to profane use the symbolic articles. 

In the early part of the life of the Osage, according to tradition, 
the people kept together for protection and moved about without 
tribal or gentile organizations, a condition which they termed "ga- 
ni'-tha," which may be freely translated as, without law or order. 

It was in those days that a group of men fell into the habit of 
gathering together, from time to time, to exchange ideas concerning 
the actions of the sun, moon, and stars which they observed move 
within the sky with marvelous precision, each in its own given path. 
They also noticed, in the course of their observations, that the 
travelers in the upper world move from one side of the sky to the 
other without making any disturbances in their relative positions, 
and that with these great movements four changes take place in the 
vegetal life of the earth which they agreed was effected by the actions 
of some of the heavenly travelers. These seasonal changes they 
named Be, Do-ge', To°, and Ba'-the (Spring, Summer, Autumn and 
Winter). 

The delving into the mysteries of the universe by this group of 
men, which was carried on for a long period of time, was primarily 
for the purpose of finding, if possible, the place from which comes 
all life. 

The seasonal changes upon the earth which appear to accompany 
the movements of the sun and other cosmic bodies suggested to these 
men the existence between sky and earth of a procreative relation- 
ship, an idea which fixed itself firmly in their minds. It fitted their 

29 



30 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



|ETH. ANN. 43 



notion that the earth was related to and influenced by all of the great 
bodies that move around within the sky. However, they were not 
satisfied that these celestial bodies move without the guidance of 
some governing power, and they continued their search and their 
discussions. Then, in course of time, there crept into the minds of 
these men, who became known as the "Little Old Men," the thought 
that a silent, invisible creative power pervades the sun, moon and 
stars and the earth, gives to them life, and keeps them eternally in 
motion and perfect order. This creative power which to their minds 
was the source of life they named Wa-ko°'-da, Mysterious Power, 
and sometimes E-a'-wa-wo" a-ka. The Causer of Our Being. 

These ideas are given expression in that part of the child-naming 
rite where the initiated members of two gentes are first called to enter 
the house in which the ceremonies are to take place. One of these 
gentes, the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge, Peaceful Tsi'-zhu, represents the 
sky with its sun, moon, and stars, and the other, the Wa'-tse-tsi 
Wa-shta-ge, Peaceful Wa'-tse-tsi, represents the earth with its 
waters and dry land. The house itself then becomes a symbol of 
the sky which encompasses the sun, moon, stars, and the earth. 
Thus the house, the two gentes and all the others who enter it to take 
part in the rite become, collectively, a symbol of the universe wherein 
life manifests itself by taking ou an infinite variety of bodily forms. 
The whole ceremony is an expression of a longing desire that Wa- 
ko°'-da who dwells in the universe will favor the little one who is 
to be named with a long life and as endless line of descendants. 

The men who recorded the two versions of the Osage child-naming 
rite were typical full-blood Indians, neither of them spoke the English 
language, and nothing in all that they have given suggests foreign 
influence. Wa-xthi'-zhi (pi. 1) was a man of an inquiring mind. 
He did not hesitate to ask of his initiators the meaning of the parts of 
the rituals which he did not fully understand. He learned much 
from his father, who was well versed in the ancient tribal rites. 

Sho^'-ge-mo^-i" (pi. 2) did not have these advantages, but he had 
a retentive mind and what he committed to memory of the rites was 
sufficient to him. He did not insist upon being informed as to the 
meaning of the parts of the rites that were obscure to him. 

I am indebted to Mr. Vince Dillon, of Fairfax, Okla., for permitting 
me to use a photograph he had made of two little Osages showing 
symbolic hair cut of one of them. Also to Joe Sho^'-ge-moM" for 
the loan of a photograjjh of his two daughters. Joe is the son of 
Sho'"-ge-mo°-i'', who recorded the second version of the child-naming 
ceremony. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 1 




WA-XTHI-ZHI (I -GTHO'-'-GA iPUMA) GENSi 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2 




SHC-'-GE-MO^-l-^ (TSI'-ZHU WA-SHTA-GE GENSi 



LAFLEacHE) CHILD-NAMING RITE 31 

CHILD-NAMING RITUALS 

To a self-respecting Osage husband and wife, tlie ceremonial naming 
of their first three sons and their first three daughters is of the utmost 
importance. The couple regard the performing of the ceremony as 
a sacred duty to their children which must never be neglected. 

Each of these sons and daughters must be named according to the 
rites prescribed by the ancient No^'-ho^-zhi^-ga. Until the cere- 
monial naming the child has no place in the gentile organization, 
and it is not even regarded as a person. 

Every one of these three sons and three daughters has a special 
kinship t«rm which can be used only by the father, the mother, and 
the nearest relatives. These special kinship terms, as observed in 
their sequence, are as follows: 

Sons Daughters 

I''-gtho°'. Mi'-no". 

Ksho°'-ga. Wi'-he. 

Ka'-zhio-ga. Ci'-ge or A-5i°'-ga. 

All the sons born after the third one are Ka'-zhi°-ga, and all the 
daughters born after the third one, Qi-ge or A-gi^'-ga. 

To each of the first six children belongs a distinctive gentile per- 
sonal name, spoken of as: i°-gtho'" zha-zhe (I°-gtho°' name), 
mi'-no ° zha-zhe (Mi'-no ° name), etc. These names must always be 
ceremonially conferred upon the newly born child. All the other 
sons and daughters are named without any formality because the 
ceremony performed for the Ka'-zhi°-ga and the Ci'"ge serves for 
the other children that may follow. These destinctive gentile 
names may be designated as gentile birth names. 

BIRTH NAMES OF THE PUIVIA GENS 

The gentile birth names of the Puma gens, as given by Wa-xthi'-zhi, 
are as follows: 

The First Three Sons 

1. Mi'-wa-ga-xe, Child-of-the-sun. This name is commemora- 
tive of the talk that took place between the "Little Ones" and the 
Sun when they went to him to ask for aid as they were about to come 
to the earth, their future home. In asking for aid, the "Little Ones" 
addressed the Sun as grandfather, and the Sun, in reply, said to 
them: "It is true that you are my children." Hence the name, 
Mi'-wa-ga-xe, Child-of-the-sun. The name is mentioned in the 
Naming Ritual of the Puma gens. (See p. 41, lines 24 to 27.) 

2. I'-e-gka-wa-the, Giver-of-speech. The Sun also gave to the 
"Little Ones" the power of expressing their thoughts by speech, 
and the skill in arranging their words so that they can be clearly 
understood. When a person speaks intelligently he is spoken of 



32 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



as i'-e-wa-^ka, a clear speaker. The children are given the name 
I'-e-gka-wa-the as a recognition of this great gift from the Sun. 
The name is mentioned in the Naming Ritual of the Puma gens. 
(See p. 41, Ime 34.) 

The story of the introduction of this name, as told by the Black 
Bear gens in their Ni'-ki Ritual, differs from the Puma version of the 
story. (See p. 228, 36th 2\jin. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., lines 238 to 
304.) 

3. Mo^'-ga-xe, Arrow-maker. At the same time that the Sun 
gave to the "Little Ones" the gift of speech he gave to them a fin- 
ished arrow so that when they came to dwell upon the earth they 
could make arrows like it and use them for defending themselves 
against enemies and for killing animals to use for food. The name 
is mentioned in the Puma Naming Ritual. (See p. 42, line 44.) 

The First Three Daughters 

1. Mo°'-ga-tse-xi, Sacred Arrowshaft. The name Mo^'-ca-tse-xi 
refers to the ray of light which was given by the Sun to the "Little 
Ones" for use as an arrowshaft. This shaft had the quality of un- 
erring precision which excited the wonder of the "Little Ones." It 
was to them a mysterious arrowshaft. The name is mentioned in 
the Naming Ritual of the Puma gens. (See p. 41, line 29.) 

2. Mo°-zho'"-op-she-wi°, Woman-who-travels-over-the-earth. 
This name refers to the ever recurring westward movement of the 
moon over the earth. The name is mentioned in the Naming Ritual 
of the Puma gens. (See p- 41, line 39.) 

3. No"'-mi-tse-xi, Beloved-child-of-the-sun. This name is men- 
tioned in the Naming Ritual of the Puma gens. (See p. 42, line 49.) 

Another name follows that of the third son in the ritual, I°-shta'- 
sha-be. Dark-eyes, and is a Ka'-zhi^-ga name. The name is mentioned 
in the Naming Ritual of the Puma gens. (See p. 42, line 54.) 

The name E-no^'-gi-tha-bi, The Favorite, follows that of the third 
daughter, and is a Qi'-ge name. This name is not mentioned in the 
ritual. Wa-xthi'-zhi said the fourth daughter is the favored one 
because if the first three should fail to bring forth children the parents 
would cherish the hope that their fourth daughter will give them 
grandchildren. 

Sky Names 

The distinctive birth names of the Puma gens, mentioned above, 
are spoken of as sky names, to distinguish them from the common 
gentile names. These birth names are said to have originated in the 
sky when the "Little Ones" were about to descend to the earth to 
take upon themselves bodily form. Some of these names refer to 
important events that came to pass before the descent from the sky 



LA FLESCHEj CHILD-N.VMING RITE 33 

to the earth. Earth names were also used by both the Puma and the 
Black Bear gentes. These names will be referred to later. 

Every Osage gens has its own version of the tribal Child-naming 
Ritual. The versions belonging to the I''-gtho°'-ga (Puma) gens of 
the Ho^'-ga great division and that belonging to the Tsi'-zhu great 
division have been secured and are given below in detail. 

CHILD-NAMING RITUAL OF THE PUMA GENS 

(Wa-xthi'-zhi) 

When a man of the Puma gens is prepared for the ceremonial 
naming of his newly born son he sends for the Sho'-ka (official mes- 
senger) of his gens. On the arrival of the Sho'-ka the father puts 
before him his customary fee of a blanket or blue cloth and a little 
pipe which he must carry as his official badge. The father of the 
child then orders the Sho'-ka to go and call the No'"-ho°-zhi°-ga of 
the Puma, the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge, and the Wa'-tse-tsi Wa-shta-ge 
gentes. The Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge is the Peace gens of the Tsi'-zhu 
great tribal division, and the Wa'-tse-tsi Wa-shta-ge the Peace gens 
of the Ho°'-ga great tribal division. Prominence was given, in this 
ceremony, to these two gentes because they are the favored people of 
the sun and the unclouded sky, the most sacred of the cosmic forces. 
Through these two favored gentes the blessings of peace and long life 
are invoked for the child to be named and formally given its place in 
the tribal unit. 

The No°'-ho"-zhi°-ga of these three gentes assemble in the evening 
at the house of the father who, in a formal speech, makes known to 
them the purpose of the summons. Then the heads of the fsi'-zhu 
Wa-shta-ge and the Wa'-tse-tsi Wa-shta-ge gentes direct the Sho'-ka 
to go and call the No°'-ho°-zhi°-ga of the following gentes to assemble 
at the house of the father on the next morning: 

Ho^'-ga A-hiu-to", Wa-ga'-be-to" and the 0'-po°, of the Ho^'-ga 
subdivision; Wa'-tse-tsi Wa-shta-ge, Ho' I-ni-ka-shi-ga, Wa-zha'-zhe 
Qka and the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga of the Wa-zha'-zhe subdivision; 
Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge, Tsi'-zhu Wa-no°, Mi-k'i°' Wa-no" and the 
Tho'-xe of the Tsi'-zhu great division. 

The Sho'-ka, as he goes on this errand, does not neglect the little 
pipe, his official badge. 

Ki'-NO^ — Ceremony of Decorating the Xo'-ka 

Before sunrise of the following day the No'"-ho''-zhi°-ga of the Puma 
gens assemble at the house of the member who had been appointed by 
the father to act as Xo'-ka in the ceremony. When all the members 
had taken their places the A'-ki-ho° Xo'-ka (master of ceremonies) 
recites the wi'-gi-e relating to the symbolic articles with which the 



34 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



Xo'-ka is to be decorated. The wi'-gi-e is accompanied by certain 
ceremonial acts performed by an assistant. Tlie first section of the 
wi'-gi-e relates to the red dawn, the beginning of the life of day. 
The assistant, who has put red paint on the palms of his hands, 
spreads them out toward the dawn that is reddening the eastern sky. 
When the A'-ki-ho° Xo'-ka reaches the fourth line the assistant paints 
red the face of the Xo'-ka. Then, as the A'-ki-ho° Xo'-ka goes on 
to the second section the assistant takes up a white, downy feather 
(pi. 3, h), taken from the under covert of an eagle's tail, and holds it 
poised over the Xo'-ka's head. When the twelfth line of the wi'-gi-e 
is reached the assistant quickly fastens the feather to the scalplock 
of the Xo'-ka. This feather symbolizes one of the two white shafts 
of light that may be seen at either side of the sun as it rises through 
the fading color of the dawn. Each of these two shafts symbolizes 
a never-ending life. The one at the right belongs to the Ho"'-ga 
great division and the one at the left to the Tsi'-zhu great division. 
At the beginning of the third section of the wi'-gi-e the assistant rubs 
in the palms of his hands a bit of bufTalo fat, then holds his outspread 
hands poised over the Xo'-ka's head. When the twentieth line is 
reached he anoints the Xo'-ka's hair with the oil, an act by which 
is expressed the wish that the child whom the Xo'-ka represents 
shall always be abundantly supplied with food of all kinds. 

At the fourth section of the wi'-gi-e the assistant takes up a neck- 
lace of beads, or a narrow woven band, to which is attached a shell 
gorget (pi. 3, a) and holds it in readiness. When the twenty-sixth 
line is reached he puts the necklace upon the neck of the Xo'-ka so 
that the gorget hangs upon his breast. This gorget typifies the Sun, 
whose life endures forever. 

Kl'-NO'^ Wl'-GI-E 

(free translation) 

1 

1. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

2. The people spake to one another, saying: With what shall the 

little ones decorate their faces, as they travel the path of life? 

3. With the symbol of the god who never fails to appear at the 

beginning of day, 

4. The little ones shall decorate their faces, as they travel the path 

of life. 

5. W^hen they decorate their faces with this symbol, 

6. They shall be difficult to overcome by death, as they travel the 

path of life, O, younger brothers. 



LA FLESCHE) CHILD-NAMING RITE 35 



7. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

8. They spake to one another, saying: What shall they use as a 

plume? 

9. There is a god who never fails to appear at the beginning of day 

(the sun), 

10. At whose right side 

11. There stands a plume-like shaft, 

12. Which the little ones shall use as a plume, 

13. And they shall become difficult to overcome by death. 

14. When the little ones use this plume, 

15. They shall have a plume that will forever stand, as they travel 

the path of life. 

3 

16. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

17. They spake to one another, saying: With what shall the little 

ones anoint their hair? 

18. The young male buffalo 

19. Has fat adhering to the muscle on the right side of his spine. 

20. The little ones shall use the oil of this fat to anoint their hair. 

21. 'Wlien they use this fat 

22. They shall alw^ays live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life, O, younger brothers. 



23. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

24. They spake to one another, saying: What neck ornament shall 

they put upon him? (the Xo'-ka). 

25. The mussel who sitteth upon the earth 

26. They shall always put upon him, O, younger brothers. 

27. The God of Day who sitteth in the heavens, 

28. He shall bring to us, 

29. They shall put upon him the sun as a neck ornament, O, younger 

brothers. 

30. 'When they make of him (the sun) the means by which to reach 

old age, 

31. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

Ufe. 

Wa'-tse-tsi and the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge Gentes 

As the ceremony of decorating the Xo'-ka goes on, the No°'-ho°- 
zhi''-ga members of the Wa'-tse-tsi Wa-shta-ge gens, followed by 
those of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, go to the house of the father 
of the child to be named, and enter to take their places, those of 



36 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



the Wa'-tse-tsi at the east end on the south side and those of the 
Tsi'-zhu at the east end on the north side. (Fig. 1.) The house 
then becomes the home of these two gentes for the time being and 
for the purposes of the ceremony. The Wa'-tse-tsi is the Peace 
gens of the Ho°'-ga great tribal division, its life symbol is the water 
portion of the earth. The hereditary chief of the Ho°'-ga division 
was chosen from this gens. The Tsi'-zhu is the Peace gens of the 
Tsi'-zhu great division. Its life symbol is the clear blue sky. The 
hereditary chief of the Tsi'-zhu great division was chosen from this 
gens. 

Tsi Ta'-pe (Approach to the House) 

The purpose of the Ki'-no° ceremony is to prepare the Xo'-ka 
who represents the child to be named to approach in the prescribed 
manner the house wherein sit the No'"-ho°-zhi°-ga of the Wa'-tse-tsi 
and the Tsi'-zhu gentes, the first representing the life-giving power 
of water and the latter the life-giving power of the sun whose abode 
is in the great blue sky. The Xo'-ka is to come to the sacred house 
as a suppliant for a full and complete life, uninterrupted by diseases 



13 



Fig. 1.— Diagram showing places of gentes in tho lodge. 1. Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge; 
2. Wa-tse-tsi Wa-shta-ge; 3. Tsi'zhu Wa-no"; 4. Hoo'-ga A-hiu-to°; 5. Mi-k'i»' 
Wa-no»; 0. Wa-ca'-be; 7. Tho'-xe; 8. 0'po»; 9. Ho' I-ni-ka-shi-ga; 10. Wa-zha'- 
zhe i;ka; II. Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga; 12. I'-gtho-'-ga: 13. Sho'-ka 

or accidents, and for an endless line of descendants. The cere- 
monial approach of the Xo'-ka to the sacred house is called fsi 
Ta'-pe (Tsi, house; Ta'-pe, approach), as to a place of refuge. 

At the close of the Ki'-no° ceremony the Xo'-ka wraps about his 
body a buffalo robe, hair outside, and thus clothed in his sacerdotal 
attire he goes out of his own house to make his processional approach 
to the sacred house, following his Sho'-ka who precedes him in the 
march. After the manner of all suppliants who approach Wa-ko°'-da, 
the Xo'-ka carries with him a little pipe with which to make a smoke 
offering to that mysterious power that controls all life. The Xo'-ka 
and the Sho'-ka, on their solemn approach to the House of Mystery, 
keep a certain distance apart. When they have gone some 40 or 50 
paces they make a pause and the Xo'-ka sings the following song, 
after which he recites the first section of the wi'-gi-e called Wa'-gi- 
thu-ge Wi'-gi-e (Footstep Wi'-gi-e). The song precedes each of the 
four sections of the wi'-gi-e: 



LA FLXSCHE] CHILD-NAMING RITE 37 

Footstep Song and Wi'-gi-e 

Wa-tse wi" ii-tha-ki-o" stse, 
Wa-tse wi° u-tha-ki-o° stse he 
Wa-tse wi° u-tha-ki-c stse, 
E the he wi-ta do° u-tha-ki-o" stse he, 
Wa-tse \vi° u-tha-ki-o° stse. 

Wl'-GI-E 

1 

1. Toward what shall the little ones take their footsteps? they 

asked of one another. 

2. It is tlie Male Star (the siin) who sitteth in the heavens, 

3. Toward which the little ones shall take their footsteps 

4. When the little ones take their footsteps toward the Male Star, 

5. They shall always live to see old age, O, younger brothers, they 

said to one another. 

2 

6. Toward what shall the little ones take their footsteps? they 

asked of one another. 

7. It is the Female Star (the moon) who sitteth in the heavens, 

8. Toward which the little ones shall take their footsteps. 

9. Wien the little ones take their footsteps toward the Female Star, 

10. They shall always live to see old age, O, younger brothers, they 

said to one another. 

3 

11. Toward what shall the little ones take their footsteps? they 

asked of one another. 

12. It is the Male Star (the sun) who sitteth in the heavens, 

13. Toward which the little ones shall take their footsteps. 

14. When the little ones take their footsteps toward the Male Star, 

15. They shall always live to see old age, 0, younger brothers, they 

said to one another. 

4 

IG. Toward what shall the little ones take their footsteps? they said 
to one another. 

17. It is the Female Star (the moon) who sitteth in the heavens, 

18. Toward which the little ones shall take their footsteps. 

19. When the little ones take their footsteps toward the Female Star, 

20. They shall always live to see old age, O, younger brothers, they 

said to one another. 

The words of the processional song: 

Into a star you have cast yourself. 

Into my star you have cast yourself, etc. 



38 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN, 43 



are addressed to the child upon whom is to be conferred his personal, 
gentile name, and who is to be given his place in the Puma gens into 
which he was born. The star referred to in the song is the sun, the 
greatest life symbol of the Puma gens. 

In the first section of the "Footstep Wi'-gi-e," which the Xo'-ka 
recites as he makes his processional approach to the House of Mys- 
tery, the sun is referred to as the "Male Star." The first line of the 
wi'-gi-e, "Toward what shall the little ones take their footsteps," 
implies that much thought was given by the ancient No°'-ho''-zhi°-ga 
to the question as to the places where prayers for aid for the attain- 
ment of long life should be directed. The lines that follow imply 
that the No"'-ho°-zhi°-ga had finally arrived at the belief that if the 
"Little Ones " go with their prayers to the "Male Star, " the sun, they 
would find the way by which they could reach old age. The authors 
of these peculiar rites in speaking of long life did not only mean the 
attainment of old age by the child but they also meant the continuity 
of its life by procreation. 

In the second section of the wi'-gi-e the moon is referred to as the 
"Female Star." The same form that is used for the sun is also used 
for the moon. The pairing of these two great cosmic bodies in this 
wi'-gi-e suggests a procreative relationship between the two. The 
last two sections of the wi'-gi-e are repetitions of the first two. These 
repetitions are made in order to complete the mystic number four. 
The moon, referred to in the second section as the female star, is the 
life symbol of the Wa-^a'-be, or the Black Bear gens. 

Wlien he Xo'-ka have finished reciting the first section of the Foot- 
step Wi'-gi-e, which speaks of the approach of the little ones to the 
sun, he and the Sho'-ka continue their march. Again they pause and 
the Xo'-ka recites the second section which tells of the approach of 
the little ones toward the moon seeking for long life. The fourth 
pause brings them to the door of the House of Mystery, which they 
enter, followed by the A'-ki-ho° Xo'-ka and the No^'-ho^-zhi^-ga of 
the Puma gens who are to give their child a place in the visible 
universe. They take their place at the east end of the lodge where sit 
the father and mother with the child. The No°'-ho°-zhi''-ga who had 
been called to take part in the ceremony also enter and take their 
fi.xed places, those belonging to the Ho"'-ga great division at the south 
side and those of the Tsi'-zhu great division at the north side of the 
lodge. (Fig. 1.) 

The Wa-the'-the Ceremony 

When all the No°'-ho''-zhi°-ga have become settled in their places, 
according to gentes, the A'-ki-ho" Xo'-ka proceeds with the cere- 
monial acts called Wa-the'-the, which, translated literally, means, 
The Sending; that is, the sending of a fee of a blanket or other article 



LAFLBSCHE] CHILD-NAMING RITE 39 

of value to each head of the gentes taking part in the child-naming 
ceremony. It is understood by these ceremonial acts that the mem- 
bers of the gens to whose head is sent a fee are requested to recite the 
wi'-gi-e relating to the Life Symbol of their gens. Each article is 
received from the hands of the A'-ki-ho° Xo'-ka by the Sho'-ka who 
delivers it to the head of the gens for whom it is sent. 

Wa-xthi'-zhi, who gives this child-naming ritual of his gens, the 
Puma, when acting as A'-ki-ho" Xo'-ka, sends the fees in the following 
order : 

Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge: Fee, with a red downy eagle feather, sym- 
bolizing the sun. The members of the gens will recite their wi'-gi-e 
relating to the life-giving power of the sun. (See 36th Ann. Kept. 
Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 124, lines 1 to 177.) 

Wa-^a'-be: Fee; will recite the Zha'-zhe Ki-to° Wi'-gi-e, Name 
Wi'-gi-e of the gens. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 228, 
lines 238 to 304.) The Wa-ga'-be and the P-gtho-'-ga gentes are 
closely related and one acts as Sho'-ka for the other in their cere- 
monies of initiation into the mysteries of the tribal rites. 

fsi'-zhu Wa-no°: Fee; will recite their wi'-gi-e relating to the life- 
giving power of the sun, their life symbol. (See 36th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 118, lines 1 to 36.) 

Ho°'-ga A-hiu-to°: Fee; will recite wi'-gi-e relating to the mottled 
eagle, the "stainless" bird that led the people down* from the sky 
to the earth. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 162, lines 
177 to 311.) 

Mi-k'i°' Wa-no°: Fee; the members of this gens will recite their 
wi'-gi-e relating to the moon and all the stars and to their power to 
aid the "little ones" to reach old age. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Amer. Ethn., p. 122, lines 1 to 44.) 

O'-po": Fee; the members of the gens will recite the Wa-dsu-ta 
I-hi-tho''-be Wi'-gi-e which tells of the various places of the earth 
where the little ones may find the animals on which to live. (See 
36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 112, lines 1 to 109.) 

Tho'-xe: Fee; some grains of maize are also sent. The members 
of this gens will recite the wi'-gi-e relating to the bringing of the 
maize to the people by a buffalo bull, and to his offer to aid the 
little ones to reach old age. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 
p. 2S0, lines 83 to 110; also p. 134, lines 1 to 162.) 

Wa'-tse-tsi Wa-shta-ge: Fee, with cedar fronds. Members of 
this gens will recite their wi'-gi-e relating to the red cedar, an ever- 
green tree which has power to resist death, and to its offer to aid the 
little ones to reach old age. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 
p. 95, lines 1 to 34.) 

Ho' I-ni-ka-shi-ga : Fee, with a kettle of water. The members 
of this gens will recite their wi'-gi-e relating to the everflowing water 



40 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[eTH. ANN. 43 



which has power to help the Httle ones to reach old age. These are 
the Fish people. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 98, 
lines 1 to 35.) 

Wa-zha'-zhe gka: Fee, with a mussel shell. The mussel is the 
life symbol of this gens. The members of the gens will recite their 
wi'-gi-e relating to the power of the mussel to resist death, and to 
its consent to aid the little ones to reach old age. The Wa-zha'-zhe 
gka are a water people. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 
p. 94, lines 1 to 29.) 

Ta I-ni-ka-shi-ga, the Deer People: Only a fee is sent to them. 
The members will recite their Wa-dsu'-ta I-hi-tho°-be Wi'-gi-e, 
which tells of the various places of the earth where the deer will 
reveal themselves to the little ones to give them help to reach old 
age. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 97, lines 44 to 103.) 

When the Sho'-ka had delivered the last fee every No'"-ho°-zhi°-ga 
who knows his wi'-gi-e begins to recite it in a loud voice. None of the 
wi'-gi-es are alike and none of the members of a gens recite in unison, 
consequently there would be a volume of sounds most bewildering 
to the uninitiated. 

Zha'-zhe Ki-to'^ Wi'-gi-e 

The wi'-gi-e recited by the members of the I''-gtho'"-ga gens at 
this time is c«,lled Zha'-zhe Ki-to° Wi'-gi-e, freely translated, the 
Name Wi'-gi-e. It is in three parts. The first, which includes sections 
1 to 8, is called Zha'-zhe Ki-to°, the taking of names; the second, 
which includes sections 9 and 10, is called U'-no° U-tha-ge, the 
telling of the means by which to reach old age; the third, which 
includes sections 11 and 12, is called U'-no"-bthe U-gi-dse, the story 
of the search for the life-giving foods. 

NAME-TAKING Wl'-GI-E 

(free translation) 

1 

1. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

2. The Ho^'-ga, a people who possess seven fireplaces, 

3. Spake to one another, saying: 0, younger brothei's, 

4. The little ones have become persons, 

5. Should not the little ones go below to become a people? they 

said to one another. 

6. Then, at that very time, 

7. They said: There are four great gods 

8. To whom we shall appeal for aid. 

9. Verily at that time, 

10. They spake to the god of day (the sun) saying: 



LA FLEscHEl CHILD-NAMING RITE 41 

11. O, my grandfather, 

12. Our little ones have become persons, 

13. Should they not go below (to the earth) to become a people? 

14. At that very time 

15. The god of day replied: You say the Uttle ones should go below 

to become a people, 

16. \ATien the little ones go below to become a people, 

17. Thev shall always hve to see old age, as they travel the path 

of life. 

2 

18. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

19. They said: The little ones shall go below to become a people. 

20. Then again they spake to the god of day, saying: The little ones 

have no names, O, grandfather. 

21. The god of day replied: 0, little ones, 

22. You say your little ones have no names, 

23. Your little ones shall be named after me, 

24. Mi'-wa-ga-xe, Child-of-the-sun, 

25. The little ones shall take, as they travel the path of life. 

26. When they take this for a personal name, 

27. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path 

of hfe. 

3 

28. What shall the little ones take for a personal name? it has been 

said, 

29. Mo^-gi'-tse-xi, Sacred-arrowshaft, 

30. The little ones shall take for a name, as they travel the path 

of life. 

31. When they take this for a personal name, 

32. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path 

of life. 

4 

33. \Aniat shall the little ones take for a personal name? 

34. I'-e-gka-wa-the, Giver-of-clear-speech 

35. The little ones shall take for a name, as they travel the path 

of life. 

36. When they take this for a personal name, 

37. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path 

of life. 

5 

38. What shall the little ones take for a personal name? 

39. Mo°-zho°'-op-she-wi°, Woman-who-travels-over-the-earth, 

40. The little ones shall take for a name, as they travel the path 

of life. 
19078°— 28 4 



42 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



(ETH. ANN. 43 



41. When they take this for a personal name, 

42. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path 

of life. 

6 

43. What shall they take for a personal name? 

44. Mo"'-ga-xe, Arrow-maker, 

45. The little ones shall take for a name, as they travel the path 

of life. 

46. When they take this for a personal name, 

47. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 

7 

48. What shall the little ones take for a personal name? 

49. No^'-mi-tse-xi, Beloved-child-of-the-sun, 

50. The little ones shall take for a name, as they travel the path of 

life. 

51. When they take this for a personal name, 

52. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 

8 

53. What shall the little ones take for a personal name? 

54. I"-shta'-sha-be, Dark-eyes, 

55. The little ones shall take for a name, as they travel the path of 

life. 

56. When they take this for a personal name, 

57. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 

9 

58. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

59. They spake to one another, saying: O, younger brothers, 

60. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

61. They went forth with hurrying footsteps, 

62. To the soft stone that sitteth upon the earth. 

63. Verily, at that time, 

64. They spake to him, saying: O, my grandfather, 

65. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

66. The soft stone replied: O, little ones, 

67. You say your little ones have nothing of which to make their 

bodies. 

68. The little ones shall make of me their bodies. 

69. Verily, at that time and place, 



LA FI.ESCHE1 CHILD-NAMING RITE 43 

70. He spake further, saying: When the little ones become ill and 

fretful, 

71. They shall cling to nie as one who can produce the heat by which 

they can be purified. 

10 

72. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

73. They spake to one another, saying: Give heed, my younger 

brothers, 

74. You will go forth to make further search, 

75. Then, even as these words were spoken, they hastened 

76. To the friable stone, 

77. And, standing close to him, 

78. Spake, saying: O, grandfather, the little ones have nothing of 

which to make their bodies. 

79. The friable stone replied: O, my little ones, 

80. You say the little ones have nothing of which to make their 

bodies. 

81. The little ones shall make of me their bodies. 

82. When they make of me their bodies, 

83. They shall cling to me as one who can produce the heat by which 

their bodies can be purified. 

11 

84. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

85. They spake to one another, saying: O, younger brothers, 

86. The little ones have nothing which they can use for food at all 

times, 

87. You will go and search for such food as they can use for all time. 

88. A younger brother hastened 

89. To the very center of a lake, 

90. Where lay the root of the tse'-wa-the {NeJumbo lutea). 

91. He hastened home with the root, 

92. And spake, saying: O, elder brothers, how will this serve for 

food? 

93. The elder brothers hastened to try the taste of the root, 

94. Like milk the juice squirted in their mouths, 

95. And they said to one another: O, younger brothers, 

96. This will serve as food for the little ones. 

97. WTien the little ones make use of this plant as food, 

98. Thev shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 



44 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

12 

99. There lacks one more, O, younger brothers, they said to one 

another. 

100. You will go forth and make further search. 

LOl. Even as these words were spoken, 

102. One hastened to the farther borders of the lake, 

103. Where sat the do {Apios apios). 

104. Close to it he stood, 

105. Then he hastened home, carrying the plant with him. 

106. Standing before his brothers, he spake, saying: O, elder brothers, 

107. How will this serve for food? 

108. They replied: 0, younger brother, 

109. That is the very object for which you have been searching. 

110. The elder brothers hastened to try the taste of the root, 

111. Like mUk the juice squirted in their mouths. 

112. Then they spake, saying: The little ones shall use this plant 

for food. 

113. When the little ones use this plant for food, 

114. They shall always live to see old age. 

115. It shall make their limbs to stretch in growth, as they travel 

the path of life. 

When Wa-xthi'-zhi made up his mind to give a description of the 
Child-naming Ritual of his own gens, the Puma, he did not hesitate 
to recite the wi'-gi-es and to tell of the ceremonial forms that ac- 
company the entire ritual. But when asked to recite the wi'-gi-es 
of the 1 1 gentes who were summoned to take part in the ceremony of 
conferring a name upon a Puma child he declined to give them, 
although he knew all of them, for the reason that they were not his 
to give. He had not obtained from any of these gentes the right to 
transfer them to strangers or to members of other gentes. 

It so happened that when Wa-xthi'-zhi was describing the Child-nam- 
ing Ritual of his own gens, which he had a perfect right to do,Wa-sho'- 
she (pi. 4), a member of the Ho^'-ga A-hiu-to° gens, was present. 
This man, when asked if he would be willing to give the U'-no° 
Wi'-gi-e (Old-age Wi'-gi-e) of his gens for a fee, promptly replied that 
he would. He had obtained by purchase from his father the wi'-gi-e 
and so had acquired the right to transfer it to anybody, but the trans- 
fer must always be made for a fee. The fee was provided and Wa- 
sho'-she sat down and recorded the Old-age Wi'-gi-e of his own gens, 
the Ho^'-ga A-hiu-to". This name refers to the "Stainless Bird," the 
mottled eagle, who conducted the Ho°'-ga people to earth from mid- 
heaven. (See 86th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 162, lines 177 
to 199.) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAM ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 'i 




SHELL GORGET AND DOWNY PLUME (LIFE SYMBOLS) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 4 




WA-SHO'-SHE (HO'-'-GA A-HIU-TO" (EAGLE i GENSi 



LA FLESCHEl 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 45 



The first seven lines of the wi'-gi-e refer back to the time when 
"the Ho°'-ga who possess seven fireplaces" chose for one of their 
life symbols the "Stainless Bird," the mottled eagle. The people 
who are here spoken of as the Ho^'-ga having seven fireplaces are 
those who compose the seven gentile groups that represent the land 
portion of the earth in the two great tribal divisions symbolizing 
the cosmos. These seven gentile groups (seven fireplaces) are, as 
given by Black-dog. (See 36th Ann. Rcpt. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 
52-53.) 

1. Wa-ga'-be-to", They-who-own-the-black-bear. 

2. I°-gtho°'-ga, Puma. 

3. 0-po°, Elk. 

4. Mo°-i°-ka-ga-xe, Makers-of-the-earth. 

5. Ho°'-ga gthe-zhe, The-mottled-sacred-one. 

6. Xu-tha', Eagle (the adult golden eagle). 

7. Ho°'-ga zhi°-ga, The-little-sacred-one. 

When the "Ho^'-ga, a people who possess seven fireplaces" went 
to the "Stainless Bird" and said to him Gines 5, 6, and 7): "The 
little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies," meaning 
that they have no symbol for the long life which they crave, he 
replied in the words as given in the wi'-gi-e, from line 10 to the end: 

Old-Age Wi'-gi-e 

FREE TRANSLATION 

1. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

2. The Ho°'-ga, a people who possess seven fireplaces, 

3. Spake to one another, saying: Lo, we have nothing of which to 

make our bodies. 

4. Then, at that very time, 

5. They spake to the bird that has no stains (evil disposition), 

6. Saying: 0, grandfather, 

7. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

8. Then, at that very time, 

9. The bird that has no stains (evil disposition) 

10. Spake, saying: When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

11. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 

12. Again the bird spake: 

13. Behold my toes that are gathered together in folds, 

14. Which I have made to be the sign of my old age. 

15. When the little ones make of me the means of reaching old age, 

16. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 



46 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



IETH. ANN. 43 



17. Behold, also, the wrinkles upon my shins, 

18. Which I have made to be the sign of my old age. 

19. When the little ones make of me the means of reaching old age, 

20. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 

21. The bird that has no stain 

22. Again spake, saying: Behold the wrinkles upon my knees, 

23. Which I have made to be the sign of my old age. 

24. When the little ones make of me the means of reaching old age, 

25. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 

26. Behold the flaccid muscles of my inner thigh, 

27. Which I have made to be the sign of my old age. 

28. When the little ones make of me the means of reaching old age, 

29. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 

30. Behold the muscles of my breast, gathered together as in a fold, 

31. Which I have made to be the sign of my old age. 

32. When the little ones make of me the means of reaching old age, 

33. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 

34. Behold the flaccid muscles of my arms, 

35. Which I have made to be the sign of my old age. 

36. When the little ones make of me the means of reaching old age, 

37. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 

38. Behold the bend of my shoulders, 

39. Which I have made to be the sign of my old age. 

40. When the little ones make of me the means of reaching old age, 

41. They shall always live to see their shoulders bent with age, as 

they travel the path of life. 

42. Behold the flaccid muscles of my throat, 

43. Which I have made to be the sign of my old age. 

44. When the little ones make of me the means of reaching old age, 

45. They shall always live to see old age, as they travel the path of 

life. 

46. Behold the folds in the corners of my eyelids, 

47. Which I have made to be the signs of my old age. 

48. When the little ones make of me the means of reaching old age, 

49. They shall always live to see the corners of their eyelids folded 

with age, as they travel the path of life. 



LA Fl.ESCHF.l 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 47 



50. Behold my eyelids that are gathered into folds, 

51. Which I have made to be the signs of my old age. 

52. When the little ones make of me the means of reaching old age, 

53. They shall always live to see their eyelids gathered into folds 

with age, as they travel the path of life. 

54. Behold the hair on the crown of my head, now grown thin, 

55. Which I have made to be the sign of my old age. 

56. When the little ones make of me the means of reaching old age, 

57. They shall always live to see the hair on the crown of their heads 

grown thin with age, as they travel the path of life. 

Wl'-GI-E OF THE Wa'-TSE-TSI GeNS 

At the close of the recital of the wi'-gi-es by all the No°'-ho°-zhi°-ga, 
the Sho'-ka places before the head of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens a 
bowl of water into which had been put fronds of tlie red cedar. The 
red cedar and the water are the life symbols of the Wa'-tse-tsi, the 
people who came to earth from the stars. The following is an 
epitome of their wi'-gi-e: 

I am a person who is fit for use as a symbol. 

Behold the female red cedar, 

Verily, I am a person who has made of that tree his body. 

When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

The.v shall always live to see old age. 

Behold the male red cedar. 

The Uttle ones shall always use this tree as a symbol. 

\Mien the Uttle ones use it for a symbol, 

They shall always live to see old age. 

Behold these waters. 

That we shall make to be companions to the tree. 

When the little ones make use of these waters 

As the means of reaching old age, 

They shall always live to see old age. 

— (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 95.) 

Wl'-GI-E OF THE Bow PeOPLE 

The E-no°' Mi^-dse-to", a people who belong to the same great 
tribal division as the Wa'-tse-tsi, use a similar wi'-gi-e, which is as 
follows : 

I am a person who is fitted for use as a symbol. 

Verily, in the midst of the rushing waters 

Abides my Iseing. 

Verily, I am a person who has made of the waters his body. 

Behold the right side of the river, 

Of which I have made the right side of my body. 

When the little ones make of me their bodies 

And use the right side of the river 

To make their bodies, 

The right side of their bodies shall be free from all causes of death. 



48 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

Behold the left side of the river, 

Of which I have made the left side of my body. 

When the little ones also make of it the left side of their bodies, 

The left side of their bodies shall always be free from all causes of death. 

Behold the channel of the river. 

Of which I have made the hollow of my body. 

When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

The hollow of their bodies shall always be free from all causes of death. 

A bowl of shelled corn, the life symbol of the Tho'-xe gens, was 
also placed before the head of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. (For 
the Maize Wi'-gi-e of the Tho'-xe gens, see 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Amer. Ethn., p. 135, lines 57 to 113; also p. 277, lines 83 to 110.) 

Wlien the bowls of water and cedar fronds and shelled corn are 
placed before the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge, the Sho'-ka puts in his arms 
the child to be blessed and named. The head of the Tsi'-zhu Wa- 
shta-ge gens then passes the tips of the fingers of his right hand over 
the bowl of water and cedar fronds, and the bowl of the life-giving 
corn, then touches with the tips of his fingers the lips, head, arms 
and body of the child. The two bowls and the child are then passed 
on to the head of the Wa'-tse-tsi Wa-shta-ge gens, who goes through 
the same motions with the child. The child and the two bowls are 
then passed on to the heads of each of the other gentes who 
make the same motions over the child as were made by the heads 
of the first two gentes. 

These ceremonial acts performed by the heads of the gentes 
officiating, by which the child is brought into touch with the ever- 
flowing waters, the red cedar, an everlasting tree, and the life-giving 
corn, are supplicatory acts by which the aid of Wa-ko^'-da is sought 
for the child who is to go forth to take part in the great life activities. 
Not only is the attainment of old age desired for the child but also 
the continuity of its life by a never-ending line of descendants. 

At the close of these ceremonial acts a sacred gentUe name is con- 
ferred upon the child without further ceremony. If, however, there 
are two or more names to choose from, as is the case in some of the 
gentes, the mother of the child has the privilege of making a choice 
from two or three names. This privilege is given by the Xo'-ka, 
who offers to the mother two small sticks prepared for this purpose, 
each of which represents a name mentioned in the origin ritual of 
the gens naming the child. The mother usually chooses the stick 
representing the name which to her has the greater religious sig- 
nificance and is the most euphonious. 

Earth Names and Wi'-gi-es 

It was stated (see p. 33) that earth names as well as sky names 
were used by both the I°-gtho°'-ga and the Wa-ga'-be gentes as dis- 
tinctive birth names for their children. 



A FLESCHE] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 49 



lu the course of a conversation concerning the gentile names, 
classed as sky and earth names, Wa-xthi'-zhi, of the Puma gens, 
remarked that: When the Ho^'-ga people were coming from the sky 
to the earth they chose two persons (gentes) to act as official mes- 
sengers. One of these persons was called Ho°-ga Wa'-tse-gi-tsi, 
The-sacred-one-from-the-stars, and the other Ho°'-ga Wa-tse-ga-wa, 
The-sacred-radiant-star. These messengers were expected to find 
some way of dispersing the waters that submerged the earth and 
of exposing the ground beneath so as to make it habitable for aU 
livmg creatures. 

Wa'-tse-gi-tsi and Wa'-tse-ga-wa, the two messengers, found on the 
still waters the wat«r spider, the water beetle, the white leech, and 
the dark leech, of whom they asked for aid which they could not give, 
but promised to help the people to reach old age. (See 36th Ann. 
Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 163, lines 200 to 273.) The two mes- 
sengers went on and they met 0'-po°-to°-ga, the Great Elk, and 
appealed to him for aid. The Great Elk threw himself upon the 
waters four times and splashed about imtil the ground was exposed 
and ready to receive men and animals. He then called to the four 
corners of the earth for the life-giving winds to come. Next he threw 
himself upon the ground and rolled about; then, as he arose, the 
hairs of his body clung to the soil and became the grasses of the 
earth. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 165-167, lines 
274 to 354.) 

The two messengers then led the people over the dry land of the 
earth, when suddenly Ho°'-ga Wa'-tse-gi-tsi, The-one-from-the-stars, 
came upon I"-gtho"'-ga, the Puma. The messenger then changed 
his name from Wa'-tse-gi-tsi to I°-gtho°'-ga. In lilce manner the 
Ho°'-ga Wa'-tse-ga-wa, the Radiant Star, came upon Wa-ga'-be, the 
Black Bear. The Radiant Star then changed his name from Wa'-tse- 
ga-wa to Wa-ya'-be, the Black Bear. 

These were the first earth names of the two related gentes, the 
I°-gtho'"-ga and the Wa-9a'-be. Wa-xthi'-zhi mentioned several 
other personal earth names of these two gentes but he suggested that 
the parts of the rituals given by himself and Wa-tse'-mo°-i° (pi. 5), in 
which are mentioned the earth names, be referred to as authoritative, 
and so the following paraphrases of those parts of the rituals are 
here given. 

EARTH NAME Wl'-GI-ES 

(Wa-xthi'-zhi) 

The people spake to one another, saying: The little ones have nothing to use as a 

symbol of courage. 
Then, at that very time, 

The Ho°'-ga Wa'-tse-ga-wa (Ho°'-ga-radiant-star), 
Went forth with hurried footsteps 



50 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



To the I°-g;tho'''-ga do-ga, (male puma), 

With whom he stood face to face and spake, 

Saying: The little ones have nothing to use as a symbol of courage, O, grajid- 

father. 
The Male puma replied: I am a person whom the little ones may use as a symbol 

of courage. 
The brothers spake in low tones. 
Saying: He is a puma, O, younger brothers, 
Let us take personal names from him; 
I''-gtho°'-ga-to''-ga, the Great-puma, 
Shall be our name, O, younger brothers; 
I"-gtho"'-ga-zhi°-ga, the Young-piuua, 
Shall be our names, as we travel the path of life. 

The Ho"'-ga Wa'-tse-ga-wa, Radiant-star, 

Went forth with hurried footsteps, 

To the Wa-9a'-be, the Black-bear that is without blemish, 

Who stood as in a flame of fire. 

The Radiant-star spake to him, saying: The little ones have nothing to use as a 
symbol of their courage. 

Wa-ga'-be replied: I am a person whom the little ones may use as a symbol of 
their courage. 

The brothers spake to one another, saying: He is a black bear! 

He is very dark in color! 

Let us take from him personal names. 

Sha'-be-tsi-gthe, the Dark -one. 

Shall be our name henceforth, as we travel the path of life. 

You have found the Dark-one, O, younger brothers, 

Sha'-be-i-the, Finder-of-the-dark-one, 

Shall be our name, henceforth, as we travel the path of life. 

Look you, O, younger brothers, they said to one another, 

The little ones have nothing to use as a svmbol of courage. 

Then they went forth in a body to an open prairie, 

Where sat Mi'-.xa-{ka, the Great-white-swan. 

Face to face they stood with him and spake. 

Saying: The little ones have nothing to use as a symbol of courage, O, grand- 
father. 

The brothers spake in low tones, saying: O, younger brothers, 

We shall take from him personal names. 

How white he is! the younger ones exclaimed. 

He is a bird, 

A white swan. 

Mi'-xa-fka, the White-swan, 

Shall be our name, O, younger brothers. 

How white he is! they again exclaimed, 

Wa-zhi-'-gka, the White-bird, shall also 

Be our name, O, younger brothers. 

— (.36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 194-195, lines 1063 to 
1115.) 

Earth names mentioned in the origin wi'-gi-e given by Wa-tse'- 
mo°-i". 



LAFLEscHEl CHILD-NAMING RITE 51 

Wl'-GI-E OF THE Wa'tsE-GI-TSI 

HE-WHO-CAME-FROM-THE-STARS 

What said they? it has been said, in this house, 

The people spake, saying: O, younger l)rothers, 

We are a people who give no mercy to the foe. 

Then they spake to the one (gens) who had made of the Puma liis body. 

Saying: O, younger brother. 

Hardly were these words spoken when the Puma hastened forth. 

After a time the people said: There are signs that our brother is returning. 

Then some of the brothers ran to meet him. 

To their inquiry the Puma replied: O, elder brothers, 

Yonder stands a man, 

Verily, a man whose appearance inspires fear, 

.\ man who is like us in form. 

The people spake, saying: O, younger lirother. 

We are a people who show no mercy to the foe. 

Whoever this man may be. 

We shall send him to the abode of spirits, 

We shall make liim to lie low. 

Then toward the man they hastened: 

They made one ceremonial pause. 

At the fourth pause, 

The Piuna exclaimed: There he stands! 

It is well, the people replied. 

We shall send him to the abode of spirits. 

Then, at that very time. 

The stranger spake, saying: 

I am a sacred man, O, elder brothers. 

The Puma spake, saying: 

He speaks clearly our language! 

I am Ho°'-ga Wa'-tse-gi-tsi, a sacred person come from the stars, the stranger 

continued. 
I am Zhi^-ga'-ga-hi-ge,' The-young-chief; 
I am Wa'-tse-ga-hi-ge, The-star-chief; 
I am Wa'-tse-ga-wa, The-star-radiant; 
I am Wa'-tse-moi'-i", The-traveling-star. 

That pleases us! the people exclaimed. 

Zhi°-ga'-ga-hi-ge, The-young-chief, the stranger went on, 

Shall be your name, as you travel the i)ath of life; 

Wa'-tse-ga-wa, The-star-radiant, 

Shall also be your name, as you travel the path of life. 

I have done much to make you contented and happy. 

We are pleased! the people exclaimed, 

We shall henceforth put away all anger and hatred. 

We shall accept the names thus offered us. 

Zhi°-ga'-ga-hi-ge, The-young-chief, 

Shall be our name, 

Wa'-tse-ga-wa, The-star-radiant, 

' The name Zhin-ga'-ga-hi-ge is still used in the Ta-pa' gens of the Omaha, a coiinale tribe. 



52 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eih.ann.43 

Shall be our name. 

I'-e-fka-wa-the, He-speaks-clearly, 

We shall also take as a name in his honor, 

Pa'-thi°-ho''-ga, The-sacred-st-ranger, 

We shall also take as a name in his honor. 

Mi'-xa-(?ka, the white swan from whom personal names were taken, 
as mentioned in the following wi'-gi-e given by Wa-tse'-mo°-i°, is a 
warrior symbol. The black color on its feet and on the tip of its 
nose typifies the fire that knows no mercy. The standards (crooks), 
which were carried by an Osage war party (pi. 6, a), typify the neck 
of the white swan. 

Ml'-XA-^'KA, THE WHITE SWAN 

The people spake to one another, saying: 

We have nothing of which to make a symbol (war standard). 

They spake to the Puma (gens), saying: 

Go thou and make search (for materials) . 

Even as these words were spoken the Puma went forth to search. 

In time he hastened homeward, 

And, standing before the elder brothers, he spake, saying: 

O, elder brothers, what appears to be an animal. 

Is in yonder place. 

Make haste! the people said to one another. 

We shall send him to the abode of spirits. 

Verily, we are a people who give no mercy to the foe. 

They made one ceremonial pause. 

The fourth pause brought them close to the place. 

Then the Puma spake, saying: There he stands! O, elder brothers. 

An elder brother pointed with his index finger at the bird, 

And it fell to the ground in death, its feathers strewing t!ie earth. 

They gathered around the fallen bird and stood. 

Then one spake, saying: It is a swan! O, elder brothers, 

A white swan! 

Even from its white plumage 

We shall take personal names, 

Mi'-xa-gka, White-swan, 

Wa-zhi°'-ga-5ka, White-bird, 

And Mo'''-sho''-5ka, White-feathers, 

The little ones shall be named, as they travel the path of life. 

—(36th Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 228-231, lines 238 
to 358.) 

The earth names given by Wa-.xthi'-zhi, of the I"-gtho"'-ga (Puma) 
gens, in his wi'-gi-es are as follows: 

1. I°-gtho°'-ga-to°-ga, the Great-puma. 

2. In^-gtho^'-ga-zhi^-ga, the Young-puma. 

3. Sha'-be-tsi-gthe, the Dark-one. 

4. Sha'-be-i-the, Finder-of-the-dark-one. 

5. Mi'-xa-gka, the White-swan. 

6. Wa-zhi^'-gka, the White-bird. 



LA FLKSCHE] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 53 



The earth names given by Wa-tse'-mo"-i° of the Wa-§a'-be (Black 
Bear) gens in his wi'-gi-es: 

1. Wa'-tse-gi-tsi, He-who-came-from-the-stars. 

2. Zhi^-ga'-ga-hi-ge, Young-chief. 

3. Wa'-tse-ga-hi-ge, Star-chief. 

4. Wa-tse'-ga-wa, Star-radiant. 

5. Wa-tse'-mo"-i°, Traveling-star. 

6. I'-e-gka-wa-the, He-speaks-clearly. 

7. Pa'-thi"-ho°-ga, The-sacred-stranger. 

8. Mi'-.xa-9ka, White-swan. 

9. Wa-zhi°'-ga-Qka, White-bird. 
10. Mo"-sho°-?ka, Wliite-feather. 

The following earth names, not specifically mentioned by Wa- 
xthi'-zhi, also appear in the wi'-gi-es recorded by himself and by 
Wa-tse'-moM". These names are also regarded as sacred and are 
ceremoniallj' bestowed upon the children of the Pmna and Black 
Bear gentes: 

WA-XTHl'-ZHI 

1. Mo^'-hi^-gi-i-ba-btho-ga, Round-handled-knife. (36th Ann. 
Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 206, line 1399.) 

2. Mo'"-hi°-ho°-ga, Sacred-knife. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. 
Ethn., p. 207, line 1424.) 

3. Mo°-hi°-zhu-dse, Red-knife. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. 
Ethn., p. 208, line 1439.) 

4. The fourth name given by Wa-xthi'-zhi (No°-be'-wa-ko°-da, 
Mysterious-hand) does not appear in any of the wi'-gi-es given 
either by himself or by Wa-tse'-mo°-i°. However, the Mysterious- 
hand is spoken of by both of these men in their conversations con- 
cerning the rites, and is referred to in some of the wi'-gi-es. (See 
36th Ann. Rept., p. 230, lines 323 to 340.) The story of the Mys- 
terious-hand, as told colloquially, is that when the people came from 
the sky to the earth they had no weapons, but they killed animals by 
moistening the index finger of the right hand with saliva and point- 
ing it at them. This name is also bestowed ceremonially. 

wa-tse'-mo'^-i'^ 

1. Mi'"-tse-xi, Sacred-robe. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 
p. 235, line 510.) 

2. No'"-ka-dsi-wi°, Spine-woman. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. 
Ethn., p. 235, line 512.) 

3. Tse'-pa'-ga-xe, Buffalo-head-maker. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Amer. Ethn., p. 235, line 518.) 

4. Mo°'-hi°-zhu-dse, Red-knife. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. 
Ethn., p. 237, line 573.) 

5. Mo°'-hi°-ho°-ga, Sacred-knife. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. 
Ethn., p. 237, line 576.) 



54 



THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



Special Instructions to the Mother 

At the close of the ceremony of blessing the child by the various 
gentes officiating, the Sho'-ka conducts the mother to a seat pre- 
pared for her in front of the Xo'-ka, who gives her special instruc- 
tions in the ceremonies to be observed by her to complete the child- 
naming rite. Between the two is spread a buffalo robe which had 
been decorated with certain symbolic designs. (Fig. 2.) This 
formal talk to the mother is called "Ki'-no" U-tha-ge," Telling of 
the Symbolic Painting. Extra fees are required for the special 
instruction, which, with the help of friends and relatives, the mother 
is enabled to pay. 

If the mother is skilled with her awl and thread in ornamental 
work she would decorate with porcupine quUls the symbolic robe 

to be used in this special ceremony; 
if not skOled, she woidd content herself 
with painting the symbolic designs on 
the robe. 

When the robe has been spread 
before the Xo'-ka he begins to talk, 
as follows: 

Wi-tsi-ni-e', My daughter-in-law, I 
see you have brought with you a robe 
which you have dressed and decorated 
for the comfort of your little one. It 
is a sacred robe which should be put 
to use with proper ceremony. This 
ceremony you will observe for a period 
of four days, during which you will 
paint red the parting of your hair. 
It will be a sign that you appeal for a long and fruitful life for your- 
self and child, to the god of day whose path lies over the middle of 
the earth. 

You have reddened the head and the forelegs of the robe. The 
head and forelegs of the robe typify that part of the earth whence 
rises the god of day to take his westward journey. Red is the color 
of the day when it is yoimg, the time when you will rise and go forth 
to prepare food for the little one whose tender life is wholly dependent 
upon your efforts. A narrow line rmis from the head of the robe 
along the middle of the back to the tail. This line typifies the path 
of the god of day who ever travels from east to west. Midway of 
the path is a round spot which represents the god of day when it 
has reached the middle of heaven. Here he marks the time when 
you will turn your thoughts from other things to the feeding of the 
little one so that the nourishing of its life may be continuous. The 
god of day continues his journey and in time reaches the edge of 
the earth, behind which he finally disappears. The hind legs and 




Fig. 2. — Symbolic- robe prepared for children 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANMUAL REPORT PLATE 5 




WA-TSE'-MO-I- (WA-QA-BE (BLACK BEAR) GENS) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



FORTY THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 6 





o. WAR STANDARD (SYMBOLIZES THE WHITE SWAN) 

b. TSE'-WA-THE ROOT iNELUMBO LUTEA). USED FOR FOOD 



LA FLESCHE) CHILD-NAMING RITE 55 

the tail of the robe are reddened to tj'pify the glow that warns us 
of the endmg of the day when your thoughts will again turn to the 
care of the little one. When you put these symbolic marks upon 
tliis sacred robe yom- thoughts reached out in appeal to Wa-ko°'-da 
for yourself and child. 

As the shadow of night spreads over the land you will take your 
little one in j^our arms, draw this robe over you, then rest in sleep. 
The robe which you draw over yourself and child typifies the 
heaven, whence conies all life, and the act is an appeal to heaven for 
protection. 

The procuring of food for the little one should always be done 
with a feeling of gratitude toward the Mysterious Power that brings 
forth life in all forms. There is a plant which is dedicated to use 
as a sacred food in the bringing up of the little ones, known as tse'- 
wa-the (Nelumbo lutea) (pi. 6, h). (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. 
Ethn., p. 183, Imes 910 to 923.) You will at times go to the lake 
to gather the roots of this plant for use in feeding your little one. 
When about to go to the lake you will paint red the parting of 
your hair, as a sign of your gratitude to the god of day who passes 
over your head and over the plant you go to seek, shedding his life- 
giving power upon you as he goes upon his journey. 

^\Tien you come to the edge of the lake you will look about for a 
staff to support you as you work in the water. You will choose the 
willow for your stafl', for it is a tree that clings persistently to life. 
By this act you wiU make an appeal to the great Life-giving Power 
for a long and fruitful life for yourself and the little one. With the 
wallow staff in yom- hands 3'ou will step into the water and take up 
from the soft earth beneath a root of the sacred plant, the tse'-wa-the. 
You win find clinging to the root some of the soft earth from which 
the plant draws nourishment and strength. Take this bit of soil and 
touch your forehead and body with it, an act which will be as a sign 
that you appeal to the earth wherein there is Life-giving Power. 
Wlien you have performed this act return the root to the earth 
beneath the water, with the wish that the plant shall forever be 
plentiful. Then gather enough of the roots to satisfy the little one 
and yourself. 

The maize is another sacred life-giving plant. You raise this 
plant from year to year. When you prepare the groimd for plant- 
ing the seed you will take one grain and put it in a hill, you will 
press dowTi upon it the soil with your foot, and say: "My father-in- 
law bade me do this, as an expression of my faith that the sky and 
the earth wiU yield to me not only one ear of maize but one animal 
as well, or even one herd of animals." In the next hUl you will put 
two grains, in the next three, the next four, the next five, the next 
six, and in the seventh seven, always repeating the words at each 
planting. 



56 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



The ceremony closes with the end of the special instructions given 
to the mother of the child blessed and named, and as each member 
of the gentes who had taken part in the rite rises to go he makes 
some pleasant remarks to the father and the mother. 

When the mother goes to her field to plant the seeds of the maize 
she remembers the instructions and follows them in every detail. 
As the maize matures and the ears are still green and tender the 
mother cuts the stalks from the hills she had ceremonially made, 
leaving the ears on the stalks. She ties the stalks in bundles, and, 
with the aid of friends, carries them home to her house. She then 
prepares a feast to which she invites the man who had acted as 
Xo'-ka at the ceremonial naming of her child. He in turn invites 
some of his friends who had acted as Xo'-ka in child-naming cere- 
monies to come and share in the feast prepared for him. 

If among the invited guests there happens to be a member of the 
Tho'-xe gens, learned in the rituals, he is requested by the honored 
guest to recite the maize wi'-gi-e of his gens. 

A paraphrase is here given of the wi'-gi-e which the Tho'-xe recite 
to give pleasure to the host and to the guests. The mythical story 
points to mid-heaven as the region of the conception of life forms, 
and as the starting point of the Osage people in their journey to 
earth, the region of actual bii'th into bodily existence. 

Origin Wi'-gi-e of the Tho'-xe Gens 

The people spake to one another, saying: Lo, the little ones are not a people, 
Let search be made by the younger brothers for a place where the little ones may 

become a people. 
Even as these words were being spoken, a younger brother 
Hastened to the first division of heaven. 
Close to which he came and paused, 

When, returning to the elder brothers, he spake, saying: 
Verily, nothing of importance has come to my notice. 
Make further search, O, younger brothers, the people said, 
The little ones are not a people. 

Then, a younger brother, 

Even as these words were being spoken. 

Hastened to the second division of heaven, where he paused. 

When, as the god of darkness cast a shadow upon the heavens, 

He returned to the eldest brothers and stood. 

They looked up and spake, saying: How has it fared with you? It was not your 

wont to suffer so, O, younger Isrother. 
He replied: I have been to the second division of heaven. 
It is not possible for the little ones to become a people there. 

O, Younger brother, 

We bid you make further search, the people said. 

Even as these words were being spoken, 

One hastened to the third division of heaven, 

He drew near and paused. 



LA FLESCHE) CHILD-NAMING RITE 57 

The younger brother, 

As the god of darkness cast a shadow upon the heavens, 

Returned to the elder brothers and stood. 

The elder brothers spake: How has it fared with you? It was not your wont to 

suffer so. 
The younger brother rephed: It is impossible! 

O, younger brother, the people said, 

We bid you make further search. 

Then a younger brother 

Hastened to the 

Fourth division of heaven. 

Close to it he came and paused. 

Then the Man of Mystery, the god of the clouds, 

Drew near and stood before him. 

The younger brother turned to the elder brothers and said: Here stands a man! 

A fear-inspiring man! 

His name, I verily believe, is Fear-inspiring. 

The people spake to him, saying: O, grandfather! 

The Man of Mystery repUed: I am a person of whom your little ones may make 

their bodies. 
■WTien they make of me their bodies, 
They shall cause themselves to be deathless. 

Little-hawk 

They shall take for their personal name. 

Then shall they always live to see old age. 

Hawk-maiden, also. 

Is a name that is mine. 

That name also 

Your little ones shall take to be their name, 

Then shall they always live to see old age. 

O, younger brother! the people said, 
And the younger brother went in haste 
To the Tho'-xe (the Buffalo-bull), 
Close to whom he stood and spake, saying: 
O, grandfather! 

Then to the elder brothers he said: Here stands a man! 
A fear-inspiring man! 

The Tho'-xe spake: I am a person of whom the little ones may make their bodies. 
Whereupon he threw himself to the ground, 
Then up sprang the blazing star. 

From the earth where it stood in all its beauty, pleasing to look upon. 
Tho'-xe spake, saying: Of this plant also the little ones may make their bodies. 
The people tasted the root of the plant. 
And exclaimed: It is bitter to the taste! 

Tho'-xe spake, saying: This plant shall be medicine to the little ones. 
When they use it as medicine, 
Their arms shall lengthen in growth, 
And they shall live to see old age. 
19078°— 28 5 



58 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

Again Tho'-xe threw himself upon the ground, 

And the poppy mallow 

Sprang from the earth and stood resplendent in its reddened blossoms. 

Of this plant also Tho'-xe said, 

The little ones shall make their bodies. 

When they use it as medicine. 

Their arms shaU lengthen in growth. 

The root is astringent, 

And, referring thereto, your little ones shall take the name Astringent. 

When the little ones make of this plant their bodies, 

They shall always live to see old age. 

Tho'-xe (the BuflFalo-buU) , 

Threw himself to the ground, 

And a red ear of maize 

He tossed in the air. 

As he exclaimed: The little ones shall make of this their bodies! 

Then shall they always live to see old age. 

Again Tho'-xe threw himself to the ground, 

And a blue ear of maize, 

Together with a blue squash. 

He tossed in the air as he said. 

These plants, also, 

ShaU be food for the little ones. 

Then shaO they live to see old age. 

A third time he threw himself to the ground, 

And a white ear of maize. 

Together with a white squash he tossed in the air, 

As he exclaimed: These plants also shall be food for the little ones! 

Then shall they be difficult for death to overcome them, 

And they shall always live to see old age. 

A fourth time he threw himself to the ground. 

And a speckled ear of maize. 

Together with a speckled squash. 

He tossed in the air as he exclaimed: 

What creature is there that would be without a mate! 

And he wedded together the maize and the squash. 

Then exclaimed: These also shall be food for the little ones! 

And they shall be difficult for death to overcome them. 

The feasting of the No'"-ho''-zhi°-ga upon the fruits of the seeds 
of the maize planted by the mother with rehgious care in the seven 
sacred hills completes the rite of the naming of her child, by which 
its right to a place in its gens is formally recognized; the child has a 
place, not only in its gens, but also in the sky and the earth which the 
two great tribal divisions, the Ho°'-ga and the Tsi'-zhu, represent. 



LAJLESCHE] CHILD-NAMING RITE 59 

CHILD-NAMING RITUAL OF THE TSI'-ZHU WA-SHTA-GE 

GENS 

(Sho'"-ge-mo''-i'*) 

The Child-naming ritual of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens of the 
Osage tribe, here recorded, was given by Sho^'-ge-mo"-!", a member 
of the Ba'-po subgens of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. The name 
Ba'-po (Popper in English), Sho^'-ge-mo^-i" explained, is the name 
of the elder tree, the trunk of which boys, from time reaching beyond 
memory, used for making poppers. The name refers to a mythical 
story and to a ceremonial office. The mythical story is as follows: 
When the people of the Tsi'-zhu great division descended from the 
sky to make the earth their home they came down as eagles, and they 
alighted on a great red oak tree. The shock of their alighting 
caused the acorns to drop from the tree in great profusion, which 
was taken as a prophecy that the Tsi'-zhu would become a numerous 
people. One eagle was crowded off the tree, but as he dropped down 
he alighted upon a blossoming elder tree. This eagle was a peace 
bird and his alighting on the ba'-po tree made it to become a peace 
symbol. The Ba'-po subgens was given the office of furnishing a 
pipestem for the peace pipe in the keeping of the Tsi'-zhu Wa- 
shta-ge gens, and the Ba'-po made the stem of an elder sapling a 
symbol of peace. 

WTaen Sho°'-ge-mo°-i'' is called by a member of the Tsi'-zhu 
Wa-shta-ge gens to act as Xo'-ka (instructor) in the ceremonial 
naming of his child he goes to the house of the father without any 
formality. Usually the call is made when the sun is traveling down- 
ward (afternoon) ; when he receives the message he promptly responds 
to the call. On his arrival at the house the father, in a formal speech, 
informs him that his summons was for the purpose of asking him to 
conduct the ceremonies to be perfonned at the naming of his chUd. 
When Sho°'-ge-mo°-i° gives his consent to officiate at the ceremony 
the fees for the men who are to take part are placed before him. 
These he examines to make sure that there are enough articles to go 
around, and to see if the man had also provided a pipe for the Sho'-ka 
or Official Messenger. 

Certain Gentes Called to Take Part in the Ceremony 

Being satisfied that the man had supplied all the necessary articles, 
he places in the hands of the father the ceremonial pipe and bids 
him go after the Sho'-ka of the gens. The father returns with the 
messenger who was already invested with the little pipe, the badge 
of his authority. Wlien the two men had taken their seats Sho"'- 
ge-mo°-i° directs the Sho'-ka to go and call the heads of the following 
gentes, with their No°'-ho°-zhi°-ga members, to come to the house 



60 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann.43 

of the father, at sunrise the next morning, to take part in the cere- 
monies of naming his child: 

1. Wa'-tse-tsi, of the Wa-zha'-zhe subdivision, to recite tlieir 
wi'-gi-e relating to their life symbol, the red cedar. (36th Ann. 
Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 95, lines 1 to 34.) 

2. No°'-po°-da, Deer gens, of the Wa-zha'-zhe subdivision, to 
recite their wi'-gi-e relating to one of their life symbols, the water. 
(36th Arm. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 98, lines 1 to 25.) 

3. I'-ba-tse Ta-dse, Wuad People, of the Ho°'-ga subdivision, 
to recite their wi'-gi-e relating to one of their life symbols, the maize. 

4. Tho'-xe, Buffalo-bull gens of the Tsi-zhu great division, to 
recite their wi'-gi-e relating to the maize. Tho'-xe is the gens that 
gave to the people the maize and the squashes. (36th Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 279, lines 54 to 110.) The Tho'-xe authorized 
the I'-ba-tse and certain other gentes to use the Maize ritual in their 
child-naming ceremonies. 

5. Ci^'-dse-a-gthe, Wolf gens of the Tsi'-zhu great division, to 
recite their wi'-gi-e relating to their life symbol, the sun. The Dog- 
star is also one of their life symbols. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. 
Ethn., p. 118, Imes 1 to 36.) 

Wa-zho'-i-ga-the (Life Symbol) Wi'-gi-e 

The Sho'-ka returns to the house of the father and reports that he 
has given notice to all the gentes named to attend the ceremony. 
Then Sho^'-ge-mo^-i" proceeds to recite the Wa-zho'-i-ga-the Wi'- 
gi-e of his gens, a name which means. The Taking of Bodies; that is. 
The Taking of Life Symbols. The reciting of this wi'-gi-e is for the 
benefit of the father and the child. 

THE TAKING OF LIFE SYMBOLS. 
FREE TRANSLATION 

1 

1. The people spake to one another, saying: Lo, the little ones 

have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

2. Take heed, O, younger brothers, and see what can be done. 

3. Then to the youngest of the brothers they spake, saying: 

4. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, O, 

younger brother. 

5. Hardly were these words spoken, 

6. Wlien the young messenger stood before the God of Day (the 

sun), to whom he spake, saying: 

7. O, my grandfather! 

8. The God of Day repHed: My grandchild! 

9. The messenger spake: The little ones have nothing of which to 

make their bodies, 0, grandfather. 



LA FLEscHil CHILD-NAMING RITE 61 

10. The God of Day spake: I am a person of whom the little ones 

may well make their, bodies, 

11. I am a god who has power to resist death. 

12. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

13. They also shall have power to resist death, as they travel the 

path of life. 

14. Even among the gods 

15. There is not one who is able to see my path. 

16. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

17. Even the gods 

18. Shall not be able to see their path, as they travel the path of life. 



19. Again the people spake, saying: O, yomiger brothers, 

20. Take heed and see what can be done, 

21. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

22. They spake to the youngest of the brothers, saying: 

23. O, younger brother, 

24. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

25. Take heed and see what can be done. 

26. Hardly were these words spoken 

27. When the young messenger stood before the Goddess of Night 

(the moon), 

28. To whom he spake, saying: O, my grandmother! 

29. The Goddess of Night replied: My grandchild! 

30. The messenger spake : The little ones have nothing of which to 

make their bodies. 

31. Then spake the Goddess of Night: I am a person of whom the 

little ones may well make their bodies, 

32. I am a goddess who has power to resist death. 

33. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

34. They also shall have power to resist death, as they travel the 

path of life. 

35. Even among the gods , 

36. There is not one who is able to see my path. 

37. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

38. Even the gods 

39. Shall not be able to see their path, as they travel the path of 

life. 

40. Even among the gods 

41. There is not one of them who can stand in my way to prevent 

my going. 

42. ^\^len the little ones make of me their bodies, 

43. Even the gods 

44. Shall not be able to stand in their way, as they travel the path 

of life. 



62 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

45. Moreover, I have been able to bring myself to see old age. 

46. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

47. They also shall bring themselves to see old age, as they travei 

the path of life. 

48. I have brought myself to the days that are calm and peaceful. 

49. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

50. They also shall bring themselves to the calm and peaceful days, 

as they travel the path of life. 



51. Again the people spake, saying: Lo, the little ones have nothing 

of which to make their bodies, 

52. Take heed and see what can be done, O, younger brothers. 

53. Then they spake to the yoimgest of the brothers, 

54. Saying: O, yoimger brother! 

55. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

56. Take heed and see what can be done. 

57. Even as these words were being spoken, 

58. He stood before the Male Star (Morning Star) who sitteth in 

the heavens, 

59. And spake to him, saying: 0, grandfather! 

60. The Male Star replied: My grandchild! 

61. The messenger spake: The little ones have nothing of which to 

make their bodies. 

62. The Male Star replied: I am a person of whom the little ones 

may well make their bodies. 

63. I am a god who has power to resist death. 

64. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

65. They also shall have power to resist death, as they travel the 

path of life. 

66. Even among the gods 

67. There is not one who is able to see my path. 

68. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

69. Even the gods 

70. Shall not be able to see their path, as they travel the path of 

life. 

71. Even among the gods 

72. There is not one who can stand in my way to prevent my going, 

73. When the little ones make of me their bodies. 

74. Even the gods 

75. Shall not be able to stand in their way to prevent their going. 

76. Moreover, I have been able to bring myself to see old age. 

77. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

78. They also shall be able to bring themselves to see old age, as 

they travel the path of life. 



LArtESCHE) CHILD-NAMING RITE 63 

79. They shall also live to see the days that are calm and peaceful. 

80. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

81. They shall be able to bring themselves to the calm and peaceful 

days, as they travel the path of life. 

4 

82. The people spake, saying: O, younger brothers, 

83. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

84. Take heed and see what can be done. 

85. Then they spake to the youngest of the brothers, 

86. Saying: O, younger brother, 

87. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

88. Take heed and see what can be done. 

89. Even as these words were being spoken, 

90. The messenger stood before the Female Star (Evening Star) 

who sitteth in the heavens, 

91. And spake to her, saying: O, my grandmother! 

92. The Female Star replied: My grandchild! 

93. The messenger spake: The little ones have nothing of which to 

make their bodies. 

94. The Female Star replied : I am a person of whom the little ones 

may well make their bodies. 

95. I am a god who has power to resist death. 

96. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

97. They also shall have power to resist death, as they travel the 

path of life. 

98. Even among the gods 

99. There is not one who can stand in my way to prevent my going. 

100. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

101. Even the gods 

102. Shall not be able to stand in their way to stop their going. 

103. Moreover, I have been able to bring myself to see old age. 

104. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

105. They also shall be able to bring themselves to see old age, as 

they travel the path of life. 

106. I have been able to bring myself to the calm and peaceful days. 

107. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

108. They also shall be able to bring themselves to the calm and 

peaceful days, as they travel the path of life. 



109. The people spake, saying: O, younger brothers, 

110. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

111. Then to the yoimgest of the brothers 

112. They spake, saying: O, younger brother. 



64 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN, 43 



113. Take heed and see what can be done. 

114. Even as these words were being spoken, 

115. The messenger stood before the Litter (Ursa Major), who stands 

in the heavens, 

116. To whom he spake, saying, O, grandfather! 

117. The Httle ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

118. The Litter replied: I am a person of whom the little ones may 

well make their bodies. 

119. I am a god who has power to resist death. 

120. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

121. They also shall have power to resist death, as they travel the 

path of life. 

122. Even among the gods 

123. There is not one who is able to see my path. 

124. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

125. Even the gods 

126. Shall not be able to see their path, as they travel the path of life. 

127. Even among the gods 

128. There is not one who can stand in my way to prevent my going. 

129. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

130. Even the gods 

131. Shall not be able to stand in their way to prevent their going. 

132. Moreover, I have been able to bring myself to see old age. 

133. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

134. They also shall be able to bring themselves to see old age. 

135. I have been able to bring myself to the calm and peaceful days. 

136. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

137. They also shall be able to bring themselves to the calm and 

peaceful days, as they travel the path of life. 



138. The people spake, saying: The little ones have nothing of which 

to make their bodies, 

139. Give heed, younger brothers, and see what can be done. 

140. Then to the youngest of the brothers, 

141. They spake, saying: O, younger brother, 

142. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

143. Even as these words were being spoken, 

144. The messenger stood before Deer-head (Pleiades), who sitteth 

in the heavens, 

145. To whom he spake, saying: O, my grandmother! 

146. She replied: My grandchild! 

147. The messenger spake: The little ones have nothing of which to 

make their bodies. 

148. Deer-head replied: I am a person of whom the little ones may 

well make their bodies. 



LA FLESCHE] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 65 



149. I am a god who has power to resist death. 

150. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

151. They also shall have power to resist death, as they travel the 

path of life. 

152. Even among the gods 

153. There is not one who is able to see my path. 

154. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

155. Even the gods 

156. Shall not be able to see their path, as they travel the path of 

hfe. 

157. Even among the gods 

158. There is not one who can stand in my way to prevent my going. 

159. WTien the little ones make of me their bodies, 

160. Even the gods 

161. Shall not be able to stand in their way to prevent their going. 

162. Moreover, I have been able to bring myself to see old age. 

163. \ATien the little ones make of me their bodies, 

164. They also shall be able to bring themselves to see old age. 

165. I have been able to bring myself to the calm and peaceful days. 

166. \Mien the little ones make of me their bodies, 

167. They also shall be able to bring themselves to the calm and 

peaceful days, as they travel the path of life. 



168. The people spake, saying: The little ones have nothing of 

which to make their bodies, 

169. Give heed, O, younger brothers, and see what can be done. 

170. Then to the youngest of the brothers, 

171. They spake, saying: O, younger brother, 

172. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

173. Take heed and see what can be done. 

174. Even as these words were being spoken, 

175. The messenger stood before Three-deer (Orion's belt), who 

stands in the heavens, 

176. To whom he spake, saying: O, grandfather! 

177. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

178. Three-deer replied: I am a person of whom the httle ones may 

well make their bodies, 

179. I am a god who has power to resist death. 

180. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

181. They also shall have power to resist death, as they travel the 

path of life. 

182. Even among the gods 

183. There is not one who is able to see my path. 

184. When the little ones make of me their bodies. 



66 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



tETH. ANN. 43 



185. Even the gods 

186. Shall not be able to see their path, as they travel the path of 

life. 

187. Even among the gods 

188. There is not one who can stand in my way to prevent my going. 

189. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

190. Even the gods 

191. Shall not be able to stand in their way to prevent their going. 

192. Moreover, I have been able to bring myself to see old age. 

193. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

194. They also shall have the power to bring themselves to see old 

age. 

195. I have been able to bring myself to the calm and peaceful days. 

196. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

197. They also shall be able to bring themselves to the calm and 

peaceful days, as they travel the path of life. 



198. The people spake, saying: The little ones have nothing of 

which to make their bodies, O, younger brothers, 

199. Take heed and see what can be done. 

200. Then to the youngest of the brothers 

201. They spake, saying: O, younger brother, 

202. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

203. Take heed and see what can be done. 

204. Even as these words were being spoken, 

205. The messenger stood before Double-star (Theta and Iota in 

Orion) who sitteth in the heavens, 

206. To whom he spake, saying: O, grandmother! 

207. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

208. Double-star replied: I am a person of whom the little ones may 

well make their bodies. 

209. I am a god who has power to resist death. 

210. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

211. They also shall have power to resist death, as they travel the 

path of life. 

212. Even among the gods 

213. There is not one who is able to see my path. 

214. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

215. Even the gods 

216. Shall not be able to see their path, as they travel the path of 

life. 

217. Even among the gods 

218. There is not one who can stand in my way to prevent my going. 

219. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 



LAFLESCHEl CHILD-NAMING RITE 67 

220. Even the gods 

221. Shall not be able to stand in their way to prevent their going. 

222. Moreover, I have been able to bring myself to see old age. 

223. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

224. They also shall be able to bring themselves to see old age. 

225. I have been able to bring myself to the calm and peaceful days. 

226. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

227. They also shall be able to bring themselves to the calm and 

peaceful days, as they travel the path of life. 

At the close of the wi'-gi-e Sho°'-ge-mo°-i° and the Sho'-ka are 
invited by the family to join them in the evening meal, after which 
the two men go home. 

The Xo'-ka Ceremonially Conducted to the Child's House 

Before sunrise the next morning the Sho'-ka, carrying his Httle 
pipe, the badge of his office, goes to Sho°'-ge-mo°-i'"s house to con- 
duct him to the house of the child to be named. Upon receiving the 
formal message from the Sho'-ka, Sho'"-ge-mo''-i° takes his paint 
pouch from a bag containing his personal belongings and puts some 
red paint on the inner surface of his hands. Then as the eastern 
clouds take from the rising sun a crimson tinge, he lifts his hands, 
palms outward, toward them and the sun itself. After a silent pause 
he withdraws his hands and reddens his face with the paint on them, 
as though with the color of the sim, and his messengers, the reddened 
clouds. When he has put upon his face the sacred color he takes 
from a package in which he keeps his ornamental feathers a red 
downy eagle feather which he fastens to his scalplock so that the 
red feather, the life symbol of his gens, stands firm and upright. In 
the days when buffalo were plentiful the No'"-ho°-zhi''-ga who is to 
act as Xo'-ka at the child-nammg ceremony wore a buffalo robe 
with the hair outside, but since the extinction of that animal he 
substituted for the robe a woven blanket obtained from traders. 

Having thus decorated himself with red paint and the red feather, 
symbols of the sky, and the substitute of the buffalo robe, an earth 
symbol, Sho°'-ge-mo°-i°, now actual Xo'-ka, goes forth to the house 
of the child to be named, following the Sho'-ka, who leads the way. 
It was explained by the old man that the manner of approach of his 
gens, the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge, to the house of the child was very 
simple, that it did not have the elaborate ceremonial forms described 
by Wa-xthi'-zhi that were followed by his gens, the Puma, and the 
other war gentes of the Ho°'-ga great division. 

Arriving at the house, the Sho'-ka enters without pause and leads 
the Xo'-ka to his place at the left of the father, who sits with his wife 
and child at the east end of the house. When the Xo'-ka has taken 
his seat the No°'-ho''-zhi''-ga of his gens, the Tsi-zhu Wa-shta-ge, 



68 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

enter and take their places back of the Xo'-ka and the parents and 
sit in a row occupying the entire width of the house. Then the 
No°'-ho°-zhi°-ga of the other gentes who are to take part in the cere- 
mony enter, those of the Ho°'-ga great division taking their accus- 
tomed places at the south side and those of the Tsi'-zhu great division 
at the north side of the house. . (Fig. 1.) Except for the blankets of 
various colors, the No°'-ho°-zhi°-ga were decorated alike, their 
faces painted red, the color of the sun and the dawn, and a red 
downy feather fastened to the scalplock of each one. 

A Life Symbol Sent to Each of the Officiating Gentes 

When all the No'"-ho°-zhi''-ga had settled down in their places, and 
had exchanged with each other the usual social greetings, Sho^'-ge- 
mo°-i° opens the proceedings with a formal statement, setting forth 
the purpose of the gathering and adding some pertinent remarks con- 
cerning the ancient rite of naming the children and their formal 
recognition as members of the tribe. He then goes on to the cere- 
mony of distributing the fees and the symbolic articles to be used in 
the rite. The distribution was made in the following order: 

1. To the Wa'-tse-tsi, Star gens of the Wa-zha'-zhe subdivision 
of the Ho^'-ga great division, he sent, by the Sho'-ka, cedar fronds 
with fee. The cedar is a life symbol of the Wa'-tse-tsi gens. 

2. To the Tho'-xe, Buffalo-bull gens, of the Tsi'-zhu great division, 
a bowl of shelled corn with fee. The maize is one of the life symbols 
of the Tho'-xe. 

3. To the No"'-po°-da, Deer gens of the Wa-zha'-zhe subidivion 
of the Ho°'-ga great division, a bowl of water with fee. Water is one 
of the life symbols of the No°'-po''-da. 

4. To the Ci^'-dse-a-gthe, Wolf-tail gens, of the Tsi'-zhu great 
division, fee only. The sun is one of the life symbols of this gens. 
The Dog-star is also one of its symbols. 

5. I'-ba-tse Ta-dse, Wind gens of the Ho°'-ga subdivision of the 
Ho^'-ga great division, a bowl of shelled corn. The Tho'-xe author- 
ized the I'-ba-tse to use the maize ritual. This gens also has the 
office of performing the ceremonies by which the souls of warriors 
slain in battle are sent direct to the spirit land. 

Members of the Officiating Gentes Recite Their Wi'-gi-es 

Simultaneously 

When the Sho'-ka, the Ceremonial Messenger, had made the last 
delivery of the symbolic articles and fees to the gentes above named, 
each No°'-ho°-zhi''-ga begins to recite the wd'-gi-e of his gens relating to 
its life symbol, such as the cedar fronds, the corn or water. As each 
No°'-ho°-zhi°-ga recites the wi'-gi-e of his gens, old Sho'"-ge-mo°-i° 
recites the Name Wi'-gi-e of his own gens, the Tsi-zhu Wa-shta-ge, 
which is as follows: 



Li. FLESCHE) CHILD-NAMING RITE 69 

THE NAME Wl'-GI-E 

FKEE TRANSLATION 

1 

1. The people spake to one another, saying: O, younger brothers, 

2. The Httle ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

3. Take heed and see what can be done. 

4. Then to the youngest of the brothers they spake, 

5. Saying: O, younger brother, 

6. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

7. You will give heed and see what can be done. 

8. Even as these words were being spoken 

9. To the first division of heaven, 

10. The messenger verily descended, 

1 1 . Where the little ones had not yet become a people. 



12. Again the people spake, saying: O, younger brothers, 

13. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

14. Take heed and see what can be done. 

15. Then to the youngest of the brothers they spake, 

16. Saying: O, younger brother, 

17. You will give heed and see what can be done. 

18. To the second division of heaven the messenger descended, 

19. When he cried out: 

20. It can not be, it is impossible: 

21. The little ones have not yet become a people. 



22. Again the people spake, saying: 0, younger brothers, 

23. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

24. Take hoed and see what can be done. 

25. Then to the youngest of the brothers they spake, 

26. Saying: O, younger brother, 

27. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

28. You will give heed and see what can be done. 

29. Even as these words were being spoken, 

30. The messenger descended to the third division of heaven, 

31. Where the Httle ones had not yet become a people. 



32. Verily, at that time and place, 

33. The people spake, saying: O, younger brothers, the little ones 

have nothing of which to make their bodies. 



70 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

34. Take heed and see what can be done. 

35. Then to the youngest of the brothers they spake, 

36. Saying: O, younger brother, 

37. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodiesi 

38. You will give heed and see what can be done. 

39. Even as these words were being spoken, 

40. The messenger descended to the fourth division of heaven, 

41. Where lay the bird (the female eagle) that has no stains (evil 

disposition). 

42. Verily, a person who is ever present upon her nest. 

43. Upon the center of the earth, that sat in all her greatness,^ 

44. There stood a person (the male eagle). 

45. From him we shall take the name, Mo^-zho"', Earth, 

46. Verily, he is a person who travels far and wide, above the earth. 

47. We shall take from him the name, Mo°-zho°'-ga-sho°, Travels- 

above-the-earth. 
48.' Verily, he is a person whose home is upon the center of the earth. 

49. We will take from him the name, Mo''-zho°'-u-5ko°-5ka, Center- 

of-the-earth. 

5 

50. The little ones are now a people. 

51. We shall also take the name, Xi-tha'-da-wi°, Good-eagle- 

woman, 

52. Also the name, Hi°'-i-ki''-da-bi, Feathers-fought-over, 

53. Hi°'-ga-mo°-ge, Feathers-scattered-by-the-winds, shall also be 

our name, 

54. As also, No^-be'-gi, Yellow-hands. 

55. And Wa-zhi°'-ga-hi'', Feathers-of-the-bird, shall be our name. 



56. Verily, at that time and place, 

57. The eagle spake, saying: Behold the hollow of my foot, 

58. Which I have made to be the sign of old age. 

59. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

60. They shall live to see the sign of old age in the hollow of their 

foot. 

61. The wrinkles upon my shin, 

62. I have made to be the sign of old age. 

63. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

64. They shall live to see wrinkles upon their shin. 



1 The words o[ this line are figurative and mean the earth when ahe displays hej greatness by her blos- 
soming flowers and her ripening fruit. 



LA FLE9CBB] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 71 



65. The folds of the skin on my knee, 

66. I have made to be the sign of old age. 

67. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

68. They shall live to see the skin of their knee gathered in folds. 

69. The stripes on the feathers of my thigh, 

70. I have made to be the sign of old age. 

71. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

72. They shall live to see the sign of old age upon their thigh. 

73. The stripes upon my breast, 

74. I have made to be the sign of old age. 

75. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

76. They shall live to see the sign of old age on their breast. 

77. The stripes upon the corners of my mouth, 

78. I have made to be the sign of old age. 

79. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

80. They shall live to see the sign of old age in the corners of their 

mouth. 

81. The stripes upon my forehead, 

82. I have made to be the sign of old age. 

83. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

84. They shall live to see the sign of old age on their forehead. 

85. The folds of my eyelids, 

86. I have made to be the sign of old age. 

87. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

88. They shall live to see the sign of old age on their eyelids. 

89. I have been able to bring myself to old age. 

90. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

91. They also shall be able to bring themselves to old age. 

92. I have been able to bring myself to the calm and peaceful days. 

93. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

94. They also shall be able to bring themselves to the calm and 

peaceful days, as they travel the path of life. 

The Child is Passed from Gens to Gens to be Blessed 

At the close of the simultaneous recital of the wi'-gi-es by the 
No°'-ho°-zhi"-ga of the six gentes, namely, the Wa'-tse-tsi, Tho'-xe, 
No°'-po''-da, C''i'"-dse-a-gthe, I'-ba-tse, and the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge, 
the Sho'-ka carries the infant to the head of the Wa'-tse-tsi gens, who 
takes it in his arms, then, dipping the tips of the fingers into a wooden 
vessel, in which had been put sacred water and red cedar fronds, he 
gently touches with his moistened fingertips the lips, head, arms, and 
body of the little one. This ceremonial act is an appeal to Wa-ko"'- 
da to grant to the little one health and strength so that it may grow 
to maturity and old age without interruption by disease. 



72 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



The child is next taken by the Sho'-ka to the head of the No°'- 
po°-da gens, who blesses it in the same manner with the symbolic 
water and cedar fronds. 

Then the little one is taken to the head of the I'-ba-tse gens, who 
touches the lips, head, arms and body of the child with pounded corn, 
besides the sacred water and cedar fronds. The touching of the 
child with the Hfe-giving corn is an act of appeal to Wa-ko^'-da that 
the child be not permitted to suffer for want of food during its life, 
so that it may reach maturity and old age without difficulty. The 
gentile symbol of the I'-ba-tse gens is the wind but it was authorized 
by the Tho'-xe gens to use the corn ritual in its child-naming ritual. 

The Sho'-ka takes the little one from the I'-ba-tse to the head of 
the Tho'-xe, BuiTalo-bull, gens. In the mythical story of the origin 
of the maize it was Tho'-xe, Buffalo-bull, who gave to the people 
the maize and the squash. (See 36th Ami. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 
pp. 279-281, lines 54 to 110.) The head of the Tho'-xe gens takes 
the little one in his arms and blesses it with the sacred water and cedar 
fronds as did the Wa'-tse-tsi, then, mixing some of his own pounded 
corn with that of the I'-ba-tse, he blesses the child with the sacred 
corn, the life symbol of his own gens. The ceremonial act of the 
Tho'-xe is an expression of the wish that the life-giving corn will aid 
the new membisr of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens to successfully 
reach maturity and old age. 

The next to take the child in his arms and bless it with the sym- 
bolic water, cedar fronds and corn is the head of the Qi°'-dse-a-gthe, 
Wolf, gens. His ceremonial acts do not differ from those of the 
Tho'-xe. 

The Sho'-ka then brings the little one to its own gens, the Tsi'-zhu 
Wa-shta-ge, the People of Peace. The head of the gens takes the 
little one in his arms and blesses it in the same manner in which the 
Tho'-xe blessed it. This is the gens to whom the sick are brought 
that they might taste of the sacred food prepared by them and be 
strengthened. From this healing power the members of the gens 
like to take the name, Wa-stse'-e-do°, Good-doctor. 

When each of these gentes had blessed the child in turn the Sho'-ka 
brings the mother to the Xo'-ka, who places in her hands two little 
sticks, each of which represents a sacred name of the gens of which 
the little one has now become a member. The Xo'-ka bids her 
take one of the names represented by the sticks. The mother 
usually takes for her child the name that is most euphonious and which 
she thinks has the greater religious significance. The selection of a 
name for the new member of the gens closes the ceremony. 

During the month of April, 1916, Sho^'-ge-moM" was summoned 
to the house of Wa-xthi'-zhi to name his grandson, whose father is 
a member of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. Sho^'-ge-mo"-!" 



LA FLESCHEI 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 73 



promptly responded to the call but Wa-xthi'-zhi became imcertain 
as to whether or not the ceremonial naming of a child according to 
the ancient tribal rites would come under the prohibition of tlie new 
religion which he had accepted against the practice of the ancient 
Osage ceremonies. The full ceremony was omitted, but the old man 
was asked to offer to the mother the choice of two sacred names: 
Mo°-zho'", Earth (see p. 70, line 45), and Wa-stse'-e-do", Good- 
doctor. The mother, a member of the I"-gtho'"-ga (Puma) gens, 
chose for her son, a member of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, the 
name Wa-stse'-e-do°. Although the full child-naming ceremony 
was omitted, Wa-xthi'-zhi gave as fees to Sho°'-ge-mo"-i" a horse, 
a blanket, and other articles of value, amounting to about one hundred 
and fifty dollars. 

The first wi'-gi-e recited in the child-naming ritual given by Sho"'- 
ge-mo°-i° (pp. 60 to 67) is entitled Wa-zho'-i-ga-the Wi'-gi-e, 
literally. The Taking of Bodies, and freely translated, The Taking 
of Life Symbols. In this wi'-gi-e eight gods, in the forms of certain 
cosmic bodies, are adopted as Life Symbols. Sex is attributed to 
these gods and goddesses and they are addressed as "grandfather" 
and "grandmother" because of their great age and mysterious 
character. The wi'-gi-e is an expression by the ancient No^'-ho"- 
zhi''-ga of their longing desire for a tribal life that will be as lasting 
as that of the gods and goddesses who forever travel in the heavens. 
These gods and goddesses are paired in this wi'-gi-e as follows: 

1. Wa-ko°'-da Ho'-'-ba do°, God of Day (the Sun), grandfather, 

2. Wa-ko^'-da Ho° do°. Goddess of Night (the Moon), grandmother. 

3. Wa'-tse-do-ga, Male Star (the Morning star), grandfather, 

4. Wa'-tse Mi-ga, Female Star (the Evening star), grandmother. 

5. Wa'-ba-ha, Litter (the Dipper), grandfather, 

6. Ta-pa', Deer-head (the Pleiades), grandmother. 

7. Ta Tha'-bthi°, Three-deer (the three great stars that form 

Orion's Belt), grandfather, 

8. Mi-ka-k'e u-ki-tha-^'i" (Stars-strung-together) (theta and iota in 

Orion), grandmother. 

Xu'-tha-wa-to"-i° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° (Elder Tsi'-zhu), a war 
gens of the Tsi'-zhu great tribal division, was asked for the Child- 
naming Ritual of his gens, he being referred to as one versed in the 
rituals of the Tsi'-zhu war gentes, but he declined to give it in full. 
With some reluctance he consented to recite the first wi'-gi-e of his 
ritual which corresponds to and bears the same title as the one given 
by Sho^'-ge-moM", a No"'-ho°-zhi''-ga of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 
gens. (See pp. 60 to 67.) 
19078°— 28 6 



74 



THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



0/PP£f^ 



Fio. 3.— Chart of constellation Wa'-ba-ha(Ursa Major) 



In the Sho'"-ge-mo°-i'' wi'-gi-e (The Taking of Life Symbols), the 
people of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens implored four gods and four 
goddesses of the sky for permission to take from them "bodies" for 

their little ones. The peo- 

^o:.AR,s "^r * pie of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no", 

; in the wi'-gi-e recorded by 
\ X Xu-thu'-wa-to°-i°, entreat- 
X' ed six gods and four god- 

desses of the sky for per- 
mission to take "bodies" 
from them for their little 
ones. The following is the 
order in which the Tsi'-zhu 
Wa-no° people approached 
these ten sky deities, the 
order in which they paired them according to sex, and the terms of 
relationship they used in addressing them: 

1. Wa-ko'"-da Ho^'-ba do°, the God of Day (the Sun), grandfather, 

2. Wa-ko-'-da Ho° do", the 
Goddess of Night (the Moon), 
grandmother. 

3. Mi-ka'-k'eHo°'-ba°do°, 
the Day-star (Morning star), 
grandfather, 

4. Mi-ka'-k'e Ho°' do°, the 
Night-star (Evening star), 
grandmother. 

5. Wa'-ba-ha, Litter, the 
Dipper (Great Bear), (fig. 3), 
grandfather, 

6. Mi-ka'-k'e u-ki-tha-9' i°, 
Double-star, grandmother. 

7. Ta-pa', Deer-head, Ple- 
iades, grandfather, 

8. Ta Tha'-bthi°, Three- 
deer, the three great stars in 
Orion's belt (fig. 4), grand- 
mother. 




/. 



No.2< .-V: 



OHION 

NO.l.r/1 TH/f-BTHl", THRee-DEBR- 
NO. 2. m-tf/f'-K'e U-Vl'THA-Ti'j" = 

JTy^RS-.STRUNC'- TOOeTHEft . 

Fig. 4.— Chart of Ta Tha'-bthi°, Three Deer (in Orion) 



9. Mi-ka'-k'e Zhu-dse, Red-star, the Pole star, grandfather, 
10. Sho^-ge A-ga-k'e e-go", Dog-star, Sirius, grandfather. 



LA FLESCHEI 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 75 



The two wi'-gi-es do not agree as to the sexes of two of the sky 
deities. In the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge wi'-gi-e, Ta-pa' (Pleiades) is 
addressed as grandmother and in that of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° as 
grandfather. Ta-tha'-bthi°, Three-deer, is addressed as grandfather 
in the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge wi'-gi-e and in that of the Tsi'-zhu 
Wa-no° as grandmother. 

The difference between the two wi'-gi-es in this respect was 
spoken of to Sho°'-ge-mo°-i° and he said: "We notice such mistakes 
in the tribal rites but controversy over them is always avoided by the 
No'"-ho°-zhi°-ga. Xu-tha'-wa-to°-i'' recited his wi'-gi-e correctly, 
and we recite ours as it was handed down to us. The Tsi'-zhu 
Wa-no", being a war people, mention in their wi'-gi-e their two war 
gods, the Red-star and the Dog-star; they address both as grand- 
father. We (the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge) are a peace people, therefore 
we do not mention those two gods in our child-naming ritual." 

First Child-naming Wi'-gi-e of the Tsi'-zhu W^a-no^' Gens 

The following is the first wi'-gi-e in the Child-naming Ritual of the 
Tsi'-zhu W'a-no°, war gens, of the Tsi'-zhu great tribal division, as 
recited by Xu-tha'-wa-to"-!". 

TAKING OF LIFE SYMBOLS 
1 

1. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

2. The Tsi'-zhu, a people who have seven fireplaces, spake to one 

another, 

3. Saying: O, younger brothers, 

4. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

5. Then, at that very time they spake 

6. To the Sho'-ka Wa-ba-xi (the Chief Messenger), 

7. Saying: O, younger brother, 

8. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies, 

9. Take heed and see what can be done. 

10. Then, at that very time, 

1 1 . The Cliief Messenger 

12. Hastened to the 

13. God of Day (the Sun), who sitteth in the heavens, 

14. And returned with him to the people. 

15. They spake to the God of Day, saying: O, grandfather, 

16. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

17. Then, at that very time, 

18. The God of Day quickly replied: It is well you sent for me. 

19. Of all the groups of gods, 

20. I am a god by myself. 

21. The little ones shall make of me their bodies. 



76 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



(ETH. ANN. 43 



22. Even among the gods, 

23. There is not one who has power to see my path. 

24. When the httle ones make of me their bodies, 

25. Even among the gods 

26. There is not one who shall be able to see their path, in life's 

journey. 

27. Even among the gods 

28. There is not one who has power to cross my path. 

29. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

30. Even among the gods 

31. There is not one who shall be able to cross their path, in life's 

journey. 

32. Even among the gods 

33. WTiat one is there who can stand in my way to prevent my 

going? 

34. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

35. Even among the gods 

36. There is not one who shall be able to stand in their way to pre- 

vent their going. 

37. I am not the only god, 

38. Take heed and make further search. 



39. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

40. The Chief Messenger 

41. Hastened to the 

42. Goddess of Night (the Moon), who sitteth in the heavens, 

43. And returned with her to the people. 

44. They spake to her, saying: O, grandmother, 

45. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

46. Then, at that very time, 

47. The Goddess of Night replied: It is well you sent for me. 

48. Of all the groups of gods, 

49. I am a god by myself. 

50. Even among the gods 

51. There is not one who has power to see my path. 

52. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

53. Even among the gods 

54. There is not one who shall be able to see their path. 

55. Even among the gods 

56. There is not one who has power to cross my path. 

57. ^Mien the little ones make of me their bodies, 

58. Even among the gods 

59. There is not one who shall be able to cross their path. 

60. Even among the gods 



LA FLESCHEl 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 77 



61. What one is there who can stand in my way to prevent my 

going? 

62. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

63. Even among the gods 

64. There is not one who shall be able to stand in their way to 

prevent their going. 

65. I am not the only god, 

66. Take heed and make further search. 



67. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

68. The Chief Messenger 

69. Hastened to the 

70. Star of Day (the Morning Star), who sitteth in the heavens, 

71. And returned with him to the people. 

72. They spake to the Star of Day, saying: O, grandfather, 

73. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

74. Then, at that very time, 

75. The Star of Day replied: It is well you sent for me. 

76. The little ones shall make of me their bodies. 

77. Of aU the groups of gods, 

78. I am a god by myself. 

79. The little ones shall make of me theu' bodies. 

80. Even among the gods 

81. There is not one who has power to see my path. 

82. ^Tien the httle ones make of me their bodies, 

83. Even among the gods 

84. There is not one who shall be able to see their path. 

85. Even among the gods 

86. There is not one who has power to cross my path. 

87. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

88. Even among the gods 

89. There is not one who shall be able to cross their path. 

90. Even among the gods 

91. ^\Tiat one is there who can stand in my way to prevent my 

going? 

92. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

93. Even among the gods 

94. There is not one who shall be able to stand in their way to 

prevent their going. 

95. I am not the only god, "^ 

96. Take heed and make further search. 



78 THE OSAGE TBIBE [eth. ann. 43 



97. The Chief Messenger 

98. Hastened to the 

99. Star of Night (the Evening Star), who sitteth in the heavens, 

100. And returned with her to the people. 

101. They spake to her, saying: O, grandmother, 

102. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

103. Then, at that very time, 

104. The Star of Night replied: It is well you sent for me. 

105. Of all the groups of gods 

106. I am a god by myself. 

107. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

108. Even among the gods 

109. There is not one who shall be able to see their path, in their 

life's journey. 

110. Even among the gods 

111. There is not one who has power to cross my path. 

112. WTien the little ones make of me their bodies, 
11.3. Even among the gods 

114. There is not one who shall be able to cross their path, in their 

life's journey. 

115. Even among the gods 

116. What one is there who can stand in my way to prevent my 

going? 

117. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

118. Even among the gods 

119. There is not one who shall be able to stand in their way to prevent 

their going. . 

120. I am not the only god, 

121. Take heed and make further search. 



122. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

123. The Chief Messenger 

124. Hastened to the 

125. Litter (Great Bear), who stands in the midst of the heavens, 

126. And returned with him to the people. 

127. They spake to Litter, saying: O, grandfather, 

128. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

129. Then, at that very time, 

130. The Litter replied: It is well you sent for me. 

131. Of all the groups of gods, 

132. I am a god by myself. 

133. The little ones shall make of me their bodies. 



LA TLESCHK) CHILD-NAMING RITE 79 

134. Even among; the gods 

135. There is not one who has power to see my path. 

136. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

137. Even among the gods 

138. There is not one who shall be able to see their path, in their 

life's journey. 

139. Even among the gods 

140. There is not one who has power to cross my path. 

141. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

142. Even among the gods 

143. There is not one who shall be able to cross their path. 

144. Even among the gods 

145. What one is there who can stand in my way to prevent my going? 

146. ^Yhen the little ones make of me their bodies, 

147. Even among the gods 

148. There is not one who shall be able to stand in their way to 

prevent their going. 

149. I am not the only god, 

150. Take heed and make further search. 



151. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

152. The Chief Messenger 

153. Hastened to 

154. Ta-pa', Deer-head (Pleiades), who stands in the heavens, 

155. And returned with her to the people. 

156. They spake to her, saying: O, grandmother, 

157. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

158. Then, at that very time, 

159. Deer-head replied: It is well you sent for me. 

160. Of all the groups of gods 

161. I am a god by myself. 

162. Even among the gods 

163. There is not one who has power to see my path. 

164. ^Vhen the little ones make of me their bodies, 

165. Even among the gods 

166. There is not one who shall be able to see their path. 

167. Even among the gods 

168. There is not one who has power to cross my path. 
109. ^Yhen the little ones make of me their bodies, 

170. Even among the gods 

171. There is not one who shall be able to cross their path. 

172. Even among the gods 

173. What one is there who can stand in my way to prevent my 

going? 



80 THE OSAGE TRIBE Ieth. ann. 43 

174. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

175. Even among the gods 

176. There is not one who shall be able to stand in their way to 

prevent their going. 

177. I am not the only god, 

178. Take heed and make further search. 



179. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

180. The Chief Messenger 

181. Hastened to 

182. Ta Tha'-bthi°, Three-deer (Orion's belt), who sitteth in the 

heavens, 

183. And returned with him to the people. 

184. They spake to him, saying: O, grandfather, 

185. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

186. Then, at that very time, 

187. Three-deer replied: Of all the groups of gods, 

188. I am a god by myself. 

189. The little ones shall make of me their bodies. 

190. Even among the gods 

191. There is not one who has power to see my path. 

192. Wlien the little ones make of me their bodies, 

193. Even among the gods 

194. There is not one who shall be able to see their path. 

195. Even among the gods 

196. There is not one who has power to cross my path. 

197. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

198. Even among the gods 

199. There is not one who shall be able to cross their path. 

200. Even among the gods 

201. What one is there who can stand in my way to prevent my 

going? 

202. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

203. Even among the gods 

204. There is not one who shall be able to stand in their way to 

prevent their going. 

205. I am not the only god, 

206. Take heed and make further search. 

8 

207. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

208. The Chief Messenger 

209. Hastened to 

210. Mi-ka'-k'e U-ki-tha-g'i", Double-star (theta and iota in Orion), 

who sitteth in the heavens, 



LA FLESCHEl 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 81 



211. And returned with her to the people. 

212. They spake to her, saying: O, grandmother, 

213. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

214. Then, at that very time, 

215. Double-star replied: It is well you sent for me. 

216. Of all the groups of gods 

217. I am a god by myself. 

218. Even among the gods 

219. There is not one who has power to see my path. 

220. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

221. Even among the gods 

222. There is not one who shall be able to see their path. 

223. Even among the gods 

224. There is not one who has power to cross my path. 

225. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

226. Even among the gods 

227. There is not one who shall be able to cross their path. 

228. Even among the gods 

229. What one is there who can stand in my way to prevent my 

going? 

230. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

231. Even among the gods 

232. There is not one who shall be able to stand in their way to 

prevent their going. 

233. I am not the only god, 

234. Take heed and make further search. 



235. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

236. The Chief Messenger 

237. Hastened to 

238. Mi-ka'-k'e Zhu-dse, Red-star (Pole star), who sitteth in the 

heavens, 

239. And returned with him to the people. 

240. They spake to him, saying: O, grandfather, 

241. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

242. Red-star replied: It is well you sent for me. 

243. Of aU the groups of gods 

244. I am a god by myself. 

245. The little ones shall make of me their bodies. 

246. Even among the gods 

247. There is not one who has power to see my path. 

248. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

249. Even among the gods 

250. There is not one who shall be able to see their path. 



82 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



251. Even among the gods 

252. There is not one who has power to cross my path. 

253. When the httle ones make of me their bodies, 

254. Even among the gods 

255. There is not one who shall be able to cross their path. 

256. Even among the gods 

257. What one is there who can stand in my way to prevent my 

going? 

258. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

259. Even among the gods 

260. There is not one who shall be able to stand in their way to 

prevent their going. 

261. I am not the only god, 

262. Take heed and make further search. 

10 

263. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, 

264. The Chief Messenger 

265. Hastened to 

266. The side of the heavens 

267. Where lay Sho'"-ge, the Dog (Sirius), as though suspended in 

the sky, 

268. And returned with him to the people. 

269. They spake to him, saying: O grandfather, 

270. The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

271. Then, at that very time, 

272. The Dog repHed: The little ones shall make of me their bodies. 

273. Behold my toes, that are gathered closely together, 

274. I have not folded them together without a purpose. 

275. I have made them to be a sign of old age. 

276. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

277. When they become aged men, 

278. In their toes, closely folded together, 

279. They shall see the sign of old age. 

280. Behold the folds of skin on my ankle. 

281. I have not put them there without a purpose. 

282. I have made them to be a sign of old age. 

283. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

284. When they become aged men, 

285. In the skin of their ankles, gathered in folds, 

286. They shall see the sign of old age. 

287. Behold the flaccid muscles of my thigh. 

288. They have not become flaccid without a purpose. 

289. I have made them to be a sign of old age. 

290. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 



LA rLE3CHEl CHILD-NAMING RITE 83 

291. When they become aged men, 

292. They shall see in the flaccid muscles of their thighs the sign of old 

age. 

293. Behold my shoulders, that are drawn close together. 

294. They are not drawn together without a purpose. 

295. I have made them to be a sign of old age. 

296. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

297. When they become aged men, 

298. They shall see in their shoulders drawn together the sign of old 

age. 

299. Behold the flaccid muscles of my throat. 

300. They have not become flaccid without a purpose. 

301. I have made them to be a sign of old age. 

302. When the httle ones make of me their bodies, 

303. When they become aged men, 

304. They shall see in the flaccid muscles of their throat the sign of 

old age. 

305. Behold the folds of the corners of my mouth. 

306. They are not put there without a purpose. 

307. I have made them to be a sign of old age. 

308. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

309. When they become aged men, 

310. They shall see in the corners of their mouth the sign of old age. 

311. Behold the folds in the corners of my eyes. 

312. They are not put there without a purpose. 

313. I have made them to be a sign of old age. 

314. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

315. When they become aged men, 

316. They shall see in the corners of their eyes the sign of old age. 

317. Behold the tip of my nose. 

318. It is not placed there without a purpose. 

319. I have placed it there for chasing away other gods. 

320. I use it for keeping other gods from entering my house. 

321. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

322. They shall use it to chase away other gods, as they travel the 

path of life. 

323. Behold the hair on the crown of my head grown thin. 

324. It has not grown thin without a purpose. 

325. I have made it to be a sign of old age. 

326. When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

327. When they become aged men, 

328. They shall see in their whitened hair 

329. The sign of old age, as they travel the path of life. 



84 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



lETH. ANN. 43 



330. There comes a time 

331. When a calm and peaceful day comes upon me, 

332. So there shall come upon the little ones a calm and peaceful day, 

as they travel the path of life. 

The most important wi'-gi-es (recited parts of a ritual) used in 
the child-naming rituals are those which relate to the life symbols of a 
gens, such as the sim, the moon, the morning and eveiiing stars, 
night and day, deer, elk, bear, etc., which are called wa-zho'-i-ga-the, 
objects of which bodies are made; and those which relate to the 
personal, sacred names adopted by a gens to be used by its members 
for their children. The wi'-gi-e relating to the life symbols are 
usually recited at the beginning of the ceremony. (See wi'-gi-e of the 
Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, p. 60.) The name wi'-gi-es, called Zha'-zhe 
Ki-to" (Zha'-zhe, name; I^i-to°, the taking of), are recited when all 
the No^'-ho^-zhi^-ga who were invited to take part in the ceremony 
of the conferring of a name upon a child have assembled. The life- 
symbol and the name-taking wi'-gi-es are paraphrases of the mythical 
stories of the origin of the people of a gens. These mythical origin 
stories are called Ni'-ki-e, freely translated. Sayings of the Ancient 
Men. 

Xu-tha'-wa-to^-i" (pi. 7), of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no" gens of the 
Tsi'-zhu great tribal division, recorded the life symbol wi'-gi-e of his 
gens (see pp. 75-84) but he declined to give the wi'-gi-e of the sacred 
gens names. However, these names appear in the Wi'-gi-e To°-ga, 
Great Wi'-gi-e (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 254-269), 
which are here given in their order, as follows : 

1. 'I°-Qka', White Rock. In the origin story of this gens the 
people came down from the sky, as eagles, to the earth and alighted 
upon seven trees. Thence: 

36. They moved onward over the earth. 
32. They came to the top of a rocky cliff, 
38. Close to it they came and paused, 

40. They spake to one another, saying: White Rock 

41. We shall make to be a personal name for ourselves. 

— (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 255.) 

2. Mo^'-hi" Wa-ko-'-da, Mysterious Knife. From the White 
Rock the people went forth to wander over the earth. They thought 
to make for themselves a knife for ceremonial use. The Sho'-ka 
went again and again to find the right kind of stone of which to make 
the knife. He brought home the red flint, the blue flint, the flint 
streaked with yellow, the black flint and the white flint, one after 
the other, each of which was rejected as being unfit for use by the 
little ones as a knife. Finally he brought home a round-handled 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOI-OGY FORTY-TMIPD AMNUAL REPORT PLATE 7 




XU-THA'-WA-TO-^-l- (TSI'-ZHU WA-NO- GENSi 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 8 




STRAPS FOR TYING CAPTIVES 



tA FLESCHE] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 85 



knife which was accepted as suitable for the purpose. Then followed 
the idea of the people of making a magical war club for ceremonial 
use. The Sho'-ka went in search for the right kind of tree out of 
which to make it. He brought to the elder brothers the hickory 
tree, the thick-barked hickory tree, the red oak tree, the red wood 
tree, the dark wood tree, each of which was rejected as being unsuit- 
able for use as a club. Then he brought to them the willow tree, a 
tree that never dies. This the elder brothers accepted as eminently 
fitted for use as a club, and: 

268. Their round-handled-knife 

269. They quickly took from its resting place, 

271. And spake, saying: It is a fear-inspiring knife, 

272. Verily, it is a mysterious knife. 

273. Mysterious-knife 

274. The little ones shall take as their personal name. 

276. They lifted the round-handled knife 

277. And quicldy stabbed with it the body of the willow tree. 

278. Then from its wound its life-blood streamed forth. 

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 261.) 

3. We'-thi°-5a-gi, Strong-strap. With the mysterious knife the 
people shaped out of the " tree-that-never-dies " a mystic club. 
Taking with them the knife and the club they went in search of a 
buffalo and found one. On coming in sight of the animal they 
brandished the magic weapon four times in the air and the buffalo 
fell lifeless to the groimd : 

511. The skin of the (left) hind leg 

512. They cut into a narrow strip, 

514. And said: VerUy the skin stretches not, 

515. We shall make use of it as we travel the path of life. 
517. Verily, it is a strong strap, 

519. We shall consecrate it for ceremonial use, 

520. Therefore Strong-strap 

521. We shall make to be our sacred personal name. 

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 267-268.) 

4. We'-tW-ga-xe, Strap-maker. By the cutting of the first 
strap out of the skin of the left hind leg of the magically killed buffalo 
the people of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens created for themselves the 
office of making the straps (pi. 8) for the warriors for the tying of 
captives when any are taken. As they continued to cut out the 
strap they said: 

523. Strap-maker, also, 

524. We shall make to be our sacred personal name. 

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 268.) 



86 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



5. We'-thi''-zhi''-ga, Slender-strap. The strap they made out of 
the skin of the left hind leg of the animal was long and slender, and 
when they had finished it, 

526. They said: Slender-strap, also, 

527. We shall make to be our sacred personal name^ 

549. The skin of the left side 

550. They cut in a circle, 

552. And seven slender straps 

553. They made of it for the Tsi-zhu who possesses seven fireplaces, 

554. One for each fireplace, 

556. And they said: We shall consecrate these straps for ceremonial 
use. 

—(36th Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 268-269.) 

These seven straps cut from the left side of the buffalo were to 
serve as types for similar straps to be ceremonially made for each 
of the other gentes of the tribe when about to go to war, to use in 
tying captives. 

6. He-thi'-shi-zhe, Curved-horn. As the people saw the horns of 
the buffalo they exclaimed: 

558. Behold the left horn, 

559. We shall consecrate it for ceremonial use, 

561. Therefore Curved-horn, also, 

562. We shall make to be our sacred personal name. 

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 269.) 

7. He-thi'-zha-ge, Outspread-horns. The people noticed that the 
horns of the buffalo stood wide apart and outspread and so they ex- 
claimed : 

564. Outspread-horns, also, 

565. We shall make to be our sacred personal name. 

566. And they said, again: Behold the left horn, 
568. We consecrete it for ceremonial use. 

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 269.) 

Personal names relating to any of the life symbols of a gens serve 
to keep the members informed of their place in the gentUe and tribal 
organization. For example: Men who were given such names as 
Ho-go"', White-fish; To'-ho-ho-e, Blue-fish; and Ho'-ki-e-gi, Wrig- 
gling-fish, know that they are members of the Ho'-i-ni-ka-shi-ga, 
Fish-people, gens whose life symbol is the Fish, and that the place of 
their gens is in the Wa-zha'-zhe, the first of the two subdivisions of the 
Ho'"-ga great tribal division which symbolizes the earth. The Wa- 
zha'-zhe subdivision typifies the water portion of the earth. 



LA FLE8CHE) 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 



87 



Those who were given such names as 0'-po°-to''-ga, Great-elk; 
Mo°'-thi°-ka-ga-xe, Maker-of-the-land; and Mo°-zho°'-ga-xe, Maker- 
of-the-earth, know that they are members of the Elk gens whose 
life symbol is the male elk (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 
p. 165, lines 274 to 354) and that the place of their gens is with the 
Ho^'-ga, the second of the two subdivisions of the Ho^'-ga great 
tribal division which symbolizes the earth. The Ho^'-ga subdivision 
typifies the land portion of the earth. 

Men who bear the names Pi-gi', Acorn; U-bu'-dse, Profusion; 
and No°-bu'-dse, Profusion (by the treading of the eagles on the 
branches of the red oak tree) know that they are members of the 
Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge (Peacemaker) gens, that the life symbol of 
their gens is the red oak tree, the emblem of fruitfulness, and that 




Fig. 5.— Totemic cut of the Omaha boys' hair. No. 1 is typical of the head and tail of the elk. No. 2 sym- 
bolizes the head, tail, and horns of the buffalo. No. 2a— the children of this subgens and those of the 
.Mi-ni'-ba-to" subgens of other gentes have their hair cut alike; the locks on each side of the bared crown 
indicate the horns of the butlalo. No. 3 represents the Une of the bulTalo's back as seen against the sky. 
No. 4b stands for the head of the bear. No. 4c figures the head, tail, and body of small birds. No. 4d, 
the bare head, represents the shell of the turtle; and the tufts, the head, feet, and tail of the animal. No. 
4c pictures the head, wings, and tail of the eagle. No. 5 symbolizes the four points of the compass con- 
nected by cross lines; the central tuft points to the zenith. No. 6 represents the shaggy side of the wolf. 
No. 7 indicates the horns and tail of the buffalo. No. 8 stands for the head and tail of the deer. No. 9 
shows the head, tail, and knobs of the growing horn of the butTalo calf. No. 10 symbolizes reptile teeth. 
The children ot this gens sometimes have the hair shaved off so as to represent the hairless body of snakes. 

the place of their gens in the tribal organization is with the Tsi'-zhu, 
the second of the two great tribal divisions which symbolizes the 
sky, including the sun, moon and stars that move tnerein. (See 
36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 281, Imes 111 to 120.) 

The Gentile Hair Cut of Children 

Another custom, akin to the taking of personal gentUe names, was 
originated by the ancient No'"-ho''-zhi°-ga, that of the adoption by 
each of the various gentes of the tribe of a particular style of hair 
cut for the young children to typify one of the life symbols of the 
gens. (Fig. 5.) The style adopted by the Ho^'-ga gens of the 
Ho°'-ga tribal subdivision for their children was that of cutting 
nearly all the hair of the head close to the skin, leaving an unbroken 



88 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann.43 

fringe along the entire edge. (Fig. 6.) The story of its adoption 
is best told in the wi'-gi-e of the gens, a paraphrase of which is here 
given : 

THE Wl'-Gl-E 

The Ho°'-ga, a people who possess seven fireplaces, spake to one another. 

Saying: O, younger brothers. 

The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

Then to the Ho°'-ga A-hiu-to" (Winged Ho°'-ga) they spake, 

Saying: O, elder brother! and stood in mute appeal. 

In quick response the Winged Ho°'-ga set forth in haste 

To a deep and miry marsh, 

To the Little Rock who sitteth firmly upon the earth. 

Close to the Little Rock he stood and spake, 

Saying: O, Grandfather! 

Our little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

The Little Rock spake in quick response: 

I am a person of whom the little ones may well make their bodies. 

Thereupon the Winged Ho'''-ga hastened back to his brothers to whom he spake. 

Saying: O, younger brothers, a Little Rock sits yonder. 

Then, with heads bent thitherward. 

The younger brothers set forth in haste 

To the Little Rock who sitteth firmly upon the earth, in the marsh. 

Around him they gathered, close to him they stood as they spake 

To the Little Rock sitting with algae floating about him, like locks of hair blow- 
ing in the wind. (Fig. 6.) 

0, Grandfather! they said to him. 

Our little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. 

The Little Rock made reply: 

I am a person who is difficult to be overcome by death. 

When your little ones make of me their bodies, 

They shaU always be difficult to overcome by death. 

Behold the locks that float about the edges of my head. 

When the little ones reach old age. 

Their locks shall float about the edges of their heads. 

The Little ones shall always live to see their locks grown scant with age. 

The younger brothers spake, saying: Close to the God of Day who sitteth in 
the heavens. 

We shaU place the Little Rock.' 

When our little ones make of the Little Rock their bodies. 

Of the God of Day also 

Our little ones shall make their bodies. 

The four days, 

The four great divisions of the days (the four stages of life) , 

The little ones shall always reach and enter. 

They shall always live to see old age. 

This style of hair cut is called ko^'-ha-u-thi-stse (ko°'-ha, along 
the edge; u-thi-stse, a line left uncut), meaning an unbroken line of 
hair left uncut along the entire edge. 

' The Little Rock of the marsh is spoken of as the Oentle Rock because it is a special life symbol of the 
people for whom there must always be peace and happiness. .\s a memorial of the finding of the Little 
Rock of the marsh the members of the Ho^'-ga gens in cutting the hair of their little ones leave a fringe 
around t he entire edge. 



LA PLE9CHE] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 



89 



At a festival being held at the Indian village near the town of 
Pawhuska, old Saucy-calf called the writer's attention to a little boy 
who was playing hide-and-seek with other youngsters and said: 
"Look at the way his hair is cut (fig. 6); that is the Ho^'-ga A-hiu-to° 
hair cut. That style is called ko^'-ha-u-thi- 
stse. Xu-tha'-pa, Eagle-head, better known 
as Ben Wheeler, a young man who sat near 
us, looked up and said: "That's my little boy; 
I cut my children's hair like that." Saucy-calf 
then explained that the act of the parents in 
cutting the hair of the child in that pre- 
scribed fashion was an implied petition to 
Wa-ko°'-da to permit the little one to live to 
see old age without obstruction of any kind. 



Hair Cut of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge Gens 




Fig. G. — Symbolic hair cu! of 
the Ho^'-ga gens 



The people of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 
(Peacemaker) gens, who occupied the most 
important and honored place in the great tribal division represent- 
ing the sky and all that it contains, adopted the ko°'-ha-u-thi-stse 
style of hair cut for their little ones, which varied slightly from the 

styles used by the Ho"'- 
ga. In the Tsi'-zhu Wa- 
shta-ge symbolic hair cut 
the line of hair left uncut 
along the edge is divided 
into little locks to typify 
the petals of the cone- 
flower, which is the sacred 
flower of the gens (fig. 7). 
Sho"' -ge-mo°-i°, in 
speaking of the symbolic 
hair cut of the children of 
his gens, the Tsi'-zhu 
Wa-shta-ge, told the fol- 
lowing mythical story of 
its origin: 

In the beginning the 

Tsi'-zhu people came 

down, in the form of 

eagles, from the upper to the lower world. As they came in sight of 

the earth they beheld a large red oak tree. They soared down to it 

and alighted upon its topmost branches. The shock of their weight 

19078°— 28 7 




-S3rraboIic hair cut of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens 



90 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann.43 

sent to the ground a shower of acorns which scattered around the 
foot of the tree, whereupon they said: We shall make of this tree 
our life symbol; our little ones shall multiply in numbers like the 
seeds of the oak that fall to the earth in countless numbers. The 
eagles that crowded upon the top branches of the oak became a 
people whose thoughts dwelt upon war, but two of the eagles found 
no resting place on the outspreading branches of the great oak and 
were obliged to drop to the earth. One alighted on a larger elder tree 
and his people became known as Ba'-po, people of the elder tree. 
The other eagle alighted upon the ground in the midst of a patch of 
little yellow flowers which his people made to be their life symbol 
and their emblem of peace. The people cut the hair of their children 
in such fashion as to make their heads resemble the little yellow 
flower, the emblem of peace. (Fig. 7.) This yellow flower is 
caUed Ba-shta', Hau--cut. It is the Ratlbida columnaris. 

A paraphrase of the wi'-gi-e of the Xu-tha'-zhu-dse, Red Eagle, 
gens in which the "Uttle yellow flower," the emblem of peace, is 
mentioned, is here given. 

Paraphrase of the Wi'-gi-e of the Eed Eagle Gens 

PEACEFUL DAY IS MY NAME 

Verily, my abode is in the days tliat are calm and peaceful. 

When the little ones make of me their bodies (their life), 

They shall become a people of the days tliat are ever serene. 

From each of the great gods, 

I verily remove all traces of anger and violence. 

When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

They shall have power to remove from the gods 

All anger and the desire for destruction. 

From the god of the lower world (the earth) ; 

From the god of Ught who standeth in the midst of heaven; 

From the god of the upper world (the over-arching sky) , 

I have power to remove all anger and violence. 

When the little ones make of me their Ijodies, 

They also shall have power to remove from the gods all anger. 

When the little ones of the Wa-zha'-zhc (subdivision), 

And those of the Ho°'-ga (subdivision), 

Make of me their bodies, 

They shall have power to remove from all lands. 

All anger, hatred and violence. 

NO-ANGER I.S ALSO MY NAME 

I am a person of whom the little ones may well make their bodies. . 

My abode is in the midst of the earth's warm, quivering air. 

When the little ones make of me their bodies, 

They shall become a people of the earth's quivering air. 

Verily, in the days that are gentle and peaceful, 

I make my abode. 

When the little ones make of me their bodies, 



Lk FLESCHE) 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 91 



The}" shall become a people of the days that are gentle and peaceful. 

Of a little yellow flower 

I have made my body. 

The little Ba-shta', that stands amidst the winds, 

T have made to be my body. 

When the little ones make of the Ba-shta' their bodies, 

They shall ever live together without anger, without hatred. 

To''-wo°-i'-hi-zhi°-ga, Little To°-wo°-i'-hi, in speaking to Miss 
Fletcher in 1898 of the Osage gentile system, said that there are 
five subgentes in the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, namely: 

1. Tsi'-u-9ko°-gka, House in the center, meaning the Sanctuary 
in the keeping of this gens which, figuratively, stands in the center 
of the earth. 

2. Ba'-po, Elder, or, People of the elder trees. 

3. Mo°'-5a-hi, Arrow-tree, or, People of the arrow tree. 

4. Zho^-go"', Wliite-tree (Sycamore), or, People of the white 
tree. 

5. Sho'-ka, Messengers, or. People from whom a ceremonial 
messenger is chosen for the gens. Sometimes this gens is called 
Tsi'-u-thu-ha-ge, Last group of houses. 

It is from the people of the Tsi'-u-Qko°-gka that the hereditary 
chief of the Tsi'-zhu great tribal division must always be chosen. 
The Ba'-po subgens has the office of making the stem for the cere- 
monial peace pipe of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge. The stem must 
always be made of the Ba'-po, the elder tree. The people of the 
Arrow-tree and the Sycamore gentes have lost the significance of 
their life symbols. All of these five subgentes use the cone-flower 
symbolic hair cut. 

There is something pathetic in the passing away of these ancient 
rites and customs which the Osage Indians had treasured from the 
earliest tunes of their tribal existence. Joe Sho'"-ge-mo°-i°, like his 
father, had respect and reverence for the religious thoughts of his 
ancestors which they had expressed in symbols and rituals with cere- 
monial forms and handed down. Joe had two little daughters 
(pi. 9, a) upon whom he bestowed a large share of his affections. He 
not only gave to each of them a sacred name of his gens, but, from 
year to year, as they approached womanhood, he cut their hau- to 
typify the sacred flower of peace and happiness, an act which 
inii)lied a suppUcation to Wa-ko^'-da to bless each little one with a 
long and fruitful life. At the last symbolic hair cut the children had 
reached school age and they willingly went to the house of learning. 
The white children with whom they mingled hooted and jeered at 
them for their strange hair cut and made them unhappy. When 
they came home they told their father of their unkind treatment at 
the school. The fond father quietly took a pair of shears and cut 
away from each little head the symbohc locks. 



92 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



Little To"-wo'"-i-hi also stated that there was another style of 
symbolic hair cut called gi°'-dse-a-gthe, tails worn on the head, 
which belongs to the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no°, the principal war gens of the 
Tsi'-zhu great tribal division, which he described as: All of the 
hah- of the head cut close but leaving uncut a row of three locks, 
equidistant apart, beginning at the crown of the head and ending 
near the edge of the hau- at the back of the head. (Fig. 8.) This 
style of hair cut symbolizes all animals of the dog family, including 
the gray wolf, the coyote, and the domestic dog. It also symbolizes 
a star called Sho°'-ge a-ga-k'e e-go°, Dog that lies suspended in the 
sky (Sirius). 

The Dog Star is mentioned in the Child-naming Wi'-gi-e of the 
Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens, bearing the title Wa-zho'-i-ga-the Wi'-gi-e, 
Taking of Life Symbols, given by Xu-tha'-wa-to°-in. (See p. 82, sec. 
10 of the wi'-gi-e.) 

Little To^-wo^'-i-hi said that the Wa-Qa-be-to°, Black Bear gens 
of the Ho^'-ga great division, had a similar style of hair cut as that 
of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no" gens. Wa-xthi'-zhi said 
that the Puma gens also had the same style of hair 
cut. 

The symbolic hair cut of the Ni'-ka Wa-ko°-da-gi 
gens, Men of Mystery, is: hair of the head all cut 
close excepting a lock left uncut on the crown of the 
head (pi. 10, a) and a lock at the back of the head 
near the edge, which does not show in the picture. 
The life symbol of this gens is the hawk and the 
, ^ hair cut represents this raptorial bird which was 

Fig. 8.— Hair cut 01 the iini-i 

Tsi'-zhu wa-no- and adopted by all 01 the gentes oi both the Ho" -ga 
the wa-sa'-be (Black ^j^^ j_j^g Tsi'-zhu great tribal divisions as an emblem 

of courage for their warriors. 
The name of the boy whose picture shows the hair cut of his gens is 
Gthe-do^'-gka, White-hawk (Gthe-do°, hawk; gka, white). It is the 
name that belongs to the second son in a famdy of this gens. His 
father's name is No°'-ka-to-ho, Blue-back (No°'-ka, back; to-ho, 
blue), a name referring to the blue-backed hawk. White-hawk's 
mother is Xi-tha'-do°-wi°, Good-eagle-woman, daughter of Sho^'-ge- 
mo^-i" of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 

The style of symbolic hair cut adopted by the Tho'-xe gens is of 
the Qi°'-dse A-gthe class and is described as, hair on entu'e head cut 
close excepting a little tuft left imcut just over the middle of the 
forehead, and a fringe running across the crown of the head from one 
ear to the other as shown in the picture (pi. 10, 6); two tufts, one on 
either side of the head back of the fringe, and a tuft just above the 
nape of the neck, which do not show in the picture. This style of cut 
represents the buffalo bull, the principal life symbol of the gens. 




BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 10 





CHILD'S HAIR CUT OF THE THO-XE AND NI'-KA 
WA-KO---DA-GI GENTES 



u 
h- 
< 


■..•a^i^ 


^' 


if 


Q- 

1- 


.ydflBHHlK 


; 


w 


tr 


.a^^^H^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^B> 


1 


\ \ 


() 


.^^^^^HuA^iRfl^HHM^^^^^^^^^^^^^K > 




A ' 


0. 
UJ 

a 

< 

-1 




\ 

\ 


i 


V 


^Hp.' . ^^Hlkfti 1 






z 


fir ^^ilBn ~^' 






< 


^' ^^nk ■ 






c 


^n^^^L \ 






I 








> 

o: 


■^ J »■ ^ 






O 




---- 


•^ 


Li. 






"^^ 




BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 12 




BONE EAR PERFORATORS AND EXPANDERS 



L* FLESCHE] CHILD-NAMING RITE 93 

The two gentes, the Ni'-ka Wa-ko"-da-gi and the Tho'-xe, are 
closely related, being jomt custodians of the rites pertaining to v. ar. 
(See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 64-65.) The symbolic 
hawks, each of which formed the central figure in the ceremonies of 
the war rites, were regarded as being in the special care of the Ni'-ka 
Wa-ko°-da-gi, while all of the thirteen o-do"', military honors, to be 
won by each warrior of the tribe in order to secure ceremonial rank, 
belonged to the Tho'-.xe. The war honor must be won in a fight by a 
war party carrying a hawk, the tribal emblem of courage. The places 
of these two gentes are on the Tsi'-zhu side of the two great tribal 
divisions, but they are not of the seven fireplaces of that great division. 

In the Tsi'-zhu Wi'-gi-e recited by Mo°-zho°-a'-ki-da (36th Ann. 
Rcpt. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 277-285), relating to the mythical story 
of the descent of the people from the upper to the lower world, these 
two gentes are mentioned. A paraphrase of this part is here given: 

Paraphrase of Wi'-gi-e Relating to the Ni'-ka Wa-ko^'-da-gi 
AND the Tho'-xe Gentes 

The Messenger 

Then hastened down 

To the fourth division of the heavens, 

Close to it he stood and paused 

And lo, Ni'-ka Wa-kc-da-gi, Man of Mysteries, 

Appeared before him. 

The Messenger turned and said to his followers: Here stands a man. 

Verily, one who inspires fear. 

I truly believe his name is, Fear-inspiring. 

The Man of Mysteries spake, saying: I am a person of whom your little ones may 

well make their bodies. 
When your little ones make of me their bodies, 
The.v shall be free from aU causes of death. 
They shall take the name Little-hawk, 
To use as their personal name, 
Then shall they be able to live to see old age. 
Woman-hawk 
Is also a name that I have. 

Your little ones shall use it as their personal name. 
Then shall they be able to live to old age. 

The Messenger quickly passed on 

To Tho'-xe, who appeared in the form of a buffalo bull. 

Close to him the Messenger stood and spake, 

Saying: O, Grandfather! 

Then, turning toward his followers, he said: Here stands a man. 

Verily, a man who inspires fear. 

Then Tho'-xe spake, saying: I am a person of whom j'our little ones may well 

make their bodies. 
Thereupon he threw himself upon the earth. 
And the blazing star, a purple flower, 

Sprang up from the soil and stood, pleasing to the sen.se of sight. 
And Tho'-xe spake, saying: This plant shall be medicine for your little ones. 



94 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ANN. 43 

It shall make their limbs to lengthen in growth, 

And they shall be able to live to see old age. 

Again Tho'-xe threw himself upon the earth 

And the poppy mallow 

Sprang from the soil and stood, beautiful, in its red Ijlossoms. 

Then Tho'-xe spake, saying: Of this plant also. 

Your little ones shall make their bodies. 

They shall use it as medicine 

And it shall make their limljs to lengthen in growth. 

It is astringent to the taste. 

Therefore you shall name your little ones Astringent. 

When the little ones make of this plant their bodies, 

They shall be able to live to see old age. 

At the time this work was begun the greater portion of the Osage 
people had practically ceased to observe the ancient custom of 
cutting the hair of their children in the prescribed symbolic fashion, 
and those who continued the practice were reluctant to speak of it 
on account of its sacred and mysterious character. For this reason 
it was not possible to make an exhaustive study of the hair cut of 
the various gentes of the tribe. In the days when the rite was 
generally and strictly observed the girl, when she had attained the 
age of ten, was permitted to let her hair grow long, and the boy was 
allowed to wear his hair in the same style as that of all the grown 
men; that is, all the hair of the head cut close excepting a crest 
beginning at the middle of the crown and terminating with a long 
braided tail called he-ga'-xa, horn, that hangs down the back of the 
head and on the shoulder. (PI. 11.) The braided tail is called 
"a'-yku" by the Omaha and the Ponca Indians. 

The Ponca and the Omaha, who were at one time a part of the 
Osage tribe, also had the same tribal custom of ceremonially cutting 
the hair of the children. The ritual used in the ceremony is a sup- 
plication to Wa-ko^'-da to favor the child with a long and fruitful life. 

In the course of her ethnological work among the Omahas in the 
years 1881-83, Miss Alice C. Fletcher undertook to gather infor- 
mation about the symbolic haii' cut of the children of that tribe. 
At first she made slow progress because the Indians were imwilling 
to speak of matters that form a part of the tribal rites. One day, at 
the house of Xo'-ga, the members of the family and some visitors 
were speaking of Miss Fletcher's difficulty in gathering information 
about the hair cut, when the old man caught his little boy and, 
holding him fast between his knees, proceeded to cut his hair. The 
little fellow fought manfidly but in a short time he stood with his 
head closely sheared, with locks left uncut here and there. The 
father swung the boy to his back and as he started to go he said: 
"That white woman is my friend and I am going to help her." He 
carried the child to Miss Fletcher and as he put him down before 
her he said, "That's the hair cut of our gens. (See fig. 5, No. 2.) 



LA FLESCHE] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 95 



It is the picture of a bison; you can't see it [the bison] but we can. 
You may make a sketch of it and write about it as much as you like." 
The lady looked for a moment in silence at the locks and the little 
shorn head, then, with a hearty laugh and a handclap, she snatched 
up paper and pencil to make a sketch of the locks and the shorn 
head, to the delight of all the Indians present. Thereafter she had 
no trouble in getting information about the hair cut of all the gentes. 

Fondness of Personal Adornment 

Like their relatives, the Omaha and the Ponca, the Osage people 
have a fondness for personal adornment. Much paint is used in 
decorating the face and body. Most of the lines and figures drawn 
upon the face and body are symbolic, as, for instance, a woman paints 
the parting of her hair almost daily. The red line symbolizes the 
path of the sim which forever passes over the earth and gives to it 
vitality. It is a sign of supplication for the continuity of life by 
procreation. Or, a man of the Life-giver gens paints his face all 
yellow with a narrow black line running diagonally across his face 
from one corner of his forehead down to the lower jaw on the oppo- 
site side. This is the life sign ceremonially put upon a captive when 
the word is passed by the Life-giver gens that the captive shall be 
peiTiiitted to live. A downy feather worn upright on the crown of 
the head by a man symbolizes the sun which brings life to the earth 
in material form. The white shell gorget which a man wears as a 
pendant on his necklace is also a symbol of the life-giving sun. 

Ear Perforating 

Down to recent times the Osage men have been sacrificing the 
shapeliness of their external ears to the gratification of their fondness 
for adornment. In ordinary times, and particularly on festal days, 
the Osage men weighted their ears with strings of wampum or other 
ornaments made of bone or shells and silver earbobs which were 
introduced by traders. The weight of the earrings and the crowding 
of the holes in the ears with the rings enlarge the perforations to an 
extraordmary size. (PI. 11.) The holes, which are bored along the 
rim of the pinna, were made by the same men who performed the 
ceremony connected with the perforating. These men provided them- 
selves wdth perforating instrimients made of sharpened bone, wooilen 
expanders, and little blocks of wood against which the ear is pressed 
when performing the operation. (PI. 12.) For a long time Wa'-thu- 
xa-ge and Tsi'-zhu-zhi^-ga held this office. The former died a few 
years ago. Both of these men were members of the Peace gens of the 
Tsi'-zhu great tribal division. An Osage was asked why the ears 
of the children were bored and he replied that the children whose 
ears were bored were apt to be better behaved than those whose 
ears were not perforated. 



96 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

KI'-NO'^ Wr-GI-E 
1 

1. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

2. Da'-do° ki-no° gi-the mo^-thi" ta ba do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

3. Wa'-ko^-da tse-ga xtsi e-tho°-be hi no" no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

4. Ga' ki-no° gi-the mo''-thi° bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

5. Ki'-no" gi-the mo^-thi" bi do" shki a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

6. Ts'e wa-tse-xi ki-the mo''-thi° ta bi a, wi-QO°-ga, e-ki-a bi a, a 

bi" da, tsi ga. 

2 

7. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

8. Da'-do" wa-gthe gi-the mo^-thi" ta ba do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

9. Wa-ko°-da tse-ga xtsi e-tho°-be hi no° bi a, a bi" da, tsi ga, 

10. Thi' u-ba-he i-sdu-ge dsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

11. Wa'-gthe to° e-go" to" no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

12. Ga'wa-gthe gi-the mo°-thi° bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

13. Ts'e' wa-tse-xi ki-the mo°-thi° ta bi° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

14. Zhi'"-ga wa-gthe gi-the mo^-thi" bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

15. Wa'-gthe gi-xi-tha zhi ki-the mo°-thi'' ta bi" da', a bi° da, tsi ga. 



16. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

17. Da'-do° we-Qda-the mo°-thi° ta ba do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

18. Wa'-dsu-ta slii°-to-zhi°-ga kshe no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

19. No"'-ka o"-he i-sdu-ge dsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

20. Ga' we-gda-the mo°-thi" ta bi a', wi-5o"-ga, e-ki-a bi a, a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

21. We-gda-the mo°-thi" bi do" shki a, a bi" da, tsi ga, 

22. U'-no" a bi i-the ki-the mo°-thi° ta bi a', wi-Qo"-ga, e-ki-a bi a, a 

bi" da, tsi ga. 

23. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

24. Da'-do" wa-no°-p'i° to" kshi-the mo°-thi° ta ba do" a', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

25. Tsiu'-ge tlii°-lvshe no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

26. Ga' wa-no"-p'i" to" kshi-the mo"-thi° ta bi a',wi-go°-ga, e'-ki-a 

bi a', bi" da, tsi ga, 

27. Wa'-ko°-da Ho"-ba do" thi°-kshe a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

28. I'-tha-thu-ge tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

29. No"'-p'i" to" kshi-the ta bi a', wi-5o"-ga, e-ki-a bi a,' a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

30. U'-no" tha bi do" shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

31. U'-no" a bi i-the ki-the mo°-thi" ta bi a', wi-90°-ga, e'-ki-a, bi 

a, a bi" da, tsi ga. 



LA FLE3CHE1 CHILD-NAMING RITE 97 

TSI TA'-PE WA-THO" 

Wa-tse wi" u-tha-ki-o°-stse, 
Wa-tse wi" ii-tha-ki-o°-stse he, 
Wa-tse \vi° u-tha-ki-o°-stse, 
E the he wi-ta do° u-tha-ki-o°-stse he, 
Wa-tse wi° u-tha-ki-o°-stse. 

Wl'-GI-E 

1 

1. Da'-do° wa-Qi-thi-ge mo^-thi" ta ba do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

2. Wa'-tse do-ga thi°-kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

3. Ga' wa-gi-thu-ge mo°-thi° bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

4. Wa'-gi-thu-ge mo^-thi" bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

5. U'-no° a bi i-the ki-the rao°-thi° ta bi a', wi-go°-ge, e'-ki-a bi 

a, a bi° da, tsi ga. 

2 

6. Da'-do° wa-gi-thu-ge mo°-thi° ta ba do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

7. Wa'-tse mi-ga thi"-kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

8. Ga' wa-gi-thu-ge mo''-thi° bi a', a bi" da tsi ga, 

9. Wa'-gi-thu-ge ino°-thi° bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

10. U'-no" a bi i-the ki-the mo°-thi'' ta bi a', wi-go^-ga, e-ki-a 

bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga. 

3 

11. Da'-do° wa-gi-thu-ge mo°-thi° ta ba do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

12. Wa'-tse do-ga thi°-kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

13. Ga' wa-gi-thu-ge mo''-thi'' bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

14. Wa'-gi-thu-ge mo°-thi'' bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

15. U'-no° a bi i-the ki-the mo°-tlii° ta bi a', wi-co°-ga, e-ki-a, bi 

a, a hi" da, tsi ga. 

4 

16. Da'-do° wa-gi-thu-ge mo^-thi" ta ba do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

17. Wa'-tse mi-ga thi°-kshe a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

18. Ga' wa-gi-thu-ge mo°-thi" bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

19. Wa'-gi-thu-ge nio^-thi" bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

20. U'-no° a bi i-the ki-the mo°-thi° ta bi a', wi-go''-ga, e'-ki-a, 

bi a, a bi° da, tsi ga. 

ZHA'-ZHE KI-TO'^ WI'-GI-E 
1 

1. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

2. Ho"'-ga u-dse-the pe-tho°-ba ni-ka-shi-ga ba do° a', a bi° da, 

tsi ga, 

3. Ha'! wi-go°-ga, e-ki-a bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 



98 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

4. Zhi"'-ga ni-ka-shi-ga bi a', wi-5o"-ga, e'-ki-a bi a', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

5. Zhi"'-ga hiu-dse ta ni-ka-shi-ga ba tho°-ta zhi a', wi-go^-ga, 

e'-ki-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

6. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

7. Wa'-ko-'-da gtho°-the do-ba', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

8. Gi'-ka tse a, wi-QO°-ga, e-ki-a, bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

9. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

10. Wa'-ko°-da ho°-ba do" thi°-kshe a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

11. Ha'! wi-tsi-go-e', e-gi-a bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

12. Zhi^'-ga ni-ka-shi-ga bi a', wi-tsi-go-e', e-gi-a bi a', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

13. Zhi°'-ga hiu-dse ta ni-ka-shi-ga ba tho°-ta zhi a', wi-tsi-go-e', 

e-gi-a, bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

14. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

15. Zhi^'-ga hiu-dse ta ni-ka-shi-ga ta bi e'-she do" a', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

16. Zhi°'-ga hiu-dse ta ni-ka-shi-ga bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

17. U'-no" a bi i-the ki-tlie mo"-thi" ta bi a', zhi"-ga', a bi" da, 

tsi ga. 

2 

18. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

19. Zhi"'-ga hiu-dse ta ni-ka-shi-ga ta bi e'-she do" a', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

20. Zhi"'-ga zha-zhe ki-to" tse thi"-ge a-tha, wi-tsi-go-e', e-gi-a, 

bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

21. Ha'! zhi°-ga e'-tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

22. Zhi"'-ga zha-zhe ki-to" tse thi"-ge e-she do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

23. Zhi"'-ga zha-zhe ki-to" ba-tho" ta-mi kshe i° da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

24. Mi'-wa-ga-xe a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

25. Zha'-zhe ki-to" mo"-tlii° ta bi a', zhi"-ga, e'-tsi-the a', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

26. Zha'-zhe ki-to" mo°-tlii" bi do" shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

27. U'-no" a bi i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta bi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



28. Da'-do" zha-zhe Iji-to" ga no" shki a, hi" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

29. Mo"'-Qi-tse-xi shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

30. Zha'-zhe ki-to" mo°-thi° ta bi a', zhi"-ga', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

31. Zha'-zhe ki-to" nio°-thi° bi do" shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

32. U'-no" a bi i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta bi a', zhi°-ga, a bi" da, 

tsi ga. 



LA FLESCBE) CHILD-NAMING RITE 99 



33. Da'-do° zha-zhc ki-to" ga no" shki a, hi° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

34. I'-e-gka-wa-the shki a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

35. Zha'-zhe ki-to° ino''-thi'' ta hi a', zlii''-ga', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

36. Zha'-zhe ki-to° mo°-thi° bi do° shki a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

37. U'-no" a bi i-the ki-the mo^-thi" ta bi" da', a bi° da, tsi ga. 

5 

38. Da'-do° zha-zhe ki-to° ga no° shki a, hi° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

39. Mo^'-zlio^-op-she-wi" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

40. Zha'-zhe ki-to° mo"'-thi° ta bi a', zhi°-ga', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

41. Zha'-zhe ki-to° mo''-thi'' bi do" shki a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

42. U'-no° a bi i-tlie ki-the ino''-thi" ta bi" da', a bi° da, tsi ga. 

6 

43. Da'-do° zha-zhe ki-to° ga no° shki a, hi° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

44. Mo°'-ga-xe shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

45. Zha'-zhe ki-to" mo°-thi° ta bi a', zlii°-ga', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

46. Zha'-zhe ki-to° mo^-thi" bi do" shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

47. U'-no° a bi i-the ki-the mo°-thi° ta bi" da', a bi° da, tsi ga. 

7 

48. Da'-do° zha-zhe ki-to° ga no" shki a, hi" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

49. No"'-mi-tse-xi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

50. Zha'-zhe ki-to° mo°-tiii" ta bi a', zlii°-ga', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

51. Zha'-zhe ki-to° mo°-thi° bi do" shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

52. U'-no" a bi i-the ki-the mo°-thi" ta bi" da, a bi" da, tsi ga. 



53. Da'-do° zha-zhe ki-to" ga no°-shki a, hi" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

54. I°'-shta-sha-be sliki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

55. Zha'-zhe ki-to" nio"-thi° ta bi a, zhi"-ga', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

56. Zha'-zhe ki-to" mo°-thi° bi do" shld a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

57. U'-uo" a bi i-tlie ki-the mo°-thi" ta bi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



58. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

59. Ha'! wi-5o"-ga, e-ki-e no°-zhi° bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

60. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba tho"-tse thi°-ge a-tha, wi-50°-ga, 

e'-ki-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

61. Thu-e' xtsi gi-thu-ga ba do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

62. 'I"'-xe shto°-ga thi°-kshe no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

63. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

64. Ha'! wi-tsi-go-e', e-gi-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

65. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba tho"-tse thi°-ge' a-tha, wi-tsi-go-e', 

e-ki-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



100 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



66. Ha'! zhi°-ga, e-tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

67. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba tho"-tse thi''-ge' e-she do" a', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

68. Zlii^'-ga zhu-i-ga o''-tha ba tho" ta mi kshi" da, a bi° da tsi ga, 

69. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

70. Zhi°'-ga u-hu-shi-ga bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

71. U'-hu-shi-ge i-da-gi-ge o^-ki-gtha-thi" mo°-thi° ta bi a', zhi^-ga, 

a bi° da, tsi ga. 

10 

72. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

73. No"' wi-QO°-ga, e-ki-a bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

74. 0'-to°-be tha-the tse a, wi-Qo''-ga, e'-ki-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

75. Ga' xtsi hi-tha i do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

76. '1°' sho-sho-dse thi^-kshe no° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

77. He'-dsi xtsi hi no°-zhi°-e do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

78. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba thoMse thi°-ge' a-tha, wi-tsi-go-e', 

e-gi-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

79. Ha'! zhi"-ga e'-tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

80. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba tho°-tse thi°ge' e-she do° a', a bi° da, 

tsi ga, 

81. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha ba tho" ta mi kshi° da', a bi° da, a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

82. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

83. U'-hu-shi-ga i-da-gi-ge o"-ki-gtha-thi" mo"-tlii° ta bi a', zhi°-ga, 

a bi" da, tsi ga. 

11 

84. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

85. Ha'! wi-50°-ga, e-ki-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

86. Zhi"'-ga no°-bthe tha ba tho"-tse thi°-ge' a-tha, wi-go"-ga, 

e'-ki-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

87. 0'-to"-be tha-the tse a, wi-5o"-ga, e'-ki-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

88. Thu-e' xtsi gi-thu-ge the do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

89. Dse' u-5ko°-5ka dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

90. Tse'-wa-the kshe no" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

91. E'-dsi-xtsi a-thi" gi-e do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

92. The ho"', wi-zhi"-the, e-a-gthi no°-zhi° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

93. I'-k' u-tse a-tsi-a-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

94. Ba'-ge-ni e-go" tha-dsu-zhe gtha bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

95. Ha'! wi-50°-ga, e-ki-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

96. Zhi°'-ga no°-bthe tha ba tho" tse a-ka', wi-90°-ga, e'-ki-a bi a', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

97. Zhi"'-ga no°-bthe tha bi do" a', bi" da, tsi ga, 

98. U'-no° a bi -the ki-the mo°-thi" ta bi a', wi-5o"-ga, e'-ki-a, bi 

a, a bi" da, tsi ga. 



LA FLE9CHE 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 101 

12 

99. Shi' \vi" thi"-ge a-tha, \vi-9o"-ga, e-ki-a bi a', bi° da, tsi ga, 

100. 0'-to"-be tha-the tse a', wi-9o°-ga, e'-ki-a bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

101. Ga' xtsi hi-tha i do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

102. Dse' go-da ko°-ha dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

103. Do' thi°-kshe no° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

104. E'-dsi xtsi lu no°-zlii''-e do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

105. He'-dsi xtsi a-thi° gi-e do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

106. Ha'! wi-zhi°-the, e' a-gthi no^-zhi" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

107. The ho°', wi-zhi°-the, e' a-gthi iio°-zhi° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

108. Ha'! wi-50°-ga, e'-gi-a bi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

109. She' e-shno° u-tha-dse tha-thi°-she a', \vi-go°-ga, e-gi-a bi a', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

110. I'-k'u-tse a-tsi-a-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

111. Ba'-^e-ni e-go° tha-dsu-zhe gtha bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

112. Zhi'-'-ga no°-bthe the mo°-thi'' ta bi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

113. Zhi"'-ga no^-bthe the mo°-thi" bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

114. U'-no° a bi i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta bi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

115. A'-dsu-ta i-ga-^i-ge ki-the mo"-thi" ta bi"da, a bi" da, tsi ga. 

U'-NO'^ wr-Gi-E 
1 

1. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

2. Ho"'-ga u-dse-the pe-tho°-ba ni-ka-shi-ga ba do" a', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

3. Zhu'-i-ga tha bi wa-thi"-ga bi a tha, e'-ki-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

4. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

5. Wa'-zhi°-ga wa-tha-xthi thi"-ge thi"-kshe no" a', abi"da, tsi ga, 

6. Ha! w'i-tsi-go-e', e-gi-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

7. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga tha bi wa-thi°-ga bi a-tha, e'-gi-a bi a, a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

8. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

9. Wa'-zhi°-ga wa-tha-xthi thi"-ge thi°-kshe no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

10. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

11. U'-no" a bi e-to"-ha i-the ivi-the mo"-thi" ta bi a-tha, e'-tsi-the 

a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

12. Wa-zhi°-ga wa-tha-xthi thi°-ge thi"-kshe no" a, a bi" da, tsi ga, 

13. Ci'-pa-hi thi-gtu-the ga tse shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

14. U'-no" a-gi-the a-thi"-he a-tha, e'-tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

15. Zhi"'-ga u-no" o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

16. U'-no" a bi e-to°-ha i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tse a-tha, e' tsi-the 

a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



102 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

17. No°'-xpe-hi ba-g'i°-tha ga tse shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

18. U'-no° a-gi-the a-thi° he a-tha, e' tsi-the a', a hi" da, tsi ga, 

19. Zhi°'-ga u-iio° o^-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

20. U'-no° a bi e-to°-ha i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tse a-tha, e' tsi-the 

a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

21. Wa'-zhi"-ga wa-tha-xthi tW-ge thi''-kshe no" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

22. Shi'-no°-dse ba-Q'i°-tha ga tse shki a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

23. U'-no° a-gi-the a-tW-he a tha, e'tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

24. Zhi^'-ga u-no° o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

25. U'-no° a bi e-toMia i-the ki-the mo°-thi" ta i tse a-tha, e'tsi-the 

a, a bi" da, tsi ga. 

26. Tse'-wa-tse ii-ga-wa ga thi°-kshe shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

27. U'-no° a-gi-the a-thi°-he a-tha, e'-tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

28. Zhi^'-ga ii-no" o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

29. U'-no" a bi e-to°-ha i-the ki-the mo^-thi" ta i tse a-tha, e'tsi-the 

a', a bi° da, tsi ga. 

30. Mo°'-ge thi-gtu-the ga tse shki a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

31. U'-no" a-gi-the a-thi° he a-tha, e tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

32. Zhi"'-ga u-no" o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

33. U'-no" a bi e-to°-ha i-the ki-the mo°-thi" ta i tse a-tha, e'tsi-the 

a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

34. A'-zhu-ga-wa ga thi"-kshe shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

35. U'-no" a-gi-the a-thi" he a-tha, e'tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

36. Zhi"'-ga u-no" o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

37. U'-no" a bi e-to°-ha i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tse a-tha e tsi-the 

a, a bi" da, tsi ga. 

38. A'-ba-t'u-xa ga thi°-kshe shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

39. U'-no" a-gi-the a-thi" he a-tha, e tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

40. Zhi"'-ga u-no" o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

41. A'-ba-t'u-xa e-go° a bi i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tse a-tha, e tsi-the 

a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

42. Du'-dse u-ga-wa ga thi°-kshe shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

43. U'-no" a-gi-the a-thi "-he a-tha, e'-tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

44. Zhi"'-ga u-no" o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

45. U'-no" a bi e-to"-ha ki-the i-the mo"-thi° ta i tse a-tha, e'tsi-the 

a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

46. I"'-shta-the-dse bi-xo" ga thi"-kshe shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

47. U'-no" a-gi-the a-thi"-he a-tha, e tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

48. Zhi"'-ga u-no" o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

49. I"'-shta-the-dse bi-xo" a bi i-the ki-the mo"-thi° ta i tse e'tsi-the 

a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



LA FI.E9CHE) CHILD-NAMING RITE 103 

50. P'-shta-ha bi-xo" ga tse a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

51. U'-no" a-gi-the a-tlii''-he a-tha, e'tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

52. Zhi-'-ga ii-no" o°-tha bi do° a', bi" da, tsi ga. 

53. P'-shta-ha bi-xo° a bi i-the ki-tlie mo°-thi° ta i tse a-tha, e tsi-tlie 

a', a bi° da, tsi ga. 

54. Ta'-xpi hi" ?a-dse ga thi^-kshe shki a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

55. U'-no° a-gi-the a-thi" he a-tha, e tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

56. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga oMha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

57. Ta-xpi hi" ga-dse a bi i-the ki-the nio"-thi° ta i tse a-tha, e tsi-the 

a, a bi" da, tsi ga. 

WA-ZHO'-I-GA-THE WI'-GI-E 
1 

1. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga-the thi°-ge a-tha, wi-^o^-ga, e-ki-e a-ka', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

2. Ho'-to°-be ga-xa ba thiMia, wi-^o^-ga, e-ki-e a-ka', a bi° da, 

tsi ga, 

3. Ka' ha-ge to" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

4. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, wi-9o°-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', 

a bi° da, tsi ga, 

5. Ga' xtsi hi-tha i do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

6. Wa'-ko-'-da ho°-ba do° thi^-kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

7. Wi'-tsi-go-e', e-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

8. Ha'! vvi-tsu-shpa e', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

9. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga-the thi°-ge a-tha, wi-tsi-go-e', e-gi-e a-ka', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

10. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba tho° ta ni-ka-shi-ga mi-kshi" da, a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

11. Wa'-ko°-da ts'e wa-tse-xi \vi-no° bthi" da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

12. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

13. Ts'e' wa-tse-xi ino°-thi" ta i tsi" da, a bi" da', tsi ga, 

14. Wa'-ko"-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

15. Be'u-zho"-ge o"-tho" kshi-tha mo°-zhi a-thi" he i" da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

16. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

17. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

18. U'-zho"-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi mo"-thi° ta i tsi" da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga. 

2 

19. Ha'! wi-go°-ga, e-ki-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

20. Ho'-to°-be ga-xa ba thi" ha', wi-Qo"-ga, e'-ki-e a-ka', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

21. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, wi-Qo"-ga, e'-ki-e a-ka', a 

bi" da, tsi ga. 



104 THE OSAGE TRIBE (eth. ann. 43 

22. Ka' ha-ge to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

23. Wi'-90°-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

24. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a tha, wi-go^-ga, e'-gi-e a-ka', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

25. Ho'-to°-be ga-xa thi° ha, wi-50°-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

26. Ga'xtsi hi-tha i do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

27. Wa'-ko°-da ho° do° thiMcshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

28. I'-ko-e, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

29. Ha'! wi-tsu-shpa tho°, e', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

30. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

31. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba tho" ta ni-ka-shi-ga mi-kshi" da', 

a bi° da, tsi ga, 

32. Wa'-ko"-da ts'e wa-tse-xi bthi° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

33. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

34. Ts'e' wa-tse-xi mo^-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

35. Wa'-ko°-da e-'shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

36. U'-zho"-ge be o°-tho"-kshi-tha mo°-zhi a-thi° he i" da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

37. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

38. Wa'-ko-'da e-shki do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

39. U'-zho''-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi mo°-thi'' ta i tsi° da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

40. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

41. U'-zho°-ge be o''-wo°-no''-zhi'' mo°-zhi z-thi° he i" da', a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

42. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

43. Wa'-ko°-da e'-shki do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

44. U'-zho"-ge be u-no^-zhi" ba zhi ki-the mo^-tlii" ta i tsi° da', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

45. U'-no° a bi shki u-hi a-ki-the a-thin he i° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

46. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

47. U'-no° a bi shki u-hi ki-the mo°-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga 

48. Ho°'-ba tha-gthi" shki u-hi a-ki-the a thi" he i" "da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

49. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

50. Ho"'-ba tha-gthi" shki u-hi ki-the mo°-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bin 

da, tsi ga. 



51. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, wi-90°-ga, e'-ki-e a-ka', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

52. U'-to°-be ga-xa ba thi" ha', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

53. Ka' ha-ge to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

54. Wi'-QO°-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



LA FLESCHE) 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 105 



55. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

56. U'-tC-be ga-xa thi" ha, wi-9o"-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga. 

57. Ga' xtsi hi-tha i do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

58. Wa'-tse do-ga thi^-kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

59. Wi'-tsi-go-e, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

60. Ha'! wi-tsu-shpa, e', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

61. Zhi'"-ga zhu-i-ga the thi^-ge a-tha, wi-tsi-go-e', e-gi-e a-ka', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

62. Zhi°-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba tho" ta ni-ka-shi-ga mi-kshi" da', a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

63. Wa-ko°-da ts'e wa-tse-xi \vi-no° bthi° i° da, a bi° da, tsi ga, 

64. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga o''-tha bi do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

65. Ts'e' wa-tse-xi mo^-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

66. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

67. U'-zho°-ge be o°-tho°-kshi-tha mo^-zhi a-thi° he i" da', a bi° 

da, tsi ga. 

68. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

69. Wa'-ko°-da e'-shki do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

70. U'-zho°-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi mo"-thi'' ta i tsi° da', a bi° da, 

tsi ga, 

71. Wa'-ko''-da e-shki do" a', a hi" da, tsi ga, 

72. U'-zho°-ge be o''-wo°-no''-zhi'' mo°-zhi a-thi" he i° da', a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

73. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o^-tha bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

74. Wa'-koVla e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

75. U'-zho°-ge be u-no^-zhi" ba zhi mo^-thi" ta i tsi° da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

76. U'-no° a bi shki u-hi a-ki-the a-thi° he i" da, a bi° da, tsi ga, 

77. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha hi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

78. U'-no" a bi shki i-the ki-the mo°-thi'' ta i tsi° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

79. Ho^'-ba tha-gthi° shki i-the a-ki-the a-thi° he i" da', a bi° da, 

tsi ga, 
SO. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o''-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

81. Ho'-'-ba tha-gthi° shki u-hi ki-the mo^-thi" ta i tsi° da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga. 

4 

82. Ha'! wi-go°-ga, e-ki-c a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

83. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, wi-5o''-ga, e-ki-e a-ka', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

84. Ho'-to°-be ga-xa ba thi" ha, \vi-5o"-ga, e-ki-e, a-ka', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

85. Ka' ha-ge to" a', a hi" da, t^i ga, 

86. \Vi'-50°-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

19078°— 28 8 



106 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

87. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, wi-50°-ga, e'-gi-e a-ka', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

88. 0'-to"-be ga-xa thi° ha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

89. Ga' xtsi hi-tha i-do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

90. Wa'-tse mi-ga thi''-kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

91. I'-ko-e, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

92. Ha'! wi-tsu-shpa, e', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

93. Zhi^'-ga shu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, i-ko-e, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

94. Zhi°-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha ba tho" ta ni-ka-shi-ga mi-kshi" da, a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

95. Wa'-ko°-da ts'e wa-tse-xi wi-no° bthi° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

96. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

97. Ts'e wa'-tse-xi ki-the mo°-thi° ta i tsi° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

98. Wa-ko°'-da e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

99. U'-zho"-ge be o"'-wo°-no°-zhi° nio°-zhi a-thi° he i° da,' a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

100. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga o^-tha bi do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

101. Wa'-ko"-da e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

102. U-zho"-ge be u-no^-zhi" ba zhi mo^-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

103. U'-no° a bi shki u-hi a-ki-the a-thi° he i° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

104. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

105. U'-no° a bi shki u-hi ki-the moMhi" ta i tsi° da', a bi° da, tsi 

ga> 

106. Ho°'-ba tha-gthi" shki u-hi a-ki-the a-thi° hi" da, a bi" da 

tsi ga, 

107. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

108. Ho°'-ba tha-gthi- skhi u-hi ki-the mo^-thi" ta i tsi° da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga. 

5 

109. Ha'! wi-go"-ga, e-ki-e a-ka', bi" da, tsi ga, 

110. Zhi'"-ga zhu-i-ga the thi^-ge a-tha, wi-go^-ga, e' ki-e a-ka', a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

111. Ka' ha-ge to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

112. Wi'-go°-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

113. 0'-to"-be ga-xa thi" ha, wi-Qo"-ga, e'gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

114. Ga'xtsi hi-tha i do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

115. Wa'-ba-ha to" no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

116. Wi'-tsi-go-e', e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

117. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, wi-tsi-go-e, e-gi-e a-ka', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

118. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba tho" ta ni-ka-shi-ga mi-kshi° da, a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

119. Wa'-ko"-da ts'e wa-tse-xi bthi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



LA FLESCHE) CHILD-NAMING RITE 107 

120. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

121. Ts'e' wa-tse-xi mo^-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

122. Wa'-ko^-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

123. U'-zho"-ge be o''-tho°-ksiii-tha mo°-zhi a-thi° he i° da', a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

124. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

125. Wa'-ko^-da e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

126. U'-sho°-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi mo"-thi° ta i tsi° da', a bi° da, 

tsi ga, 

127. Wa'-ko° da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

12S. U'-zho"-ge be o°-\vo°-iio''-zhi° mo^-zhi a-thi° he i" da', a bi" da, 
tsi ga, 

129. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

130. Wa'-ko"-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

131. U'-zho"-ge be u-no°-zhi" ba zhi mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga 

132. U'-no° a bi shki i-the a-ki-the a-thi" he i° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

133. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

134. U'-no" a bi shki i-the iji-the mo"-thi° ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

135. Ho°'-ba tha-gthi" shki u-hi a -ki-the a-thi" he i° da, a bi" da, 

tsi ga. 

136. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

137. Ho°'-ba tha-gthi" shki u-hi ki-the mo°-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga. 

6 

138. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, wi-9o°-ga, e-ki-e a-ka', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

139. Ho'-to"-be ga-.xa ba thi" ha, wi-50°-ga, e-ki-e a-ka, a bi" da, tsi 

ga, 

140. Ka'ha-ge to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

141. Wi'-9o"-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

142. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, wi-50°-ga, e'-gi-e a-ka', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

143. Ga'xtsi hi-tha i do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

144. Ta'-pa thi"-kshe no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

145. I'-ko-e', e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

146. Ha'! wi-tsu-shpa tho", e', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

147. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

148. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba tho" ta ni-ka-shi-ga nii-kshi" da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

149. Wa'-ko°-da ts'e wa-tse-xi bthi" da', tsi ga, 

150. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

151. Ts'e' wa-tse-xi ki-the nio"-thi° ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

152. Wa'-ko" da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



108 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



(ETH. ANN. 43 



153. U'-zho''-ge be o''-tho''-kshi-tha mo°-zhi a-thi" he i° da, a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

154. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

155. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

156. U'-zho°-ge be i-kshi-tha be zhi mo°-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi° da, 

tsi ga. 

157. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

158. U'-zho°-ge be o °-wo °-no°-zhi ° mo^-zhi a-thi° he i" da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

159. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

160. Wa'-ko°-da e-shlvi do" a', a bi" da, si tga, 

161. U'-zho"-ge be u-no"-zhi" ba zhi mo°-thi° ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

162. U'-no" a bi shki i-the a-ki-the a-thi" he i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

163. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

164. U'-no" a bi shki i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

165. Ho"'-ba tha-gthi" shki u-hi a-ki-the a-thi" he i" da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

166. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

167. Ho"'-ba tha-gthi" shki u-hi ki-the ino"-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga. 

7 

168. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, wi-9o"-ga, e'-ki-e a-ka', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

169. 0'-to"-be ga-xa ba thi" lia, wi-go°-ga, e-ki-e, a-ka', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

170. Ka' ha-ge to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

171. Wi'-Qo°-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

172. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, wi-?o"-ga, e'-gi-e a-ka', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

173. 0'-to°-be ga-xa thi" ha, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

174. Ga' xtsi hi-tha i do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

175. Ta' tha-bthi" to" no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

176. Wi'-tsi-go-e', e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

177. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, wi-tsi-go-e, e-gi-e a-ka', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

178. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba tho" ta ni-ka-shi-ga mi-kshi" da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

179. Wa'-ko"-da ts'e wa-tse-xi bhi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

180. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

181. Ts'e' wa-tse-xi mo°-thi° ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

182. Wa'-ko"-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

183. U'-zho"-ge be o°-tho"-kshi-tha mo°-zhi a thi" he i° da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga. 



L\ FLEscHE] CHILD-NAMING RITE 109 

184. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tlia bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

185. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a hi" da, tsi ga, 

186. U'-zho°-ga be i-kshi tha ba zhi mo''-thi° ta i tsi° da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

187. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

188. U'-zho''-ge be u-wo°-no°-zhi° mo°-zhi a-thi° he i° da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

189. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o''-tha bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

190. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

191. U'-zho°-ge be u-no''-zhi'' ba zhi ki-the mo°-thi° ta i tsi" da' 

a bi° da, tsi ga, 

192. U'-no" a bi shki ii-hi a-ki-the a-thi° he i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

193. Zhi-'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do° a', a hi" da, tsi ga, 

194. U'-no° a bi shki u-hi ki-the mo°-thi° ta i tsi° da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

195. Ho°'-ba tha-gthi° shki u-hi a-ki-the a-thi" he i° da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

196. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

197. no°'-ba tha-gthi" shki u-hi ki-the ino°-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga. 

8 

198. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, wi-90°-ga, e-ki-e a-ka', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

199. 0'-to"-be ga-xa thi" ha', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

200. Ka' ha-ge to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

201. Wi'-5o°-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

202. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, wi-5o"-ga, e'-gi-e a-ka', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

203. 0'-to"-be ga-xa thi" ha', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

204. Ga' xtsi hi-tha i do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

205. Mi'-ka-k'e u-ki-tha-9'i" thi"-kshe no" a',a bi" da, tsi ga, 

206. I'-ko-e, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

207. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

208. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga tha ba tho" ta ni-ka-shi-ga mi-kshi° da', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

209. Wa'-ko"-da ts'e wa-tse-xi bthi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

210. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

211. Ts'e' wa-tse-xi nio"-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

212. Wa'-ko"-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

213. U'-zho"-ge be o"-tho"-kshi-tha mo"-zhi a-thi" he i" da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

214. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

215. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

216. U'-zho"-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga. 



110 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



217. Wa'-ko''-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

218. U'-zho''-ge be o"'-wo°-no''-zhi'' ino''-zhi a-thi° he i" da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

219. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

220. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

221. U'-zho°-ge be u-no^-zhi" ba zhi mo^-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

222. U'-no" a bi shki u-hi a-ki-the a-thi" he i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

223. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

224. U'-no° a bi shki u-hi ki-the mo^-thi" ta i tsi" da', a hi" da, tsi 

ga 

225. Ho-'-ba tha-gthi" shki u-hi a-ki-the a-thi" he i° da', a bi° da, 

tsi ga, 

226. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

227. Ho^'-ba tha-gthi° shki u-hi ki-the mo"'-thi° ta i tsi" da', a 

bi° da, tsi ga. 

ZHA'-ZHE Kl-TO'^ WI'-GI-E 
1 

1. Ha! wi-90°-ge- e'-ki-e a-ka'-a bi" da, tsi ga, 

2. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, wi-5o°-ga, e'-ki-e a-ka', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

3. 0'-to"-be ga-xa ba thi" ha', wi-go^-ga, e'-ki-e a-ka', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

4. Ka' ha-ge to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

5. Wi'-9o"-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

6. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, wi-50°-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

7. 0'-to"-be ga-xa thi" ha', wi-Qo"-ga, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

8. Ga' xtsi hi-tha i do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

9. Mo"'-xe u-ga-ki-ba wi" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

10. E'-dsi xtsi hi no"-zhi" to" a', a bi" da,' tsi ga, 

11. Zhi"'-ga ni-ka-shi-ga zhi a-ka i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 



12. Ha'!wi-go"-ga, e-ki-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

13. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, wi-go°-ga, e'-ki-e a-ka', a 

hi" da, tsi ga, 

14. 0'-to"-be ga-xa ba thi" ha', wi-go"-ga, e-'ki-e a-ka', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

15. Ka' ha-ge to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

16. Wi'-go"-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

17. 0'-to"-ba ga-xa thi" ha, wi-Qo"-ga- e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

18. Mo"'-xe u-ca-ki-ba we-tho°-ba kshe a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



LA FLE3CHE] CHILD-NAMING RITE 111 

19. E'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

20. He' go" tho°-ta zhi i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

21. ZW'-ga ni-ki-sbi-ga zbi a-ka i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

3 

22. Ha! \vi-50°-ga, e-ki-e a-ka, a bi° da, tsi ga, 

2.3. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, wi-go''-ga, e-ki-e a-ka', a bi" 
da, tsi ga, 

24. O'-tC-be ga-xa ba thi" ha', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

25. Ka' ha-ge to" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

26. Wi'-go^-ga, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

27. Zhi^'-ga zhii-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, vvi-5o''-ga, e'-gi-e a-ka', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

28. 0'-to°-be ga-xa thi° ha, wi-go^-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

29. Ga' xtsi hi-tha i do° a', a hi" da, tsi ga, 

30. Mo^'-xe ii-ga-ki-ba we-tha-bthi° kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

31. Zhi'"-ga ni-ka-shi-ga zhi a-ka i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga. 



32. He'-dsi xtsi a', a hi" da, tsi ga, 

33. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga tlie thi°-ge a-tha, wi-go^'-ga, e'-ki-e, a-ka', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

34. 0'-to°-be ga-xa thi" ha', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

35. Ka'-e ha-ge to° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

36. Wi'-go°-ga, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

37. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, wi-go°-ga, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 
3S. O'-to^-be ga-xa thi" ha, wi-go''-ga, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

39. Ga' xtsi hi-tha i do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

40. Mo^'-xe u-ga-ki-ba we-do-ba kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

41. Wa'-zhi°-ga wa-tha-xthi thi°-ge kshe no° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

42. Tsi'-he u-gi-zho° xtsi ni-ka-shi-ga kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

43. Mo^'-zho" u-to^-ga xtsi thi°-kshe dsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

44. Ni'-ka-shi-ga to° i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

45. ]Mo°'-zho'' shki zha-zhe o°-ki-to" ta i tsi" da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 
40. Mo°'-zho° ga-sho° xtsi ni-ka-shi-ga to° i° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

47. Mo°'-zho° ga-sho° shki zha-zhe o°-ki-to° ta i tsi° da,' a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

48. Mo°'-zho° u-gko"-gka xtsi ni-ka-shi-ga to° i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

49. Mo'"-zho'' u-gko^-gka shki zha-zhe o°-ki-to° ta i tsi° da,' a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

50. Zhi°'-ga ni-ka-shi-ga bi° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

51. Xi-tha-da wi" shki zha-zhe o°-ki-to° ta i tsi° da, a bi° da, tsi ga, 

52. Hi'"-i-ki°-da-bi shki zha-zhe oHi-to" ta i tsi° da', a bi° da, 

tsi ga, 



112 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

53. Hi°'-ga-rao''-ge shki zha-zhe o^-ki-to" ta i tsi° da', a bi° da, tsi 

ga, 

54. No°'-be-9i shki zha-zhe o^-ki-to" ta i tsi" da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

55. Wa'-zhi^-ga-hi" .shki zha-zhe o"-ki-to" ta i tsi" da', a bi° da, 

tsi ga. 

5 

56. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

57. ^i'-Ra-hi xthu-k'a ga tse a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

58. U'-no° pa-xe i° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

59. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

60. Qi'-pa-hi xthu-k'a a bi shki i-the ki-the mo^-thi" ta i tsi° da', a 

bi° da, tsi ga. 

61. No°'-xpe-hi ha ba-g'i°-tha ga ge shki a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

62. U'-no" pa-xe i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

63. Zhi'"-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

64. No°'-xpe-hi ha ba-g'i°-tha a bi shki i-the ki-the mo°-thi'' ta i 

tsi° da, a bi° da, tsi ga. 

65. Shi'-tho''-dse ba-xo° ga tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

66. U'-no" pa-xe i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

67. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

68. Shi'-tho°-dse ba-xo° a bi shki i-the ki-the mo°-tbi° ta i tsi" da', a 

bi° da, tsi ga. 

69. I'-tsi-hi" ga-gthe-ge ga ge a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

70. U'-no" pa-xe i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

71. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o^-tha bi do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

72. I'-tsi-ga-gthe-ge a bi shki i-the ki the mo''-thi° ta i tsi" da', a 

bi" da, tsi ga. 

73. Mo°'-ge hi" ga-gthe-ge ga ge shki a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

74. U'-no° pa-xe i° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

75. Zhi^'-ga zhu-i-ga o''-tha bi do" a', bi" da, tsi ga, 

76. Mo'"-ge ga-gthe-ge a bi shki i-the ki-the mo°-thi'' ta i tsi" da', 

a bin da, tsi ga. 

77. I'-the-dse hi" ga-gthe-ge ga ge a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

78. U'-no° pa-xe i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

79. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

80. I'-the-dse ga-gthe-ge a bi shki i-the ki-the mo''-thi° ta i tsi° da', 

a bi° da, tsi ga. 

81. Pe' hi" ga-gthe-ge ga ge a', bi" da, tsi ga, 

82. U'-no" pa-xe i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

S3. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 
84. Pe' ga-gthe-ge a bi shki i-the ki-the mo°-thi° ta i tsi" da', a bi" 
da, tsi ga. 



LA FLESCHE) 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 113 



85. I°'-shta-ha bi-xo° ga ge a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

86. U'-no° pa-xe i° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

87. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o^-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

88. P'-shta-ha bi-xo" a bi shki i-the ki-the moMhi" t-a i tsi" da', a 

bi" da, tsi ga. 

89. U'-iio° a bi shki u-hi a-ki-the a-thi° he i" da, a bi" da', tsi ga, 

90. Zhi°-ga zhu-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

91. U'-no° a bi shki i-the iti-the mo°-thi° ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

92. Ho"'-ba tha-gthi" shki u-hi a-ki-the a-thi" he i° da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

93. Zhi"'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

94. Ho°'-ba tha-gthi" shki u-hi ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga. 

WA-ZHO'-I-GA-THE WI'-GI-E 
1 

1. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

2. fsi'-shu u-dse-the pe-tho"-ba ni-ka-shi-ga ba do" a', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

3. Wi'-9o°-ga, e'-ki-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

4. Zhi^'-ga zho-i-ga-the thi°-ge i" da, e'-ki-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

5. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

6. Sho'-iva wa-ba-xi to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

7. Wi'-5o"-ga, e'-gi-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

8. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga-the thi"-ge i" da, e'-gi-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

9. 0'-to°-be ga-xa thi" ha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

10. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

11. Sho'-ka wa-ba-xi to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

12. Thu-e' xtsi the-e do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

13.. Wa'-ko°-da Ho°-ba do" thi°-kshe a', bin da, tsi ga, 

14. Zho'-gthe gi-e do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

15. Wi'-tsi-go-e, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

16. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

17. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

18. She' sho" e tho, e-tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

19. Wa'-ko"-da ho-wa-ki-pa-tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

20. Wi'no" wa-ko"-da bthi" i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

21. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o"-the ta i tsi" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

22. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

23. 0'-zho"-ge be o"-tho°-kshi tha mo°-zhi a-thi° he no" a-tha', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

24. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

25. \Va'-ko"-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 



114 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

26. 0'-zho°-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi° da e' tsi-tbe a', a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

27. Wa'-ko°-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

28. O'-zho^-ge be o°-gi-thi-ta mo°-zhi a-thi° he no" i° da', abi°da, 

tsi ga, 

29. Zhi'"-ga zho-i-ga o^-tha bi do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

30. Wa'-ko''-da e-shki do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

31. 0'-zho°-ge be a-gi-thi-ta ba zhi ki-the mo°-thi° ta i tsi° da, e' 

tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

32. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

33. O'-zho^-ge be o''-woMio''-zhi° tse a, hi° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

34. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

35. Wa'-ko°-da e-shld do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

36. 0'-zho°-ge be o-no^-zhi" ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi° da, tsi ga, 

37. Wa'-ko°-da wi'no" bthi° mo''-zhi i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

38. 0'-to''-be ga-xa ba thi° ha, e tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 



39. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

40. vSho'-ka wa-ba-xi to" a', a bi" da, tsi a, 

41. Thu-e' xtsi the-e do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

42. Wa'-ko-'-da Ho° do" thi^-kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

43. Zho'-gthe gi-e do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

44. I'-ko-e e-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

45. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

46. E'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

47. She' sho° e tho, e tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

48. Wa'-ko"-da ho-wa-ki-pa-tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

49. Wi'-no" wa-ko°-da bthi" i" da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

50. Wa'-ko^-da e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

51. 0'-zho°-ge be o°-tho''-kshi-tha mo°-zhi a-thi" he no" i" da', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

52. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

53. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

54. 0'-zho''-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi° da, e' tsi-the a', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

55. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

56. O'-zho^-ge be o°-gi-thi-ta mo°-zhi a-thi° he no" i° da', a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

57. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

58. Wa'-ko''-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

59. 0'-zho°-ge be a-gi-thi-ta ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi" da, tsi ga. 

60. Wa'-ko"-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 



LA FLESCHEl 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 115 



61. 0'-zho°-ge be o"-\vo°-no°-zhi° tse a, hi" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

62. ZW'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha hi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

63. Wa'-ko^-da e-shld do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

64. 0'-zho°-ge be o-no^-zhi" ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi° da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

65. Wa'-ko-'da wi no" btlii" mo°-zhi i° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

66. 0'-to°-be ga-xa thi° ha, e' tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga. 



67. E'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

68. Sho'-ka wa-ba-xi to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

69. Thu-e' xtsi the-e do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

70. Mi'-ka-k'e Ho°-ba do" tW-kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

71. Zho-'gthe gi-e do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

72. Wi'-tsi-go-e, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

73. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

74. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

75. She' sho" e tho e' tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

76. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o°-the ta i tsi° da, e' tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

77. Wa'-ko°-da ho-wa-ki-pa-tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

78. Wi'no" wa-ko°-da bthi° i° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

79. ZW'-ga zho i-ga o°-the ta i tsi° da, e tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga', 

80. Wa'-koMa e'-shki do° a', a h\° da, tsi ga, 

81. 0'-zho°-ge be o^-tho^-kshi-tha mo^-zhi a thi° he no" da', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

82. Zhi^'-ga zho-i-ga o^-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

83. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

84. 0'-zho°-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi° da, e'tsi-the a', 

a bi° da, tsi ga. 

85. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

86. 0'-zho°-ge be o°-gi-thi-ta mo^-zhi a-thi° he no" i° da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

87. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

88. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

89. 0'-zho''-ge be a gi-thi-ta ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi° da, tsi ga, 

90. Wa'-koMa e'-shki do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

91. 0'-zho"-ge be o°-wo°-no''-zhi° tse a, hi" a', bi° da, tsi ga, 

92. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o^-tha bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

93. Wa'-ko-'da e'-shki do" a', bi° da, tsi ga, 

94. 0'-zho°-ge be o-no°-zhi° ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

95. Wa'-ko°-da wi no" bthi° mo°-zhi i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

96. Ho'-to°-be ga-xa thi° ha, e' tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



116 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 



97. Sho'-ka wa-ba-xi to° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

98. Thu-e' xtsi the-e do° a', e bi° da, tsi ga, 

99. Mi'-ka-k'e Ho° do" thi°-kshe no" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

100. Zho'-gthe gi-e do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

101. I'-ko-e, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

102. Zhi^'-ga zho-i-ga the thi^-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

103. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

104. She' sho" e no°, e'tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

105. Wa'-ko°-da ho-wa-ki-pa-tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

106. Wi' no° wa-ko''-da bthi" i° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

107. Zhi'"-ga zho-i-ga o^-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

108. Wa'-ko°-da e'-shki do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

109. Ho'-zho°-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi ki-the mo°-thi'' ta i tsi° da', 

e tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

110. Wa'-ko^-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

111. Ho'-zho°-ge be o°-gi-thi-ta mo°-zhi a-thi° he no" i" da', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

112. Zhi""-ga zho-i-ga o''-tha bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

113. Wa'-ko°-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

114. Ho'-zho°-ge be a-gi-thi-ta ba zhi ki-the mo°-thi° ta i tsi° da', 

e' tsi-the-the a', abi° da, tsi ga, 

115. Wa'-ko°-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

116. Ho'-zho^-ge be o°-wo°-no°-zhi"' tse a, hi" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

117. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

118. Wa'-ko''-da e'-shki do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

119. 0'-zho°-ge be o-no^-zhi" ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi° da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi° da, tsi ga. 

120. Wa'-ko°-da wi no" bthi° mo°-zhi i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

121. 0'-to°-be ga-xa ba thi" ha, e' tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



122. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

123. Sho'-ka wa-ba-xi to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

124. Thu-e' xtsi the-e do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

125. Wa'-ba-ha to" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

126. Zho'-gthe gi-e do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

127. Wi'-tsi-go-e', e-gi-a bi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

128. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga the thi^-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

129. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

130. She' sho" e tho, e'tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

131. Wa'-ko°-da ho-wa-ki-pa-tse a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

132. Wi'no" wa-ko°-da bthi° i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

133. Zhi^'-ga zho-i-ga o°-the ta i tsi" da, e'tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 



u FLESCHE] CHILD-NAMING RITE 117 

134. Wa'-ko^-da e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

135. 0'-zho°-ge be o°-tho''-kshi-tha nio°-zhi a-thi" he no" i" da', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

136. Zhi^'-ga zho-i-ga o^-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

137. Wa'-ko^-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

138. O'-zho^-ge be i-ivshi-tha ba zhi ki-tlie ino°-thi° ta i tsi" da, e' 

tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 
130. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

140. 0'-zho°-ge be o°-gi-thi-ta mo°-zhi a-thi° lie no" i° da', a bi° da, 

tsi ga, 

141. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

142. Wa'-ko"-da e-shki do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

143. 0'-zho°-ge be a-gi-thi-ta ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi° da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi° da, tsi ga, 

144. Wa'-ko°-da e-shid do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

145. 0'-zho°-ge be o°-wo"-no''-zhi° tse a, hi° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

146. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o''-tha bi do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

147. Wa'-ko°-da e-sliki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

148. 0'-zho"-ge be o-no"-zhi" ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

149. Wa'-ko"-da wi'no" bthi" mo°-zhi i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

150. 0'-to°-be ga-xa ba thi" ha, e'-tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

6 

151. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

152. Sho'-ka wa-ba-xi to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

153. Thu-e' xtsi the-e do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

154. Ta'-pa to" no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

155. Zho'-gthe gi-e do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

156. I'-ko-e, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

157. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

158. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

159. She' sho" e the, e' tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

160. Wa'-ko"-da ho-\va-ki-pa-tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

161. Wi'no" wa-ko°-da bthi" i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

162. Wa'-ko"-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

163. 0'-zho°-ge be o°-tho"-kshi-tha mo°-zlii a-thi" he no" i° da', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

164. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

165. Wa'-ko"-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

166. 0'-zho"-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

167. Wa'-ko"-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

168. 0'-zho"-ge be o"-gi-thi-ta mo"-zhi a-thi" he no" i° da', a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

169. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



118 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



170. Wa'-ko^-da e-shki do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

171. 0'-zho°-ge be a-gi-thi-ta ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi° da, tsi ga, 

172. Wa'-ko°-da e-shki do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

173. 0'-zho°-ge be o°-wo°-no°-zhi° tse a, hi" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

174. Zhi^'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

175. Wa'-ko^-da e'-shki do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

176. 0'-zho°-ge be o°-no°-zhi° ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

177. Wa'-ko°-da wi no° bthi" mo^-zhi i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

178. 0'-to°-be ga-xa thi° ha, e'-tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga. 



179. He-dsi xtsi a, a bi" da, tsi ga, 

180. Sho'-ka wa-ba-xi to° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

181. Thu-e' xtsi the-e do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

182. Ta' Tha-bthi° thi°-kshe no" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

183. Zho'-gthe gi-e do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

184. Wi'-tsi-go-e', e-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

185. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

186. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

187. Wa'-ko°-da ho-wa-ki-pa-tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

188. Wi 110° wa-ko°-da bthi" i" da, a bi" da, tsi ga, 

189. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o°-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

190. Wa'-koMa e-shld do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

191. 0'-zho"-ge be o"-tho°-kshi-tha ino"-zhi a-thi° he no" i" da', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

192. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

193. Wa'-ko°-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

194. 0'-zho"-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

195. Wa'-ko"-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da. tsi ga, 

196. 0'-zho"-ge be o"-gi-thi-ta mo°-zhi a-thi" he no" i° da', a bi" da, 

tsi ga, 

197. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

198. Wa'-ko"-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

199. 0'-zho"-ge be a-gi-thi-ta ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e'-tsi-the a', 

a bi" da, tsi ga. 

200. Wa'-ko"-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

201. 0'-zho"-ge be o"-wo"-no"-zhi" tse a, hi" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

202. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

203. Wa'-ko"-da e-sliki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

204. 0'-zho"-ge be o-no"-zhi" ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

205. Wa'-ko"-da wi no" bthi" mo°-zhi" i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

206. 0'-to°-be ga-xa thi" ha, e' tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



LA FLESCHE) 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 119 



207. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

208. Sho'-ka wa-ba-xi ti° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

209. Thu-e' xtsi the-e do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

210. Mi'-ka-k'e u-ki-tha-f'i" thi°-kshe no" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

211. Zho'-gthe gi-e do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

212. I-ko-e', e-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

213. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

214. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

215. She' sho" e the, e' tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

216. Wa'-ko°-da ho-wa-ki-pa-tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

217. Wi'no" wa-ko"-da bthi" i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

218. Wa'-ko-'-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

219. 0'-zho°-ge be o°-tho''-kshi-tha mo^-zhi a-thi" he no" i° da', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

220. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

221. Wa'-ko°-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

222. 0'-zho"-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

223. Wa'-ko"-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

224. 0'-zho°-ge be o°-gi-thi-ta mo°-zhi a-thi° he no" i° da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

225. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

226. Wa'-ko°-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

227. 0'-zho"-ge be a"-gi-thi-ta ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

228. Wa'-ko"-da e'-shki do" a', a hi" da, tsi ga, 

229. 0'-zho"-ge be o"-wo"-no"-zhi" tse a, hi" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

230. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

231. Wa'-ko"-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

232. 0'-zho"-ge be o-no"-zhi" ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', a 

bi" da, tsi ga, 

233. Wa'- ko"-da vvi no" bthi" mo-"zhi i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

234. 0'-to"-be ga-xa ba thi" ha, e' tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

9 

235. He-'-dsi .xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

236. Sho'-ka wa-ba .xi to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

237. Thu-e' xtsi the-c do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

238. Mi'-ka-k'e zhu-dse thi"-kshe no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

239. Zho'-gthe gi-e do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

240. Wi'-tsi-go-e', e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

241. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga the thi"-ge a-tha, e'-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

242. She' sho" e tho, e' tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

243. Wa'-ko"-da ho-wa-t:i-pa-tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 



120 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



244. Wi'no" wa-ko°-da bthi" i° da,' a bi° da, tsi ga, 

245. Zhi°'-ga zhu-i-ga o°-the ta i tsi° da, e' tsi-the a', bi" da, tsi ga, 

246. \Va'-ko''-da e'-shki do° a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

247. 0'-zho''-ge be o^-tho^-kshi-tha mo^-zhi a-thi" he no° i° da', 

a bi° da, tsi ga, 

248. Zhi^'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

249. Wa'-ko^-da e-shki do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

250. O'-zho^-ge be i-kshi-tha ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi° da, e' tsi-the a', a 

bi° da, tsi ga, 

251. Wa'-ko^-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

252. 0'-zho°-ge be o°-gi-thi-ta mo°-zhi a-thi" he no" i° da', a bi" 

da, tsi ga, 

253. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

254. Wa'-ko''-da e'-shki do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

255. 0'-zho°-ge be a-gi-thi-ta ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi° da, tsi ga, 

256. Wa'-ko"-da e'-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

257. 0'-zho"-ge be o "-wo "-no "-zhi" tse a, hi" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

258. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

259. Wa'-ko"-da e-shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

260. 0'-zho°-ge be o-no°-zhi" ba zhi ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi" da, tsi ga, 

261. Wa'-ko"-da wi no" bthi" mo "-zhi i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

262. 0'-to"-be ga-xa ba thi" ha, e' tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

10 

263. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

264. Sho'-ka wa-ba xi to" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

265. Thu-e' xtsi the-e do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

266. Mo"'-xe a-tha-k'a-be dsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

267. Sho°'-ge a-ga-k'e e'-go° kshe no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

268. He'-dsi xtsi zho-gthe gi-e do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

269. Wi'-tsi-go-e', e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

270. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga the thi°-ge a-tha, e-gi-e a-ka', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

271. He'-dsi xtsi a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

272. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o"-the ta i tsi" da, e tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

273. Q^i'-pa-hi thi-gtu-be ga tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

274. Wa'-thi°-e-Qka she mo" mo"-zhi i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

275. O'-no" pa-xe i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

276. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

277. Ni'-ka no" hi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

278. Qi'-pa-hi thi-gtu-be e'no" bi no" a.', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

279. I'-the t:i-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', abi" da, tsi ga. 



LA FLESCBEI 



CHILD-XAMING RITE 121 



280. Hi'-ko" ba-xo° ga ge a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

281. Wa'-thi°-e-9ka she-mo° mo''-zhi i" da', a hi" da, tsi ga, 

282. O'-no" pa-xe i° da', a hi" da, tsi ga, 

283. Zhi""-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha hi do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

284. Ni'-ka no" hi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

285. Hi'-ko° ba xo" e' no" bi no" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

286. I'-the ki-the ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', a bi° da, tsi ga. 

287. Tse'-wa-tse u-ga-wa ga thiMvshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

288. Wa'-thi°-e-gka she-mo° mo^-zhi i" da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

289. 0'-no° pa-xe i" da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

290. Zhi-'-ga zho-i-ga o''-tha bi do" a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

291. Ni'-ka no° hi do° a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

292. Tse'-wa-tse u-ga-wa a bi i-the ki-the rao°-thi° ta i tsi" da, e tsi 

the a', a bi° da, tsi ga. 

293. I-'-kshe-dse u-bi-?o°-dse ga thi-kshe a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

294. Wa'-thi^-e-gka she-mo" mo"-zhi i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

295. 0'-no° pa-xe i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

296. Zhi°'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

297. Ni'-ka no" hi do" a', a bi" (hi, tsi ga, 

298. I"'-kshe-dse u-bi-Qo"-dse a bi i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da, 

e tsi-the a, a bi" da, tsi ga. 

299. Do'-dse u-ga-wa ga thi"-kshe a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

300. Wa'-thi°-e-5ka she-mo" mo°-zhi i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

301. O'-no" pa-xe i° da', a bi" da tsi ga, 

302. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

303. Ni'-ka no" hi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

304. Do'-dse u-ga-wa a bi i-the ki-the mo"-thi° ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the 

a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

305. I'-the-dse ba-9'i"-tha ga tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

306. Wa'-thi"-e-5ka she-mo" mo"- zhi i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

307. O'-no" pa-xe i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

308. Zhi"'ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

309. Ni'-ka no" hi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

310. I'-the-dse ba-5'i"-tha a bi i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da, 

e' tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 

311. I"'-shta-the-dse-bi-xo" ga tse a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

312. Wa'-thi"-e-?ka she-mo" mo"-zhi i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

313. O'-no" pa-xe i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

314. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

315. Ni'-ka no" hi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

316. I"'-shta-the-dse bi-xo° a bi i-the ki-the mo°-thi" ta i tsi" da, 

c' tsi-the a', a bi" da, tsi ga. 
19078°— 28 9 



122 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



ETH. ANN. 43 



317. Pa'pa-gi ga-tse a', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

318. Wa'-thi"-e-5ka she-mo" mo"-zhi i° da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

319. Wa'-ko°-da i-ga-dsi-ge pa-xe i° da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

320. Wa'-ko°-da u-tsi-the thi°-ge a-wa-kshi-the no" i" da', a bi° 

da, tsi ga, 

321. Zhi"'-ga sho-i-ga o"-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

322. Wa'-ko°-da i-ba-gi a-thi" ino"-thi"' ta i tsi" da, e' tsi-the a', 

a bi" da, tsi ga. 

323. Ta'-xpi lii° ga-ga-dse ga thi°-kshe a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

324. Wa'-thi"-e-5ka she-ino° mo°-zhi" i" da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

325. 0'-no° pa-.xe i" da', a bi° da, tsi ga, 

326. Zhi"'-ga zho-i-ga o°-tha bi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

327. Ni'-ka no" hi do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

328. Pa'gka u-gtho" e-go" e' no" bi no" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

329. I'-the ki-tlie mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da,' a bi" da, tsi ga. 

330. Wo"'shki do" a', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

331. Ho"'-ba tha-gthi" wi" shki o"-hi no" i" da', a bi" da, tsi ga, 

332. Zhi"'-ga ho"-ba tha-gthi" wi" shki i-the ki-the mo°-thi" ta i 
■ tsi" da, e tsi-the a, a bi" da, tsi ga. 

NATIVE NAMES OF OSAGE FULL BLOODS (AS FAR AS 
COULD BE ASCERTAINED), USED BY EACH GENS OF 
THE TRIBE 

Names of the Gentes and Subgextes 

The following are the names of the gentes and subgentes of the 
two great tribal divisions, in their fixed, sequential order, as given 
by Sho"'-to°-?a-be, Black-dog, to Miss Alice C. Fletcher, in 1890. 
The name Sho'-ka is the title of a subgens from which the principal 
gens chooses a man or woman to act as official messenger at the 
performance of a tribal rite. The official messenger also bears the 
title. 

fixed order of the gentes and sttrgentes 

Gentes of the Hof^'-GA Great Division 

wa-zha'-zhe subdivision 

1. Wa-zha'-zhe-gka; White Wa-zha'-zhe. Refers to the life symbol 

of the gens, the fresh water mussel, with its shell. The Sun also 
is a life symbol of this gens. 

I"-gtho"'-ga Ni Mo"-tse; Puma-in-the-Water. Sho'-ka. 

2. Ke'-k'i"; Carrier-of-the-Turtle. 

Ba'-k'a Zho-i-ga-the; Cotton-tree People. Sho'-ka. 

3. Mi-ke'-the-stse-dse; Cat-tail (Typha latifolia). 

Ka'-xe-wa-hu-ga; Youngest brother. Sho'-ka. 



LA FLESCHEI 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 123 



4. Wa'-tse-tsi; Star-that-canie-to-Earth. 

Xu-tha' Pa-?o" Zho-i-ga-the; Bald Eagle People. Sho'-ka. 

5. O-gu'-ga-xe; They-who-make-the-way-Clear. 

Mo°-sho-dse-mo°-i°; Travelers-in-the-Mist. Sho'-ka. 
(J. Ta-tha'-xi°; Deer's-Lungs, or Ta-gi^'-dse-gka; White-tailed-Deer. 
Wa-dsu'-ta-zhi°-ga; Small-Animals. Sho'-ka. 

7. Ho' I-ni-ka-shi-ga ; Fish-People. 

E-no"' Mi^-dse-to"; Sole-owner-of-the-Bow. Refers to the 
office of the gens of making the ceremonial bow and arrows that 
symbolize night and day. 

8. Ho°'-ga U-ta-no°-(lsi; Th"e-Tsolated-Ho"'-ga. The Earth. 

Mo°-hi''-gi; Flint-Arrow-Point. Sho'-ka. 



;A SIBDIVISIO.N 



1. Wa-^a'-bc-to"; Owners-of-the-Black-Bear. 

Wa-ga'-be-gka; The-White-Bear. Sho'-ka. 

2. P-gtho^'-ga; Puma. 

Hi°-wa'-xa-ga; Thorny-hair, Porcupine. Sho'-ka. 

3. 0'-po°; Elk. 

Ta He Sha-be; Dark-horned Deer. Sho'-ka. 

4. Mo""-i''-ka-ga-xe; Maker-of-the-Earth. 

5. Ho"-ga Gthe-zhe; The-Mottled-Sacred-Oue (the iminalurc golden 

eagle). 
C. Xu-tha; Eagle (the adult golden eagle). 
7. Ho^'-ga Zhi°-ga; The Little-Sacred-One. 

I'-ba-tse Ta-dse; The-Gathcring-of-the- Winds. Sho'-ka. 

Gentes of the Tsi'-zhu Great Division 

1. Tsi'-zhu Wa-no-; Elder Tsi-zhu, or Wa-ko"'-da No"-pa-bi; The- 

God-Who-is-Feared-by-^yi. Refers to the life symbol of the 
gens, the Sun. 

Wa-ba'-xi; The-Awakeners. Refers to the office of this sub- 
gens of urging the messengers to prompt action. Sho'-ka. 

2. Qi^'-dse A-gthe; Wearers-of-Symbolic-Locks. 

Sho°'-ge Zho-i-ga-the; Dog-People. Refers to the life symbol 
of this subgens, the dog-star. The name Sho°'-ge includes 
coyotes, gray wolves, and all other kinds of dogs. Sho'-ka. 

3. Pc'-to° To^-ga Zho-i-ga-the; Grcat-Crane-People. 

(Not sub-gens) Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge; The-Gentle-Tsi-zhu. 
Refers to the office of the gens of Peace-maker. 

4. 'Tse-do'-ga I°-dse; Buffalo-Bull-Face-People. Closely related to 

the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no°. 

Tse-a'-ko°; corruption of Tse-tho°-ka; Buffalo-back. Sho'-ka. 

5. Mi-k'i"' Wa-no°; Elder Carriers-of-ilie-Suii-and-Moon. Refers to 

the life symbols of the gens, all the heavenly bodies. 



124 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. an.v. 43 

6. Ho°' Zho-i-ga-the; Night-People. Refers to the life symbol of the 

gens, the Night. 

Ta-pa' Zho-i-ga-the; Deer-head or Pleiades People. Sho'-ka. 

7. Tsi'-zhu U-thu-ha-ge ; The-Last-Tsi'-zhu, or the last in the sequen- 

tial order of the Tsi'-zhu gentes. 

The Tsi' Ha-shi (Those-Who-Werb-Last-to-Come) 

A. Ni'-ka Wa-ko °-da-gi ; Men of Mystery, or Thunder People. 

Xo°'-dse Wa-tse. Meaning uncertain; it is said that it prob- 
ably refers to the office of keepers of all the Wa-tse, or war 
honors. Sho'-ka. 

B. Tho'-xe; Buffalo-bull (archaic name for the buffalo bull). These 

two gentes are joint keepers of the Hawk War-symbols. 

Wa'-tse-tsi or Po^'-ka Wa-shta-ge 

Names ceremonially bestowed on each of the first three sons and 
on each of the first three daughters born to a Wa'-tse-tsi man and 
his wife. As given by No^'-xe-gka-zhi, a member of the gens: 

BOYS 

1. f-gtho"' name, Wa-gi'-gta. Meaning uncertain. 

2. Ksho°'-ga name, Wa'-tse-mo"-i°, Star-that-travels. 

3. Ka'-zhi^-ga name, Ni-ga'-to-xe, Water-splasher. 

GIRLS 

1. Mi'-na name, Ho^-be'-do-ka, Wet-moccasins. 

2. Wi'-he name, Wa-to^-i-ga-e, meaning uncertain, or Mi'-ga-sho^-e, 

Sun-that- travels. 

3. A-5i°'-ga name, Gia'-5o"-ba, meaning uncertain. 

OTHER NAMES 
Male 

Ga-gka', meaning uncertain. Son of Xu-tha'-da-wi°, Tsi'-zhu Wa- 
shta-ge and Po^'-ka-zhi^-ga, Po°-ka Wa-shta-ge. 
Ga-gka, meaning uncertain. Son of Tho"'-dse-to°-ga, Wa'-tse-tsi, 

and Xu-tha'-da-wi°, Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge. 
Gi-thi-ko"-bi, One-for-whom-they-make-way. (In the Tha'-ta-da 

gens of the Omaha tribe.) Husband of Mo^'-gi-tse-.xi, Tsi'-zhu 

Wa-shta-ge. 
Gtha-i-gtho"-thi''-ge, meaning uncertain. Son of Tho°'-dse-to''-ga, 

Wa'-tse-tsi and Xu-tha'-da-wi°, Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge. 
Gthe-do'"-wa-ko°-tha, Attacking-hawk. (Tho'-xe name.) Refers 

to the aggressive character of the bird. Son of Tsi'-zhu-a-ki-pa 

and Ho''-be'-do-ka, Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga. 



LA FLE^llI::] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 125- 



Hi'-tho-ka-thi", Bare-legs. (In the Tha'-ta-da gens of the Omaha.) 

.Vlso Ku-zhi'-\va-tse, Strikes-in-a-far-ofl'-countiy. (In the l°-shta'- 
gon-da gens of the Omaha.) 
Hi'-tho-ka-thi" or Long-bow. 
Ka-gi', meaning uncertam. 
Ko'-zlii-gi-gthe, Tracks-far-away. Husband of Xu-tha-'da-vvi°, Tsi-' 

zhu Wa-shta-ge. 
Ksho°'-ga. Not name but a special kinship term for the second born 

son. Should have been named A'-be-zhi°-ga, Slender-leaf, of the 

rat-tail. 
Ku'-zhi-Qi-gthe. Husband of Zho'^'-btha-gka-wi" of the Ho°'-ga 

U-ta-no°-dsi gens. 
Mo''-i"'-ka-mo''-i'', Walks-on-the-earth. Husband of Xu-tha'-da-wi"^ 

of the Q'i°'-dse-a-gthe gens. 
Mo°-ko°'-thi°, Possessor-of-medicLne. (Not a Ni'-ki-e name.) 
Ni'-ka-gtu-e, Gathering-of-men. Son of Tho°'-dse-to°-ga and Xu- 

tha-da-wi°. 
Ni'-ka-wa-zhi''-to°-ga, Man-of-great-cotrrage. Refers to the war- 
like character of this gens. Husband of Wa-xthe-'tho°-ba of the 

Tsi'-zhu Wa-no" gens. 
Po°'-ka-wa-da-i"-ga, Playful-Po"-ka. Husband of Wa-xthe'-tho"-ba 

of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 
Tho°'-dse-to°-ga, Big-heart. Also Wa-zhi°'-wa-xa, Greatest-in- 

courage. Refers to the warlike character of this gens. Husband 

of Xu'-tha-da-wi" of the T^i'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Tsi'-zhu-a-ki-pa, He-who-met-the-Tsi'-zhu. Refers to the first meet- 
ing of the Tsi'-zhu and the Wa-zha'-zhe gentes. Husband of Ho°- 

be'-do-ka of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Tsi'-zhu-a-ki-pa (same as above). Husband of Wa-.xthe'-tho''-ba of 

the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 
U-dse'-ta-wa-.xa, Winner-of-the-race-against^the-U-dse-ta. (Not a 

Ni'-ki-e name.) Refers to a race between two bands in which a 

member of the Wa'-tse-tsi gens won. 
U-thu'-ga-e, meaning uncertain. (Not Ni'-ki-c.) 
Wa-gi'-gta, meaning uncertain. Son of Po"'-ka-wa-da-i°-ga and 

Wa-xthe'-thoMia, Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 
Wa'-(;i-(jta, Son of Wa-shka'-dse and No°-mi-tse-xi, Wa-ga'-be gens. 
Wa-shka'-dse, meaning uncertain. Husband of No°'-mi-tse-xi of the 

Wa-ga'-be gens. 
^Va-stse'-e-do", Good-doctor. (Wa-xthi'-zhi thinks that the boy's 

right name is Wa'-tse-mo''-i°.) Son of Po°'-ka-wa-da-i°-ga and 

Wa-xthe-'tho°-ba, Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 
Wa'-tse-a-xe, Cries-for-a-star. Son of U-thu'-ga-e. 
Wa'-tse-ga-hi-ge, Star-chief. Refers to the selection of the chief of 

the Ho°'-ga Great Division, from the Wa'-tse-tsi gens. 



126 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



Wa'-tsc-mo"-i", The-traveling-s;tar. Husband of Wa'-ko°-9a-ino"-in 

of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Wa'-tse-mo°-m. Son of Wa-k'o'-ga-hi-ge of the T;-i'-zhu AVa- 

shta-ge gens. 
Wa'-tse-mo°-i°. Son of Ko'-zhi-gi-gthe and Xu-tha-'da-wi", Tsi'-zhu 

Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Wa'-tse-mo''-i°. Son of Hi'-tho-ka-thi°. (Long-bow.) 
Wa-tse-to "-ga, Big-star. 

Wa-zhi""-wa-xa, Greatest-in-courage. Refers to the warlike charac- 
ter of the Wa-zha'-zhe subdivision. Husband of Mo''-zho°'-dsi-i-ta 

of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Wa-zhi-'-wa-xa. Son of Mo^-ko^'-a-thi". 
Xu-tha'-xtsi, Real-eagle. (In the Tha'-ta-da gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) Husband of Wa-k'o'-ga-hi-ge of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 

Female 

CC-gi'-gthe, Footprints-in-the-woods. Refers to the deer. Wife of 

Ho^'-ba-hiu of the Ta' I-ui-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Gia'-go^-ba, meaning uncertam. Wife of U-ho"'-ge-u-zho" of the 

Ci"'-dse-a-gthe gens. 
Gia'-go^-ba. Wife of Ka'-wa-gi of the I'-ba-tse gens. 
Gia-QO°-ba. Daughter of Tsi'-zhu-a-ki-pa and Wa-xthe'-tho"-ba of 

the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 
Gia-50°-ba. Mother of Mi'-ho°-ga, Xu-tha'-wa-ko"-da and Sha'-ge- 

wa-bi" of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 
Gia'-5o°-ba. Daughter of Ko'-zhi-gi-gthe and Xu-tha'-da-wi" of the 

Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Gia'-go^-ba. Daughter of Wa-shka'-dse and Xo°'-mi-tse-xi. 
Gia'-go°-ba. Wife of Tho-xe-zhi^-ga of the Tho'-xe gens. 
Ho°-be'-do-ka, Wet-moccasins. Daughter of Wa-zhi°'-wa-xa and 

Mo"'-zho'"-dsi"-i-ta of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Ho"-be'-do-ka. Daughter of U-thu'-ga-e. 
Ho"-be-'do-ka. Daughter of Tsi'-zhu-a-ki-pa and Wa-xthe'-tho°- 

be, of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no" gens. 
Ho"'-be-do-ka. Mother of Xu-tha'-wa-ko"-da, Gia'-go^-ba antl 

Xu-tha'-da-wi° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 
Ho^-be'-do-ka. Daughter of Mo°-ko°'-a-thi°. 

Ho"-be'-do-ka. Wife of Mo^-zho^-a'-ki-da of the Tsi'-zhu Wa- 
shta-ge gens. 
Ho°-be'-do-ka. Wife of Ha-xi°-u'-mi-zhe of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-go 

gens. 
Ho°-be'-do-ka. Daughter of Wa'-tse-a-xe and Pa'-mo°-shi-wa- 

gtho° of the 0'-po° gens. 
Ho"-be'-do-ka. Daughter of Ko'-zhi-gi-gthe and Xu-tha'-da-wi" 

of the Tsi-'zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 



LA FLESCHE] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 127 



Ho"-be'-do-ka. Daughter of Wa-shka'-dse and No^-'mi-tse-xi of 

the Wa'-ga'-be gens. 
Mi'-ga-sho"-!", Sun-that-travels. (In the Tha'-ta-da gens of the 

Omaha tribe.) Daughter of Po°'-ka-\va-da-i°-ga and Wa-xthe'- 

tho"-ba of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 
Mi'-ga-sho"-i". Wife of Mo'"-zhi'-9ka-k'i°-ga-xthi of the Wa-ga'-be 

gens. 
]Mi'-ga-sho°-i^ Wife of Gthe-do°'-gka of the Ni'-ka-\va-lj;o°-da-gi 

gens. 
Mi'-tha-gthi°, Good-sun. Daughter of Mo"-i"'-ka-mo"-i" and Xu- 

tha'-da-wi° of the Qi'''-dse-a-gtlic gens. 
Po'"-ka-\vi'', Po°'-ka-wonian. (This woman licld the office of 

Wa-dse'-pa-i°, Official Crier.) 
Wa'-ko^-ga-mo"-!", meaning inicertain. Daughter of U-thu'-ga-e. 
Wa'-ko''-5a-mo''-i''. Mother of Tho'-ta-a-ga, Xo'-ta-wi° and Xo"'- 

dse-mo°-i° of the Ni'-ka-\va-ko°-da-gi gens. 
Wa'-ko"-Qa-mo°-i". Wife of Tse'-Qe-to°-ga of the Tho'-xe gens. 
Wa'-ko''-ga-mo°-i°. Daughter of Wa-k'o'-ga-hi-ge of the Tsi'-zhu 

Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Wa'-ko°-ga-mo°-i°. Wife of Mi'-she-tsi-e of the Ho"'-ga gens. 
Wa'-ko"-Qa-mo°-i°. Wife of Wa-ni'-e-to" of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Wa'-ko"-ga-mo°-in. Daughter of Wa'-tse-a-xe and Pa'-mo°-shi- 

wa-gtho°. 
Wa'-ko''-5a-raou-i''. Daughter of Ko'-zhi-gi-gthe and Xu-tha'-da- 

wi°. 
Wa'-ko"-Qa-mo''-i°. Daughter of Tho°'-dse-to°-ga and Xu-tha'-da- 

\vi". 
Wa'-ko°-5a-mo"-i°. Daughter of Wa-shka'-dse and No"'-mi-tsc-xi. 
Wa-to°'-i-ga-e, meaning imcertain. Wife of Mo^'-ga-xe of the 

I°-gtho'"-ga gens. 
Wa-to"'-i-ga-e. Wife of O-pa'-sho-e of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Wa-to"'-i-5a-e. Wife of I'-to°-mo°-i° of the Mi-k'i"' gens. 
Wa-to^'-i-ga-e. Daughter of Po^'-ka-wa-da-i^-ga and Wa-xthe'- 

tho°-ba. 
Wa-to^'-i-ga-e. Wife of No°'-po-c of the Ho"'-ga U-ta-no"-dsi gens. 
Wa-to°'-i-9a-e. Daughter of Wa'-tse-ga-hi-ge. 
Wa-to'"-i-5a-e. Wife of Ka'-wa-xo-dse of the I'-ba-tse gens. 
Wa-to^'-i-ga-e. Daughter of Wa-shka'-dse and No°'-mi-tse-xi. 
Wi'-he. Not name but a special kinship term for the second daugh- 
ter in a family. Daughter of Wa'-tse-ga-hi-ge. 
Xu-tha'-da-\vi" Good-eagle-woman. Daughter of Tsi'-zhu-a-ki-pa 

and Ho'"-be-do-ka of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 



128 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann.43 

Ta' I-NI-KA-SHI-GA 

Special kinship terms and names of the first three sons and the 
fii-st three daughters in a family of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga, or Deer 
gens, as given by Tsi-zhe'-wa-the, a member of the gens. 

BOYS 

1. I''-gtho°' name, Wa-zha'-zhe-ho^-ga, Sacred Wa-zha'-zhe. 

2. Ksho"-ga, To'-ho-ho-e, Blue-fish. 

3. Ka-zhi^-ga, Ho-ki-gthi-gi, Wriggling-fish. 

GIRLS 

1. Mi'-na name, Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi, Wa-zha'-zhe-sacred-sun. 

2. Wi-he' name, Ho^'-be-do-ka, Wet-moccasins. 

3. Ci'-ge name, Zho "-gi'-gthe, Footprints-in-the-woods. 

OTHER NAMES 
Male 

A'-ki-da-zhi"-ga, Little-soldier. The title of a subordinate officer 

chosen from this gens to enforce the orders of the two hereditary 

chiefs. Husband of Xu-tha'-da-wi" of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Chi-zhe-wa-the, meaning uncertain. Husband of Ni'-ka-shi-tsi-e of 

the Ho"' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Qo"-dse'-ko''-ha, Edge-of-the-forest. Refers to the habit of the deer 

in feeding along the edge of the forest. Husband of Xu-tha'-da- 

wi" of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
E-no°'-nii°-dse-to'', Sole-owner-of-the-bow. Name of the gens from 

whom a member is selected to make the bow and arrows symbolic 

of night and day, to be used at a tribal ceremony. Son of To'-ho- 
ho-e. 
E-no"'-mi"-dse-to°. Son of Ho'-ki-e-^i and Mi'-tse-.xi of the Ho"'ga 

gens. 
E-no'"-mi°-dse-to°. Son of Ta-he'-ga-xe and Wa-hiu'-go°-e of the 

I'-ba-tse gens. 
Ga-hi'-ge-no°-zhi'', Standing-chief. Refers to the permanency of the 

position of the chief chosen to represent the Ho°'-ga great division. 

Husband of Xu-tha'-da-wi° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Ga-hi'-ge-tha-gthi", Good-chief. Refers to the duty of the chief 

to promote peace among men. Son of Mi'-tse-xi of the Ho"' 

I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Ga-hi'-ge-zhi°-ga, Young-chief. (The name appears in the I"-ke'- 

ga-be gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
Ho-Qo"', Wliite-fish. Son of A'-k'a-wi° of the I'-ba-tse gens. 
Ho'-ki-a-gi, Wriggling-fish. Son of To'-ho-ho-e. 



LA FLESCHKl 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 129 



Ilo'-ki-a-^i, Wriggling-fish. Son of Ta-he'-ga-xe and Wa-hiu'-Qo°-e 

of the I'-ba-tse gens. 
Ilo'-ki-a-yi, also Ko'-zhi-ino°-i", Wanders-far-away. Husband of 

Mi'-tse-xi of the Ho°'-ga gens. 
Ho-xo', Fish-scales. Son of Mi'-tse-xi of the Ho^'-ga gens. 
Ho-xo'-e, Fish-scales. Son of To'-ho-ho-e. 
Mo"-kchi'-xa-bi, For-whom-arrows-are-made. Refers to the arrows 

used in the ceremony of opening the deer-hunting season. vSon 

of Ga-hi'-ge-no"-zhi" and Xu-tha'-da-wi° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa- 

shta-ge gens. 
No''-zhi'"-wa-the, Causes-them-to-stand. Father of Wa-zha'-zhe- 

mi-tse-xi. 
O-ho^'-bi, One-who-is-cooked. Refers to the use of the deer for 

food. Son of Do°'-ba-bi of the Ho°'-ga U-ta-no"-dsi gens. 
Ta-5i"'-e, Deer's tail. 
Ta-he'-ga-xe, Deer-with-branching-horns. (The name appears in 

the I°-shta'-go°-de gens of the Omaha tribe.) Husband of Wa- 

hiu-Qo''-e of the I'-ba-tse gens. 
Ta-zhe'-ga, Deer's-leg. 
Thi-hi'-bi, Scared-up. Refers to the flight of the deer from the 

hunter. Husband of Mi'-tse-xi of the Ho°' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
To'-ho-ho-e, Blue-fish. 

To'-ho-ho-e. wSon of Ho'-ki-e-^i and Mi'-tse-xi of the Ho'"-ga gens. 
Tse-do'-ha, Buffalo-hide (a Tho'-xe name); also Wa-zha'-no"-pa-i°, 

meaning uncertain. 
Wa-k'o'"-tsi-e, One-who-triumphs. Refers to the warlike character 

of the Wa-zha'-zhe subdivision. Husband of Hi°'-i-ki-a-bi of the 

Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Wa-zha'-e-no°-pa-i'', meaning uncertain. Son of Ta-zhe'-ga. 
Wa-zha'-e-no°-pa-i". Son of Mi'-tse-xi of the Ho^'-ga gens. 
Wa-zha'-ho^-ga, Sacred-Wa-zha-zhe. Son of To'-ho-ho-e. 
Wa-zha'-ho^-ga. Husband of Mi'-gthe-do''-wi". 
Wa-zha'-ho^-ga. Son of Wa-zha'-ho"-ga and Mi'-gthe-do^-wi". 
Wa-zha-zhe, meaning uncertain. Name of the tribal subdivision 

representing the water portion of the earth. Son of Mi'-tse-xi 

of the Ho"'-ga gens. 

Fem.^le 

Qon-^i'-gthe, Footprints-in-the-woods. Refers to the footprints of 
deer in the woods. Wife of To°'-wo°-ga-xe of the Tsi'-zhu Wa- 
shta-ge gens. 

(^o°-5i'-gthe. Wife of Tse-wa'-hiu of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no" gens. 

Qo°-5i'-gthe. Daughter of Chi-zhe-wa-the and Ni'-ka-shi-tsi-e of the 
Ho"' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 

Gthe-do'"-wi°-zhi"-ga, Young-hawk-woman. Wife of Gi-wa'-xthi- 
zhe of the Ho°'-ga U-ta-no"-dsi gens. 



130 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



Ho°-be'-do-ka, Wet-moccasius. Wife of Tsi'-zhu-a-ki-pa of the 

Po'"-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Ho^-be'-do-ka. Wife of I°-gtho'"-ga-zhi"-ga of the Wa-ga'-be gens. 
Ho°-be'-do-ka. Wife of We-to°'-ha-i''-ge of the Ni'-ka-wa-ko°-da-gi 

gens. 
Ho"-be'-do-ka. Daughter of Ga-hi'-ge-no"-zhi" and Xu-tha'-da-wi° 

of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Ho°-be'-do-ka. Wife of Ho°'-ba-hiu of the Ho"' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Ho"-be'-do-ka. Daughter of To'-ho-ho-e. 
Ni'-a-bi, Permitted-to-Iive. Refers to the fawn the hunter allows to 

escape. 
Ni'.-do°-be, Sees-water. Daughter of To'-ho-ho-e. 
Pa-hiu'-gthe-ge, Spotted-hair. Mother of Andrew 0-pah of the 

0'-po° gens. 
Pa'-xpi-Qo°-dse, Stunted-oaks. Refers to the habit of the deer in 

frequenting stunted oak bushes. 
Pa'-xpi-5o"-dse. AYifo of Xu-tha'-to''-ga of the Ho'"-ga gens. 
Pa'-xpi-50°-dse. Wife of Tse-5i°'-dse of the Tho'-xe gens. 
Pa'-xpi-5o"-dse. Wife of To'-thi-xthi-xtho-dse of the Tsi'-zhu 

Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Wa-ko°'-5a-ino°-i°, meaning uncertain. Wife of Wa'-tse-nio"-i° of 

the Po"-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Wa-to°'-i-9a-e, meaning uncertain. Wife of Mo^-ga'-shu-e of the 

Tho'-xe gens. 
Wa-zha'-zhe-nii-tse-xi, Wa-zha'-zhe-sacred-sun. Daughter of No°- 

zhi°'-wa -the. 
Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi. Wife of Pa-^i'-do-ba of the Tho'-xe gens. 
Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi. Wife of Ba'-^'iu-to°-ga, a Kaw Indian. 
Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi. Wife of No°-be'-gi of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta- 
ge gens. 
Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi. Daughter of Wa-k'o°'-tsi-e and Hi^'-i-ki"- 

da-bi of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Wa-zha-zhe-mi-tse-xi. Daughter of Chi-zhe'-wa-the and Ni'-ka-shi- 

tsi-e of the Ho"' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi. Daughter of Ga-hi'-ge-no"-zhi" and Xu- 

tha'-da-wi° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi. Daughter of Mi'-tse-xi of the Ho"'-ga gens. 

Ho' I-NI-KA-SHI-GA (FiSH PeOPLE) 

Special kinship terms and names of the first three sons and 
daughters in a Ho' I-ni-ka-shi-ga family. 

SONS 

1. P-gtho"". Name, Wa-zha'-ho"-ga, Sacred Wa-zha'-zhe. 

2. Ksho""-ga. Name, To'-ho-ho, Blue-fish. 

3. Ka'-zhi°-ga. Name, Ho-xo'-e, Fish scales. 



LA FI.ESCHE] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 131 



DAUGHTERS 

1. Mi'-na. Name, Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi, Wa-zha'-zhe Sacred-sim. 

2. Wi'-he. Name, Ho°-be'-do-ka, Wet-moccasins. 

3. Qi'-ge. Name, Wa-zha'-mi-tse-xi, Wa-zha'-zhe Sacred-sun. 

OTHER NAMES 
Male 

Chi-zhe'-wa-the, Rustles-the-leaves. Refers to the rustling of the 

leaves by a deer as he feeds in the woods. 
E-no°'-nii°-dse-to°, Solc-o\vner-of-the-bo\v. Refers to the office of 

this gens of making the ceremonial bow for use in a tribal ceremony. 
Ga-hi'-ge-no^-zhi", Standing-chief. 
Ga-hi'-ge-tha-gthi", Handsome-chief. 
Ga-hi'-ge-to°-ga, Big-cliief. 
Ga-hi'-ge-zhi°-ga, Little-chief. (In the I°-ke'-9a-be gens of the 

Omaha tribe.) 
Ga-hi-'ge-xtsi, Real-chief. (In the P-ke'-^a-be gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) 
He'-9ka-mo°-i°, White-horn-walks. Refers to the buck deer with 

white horns. 
Ho-btha'-gka-zhi"-ga, Little-flat-fish. 
Ho-9ka', White-fish. 
Ho-50°', Braided-fish. Refers to the braidlike appearance of the 

scales of a fish. 
Ho-ga'-xa, fish-fins. 
Ho'-ki-e-gi, Splashing-fish. Refers to the splashing of the water by 

a fish as he plays. 
Ho-pa', Fish-head. 
Ho-wa'-hi, Fish-bone. 
Ho-xi°'-ha, Fish-skin. 
I°-shta'-pe-dse, Fu-e-eyes. (In the I°-kc'-?a-be gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) 
Ko'-zhi-mo°-i°, Travels-in-distant-lands. 
Mi-ka'-xa-ge, Crying-raccoon. (In the Ta-pa' gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) 
Mi °'-dse-ni-e, Fences-with-the-bow. 
Ni'-u-ba-shu-dse, Muddies-the-water. Refers to the mud stirred up 

b}' the fish as they move about in the bottom of a stream. 
Ta-he'-ga-xe, Antlered-deer. (In the I°-shta'-90°-da gens of the 

Omaha tribe.) 
Ta-he'-xa-ga, Rough-horned-deer. 
Tse-do'-ha, Buffalo-skin. (A name belonging to the Tho'-xe gens.) 



132 THE OSAGE TRIBE Ieth. axn-.43 

Female 

Qo^-gi'-gthe, Here-are-the-footprints. Refers to the footprints of the 

deer. 
Mi'-gthe-do°-wi", Hawk-woman. 
No"'-ka-5ka, White-back. Refers to the whitish color of the deer at 

certain seasons. 
No"-ta'-Qka, White-ears. Refers to the white hair on the ears of the 

deer. 
Pa-hiu'-gthe-zhe, Spotted-hair. Refers to the spots on the fawn. 
Pa'-.\pe-50°-dse, Frequenter-of-bushes. 
Wa-ko°'-5i, Small animal. 
Wa-.\the'-tho°-ba. (Meaning uncertain.) 

Ho'^'-GA U-TA-NO'^-DSI 

Names of the first three sons and the first three daughters. 

SONS 

I''-gtho'". Ta-dse'-k'u-e, Soughing-of-the-wind. 
Ksho"'-ga. Ta-dse'-to", Owner-of-the-wind. (In the P-ke'-?a-be 
gens of the Omaha tribe.) 

Ho°'-ga U-ta-no°-dsi, The-solitary-Ho'"-ga. 
Ka'-zhi°-ga. Ho"'-ga-tsi-no°-zhi°, Standing-house-of-the-Ho"'-ga. 
Ho°'-ga-to°-ga, Great-Ho°'-ga. 
'rsi'-wa-ko"-da-gi, Mystery-house. 

Tsi'-wa-the-she, Tears-down-the-house. Refers to the tearing 
down of the house of mystery after a ceremony. 

DAUGHTERS 

Mi'-na. Mi'-tse-xi, Mi'-na-the-favored. 

Wi-he'. Xiu-tha'-do^-wi", Sees-the-eagle. 

{^i'-ge. Mi'-tse-xi-Ho°-ga, Mi'-na-ho°-ga-the-favored. 

OTHER NAMES 
Male 

Gi-wa'-xthi-zhi, Not-stingy. Husband of Gthc-do"'-wi"-zhin-ga of 

the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Ho^-ga-to'-ga, Great-Ho^'-ga. Also Ho-'-mo^-da-ko", Light-on- 

the-earth-at-night. Husband of Pa'-zhi-hi of the Ho"'-ga gens. 
Ko°'-5e-ho°-ga, ResembIing-the-Ho°'-ga. (In the Mo'"-thi"-ka-ga- 

xe gens of the Omaha.) Husband of Bo°-giu'-da of the Tho'- 

xe gens. 
Mo^'-xe-a-gthe, Reaches-the-sky. Refers to the wind. Husband of 

Wa-ko'"da-hi-tho°-be of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 



lA FLEstuKl CHILD-NAMING RITE 133 

No''-i}o'-c, Flames-at-every-step. Refers to the white spot on the 
throat of the black bear that is a symbol of fire. Husband of 
Wa-to°'-i-5a-e of the Po"'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Ta-dse'-k'o-e, Soughing-of-the-wind. Refers to the wind, the life 
symbol of the gens. 

Ta-dse'-to°, Owner-of-the-wind. (In the I"-ke'-ga-be gens of the 
Omaha tribe.) Son of Ko°'-5e-ho''-ga and Bo^-giu'-da. 

Ho°-'ga-wa-da-i"-ga, Playful-Ho'"-ga. 

I'-hu-tha-bi, From-whoni-permission-is-obtained. Refers to the au- 
thority vested in this gens to give the order to go to the buffalo 
chase. (Also used by the Omaha.) 

Mo"'-hi"-5i, Fire. Refers to the fire drawn from the stone. Or 
Arrow-head. 

U-pa'-shi-e, Counsellor. 

Wa-no^'-pa-zhi, Not-afraid. (Also used by the Omaha.) 

Wa-zhi^-u-tsi, Courageous. 

Female 

A'-hiu-do-ba, Four-wings. 

Do°'-ba-bi, Seen-by-all. Daughter of Ko°'-5e-ho''-ga and Bo"- 
giu'-da of the Tho'-xe gens. 

Do°-do°-ba, Seen-from-time-to-time. Daughter of Ho°'-ga-to°-ga 
and Pa'-zhi-hi of the Ho°'-ga gens. 

Do'^'-do-'-ba, Mother of 0-ho°'-bi of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 

Mi'-tse-xi, Mi'-na-the-favorite. Daughter of Ho°'-ga-to''-ga and 
Pa'-zhi-hi. 

Mi'-tse-xi-ho''-ga, Mi'-na-the-sacred-one. Daughter of Ko'"-(;e- 
ho^-ga and Bo°-giu'-da. 

Mi'-tse-xi-ho°-ga, Mi'-na-the-sacred-one. Wife of 0'-ki-5a of the 
Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Wa'-tse-wi", Star-woman. Daughter of Ho^'-ga-to^-ga and Pa'- 
zhi-hi. 

Zho-'-btha-^ka-wi", Flat-wood-woman. Wife of I^-shta'-gthe-ge 
of the»Wa-ga'-be gens. 

Zho'"-btha-9ka-\sT°, Daughter of Ho°'-ga-to°-ga and Pa'-zhi-hi. 

HO^'-GA SUBDIVISION 

Wa-<;a'-be 

Special kinship terms and names of the first three sons and the 
first three daughters in a family of the Wa-ga'-be or Black Bear gens 
as given by Wa-tse'-mo"-i°. 

SONS 

1. P-gtho"'. Zhi°-ga'-ga-hi-ge, Little-chief. (In the Ja-Ra' gens 

of the Omaha tribe.) 

2. Ksho""-ga. Gthe-do-'-xo-dse, Gray-hawk. (In the Tha'-ta-da 

gens of the Omaha tribe.) 



134 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



|ETa. ANN. 43 



3. Ka-ge'. Mo°'-hi°-wa-ko°-da, Mysterious-knife. Refers to the 
scalping- knife in the keeping of the Black Bear gens. 



DAUGHTERS 

1. Mi'-na. Mi'-tse-xi, Mi'-na-the-favorite. 

2. Wi'-he. Mi'-hoM°. 

3. Ci'-ge or A-Qi°'-ga. Go°'-ba-kshe, Flashing-eyes. Refers to 

the flashing eyes of the black bear. 

OTHER NAMES 
Male 

I'-ba-znu-nse, Red-handle. Refers to the red-handled knife that is 

in the keeping of this gens for ceremonial use. 
I°-gtho'"-ga-zhi°-ga, Little-puma. Husband of Ho°-be'-do-ka of the 

Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
I"'-shta'-mo"-9e, Flashing-eyes. Refers to the flashing eyes of the 

black bear. Husband of Xu-tha'-da-wi° of the Mi-k'i° gens. 
Mo°'-hi°-zhu-dse, Red-knife. Refers to the red-handled ceremonial 

knife. Son of Mo^'-zhi-^ka-k'i^-ga-xthi and Mi'-ga-sho"-i°. 
Mo°'-thiu-xe, Ground-cleared-of-grass. Refers to the bare ground 

around the house of the bear. Son of Wa-tse'-mo"-i° and Mo°- 

go°-ho°-i°. 
Mo'"-zhi-Qka-k'i°-ga-xthi, -Slayer -of- the -warrior-with-white-quiver 

(war name). Husband of Mi'-ga-sho"-i" of the Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Mo°-zho'"-dsi-5i-gthe, Tracks-on-the-prairies. Refers to the bear 

tracks seen on the prairies. 
Ni'-ka-wa-da-i"-ga, Playful-man. Also Mo"'-hi°-wa-ko"-da, Mys- 
terious-knife. Refers to the ceremonial knife in the keeping of 

this gens. 
Wa'-tse-ga-wa, Radiant-star. Son of Wa-tse'-mo^-i" and Mo°'-5o"- 

ho^-i". , 

Wa-tse'-mo"-!", He-who-vvins-war-honors (war name). Also Wa- 

.shi°'-ha. Refers to the fat on the skin of the bear. Husband of 

Mi'-5o°-ho"-i" of the 0'-po° gens. 
Zhi°-ga'-ga-hi-ge, Young-chief. Son of I'-ba-zhu-dse. 

Fem.ale 

Go°'-ba-kshe, The-light. Refers to the light in the eyes of the bear. 
Go°'-ba-kshe. Daughter of Wa-tse'-mo''-i° and Mi'-?o°-ho''-i". 
Mi'-90°-e', White-sun. Wife of Wa-to^'-i-'-ki-the of the Tho'-xe 

gens. 
Mi'-ho°-i° (meaning uncertain). Daughter of I°-gtho°'-ga-zhi°-ga 

and Ho^-be'-do-ka. 
Mi'-ho"-i°. Daughter of Ni'-ka-wa-da-i°-ga. 



LA FLESCHE] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 135 



Mi'-ho"-!". Daughter of Wa-tse'-mo''-i° and Mi'-go''-ho''-i°. 
Mi'-tse-xi. Mi'-na-the-favorite. Daughter of Mo^'-zhi-^ka-k'i^-ga- 

xthi and Mi'-ga-sho"-!". 
No°'-mi-tse-xi, Mi'-na-the-favorite. Daughter of Ni'-ka-wa-da-i°- 

ga- 
Wa-ga'-be-wa-k'o, Black-bear-woinan. Daughter of I''-gtho°'-ga- 
zhi°-ga. 

I^'-GTHO^'-GA 

Names of the first tliree sons and first three daughters. 

SONS 

1. I''-gtho°'. Mi'-\va-ga-xe, Child-of-the-sun. 

2. Ksho^'-ga. I'-e-^ka-wa-the, Giver-of-speech. 

3. Ka'-zhi°-ga. Mo""-ga-xe, Arrow-maker. 

DAUGHTERS 

1. Mi'-no°. Mo°'-gi-tse-xi, Sacred-arrow-shaft. 

2. Wi'-he. Mo^'-zho^-op-she-wi", Woman -who -travels -over- the- 

earth. 

3. C'-'-ge. No "'-mi-tse-xi, Beloved-child-of-the-sun. 

OTHER NAMES 
Male 

I°-shta'-sha-be, Dark-eyes. In the Tse-gi^'-dse gens of the Omaha 
tribe. 

Mi-wa'-ga-xe, Child-of-the-sun. Also, Hi°-wa'-xa-ga, Rough-hair. 
Husband of Mi-'tse-xi of the Ho°'-ga gens. 

Mo°'-ga-xe, Arrow-maker. Husband of Wa-toM'-ga-e of the Po"'-ka 
Wa-shta-ge gens. (Also Pa'-xe-ga, Brown-nose. Refers to the 
brown nose of the black bear.) 

Mo^'-ga-xe. Son of Wa-xthi'-zhi and Xu-tha'-da-wi°. 

Mo'"-hi''-wa-ko°-da, Ah'sterious-knife. Son of Wa-thu'-ts'a-ga-zhi 
and Mi'-tse-xi. 

No"-be'-wa-ko"-da, Mysterious hand. M3-thical name, refers to the 
use of the index finger for killing animals before weapons were 
known. Also refers to the ceremony performed by a member of 
the Wa-ga'-be gens when blessing a newborn child with the rays 
of the sun. Son of Wa-thu'-ts'a-ga-zhi and Mi'-tse-.xi. 

To'"-dse-a-shi° (meaning obscure). 

Wa-thu'-ts'a-ga-zhi, Never-fails (war name). The grandfather of 
the man who last bore this name never failed in his war exploits 
so the people gave him the name. Husband of Mi'-tse-xi of the 
Ho'"-ga gens. 



136 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



Wa-xthi'-zhi, Generous (war name). A man of this gens was given 
the name because he always shared with the people the spoils he 
took in his war exploits. Husband of Xu-tha'-da-wi° of the 
Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Female 

Mi'-ho°-i°. (Meaning obscure.) Mother of Xo'-ka of the Ni'-ka- 

wa-wa-ko°-da-gi gens. 
Mo^'-pi-tse-xi, Sacred-arrowshaft. Daughter of Wa-xthi'-zhi and 

Xu-tha'-da-wi". 
Mo^'-^i-tse-xi. Mother of r°'-sho''-ba of the Ni'-ka-wa-ko°-da-gi 

gens. 
No'"-mi-tse-xi, Only-sacred-sun. Refers to the sun, a life symbol 

of this gens. Daughter of Wa-xthi'-zhi and Xu-tha'-da-wi°. 
No-'-mi-tse-xi. Wife of Wa-shka'-dse of the Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Wa'-tse-wi°, Star-woman. Wife of Xi-tha-u'-ga-sho° of the Ho'"-ga 

gens. 

Ho'^'-GA Gthe-zhb 

Special kinship terms and names of the first three sons and the 
first three daughters in a family of the Ho'"-ga Gthe-zhe, Mottled 
eagle, gens, as given by Mi'-she-tsi-the 

SONS 

1. P-gtho"'. Mi-she-tsi-the, Yonder- the-sun-passes. Also Ho°'-ga- 

a-shi", same as Ho^'-ga-u-ga-sho", The Ho^'-ga Messenger. 

2. Ksho^'-ga. Ho^'-ga-a-gthi", Good-eagle. Refers to the eagle 

that is friendly to the people. 

3. Ka'-zhi°-ga. A'-hiu-fka, White-wings. 

DAUGHTERS 

1. Mi'-na. Mi'-tse-xi, Mi'-na-the-favorite. 

2. Wi'-he. Mi'-po°-i", White-sun. 

3. A-fi^'-ga. Xu-tha'-mi-tse-xi, Eagle-sacred-sun. Also Xu-tha'- 

dsi-wi°. Eagle-woman. 

OTHER NAMES 

Male 
A'-hiu-pka, White-wings. 

A'-hiu-fka. Husband of I'-ni-a-bi of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
A'-hiu-k'u-we, Holes-in-the-wings. Son of Wa-no°'-she-zhi°-ga and 

Mo^'-pi-tse-xi. 
Ho°'-ga-a-shi°, The-Ho°'-ga-messenger. 
Ho^'-ga-a-shi". Eugene Blaine. 
Ho°'-ga-a-shi''. Also Ta-shka'-wa. 



n FLEscHEl CHILD-NAMING RITE 137 

Ho°'-ga-tha-gthi°, Good-eagle. 

Ho^'-ga-tha-gthi", Son of Wa-no'"-she-zhi''-ga and Ho°'-ga-mi-tse-xi. 
Ho^'-ga-tha-gthi". Son of Xu-tha'-pa and Tse'-mi-tse-xi. 
Ho°'-ga-zhi°-ga, Young-Ho°'-ga. Son of Wa-no°'-she-zhi°-ga and 

Ho°'-ga-mi-tse-xi. 
Kshi'-zhi, Never-reached-homc. Husband of Ni'-ka of the Mi-k'i°' 

gens. 
Lookout, John. Husband of I'-ga-mo''-ge of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Lookout, William. Son of John Lookout and I'-ga-mo°-ge. 
Mi'-she-tsi-the. Son of Mo"'-pi-tse-xi of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Mi'-she-tsi-the. Also No''-xu'-dse-thi''-ge, No-ears. Husband of 

Wa'-ko°-pa-mo°-i° of the Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Mi'-she-tsi-the. Husband of Wa-zha'-xa-i" of the Tsi'-zhu Wa- 
shta-ge gens. 
Mo"-shi'-ta-mo°-i", One-who-travels-above. Refers to the eagle. 

Husband of Mo°'-?i-tse-xi of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
0-ba'-ho"-mo''-i°, Walking-within. Husband of Pa'-zhi-hi of the 

Ho°'-ga gens. 
Sha'-ge-gka, White-talons. (In the Tha'-ta-da gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) 
Sha'-ge-pa-hi, Sharp-talons. Son of Xu-tha'-pa and Tse'-mi-tse-xi. 
Tha'-bthi°-wa-xthi, Slayer-of-three (War name.) 
Tse-hi°'-tha-ge, Wearer-of-bufl"alo-hair-head-band. (Not gentile 

name.) 
Wa-go°'-tha, meaning obscure. Also Wa-tse'-gi-do^-a-bi, One- 

whose-trophies-are-seen (war name). Son of Wa-no^'-she-zhi^-ga 

and Mo^'-gi-tse-xi. 
Wa-ko'"-tha-to°-ga, Great-attacker. Husband of Mi'-tse-xi of the 

0'-po° gens. 
Wa-no°'-she-zhi°-ga, Little-soldier. (In the I°-shta'-go''-da gens of 

the Omaha tribe.) Husband of Mo^'-gi-tse-xi of the Wa-ga'-be 

gens. 
Wa-no^'-she-zW-ga. Husband of Ho "'-ga-mi-tse-xi of the I'-ba-tse 

gens. 
Wa-sho'-she, Valorous. Husband of Mo °'-9i-tse-.xi of the Tsi'-zhu 

Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Wa-sho'-she. Judge Lawrence. 
Wa-xo°'-xo'', Twinkles. Refers to the spaces in the wings of the eagle 

through which the sunlight twinkles as the bird flies. Son of 

Wa-no'"-she-zhi°-ga and Mo^'-gi-tse-xi. 
Wa-xo°'-xo°. James Blaine, jr. 

Wa-zhi^'-pa, Bird-head. Son of Xu-tha'-to°-ga and Pa'-.xpi-QO°-dse. 
Wa-zhi°'-pa. Son of Wa-no°'-she-zhi°-ga and Ho°'-ga-mi-tse-xi. 
19078°— 28 10 



138 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



Xii-tha'-pa, Eagle-head. Husband of Tse'-mi-tse-xi of the Tse-tho"'- 
Ica gens. 

Xii-tha'-to°-ga, Big-eagle. Husband of Pa'-xpi-Qo°-dse of the Ta' 
I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 

Xi-tha-u'-ga-sho°, Eagle-that-travels. Husband of Wa'-tse-wi" of 
the I°-gtho°'-ga gens. 

Zhi°-ga-'wa-ga. (Meaning obscure.) Also (,'o°'-to°-9a-be, Black- 
dog. Husband of Gthe-do°'-mi-tse-xi of the Ni'-ka-wa-ko°-da-gi 
gens. 

Fem.\le 

Lookout, Nora. Daughter of Wa-no "'-she-zhi °-ga and Mo "'-gi-tse-xi. 
Mi'-ge-wi°. (Meaning obscure.) Wife of Naranjo, a Pueblo Indian 

of Santa Clara, N. Mex. 
Mi'-90°-e, White-sun. Wife of Pa-gi'-do-ba of the Tho'-xe gens. 
Mi'-go^-i", Wliite-sun. 
Mi'-go"-i". Wife of Ki-xi'-tha-ba-zhi of the Ni'-ka-wa-ko°-da-gi 

gens. 
Mi'-tse-xi, Sacred-sun. (In the I°-ke-Qa-be gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) Daughter of Mi'-she-tsi-the. 
Mi'-tse-xi. (Daughter of Zhi"-ga'-wa-ga.) Wife of Hi°-wa'-xa-ga 

of the I°-gtho"'-ga gens. 
Mi'-tse-xi. Daughter of Wa-no "'-she-zW-ga and Ho°'-ga mi-fse-xi. 
Mi'-tse-xi. Daughter of Xu-tha'-pa and Tse'-mi-tse-xi. 
Mi'-tse-xi. Wife of Ho'-ki-e-gi of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Mi'-tse-xi. Mother of Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi, Ho-xo' and Wa-zha'- 

zhe of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Mi'-tse-xi. Mother of Wa-zha'-no°-pa-i° of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 

gens. 
Mi'-tse-xi. Daughter of Wa-no"'-she-zhi-ga and Mo^'-gi-tse-xi. 
Mi'-tse-xi. Wife of Wa-thu'-ts'a-ga-zhi of the I°-ghto°'-ga gens. 
No'"-k'on-ge-wi°. (Meanmg obscure.) Kate Whitehorn. 
Pa'-zhi-hi. Reddish-head. Refers to the reddish color of the head 

of the eagle. Mary Cox. 
Pa'-zhi-hi. Grace Entokah. 
Pa'-zhi-hi. Prudie Martin. 

Pa'-zhi-hi. Daughter of Mi'-she-tsi-e and Wa'-ko°-ga-mo''-i''. 
Pa'-zhi-hi. Wife of O-ba'-hoMnoM" (Ni-ka'-ga-e). 
Pa'-zhi-hi. Daughter of Xu-tha'-to°-ga and Pa'-xpi-go°-dse. 
Pa'-zhi-hi. Wife of Ho"'-mo"-da-ko'' of the Ho-'-ga U-ta-no^-dsi 

gens. 
Xu'-tha-dsi-wi", Eagle-woman. Wife of Tsi-zhu-zhi°-ga of the Tsi'- 

zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Xu-tha'-mi-tse-xi, Eagle-sacred-sun. Daughter of Mi'-she-tsi-the. 
Xu-tha'-mi-tse-xi. Daughter of Wa-sho'-she and Mo^'-fi-tse-xi. 
Xu-tha'-mi-tse-xi. Wife of No"-ba'-mo°-thi'' of the Tho'-xe gens. 



lA FiEscHEl CHILD-NAMING RITE 139 

Xu-tha'-mi-tse-xi. Wife of Wa'-tlui-xa-gc of the Tsi'-zhu Wa- 

shta-ge. 
Xu-tha'-\vi°, Eagle-woman. Daughter of Mi'-she-tsi-e and Wa'- 

ko"-ca-nio°-i°. 
Xii'-tha-wi". Wife of Xo-'-dse-u-mo^-i" of the Ho°' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 

gens. 

Ho'^'-G.\ U-THU-HA-GE 

Special kinship terms and names of the first three sons and the 
first three daughters in a family of the Ho"'-ga U-thu-ha-ge (Last 
in the Ho°'-ga order) gens as given by Wa'-no°-she-zhi°-ga. 

SONS 

Pgtho"'. Xu-tha'-ha-hi-ge, Eagle-chief. 

Ksho°'-ga. Tse'-ga-mo°-i°, Goes-in-ne\s-plumage. Refers to the 

young eagle. 
Ka'-7.hi°-ga. P'-be-pka, White-tail. Refers to the tail of the 

mature golden eagle whose white tail feathers are tipped with 

black. 

DAUGHTERS 

Mi'-na. Mi-tse-xi, Mi'-na-the-favorite. 

Wi'-he. Mi'-fo^-e, White-sun. 

Ci'-ge. Mi'-tse-xi-o^-ba. (Meaning obscure.) 

OTHER NAMES 
Male 

A-hi"'-u-k'u-dse, Holes- in-the-wings. Refers to the spaces in the 

wings of the eagle. 
Cka'-gthe, White-plumes. Refers to the three downy feathers 

taken from under the tail of the eagle and worn as life symbols by 

priests. 
He-ba'-ku-ge, Blunt-horns. Name given in compliment to this gens 

by the Tho'-xe gens. 
Hiu'-pa-da-zhi°-ga, Young-hiu'-f;a-da. Refers to the eagle's leg 

attached to the hanging strap of the wa-xo'-be or shrine. 
Ho°'-ga, The-consecrated-one. Name of the gens. 
Ho°'-ga-gthe-zhe, Mottled-eagle. Refers to the immature golden 

eagle that is dark in plumage. This bird is regarded as sacred 

by many of the Indian tribes. 
Ho"'-ga-to''-ga, Great-eagle. 
Ho'"-ga-tsi-e-da, House-of-the-Ho'"-ga. Refers to the House of 

Mystery that is in the keeping of the Ho"'-ga gens. 
Kshi'-zhi-wa-ga-xe, Causes them to fail to reach home. Refers to 

the attack of the eagle on its prey. 



140 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



Mo'"-9e, Metal. Wa-no°-she-zhi''-ga could not explain the meaning 

of this name. 
Mo°'-da-i-he. (Meaning obscure.) 
Mo°-i°'-zhi, Does-not-walk. Refers to the eagle. 
Mo'"-shi-ha-mo°-i°, One-who-moves-above. Refers to the eagle. 

(In the I°-shta'-9o°-da gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
Mo°-shi'-ta-mo°-i°, Moves-on-high. Refers to the eagle. 
Mo°'-sho°-ho°-ga, Sacred-plume. Refers to the eagle plumes worn 

by priests. 
No°-be'-?i, Yellow-hands. Refers to the yellow feet of the eagle. 
Pa-hiu'-ga-zho", Hairy-head. Name given by the Tho'-xe gens to 

the Ho°'-ga U-thu-ha-ge gens. 
Sha'-ge-(?ka, White-talons. (In the Tha'-ta-da gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) 
Sha'-ge-pa-hi, Sharp-talons. Refers to the sharp talons of the eagle. 
Sho^'-to-'fa-be, Black-dog. Thu-ts'a'-ga-bi. 

Thu-ts'a'-ga-bi, Hard-to-catch. Refers to the wariness of the eagle. 
Tsi-do'-ba, Four-lodges. A valor name. A war party attacked four 

lodges and killed all the inhabitants. The commander was given 

the name by the people. 
U-ga'-^ji^-dse, Breeze. Refers to the wind stirred by the eagle when 

flying. 
U-ga'-sho°, The wanderer. Refers to the ofSce of messenger of this 

gens. 
U-thi°'-ge-no°-zhi°, Stands-holding. Refers to the hold of the eagle 

on its prey. 
U-thi'-sho°-mo"-i'', Moves-in-a-circle. Refers to the soaring of the 

eagle. (In the P-ke'-ga-be gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
Wa-ko'"-tha-to''-ga, Great-attacker. Refers to the attack of the 

eagle on its prey. 
Wa-sho'-she, Brave. (In the I"-ke'-5a-be gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
Wa-xo°'-xo", The-shining-one. Refers to the shining of the wings 

of the eagle. 
Wa-zhi'"-i-gi-wa-the, Hated-bird. Refers to the fear of the eagle 

by other birds. 
Wa-zhi°'-pa, Bird-head. Refers to the head of the eagle. 
Wa-zhi°'-zhi-c, Red-bird. (Red eagle.) 

Xi-tha-u'-ga-sho°, The- traveling-eagle. Refers to the tireless soar- 
ing of the eagle. 
Xo''-xo°'-moM°, Shines-as-he-moves. Refers to the reflection of 

the sun on the outspread wings of the eagle. 
Xu-tha'-ni-ka, Eagle-man. (In the Ta'-pa gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) 
Xu-tha'-pa, Eagle-head. 
Xu-tha'-sha-be, Dark-colored-eagle. 



LA FLESCBE] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 141 



Xu-tha'-to°-ga, Big-eagle. 

Xu-tha'-ts'a-ge, Aged-eagle. The eagle is a symbol of old age. 

(In the Tha'-ta-da gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
Xu-tha'-wa-shu-she, Brave-eagle. 
Zhi°-ga'-wa-9a. (Meaning obscure.) 
Zho'"-no°-gu-ge, Bends-the- tree- top. Refers to the bending of the 

treetop by the weight of the eagle as he alights. 

Female 

Hi°'-ga-mo°-ge, Feathers-blown-by-the-wind. Refers to the drop- 
ping of the downy feathers as the eagle rises to fly. 
Mi'-9o''-e, White-sun. 
No°'-ko''-5c-wi°. (Meaning obscure.) 

Pa'-?i-hi, Brown-head. Refers to the brown head of the eagle. 
Xu-tha'-mi, Eagle-woman. 
Xu-tha'-mi-tse-xi, Sacred-eagle-woman. 
Xu-tha-tsa-wi°, Eagle-woman. 

O'-po'' (Elk) Gens 

MALE 

He'-5o°-ho", White-horns. Son of Mo"'-ge-ga-be and Xu-tha'-da- 

wi". 
Ho^'-mo^-ga. (Meaning obscure.) 
Ho^'-mo^-ga. Son of Ki'-mo^-ho" and Tho'-ta-a-ga. 
Ho°'-mo''-5a, also Mi-xo'-zhi°-ga. (Not Ni'-ki-e.) Husband of 

Mo°'-gi-tse-xi of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Ho^'-mo^-ga. Son of Ho°'-mo°-ga and Mo^'-gi-tse-xi. 
I'-e-gka-wa-the, Giver-of-speech. (A name of the I°-gtho°'-ga 

gens.) 
Ki'-mo°-ho°, Against-the-wind. Refers to the habit of the elk of 

facing the wind when feeding. (In the We'-zhi^-shte gens of the 

Omaha tribe.) Husband of Tho'-ta-a-ga of the Ni'-ka-wa-ko°- 

da-gi gens. 
Mo°'-ge-ga-be, Black-breast. Refers to the black hair on the 

breast of the elk. (In the We'-zhi"-shte gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) Husband of Xu-tha'-da-wi" of the Mi-k'i°' gens. 
Mo"-!"' -ka-zhi°-ga, Little-clay. Refers to the four different colored 

clays given by the crawfish to the people for ceremonial use. 

(See section 25 of the Ni'-ki-e ritual, 3Gth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. 

Ethn.) Son of Ki-mo°-ho° and Tho'-ta-a-ga. 
Mo°-zho°'-ga-xe, Earth-maker. From the mythical story of the elk 

separating the waters from the earth, making it habitable for the 

people. (See pp. 165 to 169, 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.) 

Son of Ki'-mo°-ho° and Tho'-ta-a-ga. 
0-pa', Andrew. Son of Pa-hiu'-gthe-zhe of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 

gens. 



142 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



ETH. ANN. 43 



J-EMALE 

Gtho°-zho'"-ba. (Meaning obscure.) Wife of Xo'-ka of the Ni'-ka- 

\va-ko°-da-gi gens. 
Ho°'-ga-\vi", Eagle-woman. 

Ho"'-ga-wi°. Daughter of Mo°'-ge-ga-be and Xu-tha'-da-wi". 
Ho'"-ga-wi°. Daughter of Ki'-mo°-ho° and Tho'-ta-a-ga. 
Ho^'-ga-wi". Wife of No°'-pe-wa-the of the Ni'-ka-wa-ko°-da-gi 

gens. 
Ho°-'ga-wi°. Wife of ]Mo'"-5e-no°-p'i" of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Mo"'-go°-ho°-i°. (Meaning obscure.) Daughter of Ho°'-mo''-5a 

and Mo°'-9i-tse-xi. 
Mo"'-50°-ho°-i°. Wife of Wa-tse-'mo°-i° of the Wa-ga'-be gens. 
Mo^'-ga-ho^-e. (Meaning obscure.) Wife of Edward Bigheart of 

the Po"'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Mi'-tse-xi, Mi'-na-the-favorite. Wife of Wa-ko°'-tha-to''-ga. 
Pa'-mo°-shi-wa-gtho°. (Meaning obscure.) Wife of Wa'-tse-a-xe of 

the Po"'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Tho'-ha-wa. (Meaning obscure.) Wife of Pi'-zhi-to°-ga of the 

Tho'-xe gens. 

I'-BA-TSE (Wind) Gens 

MALE 

A'-k'a, South- wind. Refers to the wind, the Hfe symbol of the 
gens. Sou of Ka'-wa-xo-dse and Wa-to^'-i-^a-e. 

A'-k'a-hiu-e, Wind-is-from-the-south. Son of Ka'-wa-gi and Gia'- 
50 °-ba. 

Ga-hi'-gtho°-i''-ge. (Meaning obscure.) Son of Ho^'-ga. 

Hi°-sha'-a-xthi, Slayer-of-a-Caddo. Also Zhi°-ga'-ga-hi-ge, Young- 
chief. This name may be used by permission to honor a child. 
Husband of Xu-tha'-da-wi° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no°. 

Ho^'-ga, The-sacred-one. A special name for the dark-plumaged 
immature golden eagle, the life symbol of this gens. Ho^'-ga is 
also the name of the subdivision of the tribe representing the dry 
land of the earth. Son of Ka'-wa-gi. 

Ho°'-ga. Son of Ho""-ga. 

Ho^'-ga. (Alfred McKinley.) 

I'-bi-go°-dse. (Meaning obscure.) 

Ka'-wa-gi, Yellow-horse. (Not Ni'-ki-e.) Husband of Gia'-go"-ba 
of the Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Ka'-wa-xo-dse, Roan-horse. (Not Ni'-ki-e.) Also ge'-ge-mo°-i", Trots- 
as-he-travels. Refers to the restless movements of the elk. The 
I'-ba-tse is a subgens of the Elk and has the right to take names 
relating to that animal. Husband of Wa-to "-i'-ga-e of the Pc^'-ka 
Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Sho°'-ge-tsi-e, Dog-passing-by. 



LA FLESCHEl 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 143 



Ta'-dse-hiu-e, The-comiiig-wind. Son of Ka'-wu-xo-dsc and Wa- 
to^-i'-ga-e. 

Tha-^iu'-e, Whistle. Refers to the whistle which this gens was per- 
mitted to consecrate and use as a wa-xo'-be in honor of a member 
who had won an important victory in battle. The name is not 
classed as Xi'-ki-e, that is, it was not one that was accepted as a 
gentile name bj- common consent of the No°'-ho"-zhi''-ga. The 
whistle wa-xo'-be is now in the United States National Museum 
(No. 2761.3.3). Husband of Mi'-fse-xi of the Ho°' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 
gens. 

Tha-giu'-e. Son of Ka'-wa-xo-dse and Wa-to°'-i-9a-e of the Po"'-ka 
Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Xu-tha'-gthe-zhe, Speckled-eagle. The speckled eagle is an imma- 
ture golden eagle whose tail feathers are speckled. The bird is one 
of the life sj'mbols of this gens. Son of Hi°-sha'-a-xthi and 
Xu-tha-'da-wi°. 

Xu-tha'-gthe-zhe. Son of Wa-ga'-be-wi" of the Ho"' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 
gens. 

Xu-tha'-k'i°, Eagle-carrier. (Don Dickinson.) 

FE.MALE 

A'-k'a-mi-tse-xi, South-wind-Mi-na-the-favored. Daughter of Ka'- 

wa-xo-dse and Wa-to^-i'-^a-e. 
A'-k'a-wi", South-wind-woman. (In the Ho^'-ga gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) Daughter of Hi^-sha'-a-xthi and Xu-tha'-da-wi°. 
A'-k'a-wi°. Wife of Ta-he'-ga-.xe of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Ho'"-ga-mi-tse-xi, Ho°'-ga-Mi-na-the-favored. Daughter of Ka'-wa- 

gi and Gia'-5o"-ba. 
Ho°'-ga-mi-tse-xi. Daughter of Ka'-wa-^i and Gia'-^o^-ba. 
Ho"'-ga-mi-tse-.xi. Daughter of Hi°-sha'-a-xthi and Xu-tha'-da-wi°. 
Ho"'-ga-mi-tse-xi. (Ethel Brant.) 

Ho"'-ga-mi-tse-xi. Wife of Wa-no°'-she-zhi"-ga of the Ho°'-ga gens. 
Ho "'-ga-wi ", Eagle-woman. 
Ho"'-ga-wi°. Wife of Xu-tha'-zhu-dse of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
I"'-be-zho"-ka, Forked-tail-kite. 

I"'-be-zho"-ka. Wife of Xi'-wa-tlie of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
P'-be-zho^-ka-wi", Forked-tail-kite-wonum. Daughter of Ho"'-ga. 
I°'-be-zho°-ka-wi". Wife of Ga-hi'-ge-to° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
I"'-bc-zho"-ka-wi". (Sylvia Wood.) 
Wa-hiu'-90°-i°, White-bones-woman. Refers, probably, to the story 

that at the beginning this gens controlled the winds, and by their 

use destroyed all animals, leaving their bones to whiten on the 

ground around the village. 
Wa-hiu'-90°-i". Daughter of Ka'-wa-xo-dsc and Wa-to°-i'-9a-e. 
Wa-hiu-^o^-i". Wife of Ta-he-ga-xe of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 



144 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

TSI'-ZHU DIVISION 

Tsi'-ZHu Wa-no'^ Gens 

MALE 

Co°-dse-u'-gthi°, Dweller-in-upland-forest. (Not Ni'-ki-e.) Also 

We'-thi°-ga-xe, Maker-of-straps. Refers to the office of this gens 

of ceremonially making the captive straps for the warriors of a war 

party. Husband of Mo^-zho^-dsi-i-ta of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Ga-hi'-ga-zhi, Not-a-chief. A chief could not be chosen from this 

gens because its office has to do with war. Son of Mi'-tse-xi-ho "-ga, 

wife of O-ki'-ga. 
Ho'-ga-zhi°-e, Young-strong-voice. (Married to a white woman.) 
Ho°'-ga-ha-bi, He-who-is-caIled-IIo"'-ga. 
Ho"'-ga-ha-bi. Also Wa-xthi', Stingy. 
Ho^'-ga-ha-bi. Son of Pa'-zhi-hi of the Ho'"-ga gens. 
I'°'-do-ka-wa-da-i°-ga, Playful-wet-stone. 
Mo^'-hi^-gpe-we-tsi", Battle-ax. 
Mo''-i'"-ka-u-ga-hni. (Meaning obscure.) Son of 0'-tha-ha-mo°-i'' 

and Mo^'-gi-tse-xi. 
Ni'-ka-i-gi-wa-the, Hated-man. Refers to the aggressive character of 

this gens. Husband of Ki'-o of the Tho'-xe gens. 
No^-ba'-k'iu-e. (Meaning obscure.) Son of O'-tha-ha-mo^-i" and 

Mo''-5i-tse-xi. 
No°-xtho°'-zhe, Tramples-the-grass. Refers to the discovery of the 

tracks of buffalo by an official numer. Son of r°'-do-ka-wa-da- 

i-'ga. 
O-ga'-ki-e. (Meaning obscure.) 
O'-tha-ha-mo^-i", The-foUower. Husband of Mo°'-gi-tse-xi of the 

Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Pa'-thi"-wa-we-xta, Aimoyer-of-the-enemy. (War name.) Husband 

of Gthe-do^-mi-tse-xi of the Ni-ka-wa-ko°-da-gi gens. 
Sha'-ge-wa-bi°, Bloody -hands. Refers to the butchering of the 

buffalo, parts of which were dedicated to ceremonial use in the war 

rites. (See pp. 264 to 582, 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.) 

Son of Gia'- go°-ba of the Po"'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Tse-wa'-hiu, Buffalo-bones. Husband of Co°-gi'-gthe of the Ta' 

I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Wa-do". (Meaning obscure.) 
Wa'-i-no°-zhi", Stands-over-them. (In the P-gthe'-zhi-de gens of 

the Omaha tribe.) 
Wa-stse'-e-do°, Good-doctor. Son of 0'-tha-ha-mo°-i° and Mo°'-gi- 

tse-.xi. 
Wa'-tse-go^-tha. (Meaning obscure.) Wa-xthi'-zhi says that the 

real name of this man is Mi'-ga-xe, Sun-maker. 



LA FLEscHEl CHILD-NAMING RITE 145 

Wa-zha'-a-ki-pa, Met-the-Wa-zha'-zhe. Refers to the first meeting 

of the Tsi'-zhu division with the Wa-zha'-zho. 
We'-tsi°, War-club. Refers to the ceremonial war-club made by 

this gens. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 442-445.) 

Son of I'''-do-ka-wa-da-i°-ga. 
Xu-tha'-wa-ko°-da, Mysterious-eagle. Son of Gia'-5o°-ba of the 

Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Xu-tha'-wa-ko°-da. Son of Tse-wa'-hiu and Qo°-5i'-gthe. 
Xu-tha'-wa-ko°-da. Husband of Mo^'-gi-tse-xi of the Wa-ga'-be 

gens. 
Xu-tha'-wa-ko"-da. Son of 0'-tha-ha-mo°-i° and Mo^'-gi-tse-xi. 
Xu-tha'-wa-ko^-da. Son of Xu-tha'-wa-to°-i° and Hi°'-i-ki-a-bi 
Xu-tha'-wa-to''-i°, Eagle-plainly-seen. 
Zhi''-ga'-wa-da-i°-ga, Little-playful-one. 

FEM.\LE 

Do-ra Strike-ax. Daughter of Zhi^-ga'-wa-da-i^-ga. 

Lucy Ho°'-ga-ha-bi. Daughter of Ho^'-ga-ha-bi or Wa-xthi'. 

Mi'-gthe-do^-wi", Sun-hawk-woman. (In the Tha'-ta-da gens of 
the Omaha tribe.) 

Mi'-gthe-do°-wi°. Daughter of Tse-wa'-hiu and Qo^-gi'-gthe. 

Mi'-gthe-do^-wi". Daughter of Zhi°-ga'-wa-da-i"-ga. 

Mi'-gthe-do°-wi°. Daughter of 0'-tha-ha-mo°-i° and Mo^'-gi-tse-xi. 

Mi'-ho°-ga, Sacred-sun. (Also used by the Omaha tribe.) Daughter 
of Gia-go°-ba of the Po'"-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Mi'-ho°-ga. Wife of Do'-ba-mo°-i° of the Tho'-xe gens. 

Grace Miller. Daughter of Ho'-ga-zhi°-e. 

Mo^'-btho^-ba, Corn-hill. 

Mo-'-btho-'-ba. Wife of Mi-ka'-k'e-zhi°-ga of the Mi-k'i"' gens. 

Mo°'-btho°-ba. Daughter of Xu-tha'-wa-to°-i° and Hi"'-i-ki-a-bi. 

Wa-k'o'-ga-hi-ge, Woman-chief. (Not Ni'-ki-c.) Daughter of Zhi"- 
ga'-wa-da-i°-ga. 

Wa'-ko°-ga-mo°-i°. (Meaning obscure.) Daughter of Qo°-dse-u'- 
gthi" and Mo°-zho°'-dsi-i-ta. 

Wa-ko°'-da-hi-tho°-be, God-who-appears. Refers to the rising smi. 

Wa-ko"'-da-hi-tho"'-be. Wife of Mo-'-xe-a-gthe of the Ho""-ga 
U-ta-no°-dsi gens. 

Wa-ko°'-da-hi-tho''-be. AVife of Wa-thi'-gtho°-thi°-ge of the Tsi'- 
zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Wa-ko""-da-hi-tho''-be. Wife of Mi-hi-the of the Mi-k'i"' gens. 

Wa-xthe'-tho°-ba, Two-standards. Wife of Mi-k'i°'-wa-da-i"-ga of 
the Mi-k'i° gens. 

Wa-xthe'-tho°-ba. Wife of Ni'-ka-wa-zhiMo^-ga of the Po"'-ka 
Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Wa-xthe'-tho°-ba. Wife of Tsi'-zhu-a-ki-p-a of the Po"'-ka Wa- 
shta-ge gens. 



146 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. an-n- 43 

Wa-xthe'-tho"-ba. Wife of Po^'-ka-wa-da-i^-ga of the Po-'-ka Wa- 

shta-ge gens. 
Wa-xthe'-tho°-ba. Daughter of Tse-wa'-hiu and Co^-gi'-gthe. 
Wa-xthe'-tho"-ba. (Annie Kinney.) 

Wa-xthe'-tho°-ba. Daughter of Ho"'-ga-ga-bi or Wa-xthi'. 
Wa-xthe-tho°-ba. Daughter of 0'-tha-ha-mo°-i° and Mo°'-5i-tse-xi. 
Wa-xthe'-xtho-xtho-wi", Standard-woman. 
Wa-zha'-mi-tse-xi, Wa-zha'-zhe-Mi-na-the-favorite. Daughter of 

Xu-tha'-wa-to°-i°. 
Wa-zha'-zhe-wi°, Wa-zha-zhe-\voman. Daughter of Ni'-ka-i-?L-\va- 

the and Ki'-o. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi°, Good-eagle-woman. Wife of Wa-5e'-to''-zhi''-ga of 

the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi°. Wife of Hi°-sha'-a-xthi or Zhi°-ga'-ga-hi-ge of the 

I'-ba-tse gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi°. Daughter of Pa'-zhi-hi of the Ho°'-ga gens. 

Ql^'-DSE-A-GTHE (WeARERS-OF-LOCKS) 
MALE 

Mo"-i°'-ka-u-ga-hni. (Meaning obscure.) Son of U-ho°'-ge-u-zho" 
and Gia'-go^-ba. 

Ni-o^'-ba-giu-e. (Meaning obscure.) Son of U-ho°'-ge-u-zho° and 
Gia'-go-'-ba. 

U-ho°'-ge-u-zho°, Lies-at-the-end. Also Sho^'-ge-thi-hi, Dog-scarer. 
Refers to the dog, one of the life symbols of the gens. 

Wa-hiu'-tha-zhu, Bone-gnawer. Refers to the habit of the dog. 
Son of U-ho°'-ge-u-zho'' and Gia'-^o^-ba. 

Wa-ko'"-da-no°-pa-i°, The-god-who-is-f eared. Refers to the con- 
stellation, Canis Major, the life symbol of this gens. 

FE.MALE 

Wa-xthe'-tho°-ba, Two-standards. 

Xu-tha'-da-wi°, Good-eagle-woman. Daughter of U-ho°'-ge-u-zho° 

and Gia-go°-ba. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi°. Wife of Mo''-i'"-ka-mo"-i"' of the Po°'-ka Wa- 



shta-ge gens. 



Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 



Special kmship terms and names of the first three sons and the 
first three daughters in a family of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, as 
given by Btho'-ga-hi-ge. 



SONS 



1. I^-gtho"'. Wa-tsi'-da. (Meaning obscure.) 

2. Ksho"'-ga. Ni'-wa-the, Life-giver. Refers to the office of the 

gens to give the word that a captive shall live and not be killed. 

3. Ka'-zhi°-ga. Mo^'-^a-no^-pa-i. (Meaning obscure.) 



Ls TLEScnEl CHILD-NAMING RITE 147 



DAUGHTERS 

1. Mi'-na. Xi-tha'-da-wi", Good-eagle. 

2. Wi'-he. Alo^'-c^i-tse-xi, Sacred-arrowshaft. 

3. A-gi°'-ga. Mo''-zho'"-dsi-i-ta. (Meaning obscure.) 

OTHER NAMES 
Male 

A'-hiu-zhi"-ga, Little-wings. Husband of E-no°'-do°-a-bi of the 
Ho"' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 

A'-hiu-zhi°-ga. Son of O-tho'-xa-wa-the and Xu-tha'-da-wi". 

Btho'-ga-hi-ge, Chief-of-all. Refers to the sacred character of the 
position of the hereditary chief chosen from this gens to represent 
the Tsi'-zhu tribal division. Husband of Wa'-dsi-u-hi-zhi of the 
Ni'-ka-wa-ko"-da-gi gens. 

Ga-hi'-ge-to°, Standing-chief. Refers to the position of the heredi- 
tary chief of the Tsi'-zhu tribal division. 

Ga-hi'-ge-to°. Son of Mi-da'-i^-ga and Do°'-a-bi. 

Ga-hi'-ge-to°. Son of Pi-?!' and (^o^-^i'-gthe. 

Ga-hi'-ge-to°-ga, Big-chief. Refers to the high position of the 
hereditary chief of the Tsi'-zhu tribal division. Husband of 
P'-be-zho°-ka-wi" of the I'-ba-tse gens. 

Gthe-do^'-mo^-^c, Iron-hawk. Husband of Mi'-tse-xi of the Ho°' 
I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 

Gthe-do-'-zhi-'-ga, Little-hawk. Son of Gthe-do°'-wi° of the Ni'-ka- 
wa-ko°-da-gi gens. 

Gthe-ino'"-zhi°-ga. (Meaning obscure.) Young Claremore. Hus- 
band of Wa-xthe'-tho°-ba of the Mi-k'i"' gens. 

Ha-xi^-u'-mi-zhe. (Xot a gentile name.) Husband of Ho°-be'- 
do-ka of the Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Ho^'-ba-tlui-gthi", Peaceful-day. Refers to the office of the gens as 
Peacemaker. (Used in the I°-shta'-go"-da gens of the Omaha 
tribe as a woman's name.) Son of Mo'"-5e-no°-p'i°. 

Ho-wa'-^a-e. (Meaning obscure.) Husband of Ni'-ka-a-^a of the 
Tho'-xe gens. 

Ka'-xe-tho°-ba, Two-crows. The significance of this name is lost. 
(In the Ho°'-ga gens of the Omaha tribe refers to the featlu>rs of 
two crows used in making the staff of authority in the buffalo 
hunt.) 

Mi-da'-i"-ga, Playful-sun. Refers to the sun as one of the symbols 
of this gens. Husband of Mo^'-^i-tse-xi of the Mi-k'i° gens. 

]Mi-da'-i°-ga. Husband of Do°'-a-bi of the Tho'-xe gens. 

Mo^'-^a-no^-pa-i", Dreaded-arrow-shaft. Son of Pa-ho°-gthe-ga- 
xthi. 

Mo"'-9e-no"-p'i", Iron-necklace. 



148 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

Mo°'-ce-no"-p'i'', Also Tsi'-zhu-wa-da-i"-ga, Playful Tsi-zhu. 

Husband of Ho^'-ga-wi" of the O'-po" gens. 
Mo°'-ha-u-gthi°, Sits-under-a-bank. Husband of Mi°-chu'-xa-ge 

of the Ni'-ka-wa-ko°-da-gi gens. 
Mo°-zho°-a'-ki-da, Watches-over-the-land. Husband of Ho°-be'- 

do-ka of the Po^'-ka-wa-shta-ge gens. 
Mo"-sho°-a'-shi''-e, Trarels-over-the-land. Son of Ga-hi'-ge-to° and 

I^'-be zho°-ka-wi°. 
Mo°-to'-e. The-earth. 
Ni-'wa-the, Giver-of-life. Refers to the authority of this gens to 

permit captives to live. 
Ni'-wa-the. Son of Mo"-zho"-a'-ki-da and Ho°-be'-do-ka. 
Ni'-wa-the. Son of Gthe-mo'"-zhin-ga and Wa-xthe'-tho°-ba. 
Ni'-wa-the. Husband of I°'-be-zho°-ka of the I'-ba-tse gens. 
Ni'-wa-the. Son of O-tho'-xa-wa-the and Xu-tha'-da-wi". 
No°-be'-5i, Yellow-hands. Refers to the yellow feet of the eagle, 

one of the life symbols of this gens. Son of Btho-ga-hi-ge. 
No°-be'-Qi. Son of Mo°-zho°-a'-ki-da and Ho°-be'-do-ka. 
No"-be'-ci. Son of Ha-xi°-u'-mi-zhe and Ho°-be'-do-ka. 
0-ki'-?a. (Meaning obscure.) Husband of Mi'-tse-xi-ho°-ga of the 

Ho°'-ga U-ta-no''-dsi gens. 
O-pa'-sho-e. (Meaning obscure.) Husband of "Wa-toM'-ga-e of the 

Po"'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
O-tho'-xa-wa-the. (Meaning obscure.) Husband of Xu-tha'-da- 

wi" of the Mi-k'i" gens. 
Pa'-ba-wa-xo", Head-cutter. Refers to the custom of cutting off 

the heads of the enemy. Son of O-pa'-sho-e and Wa-to°i'-ga-e. 
Pa-'ba-wa-xo°. Son of Ni-ka'-shi-e of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Pa'-ba-wa-xo°. Son of Mo°'-9e-no''-p'i°. 
Pa'-ba-wa-xo°. Son of Pi-gi' and (;;o''-9i'-gthe. 
Pa'-ba-wa-xo°. Son of \Io°-zho''-a'-ki-da and Ho°-be'-do-ka. 
Pa'-ha-wa-xo°. Son of Wa-5e'-to''-zhi°-ga. (Louis Pryor.) 
Pa'-ba-wa-xo". Son of Gthe-do°'-mo"-Qe and Mi'-tse-xi. 
Pa-hiu'-gka, ^\Tiit6-hair. (In the Ho°'-ga gens of the Omaha tribe 

and refers to the sacred white buffalo.) Husband of Mi'-do'-a 

bi of the Mi-k'i"' gens. 
Pi'-gi, Acorn-of-the-red-oak. Refers to the mythical story of the 

eagle causing the acorns to drop down in showers as he alighted 

on a red oak when he came down from the sky. Husband of 

Qo^-gi'-gthe of the Po^'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Sho-'-ge-mo^-i", Walking-dog. (War name.) This man belonged to 

the Ba'-po subgens of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. This subgens 

had the office of making the stem for the peace pipe. The stem 

was made from the eldfer tree, which was called ba-po, popper, 

because boys made popguns out of this tree. Ba'-po-zhi"-ga, 

Little-ba-po, is one of the child names of this gens. Husband of 

Wa-tse'-^vi° of the IMi-k'i"' gens. 



LA FXESCHE] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 149 



Tho°-ba'-zln. (Meaning obscure.) Son of Tho"'-dse-\va-hi. 

Tho "'-dse-wa-hi, Bone-heart . 

To'"-wo°-ga-xe, Village-maker. (In Mo"-i°-ka-ga-xe gens of the 

Omaha tribe.) Husband of Qo°-5i'-gthe of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 

gens. 
To"-\vo'"-i-hi, Arri\'es-at-the-village. Son of Ni'-wa-the. 
To"-\vo'"-i-hi. Husband of Tse-go^'-wi" of the Tho'-xe gens. 
To'-thi-xtho-dse, Potato-peeler. Husband of Pa'-xpi-5o''-dse of the 

Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Ts'e-mo'"-i°, Walks-in-death. Son of Wa-thi'-gtho"-thi°-ge. 
Tsi'-zhu-ga-hi-ge, Tsi-zhu-chief. Son of Wa-5e'-to''-zhi"-ga and 

Xu-tha-da-wi". 
Tsi'-zhu°-ho°-ga, Sacred-Tsi-zhu. Refers to the sacred character of 

the office of the gens. Husband of Gthe-do'"-?o°-wi" of the 

Ni'-ka-\va-ko°-da-gi gens. 
Tsi'-zhu-zhi°-ga, Young-Tsi-zhu. Husband of Tse'-mi-tse-.xi of the 

Tho'-xe gens. 
Tsi'-zhu-zhi°-ga. Husband of Xu-tha'-da-wi" of the Ho'''-ga gens. 
Wa-Qe'-to°-zhi-''ga. (Meaning obscure.) Husband of Xu-tha'-da- 

wi° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 
Wa-9e'-to°-zhi''-ga. (Louis Pryor.) 
Wa-ko^'-da-i-e, One-who-saw-wa-ko°-da. Son of Wa-thi'-gtho°- 

thi''-ge. 
Wa-ko°'-da-i-e. Son of Pi-gi' and (^'o°-gi'-gthe. 
Wa-ko°'-da-i-e. Son of Mo°-zho-a'-ki-da and Ho°-be'-do-ka. 
Wa-ko°'-da-i-e. Son of Mi-da'-i"-ga and Do°'-a-bi. 
Wa-ko°'-da-i-e. Son of O-tho'-xa-wa-the and Xu-tha'-da-wi°. 
Wa-ni'-e-to°, Giver-of-life. Refers to the office of this gens as a 

peace-maker. Son of Mi-da-'i°-ga and Mo"'-9i-tse-xi. 
Wa-ni'-e-to". Son of Gthe-do^'-wi" of the Xi'-ka-\va-ko''-da-gi 

gens. 
Wa-ni'-e-fo". Son of Ha-xi"-u'-mi-zhe and Ho"-be'-do-ka. 
Wa-ni'-e-to°. Husband of Wa'-]vo"-9a-nio''-i'' of the Po-'-ka Wu- 

shta-ge gens. 
Wa-stse'-e-do°, Good-doctor. Refers to the practice of the people 

of bringing their sick to some member of this gens to be fed cere- 
monially so that they may get well. Son of Pa-ho°'-gthe-ga-xthi 

and Xu-tha'-da-wi°. 
Wa-stse'-e-do°. Son of A-hiu'-zhi^-e and E-no'"-do"-a-bi. 
Wa-stse'-e-do°. Son of Btho'-ga-hi-ge. 
Wa-stse'-e-dp°. Husband of Wa-xthe'-tho°-ba of the Tsi'-zhu 

Wa-no° gens. 
Wa-stse'-e-do". Son of Tsi'-zhu-ho°-ga. 

Wa-stse'-e-do°. Son of \ro''-zho°-a'-ki-da and Ho"-be'-do-ka. 
Wa-stse'-e-do°. Son of Xo°-be'-gi and Wa-zhu'-zhe-mi-tse-xi. 



150 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



|ETH. ANN. 43 



Wa-stse'-e-do°. Son of Ha-xi"-u'-!ni-zhe and Ho°-be'-do-ka. 

Wa-stse'-e-do°. Son of To'-thi-xtlio-dse~and Pa'-xpi-co°-dse. 

Wa-stse'-e-do°. Son of Mo°'-ge-no''-p'i° and Ho^'-ga-wi". 

Wa-thi'-gtho°-thi"-ge, No-mind. (Not Ni-ki-e.) (In Mo^'-thi"- 
ka-ga-xe gens of the Omaha tribe.) Also Ha'-ba-zhu-dse, Red- 
corn, a name which refers to a life symbol of the gens. Husband 
of Wa-ko^'-da-hi-tho-'-be of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 

Wa'-thu-xa-ge, Clutches-them-till-they-cry. Refers to the attack of 
the eagle on its prey. Husband of Xu-tha'-mi-tse-xi of the 
Ho°'-ga gens. 

Wa-zhi^'-ga-ga-be, Black-bird. (In the Mo°-i'"-ka-ga-xe gens of 
the Omaha tribe.) Husband of Do^'-a-bi of the Tho'-xe gens. 

Wa-zhi°'-ga-hi°, Bird-feathers. Refers to the eagle, one of the life 
symbols of the gens. Son of Sho^'-ge-mo^-i". 

Xu-tha'-ts'a-ge, Aged-eagle. Refers to the eagle as a symbol of 
long life. Son of Tsi-zhu-ho °-ga and Gthe-do°'-50°-wi°. 

Xu-tha'-ts'a-ge. Son of Gthe-do°'-wi° of the Ni'-ka-wa-ko°-da-gi 
gens. 

Xu-tha'-zhu-dse, Red eagle. Refers to the life symbol of the gens. 

Xu-tha'-zhu-dse. Son of Pi-gi' and (^on-gi'-gthe. 

Xu-tha'-zhu-dse. Husband of Ho°'-ga-wi° of the I'-ba-tse gens. 

Fem.\lb 

Mary Cox. Daughter of A-hiu'-zhi°-e and E-no°'-do"-a-bi. 
E-no'"-do°-a-bi, One-only-seen-by-all. Refers to the sun, one of 

the life symbols of the gens. Daughter of Tsi'-zhu-ho°-ga and 

Gthe-do"'-5o''-wi''. 
E-no°'-do°-a-bi. Daughter of No°-be-'?i and Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi. 
E-no^'-do^-a-bi. Daughter of Gthe-do^'-mo^-ge and Mi'-tse-xi. 
E-no°'-do°-a-bi. Daughter of O-tho'-xa-wa-the and Xu-tha'-da- 

\vi". 
Gthe-do°'-wi°, Hawk-woman. (Ni'-ka-wa-ko''-da-gi name.) Daugh- 
ter of Pa'-hiu-gka and Mi'-do"-a-bi. (In Mo°'-thi°-ka-ga-xe 

gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
Gthe-do"'-wi''. Daughter of Ni'-ka-zhu-e of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 

gens. 
Hi'-ga-mo°-ge, Eagle-dowTi. Refers to the use of the eagle down in 

the tribal ceremonies. 
Hi'-ga-mo°-ge. Daughter of Mi-da'-i°-ga and Do"'-a-bi. 
Hi'-ga-mo''-ge. Daughter of O-tho'-xa-wa-the and Xu-tha'-da- 

wi°. 
Hi^'-i-ki-a-bi, Eagle-down. Refers to the eagle, a symbol of long life. 

Wife of Gthi'-kshe of the Mi-k'i° gens. 
Hi°'-i-ki-a-bi. Daughter of Mi-da'-i"-ga and Mo^'gi-tse-xi. 



LA FLESCHE] CHILD-XAMIXG RITE 151 

Granddaushtcr of Wa-ko^'-da-hi-o^-be, wife of Mo°- 



Daiighter of Tsi'-zhu-ho°-ga and Gtlie-do°'-9o''-wi°. 
Wife of Tse-do'-a-to°-ga of the Tho'-xe gens. 
Daughter of Mi-da-i''-ga and Do"'-a-bi. 
Wife of Wa-ko°'-da-tsi-e of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 

Wife of Xu-tha'-wa-to°-i° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° 



Hi"'-i-ki-a-bi. 

xe-a-gthe. 
Hi-'-i-ki-a-bi. 
Hi"'-i-ki-a-bi. 
Hi-'-i-ki-a-bi. 
Hi^'-i-ki-a-bi. 

gens. 
Hi-'-i-ki-a-bi. 

gens. 
I'-ga-mo°-ge, same as Hi'-ga-mo°-ge. Daughter of Pa-hiu'-^ka and 

Mi'-do°-a-bi. 
I'-ga-mo°-ge. Wife of Jolui Lookout of the Ho°'-ga gens. 
I'-ni-a-bi, Protector. Refers to the duty of this gens to protect those 

who flee to the house of refuge, in the keepmg of this gens, for pro- 
tection. Daughter of Pa-ho^'-ga-ga-xthi and Xu-tha'-da-wi". 
I'-ni-a-bi, Annie Daniels. 
I'-ni-a-bi. Daughter of Btho'-ga-hi-ge. 
I'-ni-a-bi. Daughter of Mi-da'-i^-ga and Do"'-a-bi. 
I'-ni-a-bi. Wife of A'-hiu-^ka of the Ho°'-ga gens. 
I'-ni-a-bi. Daughter of Xu-tha'-zliu-dse and Ho^'-ga-wi". 
Mo'"-5i-tse-xi, Sacred-arrow-shaft. Wife of Mo°-shi-ta-mo°-i°. 

(This is an I°-gtho°'-ga name.) 
Mo°'-gi-tse-xi. Wife of Wa-sho'-she of the Ho°'-ga gens. 
Mo-'-gi-tse-xi. Wife of Gi'-thi-IvO--bi of the Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Mo^'-^i-tse-xi. 
Mo°'-gi-tse-xi. 
Mo°'-gi-tse-xi. 

gens. 
Mo^'-gi-tse-xi. Daughter of O-ki'-ga and Mi-tse'-xi-ho"-ga. 
Mo°'-zho''-dsi-i-ta. Born-on-the-earth. Daughter of Pi-gi' and 

CoHi-gthe. 
Mo"-zho°'-dsi-i-ta 

da-wi°. 
Mo^-zho^'-dsi-i-ta 

shta-ge. 
Mo''-zho°'-dsi-i-ta. Wife of Co°-dse-u'-gthi° or We'-i''-ga-.xe. 
Pa-hiu'-thi-sho°. (Meaning obscure.) Daughter of Mo''-zho°-a'- 

ki-da. 
Wa-ga'-a-ba. (Meaning obscure.) Daughter of Mo°'-9e-no"-p'i°. 
Wa-^a'-be-wi", Black-bear-wonian. Daughter of No^-be'-gi and 

Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi. 
Wa-k'o'-ga-hi-ge, Woman-chief. (Not a gentile name.) 
Wa-k'o'-ga-hi-ge. Wife of Xu-tha'-xtsi of the Po"'-ka ATa-shta-ge 

gens. 



Daughter of Mo'"-Qe-no''-p'i°. 

Wife of Ho'"-mo°-9a of the 0'-po° gens. 

Wife of 0-tha'-ha-mo°-i° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° 



Daughter of Wa-9e'-to°-zhi°-ga and Xu-tha'- 
Wife of Wa-zhi-'-wa-xa of the Po°'-ka Wa- 



152 



THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



Daisy Ware. Daughter of Ha-xi^-u'-mi-zhe and Ho''-be'-do-ka. 
Wa-zha'-xe-i" (Meaning obscure.) Wife of Tse-do'-ga-i''-dse of the 

Tse-do'-ga-i"-dse gens. 
Wa-zha'-xe-i°. Wife of Mi'-she-tsi-the of the Ho^'-ga gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi", Good-eagle- worn an. Daughter of Pa-hiu'-gka and 

Mi'-do^-a-bi. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi° 

gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi° 
Xu-tha'-da-wi° 

gens. (Daug 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 

gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi° 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 
Xu-tha'-da-wi° 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 



Xu-tha'-da-wi" 

gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 

gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi" 

gens. 



Wife of go"-dse'-ko"-ha of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 

Wife of Wa-xthi'-zhi of the I"-gtho"'-ga gens. 
Wife of No"'-ka-to-ho of the Ni'-ka-wa-ko"-da-gi 
:hter of Sho"'-ge-mo°-i°.) 

Wife of Po"'-ka-zhi"-ga of the Po"'-ka Wa-shta-ge 

Daughter of Ho-wa'-ga-e and Ni'-ka-a-ga. 
Daughter of To°'-wo"-ga-xe and Qo"-gi'-gthe. 
Daughter of No"'-ko"-5e-wi" of the Ho°'-ga gens. 
Daughter of Ni'-wa-the. 
Augustine Crow. 
Wife of Ni'-ka-wa-da-i°-ga of the Mi-k'i°' gens. 
Daughter of Mo"-zlio"-a'-ki-da and Ho"-be'-do-ka. 
Daughter of Mi-da'-i"-ga and Do"'-a-bi. 
Daughter of Ha-xi°-u'nii-zhe and Ho"-be'-do-ka. 
Daughter of Wa-ni'-e-to° and Wa'-ko"-ga-mo°-i°. 
Daughter of Ni'-wa-the and I°'-be-zho"-ka. 
Wife of Ko'-zhi-gi-gthe of the Po"'-ka Wa-shta-ge 

Wife of Tho"'-dse-to°-ga of the Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge 

Daughter of To'-thi-xtho-dse and Pa'-xpi-5o"-dse. 
Wife of Ga-hi'-ge-no"-zhi" of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 

Wife of A'-ki-da-zhi"-ga of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 

TSE-DO'-GA I'^'-DSE GeNS 



MALE 

Ho°'-ga-ha-bi, Taken-for-a-Ho°'-ga. Refers to a mythical story in 
which it is said that the Wa-zha'-zhe mistook tlie Tsi'-zhu for the 
Ho"'-ga on their first meeting. 

Ho°'-ga-ha-bi. Son of Tse-do'-ga-i°-dse and Wa-zha'-xe-i°. 

Tse-do'-ga-i^-dse, BufTalo-bull-face. Refers to the description given 
by the tribal messenger of the first buffalo he found. Husband of 
Wa-zha'-xe-i" of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Tse-pa-u'-thi"-ga, Holder-of-the-buft'alo-head. Refers to the butcher- 
ing of the fii'st buiTalo found. 



L\ FLESCHE) 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 153 



Wa'-ki-a-shke, Tied-together. Refers to tlio tying of two pieces of 

meat by the hunter for convenience of carrying. 
Wa-to-ge', Active. Husband of I'-ni-a-bi of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Wa-zha'-a-ivi-pa, Met-the-Wa-zha'-zhe. Son of Wa-to-ge' and 

I'-ni-a-bi. 
Xu-tha'-wa-ko°-da, Mysterious-eagle. Son of IIo"-be'-do-ka of the 

Po^'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 

FEMALE 

Gia'-9o°-wi". (Meaning obscure.) Daughter of Ho"-be'-do-ka of 

the Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi°, Good-eagle-woman. Daughter of Ho"-be'-do-ka of 

the Po'"-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi°. Daughter of Tse-do'-ga-i"-dse and Wa-zlia'-.\e-i". 

T.sE Tho^'-ka Gens 

(Only one of this gen.s survives) 

Tse'-mi-tse-xi, Sacred-buffalo-woman. (In the I"-ke'-ga-be gens of 
the Omaha tribe.) Wife of Xu-tha'-pa of the Ho^'-ga gens. 

Mi-k'i^' Gens 

Special kinship terms and personal names of the first three sons 
and the first three daughters in a family of the Mi-k'i°', Sun-carrier 
gens, as given by E-hiu'-gthe, a member of the gens. 

SONS 

1. I^-gtho"'. Ho°'-ga-ha-bi, Mistaken-for-a-Ho"'-ga. 

2. Ksho^'-ga. Gthe-do"'-ga-xe, Hawk-maker. 

3. Ka'-zhi°-ga. Mi'-hi-the, Sun-down; also, Mi'-hi-the-zhi"-ga, 

Little-sun-down . 

DAUGHTERS 

1. Mi'-na. Xu-tha'-da-wi°, Good-eagle-woman. 

2. Wi'-he. Mi'-do°-a-bi, Sun-that-is-looked-at. 

3. Qi'-ge or A-9i°-ga. Mi-kM^'-wi", Mi-k'i°'-woman. 

OTHER NAMES 
Male 

George. Son of Mi'-hi-the and Wa-ko"'-da-tho"-be. 

Gthe-do°-a-xe, Hawk-maker. 

Gthe-do°'-wa-ko", Mystery-hawk. Son of I'-to"-mo''-i° and Wa-to"- 

i'-ga-e. 
Gthi'-kshe, The returned. Refers to the new moon. Husband of 

Hi^'-i-ki-a-bi of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
19078°— 2cS 11 



154 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

Ho"'-ga-ha-bi, Mistaken-for-a-Ho'"-ga. 

Ho'"-ga-ha-bi. Son of Mi-ka'-k'e-zhi°-ga and Mo-'-btho^-ba. 
Ho"'-ga-ha-bi. Son of Mi'-hi-the and Wa-ko^'-da-hi-tho^-be. 
Ho"'-ga-ha-bi. Son of Mi-tho-to'"-mo°-i°-zhi''-ga and Pa-hiu'-e-ge. 
Ho^'-i-ka-zhi. (Meaning obscure.) Son of Mi-ka'-k'e-zhi"-ga and 

Mo°'-btho°-ba. 
I'-gi-a-ba-zhi, Lost. Refers to the waning of the moon. Son of 

I'-to°-mo°-i° and Wa-to"'-i-5a-e. 
I'-to°-mo°-i°. (Meaning obscure.) Husband of Wa-to^'-i-ga-e of 

the Po^'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
John. Son of Mi'-hi-the and Wa-ko°'-da-hi-tho°-be. 
Mi'-hi-the, Sunset. Refers to the sun, one of the life symbols of this 

gens. Husband of Wa-ko'"-da-hi-tho''-be of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° 

gens. 
Mi-ka'-k'e-zhi°-ga, Little-star. Husband of Mo°'-btho°-ba of the 

Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° gens. 
Mi-k'i°'-wa-da-i°-ga, Playful-Mi-k'i". Husband of Wa-xthe'- 

tho°-ba of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no" gens. 
Mi-k'i°'-wa-da-i"-ga. Also E-hiu-gthe, Elm-creek, given to him in 

honor of his father, who was killed in battle on a creek by that 

name. Also Be-ga-xa-zhi, Never-beaten. Husband of Xu-tha'- 

da-wi" of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Mi-tho-to°'-mo°-i°-zhi°-ga, Young-mid-day. Refers to the sun, one 

of the life symbols of this gens. Husband of Pa-hiu'-e-ge. 
To'"-i"-kshe, Moon-returned-to-sight. Refers to the new moon. 

Son of Mi-ki°-wa-da-i"-ga and Wa-xthc-tho"-ba. 
Wa-zha'-a-ki-pa, Met-the-Wa-zha'-zhe. Refers to the first meeting 

of the Tsi'-zhu and the Wa-zha'-zhe divisions. Son of Mi-tho'- 

toMnoM" and Wa-to^-i-ga-e. 
Wa-zhi^-ga-tha-gthi", Good-bird. 
Wa'-zho°-gi-the, Met-them-by-chance. (Hall Good.) 
Zho"-i'-ni-tha, Clings-to-tree-for-safety. Also Ka'-xe-a-gtho", Crow- 
head-dress. 

Female 

Do°'-a-bi, Looked-upon. Refers to the sun, one of the life symbols 

of the gens. Daughter of I'-to°-mo°-i'' and Wa-to^'-i-ga-e. 
Mi'-do°-a-bi, Sun-looked-upon. Wife of Pa-hiu'-gka of the Tsi'zhu 

Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Mi'-do^-a-bi. Daughter of Mi-k'i'"-wa-da-i"-ga and Wa-xthe'- 

tho°-ba. 
Mi'-ga-sho°-i°, Sun-that-travels. (In the Ho"'-ga gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) Daughter of Mi-tho'-to''-mo°-i"' and Wa-to^'-i-ga-e. 
Mo^'-gi-tse-xi, Sacred-arrow-shaft. 
Mo°'-5i-tse-xi. Wife of Mi-da'-i°-ga of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 



LAFLESCHEl CHILD-NAMIXG KITE 



155 



Ni'-ka, Person. Wife of Kshi'-zlii of the Ho"'-ga'gens. 
Wa'-tse-\vi°, Star-woman. (In the Tiia'-ta-da gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) Wife of Sho°-ge-mo''-i° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Wa-xthe'-tho"-ba, Two-standards. Wife of Gthe-nio""-zhi"-ga of 

the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi", Good-eagle-woman. Wife of Mo^'-ge-g i-be of the 

O'-po" gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi". Wife of P-shta'-mo^-ge of the I°-gtho"'-ga gens. 
Xu-tha'-da-wi. Wife of O-tho'-xa-wa-the of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge. 

HO^' I-.\I-K.\-SHI-G.^. (XlGHT-rEOPLE) 

Special kinship terms and personal names of the first three sons and 
the fii-st three daughters in a fanily of the Ho"' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens, as 
given by Xi'-ka-tho°-ba, a member of the gens. 

soxs 

1. I"-gtho°'. Ho°'-mo°-i°, Moves-in-the-night. 

2. Kshon'-ga. Tsi'-zhu-u-thu-ha-ge, Last-in-the-order-of-the-Tsi'- 

zhu. 

3. Ka'-zhi°-ga. Ho^'ga-i-ta-zhi, Xot-of-the-Ho"'-ga. Also IIo"'-ba- 

hiu, Day-comes. 

D.\UGHTERS 

1. Mi'-na. Mi'-tse-xi, Mi'-na-the-favorite. 

2. Wi'-he. Ho"-wa'-k'u, Night-woman. 

3. Ci'-ge or A-gi°'-ga, E-no'"-do°-a-bi, Only-one-that-is-seen. 

OTHER .\AMES 

Male 

Ci°'-dse-thi"-ge, Xo-tail. Refers to the red black bear, the symbol 
of the Black bear gens of the Tsi'-zhu division. (Hayes Little- 
bear.) 

Ho°'-ba-hiu, Day-comes. Refers to the passing of night, the life 
symbol of this gens. Husband of Ho°-be'-do-ka of the Ta' I-ni- 
ka-shi-ga gens. 

Ho-'-ba-hiu. Husband of Co"-9i'-gthe of the Po^'-ka Wa-shta-ge 
gens. 

Ho°'-ga-a-ka-zhi. (Meaning obscure.) Son of Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse- 
xi, wife of No°-be-5i. 

Ho°'-ga-a-ka-zhi. Son of Tho-ta-a-(;a of the Xi'-ka-wa-ko^-da-gi 
gens, wife of Ki'-mo"-ho" of the 0'-po° gens. 

Ho"'-mo"-i'', Traveling-night. (In the I°-ke'-5a-be gens of the 
Omaha tribe.) Son of Ni'-ka-tho°-ba. 

Ho^'-mo^-i". (Andrew Jackson.) 

Ni'-ka-a-ki-ba-no°, Runs-to-meet-men. Also E'-zhi-ga-xtlii, Slcw- 
the-wrong-man. (War name.) Husband of Gthe-do"'-wi°-tse-.xi 
of the Xi-ka-wa-ko^-da-gi gens. 



156 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



(eTH. ANN. 43 



Ni'-ka-tho°-ba, Two-men. 

Pe'-dse-mo"-!", Fire-walker. Refers to tlie finding of the red bear, 
the life symbol of this gens. He was found walking in the night, 
a light like that of fire shining from his breast. Husband of 
We'-tsi°-thu-9a of the Ho°'-ga U-ta-no°-dsi gens. 

Sho'-dse, Smoke. Refers to the duty of this gens to light the cere- 
monial pipe. Son of Ni'-ka-a-ki-ba-no" and Gthe-do''-wi°-tse-xi. 

We'-ga-ba-zhi. (Meaning obscure.) Son of Ni'-ka-a-ki-ba-no° and 
Gthe-do °'-wi °-tse-xi . 

Xo^'-dse-u-moM", Walks-among-cedars. Refers to the habit of the 
bears. Husband of Xu-tha'-wi" of the Ho^'-ga gens. 

Female 

E-no^'-a-bi, Only-one-seen-by-all. Refers to the sun. Wife of 

A-hiu-zhi°-e of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Ho'"-do°-wa-k'u, Woman-of-the-night. 
Mi-do°'-be, Sees-the-sun. Daughter of Ni'-ka-a-ki-ba-no° and Mi'- 

tse-xi, Mi'-na-the-favorite. (In I°-ke'-5a-be gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) Wife of Tha-giu'-e of the I'-ba-tse gens. 
Mi'-tse-xi. Wife of Gthe-do "'-mo °-ge of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Mi'-tse-xi. Daughter of Tho'-ta-a-ga of the Ni'-ka-wa-ko^-da-gi 

gens, wife of Ki'-mo^-ho" of the 0'-po° gens. 
Mi'-tse-xi. Wife of Thi-hi'-bi of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Ni'-ka-shi-tsi-the. (Meaning obscure.) Wife of Chi-zhe'-wa-the of 

the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 
Wa-ga'-be-wi°, Black-bear-woman. Refers to the symbol of the 

Black Bear gens of the Tsi'-zhu division. (Lucy H. Bangs.) 

The following are special kinship terms and personal names of the 
first three sons and the first three daughters in a family of this gens, 
as given by Ho'"-mo°-i°, a member. This man told the following 
story of the origin of this gens: 

When the Ho°' I-ni-ka-shi-ga, People of the Night, were made they 
had fire. They wandered about upon the earth, but saw no people. 
At the beginning of day, when night had passed, they suddenly came 
upon the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no°, a warlike people. The Ho"' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 
offered their services to these strangers, which were accepted. The 
Tsi'-zhu Wa-no" gave to the Ho"' I-ni-ka-shi-ga the office of Sho'-ka, 
which carried with it the duty of filling the ceremonial pipe and light- 
ing it with the mystic fire of the People of the Night. 

SONS 

1. P-gtho"'. Ilo^'-mo^-i", Traveling-night. 

2. Ksho°'-ga'. Sho'-dse, Smoke. Referring to the sacred fire. 

.3. Ka'-zhi^-ga. Ta-ko'"-i°-ge, No-sinews. The black bear are said 
to have no sinew. 



LA FLESCH£l CHILD-NAMING RITE 157 

DAUGHTERS 

1. Mi'-na. Mi'-na-the-favorite. 

2. Wa-^a'-be-wi", Black-bcar-woman. 

3. Ci'-ge- E-no'"-do°-a-bi, Scen-by-all. All living creatures see 

the sun. 

OTHER NAMES 
Male 

^i-gthe'-wa-thi-ta, Crosses-trail. The bear in his wanderings crosses 

the trails of other animals, 
^i-the'-dse-xo-dse, Gray-heels. 
Da'-ko''-mo''-i'', Walks-as-in-fire-light. 
Ho°'-ga-thi-ka-zhi. (Meaning obscure.) 
Ho"-gthi', Night-has-returned. 
Mo^-ko"', Medicine. 
O-ko^'-dsi-wa-shko", Struggles-by-himself. No one to help him 

fight. 
O-pa'-stse-dse, Long-body. 
Pa-^i', Brown-nose. 
Sha'-ge-btha-gka, Flat-hands. 
Tho'-to^-gthi-no^-zhi", Stands-upright. 
Wa-Qa'-e-wa-ko°-da-gi, Mysterious-bear. 
Wa-5a'-e-zhi°-ga, Little-bear. 
Wa-shi"'-shto°-ga, Soft-fat. 
Wa-.xa'-.xa-do", Shaggy-hair. 
Xo'-ga-hi°-e-go°, Hair-like-badger's. 

Female 

Ho"-wa'-k'u, Night-woman. 
Mi'-zho°-?ka. (Meaning obscure.) 
Ni'-ka-shi-tsi-thc, Person-passes-by. 
Wa-.xthc'-tho°-ba, Two-standards. 

Ni'-ka-Wa-ko^'-da-gi (Men of Mystery) 

Special kinship terms and personal names of the first three sons and 
first three daughters in a familj' of this gens. The thunder is the 
life sj'mbol of this gens. 

SONS 

L I°-gtho°'. Gthe-do "'-tse-ga, New-hawk. Refers to the reconse- 
cration of the hawk, the symbol of courage of the warrior. Also 
Gthe-do°-xo-e, Gray-hawk. Refers to the grayish appearance 
of the hawk when it is painted afresh at a ceremony. 

2. Ksho^'-ga. Gthe-do^'-^ka, White-hawk. Refers to the whitish 
appearance of the hawk when freshly painted. 



158 THE OSAGE TRIBE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



3. Ka'-zhi°-ga. Ni-u°'-tsi-gthe, Rumbling-in-the-distance. Refers 
to the low rumbling of the thunder in an approaching storm. 
Also IIu'-to°-nio°-i'', Roars-as-he-comes. 

DAUGHTERS 

1. Mi'-na. Gthe-do°'-mi-tse-ga, New-hawk-woman. Refers to the 

reconsecration of the symbolic hawk. 

2. Wi'-he. Tho'-ta-a-ga. (Meaning obscure.) 

3. Ci'-ge. Gthe-do^'-wi^-zhi^-ga, Little-hawk-woman. Refers to 

the smallest of the hawks. 

OTHER NAMES 

Male 

A'-gthi-he-the, Returns-to-his-place. Refers to the returning of the 
symbolic hawk to its place after a ceremony. 

A'-ki-da-ga-hi-ge, Chief-protector. Title of one of the protectors of 
the chiefs. 

Ba'-giu-to^-ga, Big-hail. 

Qe'-ga-gi-da, Returns-trotting. 

Gthe-do'"-5ka, White-hawk. (Ksho°-ga name.) Son of No^'-ka- 
to-ho and Xu-tha'-da-wi° of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Gthe-do-'-gka. Husband of Mi'-ga-sho^-i" of the Po""-ka Wa- 
shta-ge gens. 

Gthe-do°'-5ka. Son of Gthe-do^'-gka and Mi'-ga-sho°-i". 

Gthe-do°'-5ka. Son of We-to°'-ha-i"-ga and Ho°-be'-do-ka. 

Gthe-do"'-5ka. Son of No""-pe-wa-the and Ho°'-ga-wi". 

Gthe-do^'-tse-ga, New-hawk. (I"-gtho°' name.) 

Gthe-do°'-tsi-e, Hawk-passing-by. Refers to a hawk attacking its 
prey. Son of To°'-wo°-ga-she and Xu-tha'-da-wi". 

Gthi-no°'-zhi°, Returns-and-stands. Refers to the return of the 
war-hawk after a successful attack upon the enemy. 

Ke-no°'-xu-xe, Cracks-the-turtle-with-his-foot. 

Ke'-tha-mo°-i°, Clear-day-approaching. Refers to the oncoming of 
the clear sky after a thunderstorm. 

Ki-xi'-tha-ba-zhi, Self-confident. Refers to the warlike spirit of this 
gens. 

Mi-ka'-wa-da-i°-ga, Playful-raccoon. 

Mi-ka'-zhi"-ga, Little-raccoon. 

Mi-tsiu'-zhi^-ga, Little-grizzly-bear. 

Mo°-ge'-gi, Yellow-breast. A swallow. A bird that is closely asso- 
ciated with thunderstorms. 

Mo°-xpi'-mo°-i", Traveling-cloud. (In the I''-shta'-5o"-da gens of 
the Omaha tribe.) 

Ni-zhiu'-ga-ge, Violent-rain. 

Ni-zhiu'-mo"-i", Traveling-rain. 

Ni-zhiu'-to"-ga, Big-rain. 



LA FLKSCHEJ 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 159 



No"'-ka-to-ho, Blue-back. Refers to the sacred hawk whose back 
is painted blue. (In the I"-gthe'-zhi-de gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
Also, Mi-ka'-zhi^-ga. Refers to the raccoon-skin robe of this 
gens used in ceremonies. Husband of Xu-tha'-da-wi" of tlie 
Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 

No'"-pe-\va-the, Fear-inspiring. Refers to the fear inspired by the 
thunder. (In the Tha'-ta-da gens of the Omaha tribe.) Hus- 
band of Ho^-ga-wi" of the 0'-po° gens. 

O-pa'-the-e. (Meaning obscure.) Saucy-calf thinks it is a valor 
name. 

Pa-thi^'-wa-xpa-thi", Poor-PawTiee. Refers to the killing of a half- 
starved Pawnee by an Osage. 

Pratt, Charles. Son of No^'-pe-wa-the and Ho^'-ga-wi". 

Sha'-wa-bi", Bloody-hands. Refers to the talons of a hawk. 

Shi-tho°'-dse-we-tsi°, Strikes-with-the-knee. 

To"'-wo°-ga-she, Taker-of-towns. This man has the ofHce of re- 
newing of the sacred hawks. Husband of Xu-tha'-da-wi° of the 
Tsi'-zhu Wa-no" gens. 

Wa-hiu'-ga-xthi, Strikes-the-bones. Valor name. 

Wa'-thu-da-^e, Crashing-sound. Refers to the thunder. 

We'-to°-ha-i°-ge. (Meaning obscure.) Husband of Ho°-be'-do-ka 
of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga gens. 

Wa-xo'-be-zhi^-ga, Little-shrine. Refers to the small portable shrine 
containing the hawk and other sj^mbolic articles. 

Wa-zhi"'-ni-ka, Bh'd-man. 

Xo'-ka, Initiator. (Not gentile name.) Husband of Gtho°-zho°-ba 
of the 0'-po° gens. 

Xo°'-dse-u-mo°-i°, Dwell-among-the-cedars. The thunder and the 
lightning are said to live among the cedars. 

Xu-e'-gi-da, Comes-roaring. Refers to the coming of the storm 
with roaring winds. 

Xu-e'-no°-zlii°, Stands-soughing. Refers to the murmuring of the 
cedar tree as the wind passes through its branches. 

Zho^'-ga-xthi, Tree-killer. Refers to the habit of the lightning of 
striking trees. 

Zho°'-u-thi-stse-ge, Tree-splitter. Refers to the splitting of a tree 
by lightning. 

pEM.iLE 

Gthe-do°'-5o"-wi", White-hawk-woman. Refers to the white paint 
put upon some of the sacred hawks. Wife of Tsi'-zhu-ho°-ga of 
the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Gthe-do^'-mi-tse-xi, Hawk-Mi-na-the-favorite. 

Gthe-do°'-mi-tse-xi. AYife of Zhi^-ga'-wa-^a of the Ho°'-ga gens. 

Gtlie-do^'-mi-tse-xi. Wife of Pi'-zhi-to°-ga of the Tho'-xe gens. 

Gthe-do^'-mi-tse-xi. Daughter of No°'-pe-wa-the and Ho^'-ga-wi". 



160 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ann. 43 

Gthe-do'"-win, Hawk-woman. Refers to the sacred hawks. (In 

the Mo°'-thi''-ka-ga-xe gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
Gthe-do"'-wi°-tse-xi, Hawk-Mi-na-the favorite. (In the Ta-pa' of 

the Omaha tribe.) Daughter of We-to"'-ha-i"-ga and Ho''-be'- 

do-ka. 
I'°'-sho°-ba. (Meaning obscure.) Daughter of Mo^'-gi-tse-xi of 

the P-gtho"'-ga gens. 
Mi"-tsiu'-xa-ge. (Meaning obscure.) Wife of Mo°-ha-u-gthi" of 

the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Tho-ta'-a-ga. (Meaning obscure.) (In the Tha'-ta-da gens of the 

Omaha tribe.) Daughter of Wa'-ko"-ga-mo"-i" of the Pon'-ka 

Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Tho-ta'-ta-ga. Daughter of Ki-xi'-tha-ba-zhi and Mi'-go^-i". 
Tho'-ta-a-ga. Wife of Ki'-mo"-ho° of the O'-po" gens. 
Wa'-dsi-u-hi-zhi. (Meaning obscure.) Wife of Btho'-ga-hi-ge of 

the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Xo"'-dse-wi°, Cedar-woman. The cedar is a tree that is closely 

associated with thunder. 
Xo'-ta-wi°, Blackbird-woman. The blackbird is one of the war 

symbols of the Ni'-ka-wa-ko°-da-gi gens. Daughter of Wa'- 

ko"-ga-mo"-i" of the Po'"-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 

Tho'-xe Gens 

Special kinship terms and personal names of the first three sons 
and the first three daughters in a family of the Tho'-xe gens, as given 
by Saucy-calf. 

SONS 

1. I^-gtho"'. Ko°'-ge-wa-e. (Meaning obscure.) 

2. Ksho°'-ga. IIi°-ba'-sda, Sheds-his-hair. Refers to the shedding 

of hair by the buffalo. 

3. Ka'-zW-ga. Tse-zhi°'-ho''-ga, Sacred-calf. 

DAUGHTERS 

1. Mina. Do-'-a-bi, Gazed-upon. Also Tho'-xe-wi°, Tho'-xe- 

wonian. 

2. Wi'-he. Pa-hiu'-thi-sho", Shaggy-head. 

3. Ci'-gf") or A-gi^'-ga. Tse-mi'-gi, Brown-buffalo-woman. Also 

Bo"-gi'-da, The-lowing-herd. Also Tse-mi'-xtsi, Real-buffalo- 
woman. 

OTHER NAMES 
Male 

A'-ga-ha-mo°-i°, Walks-outside. Refers to the bulls, that are in 

the habit of walking outside of the herd. 
A'-ga-zho", Bushy. Refers to the bushy hair on the front legs of 

the buffalo bull. 



I,A FLESCHK] 



CHILD-NAMING RITE 161 



A'-hi"-u-ha-zhi-hi, Red-forelegs. Refers to the reddish-brown legs 

of the buffalo. 
Qi-ha', Soles. Refers to the footprints of the buffalo. (In the 

Tha'-ta-da gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
gi-ha', Son of Tho'-xe-zhi-'-ga and Gia'-5o"-ba. 

gi°'-dse-50-ta, Slender-tail. Refers to the slender tail of the buffalo. 
gi°'-dse-wa-ko°-da, Mystic-tail. Refers to the scalps attached to 

the tail of the sacred hawk. 
gi°'-dse-wa-ko''-da. Son of Tse'-ge-to"-ga and Wa'-ko°-ga-mo"-i". 
Ci°'-dse-wa-ko''-da. Son of No'"-ba-nio''-thi" and Xu-tha'-mi- 

tse-xi. 
gin'.dse-wa-ko"-da. Son of Mi'-ga-sho"-i°, wife of Mo"'-zhi- 

9ka-k'i°-ga-xthi. 
Ci°'-dse-zhi"'-ga, Little-tail. Refers to the tail of the buffalo, 
gi'-to^-ga, Big-feet. Refers to the great size of the buffalo's feet. 

(In the Tha'-ta-da gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
Da'-ba-dsi°, Swollen. Refers to the wounded buft'alo found dead in 

a state of decomposition. 
Do'-ba-mo°-thi'', Walk-by-fours. Refers to the habit of the bulls of 

walking by fours. (In the In-ke'-ga-be gens of the Omaha tribe.) 

Husband of Mi'-ho''-ga of the Tsi-'zhu Wa-no° gens. 
Do'-ba-mo°-thi°. Son of Tho'-.xe-zhi°-ga and Gia'-9o''-ba. 
Fletcher, Francis. Son of Tho'-xe-zhi"-ga and Mi'-Qo°-e. 
Ga-dsi°'-gthi-tho°, Crosses. Refers to the hungry calf that runs in 

front of its mother to stop her. (In the P-ke'-ga-be gens of the 

Omaha tribe.) 
Gthe-do°'-stse-dse, Long-hawk. Refers to the long scalp locks 

attached to the sacred hawks. Son of Tho'-xe-zhi^-ga and Gia'- 

90 "-ba. 
Hc-ba'-to°-he, Stubby-horns. Refers to the old bull who had worn 

his horns down to stumps. 
Hiu'-gthe-to°-ga, Big-legs. Refers to the great size of the legs of the 

buffalo buU. 
IIi"-9i'-mo°-i°, Brown-hair-walker. Refers to the brown color of the 

calf. Also gi-ha, Soles. 
I'-hi"-u-ba-do'', Pointed-beard. Refers to the beard of the buffalo. 
I'-shka-da-bi, Playful. Refers to the sport afforded the hunter by 

the herds of l)ufl'iilo. (In the I"-ke'-9a-be gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) 
I-tha'-no^-ga, Head-them-oft'. Refers to the heading off of the 

buffalo trying to escape the hunter. 
I'-wa-shko", Dependable. Valor name. A man returned from the 

warpath discouraged. On approaching the village he heard the 

Herald singing his praises. He went back, attacked the enemy, 

and won a big victory. Also Sho°-ha-u-ki-pa-tse, Wolf-robe. He 

thought a great deal of this robe, but when he attacked the enemy 

he threw it away and lost it. These two names the warrior won in 

this fight. 



162 THE OSAGE TRIBE |eth. ann. 43 

Ki-no°'-do°, Springs-forth. Valor name. Also Tse-mo"'-gi-ii-e. 

(Meaning obscure.) Son of Mi'-ho°-ga of the Tsi-'zhu Wa-no° 

gens. 
Louis. Son of Pa-gi'-do-ba and Mi'-go"-e. 
Mi"'-dse-ko°, Bow-string. The bow-string is made of buffalo sinew 

and is of great value to the hunter and warrior. Son of Tse-do'- 

a-to^-ga and Hi"'-i-ki-a-bi. 
Mo°-ga'-shu-dse or Mo^-ga'-shu-e, Dust-makers. Refers to the du "t 

raised by the herds of buffalo. Also Pc'-zhe-u-tha-ha, Grass- 

clings-to-him. Husband of Wa-to"'-i-9a-e of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 

gens. 
Mo"-i°'-gthe-do°, Walks-home. Son of Tse-do'-a-to"-ga and Hi"-i- 

ki-a-bi. 
Mo''-zho°'-u-ga-sho°, Wanderer. Refers to the buffalo that roams 

over the land. 
Ni-ga'-xu-e, Roaring-waters. Refers to the waters disturbed by a 

herd of buffalo crossing a stream. (In the I°-ke'-ga-be gens of the 

Omaha tribe.) 
No°-ba'-mo°-thi°, Two-walking. Refers to two buffalo walking side 

by side. (In the Tha'-ta-da gens of the Omaha tribe.) Husband 

of Xu-tha'-mi-tse-xi of the Ho^'-ga gens. 
No^'-ka-a-ba-zha-ta, Straddles-the-back. Refers to the packing of 

the buffalo meat on the back of the horse by the hunter. 
No°'-pe-wa-the, Fear-inspiring. This name is used by both this and 

the Ni-ka-wa-ko°-da-gi gens. (In the Tha'-ta-da gens of the 

Omaha tribe.) 
No°-zhi'"-tsi-e, Rises-suddenly. Refers to the alertness of the 

buffalo. 
0"'-be-9u-zhi°-ga, Small-hips. Refers to the smallness of the hips of 

the buffalo. 
Pa-gi-do-ba, Four-hills. Refers to the descent of a herd of buffalo 

from a hilltop in four lines. (In the Ko"'-5e gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) Husband of Wa-zha'-zhe-mi-tse-xi of the Ta' I-ni-ka-shi-ga 

gens. 
Pa-gi'-do-ba. Husband of Mi'-5o"-e of the Ho°'-ga gens. 
Pa'-ta-hi°-shku-e, Hairy-head. Refers to the hairy head of the 

buffalo. 
Pe'-zhe-a-tse, Gi'ass-eater. Refers to the eating of grass by the 

buffalo. 
Pi'-zhi-gthi-no"-zhi°, Returns-to-fight. Refers to the enraged bull 

standing to fight the hunter. 
Pi'-zhi-to°-ga, Big-bad-one. Refers to the big bull that is always 

ready to fight. Husband of Gthe-do'"-mi-tse-xi of the Ni-'ka-wa- 

ko"-da-gi gens. 
Pi'-zhi-to°-ga, Husband of Mary of the 0'-po° gens. 



LA FLESCHE) CHILD-NAMING RITE 163 

Slia'-bc-n(>"-zhi", Stands-dark. The lone buffalo standing; still 

against the horizon. (In the Ho'''-ga gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
The'-9e-.\a-ga, Kough-tongue. The tongue of the buffalo is rough. 
Thi-xa'-ba-zhi, Xot-chased. Refers to the little calf the hunter 

allows to escape. 
Thi-xa'-bi-a-ki-zhi", Thinks-hiniself-chased. Refers to the fleeing 

of a buffalo even when he is not pursued bj^ the hunter. 
Tho"'-dse-to''-ga, Big-heart. 
Tho'-xe-ga-hi-ge, Tho-xe-chief. 
Tho'-xe-wa-ko°-da, The-mystic-Tho-xe. 
Tho'-xe-zhi°-ga, Young-Tho-xe. Also Wa-to"'-i"-ki-the, Conies-to- 

view. (A Mi-k'i"' name.) Refers to the new moon. Husband of 

Mi'-5o''-e of the Wa-ga'-be gens. 
Tho'-xe-zhi°-ga. Husband of Gia'-(^o"-ba of the Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge 

gens. 
Tho'-xe-wa-da-i"-ga, Mischievous-Tho-xe. 
Tse'-5e-to"-ga, Big-belly. Refers to the great size of the bull. 

Husband of Wa'-ko"-5a-mo°-i" of the Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Tse-gi°'-dse, Buffalo-tail. (The name of a gens in the Omaha tribe.) 
Tse-do'-a-mo°-i", Walking-bull. 
Tse-do'-a-to°-ga, Big-bull. Husband of Hi"'-i-ki-a-bi of the Tsi'-zhu 

Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Tse-do'-a-zhi''-ga, Little-bull. (In the Tse-gi^'-dse gens of the 

Omaha tribe.) 
Tse-do'-ga, Buffalo-bull. (In the Ho^'-ga gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
Tse-mo°'-gi-the. (Meaning obscure.) 
Tse-pa'-zhi°-ga, Little-buft'alo-head. Husband of Wa-ea'-be-wa-k'u 

of the Wa-ga'-be gens. 
Tse'-thi-tsi, Bufl'alo-ribs. (In the Tlia'-ta-da gens of the Omaha 

tribe.) 
Tse-zhi"'-ga-wa-da-i"-ga, Playful-calf. Refers to the playfulness of 

the buffalo calf. Akso Xa-ge'-wa-the, Makes-them-weep. (In the 

Ko'"-5e gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
U-ga'-ha-xpa, Bushy-head. 
U-ko"'-dsi-no"-zhi", Stands-alone. Refers to the solitary buffak) that 

stands alone, apart from the herd. 
U-mi'-zhe, Bedding. Refers to the use of the buft'alo hide for 

l)edding. 
U-ki'-pa-to", Rolls-himself. Refers to the rolling of the buffalo on 

the ground. (In the P-gthe'-zhi-de gens of the Omaha tribe.) 
U-tha'-ga-bi, Famed. Valor name. 

Wa-no^'-ge, Stampede. Refers to the stampeding of a buffalo herd. 
Wa'-stse-g.^, Strip-of-meat. 
Wa'-u-wi-^i, Jvunper. Refers to the lea]is of the buffalo when 

charging on the hunter. 
We'-zhi-u-gi-pi, Trench-full. Refers to the fullness of (he fire trench 

used in jerlcing meat. 



164 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eth. ans.43 

Female 

Bo^-giu'-da, Lowing. Refers to the lowing of the herd as heard in 

the distance. 
Bo''-giu'-da, same as above. Daughter of Tse-do'-a-to''-ga, this 

gens, and Hi°'i-ki-a-bi of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Bo''-giu-da, same as above. Wife of Ko°'-5e-ho°-ga of the Ho°'-ga 

U-ta-no^-dsi gens. 
Do"'-a-bi, Gazed-upon. Name applied to first daughter. 
Do°'-a-bi, same as above. Wife of Mi'-da-i^-ga of the Tsi'-zhu 

Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Do°'-a-bi, same as above. Wife of Wa-zhi"'-ga-ga-be of the Tsi'-zhu 

Wa-shta-ge gens. 
I'-to°-mo''-i'', meaning uncertain. A Mi'k'i" name. Daughter of 

Tho'-xe-zhi°-ga, this gens, and Mi'-Qi°-e of the Wa-ga'-be gens. 
I'-to°-wo°-gtho°-bi, One-for-whom-villages-are-built. Daughter of 

Tse-pa'-zhi°-ga, this gens, and Wa-ga'-be wa-k'o of the Wa-ga-be 

gens. 
Ki'-o, wounded. Wife of Ni'-ka-i-gi-wa-the of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-no° 

gens. 
Ni'-ka-a-ga, meaning uncertain. 

Ni'-ka-a-ga, wife of Ho-wa'-ga-e of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Ni'-ko°-a-ga, daughter of Tse-ge-to°-ga, this gens, and Wa'-ko" 

mo"-i° of the Po^'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Pa-hiu'-thi-sho", Shaggy-head. Name of second daughter in the gens. 
Pa-liiu'-thi-sho°, same as above. Daughter of Pa-gi'-do-ba, this 

gens, and Mi'-go°-e of the Ho^-ga gens. 
Tho'-xe-wi", Tho'-xe-woman. 
Tse-go°'-wi°, White-buffalo-woman. Wife of To-'-wo^-i-hi of the 

Tsi-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. Appears in Ho^'-ga gens of Omaha 

tribe. 
Tse-go°'-wi°, same as above. Daughter of Tho'-xe-zhi''-ga, this 

gens, and Gia'-go°-ba of the Po^'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Tse'-ho°-ga-wi'', Sacred-buffalo-woman. Daughter of Tse-do-a- 

to°-ga, this gens, and Hi°'-i-ki-a-bi of the Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
'rse-i'-ko°-tha, meaning uncertain. 

Tse-mi'-gi, Brown-buffalo-woman. Name of third daughter in gens. 
Tse-mi'-gi, daughter of Hi"-gi'-mo''-i'', this gens. 
Tse-mi-gi, same as above. Daughter of Tho'-xe-zhi°-ga, this gens, 

and Gia'-go°-ba of the Po°'-ka Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Tse-wi'-ho°-ga, Buffalo-sacred-cow. Wife of Ho"'-ga-tha-ghti° of 

the Ho°'-ga gens. 
Tse-mi'-xtsi, Red-buft'alo-woman. Wife of Tsi'-zhu-zhi"-ga of the 

Tsi'-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. 
Wa-shi^-wi", Fat-woman. Daughter of Pa-gi'-do-ba, this gens, nnd 

Mi-go "-e of the Ho^'-ga gens. 



WAWENOGK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE 



BY 

FRANK G. SPECK 



The texts are published with the permission of the Division 
of Anthropology, National Museum of Canada 



165 



CONTENTS 

Page 

Introduction 169 

Phonetic note - 178 

Glusk^ibo' the Transformer ISO 

Ghiskfbe' creates himself and competes with the Creator 180 

The Turtle insults the chief of the Birds; Glusltpbe' helps him to 
escape; mountains are created; and again Turtle escapes by 
getting his captors to throw him into the water, but is finally 

killed 181 

GUiskftbe' becomes angr.y with the l)irch tree and marks it for life 185 

Gluskabe' the Transformer (free translation) 186 

How a hunter encountered Bmule', visited his country and obtained a 

boon 190 

How a hunter encountered Bmule', visited his country and obtained a 

boon (free translation) 103 

The origin and use of wampum 195 

The origin and use of wampimi (free translation) 196 

Wawenock drinking song 197 

Index 821 



ILLUSTRATION 

Plate 13. Franfois Xeptune, the last speaker of the Wawenock dialect.. 109 

167 



WAWENOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE 



By Frank G. Speck 



INTRODUCTION" 

It is one of the laments of ethnology that the smaller tribes of the 
northern coast of New England faded from the scene of history 
before we were able to grasp the content of their languages and 
culture. At this late day practically all have dwindled below the 
power of retaining the memory of their own institutions — their link 
with the past. Nevertheless, some few groups along the coast have 
maintained existence in one form or another down to the present. 
In regions somewhat more remote, the tribes of the Wabanaki group, 
hovering within the shelter of the northeastern wilderness, success- 
fully struggled through the trials of the transition period, preserved 
their oral inheritance, and even, to a considerable degree, the 
practices of their early culture. Here on native soil still dwell 
the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy. On the western and southern 
boundaries of Maine the Wabanald bands escaped extinction only 
by fleeing to Canada, where their descendants now live at the 
village of St. Francis. Of the tribal names included in this group, 
however, one in particular, the Wawenock, has long been reckoned 
among the obsolete, though several times the suggestion had 
appeared in print that the Indians residing at Becancour, Province 
of Quebec, might be its survivors. In 1912 my interest in possi- 
bilities of the sort culminated in the intention to follow up this 
source myself. The results were extremely gratifying, for during 
the winter's visit traces were uncovered of those eternal values of 
native language and tradition, which happily were still preserved 
in the memory of Frangois Neptune (pi. 13), one of the Wawenock 
men. My object in the following pages is to present part of the 
literary material obtained from him, to which I have prefixed a 
sketch of the tribe's history. 

The proper name of the tribe is, however, Walina'Jciak, "People of 
the Bay country." ' The term is current among the Wawenock sur- 
vivors of to-day, as well as among their neighbors and former allies, 
the affiliated tribes originally from southern Maine, which now 
constitute the St. Francis Abenaki. 

■ J. A. Maurault, Histoire des Abenakis, Quebec, 1866, p. vn, gives Solinak as the native name of 
Becancour, offering his idea of its meaning as "river which makes many detours." 

19078°— 28 12 169 



170 WAWENOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE (eth. asn. 43 

Notwithstanding the fact that we have nowhere any definite 
information on the exact boundaries of the Wawenoclv in their old 
home, it is evident from Penobscot sources that the Wawenock ter- 
ritory began where the Penobscot family claims ^ ended, a short 
distance west of the waters of Penobscot Bay. This would give the 
Wawenock the environs of St. George's Harbor and Eiver, and all 
the intervening coast as far as the mouth of Kennebec River, since 
the latter is mentioned as their western boundary. A difficulty con- 
fronts us, however, when we try to determine how far northward into 
the interior the Wawenock claims extended. From geographical 
considerations, since the region which is typical of the coast extends 
inland about 30 or 40 miles, we might infer that the hunting grounds 
of the tribe extended at least as far. The additional fact that the 
Penobscot territory spread out westward as we go toward the interior, 
and that they knew the Norridgewock and Aroosaguntacook as their 
immediate western neighbors, would then leave the general tract 
from the headwaters of St. Georges, Medomac, Damariscotta and 
Sheepscot Rivers and Togus Stream, all east of the Kennebec River, 
and southward to the coast, to be regarded as Wawenock territory. 
The Wawenock have been already definitely assigned to the Sheep- 
scot and Pemacjuid,^ which would seem to have been at about the 
center of their habitat. That their territory was also knowai as 
Sagadahock(Sar|kade'lak, Penobscot) is shown by a statement giving 
different local names to parts of the Kennebec River — names which 
corresponded more or less to the names of local bands — as follows: 
"Aransoak, Orantsoak,^ Kennebec River from the lake (Moosehead 
Lake) to Norridgewock. Below Skowhegan it was called Canebas or 
Kenebas ° to Merrymeeting Bay, thence to the sea, Sagadahock." '^ 

' These were the Penobscot families of Mitchell (Lobster) and Susup (Crab), who held the immediate 
shores and surroundings of Penobscot Bay. 

5 Maine Historical Society Collections. Vol. IV, p. 96, 1858. " The Abuaquies occupied country between 
Penobscot Bay and Piscataquis River and were divided into four principal tribes, viz, (1) the Sokokis on 
the Saco River, (2) the Anasagunticook on the .Vndroscoggin, (3) the Carribas or Kenabes on the Kennebec, 
(4) the Wawenocks on the Sheepscot, Pemaquid, etc." 

' Norridgewock, Xala'djawak," Rapids up the river" (Penobscot); Nawadzwa'ki (St. Francis Abenaki); 
Nawi'djawak (Malecite), Nashwaak River, N. B.; and also what may be evidently another form of the 
name Newichewanock in New Hampshire. The proper name for the bandisNaladjwa'kiak (Penobscot), 
Nawadzawakia'k (St. Francis). A. E. Kendall (Travels through the Northern Partsof the United States 
in 1807-8. Vol. ni, N. Y., 1809) gives the term as "Nanrantawacs" (p. 52), which he says implies "still 
water between two places at which the current is rapid." J. D. Prince (Some Passamaquoddy Docu- 
ments, Annals New York Academy of Science, XI, no. 15, 1898, p. 376) translates nanrantsouack as 
"stretch of still water." 

» Kwunibeg" "Long water" (Penobscot). The form of the proper name would be Kwun'i'begwiak 
" people of the long water," but we do not encounter this in the documents. Maurault (op. cit., p. iv and 
89) has an interesting and very probable opinion on this term. He suggests as an origin Kanibosek, "qui 
conduit au lac," chaque annSe au temps de lagrande chasse de I'hiver lesCanibasserendaient en grando 
nombre au "lac a I'original" (Moosehead Lake) en suivant la riviere Ken6bec. C'est pour cela qu'ils 
appelaient cette riviere "le ehemin qui conduit au lac." 

•Saijkade'lak, "where the river flows out" (Penobscot). See also Father Easles (Jesuit Relations, 
1716-27, vol. 67, p. 197), Sankderank. Kendall, who traveled this country in 1807 (E. A. Kendall, op. cit., 
pp. 143-144), gives the same names Schunkadarunk and Zaughe'darankiac and translates them correctly 
as "mouth of the river" and "people of the mouth of the river." Maurault (op. cit., p. 77) differs from 
others in giving the form "sakkadaguk" a I'endroit ou le terrain est plat et uni." The proper name 
Saijkadelawiak, "people of where the river flows out," is known among the Penobscot to-day and has 
been frequently used by authors in referring to Indians at the mouth of the Kennebec and Androscoggin 
Rivers, or better, as Kendall states, to "the people of the conmion mouth of Kennebec and .\mariscoggin, 
that is the Sagahoc of the early colonists." (Kendall, op. cit., vol. in, p. 144.) 



speck) 



INTRODUCTION 171 



Bearing upon this is the fact that part of the St. Francis band 
residing near Durham, Province of Quel)ec, until recently preserved 
the local name kwena'mwiaiv, "long point people." This has been 
thought to be possibly connected with the term just given. Joseph 
Laurent"" assigns the same name (Kwanahomoik) to Durham and 
gives the meaning "where the turn of the river makes a long point." 
It is evidently, however, a later name acquired by these St. Francis 
families after they had settled at Dm-ham. 

In ancient times the tribes on the coast of Maine extended into the 
interior, but were more or less locally identified with the mouths of the 
rivers and the large bays. The Wawenock were then located south- 
west of the Penobscot, whose proper territory on the coast only sur- 
rounded PenobscotBay. According to tradition among the Penobscot, 
their nearest relatives, the Wawenock, as we shall henceforth call them 
on preferred authority," are definitely remembered as Wali'nakiak, 
"People of the bay country," because they were located on the shores 
and in the country back of what is now known as Sagadahoc. 
This country Hes southwest of Penobscot Bay and includes a number 
of smaller bays from St. George's Bay, in Knox County, westward 
to the mouth of the Kennebec River, embracing Lincoln and part of 
Sagadahoc Counties. The Penobscot also refer to the inhabitants 
of this region as Sonjkadela'wiak, "People of the mouth of the river" 
(Sagadahoc), the term being evidently another name for the Wawe- 
nock. At the present time, not having held any contact with the 
Wawenock since their removal to Canada early in the eighteenth 
century, they know the tribe only by name. There is some evidence, 
however, in one of the family names, Neptune, which occurs among 
both the Penobscot and Wawenock, that during this period some of 
the latter may have joined the Penobscot or vice versa. 

From these sources w^e can derive a fairly definite idea of the 
Wawenock habitat and also two of the tribal synonyms.* Sagada- 
hoc seems to have been a commonly used designation for both the 
comitry and people. 

In the matter of the first European contact with the tribe it is 
probable that Captain Waymouth in 1609, when he encountered 
the Indians while riding at anchor ofl^ the coast of Maine, in what 

•■ New Familiar Abenalds and English Dialogues, Quebec, 1884, p. 210. 

' Various spellings for the tribal name have been given at different times by different authors, occasion, 
ally even in the same work. Among these occur such forms as Weweenock, Wewoonock, Wewenock, 
Wewonock: the diHerences being evidently due to illegible handwriting in the manuscripts and to the 
usual whims of orthography. 

8 It seems a bit strange in passing along over the literature of this region to note that Maurault, who se«ms 
to have known Wabanaki history and ethnology very well, did not mention anything of the term Wawe- 
nock in his chapter on the establishment of the Abenaki at Becancour. (Maurault, op. cit., chap. 7.) He 
does, however, say that the Indians at Becancour were Abenaki and Sokokis who came previously from 
Damisokantik, which term he correctly derives from Namesokantsik, "place where there are many fish," 
later changed to Megantic, the present name of a large lake near the Canadian boundary. It may be re- 
marked that tradition supports this assertion, for the Wawenock informant, Francois Neptune, says that 
his grandmother knew that some of her people came from there, and that the families at Becancour formerly 
had bunting grounds there. 



172 WAWENOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE 



[ETH. ANN. 13 



is now thought to be George's Harbor, encountered men of the 
Wawenock. The chances are, however, about even that they were 
Wawenock or Penobscot. We may assume in either case, neverthe- 
less, that some of the descriptions, which the scribe of the expedition, 
James Rosier, left us, refer to the Wawenock, because subsequently 
during his sojourn in the neighborhood he met a great many natives, 
concerning some of whom he has given considerable information. ° 

Subsequent historical literature contains nothing, so far as I could 
find, imtil about a century later when the Wabanaki tribes of Maine 
had become hostile to the English colonists in Massachusetts. Father 
Rasles, the Jesuit missionary who took charge of a mission in 1690, 
founded at Norridgewock several years before, mentions the tribe as 
the Warinakiens.'" An estimate for this year states that the Sheepscot 
(a local name for the Wawenock) had 150 men and the Pemaquid 
100." The Wawenock were one of the tribes to be represented in 
the mission at Norridgewock, which was some 50 miles from the 
heart of their coimtry.'- During this period the Wawenock appear 
to have gradually drifted northward toward the interior, probably in 
order to associate more closely with the Christian proselytes of the 
Norridgewock and Aroosaguntacook.'^ 

Mention is made of a withdrawal of some of the Indians in 1713 to 
Becancour, Province of Quebec, which probably refers to the Wawe- 
nock.'* Another notice, dated 1717, gives under the name of Wawe- 
nock, a total of 15 men; the same source stating that in 1726 those at 
"Sheepcut" numbered 3 and at "Pemaquid" 10.'^ 

As regards the mission at Norridgewock, Father Rasles "was 
accused of attaching the tribes so warmly to the French cause that 
they soon became regarded as dangerous enemies of the English 
colonists. In 1724 an expedition was sent against the Norridgewock, 
which resulted in the destruction of their village, the dispersion of the 
tribe, and the death of Rasles.'^ 

Much has been written, both by English and French historians, 
showing that Father Rasles was murdered and mutilated by the 
English in this unfortunate massacre," but another version of the 

9 A True Relation of the Voyage of Captain George Waymouth (1609), By James Rosier, p. 67 et seq. 
(Early English and French Voyages (1534-1608) in Original Narratives of Early American History.) 
" Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., 2d ser.. Vol. VIII, p. 263 (1819). 
" New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1866, p. 9. 

12 Rasles, in a letter to his brother written at Norridgewock in 1723 (Jesuit Relations, 1716-1727, vol. 67, 
pp. 183-195), speaks of a tribe of " Amalingans," who evidently lived near the sea, whom he converted. Is it 
possible that he meant the " Warinakiens "? 

13 That the Indians at the mouth of Kennebec River were not always on the best of terms with the bands 
up river appears from a reference in Jesuit Kclatioos for 1652, quoted by Maurault (op. cit., p. 8), saying that 
the latter had been on the point of declaring war on them. 

>< Handbook of .\merican Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. .\mer. Ethn., part 1, p. 881. 

1* New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1866, p. 9. 

" Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn,, part 2, p. 83. 

1^ The original account of this event is by Father de la C basse, Quebec. 1724, cf. Jesuit Relations, 1716-1727, 
vol. 67, pp. 231-238. Maurault (op, cit,, pp, 403-404) also gives an account of the same based on Charlevoix, 
Histoire G6D6ral de la Nouvolle France, vol. iv, pp. 120-121, and Bancroft, History of the United States, 
vol. ii, p. 122, and Chietien Le Clercq, "First Establishment of the Faith in New France," translated 
by J. G. Shea, New York, 1881. 



SPECK] INTRODUCTION 173 

affair is related by the Wawenock informant. In this it is claimed 
that Rasles secretly betrayed the mission to the EngHsh." 

After this unfortunate event the Wawenock who still dwelt there 
moved from Norridgewock with their relatives, the Aroosagunta- 
cook " allies, who became known thereafter as the St. Francis Abe- 
naki. The Wawenock never became so thoroughly incorporated 
with the St. Francis Indians as to lose their identity as did the other 
bands from southern Maine. They did, however, share in the 
general term Abenaki, and were designated in later accounts as the 
Abenaki of Becancour. 

According to their own traditions of the removal,'" the Wawenock 
informant says, they reached the St. Lawrence River opposite the 
mouth of St. Maurice River, having probably come down the St. 
Francis River from the south. The place is known in Wawenock 
as Noda'waqgaijk, "Place of the dance." ^' The e.xiles, who were 
of course obliged to recognize the territorial hunting rights of the 
Algonquin proprietors,-' are said to have asked if they could hunt 
with them. In response, it is claimed, the Algonquin gave the 
Abenaki a concession extending 2 leagues above Three Rivers, down 
to the St. Lawrence to the mouth of a river on the south side where 
there is an island called Matasu', a corruption of the name of the 
Seigneur Montesson who held the title to it.^^ There the Wawenock 
separated from the Abenaki allies and located on what is now Becan- 
cour River. Maurault ^^ says that in the move of 1679 the Sokoki 
(Sako'kiak "Saco River people") in part settled at Becancour.^" 

•' The legend runs as follows: When the English came to Norridgewock the French priest sold the Indians 
to the English. The English gave him a bag of gold and they promised that he should not bo killed when 
the attack was made. On that day he called the Indians into the church, but one of the old women (the 
Malecite call her Pukdji'nskwes) warned them not to go. as she had had a presentiment of trouble. Her 
folks riduculed her, saying that she was silly with old age. When they had gathered in the church the 
EngUshattackedandtheold woman was the only one to escape, taking with her her grandchild on a cradle 
board and swimming Kennebec River. The rest of the people were killed. - During the massacre one of the 
Indians tomahawked or shot Rasles in revenge. The same story, strange to say, is well known among the 
Penobscot and the Malecite. Among the Penobscot there are supposed descendants of this grandchild, 
whose name was Bamzi\ according to an historical legend. 

" The original form of this term is alsiga'ntagwi'ak, for which the following three meanings, depending 
upon the translation of the first two syllables, have been ;issigned by difTerent authorities. The Indians 
of St. Francis, the .\roosaguntacook themselves, suggtst in explanation (1) " people of the river abounding 
in grass," deriving the first part of the term from a'lsi^l, "river grasses," and -gan, " abundance of," and 
(2) ** people of the river abounding in shells," from als, "moUusk shell." The related Penobscot generally 
render the name (3) *' people of the empty house river," taking alsigan to mean "empty house." There 
seems to be on etymological grounds about equal reason for all the suggestions, so far as can be shown. 
Different writers, according to their extent of knowledge or opinion on the matter, have favored one or 
the other of these interpretations. For instance, Maurault (op. cit.. pp. 272-273 and p. vii) inclines to 
interpretation (1). Prof. J. D. Prince (.Vmerican .\nthropologist, n. s. Vol. IV, p. 17 (1902)) favors the 
thu-d, and quotes Gill (Notes sur les Vieux Manuscrits -Vbenakis, Montreal, 1866, p. 13) as showing the 
same opinion. The second interpretation receives favor from Joseph Laurent (Lola), "New Familiar 
Abenakis and English Dialogues," Quebec, 1SS4. p. 206. 

" Maurault (op. cit., p. 284) states that the Indians first began their settlement at Becancour as early 
as 1680. 

'1 Our informant, Francois Neptune, says that the site is near the railroad bridge at Three Rivers. 

" Maurault (op. cit., pp. I09-U2) speaks of friendly relations existing between the Algonquins and the 
Wabanaki tribes as early as 1613. 

'< Maiu^ault (op. cit., p. 290) mentions the same and has something to say about the identity of the 
owner of the name. 

" Op. cit., p. 174. 

^ Kendall (op. cit., pp. 143-144) also states that Sakokiak settled at Becancour. 



174 WA-ft-EXOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAIXE [eth. asn. 43 

Thej- evidently played a considerable part in the Indian wars that 
devastated southern Maine at this time, and in 1726, when the first 
serious attempt was made by the Massachusetts government to 
secure peace, the TTawenock receive freciuent mention in the records 
of the proceedings. At the treaty of Falmouth, Casco Bay, in 1726, 
before Gov. W. Dummer, of Massachusetts, "Wenemovet answered 
that they had full power to act for them (the Norridgewock) and for 
the Wewenocks and for the 'Arresuguntenocks ' and (St.) Frangois." ^ 

In speaking of Governor Dummer's treaty, the "Norridgwocks, 
St. Francois, and Wowenock Indians" are again mentioned as being 
in Canada, whither the bulk of the allies must have moved by this 
year (1726).^^ Also Loron,^' a Penobscot chief, explained to the 
Governor how he was entitled to make peace for the "Norrigwock, 
St. Frangois, and Wowenocks," who were not present at the treaty, 
by reason of having received a wampum belt from them empowering 
the Penobscot to speak in their behalf.^" Loron also said that the 
Norridgewock Indians were scattered among the "Arresaguntecook" 
Wewonock or St. Frangois tribes.^' It is interesting to observe the 
names of some of the native treaty delegates in these accounts 
because some of them have survived in the tribe until the present day, 
as we shall see later. They also have some ethnological value. It 
seems that, owing to the absence of some of the tribes from the occa- 
sion of the first treaty in 1726, it became necessary to hold another 
the following year to ratify it. ^Accordingly in the conference of 
that year (1727) held again at Falmouth, the following sachems sub- 
scribed to the ratification of the treaty made through the Penobscot 
in the year preceding. "Toxeus,'^ Sagamore of Nerridgawock, 
Ausummowett,^^ Sagamore of Arresaguntacook, Woosszurraboonet,^* 
Sagamore of Wowenock" are mentioned.^* Later again we learn of 
"Memmadgeen and. Woosszaurraboonet, Captains and Councillors, 
two of the chiefs of the Wowenock Tribe and delegated by them, 
accompanied bj'^ Auwemmonett, the chief sachem's son, Wenerramett, 
Paterramett,'^ Saawerramet, Quinoise,^" chiefs and others of the said 
tribe of Wowenock." The conference was attended by "40 Nerridga- 

'• Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4tli ser., Vol. V, 3.53 (1S6I). 

!« Ibid., p. 365. 

^^ This is from the French Laurent, its Indian form being Lola among the St. Francis and Penobscot, 
where it is still a family surname. 

» Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th ser., Vol. V (1861), pp. 386, 387. 

31 Ibid., p. 390. 

^' Tosus (Taksu's) was until lately represented among the family patronyms of the St. Francis people. 

33 This name may be the same as Was^memct, Wasawanemet, which still survives as a family name at 
St. Francis, where it is thought to mean, "He talks against some one." 

3< For a supposition as to the later identity ol the name among the Wawenock themselves, see p. 176 of 
this paper. 

3« Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. m (1853), p. 411. 

3fi See also p. 176. 

" Maine Hist. Soc Coll., vol m (I8.')31, p. 412. Possibly the French rendering of Kwun'a'waS, 
"Long Hair." a per.Tonal name in Penobscot mythology (F. G. Speck, Penobscot Transformer Texts, 
International Joui'nal of American Linguistics, vol. 1, no. 3, 1918, p. 188). 



SPECK] INTKODUCTION 175 

wocks and 15 Wawenocks." ^* Tlie fact that these tribal groups were 
fairly independent politically is shown by their desire to have "sepa- 
rate seals of the treaty," one for each tribe. Some more Wawc- 
nock personal names were given by Quinoise, one of the above-men- 
tioned delegates, when he enumerated Indians whom he knew held 
some English captives. They were Wauhaway, Acteon, Omboro- 
wess, Maneerhowhaw, Pier, Sungehaugundo, some of whom were 
St. Francois, some Wawenocks and some Scattacooks (from Con- 
necticut).^' 

But the peace did not last long and war again broke out between 
the English and Wabanaki tribes. Anotiier treaty was consummated 
at Falmouth in 1749. In this compact, which finally brought an end 
to the Indian troubles in southern Maine, the "Arresuguntoocooks 
and AYeweenocks" were represented by "Sa\vwaramet, Aussaado, 
Waannmiga, Sauquish, Wareedeon, Wawawnunka.^" From this 
time on the Abenaki relinquished their attempts to retain their claims 
in Maine and retired to Canada, where the Wawenock came into pos- 
session of land at Becancour on Becaucour River, while the Nor- 
ridgewock and Aroosaguntacook, together with survivors of the other 
smaller tribes, settled permanently about 30 miles away at St. 
Francis, on St. Francis River. Mauraidt in 1866 *' asserted that 
onl}' 10 families remained at Becancour, though they were of purer 
blood than the Abenaki at St. Francis. He says that in 1708 the 
Indians at Becancour numbered 500, having come from Lake 
Megantic, with others from the Androscoggin and Chaudiere Rivers. 
The number probably included Sokoki who had joined them in 1679 
(see p. 173). 

Although the Indians forming the St. Francis village and the 
Wawenock had many interests in common they remained inde- 
pendent of each other, not only in dialect but in political respects, in 
having their own reservations, chiefs, and administration, both reli- 
gious and civil. The same conditions hold to-day. At St. Francis 
the Wawenock from Becancour are regarded as friendly strangers. 

This brings us down to recent times. Politically the Wawenock 
have now about lost their name, being known in occasional reports 
as the Abenaki of Becancour. In 1910 they numbered 26,^' includ- 
ing absentees, upon their reservation of 135^ acres. Most of them 
have scattered, some having gone to the French towns, while I 

'« Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. ni (1853), p. 413. 

" Ibid., p. 440. Among those names, Acteon for Attean (Etienne), Omborowess for Air.blowess fAni- 
broise), and Pier for Piel (Pierre) are recognizable as present day Wabanaki family names. The name 
Omborowess w.as a Wawenock patronyra. (See p. 176.) 

<» Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. IV, p. 1C4 (1856). 

" Maurault. op. cit., pp. 2ss and 2M. 

" In 1914 when I visited them they numbered 23. 



176 WAWENOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE 



|ETH. ANN. 43 



encountered several families who have migrated to Lake St. John 
and Hve with the Montagnais as hunters and trappers." 

The following are the family names of the tribe. Some are still 
in existence (marked *) ; others have recently become extinct. 

Pabiwela ma't ''He is thought small." The family name of the grand- 
mother of Franfois Neptune, our informant. This name 
may be the original of " Paterramett " mentioned in the 
treaty of 1727 (cf. p. 174). 

♦Metsalab^la't "Lost his Breath" (?) This name is undoubtedly the original 

of " Wooszurraboonet " of 1727 (cf. p. 174). 

Sogala'n "It rains." 

Sezawegwu'n "Feather in the hair." 

Mekwas-a'k "Red stain." 

Abalawe's- French "Ambroise." The same as "Omborowess" in 1727 

(cf. p. 175). 

♦Ob^' French, (St.) Urbain. 

*Nepta'n Neptune, doubtful origin. This is also a Penobscot family 

name. 
♦Nicola' Nicholas, also a Penobscot family name. 

So far as can be said at present the material culture of the Wawe- 
nock was practically identical with that of the Penobscot and St. 
Francis Abenaki. Not much of this is preserved by the survivors at 
the present day. The tribe, however, still keeps its organization 
under a chief. In the traditions of the Wabanaki Confederacy, as 
far as we know them, the Wawenock are not mentioned, though they 
had been represented in the alliance at an earlier time. 

As for social organization no knowledge is preserved of the family 
hunting territories, for it seems that at Becancour hunting has not 

<3 In traveling among the Montagnais of the Province of Quebec I have encountered some of the dis- 
persed Wawenock families and descendants from whom the following information was secured. 

In about 1870 Charles Neptune and his sister of Becancour, in company with some .\benaki from St. 
Francis (Aimable Gille, Obomsawin family), and relatives, came to Lake .St. John by way of Chicoutimi. 
They migrated to Metabetchouan by canoe from Chicoutimi, and settled near the Hudson Bay Co.'s post, 
long since abandoned. Here they appropriated hunting territories with the permission of the Montagnais. 
Charles Neptune died in 1907. He spoke the Wawenock language. Six sons and three daughters survived 
him, his wife having been a Canadian. Their descendants are now living among the Montagnais at Lake 
St. John, under the family names of Neptune, du ChPne, and Phillippe. Another Wawenock from Becan- 
cour, Louis Philip, lives at Lake St. John. His father came from Lake Megantic on the border between 
Maine and the Province of Quebec. He was probably the last Wawenock to have been born in Maine. 
Philip has descendants at Lake St. John. He knows a lew words and expressions which indicate the dialect 
of his father to have been really Wawenock. Of the 23 Wawenock descendants at Lake St. John, as enu- 
merated by Noah Neptune in 1915, none know anything distinctive of their ancestral language or 
customs. 

.Vgain on the lower St. Lawrence there are Wawenock descendants. At Tadousac and Chicoutimi, the 
Nicola larailies have become admitted to land rights with the Montagnais of these places. At Escoumains 
is another named Jacques. Four children of old Joseph Nicola who migrated many years ago from Trois 
Rivieres, and settled also at Chicoutimi, also have numerous offspring by either Montagnais or Canadian 
wives. Possibly these emigrants came to the Saguenay with the ancestors of the Gille, Neptune, and 
Phillippe families at Lake St. John. -At Tadousac, Joseph Nicolar remembered the text of a Wawenock 
song which his father used to sing. This is given with the other texts in this paper (see p. 197). 

I should add, that with few exceptions among the older people, these Wawenock descendants have be- 
come so merged either with the Canadian or the Montagnais that they know almost nothing of their own 
people. In the family names, however, we can see the survival of influences which began in Maine when the 
ancestors of the Wawenock were close to the Penobscot with whom they have some family names in 
eommOD. 



BPECKl INTRODUCTION 177 

been a practicable occupation for several generations. Neither 
dances nor ceremonies have been performed within the memory of 
the old people, so we only have the names of several dances which 
are remembered through tradition. The term alnak' hadi'n denotes 
the common dance (Penobscot alnaba'gan) performed as a part of the 
marriage ceremony which, like that of the Penobscot, is proposed by 
means of wampum. Several strings of wampum, which were given 
to the parents of his grandmother by her husband when he proposed 
marriage, were fortunately obtained from Frangois Neptune. Naw- 
adowe'', "song and dance" (Penobscot, Nawa'dawe), was a war dance 
in which the men carried tomahawks, and skogogwaga'n, "snake 
dance," was similar to the Penobscot ma'tagi'posi", "moving in a 
serpentine manner." 

In the field of folk lore, medicinal lore and shamanism much still 
remains to be done with the informant. The culture hero and 
transformer Gluskabe', "the Deceiver," is the same as that of the 
Penobscot, and shares generally the same characteristics. A com- 
parative study of the transformer (Gluskap) cycle in Wabanaki 
mythology is being prepared by the writer, so it does not seem 
essential to refer just now to cognate elements m the mythology of the 
other tribes of the group. 

Within the last generation the Wawenock dialect has gone com- 
pletely out of use. Most of the survivors are half-breeds and speak 
French. The only person I found who knows the dialect is Frangois 
Neptune, supposedly a full blood, in his sLxties (1914), the oldest 
man at Beeancour, whose acquaintance I had the good fortune to 
make in 1914 during a trip of reconnaissance among the Abenaki in 
company with Mr. Henry Masta of this tribe." Neptune's interest 
in his dialect, which he knew to be on the verge of extinction, made 
work with him quite easy, although the state of his health prevented 
our doing more at the time. The following few myths in text will, 
I think, enable us to form some idea of its intermediate position 
between Penobscot and St. Francis Abenaki when more of the texts 
already collected in both of these dialects are published.** It seems 
hardly necessary to remark that, in the scanty material on this region 
so far available in print, there exists absolutely nothing in the Wawe- 
nock dialect. 

** It might be added that Mr. Masta has given considerable time to the study of his people, and he is 
quite satisfied as to the identity of the Abenaki of Beeancour with the Wawenoclv of early Maine history. 

" Comparative linguistic and mythological material in Penobscot, which the Wawenocli most closely 
resembles may be found in the writer's "Penobscot Transformer Texts," International Journal of Ameri- 
can Linguistics, vol. I, no. 3, 1918, while Doctor Michelson has given the position of Penobscot among the 
eastern Algonkian dialects in his Preliminary Report on the Linguistic Classification of -\lgonquian 
Tribes, Twenty-eighth Ann. Rep. Bur. .\mer. Ethn., 1913, pp. 2S0-288. 



PHONETIC NOTE 

Although closely related with the Penobscot and the St. Francis 
dialects, Wawenock has some distinctive qualities of its own. The 
list of sounds is as follows: 

p, b, m are normal as in English, 

n, 1 alveolar-dental in position. 

1 alveolar-dental lateral surd, 

t, d alveolar-dentals, somewhat indeterminate in quality, 

k, g medial palatals, indeterminate in quality, k'" is k followed by 
aspiration and lip closure; g" also occurs.' 

tc affricative medial surd, 

dj affricative medial sonant, 

s, z in position same as in English, indeterminate in sonant quality. 

13 palatal nasal, like ng of English sing. 

h, w, y as in English. 

a, i, o, u normal, medium length, 

e open, as e in English met. 

e long, between e and a, as in Xorth German bar. 
V long closed vowel like English ee. 

longer than o, almost like au in English taut. 

a short a, like u of English but. 

8 short obscure vowel of uncertain quality. 

, denotes nasalized vowels (?, i\, q). 

' denotes aspiration following soiuid. 

■ denotes lengthened vowel or consonant. 

' primary stress. 

^ secondary' stress. 

Two stop consonants coming together have a slight vocalic pause, 
sometimes amounting to 9, between them. 

The vowels e, i, a, 0, u before stops have a tendency to show a 
slight aspiration following them. This quality, however, is hardly 
noticeable in Wawenock in comparison with Penobscot or Malecite. 

Where words differ in spelling in different places it is because they 
were recorded as thej' were pronounced each time. 

Wawenock appears to have been intermediate dialectically as 
well as geographically between Penobscot and St. Francis Abenaki 
(Aroosaguntacook and Norridgewock). In phonetic make-up it 
has the predominating e, e, vowel where in St. Francis a and in Penob- 
scot e occurs, though resembling Penobscot more. Wawenock 
GluskKbe, St. Francis Gulskaba', Penobscot Gluskcj'be; Wawenock 
be''nam, St. Francis p'ha'nam, Penobscot p'he'nam "woman.'' 
The dental quality of the alveolar consonants (n, t, d, I) is something 
of an individuality to Wawenock. It is totally foreign to Penobscot 
and the dialects eastward, while the St. Francis pronunciation 

1 This results from the loss of a vowel. 
178 



SPECK) PHOXETIC NOTE 179 

shows it in t, d, and the affricatives. Wawenock, like St. Francis 
Abenaki, has the final syllable stress. Like St. Francis it also lacks 
the distinct aspiration following vowels preceding stops and affri- 
catives so noticeable in Penobscot. Syntactically Wawenock uses 
more independent word forms than Penobscot but it is not quite 
so analytic as the St. Francis dialect. In vocabulary Wawenock 
employs some nouns and verbs which are found in Penobscot 
and not in St. Francis and vice versa — perhaps more of the former. 
Modal and adverbial forms are more like those of St. Francis. 
There is nothing in grammar, so far as I could ascertain, that is 
really distinct from both the two related dialects; consequently 
the intermediate position of the dialect seems well established. 
Its intermediate complexion has led to an anomalous classification 
among the Indians themselves. The Penobscot associate Wawe- 
nock with the St. Francis dialect, while the latter reciprocate by 
classing it with Penobscot. As a final consideration it might be added 
that intercourse with the St. Francis people has been too irregular to 
have influenced the idiom in recent years, hence the intermediary 
characteristics of the dialect seem genuine properties, not of a kind 
acquired since the migration of the tribe from its old home in Maine. 



GLUSK4BE' THE TRANSFORMER 
A 



GLUSKaBe CREATES HIMSELF AND COMPETES WITH THE CREATOR 



yuwe'dji' 

From this 

wa'wali'h«de 

when he made 

gi'zi'hq't 

when he made 

yu- ki- 

this earth 

mliksana'o 

he was so strong 

negani' ' 



niadjabe'gasit' Gluskccbe' nenawa' 

is the beginning Oluskabe. Then he 

ntamisenqcbar ninawayu' ki' 

first man then now of earth 

yuli'l sencxba'l'. niwudji' nitci'husi'n 



debe'ldak 

"The Owner"! 

peyana'k 

left over, 

Gluskccbe' 

Gluskabe 

niwef e'k 

that is why 



this man from that he created himself 

peyanqc'zi'k Id'yu' gi'zibegi'hadcjzu" 

left over this earth which had been sprinkled, 

ni'waida' Gluskabe' kizin'ogwitciwalihozu' 

so well Gluskabe was able to form himself: 

uba'bmKdabi'n nidebelda'k' umalhinawa'"n 



then he moved about in a sitting position; then "The Owner" was astonished; 

ni'udi'la'n "tccni'' wada'te yugadayi'n" ni'udi'fogun "a'ida" 

"How happened now here you be?" Then he said, "Well! 

nidji'hosi'n ki'yu peyanama'n nta'mi' se'riKbe 

I formed myself from this earth left over from first man 



then he said, 

ni'wadji' 

because 

gizih'at" 

that you 
made." 

kamalhintato 

you are wonderful. 



niudi'iegun 

Then he was told 



debe'ldamlidji'l' 

his "Owner," 



'gama'dj'i" 

"Very 



udi'legul "namalhi'ntato' e'ligizi'begihaliha'n." 

He was told "I am wonderful because you sprinkled me." 

nega' ni'udiiKgu'n "nagadji' kiuse'nena' nikwccbi'"' 

Then he was told "Accordingly we shall roam about now." 

niwe'dji' mcmdji'hidi't niwoda'kwaqk'i'na wadjuwa'I" 

So they left then they went up hill a mountain, 

ni'gizi' uski'dji'we" wadjo'k nebla' tcxiawe' ubma'tawo'bina' 

then after they reached the top of the mountain while so they gazed about open eyed 



tani' 'lanawage' 



so far 



si'bua'l 

rivers, 



si'biwi" 

and 



owewi'waniwi' 

round about 

abazia'I" 

trees 



ni'una'mi'tona" nabasa'l' 

they could see lakes, 

masi' 'wi el'ka'mige'k ki" 

all how the land lay, the 



nidabe'lda'k udi''taai 

Then "The Owner" said, 

ngizidahq'daman- 

I created by my wish of mind 

si'buinaba'sa'l'" ^ 

river lakes." 



"kinayu' elimalhi'iitatowqc' 

"Behold here how wonderful is my work^ 

pe'mkamige'k sobe'k'". 

the existing world, ocean, 

ni'udi'lan Gluskciba'l' 

Then he said to Gluskabe, 



nagodli'bogwatu'n?" 

have caused to be created?" 

"nda'ba nindli'bagwa 

"Can not I cause anything 



ni'udlihazi'temegu'ii yuli'l 

Then finally he replied this 

tawu'ii * ninav/a' 

to be created yet 



earth. 

msi'wi 

all 

si'bua'l' 

rivers, 

"ki'aba' 

"What mig^t 
you 

Gluskaba'l' 

Gluskabe, 

ke'gwi'ba 

something 
perhaps 



1 The "Owner" of the I'niverse, synonymous with God. 

2 A common concept among the Indians; freely "by wishing a thing into existence.' 
^ Or si'bi'vri'' nebo's'aH' "also lakes." 

* Denoting more "to make complete." 

180 



9PECK1 GLUSKABE THE TRANSFORMER 181 

giziuli'tawu'n" niudi'lan "a'ida ngizihr;ba' ka'salamsa'n." 

I c;iu m:ike?" Then he siiid, "Well! I can make him perhaps the wiml." 

ni'debelda'k udi'lan "nega' wuli hya' tanegadli'bagwatu'n sibiwi' 

Then "The Owner" said, "Then make it what you can do even 

ta'ni'g-adotsani'"n." negela' niuli'ha'n gosolainsanu'l' madje'lainsa'n 

according to your power." Then then he made the wind. The wind rose 

surely him 

ni'gwikwaskwaiwi' alomigoslamsa'n niaskwa' elami'gaslanisa'k 

then sulTicietitly the wind coming up and then so hard it blew 

niabazia'k alamicfba'djogelke' ela:mso'gena\ ni"debe'ldak 

then the trees torn out by the roots blew over. Then "The Owner" 

udi'lan Gluskccba'l' "teba't" gizi'nami'tu'n elsani'a'u 

said to Gluskabe " Enough! I have seen how powerful you are 

tefa'tci" eli'bagwatawq'n." ni'dabe'ldtik udi'damo'n "nega'ni"a 

and now what you can do." Then "The Owner" said, "Now, I 

Kzidaiwi' noliha'n kazalamsa'n" negela' nima'djegaslamsa'n 

in return 1 will make him the wind." Then surely the wind rose 

Kzi'daiwi' niedudlamsa'k alni'gelna' kwihi"di''t' niga 

in return then it blew so (?) then 

niedudlamsa'k niwadu'kskcxdabelamsoge'n wa Gluskcxbe' 

it blew so then it blew liis hair all tangled up on his head that Gluskabe 

ni'gadawi'' e'nawipta'qk'" wadopkwana'l' nimziwi' ine'tlamsa'n 

then he wanted to smoothe it down his head of hair then all it blew off, 

ni'nda'tama wadapkwana'l' nimsi'wi' nie'tlamsa'n ni'fa'tci' 

then not his head of hair all it blew off and now 

ume'tqbegazi'n notk)'kq:ga'n. 

ends my story. 

B 

THE TURTLE INSULTS THE CHIEF OF THE BIRDS; GLUSKABE HELPS HIM 

TO escape; mountains are created; and again turtle escapes 

BY getting his CAPTORS TO THROW HIM INTO THE WATER, BUT IS 
FINALLY KILLED 

Negawa'ida pemizo'bek'"'ke't Gluskabe' niuni'lan 

So well then as he wandered by the ocean Gluskabe then he killccl 

podeba'!' niugizinla'n podeba'P niunccdji' wa'wandokewa'n 

a whale; then when he had killed the whale then he went to inform 

wusa'si'za'l' toloba' ni'udi'lana " naba'tcieli' podebt'" 

liis uncle turtle, then he told him "Great fortune! killed a whale" 

ni'wusasi'za'l' udi'legun "negatci' gccdjip'tonenK' podebaiya'." 

Then his uncle he was told "and now wc will go and get it whale meat." 

negela' niunccdjina' ni'wodlosena' sobegu'k' nibayqhqdi't 

So then they went; then they came to the ocean; when they arrived 

wabodebe'lsik niwedriamna' kesi'tcweIdamohodi''t 

where the whale lay then they took as much as they wished; 

nigizi'wikwu'namohodi't ni'bla' pali'wi' obunamona' niwadoloba' 

then when they took it for a while to one side they put it then that turtle 

edudji'wehemcc't sipsa' ges'i'k'i'gi''t msi'wi' wskitkanii'lv'" 

called them together the birds various kinds all in the world; 

negan'i'' sKkhedowoldihidi't ne'bogwatci' nan'e'mkamigipode' 

then they came flying then on account of it the ground shook 

si'bi'wi" wada's'of ekawrava'l' kisosa'l' niubedji'dawuldencj 

and fairly covering up by flocking the sun then they all came Hying 



1 82 WAWENOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE [eth. ann. « 



msi'wi'' 

all 


ni 


umitsoldi'n taneba' wik"^habalai]k 

they all ate since they were invited to the feast 


ni'wa' 

then that 

ebita'ida 

where he sat 
then 


gol'u" 

eagle 

tola be' 

turtle 


sarjgama' ni'yu' wawiwuniwi'' i'yu' 

chief and here near around here 

' ni^'wa tolabe"' wikwu'naman unas'ekwa'k"' 

that turtle tool; his knife 


niwdtami'ktci'es'a'n kal'uwa'l' .yu'lil saqgama'!', 

then cut off his rear the eagle this chief. 


niwa' 

Then 


saqgoiua' ndawawaina'lswi' ' gizitoini' 'ketci'azaina'k 

chief did not feel it when his rear wiis cut oil 

efakaqgotci'l' kepti'n ^ niudiio:'!! saqgoma'l' 

his second chief captain Ihen said to the chief, 


niyuli'l 

then this 

"niaweni' 

"And who 



cli'hogowa'n komamas'ani' pana'lgobana'" ni' umoskwe'ldamaiKx' 

has done so to you belittling you we are all insulted." Then they all became angry 

ni'ugi'zolomana' tolabal' wedjinlahwdi't nigiste' tcj lawe' 

then they planned what to turtle so ;ts to kill him and then accordingly 

to do 

unaskasi'nq' negawa' tolabe' ni'wikwuna'n yuhi'' 

they att;icked him and that turtle then he took these 

awip'hona' niudc^ba'sahozi'n ebogwa'tc i'da'k "ncdagwa' 

feathers and fanned himself on account of it said " wing 

wad«'bas"ehwana'l'.^ iialagwa' wedK'baseliwa'nal'" ni'yu' 

his fan wing his fan!" Then 

nalegwa' wadc<ba's'ehwa'nak ni'wa' Gluskccbt' udi'ia'n 

(with) wins he fanned himself then that Gluskabe said 

wuza'si'zal' "kaba'ialoke'' eli'tcxlawei' a'ida tafiii'k'atci'as'a't 

to his uncle "you have done wrongly so doing well, cutting his rear off 

saqgania' nide'bane" kanaslva'ijgen'encc'" ni'udi''Jan 

the chief and soon they will attack us." Then he said, 

"nidji'na'wadani'" kadlada'kanena"?" ni'udi''lan pla'wa'ses'enolitu'n 

" On account of it what shall we do?" Then he said "In the meantime I will 

Imild a nest 

yu abaz'i'k." ni'gela' uweli'tu'n wazes'e' ni'udi'ia'n yiili'l wuza'si'zal' 

here in the tree." Accordingly he built a nest. Then he said to this his uncle, 

"tcespi'gw.Tdawe"' ni'gela' tolabe'' ogwa'gwedji'spigwodawe'" 

" Vou shin up." Forthwith turtle tried to shin up 

ni'ndate'gane' ugizi'spigwo'dawa'n ni'udi' 'daman "madji'le'' 

and he was not able to shin uii, then he said, " Dull 

gwagwa'nhekasi'a'n'." ni'wa' Gluakrcbe' ni'wani'malwena'n 

are my heel claws." Then Gluskabe took hold of him 

tolaba'l' ni'wadebake'n wa'zasa'k ni'gi'zi'waz'as'e'k 

turtle and tossed him into the nest and when he was in the nest 

ebi'hi'di't ni'ubedji''dq(iawe'i' bagi'dama'n nabi'' 

they sat down, then he felt like to void water, 

ni'do'labe udi'Vlainan "a'ida! eli'gadawi'bagi'da^k 

that turtle he said, "Lo 1 how am 1 going to void 

nabi'?" niudi'logul' Gluskocba'l' "p«'zi'djikatci'ewi'' 

water?" Then he w:\s told Gluskabe " Lean your rear 

wazas'e'k." ni'gela' ali'initcawa'n nabi'' amak'ai'wi. 

from the nest." Accordingly he urinated water running down 

below. 



' Given as"6agle" by Neptune, but, in Penobscot, Newell Lyon identified this with the extinct " auk.' 
fi A secondary chief, from English "captain." 
' In a monotonous singsong tone. 



SPECK] 



GLUSKABE THE TRANSFORMER 



183 



niwe'wola'n 3'ugi'k 

Then they discovered it these 

spaiiia'k niiina'mi 

up 

pi'bmama'k 

he shot an arrow 

"niadji"(lj.)"'s 

"Bad 

ni ye'nama 

Then there 

ni'gwi'iawasoldi'n 

Then they all searched for him 

pabinigwi'lawas'i't 

went at>out hunting him still 

niuda'kskamau 

and he kicked it over 



ni'yu 

Then here 



nope''sa\v"e"nowa"k 

warriors 

la''!! toldba'l' 

also saw the turtle 

ni'\veza''r)kheladji'ni}a:'n 

then he made hi-n fall down and out. 

wab''niki"'tc" madjidjo's 

stooping coward Bad 

to'labe pa'gas'i'k ki'k nife 

falling on the groimd right away 

ni'nda inska.Twi'' 

but not could find him 



turtle 



ni' ke'ptin elabi't 

Then the captain looking 

wazase'k niwedji' 

in the nest, so then 

udidamo'n 

he said, 

walo'nik'i''tc" 

stooping coward." 

udeliwqni'ia'n 

disappeared. 

gepti'n 

captain 



ni'wa 

Then the 



niuna'mi'tun se'ski'dju' we'lanikafe'k 

and saw a bark basket upside down 

ni'umaskawana' tolaba'l" ni''ga tapaloma'n 

and found turtle. Then 



nifa tci" 

and at once 

udidama'u 

said, 

niudi'dama'n 

said, 

wadidama'n 

said, 

"negatci' 

"Then will 



elamigizloma'n wedji' metcine't'. 

it was decided that he should die. 

"tanedjinawa' kdliha'aencx'?" ni'wa' 

"How then shall we do with you?" Then 

"kzagu'sktahK'n'adji'"' ni'wa 

"We will cut him to pieces." Then 



"nda' nia 

'■ Not me 

kame't'kasesan'enqc'." 

we burn him." 



"nda ni'n 

"Not me 

ba'skadji'bala'n" 



ni'tagowcv'n" 

it will kill." 

ni'wa' tolabe 

drown him." Then that turtle 

ni'iagu'n" nega't'e we'djinimi'p'hama'k 

will be killed." Immediately they grabbed him 

naba's'izak niwedji' Kbodjigelke't'ek yuki' ediidna's'ima'k* 

in a little lake that is why it is torn and furrowed this earth where they dragged him 



he held a trial 
(over turtle; 

ni'gepti'n 

Then the captain 

eta'k'ozi't 

second chief 

tolabe'' 

turtle 

ni'udi'damana' 

Then they said 

mi'na tolobe'' 

again turtle, 

ni'udi'damana' "nagatci"' 

Then they said "Then will 

udidama'n mi'na "ni'n 

said again, "Me 

ni'l'anasi'n aida' 

to kill him. Well I 



ni'lagowa'n." 

it will kill." 

ni'udi'dama'n 

Then he said 



wa 

that 



tolabe' 

turtle 



mala'mife 

at last 



here 



niwadali'mi' 

Then he sank 

nabi'' ni'gizi" 

the water; then after 

nabi'k' 

of the water. 

kada'k'i'wrj 

your land 

ni'si'psak 

Then the ducks 

nega't'e 

Then at once 

ni' magana'n 

Then they chose 



ele'dji'ni'gadala'n 

back down and belly up. 

pcj'gowi'az'as'ko 

it became real muddy 

ni'uga'galowe'n 

Then he cried out 

koni'lagonq' 

kills you 

nnoda'wanq:' 

heard him 

ugwi'ldasoldi'na' 

they rushed for him 

owa' aweni' 

that one who 



nabas'a'k 

in the pond. 

niyu' 

Then here 

ni'wadji' 



"oho< >u' 

"Oho< >u 

ni'ni'a" ndak'i' 

but I my land 

kedwi"tci'ba'gatces'i"'t 

his noi.^e of screeching 



ni'wadjau'paken'K' 

Then they threw him into 
the water. 

onas'e'be'nama'n 

he riled it up with his paws 

nodtx'dabewi'n 

he poked his he^ad out 

ki'lawOjWa'n 

you all 
ndan'i'lagowa'n" 

does not kill me !" 

tolabe'- 

turtle. 



made'wele" 

The loon 



ni'uga'mkolitawa'n 

dove down for him 



yii'gik nope'usewi''n'owak 

these warriors 

netqwikfxmogwi't' nimskawa'n 

wiis expert diver they found. 

yuUr ni''sada eligamogwi't 

this one second time ;is he dove 



* This accounts for the mountain ridges and valleys of to-day. 



184 WAWENOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE Jeth, ann. « 

iipode'waiye'" niiimaskawa'n tolaba'l' ni"w9dji''kpana'sehi'di't 

the third time then he found turtle. Thereupon they threw him ashore 

malaini' ki'k nega' wa' sagwask'taha'n tolebf' 

at last upon the ground then that one they knocked him dead turtle. 

niume'tqcbeg3si"n ndatlo'kaga'n. 

Then here ends my story. 



ni'gawa Gluskocbe' wedjimadjeta'nt sobegu'k ni'wuno'sotag- 

And then that Gluskable went away to the ocean then be followed 

wetekama'n malami' ktci'dofba'kwanigana'k ^ niwedji"' 

a river up at last to the great divide. Thence 

kalapcc'wela'ut mozu'l' niwa' mu's mqdjela'nt man''i\vi' 

he started up a moose and that moose started off among 

si''bui'ku1v teka' Pan'awO''mp'skao'k lagwewi'. ni'wewola'n 

the rivers indirection of Penobscot River Valley toward. Then she knew 

Pukadji'nskwes'u"" nigiziwe'dolama'k " owa' a'ida 

Pukedjinskwessu and she could sense it. that one well 

made'olanuskwe' ni"ugadawi'gak"hi'"kiha'n Gluskfxba'l' ni" 

sorceress. Then she wanted to tease Gluskahe. Then 

ugadawi'kalapqc'wala'n mozu'l" wadji'ndagi'zinla'qk'"' niwa' 

she w.anted to start up the moose so that not he could kill it. That 

Gluskabe' we'wedahama'n yuli'l Pukadji'nskwesuwal' 

Oluskabe knew her this Pudedjisdwessu 

e'li'gak'hiki'hogo't ni'udli''dahama'n "e'begwatcindatci.' 

how she w:is teasing him, then he thought " on account of it not also 

kena'mihi' yu pemiia'" nigela' ni'wa' uba'bmigwil- 

you will see me here p;issing by." Accordingly that searcheil all 

awobi'n Pukadji'nskwes'u' taniba'weni'' udli'namiha'n 

about to see him Pudedjinskessu how if anybody she could see. 

nige'newanda' wi'biwi' imamitu'ii eli''djiiakwasinli't 

But not except she saw how the tracks 

udarjgama' pemsege'k nicjlawi"' uno'sawocp'tasi'n neganowa' 

of his snowshoes on the ledge. For a long time she followed the tracks then that 

Gluskccba'l" wase'snii'wani'hakrl' wzaini'wi'tc wudli^'dahamgiin 

Gluskahe she lost his tracks because it was willed 

ni' wedjinda' p'skarjgo'k niwa' Gluskcjbt' madcxbelcv'nt si'bu'k 

that not she could find him. Then th.at Gluskabe went down to the riverj 

ni'wanamiha'n mozu'l' yu'lil noso'kawa'nt niubibma'n nia'ida 



Then he saw 


the moose this 


he was following. 


Then he shot it 


well then 


ni'ugibila'n 


mu's ni'gizi'' 


elami'giptes'i' 


k ni'udlo's'a'n 


ne'ga 


" it fell 


moose then after 


he fell and lay down then he went 


and 


ubas'ihala'n 


nigizi'p'si'hala'nt gi'zi' 


'p'kwedji'la'nt 


ni'u- 


he skinned it 


.and after he had skinned it whe 


n he had taken out 


then 


la'gaziaT. 


uge'dnema'n 


ni'udla'kewan 


ude'miza'l' 


ni' 'yu 


his intestines 


he took 


then he threw them 


to his dog 


and here 


edeli'nlama'k 


mu's ni' 


muzi'kotci'' 


lewi'tcczu' si 


i'bi'wi'' 


where he wjis killed 


moose that 


moose butt'ocks 


is called 


and 



• Said by the informant to have been the ridge dividing the waters flowing into the St. Lawrence from 
those flowing southward into the Atlantic. 

'» A mythical character common to the Malecite, Passamaquoddy, Penobscot, and Wawenock. She is 
described as having a figure Uke a "jug," who lives alone in the remote forests. 

» A common concept among the Wabanaki, "to know a thing by intuition." 



SPECK) GLUSKABE THE TRANSFORMER 185 

yu el'ta'gi'hazi'k wula'goziaT \va mus nite liw-Tbiga'k 

here as it stretched out his intestines that moose right away became white 

tefatci'dji' eska'mi" wo'bi'ga'n tagagi'wi"' metka'migege". 

and now forever white until at the end. 

ndatlokaqga'n taga'gabegasi't iiimsi"\vi''. 

My story as far as it goes all. 

D 

GLUSKABE BECOMES ANGRY AT THE BIRCH TREE AND MARKS IT FOR 

LIFE 

wo"'wigit notlo"kar|ga'n wa Gluskabe' nigani'yu' 

Here camps my story that Glusliabe also here 

babmizobe'k'"ke't ni'nietcele'' uda'lnola'k""^ ni'gizi'yume't'- 

wandering by the ocean then st;irted out with his man's boat and when he had 

kak wuduT niudli'dahcczi'n pla nda'tawoli^n nigeia' 

worn it out his canoe then he thought for awhile, I will build a canoe and so 

ni'ugwiiauha'n maskwe'muzi'al' wela'k'^vvaseli't ni'ugi'ptaha'n 

he searched for a birch tree straight one then he cut it down 

ni'gi"zi''gi'biia'nt waba''zi'" ne'lawe'' uzali'gi^'tahogu'r awakccdji'' 

and when he had felled it that tree almost it nearly fell on hum hardly 

ugi'zi'wedji'bulowa'n niudlidehama'n "nda'tciinina" 

he could escape. Then he thought "Never again 

kanii'ke'u!" nip'ska'tagwa'n wikw^nome'n ni"uses'am"ha'n 

you will kill!" (anybody) That branch he tooli: and he switched it 

yuli'l maskwe'muzi'a'l' ni'fe eli'djiia'kwus'i'k was'ase'mhiga'n 

this birch tree at once over its entire length it was switched 

tefa'tci'dji'' eska'mi' vvewi'iiarjgwa't kweni' pmauzwi'n'owi'kek 

and now forever it is known while people are living 

skitkami'k'"' ni'unietabegazi'n notlo'kaqga'n. 

on the earth. And there ends my story. 

" Some kind of a hollowed-out canoe. 
19078°— 28 13 



GLUSK4BE THE TRANSFORMER 



FREE TRANSLATION 



Here begins Gluskabe. When the Owner made the first man then 
when the first man was made Gluskabe created himself out of the 
left-over material, out of this earth left over, this earth sprinkled.' 
That is why Gluskabe was so strong. Well, this Gluskabe was able 
to create himself. Then he moved about in a sitting position. 
Upon seeing this the Owner was astonished and he said, "How hap- 
pened you to be here?" and Gluskabe told him, "Well, because I 
formed myself from the waste pieces of earth out of which you made 
the first man." Then the Owner told him, "You are indeed a very 
wonderful man." And Gluskabe answered, "I am a wonderful man, 
because you sprinkled me, and on account of being so near to you." 
Then Owner said to him, "So, then, you and I shall roam about from 
now on." Accordingly, they started out. They went up a hill, 
they went up a mountain, and when they got on top of the moun- 
tain, when they began to gaze all around with open eyes, so great a 
distance around could they see the lakes, the rivers, and the trees, 
and all the lay of the land of the country. Then the Owner said, 
"Look at this; behold such is my wonderful work, all created by my 
wish of mine. The earth, the water, the ocean, the rivers, the basins, 
the lakes." Thenhesaid to Gluskabe, "Whatmightyou have brought 
into existence?" Then he answered him, this Gluskabe. "I can not 
bring a thing into existence, but, then, one thing maybe I can accom- 
plish." Then he said, "Well, I could perhaps do one thing, make the 
wind." Then said the Owner, "Well, then, make it; whatever you can 
do, according to how powerful you are." Then, accordingly, he made 
the wind. It began to blow. Then it increased so strong, the rising 
wind, and then it blew harder until those trees were torn out by the 
roots and blown over. Then said the Owner to Gluskabe, "That is 
enough; I have seen your power, even what you can do." Then 
said the Owner, "Now, I for my part. I will make a wind." Then, 
accordingly, it commenced to blow in return. Then it blew so hard 
that they could not hold on where they were standing(?); and it 
blew so hard that the hair on the head of Gluskabe became all 
tangled up. Then when he tried to smooth it out, the hair of his 
head, all of it blew off and the head of hair that he had was all blown 
off by the wind. That is the end of this story. 

1 The Owner here corresponds to the Creator. The sprinkling evidently refers to the Koman Catholic 
idea of holy water. 

186 



svECk] GLUSK.\BE THE TRANSFORMER 187 

B 

Well, then, as he wandered alons the sliore of the oeean, Ghiskahe 
killed a whale and when he had killed the whale he went to inform 
his uncle, the Turtle. Then he said to him, "Great luck! Killed a 
whale." So he told his uncle, "And also we will go and get it, the 
whale meat." So accordingly they went, went to the ocean; and 
when they arrived there where the whale lay they took as much of it 
as they wanted; and when they had taken it they placed it to ono 
side for a while and that Turtle called together the birds, as many 
kinds as there were in all the world, and they came along flying in 
droves. On account of their number the ground fairly shook and, 
moreover, they fairly covered up the sim by their nmnbers. Then 
they all came flying together and ate because they were invited to- 
the feast. Then the Eagle was the chief of the birds, and close by 
here where he sat was the Turtle. Then that Turtle took out his 
knife and he cut the buttocks off from the Eagle, this chief. Even 
then the chief did not feel that his buttocks had been cut off. Then 
this man, the second chief, a captain, said to his chief, "Who then 
has done such a deed to you, belittling you? We are all insulted." 
Then they all became angry and they laid a plan what to do to the 
Turtle so as to kill him. Thereupon, immediately they (prepared to) 
attack him. Then the Turtle took the feathers of the bird and 
fanned himself, for which he said, "Wing is his fan,wmg is his fan," 
because he was using a wing as a fan. Then Gluskabe said to hia 
uncle, "By so doing you have done wrong, indeed, cutting the but- 
tocks of the chief. For soon they will attack us." Then he said, 
"On account of it, what shall we do?" So he said, "In the mean- 
while I will build a nest in this tree." Then Gluskabe built a nest- 
and he said to his uncle, "You shin up the tree." Then the Turtle 
tried to shin up, but he was not able to do it; not able to shin up; so 
he said, "Dull are my heel claws." Then Gluskabe took hold of 
him, the Turtle, and he tossed hun up into the nest. And when they 
were in the nest they sat down to pass off water. Then the Turtle 
said, "How am I going to urinate up here?" Then Gluskabe said to 
him, "Extend your buttocks over the edge of the nest." Then, 
accordingly. Turtle urinated water, which ran down below. Now 
the warriors discovered it (where Gluskabe and his uncle were 
hiding) and their captain looked up and he saw Turtle in the nest. 
Thereupon, he shot an arrow at him and brought him down. Then 
he said, "Bad stooping coward, bad stooping coward." But where 
the Turtle f?ll on the ground there he disappeared, and they made a 
search for him but could not find him. And the captain hunted all 
about. Soon he saw a bark vessel upside down. Then he kicked it 
over, and found the Turtle. Thereupon they held a council over 
him and it was decided tliat he should die. Then said the captain. 



188 WAWENOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE |etb. ann. 43 

"What, then, shall we do with you?" The second chief spoke and 
said, "We shall have to cut him up in pieces." Then said the Turtle, 
"Not me; that will not kill me." Then he said (the captain), 
"Then we shall burn him up." Then again said the Turtle, " Not me; 
that will not kill me." Then they aU said, "Then we shall drown 
him." Then that Turtle said again, "That will kill me." Imme- 
diately they grabbed liim to kUl him. Well, in a little lake they were 
going to throw hun. From the place where they dragged him the 
earth was torn up and furrowed, where they hauled him. But at 
last, here in the lake, they threw him into the water, that Turtle; 
then he sanlv, his back down and belly up, lilce a dead animal. But 
he riled up the water with his paws, and then when it was all muddy 
he poked his head out of his shell from the water and then he cried 
out, "Oh ho! as for you all, your earth kills you, but as for me my 
land does not kill me." Then the birds heard him, that Turtle, by 
the noise of his screeching, and they rushed upon him, these warriors, 
and they chose one that was an expert diver. They selected the 
loon. Then this one dove down for him. WTien he had done this 
the second and the third time he found the Turtle. And thereupon 
they threw hun ashore out upon the ground, and they knocked him 
dead, the Turtle, and that is the end of my story. 



Then Gluskabe went away from there to the ocean. And he 
followed a river up as far as the great divide (the frontier between 
New England and Canada). There he started up a moose and this 
moose started to make away among the rivers in the direction of 
Penobscot Valley. Pukdjinskwessu knew that he was coming, for she 
could sense it, being a magic woman. Then she wanted to plague 
Gluskabe, for she wanted to scare away from him the moose so that he 
could not Ivill liim. But that Gluskabe knew it, that Pukdjinskwessu, 
how she wanted to plague him. So he thought, "On account of this, 
you will not see me passing by." Accordingly, that Pukdjinskwessu 
wandered all about to see if she could find out whether any- 
one had gone by. But she could see nothing except how the 
tracks of his snowshoes were left on the bare ledge. For a long time 
she followed the tracks, but at last she lost the tracks of Gluskabe, 
because he commanded, in his mind, that she could not find him. 
Then Gluskabe went down to a river, and he saw the very moose he 
was following; and he shot at it, and there it fell, the moose. And 
while he was falling he went up and skinned it, and after he had 
skinned it he took out its intestines. Then he threw them to his 
dog. He threw them where the moose was killed. That is now 
called "moose buttocks" by the people. And as the intestines of 
that moose were stretched out there they showed white underneath 



speck! GLUSKABE the TRANSFORMER 189 

the water. And even now and forever until the end of the world, 
they will be wliite.^ That is as far as my story goes. 

D 

Here camps my story of that Gliiskabe. Then wandering about 
the ocean he started in a canoe and when he had worn this out, his 
canoe, he thought "I shall stop until I build another canoe." And 
accordinglj^ he looked for a birch tree, a straight one. Then he cut 
it down, and when it fell down, that tree, apparently it nearly fell 
upon him. He had difficulty m being able to run away from under 
it. So he thought, "Never again will you fall on and kill anybody." 
That big branch he took hold of it and switched this birch tree right 
away along its whole length. He kept on switching it and now it 
will forever be marked while there are people living in the world. 
This is the end of my story .^ 

' Neptune stated that Oluskabe threw the moose's head toa place which became known as "Mus?dap," 
"Moosehead," but he did not linow where this was. This is also the native name of Moosehead Lake, 
which may have been the place indicated in the story. (Ct. Jos. Laurent, New Familiar Abenakis and 
English Dialogues, Quebec, 1884, p. 216, and Mauiault, op. cit. p. IV.) Gov. Newell Lyon, ot the Penob- 
scot tribe, added that this is probably the upper end of Islosbbro (formerly Long Island) in Penobscot Bay. 
This stiU has the name VVeni'tiOganik "H:is a head" in the .Maleeite language, probably having been 
named by some Maleeite. .^.t Castine Head, where the lighthouse is now, is a place called Mada'rjgumas, 
" Old homely snowshoe." The Indians claim that this is where Pukdjinskwessu gave up her chase, the 
same story occurring in the Penobscot. In several large crevices in the ledge here are the marks of two 
snowshoes, one a regular one, the other a woman's shoe, short and round. 

' The "eyes" in the bark of the white birch are the blisters caused by Qluskabe's switching. Such an 
explanation is very common in northern and northeastern Algonkian mythology. (Cf. S. T. Band, Legends 
of the Micmacs, p. 67, and F. O. Speck, Myths and Folk-Lore of the Temiskaming .\lgonquin and Tuna- 
gami Ojibwa, Memoir .\nth , Scries No. 8, Geological Survey of Canada, p. 83.) 



HOW A HUNTER ENCOUNTERED BMULE', VISITED HIS 
COUNTRY, AND OBTAINED A BOON 



Niga' be'sagwada' alno:ba' 

And once a man 

nanii't.awi' nigayu' pe'mose't 

he could see and soon he came 

nspiwi.' bawadji'' ocdabi't 

at the same because of it he sat down 

time 

ugada'was'ami'n ni'gela' ni'yu. 

he was going to drink and so here 

lagwi'wi" niyu'' n9bi"'k 

toward and here in the 

water 

pmauzawi'n'u'k 



kiwadieli'n nda'tama ke'gwi 

went hunting not anything 

si'bu'k' ni'obe'djigada'dusami'n 

to a river then he grew thirsty 

ni'yu' gi'zi"' abi't' ni'yir' 

and here after he sat here 

down 

udli'dapsidoda'man yunobi'k 

here stooped down here water 

wada'lina'mi'han aweni'li'I' 

there he saw somebody 



elawe'gwina' 

like really 

wo'we'lmccwi'a'r 

he knew him 

niaweni"' eli'gi't' 

that one was like 



a human being 

aweiii wd' 

who that 

sak'hi'wa' 

behold. 



li" 'nar)g"zu' 

resembling 

ke'newagizi' 

but that he had 

bmiik' ' negani' ' 



ni' wanqc'djigantlazin u"wa 

then he went and hid himself that 

dqc'dabi'nawa'n yuli'l 

as he noticed him this 



ni"gewa' bmule' niwadji'/paiiKdawe'ri 

then that. Bmule' Then he climbed 

elinawft'nt' yuli'l' alnaba'l' 

it appeared lika this 

ni'agama' egama'tatci 



ndaganowa' 

but not that 

una' nodamana'l 

heard of him 

wudji'am'ki'n 

Bmule'. Then he got up 

alnccbe' nigizi''goctlKzi't' niyu'' 

man and after he hid then 

wi'dccba r ' danidji'wadla'dake'n 

his friend what was he going to do 

iyu' abazi'k ni'gafe'' 

here in a tree 

eli'tales'eini''t' yu' 

man as he saw lying here 

asidai'wi' ogado'saini'n 



that one 

wi'zawi'mani' 

his gold 

ubo'noman 

he lay it 



where he also 



in his turn 



he was going to drink, 



in 



ge"'lada'k 

in his mouth 



ni'wa'limbe" 

then that man 



ni'wikwaname'n 

and he took it out 

gizine'mitccqk'" 

when he saw it 



at once 

sibu'k 

in the river 

niyu' 

then 
• i'-k 



ni'yu 

and here on the 
ground 

eigadana'k 

where he hid it 



i'yuwado'nak niyuwadli'dehKzi'n n«dji'komodana'n nigela' niyu' 

here in his mouth and he thought to go and steal it. So accordingly then 

madjeg"'zi'n walnabe' abak'skadai'wi'' wadjinda' wewJ'la'ijk'" 

he started to crawl that man flat on his belly so that not he would know it 

yuli'l' widcjba'l' ni'gan'i' gi'zi'be'sudji'wi'' pedjigw9zi''t 

this his friend then when he had come near coming crawling 

ni'gi'gi'mi'wi' uwikwanama'n wizccwi'mani'' ni'wa'gizos'omi''t 

slyly he took it the gold. Then when he had drunk 

wabmule' elcxbi't ni' nda'tamrc' unami' 'towa'n wi'z«'\sdmani'"m 

that Bmule' looking there not. he saw it his gold. 

ni'yu' ga'dfigi'dahazi'n ni'wedli'dahrjzi'n "eli'kamo'danama'k'." 

Then he began to think about it and he concluded. "So it is stolen from me." 

niganawowa' bmule' made'olano ogwa' nigan'i'' 

And then that Bmule' was a magician it was said and then 



* Used in a somewhat humorous sense 
2 Lit. "yellow money," mani', "money' 

190 



borrowed during early English contact. 



speck! 



HOW A HUNTER ENCOUNTERED BMULE' 



191 



yu't'e ni' no'lamiwi' udli'gelosi'n niudi'dama'n 

right there that abroad he spoke aloud and he said, 

knii"'li'n"aba ni" nowizawi'mani'm kiyandaba 

give nie. du, that my gold you can not 

kdla'wakektowa'n ni" ni'a' pma'uzowaqga'n. ni'" 

you make use of it that mine life. Now 

ndaba' nzi'p'kingi"zi"tcani'}a'n'tamcc'. a'yaga'ntedji"' 

can not I very long can stop anywhere. Pray unless that 

mi"li"ane' ni"mi"li"ane' kule'lemagwawi'n 

you give it to me and if you give it to me you will have good luck 

kem3s"e'ltodji"" mani"' medji"mi"wi"' anda 

money always 



you will have an abun- mi 

dance 

kane' 'nodahama " . " 

you will lack." 

gadcc' badji""rai"l"Q;'n 

I will give you back 

pa'tcwulika'tc" 

cheat me." 

ni'gccde'kse'g8zi"yane 

if not you lu-e afraid of me 

ni'gaza'ijgalKbadji'n 

and hold tight 

udes"Kdawa'n 

mounted 

uniK'djeia'n 

he went away 

wabmule"' 

that Bmule' 

obe'djila'n 

he Ciime 

ktalia'n"dwi" 

Great magic 

payadi"'t 

They came 

ni'yuli'l' 

Then this 

lu'ude'lagul 



not 



"nidabe' 

"My friend, 

ke'gwi" 

anything 

sibi'wi" 

also 

nabi"'wi- 

soon 

newedji"' 

for that 

nadi"e'Iawar)ga"a 

hunting 



a'lnaba'l' 



ni'udi'lagu'n 

Then he was told 

kawi"zawi"'raani 

your gold 

ni'udi'lagu'n 

And he was told 

ni'ga' a'ida 

and well 

pi"'t"adji" 

for exceedingly 

uba'skwana'k 

bis back 

ktci''modeolanu' 

the great magician 

pek'i' 'labegwa'simagi 

could rise in the air. 

i"yu' ede'libezwo'got bmulaiki'' 

here there he brought him to Bmule"s country 

madeolanovva'k ai'yi'di''t ma'owi" 

shamans are there together just 

yugi'k madeolanowa'k ma'owi' 

these shamans 

bniula'l' pezwogo't 

Bmule' bringing him 

"yudala'di'eli " 



yuli'l' a'lnqba'i "ni" 

this man " Now 

'in ni'genowa' moza'k 

but then don't 

"nda'ba' keba'tcwal'o' 

"Cannot cheat you 

tes'fxdewa npas'kwana'k' 

mount upon my back 

kase'lKbana'." ni'geia' walnabe' 

we w^ill go fast." Forthwith that man 

yuli'l' bmula'l' ni "\va 

of this Bmule'. Then 

ni'gccda'k e'dudji'ela'nt' 

even so traveling 

ni'gi'zi' met'ki'wi'k wa' 

Then when to the end there 

li'wi'tKzu'. 

as it is called. 



ni't'e 

right there 



and it was said to him. 

wunagigwa'k 

otters 

kda'tcwi" 

you must 

nabawi' 

quickly 

ni'ni'ebla' 

until then 

nidjinabaya'n 

and I will come 



" Here hunt 

ni'kwi'wi'zqdji'n 

so hurry and get ready 

ayi"n 

stay 



together 

yuki'k 

to this country 

tomakwa'k 

beavers 

wibiwi' 



just 



ni't'atci'' 

and then at once 

tek'a' 

there 

esmadji' 

before will 



ni'giza'di'cli'ane' 

and after you have himted 

ko'kjbekhada'man 

bundle them up well 

ndatcwi''ros"e' 



baskwe"' 

at noon. 

gau'ldowak 

they slept. 

ubu'nagu'n 

he was put down 

sibi'wi"' 

also 

ngeda'mkip"o'de ' 

at one o'clock 

ni"g8bas"i'ha'dasi'n 

you skin them 

kam ade 'ganoni a ' k 

your hides 

nda'ba sipkiwi'' 



I must go it will not be long time 

to k'u'ldewi'a'k ktci'madeolanowa'k 

they wake up great shamans 



nodji"kamadja'Iala'n mi'na' wa'danala'n' 

so I will carry you back again , (to) where I got you.' 

wa yuli'l'. wi'dcjba'l' ela'gaki'mgo't 



that 



this 



his friend 



as he was told 



ni'geia' nigat'e' 

Accordingly at once 

ni'wi' hwi'zcjdji'n 

then he hurried 



' Literally "once move (sun) " referring to division of portions of the day. 



192 



WAWENOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



Fxigafe' 



and at once 

ni'gi'zi'nilcjni' 

After he had killed 

nabi'narigwa't 

quickly it seemed 



nunadie'lawqraa'n wunagigwa 

then he hunted and packed them otters 



kipke'"taha'nt 

he cut off some meat 

Id'ni'' eli'wi'za'ke'k 

very much he hurried 



umadeganoma' nigizi' kizccdji't 

his hides and after he was ready 

nahan'i'' nagwada'mkip'ode' 

now about one o'clock 

wadlidohcczi'n "nidqbe 

thought, ' " my friend 

tonetu'l'. la'k'^heki' 



ni ga 

and then 

elidahazi't 

he thought, 

ccgelat'e'." 

surely." 

nowa'nelamu'k'" " 

said what was true." 

wedjibaya'nt yuli'l' 



he came from 

kizi'djanabi'wi'' 

stop 

sala'kiwi'" 

Suddenly 

elidahcczit 

thinking 



did not know how far 

was'a'mi'wi'"tc nd'at'egene' 

because also not he could 

we'djiwi"' me'Iaiitde' spame'k' 

always traveling in the air. 

saqkhi'mama'ntkami' 'gip'ode'k 

coming out earth trembling, 

gadi'me't'kami'ge' e'dudjisak'pa'taqgwa'k 

the world was about to end so much it was noisy, 

saijkhe'Iccli't niga'fe 

coming along out and then 

wa a'ida bmule"' 

that well Bmule' 

gi'zi'na''iii madeolanowa'k 

it is already time the shamans wake up." 

udes'i"'g3dahi'n po'skwana'k. yuli'l 

jumped upon his back this 

iimadegonoma' tanlawe'i' ki"za'di'eli'"t 

his hides as much as he had hunted. 

bmule' ni'fatci'' tcclawe'i' e'dudji'la'nt 

Bmule' and then like so fast going 



sibiwi' tama'kwa' 

also beavers. 

niyu' ba'sihada'sitan 

and then he skinned them 

wo'labekhada'man 

he bundled them up well 

ki'zis'f o' 

"It is after 

niga'nowa 

And then he 

niganowanda' 

And then not 

widccba'l' 

this his friend 

wa ayaganfe' 

that since 

ni' unodama'n 

then he heard 

ebsgwatce't'o' 

on account of it 

saki''yulir wi'dqba'l' 

but behold this his friend 

pedji"'gddahi't wa bmule' ni'udi''damen 

came jumping that Bmule'. Then said 

nabawi'' tes'i''g8dahi"n nba'skwana'k 

"Quickly jump upon my back 

amku'ldowa'k." ni'gela' ni'wa' 

Accordingly then he 

wi'dccba'F se'wiyu' 

his friend with here 

ni'wa' omqc'djelan 

Then he started off 

pek'i'wi''bi'wi'' 

only just 



lambi'gwa'haside' ni'gi'zi'' obesogu'n wa'da 

he imagined it then after ho warmed up his belly 



neni'gan'i' gi'zi'be'swogo't 

there as formerly when he brought him 

kane'na'mi'hodi''p8na' 

we will see each other 

wule'lamagwewin nawedji' 

will have good fortune and so 

notlo"ka:r|ga"n ume'tccbegas'i'n. 

my story is ended. 



ni'udi"l8gun 

then he was told 

kenowadji' 

but also 

kwenq'wazi'a'n " 

you will live long." 



nogo ta"p 

and his head 

'nd'atci. 

"Not ever 



ntanii' 

first 

mi'na' 

again 



kadaskami'' 

you forever 

ni'tatci'' 

And here 



HOW A HUNTER ENCOUNTERED BMULE', VISITED HIS 
COUNTRY AND OBTAINED A BOON ' 

FREE TRANSLATION 

Once there was a man who went hunting but he could not find any- 
thing. Soon he came to a river and as he had become thirsty, he 
sat down and after he had sat down, he was about to drink. While 
he stooped down toward the water, there in the water he saw some 
one's reflection really resembling a human being, but one whom he 
did not know but of whom he had heard. Behold he was like Bmule', 
and at once the man got up and hid himself and after he had hidden, 
he watched to see what the other, his friend Bmule', would do. Then 
he climbed into a tree. Then the other, whose reflection he had 
seen in the water while lying on his face, that one in his turn was 
about to come down and drink. He had a piece of gold in his mouth 
and he took it out and laid it on the ground. Then the man, when 
he saw where Bmule' had hidden it after taking it from his mouth, 
thought that he would go and steal it. Accordingly, the man started 
to crawl flat on his belly so that his friend would not see hun, and 
when he came near, crawling slyly along, he took the gold. ' 

Then when Bmule' had finished drinking, returning for his gold, 
behold he could not find it and, thinking about it, he reached a con- 
clusion. "So it is evidently stolen from me." Now that Bmule' 

' .\ St. Francis .\beniiki tale, given by C. G. Lelaud and J. D. Prince (Kuloskap The Master, New Yorii 
1902, p. 236), rather closely follows this narrative, though in the St. Francis story "P'mula" gives magic 
eyerings of a snake to the hunter. 

Paniu'la seems to be known locally among the western Wabanaki. To the St. Francis .\benaki he is a 
bird-like monster which flies from one end of the world to the other in one day. He can hear the merest 
mention of his name if anyone calls him. (Ct. Maurault, op. cit., p. 574.) In Penobscot mythology, 
Pamu'le, " Comes flying," is believed to heed the appeal of men. Once a year he flies across the sky, pro- 
polling himself with bull-roarers, giving three cries; one at the horizon; one at the zenith, and one at the other 
horizon. He may be stopped by an ascending column of smoke and will then grant supplications for aid. 

The concept is interesting as an element of religious and social fabric among related western Algonkian. 
Among the .\lgonquin and Ojibwa of Ontario, the creature is known under the name Pa"'guk' (Timiskam- 
ing) (cf. F. G. Speck, Myths and Folk-Lore of the Timiskaming, Algonqum, and Timagami Ojibwa, 
Memoir 70. Anthropological Series No. 9, Geological Survey of Canada, 1915, p. 22) and Pa''gak (Tuna- 
gami) (ibid., p. 81). The beliefs regarding him are similar to those of the Wabanaki; though the Timagami 
believe his appearance to be an omen of death. With the Menomlni " Pa»ka» is a flying skeleton . . . cor- 
responding to the western Ojibway Paguk" (A. B. Skinner, Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the 
.Menomini Indians, Anthropological Papers of the .American Museum of Natural History (1913), Vol. 
XIII, pt. 1, p. 8.3). 

On the northern plains, however, among the Plains Ojibwa, "Pagflk, a skeleton being with glaring eyes 
which is sometimes seen flitting through the air," is the dream patron of a cannibal cult (Windigokan), 
the members of which perform in a m;isk costume and blow on whistles. The functions of the society are 
to heal disease and to e.vorcise demons. Taboo associations have become centered about the society. (A. 
B. Skinner, Political Organization, Cults, and Ceremonies of the Plains Ojibway and Plains Cree Indians, 
ibid.. Vol. XI, Part VI, pp. 500-505.) The Plains Crec had the same society (Skinner, ibid., p. 628-529) 
and so do the Assiniboine (R. 11. Lowie, The .Vssinibolne, ibid.. Vol. IV, Part I (1909), pp. 62-€6), who also 
designate the dance by a cognate term Wi'tgo'gax. This series of cases makes me feel that we have here 
a case of more recent elaboration from a common .^.Igonkian idea, the result of a tendency toward socializa- 
tion on the Plains, where the cannibal cult evolving out of the flying-head conception has taken on the 
characteristics of the crazy dance of the -Vrapaho, Oros Ventre and the others of this region. 

193 



194 WAWENOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



was a sorcerer, and so right there he spoke aloud into the air and said, 
"My friend, please do give me back that, my gold, for you can not 
make any use of it. That is my life. Moreover, I can not stay 
long in any one place. Pray do give it back to me quickly and if 
you give it to me you ^ill have good luck, for that you will always 
have an abundance of money and you will not lack in hunting." 
Tlien the man spoke to him and said, "Then I will give you back 
your gold, but then don't cheat me." And he, Bmul«', said, "I 
can not cheat you. If you are afraid of me so now mount upon my 
back and hold tight to me for very fast we shall go." Accordingly 
the man mounted upon the back of Bmuh' and the great magician 
started off traveling so fast, because that Bmule' could even rise in the 
air, and then they came to the end where he brought him, Bmule"s 
country, as it is called. Great magicians lived there. Just at noon 
time these magicians assembled at that place and slept together. 
Then this Bmule' bringing him right to this country put him down 
and said to him, "Here j'ou may hunt beavers and otters. So hurry 
and get ready. Just until 1 o'clock you can stay, and after you have 
hunted, skin your game quickly and bundle up your hides. JJntil 
then I must go somewheres. It shall not be for a long tune and I 
shall come back before the great magicians wake up, and carry you 
back again to the place where I got you." Accordingly at once the 
man did as his friend told him and he hurried on with it and he 
hunted beavers and otters and after he had killed them he cut off 
some meat and skinned them, quickly he proceeded with haste and 
then bundled up his hides, and after he was ready he thought to 
himself, "It must now be about 1 o'clock surely." And he thought 
again, "My friend said what was true." But he did not know how 
far his friend had to come from, forasmuch as he could not stop 
anywhere since he was always traveling in the air. Suddenly then 
a great trembling he heard arise from the earth and he thought on 
accoimt of so much disturbance that the world was about to come 
to an end. But behold it was this his friend coming along. Then 
Bmule' came bounding up and Bmule' said, "Quickly jump upon 
my back, it is already time for the magicians to wake up." Ac- 
cordingly then the man jumped upon his friend's back with his 
hides that he had secured, and Bmule' started off going so fast that 
one could only imagine it. Then he brought him to where he had 
been formerly. After he had warmed up his belly and his head, 
he said, "Never again will we see each other, but nevertheless you 
win forever have good fortune and besides you will live long." And 
here my story is ended. 



THE ORIGIN AND USE OF WAMPUM 



Tanlawe'i" aida' dane'dudji' bodawa'zima'k" iiinawa' 

Accordingly well llien whenever they held a council then there 

utainc<' iiiade'olinowa'k nidani' ekwainpsa'nahidit yu'gik 

there were shamans and how according as they. were strong these 

modc'olinowa'"k niuda'li wewela'n aweni'' mliksani'da' 

shamans there they were known who is powerful. 

nigizi'' bodawazinia'k' niube'skweletaiiiaiia" niudam'hadi'a 

-And after they councilled then they lighted up their pipes and all smoked. 

ni'wa' ktci' mode'olinu' gesta' p'kwudetama'nt niwo'ba'bi" 

And this great shaman eaci time he drew upon his pipe 

so'gahazo" wudji"' wudona'k ' wobi'ga'k ni'wa' 

fell out from his mouth (if) they are white then that 

edutsani't iiiwrrbKbi'm ebasiwi 

this his wampum 

elwe'mkwi'go'n 

reddish 

nikazewiga'n 

blackish 

tanvu'gadji' 

how this one 



tebcx'bwi'wi' 

medium 

si'bi'wi' 

and 

mede'olinu' 

sh;uuan 

yugi-'k 

of these 



so powerful 

ebasiwi' 

half 

nelows'' 

almost 

made'olinowa'k 

shamans 



this wampum 

inode'olinu" 

shanian 

wobi'gon 

white 

nodas'ani't 

le;ist powerful 

ninawa' 

And then 

nigi-gedji' 

the other ones 



peme'ltodetci"' 

having the most 

niode'olinuwa'k 

shamans. 



w^babi' 

wanipuni 

iiitK'fawe'i' 

Then whenever 



yugi"'k ni'zo'k'ami'gasowa'k 

these two nations 

ni'l'a'nipskalirau 

beads worked into a belt 



kadagwiibizu'u 



half 

ni'wa' 

then this 

wo'bqbi'n 

the wampum. 

seko''sidji''k 

will win 

ki'zi'wadtv'nihadi'hi'di'da" 

after they have all smoked 

kadawi' ' wolas' t«vvcj'di'hi'di'de' 

they want to make a treaty 

ni'watambe'nkek'tona" wo'babi'' 

then they e.\change in payment 

ni'dala'inpskohazu 

designed into 



■woldji'a'l' 

hands 

madccbe'k' 

fighting 

nimsi'wi''. 

is all. 



eli'danhxwei' gi'zi' 'wale's' tawqc'dahi'di't 

meaning as they have agreed to the treaty 

nda'tci' gadona'ldi'wi'a'k niaskaniiwi' 

and not hunting one another forever 



wampum 

ni'zno'I 

two 

nda'tama 

no (more) 

nia'tci' 

And that 



■ The narrator added that some old woman would catch the beads in a receptacle as they fell from the 
magician's mouth. 

195 



THE ORIGIN AND USE OF WAMPUM 

FREE TKANSLATION 

Accordingly, then, whenever they held a council there were sha- 
mans there. And according to theii' strength among these shamans 
it was known who was the most powerful. After they held their 
council they lighted their pipes and smoked. In the case of an 
exceedingly great shaman everj' time he drew upon his pipe, wampum 
fell from his mouth. If the wampum was white, then it denoted 
that the shaman was of medium power. If the wampum was half 
white and half reddish it denoted the least powerful shaman. But 
if, in the case of a shaman, his wampum was almost black, then he 
would win over these shamans, the others who had the most wampum, 
after the shamans had smoked their pipes. And so whenever these 
two nations wanted to make a treaty they gave wampum to each 
other as a payment, the beads woven into a belt designed with two 
hands, meaning that they had agreed to the treaty and would fight 
no more and forever would not hunt one another dowm again. And 
that is all. 
196 



WAAVENOCK DRINKING SONG 

In the following text, obtained at Tadousac from Joseph Nicolar, 
a Wawenock descendant afliliated with the Montagnais, we have a 
type of song common among the Penobscot and the other Wabanaki 
tribes and known as "Lonesome songs." Owing to his unfamiliarity 
with the language the informant has used some forms which are not 
very clear. 

ni' tq. be si''s tan wedo sa'n 
My little friend whence comest thou, 

net'e' tala'gwi" wi' gwe ng' da tig' 

In that direction "Long town"? ' 

ni' tf be si''s tan wedo sa'n 

My little friend whence comest thou, 

di" wa' di' no' pain se' gwe n^' da ng' 

Lonesome(?) ledge "Long town"? 

ni" t? be sr's a we'll' si''s 

My little friend his little navel 

ni" t? be si''s kanu''li't.i'n 
My little friend give me some 

bu tai' a lip san bet gwe i\q' da hq' 
Bottle fill up please "Long town" (?) 

di"wa'di' ta' wi' wi' gwe ng' da ng' 
Lonesome "Long town" (?) 

' For the want of a better explanation it seems that the song refers to some place called "Long Town" 
(gwenodana', "long-town"), probably in Canada. The expression gwe no da no may, however, be a 
verse ending having a value similar to Kuwenodinu, "It is long O," occurring in a Passamariuoddy song 
recorded by Professor Prince. (Cf. The Morphology of the Passaniaquoddy Language of Maine, Proceedings 
of the American Philosophical Society, Vol, LIII, Xo. 213 (1914), pp. 11.5-1I0-I17.) In still another Passa- 
maquoddysong given byLelandand Prince (Kuloskap, The Master, pp. 308-309), there is an untranslated 
stanza ending anigowanotenu. These independent occurrences of the burden in question seem to attest 
10 its antiquity in the Northeast. 

197 



NATIVE TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF 
CONNECTICUT 

A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 



BY 

FRANK G. SPECK 



199 



CONTENTS 

Page 

Mohegan-Pequot texts 205 

Ethnic composition of tlie Mohegan-Pequot 206 

Mohegan population 212 

Estimates of the population of the Pequot proper 213 

Affinities of Mohegan-Pequot with Hudson River Mahican 213 

The tribal name and synonyms 219 

Comparative survey of certain culture features 221 

Remarks on the life of Mrs. Fielding 223 

Phonetic note 226 

Diary of Mrs. Fielding 228 

APPENDIX 

Geographical names and legends at Mohegan 253 

An addendum to Mohegan-Pequot folklore 260 

Mohegan medicinal practices, weather-lore, and superstition, by Gladys 

Tantaquidgeon 264 

Folk tales: 

Captain Ividd and the pirates 276 

Thunder from the clear sky 277 

The water-tight basket 278 

Peter Sky changed to a rock 278 

The story of Old Chickens 278 

The Mohawks deceived at the Devil's Den 279 

The sachem's daughter taken by the Mohawks 279 

Personal names 280 

Remarks on grammatical material 280 

Index 821 

19078°— 28 14 201 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



TLATES 

Page 

14. Fidelia A. H. Fielding, the last speaker (if the Mohegan-Pequot lan- 

guage, taken September, 1902, at Mohegan, Oinn., during the 
annual Mohegan "wigwam" festival 20S 

15. Dutch map of about 161-4, the earliest source showing the location of 

the Mohegan and neighboring tribes 208 

16. o, Mohegan carved wooden mortar and stone pestle (Museum of the 

American Indian, Heye Foundation); b, carved Pequot wooden 
mortar from Stonington, Conn.; c, Nehantic wooden mortar (from 
old Xehantie reservation at Black Point near East Lyme, Conn.),_ 208 

17. a, Mohegan man pounding parched corn in wooden mortar; h, Charles 

Mathews (Nehantic-Mohegan) and old stone washbasin; c, Edwin 
Fowler and another of the old stone washbasins at the Fielding 
homestead 208 

18. Mrs. Henry IMathews (jMerc\' Nonsuch), a full-blood Nehantic (De- 

cember, 1912). The beaded pouch is a specimen of her handiwork. 
(Photograph by M. R. Harrington.) (Full face and profile) 208 

19. Siota A. Nonsuch, Nehantic (two views). (Photograph by W. Vivian 

C h appell) 208 

20. Map showing di.stribution of tribes and dialects in Connecticut and 

adjoining regions. (Based on classification of Eastern Algonkian 
dialects by John R. Swanton and Truman Michelson, Twenty- 
eighth Ann. Rept. Bur. .A.mer. Ethn., 191.3) 212 

21. o, Betsy Nonsuch, Nehantic (from old daguerreotype); b, c, John 

Nonsuch, Nehantic (from old daguerreotype) at two periods of life. 216 

22. a, Burril Fielding; 6, Lemuel M. Fielding; c, Doris Fowler; d, Loretta 

Fielding, all Mohegan 216 

23. a, Lester Skeesucks in costume (from an old daguerreotype) ; b, Gladys 

Tantacjuidgeon gathering herbs; c, Mrs. Frances (Olney) Hart, of 
Narragansett-Mohegan descent; d, Lewis Dolbeare, Nehantic-Mo- 
hegan 216 

24. a, Gladys Tantaquidgeon (Mohegan) in costume; b, group of Mohegan 

at the annual "wig wam" festival (August, 1920); c, scene inside 

the "wigwam" at the annual festival 216 

25. a, Adeline (Mathews) Dolbeare, Nehantic-Mohegan; b, Cynthia 

Fowler, Mohegan; c, Ella (Mathews) Avery, Nehantic-Mohegan; 

d, Delana (Mathews) Skeesucks, Nehantic-Mohegan 216 

26. a, Doris and Beatrice Fowler and Winifred Tantaquidgeon; b, Cort- 

land Fowler, Harold and Winifred Tantaquidgeon; c, Mary (Field- 
ing) Stor_v; d, Harold Tantaquidgeon and sisters, all Mohegan 216 

27. a, Hannah (HoscuttJ Dolbeare; 6, Moses and Frances Fielding, all 

Mohegan 216 

28. a, Phoebe (Fielding) Fowler; 6, Emma (Fielding) Baker; c, John 

Tantaquidgeon; d, Burril Fielding, all Mohegan 216 

29. a, Cynthia Fowler; 6, Rachel Fielding; c, .\my Cooper; d, Emma 

(Fielding) Baker, all Mohegan 216 

30. a, b, Charles Mathews (full face and profile), Nehantic-Mohegan; 

c, d, J. R. Skeesucks (two views), Nehantic-Mohegan 252 

203 



204 ILLUSTHATIONS 

Page 

31. Part of United States Geological Survey chart (Norwich sheet), show- 

ing location of Mohegan settlement and neighborhood, with leg- 
endary places indicated by numbers 252 

32. Group of Mohegan in costume gathered near the site of Uncas Fort 

at Shantok point. (Photograph by R. L. French) 252 

33. a. View of ruins of stone fort on Mohegan Hill, looking north. Bowl- 

ders forming part of ancient wall are shown still in place (1921) 
(No. 1 on chart) ; b, View of same ruins looking east. The inclosure 
on the rock outcrop is known in Mohegan tradition as the "kitchen" 
and women's quarters of the old fort 252 

34. a, Mohegan Chapel on Mohegan Hill, on site of old village (No. 2 on 

chart); b, Scone at the "wigwam" (1920), ox team bringing supplies; 
f, Scene at erection of the "wigwam " in 1902, showing skeleton of the 
structure, crotched posts and .stringers 252 

35. o. View from the top of Lantern Hill, a landmark in the Pequot country 

overlooking one of the small lakes bordering the Pequot reserva- 
tion. The girls in the photograph are Mohegan; 6, Winter view 
across country from Mohegan Chapel (No. 2 on chart) 252 

36. Scene at "wigwam" (1909), showing size, construction, doorway, 

and group of participants, most of them Mohegan 258 

37. a, View of legendary Papoose Rock at Mohegan near Thames River, 

looking north (1921) (No. 8 on chart); 6, "Devil's Footprint" in 
bowlder just back of Mohegan Chapel (1921) (No. 3 on chart) 258 

38. a, Scene on Mohegan Hill, old Indian path near Mohegan Chapel (No. 2 

on chart); 6, Mohegan burying ground at Shantok Point (No. 9 on 
chart) 258 

39. Mrs. Mary (Kilson) Jesson, Scatticook (two views) 258 

40. o, Jessie Harris, Scatticook; 6, Jim Harris and his sons, Scatticook 

(1903) 258 

41. a, A landmark in the old Nehantic country. The cave shelter near 

Niantic (East Lyme) where tradition says the Iroiiuois besieged the 
Nehantic. The boy in the entrance is a Mohegan; 6, The landing 
place on the old Nehantic reservation at Crescent Beach, near East 
Lyme, looking north toward wigwam sites and site of Indian 
stockade in colonial times 258 

42. a, Scene looking north on the Housatonic River from Scatticook reser- 

vation; 6, Scene in the gorge of the Housatonic near Milford, in the 

old Scatticook country 258 



NATIVE TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT 
A MOHEGAN-PEOUOT DIARY 



By Frank G. Speck 



MOHEGAX-PEQUOT TEXTS 

Some years ago, after the death of Fidelia A. H. Fielding (pi. 14) , the 
last Indian who retained the ability to speak the Mohegan language, 
I practically concluded that the last morsel of obtainable linguistic 
and ethnological material concerning this important and little-known 
group of Algonkian had been secured and published. With such an 
impression in mind, in 1905 I turned over to Prof. J. D. Prince the 
last of my Mohegan papers, as my attention then became diverted 
to other fields. This material consisted of a personal diary written 
in Mohegan-Pequot by Mrs. Fielding. The preservation of these 
inscriptions would have provided a welcome addition to the scanty 
text material up until that time in existence, but the papers were 
soon after unfortunately destroyed in a conflagration which consumed 
much of Professor Prince's library. And so it remained for us to 
lament the passing of the last Mohegan opportunity. Mrs. Fielding 
died in 1908, having been for some years in. such a condition as to 
make investigation an impossibility. Fortune, however, turned a 
favorable aspect. Another collection of texts in the form of a diary, 
some essays, and memorandums were found among Mrs. Fielding's 
posthumous belongings by her stepson, John Fielding. This manu- 
script was generously placed in my hands by John. It possesses 
more substance than that which was lost, as I remember it, being 
far more copious and having a wider range of thought and expression. 
In consequence of such a favorable event I became stimulated 
recently to revisit the southern N^ew England field, and to spend some 
time in residence at the old Mohegan village gathering notes on the 
new morsel and searching for more refreshing knowledge in the old 
atmosphere. The first results are accordingly submitted. The 
almost miraculous recovery of these words in an obsolete language 
permits a hope, perhaps not too optimistic, that still more, and 
perhaps something in other eastern dialects, may come to light through 
the hands of several of the investigators whose eyes and thoughts 
are turning with interest to the eastern remnants. 

In a number of papers, some of which were prepared in collabora- 
tion with Professor Prince, the Mohegan-Pequot subject matter was 

205 



206 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [eth. ann. « 

presented to readers. But those articles suffered a great disadvan- 
tage through appearing in various scientific and semipopular journals 
over too wide a period of time.' In consequence, the status of this 
dialect among the others of its group was never satisfactorily 
defined, and ethnological comparisons among the eastern Algonkian 
were never extended over the southern New England group as they 
should have been if all the information available had been at first 
properly assembled.' The full account of this information would 
otherwise, I believe, have merited more serious attention; some 
deductions in culture could even have been drawn. Now, with the 
whole Mohegan-Pequot matter as much as possible in mind, and the 
neighboring eastern types of dialect and custom in view, I have been 
bold enough in this paper to make a few points of classification and 
to define the group among its relatives as it deserves. 

ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF THE MOHEGAN-PEQUOT 

In the history of the American colonies the Mohegan Indians 
played an important role. In literature they have been made re- 
nowned, but unfortunately no attention was ever paid to their internal 
qualities of language and culture, things which stand for so much 
more in the understanding of a people's place in the world of human 
development. For almost a century they have been regarded as so 
completely civilized that their language and native customs have 
even faded from memory. Hale, as did several other writers, com- 
pletely overlooked the fact that within 15 years of his time of writing 
individuals lived in most of the contemporary New England com- 
munities who knew words and sentences in their native Algonkian 
dialects, even if they could not converse in them consecutively. He 
believed that none of the Indians of Mashpee, of Gay Head, or of 
Middleboro, the remnants of the Nauset and Wampanoag tribes, 
none of the Narragansett of Rhode Island, none of the Mohegan, 

• (n) The?. Modern Pequots and their Language. 3. D. Prince and F. G. Speck. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 5, 
No. 2 (1903). 

(6) Glossary of the Mohegan-Pequot Language. J. D. Prince and F. G. Speck. Amer. Anthrop., vol. li, 
No. 1 (1904). 

(c) A Modern Mohegan-Pequot Text. F. O. Speck. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 0, No. 4 (1904). 

(d) Dying .\merican .Speech-Echoes from Connecticut. J. D. Prince and F. G. Speck. Proceedings 
Amer. Phil. Soc, vol. .xlii. No. 174 (1904). 

(f) A Mohegan-Pequot Witchcraft Tale. F. Q. Speck. Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore, vol. .^cvi, No. Gl (1903). 

(S) The Name Chahnameed. J. D. Prince. Ibid. 

(</) Some Mohegan-Pequot Legends. F. G. Speck. Jour, .\nier. Folk-Lore, vol. xvn (1904). 

(*) Remn.ants of the Nehautics. F. G. Speck. Southern Workman, February, 1918. 

(i) Notes of the Mohegan and Niantic Indians. F. G. Speck. Anthropological Papers of .imer. Mus. 
Nat. Hist., N. Y., vol. in (1909). 

(j) Decorative.Art of the Indian Tribes of Connecticut. F.G. Speck, .\nthropological Series of Geolog- 
ical Survey of Canada, No. 10 (1915). 

(k) Medicine Practices of the Northeastern .\lgonkians. F. G. Speck. Proceedings of the Nineteenth 
Congress of .\mericanists, Washington. 1915. Washington, 1917. 

' In his Preliminary Report on the Linguistic Classiflcation of Algonquian Languages, Twenty-eighth 
Ann. Rept. Bur. .\mer. Ethn. (1912), Dr. Truman Michelson hesitated to classify Mohegan and Peqiiot 
d3flnitely. 



speck] 



A MOHEGAX-PEQUOT DIARY 207 



Pequot, and Nehantic remaining in Connecticut, nor any Scatticook 
in the \s-estern part .of the same State, remembered anything of their 
native tongues. That he was not correctly informed on these 
interesting vitalities of aboriginal life appeared evident when, through 
patience and fortunate circumstances, matter was described and 
published concerning the language, while some indications appeared 
of a latent knowledge of old customs and beliefs illustrated by actual 
ethnological specimens. At Mohsgan there lived at this time at 
least one who, as we have shown, had some systematic knowledge of 
a New England Indian language. A body of other information on 
customs could then, and some still can be, harvested from the de- 
scendants of these same interesting groups. 

First appearing as an organized tribe under the celebrated leader, 
Uncas, the Mohegan gradually assumed the prominence of a great 
political factor in southern New England. Although the name 
Morhicans (Mohegan) is given a place on a map of the region dating 
from 1614 (pi. 15), their ancestry was chiefly Pequot, evidenced bj^ 
many sources, Uncas himself having been one of the sachems of that 
nation. How they gradually developed a separate nationality, which 
was emphasized by the part they took in aiding the English to accom- 
plish the extermination of the Pequot and later the Narragansett, is 
generally well known. They absorbed control of the Nipmuck north 
of them and the Tunxis and other tribes westward across the Con- 
necticut River.' Only one tribe, the Nehantic (Niantic), their 
neighbors on the shores of Long Island Sound between the Niantic 
and the Connecticut Rivers, was, it seems, affected favorably by the 
Mohegan expansion. They became finally absorbed by the latter 
sometime after 1850. The composite character of the historic 
Mohegan is well shown by a review of the descent of the various 
families constituting the tribe, which shows that practically all of the 
tribes in the surrounding territory contributed more or less to the 
growth of the Mohegan community. It naturally follows that the 
material and mental life of the Mohegan should be regarded as some- 
thing of a blend of the minor ethnological types represented among 
the peoples inhabiting this immediate region. 

The Pequot should undoubtedly be classed as the nation contrib- 
uting most in blood to the composition of the Mohegan, since their 
language remained the mother speech. After the tragic extermina- 
tion of this tribe in 1036 the exiles were distributed more or less as 
slaves among the Mohegan and Narragansett. De Forest has com- 
piled the references in colonial documents showing the large number 
of those which came into the hands of Uncas. This increase aug- 

' De Forest. History of the Indians of Connecticut, 1851, pp. 182,254-258. and 376, gives an account of the 
expansion of the ^fobegan under I'ncas, covering the territories of the Nipraucli, Tun.xis, and namnion- 
asset. The Tunxis residing at Farmington on Connecticut River and the narnnionasset on the western 
shore of the mouth of the river were by early authors assigned to the Mattabesec (Wappinger) group. 



208 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



mented the numbers and power of the Mohegan to such an extent 
tliat in speaking of the language and ethnology of the tribe it seems 
proper to adopt the hyphenated term Mohegan-Pequot. So far as 
information is available we have no means of estimating the actual 
proportion of Pequot blood prior to 1861. In that year, however, a 
body of commissioners published a report on the land holdings of 
the tribe and submitted a census of the individuals, with the state- 
ment of their tribal ancestry evidently based on information given 
by the Indians themselves. Among the 79 individuals listed as 
Mohegan, 16 asserted themselves to be of Pequot descent, rang- 
ing from one-half to one-eighth.^ It should be recalled that two 
bands of Pequot were established in Connecticut in colonial times 
just across the Thames Kiver, not much more than 12 miles distant 
from the Mohegan village. Nevertheless, the intermarriages between 
the two people in recent times have amounted to nothing, owing to 
a traditional dislike between them arising from the part played by 
the Mohegan in aiding the English to effect their downfall. The 
Pequot, for their part, have continued a separate existence on their 
side of the river to this day.' 

It may be worth while adding a word or two in corroboration of 
historical testimony as to the linguistic and ethnological affinity of 
the two groups. A comparison of two modern Mohegan glossaries 
with the actual Pequot terms collected by President Stiles at Groton, 
Conn., more than a century and a half ago,* shows the two to have 
been as close in phonetics and lexicon as, one might say, British and 
American; a comparison which seems to hold in many respects 
between the people in general with almost amusing consistency. 
The linked cultural identity of the real Pequot and the Mohegan- 
Pequot permits us from the standpoint of our Mohegan information 
to assign classification to a rather wide area in eastern Connecticut, 
a considerable help in filling up the gaps in the culture areas of this 
little-known region. 

The Mohegan-Pequot have undoubtedly assimilated some Narra- 
gansett blood, but to what extent it would be impossible to say 
beyond quoting the previously mentioned report of 1861, which 
designated Narragansett descent to three individuals among the 
Mohegan at that time. Among the present-day members of the 

^ I have included under this listing four whose Pequot ancestry was not specified, though it should have 
been, since their parents were so designated. 

' An old original Peiiuot wooden com mortar (pi. 16, b) obtained in 1920 from Nathaniel Latham, of 
Stonington, shows the characteristic scalloped base which appears as a feature in the mortar construction 
of this immediate group of tribes. This elaborated feature does not occur in the mortars of the Massa- 
chusetts bands. The latter have plain straight sides. 

' This vocabulary w;is taken down in 1764. The forms recorded therein show practically no deviation 
from the Mohegan given here, even after the wide lapse of 158 years; rather remarkable nonchangeability 
for languages which have lived only in oral form. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE U 




FIDELIA A. H. FIELDING. THE LAST SPEAKER 
OF THE MOHEGAN-PEQUOT LANGUAGE. 
TAKEN SEPTEMBER. 1902. AT MOHEGAN, 
CONN.. DURING THE ANNUAL MOHEGAN 
••WIGWAM" FESTIVAL 



I 
I- 



o 
o 

-J 

o 

z 
I 

H 
UJ 




BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 17 














a. MOHEGAN MAN POUNDING PARCHED CORN IN 
WOODEN MORTAR; i>. CHARLES MATHEWS 
(NEHANTIC-MOHEGANi AND OLD STONE WASH- 
BASIN: c, EDWIN FOWLER AND ANOTHER OF THE 
OLD STONE WASHBASINS AT THE FIELDING 
HOMESTEAD 



CC 


^^^^^HHHH 


^^Hj 


I^^^^^^^^HB 


u 
< 


^^^^^^^H 


^^H 


^^^^^^^^H 


K. 


^^^^l^l^^^^l 


^^^^1 


^^^^^H^^^l^^l 


\- 
cr 

o 

CL 
UJ 

q: 


H^hI 


M 


IBIH 


< 

z 


^^^^k 




^K^S 


Q 
CL 

I 
t- 




■m^ 


^S^^J 


> 
I- 


^^^^^^^^ 


^^L 


^^"v^^^SE 


u. 


^H 


1 


I^S 



Q 

LU 

Q 

< 

LU 
CQ 

LU 

I 
H 

<N 

of 

LU 
CQ 

LU 

o 

LU 

- cr 

OO 3 
t-5 I 
Zq a 








>- 
o 
o 

_) 

o 

z 
I 




I 
o 

D 
CO 
2 
O 

z 



speck] 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 209 



tribe the Tantaquidgeon ^ family recognizes the same in part. Dia- 
lectic or other influence from this source, however, maj" be regarded 
as negligible. 

Among the minor tribes whose local culture and dialect were evi- 
dently rather closely related to the Narragansett were the Western 
Nehantic." They deserve particular notice. The location of this 
small tribe has already been given. With the decline of this band 
its descendants seemed to have turned toward Mohegan as a refuge. 
Until recently there were several individuals of pure Nehantic blood 
(see pis. 18, 19, 21) living there who had removed from their proper 
habitat on Long Island Sound near East Lyme. Four of the present 
inhabitants of Mohegan are therefore one-half Nehantic, and some of 
these have children there. In 1861 there were six of this classifica- 
tion. The culture contribution of this small group can, however, 
have been very insignificant, even if it differed at all from that of the 
Mohegan residents. The Nehantic have been regarded also as an 
offshoot of the Narragansett.' 

Immigrants from the Tunxis tribe were at times accorded a haven 
at Mohegan, as their declining numbers left them a prey to the en- 
croachments of the whites. The Timxis, a small nation, occupied a 
neighborhood on the Connecticut River near the site of Hartford. 
Just what their dialectic peculiarities may have been we have no 
record to show, beyond several assertions that they belonged to the 
Mattabesec or Wappinger confederation, which extended from the 
Hudson to the Connecticut south of the latitude of Poughkeepsie. 
They are reputed to have been later subject to Uncas. After the 
Revolution some of them joined the Stockbridge Mahican. One of 
the Tunxis descendants persisted at Mohegan until within about 30 
years ago. This was an old woman, Pually Mossuck, who died about 
1895, leaving some scattered offspring, Caroline and Da\nd Jones and 
Mary Taylor. The name Mossuck was noted by De Forest as 
occurring in his time (1852), borne by an old man living in Litchfield.* 
In 1804 some of them still held land in Farmington under the care of 
an overseer. 

8 This n.ime is given as "Tantiquieson, a Mohe:igue captain," in Winthrop's Journal, ii, 380-381, quoted 
by Drake, Biograpliy and History of the Indi.ans, etc. (1837), Book U, p. 69. De Forest (History of the 
Indians of Connecticut, p. 191) also refers to one of Uncas's captains of this name. 

6 Since the account of Nehantic ethnological survivals was published in 1909 (Speck, ref. (h) and (i). p. 206 
of this paper) two additional facts concerning the band have come to hand. One isthe word wakordjana'k, 
remembered by Mrs. Skeesuck as an expression often used by her mother (Mercy Nonsuch), a (ull-blood 
Nehantic woman who died in 1913. This means, " Oh my goodness!" and corresponds to Mrs. Fielding's 
Mohegan exclamation wai'kodja'maqk', " Oh my!" Next we traced an old wooden corn mortar (pi. 16, c) 
which had been taken from the Nehantic reservation at East Lyme and had fallen into the hands of white 
people. It had presumably belonged to the Wawkeet family of Nehantic. In form, and in the peculiarity 
of the scalloped carved base and handles at the sides, this interesting mortar is identical with those used at 
Mohegan (pis. 16, a; 17, a). 

■ W. Hubbard, .\ Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England, etc., 1607-1677, p. 49. Stockbridge, 
1803. 

' De Forest, History of the Indians of Connecticut, p. 375 



210 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



One, at least, of the tribes of eastern Long Island contributed 
individuals to the Mohegan nation. At the present day the Fowler 
family is of remote paternal Montauk descent. We should, I think, 
hesitate in classifying the Montauk and its affiliated tribes inhabiting 
the eastern portion of Long Island intimately with the Mohegan- 
Pequot, since we have so little information on the dialectic and 
culture properties of the Long Islanders. The inhabitants of the 
eastern portion of the island differed, however, from those of the 
western portion, an assumption fairly well founded through historical 
and archeological contributions by various writei's.' Since, how- 
ever, the Montauk and their allies were in close political and com- 
mercial contact with the Pequot and Mohegan-Pequot, it may be, 
I presume, fairly safe to assume that something more than mere 
social relations existed between the two groups.'" The eastern Long 
Island group under consideration, however, according to Michelson, 
fell within the confines of the larger Massachusetts-Narragansett- 
Pequot dialectic division." 

To properly understand the composite character of the southern 
New England tribes, especially those nearest the Hudson River 
and the New York State boundary, it is necessary to revert for a 
moment to the question of Iroquois influence. The early accounts 
of the region are replete with reference to the constant friction 
between the two stocks, the Iroquois, as usual, the aggressors, as 
successful in their cultural conquest as they were in their political 
invasion. There seems to have been no retreat for the tribes border- 
ing on Long Island Sound as far as Cape Cod. It was therefore 
inevitable that the institutions and manufactures of the Algonkian 
should have been modified by contact with the more advanced 
Iroquois. We may even remark the survival of such an influence 
in the decadent ethnological characteristics of the southern New 
England peoples as they are revealed to us in the local records and 
in modern survivals. In architecture, implements, ceramics, basketry, 
beaded and quilled embroidery, costuming, and decorative designs 
the testimony is abundant for similar properties existing in both 

• R. P. Boltou, New York City in Indian Possession, Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the 
American Indian (Ileye Foundation), vol. 11, No. 7 (1920). p. 271, gives evidence from historical sources, 
chiefly land deeds, showing alDliations o! the western Long Island tribes with the Delaware subtribes 
rather than with those of eastern Long IsKand. A. B. Skinner, Archaeological Investigations on Man- 
hattan Island, ibid., vol. 11, No. 6 (1920), p. 212, summarizes the convincing archaeological evidence for a 
similar conclusion. (Of. also R. B. Dixon, Proceedings of .\merican .Antiquarian Society, April, 1914, p. 9.) 
M. R. Harrington's unpublished material on Long Island ethnology shows also that a difference appears 
in a careful study of the two sections of the island. 

"> De Forest has much to say concerning Long Island and Connecticut Indian commerce and similarity. 
Mrs. Fielding related several folk tales referring to social intercourse between the two. (Cf. Speck, ref. 
(i), p. 197.) Drake discusses the same (op. cit., Book II, p. 101). 

11 Michelson, map with Preliminary Report on Linguistic Classification of Algonciuian Tribes, Twenty- 
eighth Ann. Rept. Bur. Ainer. Ethn. (1912). W. W. Tooker in several papers emphasized the similarity 
of Montauk with ^lassachusetts. 



speck] 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 211 



areas, the Iroquois evidently somewhere responsible. The ceremonial 
functions of wampum, clan inheritance, some elements of medicinal 
superstitions and folklore likewise reflect a similar influence. '- 

The ethnological content of Mohegan-Pequot culture is therefore 
valuable to the ethnologist, because it represents what was charac- 
teristic of a large area in southern New England stretching from 
Narragansett Bay to the Connecticut River and north approximately 
to the Massachusetts line, specifically embracing at least three prom- 
inent tribal groups, the original Pecjuot, the western Nehantic, and 
the later Mohegan-Pequot. On the map (pi. 20) 1 have undertaken 
to outline the determinable groups. It is most fortunate, accordingly, 
that the Mohegan maintained themselves for so long a time and 
fulfilled the function of conserving the type dialect of the area until 
at least some specimens of it, such as they are, could have reached the 
hands of investigators. They have preserved for us the only possible 
existing source of information on the life of this immediate group. 
The remaining Pequot in Connecticut have become hopelessly 
deculturated, while the Long Island remnants lost their language 
before records of it were made. West of the Connecticut River the 
one band at Scatticook, which remained fairly intact until recently, 
belonged outside of this group with the lower Hudson River group 
of Wappinger, so falling into classification as an intermediate between 
the Mohegan-Pequot of southern New England and the Mahican 
or perhaps the Munsee dialects. 

The other southeastern New England subdivisions, the Narragan- 
sett and Massachusetts (Natick), were more fortunate in receiving 
attention from the early missionaries, only the Nauset and Wam- 
panoag having been specifically overlooked by the recorders of native 
life and language of early times. Practically all of these groups, 
howevei', are still represented by more or less segregated bands of 
descendants in Rhode Island and Massachusetts, from whom some 
very fragmentary but, nevertheless, helpful contributions may be 
hoped for. 

A further note concerning the southern New England Indians will 
remind us that in 17S8 many of the Mohegan, Pecjuot, Narragansett, 
Tunxis, Montauk, and some Wampanoag withdrew, combined under 
the name of Brotherton Indians under the leadership of Samson 
Occimi, a converted Mohegan, and settled among the Oneida, in 

'^Several elhnolo^ists have reniarkel upon Iroriuois influence here along different lines: C. C. Wili- 
oughby, Pottery of the Xew England Indians, Putnam Anniversary Volume 1909, p. 97; G. H. Perkins, 
-\boriginal Remains in Champlain Valley, American .Vnthropologist, n. s. vol. U (1909), p. 607; A. B. 
Skinner, Archoological Investigations on Manh.ittan Island; Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum 
of the .\mericaD Indian (Heye Foundation) (1920), vol. 11, rr, 6, pp. 1.53, 210; R. B. Di.\on, The Myth- 
ology of the Central and Eastern .\Igonkins: Journal of .\merican Folk-Lore (1909), N'o. Lxxxni; 
The Early Migrations of the Indians of N'ew England, Proceedings of American .Vntiquarian Society, 
.\pril, 1914; De Forest, History of the Indians of Connecticut (IS.iT). pp. 65H50. 2S9, etc.; and the writer's 
Decorative .\rt and Basketry of the Indian Tribes of Connecticut; Geological Survey of Canada, .Anthro- 
pological Series, N'o. 10 (1915). 



212 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT 



(ETH. ANN. 43 



New York. Later, with the Oneida in 1833, they moved to Wis- 
consin, where they now continue to exist as a band numbering about 
200 souls. Considerable light may still be thrown on the southern 
New England area by a detailed study of the composite exiled band, 
and this is a particularly urgent need at present.' 

MOHEGAN POPULATION 

It may not be out of place to present here for the historian and 
sociologist a series of estimates of the population of the Mohegan at 
difl'erent periods, to show incidentally how a small native community 
has withstood annihilation for almost two centuries, although sur- 
rounded by an aggressive and growing European population.^ The 
small tribe has shown a remarkable tenacity, despite progressive 
dilution of blood, an illustration of the occasional persistency of 
small racial bodies within larger ones. 

1704. "150 warriors" (e.stimated total 750 by De Forest, op. cit., p. 316). 
1743. "100-120 men" (estimated 400-500 by De Forest, op. cit., p. 346). 
1774. 206 New London and Montville, 61 Norwich, 21 Lebanon, 28 Colchester, 

30 Preston; total, 346. (De Forest, p. 474, cjuoting Mass. Hist. See. 

CoU., vol. X, p. 118.) 
1782. 135 (History of Montville, Conn., Baker). 
1786. The removal took place to the Oneida country, under Samson Occom, 

and the formation of the Brotherton band, which later removed to 

Wisconsin. 
1797. "Supposed to be 400" (statement by Kendall, see 1807, below)- 
1804. 84 (Mooney, in Handbook of Amer. Inds., Bull. 30, Bur. Amcr. Ethn., 

article Mohegan). 
1807. 69 "on their lands" (E. A. Kendall, Travels through North America, etc., 

1807-8. N. Y. (1809), p. 301). 
1822-1825. 300 (Mooney, op. cit., probably from census, Jedidiah Morse). 
1832. 350 (ibid.). 

1848. 125 (De Forest, p. 488). 25-30 fuU bloods, about 60 on the reservation. 
1860. 85 (60 on reservation, 25 residing elsewhere). This is an accurate census 

by commissioners appointed by the State. (Rep. of Committee on the 

Mohegan Lands, Hartford, 1861, p. 4.) 
1902. "About 100" (Speck, ref. i, 1909, p. 185), including those scattered 

through eastern Connecticut. These were enumerated by name. 
1910. 22 (U. S. Census 1910, Ind. Pop. in U. S., p. 116). Evidently lessened 

through the claim of some of the Indians who passed as whites. The 

enumerations for the eastern tribes are, however, generally worthless 

in this census. 
1920. 122 (enumeration of the Mohegan Association); 31 at Mohegan; 73 in 

Norwich, New London, and neighboring Connecticut towns; 18 

scattered. 

' Since the above was written a collection of te.xts and linguistic material has been obtained from this 
group by Dr. Truman Michelson for the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

! Hubbanl (Narrative of Ind. Wars in New Engl. (1S03) p. 52) remarked on the Mohegan being less 
numerous but more warlike than the Narragansett. 



BUREA 






■■■■■^ 



MAP 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 20 



"■'■■•'•ill-; 

•■•:><:-':.vv:-':::::-x':"I:: 



I" 



>.. .«•.•.•.■••.• 



:-x-:;:,«?)«4:y^ 




.-Approx.dialectic 
boundaries. 

Pequot-Mohegan bdys. 

extended by conquest 
. . .v*v- - -^^ by Sassacus and Uncas 

'■■■■■'■^■r'i0^EC Blocks of territory claimed byMoliegans 
. ....^;.: .,.^ in three tracts after deathof Uncas.abouti683 



MAP OF 

SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND 
CULTURE AREAS 

Showing location of Mohegan-Pequot Dialectic 
Boundaries, neighboring dialects and ttieir affinities. 

^^ Y Dialects east of Conn. ff) Location of villages 
^^^^ River(Mohegan-Pequot; of Indian survivors 

^ L Dialects ( Nipmuck) 'nto recent times 



f;^^ N Dialects (Mass -Wampanoag- . 
^^^ NarragansenXNetiantic uncertain; 
R Dialects westof Conn. River and on 
Long Island (Wappinger-Mattabesecj 



IVIAP 



^-r^i'o%^lll%^^l^o^s%l%lT.'^^^^^^^^ 



SPECKl 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 213 



The latest phase of Mohegan history is the formation of the 
Mohegan Indian Association at Mohegan in 1920. The leading 
members of the band founded this association to preserve the in- 
tegrity of the tribe and to efl'ect certain aims along social and legal 
lines. Forty-nine of the Mohegan are enrolled, the officers being 
Lemuel M. Fielding, chief (pi. 22, &); Everett M. Fielding, assistant 
chief; Albert E. Fielding, treasurer; Gladys Tantaquidgeon (pis. 23, 6; 
24, a), secretary; Mrs. Edith Grey, Miss Mary V. Morgan, Mr. 
Julian Harris, and Mrs. Hattie Morgan, councillors. 

ESTIMATES OF THE POPULATION OF THE PEQUOT 

PROPER 

About 3,000 before the Pequot war is the estimate given by early 
writers. 

1637-38. Mter the destruction of the Pequot, "350 warriors, about 1,250 souls," 
New Haven and Long Island (Mooney, article Pequot, Handbook 
of American Indians) ; 200 warriors, portioned out among friendly 
tribes, "about 700 in all" ("about 100 warriors to Mohegan; -80 to 
Xarragansett, 20 to Niantic"). 
1655. Survivors granted two reservations in Connecticut, Mushantuxet (Led- 

yard) and Groton. 
1674. 1,.500 on both reservations (Mooney, op. cit.). 
1731. 164 (De Forest, op. cit., p. 427). 
1749. 38 Groton band (De Forest, op. cit., p. 432). 

1762. 176 (30 families) Groton band (De Forest, op. cit., p. 437); 140 Mush- 
antuxet (Ledyard) (Mooney, op. cit.). 
1774. 186 Groton band 
1776. 151 Mushantuxet 
1820. 50 Stonington (Groton) 
1832. 40 Groton. 

fl5 persons, 3 families, Stonington 
lis persons, Ledyard 
1902. "Less than a score" (C. P. Thresher.-) 

1907. ".\bout 25" (near Ledyard) (Handbook of American Indians). 
1910. 66 (49 in Connecticut, 17 in Massachusetts) (United States Indian Census, 
p. 75). 

AFFINITIES OF MOHEGAN-PEQUOT WITH HUDSON RIVER 

MAHICAN 

Having now proceeded toward establishing the boundary lunits of 
the dialects of the specific Pequot type, we may denote the area by 
marking it in an inclosure on a chart of New England showing forth- 
with its classification as a member of the Massachusetts-Narragansett 

' Bomes and Haunts of the Pequots. New England Magazine, 1902, p. 753. 



1848. 



(De Fore.st, op. cit., p. 432 et seq.). 



214 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [eth. ann. 43 

division. On the west, across the Connecticut River, were located,* 
the so-called Quiripi or r dialects, embracing the Mattabesec or 
Wappinger confederates, and these extended across Long Island 
Sound over the eastern portion of Long Island; on the north Nipmuck, 
supposed to have been an I dialect,'- and a branch of the Pennacook, 
on the northeast Massachusetts, and farther to the east Wampanoag 
and Narragansett, the last three of the n type. This gives us five of 
the noteworthy variant divisions of the southern New England group, 
the dialects fairly uniform in lexicon, but varying phonetically 
through /', II, I J and n forms as just indicated. 

The affiliations of the larger southern New England group may 
now be considered. In spite of the meagerness of detailed and 
accurate information, we have some general matter offering points of 
contrast with neighboring types, northward in the better-known 
Wabanaki and westward in the slightly known Delaware and 
Mahican area. These permit us at least to draw out a certain 
sense of directional relationships. Upon a second glance the rela- 
tionship of the whole southern New England group falls more closely 



1 The dialects of Shinnecock and Poosepatuck, or Uncachogue, were mutually intelligible and belonged 
also to the r type, as is shown by a vocabulary taken by Thomas Jefferson in 1794 at the Poosepatuck reser- 
vation near Mastic. At that time three old women and one girl spoke the language. The original manu- 
script in the archives of the American Philosophical Society was examined. It shows a close lexical resem- 
blance to Mohegan-Pequot. From the terms given, which unfortunately do not include many verbal 
forms, we may show the variation to be only a phonetic one, as follows: Mohegan-Pequot y (Mass.-Narr. 
n) (iy = r) = Long Island r, between vowels. Examples: 

English Uncachogue 

star arraqusac anofis(Natick) 

dog arrum anura (Natick) . 

he is handsome woreeco wi"'go (Moh.-Peq.) 

good woreecan wi''gan (Moh.-Peq.) 

wuneegan (Natick-Narr.) 
fish operamac pi'yamag (Moh.-Peq.) 

fire ruht, yuht wiyut, yut (Moh.-Peq.) 

Other points in Long Island Uncachogue, though based on only a few examples, are: Animate plural 
ending, -ank, corresponding to Moh.-Peq. ag; inanimate plural ending, -nus, Moh.-Peq. -unc {-unsh). 
M. R. narrington (Journal of American Folk-Lore. Vol. XVI, p. 39) in 1903 gives a Shinnecock vocabulary, 
but it does not afford a key to grammatical features. 

On the mainland in western Connecticut we have the r forms identical with those of eastern Long Island, 
as follows, in the Naugatuck vocabulary given by De Forest (History of the Indians of Connecticut, p. 491) 
and Scatticook (Prince and Speck (1903), ref. rf). 

parched com ratig (Scatticook) yokeg (Moh.-Peq.) 

nuhkik (Mass.-Narr.) 
snake (diminutive) skukaris (Scatticook) skuksis (Moh.-Peq.) 

man rinh (Naugatuck) i'n (Moh.-Peq.) 

nnin (Mass.-Narr.) 
fire ru-u-tah (Naugatuck) (see above) 

rut (Scatticook) 

On the basis of the above tables, and the statement of Roger Williams that the northern Indians used r, it 
appears that the Wappinger-Mattabesec dialects, all having r forms (see below, footnote 2 of this page) 
extended from the Connecticut River Valley in Massachusetts southward through western Connecticut 
and across to Long Island, covering the central and eastern portion of the island. Hence, the southern 
New England dialectic group extended from the western boundary of Connecticut, including Long Island, 
and east to Massachusetts Bay. 

2 The Indian Grammar Begun. John Eliot (1666), Old South Leaflets no. 52, p. 4. "We Massachusetts 
pronounce the n. The Nipmuck Indians pronounce /, and the Northern Indians pronounce the r. As 
instance: we say anum, Nipmuck alum, northern aTum, a dog. So in most words." 



fPECK) A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 215 

with the Delaware and Mahican-Wappmger, both m speech and in 
habits, than with the Wabanaki. Doctor Michelson, referring to 
dialect, assents to this probability in his painstaking study of 
Algonkian languages. He says: "Pequot and Mohican (Mahican) 
are not closely related, though . . . Mohican is more closely related 
to Pecjuot than it is to Delaware-Munsee," ' and adds orally, "as 
will be elaborated later." 

His conclusion in reference to Natick and Pequot is based largely 
upon phonetic values and upon his analysis of the pronominal 
features. There is an additional dialectic mark which is worth con- 
sideration as bearing upon the point. 

The locatives in -t and -g in Mohegau-Pequot show that it coin- 
cides in this particular respect with the Wappinger-Mahican division 
on the west rather than with the Massachusetts-Narragansett on the 
east. The peculiarity is exhibited in many place names throughout 
central and western Connecticut to the Hudson River ending in -k 
or-g, while eastward in Rhode Island and Massachusetts the place 
names, manj' of them dialectic cognates with the Connecticut terms, 
end in locative -t. 

A small vocabulary in De Forest's History of the Indians of Connec- 
ticut provides a little comparative material from the Naugatuck 
language, spoken in western Connecticut on the Naugatuck River, 
an eastern affluent of the Housatonic. These terms evidently rep- 
resent the dialect of the Paugusset tribe and conform in several cases 
to the phonetics {r in place of n, I, y) of the Wappmger-Mattabesec 
as spoken at Scatticook. They, too, show a close analogy with 
Mohegan-Pequot in lexicon, allowing for characteristic r equiva- 
lents, and some differences in word usage from Massachusetts- 
Narragansett, at least to the general extent that we are accustomed 
to find in comparing dialects which conform to certain groupings. 
Bear, Naugatuck awaususo, M.-P. awasus, contrasts with Massa- 
chusetts mashq; man, Naugatuck rinh (rin), M.-P. i'n; woman, 
Naugatuck wenih (winai), M.-P. imnais (denunciative); night, 
Naugatuck toofka (misprint for tooplca) M.-P. dupka; fire, Naugatuck 
TU uh tah, M.-P. yut. This all points a hint as to the intermediate 
position of Mohegan-Pequot between its nearest relative, theMahican- 
Wappinger, and Massachusetts-Narragansett. In consequence, not 
forgetting, however, that our material covering other desirable points 
is so meager, we may venture an indi-^ation on the chart of the 
relationship. 

We are led to it, moreover, from a consideration of the dialectic 
graduations toward the Delaware and Mahican-Wappinger divisions, 
which link the Massachusetts and eastern Connecticut dialects with 
the Hudson River dialects through the intermediate ?■ dialects 

' Miehelson, lutomational Journal of American Linguistics, vol. I, no. 1, pp. 56-57 (1917). 



216 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT |eth. ann. 43 

(Quiripi group *). A word or two on this interesting and little-known 
division may be added here, to repeat what Professor Prince noted 
concerning some words and phrases rescued at the last moment from 
oneof the Scatticook Indians living in 1903 on the Housatonic River. ^ 
He assigned to the New England dialect a closer affinity with the 
Mahican, a view which has since received support from Doctor 
Michelson. The band at Scatticook was composed of fugitives from 
the Pequot, Narragansett, Wampanoag, and other eastern bands, 
from about 1736 on, seeking refuge with the tribes west of the Con- 
necticut River, which were then more remote from contact with the 
whites. We see, accordingly, how the southern New England tribes 
felt about their own affinities, always turning westward toward the 
Hudson rather than northward to the country inhabited by the Waba- 
naki. Between the two a completely unfamiliar culture setting, 
different historical associations, more widely separated speech, even 
open hostility, marked the Wabanaki and the southern New England 
group as the oft'shoots of diiTerent waves of Algonkian migration to- 
ward the Atlantic coast. Turning to historical matters, it seems 
proper now to refer to the opinions of the natives themselves con- 
cerning their former migration, opinions which in spite of Doctor 
Lowie's scepticism on the value of native historical traditions, may be 
repeated in a sympathetic spirit, since in this case they substantiate 
the inclination of internal evidence. 

Migration Legend. — In one of the previous papers * on Mohegan- 
Pequot I mentioned Mrs. Fielding's tradition that her people had 
originally come from the Hudson, movmg eastward toward the 
Connecticut, then following down this river to Long Island 
Sound. Another recently recovered document corroborates her 
belief and shows that it was widely known among these Indians. 
The document referred to I shall quote in full from its som-ce, 
Mrs. Emma Baker (pis. 28, h; 29, d), one of the oldest Mohegan 
women, often consulted on ethnological and historical matters 
before she died several years ago. "When a child of 7 years, 
my great-great-aunt used to take my sister, brother, cousin, and 
myself on the hiU near where the church now stands, point to 
the northwest, and tell us that was the way that her folks 
came, and that we must never forget it, away to the hills of 
Taughannick, and after that for several years she used to impress 
upon our minds that it was something that we must not forget." 
Still another version of the eastern migration tale finds place in the 

'- From a statement in Hubbard's Narrative of Indian Wars in New England, etc., Stockbridge (1803), 
p. 244, it may be inferred that the Pocomtuck on Connecticut River, near the location of Springfield, were 
closely allied to the Stockbridge Mahican. At their dispersal in 1676 by Major Talcot they fled to Stock- 
bridge. Hubbard says they were separate from the Nipmuck. A recent paper by A. B. Skinner, Notes 
on Mahikan Ethnology, Bulletin, vol. 2, no. 1, 1925, Public Museum of Milwaukee, furnishes some in- 
teresting ethnological information on the StockDridge Indians. 

» Prince and Speck, ref. d (1904\ p. 34". 

• Prince and Speck, ref. a, p. 193; also Speck, refs. g and i, p. 184. 




Q 

_i 
O 



o 

DC 



O 

H 
Z 
< 
I 
UJ 
Z 

I 

o 

D 

</> 

Z 

Ouj 

ZU. 

z-i 
oo 

CO 



UJ 



> 
o 
o 

-J 

o 
z 
I 

H 




jmsm<^<rS\ 


■•■1 


10': 


z 
< 

o 

a. 

UJ 

< 

li- 
O 

< 

UJ 

a. 

D 


<€3 


1 ' ^^ ' 



UJ 



Q.Q- 

UJ 
^°- 

qS 

o 

I- 
z 
< 
I 

UJ 

z 

I 
o 

D 
CO 

Z 

o 

z 

>- 

CO 

H 
Ul 

CD 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 22 







a. BURRIL FIELDING: 6. LEMUEL M. FIELDING: <. DORIS FOWLER; 
(/. LORETTA FIELDING. ALL MOHEGAN 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 23 




n. LESTER SKEESUCKS IN COSTUME FROM AN OLD DAGUERREO- 
TYPE : h. GLADYS TANTAQUIDGEON GATHERING HERBS; c. 
MRS. FRANCES OLNEY ' HART. OF NARRAGANSETT-MOHEGAN 
DESCENT: d, LEWIS DOLBEARE, NEHANTIC-MOHEGAN 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 24 






. GLADYS TANTAQUIDGEON (MOHEGANi IN COS- 
TUME: b, GROUP OF MOHEGAN AT THE ANNUAL 
■WIGWAM' FESTIVAL (AUGUST. 1920i: c SCENE IN- 
SIDE THE "WIGWAM" AT THE ANNUAL FESTIVAL 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 25 







a, ADELINE (MATHEWSi DOLBEARE. NEHANTIC-MOHEGAN : ft. 
CYNTHIA FOWLER. MOHEGAN: <-■. ELLA (MATHEWSi AVERY. 
NEHANTIC-MOHEGAN: </, DELANA (MATHEWS) SKEESUCKS, 
NEHANTIC-MOHEGAN 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 27 





a, HANNAH (HOSCUTTi DOLBEARE h, MOSES 
AND FRANCES FIELDING. ALL MOHEGAN 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 28 






n. PHOEBE iFIELDING) FOWLER; b. EMMA (FIELDING) BAKER; 
c. JOHN TANTAQUIDGEON; d. BURRIL FIELDING. ALL 
MOHEGAN 



SPECKI A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 217 

memory of Lemuel Fielding, a Mohegan, whose father had it from his 
father and grandfatiier, whose lives together cover a span of almost 
a century and a half. It asserts that the people came eastward over 
a desert, then traversed "the great fresh water," and finally, driven 
by the attacks of the Mohawk, crossed to the eastern side of the 
Connecticut, where they made their homes. We might admit that, 
collectively and in conjunction with the other evidence, there is some 
little weight in the force of this testimony. 

The question arises in one's mind, whence came the Mohegan and 
Pequot invaders into the region where they were found in 1614? A 
glance at the distribution map shows another aspect of the situation 
favorable to the assumption of an irruptive tribal movement, coming 
from the north and dividing the Nehantic on Long Island Sound 
coast into the well-kuown eastern and western bands. Historians in 
general seem to accept this explanation,^ since it was given by the 
Narragansett and Nehantic as the cause of their constant hostility 
toward the Pecjuot during the seventeenth century. 

Our reasons for considering the Nehantic and Narragansett as 
being closely related come from several sources. The geographical 
contiguity and political relationships of the two groups argue some- 
thing positive toward the idea that these two people were original 
occupants of the coastwise strip of territory before the incursion of 
the Mohegan and Pequot. Several references in early documents 
mention the Nehantic as having formerly possessed the coast from 
Connecticut River eastward to the Wecapaug, and extending inland 
some 25 miles. The two bands of Nehantic in later times were con- 
sequently the divided portions of the original body. As inhabitants 
of the coast contiguous on the east with the Narragansett, their 
dialectic and culture status may be assumed to have closely resembled 
that of the Narragansett. The few Nehantic culture survivals and 
native terms do not furnish denial but a mild affirmative of the matter. 
Politically their early unity is betrayed by the knowledge that they 
had chiefs in common, and are frequently mentioned together as 
combined units whose fortunes were affected by their common aggres- 
sors, the Pequot.'* Later the eastern Nehantic became incorporated 
with the Narragansett, acquiring even a seemingly dominant position 



' Substantially accepted hy De Forest as authentic (De Forest, op. cit., pp. 60-61). 

* Xinigret (N^enekunat, as Roger Williams wrote it) was primarily sachem of the Xehantic, whom Drake 
refers to as "a tribe of the N^arragansetts whose principal residence was at Wekapaug, now Westerly, in 
Rhode Island." (S. O. Drake, Biography and History of the Indians of North America, 1837, Book II, 
p. 67.) Hubbard also stated that the Xehantic were an offshoot of the Narragansett (Hubbard, op. cit., 
p. 49). Miantonomoh in 1642 also referred to the Xehantic as of "his own flesh and blood, being allied by 
continual intermarriages." The two tribes were united in their hostility to the Mohegan in 1644. In 
1647 (ibid. p. 70) the two are again mentioned as one body. The successors of Xinigret, who inherited the 
chieftaincy of the Narragansett down to about 1812, when George Ninigret, "the last crowned King," died, 
were constantly recorded as Nehantic chiefs. (Drake, op. cit., p. 83, quoting Hazard, 11, 152. Some of 
Drake's information (1837) was obtained from unpublished manuscript of Rev. Wm. Ely. He also reUes 
upon Collections of Mass. Hist. Soc.,IX,83.) 

19078°— 28 15 



218 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT |eth. ann. 43 

there, while the western portion of the tribe remained independent 
until it came finally to be linked with and absorbed by the Mohegan. 

The attitude of the Mohegan and Pequot together toward neighbor- 
ing peoples, except the English, seems to have been one of almost 
constant hostility. With the English of Connecticut, after the 
destruction of the Pequot in 1636, the Mohegan allied themselves — a 
coalition between invaders. With the Narragansett they never 
appear to have been at peace from the first notices we encounter in 
1634 through the whole historic period. The quarrel against the 
Narragansett was maintained throughout by the Mohegan after the 
Pequot had been dispersed by the English. Under Uncas the control 
over frontier tribes on the north toward the Massachusetts border 
line, and on the west across Connecticut River, was continued. 
Few of the land transfers along Long Island Sound as far as the 
Quinnipiac of New Haven were permitted without the consent and 
signature of the Mohegan sachem. So much for the reasons why 
the broken line is marked on the chart to indicate the dominions 
controlled by the Pequot and Mohegan. 

One other consideration has a bearing upon the question of the sup- 
posed Pequot-Mohegan invasion. The name Pequot is given the mean- 
ing "destroyers," derived by Trumbull from Paquatauog,^ which if 
correct is a deviation from the usual practice among the New England 
tribes, who carried names which were, in general, geographical. 
The reason is obvious in view of the indications just outlined. 

Most of the older authorities concur in stating that the Pequot 
were invaders. Our summarized testimony comes from the Hub- 
bard narrative, which relates how the Pequot, being "a more fierce, 
cruel, and warlike people than the rest of the Indians, came down out 
of the more inland parts of the continent and by force seized upon 
one of the goodliest places near the sea and became a terror to all 
their neighbors." '" Drake adds "the time of their migration was 
unknown. They made all the other tribes stand in awe." Gooldn, 
writing in 1656, spoke of the warlike character and political conquests 
of the Pequots, and adds an opinion on their migration. 

Yet, even with some knowledge now of the Pequot and Mohegan 
dialects, we can not trace earlier habitat through the identities of 
speech either among the Delaware, the Mahican, or elsewhere — ■ 
unless it be in that little-known region of the upper Connecticut 
River in central Massachusetts — since Mahican is not sufficiently 
closer, for instance, to Mohegan-Pequot than it is to Massachusetts 
(Natick). Otherwise failing to trace Mohegan-Pequot to an earlier 
home, we are left to regard the possibility of its having formed a local 
group in Connecticut, or in the interior of Massachusetts somewhere, 
which e.xpanded and broadened its territory to an extent which in the 
eyes of its neighbors practically amounted to an invasion. In such 

« J. Trumbull. Indian Names in Connecticut (1S81), p. 50. 
'• Quoted in Drake, op. cit., Book II, p. 101. 



SPECK] A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 219 

a case the migration traditions wc meet with applying to the Mohcgan- 
Pequot may be relics of an earlier age and might perhaps concern all 
the southern New England Algonkian, who, it may be conceded, 
undoubtedly did at some time migrate into the coast lands from the 
westward; turning toward which region now we find lies in the 
direction of their nearest dialectic and cultural affinities, the region 
of the Hudson. 

The local Mohegan migration legend may be even a reflection of 
the general eastern Algonkian migration belief which finds its expres- 
sion in the Walam Olum " of the Delaware. To proceed a step 
farther in tracing the evidence, we may even cite the passage in this 
much-discussed, but evidently authentic, national legend. It says 
"Wapanand tumewand waplowaan," which is translated by 
Brinton's authorities as "the Easterners and the Wolves go north- 
east," and identified in his notes as the "Wapings," Wappinger 
(Wappinger-Mattabesec group of western Connecticut), and Minsi.'- 
The passage concerned ma\', it seems probable, refer to the occasion 
when the Delaware eastward migration bifurcated in the Hudson 
River region, if in the text Wapanand denotes the Wappinger, and 
"wolves" denotes the Mahican by one of their synonyms. The 
denotations, however, are far from clear. ("The Easterners and those 
who were wolves went northeast" is the correct translation of the 
passage in Delaware, as I have learned in a recent study of the Walam 
Olum text, conducted under the authorization of the Pennsylvania 
Historical Commission, with the aid of James Webber, a Delaware 
e.x-chief, as informant.) 

As valid as the theory of eastern Algonkian migration has come to 
be regarded by ethnologists, no one has, so far as I am aware, at- 
tempted to give a date for the New England migration legend except 
Doctor DLxon." He thinks that the bands of southwestern New 
England were the most recent comers and were affiliated with the 
Lenape, and that the latter arrived on the coast as late as the end 
of the fifteenth centmy. This, however, I judge might be placed 
somewhat earlier. 

The question of the identity of the population which antedated 
the recent historic tribes in the coast regions does not concern us 
here, since the present inquiry bears only upon the contemporary 
Indians, but the assumption of earlier waves of Algonkian migra- 
tion having entered the whole northeastern region represents, as 
Doctor Dixon outlines it, the concurrence of general opinion. 

THE TRIBAL NAME AND SYNONYMS 

A few secondary matters concerning identity arise from the material 
at hand which seem to deserve a word or two of comment. It will 
be noticed that Mrs. Fielding uses the term MoTir'lcs to denote her 

" The Lcnapc and their Legends, D. O. Brinton, pp. 20S-209. 

" Brinton, op. cit., p. 2.32. 

'> K. B. Dixon, Proceedings of the -American .Antiquarian Society, .\pril, 1914, p. II. 



220 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT 



ETH. ANN. 43 



tribe. That this is a proper native appellation is likewise shown by 
the occuri-ence of the term Moheges in the Pequot vocabulary col- 
lected so long ago by President Stiles.' It was evidently a primary 
tribal synonym, the meaning of which may be, as writers have 
frequently taken it to be, "wolf," an animal listed as muclcs in the 
Stiles vocabulary. The ordinary term Mohegan has itself caused 
some discussion as to its origin and application. The occurrence of 
the synonymous tribal name, Mahican, on the upper Hudson has 
unavoidably led to some confusion of the two peoples. They were, 
beyond doubt, two somewhat distinct groups having those connec- 
tions which arose through being neighboring divisions of the eastern 
middle Algonkian. Cases of name similarity lOce this strike our 
attention frequently in other parts of the Algonkian region. Whether 
or not the Mohegan consciously acquired their name from the 
older group on the Hudson we should not be so sure, though in a 
former paper I perhaps unwisely implied as much. The name 
Mahican,^ coming from the original of the same form, probably 
means "wolf," while Mohegan develops from Mohigannewuk, which 
may, lilve the other synonym, mean the same, though we have no such 
translation applied to it. This form of the tribal name, modified 
somewhat, "Mmooyauhegunnewuck," however, occurs in a native 
document drawn up by the Mohegan in 1786.^ De Forest (op. cit., 
p. 448) publishes a similar petition of 1749 and spells the word 
" Moyanhegurmewog," making an evident error in n for u. Since 
these names were written by the Indians themselves, or at least 
dictated by them, they should be regarded as reliable synonyms. A 
variant of the same term is given by Trumbull, who in 1812 obtained 
the name Muhhekaneew {Mahi''Jcaniu), plural Muhhekaneek, from 
the descendants of the tribe.* It might be well not to overlook an 
etymological relative of this name in Penobscot, Mauhiga' niwak , 
meaning "people of the mouth of a river where it opens out into a 
harbor." Realizing, however, the unwiseness of pressing a solution 
in the explanation of such old and complicated terms, this, like so 
many Algonkian proper names, will have to remain a puzzle for some 
time yet. 

^ The vocabulary to which reference is frequently made here was collected by President Stiles, of Yale 
College, in 17fj4 from the "Pequot" and published in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, 1st 
series, vol. X (»801) . The above name is given in other early documents as Moheegs by Wainwright (1735) 
in Maine Historical Society Collections (1800), 1st series, 1, p. 208; Mohegs, by Hyde in Drake, Book of the 
Indians, book II, p. 66 (1848). 

' This form has been adopted through its priority, being so given on a Dutch map about 1614, republished 
in New York Document Collections of History, 1 (1856), and which is reproduced here (pi. 15) ;is being 
the oldest authentic reference to the Mohegan and Petiuot, ;is well as the Mahican. A. B. Skinner 
(Notes on Mahikan Ethnology, Bull. Pub. Mus. of Milwaukee, vol. 2, no. 3, 1925, p. 91) states that the 
latter themselves give the meaning "wolf" to their name. 

3 This is in the form of a petition to the General Assembly of Connecticut at New Haven requesting 
permission for the two tribes Mohegan and Nehantic to fish and hunt and "have a separate bowl to eat 
out of," etc., dated Sept. 7, 1786. The original is in the possession of Miss Gladys Tantaiiuidgeon of Mohe- 
gan. The signers were Henry Quafiuaquid, Robert .\shpo. Philip Cuish, and Joseph Cppuckquiantup. 

* H. Trumbull, History of the Indian Wars, Norwich, 1812, p. ^A, 



SPECK] A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 221 

An interesting addition to our knowledge of local tribal synonyms 
is provided by Mrs. Fielding's name for the Pequot, which she pro- 
nounced Pi''Jcwut. This checks up phonetically with the plural form 
Pequttoog, given by Roger Williams (1636), who presumably knew 
the language so well.' Mrs. Fielding no doubt could have given the 
Indian forms of other tribal names in New England, but unfortunately 
she was never induced to speak of them. 

On several documents drawn up by the Mohegan themselves and 
addressed to the colonial assembly, the name of the Nehantic appears 
as "Nahantick," the Mohegan equivalent of which still is Nahantik. 
It is evidently "People of the Point," and refers to Black Point, a 
promontoiy 3 miles in length, where the Nehantic had their principal 
village. 

COMPARATIVE SURVEY OF CERTAIN CULTURE 

FEATURES 

So far we have paid attention only to the classification of speech. 
In respect to culture in general, it seems evident that within the 
confines of the whole southern New England group this was fairly 
uniform. Historical sources remain our chief reliance for the life and 
culture of the eastern bands. They are, of course, inadecjuate for 
the reconstruction of the native culture areas. Nevertheless, a 
number of evidences coincide to indicate that the geographical 
cleavage line between northern and southern New England, using 
the Merrimac River approximately for the division at the coast, was 
also an ethnological and dialectic bisector,' from which follows the 
inference of different culture-historical delimitations for the two 
areas. Northward from the Merrimac drainage area resided the 
members of the Wabanald group, beginning with the Pigwacket of 
New Hampshire, e.xtending eastward and embracing the Sakoki, 
Aroosaguntacook, and Norridgewock, and the better-known Wawe- 
nock, Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Malecite, through to the Micmac. 
Here a relatively uniform set of internal features contrasts rather 
sharply w^th the corresponding properties of the southern New 
England family. The Wabanaki group shows us in material life and 
activity' the preponderance of hunting, the important feature of 
large and well-defined family hunting territories, with a loosely 
organized society manifesting a tendency toward patriarchy. Here 
the chiefs lacked extreme power, and a confederacy developed, 
modeled after that of the Iroquois. Industrial life was characterized 
by the constant use of birch bark for the covering of the conical, 

> Key into the Language of .America. Collections of tlie Rhode Island Historical Society, vol. I (1827), 
p. 19. 

' This opinion is held by several authorities. Especially worth mentioning is a discussion by R. li. 
Di.\on, "The Early Migrations of the Indians of New England and the Maritime Provinces," Proceedings 
of .\merican Antiquarian .Society, .\pril, 1914, pp. 4, 9. 



222 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OV CONNECTICUT Ieth. ann. 43 

tipi-like wigwams, for canoes, baskets, and utensils. The area is also 
characterized by a particular phase of northern art. Certain peculiar 
properties in archeology, such as the limitation of types of utensils to 
the gouges, celts, slate bayonet-like spears, keel-based stone pipes of 
the "Micmac" type, and the so-called "plummet stone" stand out 
preeminently, while small arrowheads, grooved axes, and pottery are 
comparatively scarce. The latter, where found, is crude and archaic. 
Contrasting with the above features, the southern New England 
peoples were more sedentary, assiduous agriculturists, more closely 
organized under what appears to have been a maternal clan system. 
Chiefs were powerful and autocratic, the resemblance bearing more 
to government of the Powhatan Algonkian type. Ceremonial life, 
too, seems to have been richer. Industrial life shows developments 
in ceramics, splint basketry, wooden mortars, bowls, and utensils, 
decorative art resembling more that of the Iroquois, dugout canoes, 
and especially rectangular-based oval-topped wigwams covered with 
mats. The archeology of the southern region shows a greater pro- 
fusion in forms with bearings toward the central regions, in the 
abundance of small missile points, grooved axes, clay pipes, stone 
pipes of the so-called "monitor" type, and supposedly ceremonial 
objects. Pottery is finer and shows strong Iroquoian influence." 

Making the most of the matter which we have in hand, it seems as 
though it might be permitted to offer several fairly definite conclu- 
sions at this stage in the solution of the New England ethnological 
puzzle. One is the clearance of the linguistic identity of the Mohegan- 
Pequot with the Massachusetts-Narragansett, which has been called 
the southern New England group, previously hinted at by Professor 
Prince and myself ^ and later by Doctor Michelson.* Secondly, 
investigation seems to lend a corroborative aspect to the Mohegan 
tradition as well as to the ethnological and historical conjecture that 
the Mohegan-Pequot, and probably their affiliates south of the 
Merrimac, were an early offshoot of the Mahican confederates 
located on the Hudson. It seems to say that they were, as Doctor 
Michelson shows, in respect to dialect less closely related to the 
Wabanaki than to the Delaware and Mahican-Wappinger group. 
On the whole, we may not be far amiss in assigning for the southern 
New England group a migration almost due eastward from the 
Hudson, the drift working eastward, in broad terms along the south- 
ern border of the habitat of the more primitive and nomadic Wabanaki 
tribes. The ancestry of the latter, we may note in passing, points to 
an earlier residence northward and westward nearer the St. Lawrence 
Kiver and the habitat of the Algonquin-Ojibwa group. The affirma- 

2 Doctor Dixon in his independent argument (op. cit., pp. 4-8) lists other comparative features. 

3 Prince and Speck, I (1909), p. 184, footnote 2. 

< Michelson, op. cit., p. 57, "Mohegan-Pequot belongs with the N.atick division of Central Algonquian 
languages, and Mohegan-Pequot is ay dialect, thus agreeing with Narragansett." 



speck] a MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 223 

tive feeling supporting these relationships is further strengthened by 
the consideration of the characteristics of cultural life, in society and 
in industry, in religious behefs and in mythology, so far as we have 
records of it. 

With these tentative summaries in view, then, I may venture to 
suggest a few supplementary hypotheses in harmony with those pro- 
posed in 1914 by Doctor Dixon. Southern New England Algonkian 
culture shows two phases, one early and archaic, which is over- 
topped by another bearing certain hnprints of conformity with an 
Iroquoian culture. Hence, the assumption follows that the southern 
New England tribes were settled in their territories some time before 
the Iroquois migration toward the Hudson, a migration which is 
generally believed in by most American ethnologists. If the Iroquois 
migration dates back to about 1400, then the southern New England 
Algonkian might have been several centuries earlier in their arrival. 
This would correspond to the assumption already entertained that 
the Virginian Powhatan tribes migrated into the tidewater region 
about tlie same time. Granting, accordingly, some value to the tes- 
timony of the Delaware migration legend, these secondary migrations 
of the Mohegan and the southern Algonkian would seem to coincide. 

Turning for a moment to northern New England and eastern 
Canada, we miss the evidences of an Iroquois cultural invasion. 
There was only a relatively late political and military pressure. The 
conditions are totally different. The historic Algonkian of the 
lower St. Lawrence Valley, embracing the Montagnais and Naskapi 
divisions and the Wabanaki and Micmac bands, evidently came in 
from the northwest and west, and carried eastward to the Atlantic 
an early form of Cree and Ojibwa culture, the former keeping more 
to tlie northern coast of the St. Lawrence and the latter crosssing and 
following the southern shore thence to the ocean in northern New 
England. Beneath the cultures of this Middle Age Algonkian host, 
and anterior to it in point of time, there is still good reason to believe 
another stratum of proto-Algonkian resided in the north Atlantic 
coastal belt. To untangle the ethnological snarl will prove to be no 
easy task for those who have started the undertaking. 

REMARKS ON THE LIFE OF MRS. FIELDING 

Having developed a point of view as to the probable position of 
the Mohegan-Pequot group among the surrounding peoples, let us 
turn directly to the subject material itself and to some of the circum- 
stances involved in its history. The person to whom we owe a debt of 
gratitude for having taken such a vital interest in her tribe's language 
and history was a woman of a somewhat unusual cast of mind. 
Born September 15, 1827, at Mohegan, Mrs. Fielding spent her girl- 
hood among a number of old Indians whose familiar language was 



224 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT (eth. ann. 43 

still Mohegan.' She was raised by her grandmother, Martha Uncas. 
Between the two Mohegan was about the only means of communi- 
cation. After Martha's death, supposed to have occurred in 1859, 
Mrs. Fielding had practically no one with whom she could converse 
in Indian, consequently her knowledge of the idiom had begun to 
wane. With her passing away there is now no one who has a 
consecutive knowledge of the old language, though there are still in 
the tribe a number who know scattered words and sentences, and one, 
an old man of almost pure Indian blood, who may possibly have 
known the language when a boy. But he has not at this time the 
ability either to translate it or to impart it to another, a condition, 
strange as it may seem, quite true in a number of cases of unintel- 
lectual individuals who are bilingual. In my own remembrance of 
the Mohegan, covering a period of about 25 years, there have died 
four persons who probably understood the language, at least, if they 
did not speak it in their younger days.^ 

Mrs. Fielding was, accordingly, a personage of rather unique im- 
portance in the history of the eastern tribes, on account of which a 
few particulars of her life and personality, so far as these are known, 
may be of incidental value. In the report of the commission of 
1876 she was listed as being of five-eighths Pequot blood. She 
possessed a cast of mind and appearance typically Indian. Her home 
in her later years was a place of solitude amid the brush and pasture 
land of the old Mohegan settlement. Here she tended a tiny garden, 
alone except for the companionship of creatures of her imagination 
and an occasional stray dog, a fox or deer appearing in her 
clearing, always bearing to her sensitive mind some augury or 
omen. Her atmosphere was that fairyland of giants, dwarfs, 
will-o'-the-wisps, ghosts, and haunts, which beset her ways more and 
more as she grew older. In this respect she portrayed a phase of the 
old New England Indian paganism in her anthropomorphic concept 
of Ma'ndu, di'bi, and other monsters of the intangible world. 
Her inclination to moralize from Nature evidently exhibited another 
influence of early Indian training, the cause of her animistic and 
superstitious deductions in any attempt on her part to reason out her 
environment. 

It may be observed how Mrs. Fielding's point of view toward 
religion, her diction, her order of thought, resemble those of the 
talks and addresses given in the ceremonies of the Central Algon- 
kian. From our point of view, hers is peculiarly erratic at times, 
her interests self-centered. Like many Indians, she manifests an 

1 These were represented by the Uncas, Occum, Wyyoughs, Teecomwas, Ashbow, Bohemy, Hoscutt, 
Tantaquidgeon, Cooper, and Fowler families, most of them full bloods. 

' Besides Mrs. Fielding, there were Hannah Dolheare, Lester Skeesucks, Emma Baker, and possibly 
Amy Cooper. 



spECKl A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 225 

odd scntimentalisni, one difficult for most Europeans to appreciate. 
She had the fancy of applying to herself an Indian name, Djits Bud'- 
anaca, "Flying Bird," though I never learned from her what cir- 
cumstances were involved in its selection. 

She was intensely nationalistic in her views, a staunch believer in 
the valor and nobility of the ancient Mohv'lcsv'mig, "Mohegan men," 
and in the degeneracy of character of the contemporary genera- 
tion. Like most Indians of the East, she never forgot to lament the 
political and moral injuries done her race by the whites. Her most 
cordial feelings toward me during the time of our friendship were 
occasionally interrupted by outbreaks of racial antipathy on her 
part, reawakened by the memory of the Yankees, whose name she 
derived from the active verb denoted in the first syllable of the word. 

In her diary she expresses herself better than she probably in- 
tended. She betrays her biased attitude, religious fanaticism, her 
moral inconsistency, egoism, and fundamental native superstition. 
Yet her declarations manifest a deep human sympathy. How she 
commiserated those sinners whom she knew so well among her 
neighbors m the settlement, making her appeals to Ma'ndu in their 
behalf, her mention of the poor and starving, the victims of the Long 
Island Sound steamboat wreck, and of the sick. 

Her general style of expression is monotonous, evidently another 
portrayal of nature thought, together with the deep feeling for 
nature's turns, as though the diurnal flight of time, soberly recorded 
in the sounding cham of reflective phrases "it is already noon, already 
night, the sun is gone," would interest anyone but a connoisseur. 

The poor old woman, I have always felt, never intended that her 
simple emotions should be so exposed to the eyes of the bustling 
world of Wan''aJcsag, "white men," with whom she had but little 
in common, for at the time they were penned by her no other indi- 
vidual besides myself was taking any pains whatsoever to master 
her speech, a fact which she knew and lamented so frequently. 
Much more could be said of her personal idiosyncrasies, but let 
us turn to her self-declarations. They convey the most real pictiu"e 
of the aged, lonely, and profoundly reflective Mohegan woman, an 
assuredly interesting ca.se for the social psychologist. 

The original manuscript of the diary consists of four notebooks in 
Mrs. Fielding's handwriting, which is clear and legible. Her orthog- 
raphy is the ordinary English system, which I have had to put into 
consistent phonetic form, a task impossible had it not been for the 
circumstance that she had schooled me in her method and dictated, 
at difl'erent times during her life, her words to me so that most of 
them had been recorded previously in a phonetic system. The 
diaries themselves are now in the possession of the Museum of the 
American Indian (Heye Foundation). Through the kindness of 
Mr. George G. Heye, the dh'ector, permission has been given to 
present them in this form. 



226 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [eth. ann. 43 

PHONETIC NOTE 

The characters which are used to represent the sounds in this 
dialect are those advocated in the report of the Committee on Lin- 
guistics of the Bureau of American Ethnology.' The specific values 
of these in Mohegan-Pequot are as follows: 

Vowels: 

a, open, medium. 

a, open, medium, like u in English but. 
i', long, closed, like ee in English queen. 
i, short, as in English pin. 

0, u, open, medium, and only slightly differentiated as finals. 
0', open, long, like a in English ball. 
Consonants: 

b, d, z, g, sonants as in English. 
p, t, s, k, surds as in English. 
m, n, as in English. 

C, surd as s/i in English. 

dj, sonant affricative, like dg in English edge 

tc, surd affricative, like ch in English church. 

Tj, palatal, like ng in English song. 
ai, oi, au, are true diphthongs. 

h, w, y, semivowels, as in English. (When h precedes w, the aspiration is indi- 
cated by rough breathing '.) 
Stress accent is noted bj' '. 

Consonants in juxtaposition which are to be pronounced as sepa- 
rate sounds are divided by the apostrophe ', denoting a pause, as 
Ir't'ca, in which fc is pronounced as though it were t + sh in English. 

It is to be remarked that several familiar Algonkian properties are 
unusual or wanting in this dialect; for instance, among vowels short i, 
as in English pin, is rare; and also e, both long and short (as a in 
English gate and as in English niet), is wantmg. It is not so unusual, 
though it presents a mark of individuality of Mohegan-Pequot, that 
I is wantmg and is replaced by y in words which are cognate with 
those of other Algonkian r, n, or 1 dialects. The replacement operates 
in the case of n in the neighbormg and contiguous members of the 
southern New England group, Narragansett-Massachusetts. 

No doubt the phonetic qualities of the dialect have been somewhat 
corrupted by a long period of contact with the English; yet there 
seems little doubt but that the positive characteristics encountered 
are genuine features. By way of comparison we may observe that 
this dialect is phoneticallj^ uniform with the other southern New 
England divisions except for the y distinction in the transposition of 
r, I, n, y, a feature in tliis area corresponding to the same thing in 
the Cree-Montagnais family and apparently also in southeastern 

I Smithsonian Miscellaneous Publications, vol. 06, pp. 120-126 (1916). 



speck) 



A MOHEGAX-PEQUOT DIARY 227 



Algonkian, or Po\vhtit;in, ia the latter making due allowances, of 
course, for the poor quality of the material that is at this time 
available. 

Mohegan-Pequot is thus less vocalic than its neighbor dialects. 
In fact it seems less so than any others in the eastern area south of the 
St. Lawrence. Among consonantic peculiarities our material shows 
a fondness for clusters composed of two members, often a stop plus 
sibilant, TiC, Tcs, t's, tc (rarely), 6c, pc, lie, ntc, nc, mc, ms; combinations 
so frequent as to give a rather distinctive acoustic coloring to the 
dialect. Again, cic, sic, cs, pic, tp, dkw, t'l-, sic, cb, mb, showing the 
reverse order of spirant^stop and stop plus stop, are abundantly 
represented. 

Nasalization of vowels is absent, although it is attributed to the 
Massachusetts by Eliot. (Cf. Ind. Grammar begun, 1666. Old 
South Leaflets no. 52, p. 4.) 



DIARY OF MRS. FIELDING 
1902 

December 20. — Yu yumbo'wi" gi'zack da'bi na'wa. tci"'wi" 
ba'skwa, gi'zack gasu'bota. gi'zack dju'wa'yu, tci'Vi' da'pku, 
ka'dji' da'pku, gi'zack gata'wi'. 

December 21. — gu'pkwad, mici'yun yugi''sk, ka'dji' ba'skwa, 
zu'goyun wa'm'i" da'pku. 

December 22. — wi'go yugi''sk, yumbo'wi' wi'go, gi'' zack dju'wa'- 
yu, tci'wi' dapku, ka'dji' da'pku, gi'zack gata'wi'',' dju'wa'yu. 

December 23. — Ka'yu yumbo'wi' nia'djag gu'n, wi''go tci'wi'' 
da'pku. Ray ta'mham co' wu'dkwanc yudai.' yugi'sk, ka'yu 
yuda'pkag, waba'yu wa'm'i yugi'sk, wota'n mi"ki''go yuda'pkag. 

December 24- — wi'ganta yugi''sk, dja'n'au ka'yu ka'dji da'pku, 
ta'mam co' yudai'. 

December 25. — zu'tc'pu, tci'wi' dapku, zu'tc'pu. 

December 26. — gu'n mata'wi'yu nana'wa waijks yu yumbo'wi' do' 
haun^ natcka 'wa waqks, zu'tc'pu ka'dji' da'pku, gi'zack gata'wi' 
da'pku. 

December 27. — gi''zack ba'danta, mata'wi" gu'n. da'bi' gana'wa 
gi'zack yugi'sk, tci''wi' ba'skwa tci'wi' da'pku dju'wa'yu. 

December 28. — t'ka'yu yuyumbo'wi', dja'ci' gun tci'wi' da'pku, 
gi' 'zack gata'wi' ka'dji' da'pku, madda'bi' na'wa gi'zack, wi'ganta 
yugi'sk, wa'mi' gun. 

December 29. — wi''go gi'zack yu yumbo'wi'. da'bi" gana'wa 
ba'danta wa'mi' gu'n, ka'dji' ba'skwa mo'wi' gata'wi " zu'gayun, 
da'pku zu'gayun, yuda'pkag gi'zaclv wi'go. 

December SO. — gi'zack wi'ganta yu yumbo'wi", tci"wi' ba'skwa, 
ka'dji" da'pku, ma'djag gi'zack. gi''zack wi'ganta dju'wa'yu 
jugi"sk. 

December 31. — wi''go yugi"sk, ka'dji' da'pku. 

1903 

January 1. — gi'zack wi''go ba'danta wi'mo yugi"sk ka'dji. 
da'pl<u, gi'zack gata'wi'. 

January 2. — gi'zack ba'danta yuyumbo'wi', ka'dji' ba'slcwa, 
ka'dji' da'pku. 

January 3. — zu'goyun yuyumbo'wi', gu'pkwad. ka'dji' ba'skwa, 
gu'pkwad, ka'dji' da'pku. 

January 4- — gu'pkwad tci'wi' da'pku, ka'dji' da'pku. 

1 An idiomatic, evidently an incorrect, use of the intentional auxiliary preposition. 
3 English loan word, from "hound." 

228 



DIARY OF MRS. FIELDING 

1902 

December 20. — This earlj' morning the sun I can see. Nearly 
noon, the sun is hot. The sun is warm, nearly night, already it is 
night, the sun is gone. 

December 21. — Cloudy day, great rain to-day, already [it is] noon, 
rain all night. 

December 22. — Clear to-day; early morning clear, the sun is warm, 
nearly night, already it is night, the sun is gone; it is warm. 

December 23. — Cold early morning, no snow; clear nearly night. 
Ray ^ cut wood here to-day; cold to-night, it is windy all day, wind 
is strong to-night. 

December 21^. — [Sun] clear rising to-day, only cold, already night, 
going cutting here.^ 

December 25. — Snow is falling, nearly night, snow is falling. 

December 26. — Snow is very much. I see a fox this early morning 
and a hound following fox, snow is falling toward night, sun gone, 
night. 

December 27. — Sun rising, much fallen snow. You can see the 
sun to-day, nearly noon. Nearly night, it is warm. 

December 28. — It is cold this early morning, so much snow, nearly 
night; sun gone, nearly night, can not see the sun, it was clear to-day, 
all snow. 

December 29. — Clear sun this early morning. You can see at [sun| 
rising all snow. Already noon, it is coming on about to rain; night, 
rain. To-night the sun [sic!] is clear. 

December 30. — Sun is rising clear this early morning; nearly noon,, 
already night, the sun is gone. 

December 31. — The sun is rising clear, warm to-day. It is clear 
to-day; already night. 

1903 

Jamiary 1. — The sun is clear rising bright to-day. Already night, 
sun gone. 

January 2. — The sun rising this early morning, already noon; 
already night. 

January 3. — Rain this early morning, cloudy day. Already noon, 
cloudy, already night. 

January 4- — Cloudy day nearly ['till] night; already night. 

' This mention immortalizes Joseph Ray, an old man who frequently did chores for Mrs. Fielding. 
* She means that wood cutting is going on roundabout. 

229 



230 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT |eth. ann.43 

January 5. — gi'zack wi'go, nmvu't'ca^ Palmertown. 

January 6. — zu'gayun yuyumbo'wi'', zu'tc'pu ba'skwa, ka'dji. 
da'pku. 

January 7. — ka'dji" nawombu'nsian. gi'zack ba'danta wi'ino, 
ka'yii yuyumbo'wi' zu'tc'pu, ka'dji' ba'skwa, da'pku. 

January S. — gu'pkwad gi'zack ba'danta. ka'dji' da'pku, ka'yu, 
gi''zack gata'wi' 

January 9. — ka'yu da'pku, nawu't'ca Palmertoum. ka'dji' da'pku 
gi"zack gata' wi''mo. 

January 10. — gi'zack ba'danta wi"mo, wi''go. ka'yu yumbo'wi', 
ka'dji' ba'skwa, ka'dji' da'pku. mad waba'yu da'pkag. 

January 11. — ka'yu yumbo'wi', gu'pkwad, zu'gayun, zu'tc'pu 
ni'gan'i'' yugi''sk. 

January 12. — gi''zack ba'danta wi''mo, zu'tc'pu, ka'yu. wo'tan 
mi''ki'go, waba'yu ka'dji' tci'wi' ba'skwa, da'pku ka'yu. 

January 13. — gi"zack ba'danta wi'mo, ka'yu, tci'wi' ba'skwa, 
da'pku ka'yu. 

January I4. — gi''zack ba'danta ka'yu yuyumbo'wi' ka'yu 
gu'pkwad yuda'plvag. 

January 15. — gu'pliwad yuyumbo'wi', ka'j^u, nia'djag gu'n. 
t'ka'yu tci'wi' ba'skwa, ka'dji' da'pku. 

January 16. — t'ka'yu gu'pkwad, tci''wi' ba'skwa waqg.' ma'djag 
gu'n. mad ni" -wi'ya'm'o.* ka'dji' da'pku, gi''zack gatawi', ma'djag. 

January 17. — ba'danta gi'zack mad gu'pkwad yu. ka'dji. 
ba'skwa. o'ski'tca' yuda'pku. 

January 18. — gi'zaclc ba'danta yu yumbo'wi' ka'yu, ma'djag 
gu'n, wo'tan mi'ki'go yudai'. ka'dji' ba'skwa, mata'wi' wo'tan 
yudai'. da'pku, ma'djag gi"zack, t'ka'yu yudai'' 

January 19. — gi'zack ba'danta ka'yu. ka'dji' ba'skwa, zuqg- 
wo'tan kwa'djag, wi'munai'. lia'dji' da'pku, t'ka'yu. 

January 20. — Ka'yu gi'zack badanta, ka'dji' ba'skwa, mad ni 
wi'ya'm'o. 

January 21. — Zu'gayun yu yumbo'wi', tci'wi' ba'skwa, ka'dji' 
da'pku yu'mbawaqg. 

January 22. — gi"zack ba'danta yu yumbo'wi'. ma nawo't'ca 
la'ndi'n yugi''sk. 

January 23. — gu'pkwad, ma'djag gu'n, gi'zack ba'danta wa'nan- 
kwi','^ ka'dji' da'pku, t'ka'yu yuda'pkag. 

— F. A. H. F. wuskwi'g. 

» A rather interesting verb, containing wutcai "from," and affording another example of the secondary 
stem— ca, CO- denoting movement. (Cf. Wabanciki (i) la, (i) le.) See ta'mam cd' on previous page. 

' This conjunction is peculi-ir to the Delaware dialectic family. (Cf. Del. woarik, woak, " also.") It does 
not occur in the Wabanaki tongues. 

8 The sense and meaning here are obscure. 

• An unfamiliar term. I take it to be cognate with Natick wnssekiilea—io please (Trumbull, Natick 
Dictionary, p. 206). Natick and Narragansett (ra = Mohegan-Pequot tea Natick leaijwan = lca'(/wan. 

" She departs from her usual term wvya'jigu here and uses one which is evidently Narragansett. 



speck] 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 231 



January 5. — Sun is clear, I have been to Palmertown.* 

January 6. — Rain this early morning, snow falling noon; already 
night. 

January 7. — Already so I live till another dawn. Sun rising clear; 
cold this early morning; snow falling; already noon; night. 

January 8. — Cloudy day, sun rising. Already night; cold; sun 
gone. 

January 9. — Cold night; I go to Palmerto\\^l. Already night sun 
gone [down] clear. 

January 10. — Sun rising clear, it is good. Cold early morning; 
already noon; already night. Not windy in the night. 

January 11. — Cold early morning, cloudy day, rain; snowfall 
preceded to-day. 

January 12. — Sun rising clear, snow falling, cold. Wind is strong, 
it is windy, already nearly noon, night cold. 

January 13. — Sun rising clear. Cold, nearlj- noon; night cold. 

January I4. — Sun rising cold this early morning cold, cloudy 
toward to-night. 

January 15. — Cloudy day this early morning; cold; snow gone. 
Cold nearly noon, already night. 

January 16. — Cold cloudy day, nearly noon, too. Snow gone. 
I do not feel well.'" Already night, sun gomg, gone. 

January 17. — Rising sun not cloudy this [morning]. Already 
noon. It is pleasant to-night. 

January 18. — Sun rising this eai'ly morning cold; snow gone, 
wind is strong here. Already noon, much wind here. Xight, sun 
gone, cold here." 

January 19. — Sun rises cold. Already noon; cold wind outdoors, 
that's the truth. Already night, cold. 

January 20. — Cold sun rising; already noon; I do not feel well. 

January 21. — Rain this early morning, nearly noon; already night 
again. 

January 22. — Sun rising this early morning. I have been to 
Landing " to-day. 

January 23. — Cloudy day, snow gone at sun rising yesterday; " 
already night, cold at night. 

— F. A. H. F.'s book. 

• A village often mentioned by the autobiographer where she broke the monotony of her isolation by 
shopping for provisions. 

10 1 am not certain about the translation of this phrase. 

" Our author shows partiality at times for certain word repetitions. 

" "Landing" is the old name for Norwich in vogue among the Mohegan. They used to ascend the 
Thames by canoe as far as the junction of the Shetucket and Yantic Rivers. This point is now in the heart 
of the city. At the "landing" they carried on their trade with the Yankees. 

" 1 can only make sense out of the confused expression here by manipulating the punctuation. 



232 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT |eth. ann. 43 

1904 

May 17. — mici'un yugi'sk. ba'ki' zab da'bi' natu'n la'ndvn. mad 
da'bi' nai'vvo' su'nii' mad nawo'to'. wa'ndjag ski'dambak da'bi" 
i"'wok mata'wi', dja't'ci' i'Vok mad wi''munai oi i'wo'k. 

Alay 18. — gu'pkwad, zu'ganaijgwad, mo'wi' wi"yun. 

May 19. — gu'pkwad, zii'ganaqgwad, mo'wi' zu'gaymi. mici"'ymi 
da'ka zu'gayun. tci'pa'gi' wota'gapa dja'gwanc. naka'tpa 
pi''amag mad da'bi' naka'iia, nasi'wa'tam wo'tci' ni'. 

May 20. — mici"yun, zu'gaiiaqgwad, mo'wi' wi'yun wa'yaqgwotc. 
napa'd'awa Tiaw'Tiag', ba'ki' natcka'wak waqks. ka'dji' da'pkii. 

May 21. — gu'pkwad wa'mi' yugi "sk da'ka zu'gayun napau' gi'za- 
kadc. zu'gayun ba'slvwa. na a'pu la'ndvn wi'yaqgo, andai' 
wa'mi' ba'kcamo, mad zu'gayun, andai' na bi''ya Tiorne^^ ag. 

May 22. — wi" naqgwad gi'zack ba'danta. 

May 23. — wi''nai]gwad yu yumbo'wi' gi''zack. wa'mi' dja'gwanc 
wa'camuc.'^ gato'wi' mata'wi' a'p'i'sag.'* 

May 24- — tci'wi' ba'skwa, ka'dji" nami''dju nadi''nai su'mi" 
naya'ndamo. 

May 25. — ma'ndu wi'go, womi 'ziam nami'ki'gwarig wa'dji" 
nada'bi' gata'mki' natai'namowa naha'g, su'mi' ma'd'om owa'n 
natai'namagg. 

May 26. — nati'ca' Palmertown- wiya'qgo, tci'pa'gi" na so'san"i 
wa'yaqgwotc. dja'nau ma'ndu wi'go wotai'namaijg. 

May 27. — su'mi' na mad da'bi' tai'namowa naha'g, ni" wa'dji" 
o'wa'n mad wo'to' dja'nau kontcatci''. ni'ya'yo mo. 

May 28. — gi'zack ba'danta yumbo'wi'. ma'ndu wi' 'go su'mi' ni* 
mad wa'djana o'wa'n, dja'nau ma'ndu. wotai'namaijg wa'mi' dja'g- 
wanc. moi'cak wa'djanak wa'manc, nagau'hig wa'manc, nawa'djana 
kantcatci' ma'ni' andai' mad nanapaya'ntam. tci'pa'gi' za'yaijg- 
wad, ni'ya'yo. namo'wi' na'wa tcam'aqksag ko"djalvs ba'ijgasu. 
nasi'wa'tam wo'tci" na'gain, mad da'bi" wotai'namowa woha'g'a" 
ni' ya'yo. 

May 29. — ma'ndu wi'go" naga'wi" mad dja'gwan bi'yo'mo 
nakwo'wi' haig. 

May SO. — gu'pkwad. ma'ndu wi'go naga'wi' wa'yaqgwotc. 
nana'ma a'qgatag gi''zack. nagata'mki', na mo'wi' zi'ckanas, 
nami'dj nabi'yo'djapas.^" mad nawa'djana o'wa'n natai'namaqg. 
ni'ya'yo. 

May 31. — ma'ndu wi''go su'mi' wotai'namaijg wa'mi' dja'gwanc 
nataya'tam, ma'ndu wotai'namarjg. 

" An unmodified English loan word with the characteristic Mohegan locative suffix {-ag). 

1^ A verb for which I can find in my notes no definite meaning, though its endings, -mi^o) possibly a con- 
tinuative, -c inanimate plural, are familiar. Narragansett assamc to eat. 

18 English loan word with animate plural termination. 

1* The final -a occuirir^ with this pronoun several times in the texts is interesting and also rather puzzling. 
It may possibly be the obviative, corresponding to Wabanaki -al'. 

^ A rather interesting Indian corruption of "breakfast," the usual phonetic substitutions peculiar to 
this dialect appearing for r and /. Other English loan words on this page are di'nai, "dinner" (May 24) 
and ma'ni', "money" (May 28). 



SPECK] 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 233 



1904 

May 17. — Drizzle to-day. Maybe to-morrow can I go to Land- 
ing. I can not say because I do not iinow. Those people [who] 
can say much, half [what] they say is not true as they say [it]. 

May 18. — Cloudy, looks rainy, been full moon. 

May 19. — Cloudy, looks rainy, going to rain. Drizzle and rain. 
Dreadfully wet [are] things. I want to eat fish [but] I can not catch 
[one], I am sorry for that. 

May 20. — Drizzle, looks rainy, it has been full moon last evening. 
I heard hounds, probably they chased a fo.x.'* Already night. 

May 21 . — Cloudy all day and rain [for] five days. Rain at noon. 
I stayed [at] Landing last night, then all broke away, did not rain, 
then I came home. 

May 22. — Looking clear [at] sun rising. 

May 23. — Looking clear now at early morning sun. All things 
feed. Going to be many apples. 

May 24- — Nearly noon, already I ate my dinner because I was 
hungry. 

May 25. — Ma'ndu is good, he gives me my strength so that I can 
get up [and] I help myself, because never anyone helps me. 

May 26. — Went to Palmertown yesterday, dreadfully was I tired 
last evening. Only Ma'ndu is good he helps me. 

May 27. — Because I can not help myself, that is why anyone does 
not know only a little. That is ever so. 

May 28. — Sun rises early. Ma'ndu is good because I do not have 
anyone only Ma'ndu. He helps me [in] all things. Hens have eggs, 
I need eggs, [since] I have only a little money, so I do not die of 
hunger. Dreadfully cold, that is so. I am going to see the pitiful 
boy [who] is lame.^' I am sorry for him, he can not help himself, 
that is so. 

May 29. — Ma'ndu is good. I slept. Nothing come [that] I feared. 

May SO. — Cloudy day. Ma'ndu is good. I slept last night. I 
see another sun. I get up, I go to milk; I eat my breakfast. I do 
not have anyone to help me. That is so. 

May 31. — Ma'ndu is good because he helps me in all things I think, 
Ma'ndu helps me. 

" The location of the old lady's home was in a wild and unfrequented district marked by the signs of 
former Mohegan occupation, but in her time it had reverted to "old fields." the lurking place of deer, foxes 
and small animals which were her familiar neighbors. 

» She refers to a young Mohegan, Theodore Cooper, who was at that time a cripple from the elTects of 
inflammatory rheumatism. 

19078°— 28 16 



234 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT |eth. an.n. 43 

June 1 . — ma'ndii womi'zam nami''ki'gwar)g oca'mi' da'lii nanama 
wa'mi' dja'gwanc yudai'. 

June 2. — ma'ndu wi'go. nagata'mki' naini'dju su'ini' nawa'dja- 
nam mi''ki'gwar)g wo'tci' moi'ndu. mad ni' da'bi' wa'djanain 
dja'gwan dja'nau wo'tci' ma'ndu ni' ya'yo. 

June 3. — ma'ndu wi'go, nawa'djanam wa'mi' dja'gwanc bi"yo'muc 
wi''ganc, ya'yo. 

June 4- — ma'ndu mad wiya'mo dja'gwan bi"'yo''mo yudai' '- 
mi'zam nawa'djina da'bi' tai'namowa naha'g. 

June 9. — nano'wa ma'ndu. wa'mi' dja'gwanc i'wo'k ma'ndu 
wowu'sto' yuc mad nida'bi' nawu'sto' naha'g, i''wo'k i''n mad 
da'bi' wu'sto' bo'zagwan mi'tu'g. 

June 10. — nana'wa a'ygatag gi'zack su'mi' ma'ndu wi''go 
mata'wi' i'n mad wu'sto'k dja'nau kantcatci''. woya't'am wo'to' 
mata'wi' ni'ya'yo. 

June 11. — t'ka'yu yumbo'wi', ni'ya'yo. wa'mi' dja'gwanc 
wi'gowag, ta'd'asag-^ do' wi'wa'tcamanc. o'wa'n mas wa'djana 
dja'gwan mi'djudi', mad'u'm yu'ndam'o. 

June 12. — ma'ndu wi'go, wami' dja'gwanc i''wo'k ni', i''wo'k 
ma'ndu wi"go. 

June 13. — ma'ndu wi''go, su'mi' wa'mi' dja'gwanc i'wD'k da'batni'' 
ma'ndu! ma'ndu wu'sto' wa'mi' yuc dja'gwanc gana'wa. wa'mi" 
su'mi' wo'to' oi, wu'stod wa'dji' mas wi'ganc. wotai'namowa 
wa'mi' dja'gawanc' ski'dam'balc waijg. 

June 14. — ma'ndu wi''go mad da'bi' na ai dja'nau ma'ndu natai''- 
namaqg, andai'' nada'bi' tai'namowa naha'ga wa'djaiia yun mi''ki'- 
gwaqg. 

June 15. — yugi''sk wi'go. ma'ndu wi'go. su'mi' wo'to' wa'mi' 
djagwanc. ski'damb mad wo'to' dja'nau kantcatci' oi wo'tod 
ma'ndu. ma'ndu ga'ijktci', mata'wi' wi' 'go, tca'ntci' gi'yau' wi''go 
war)g, andai' mas nap'u'yun ga a'p'u ma'ndunag, ni' i'wo' ma'ndu. 
tca'ntci' mad gaso'sani, so'sanian' tca'ntci' ganata'damowa 
ma'ndu, mas gawa'danam-* gami'ki'waqg wo'tci' ma'ndu. andai' 
mas gamomi''ki'do'. 

June 16. — ma'ndu wi''go. womi''zo' wa'mi' wa'dji' wi'ya'mowaqg, 
wa'dji' wi'ya'mamod niwa'dji' wi'go. 

June 17. — ma'ndu wi'go. nawo'tco' basagwana'ntaksag yugi''sk 
mad nawa'djana dja'gwan ni'dai'. dji''tsag gatu'mak wi''gu. 

" An Indianized English loan word again with the animate plural denomination. Yet the nest vegetable 
"corn" has the logical inanimate plural ending (-c). 

2* This word was strange to me in Mohegan. but it can be traced to cognate St. Francis Abenaici 
(Aroosaguntacook) wadnoma'k "to get, secure, something." 



SPECK) A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 235 

June 1. — Ma'ndu gives my strength because I can see all things 
here. 

June 2. — Ma'ndu is good. I get up, I eat because I have strength 
from Ma'ndu. I could not have anything [except] only from Ma'ndu. 
That is so. 

June 3. — Ma'ndu is good. I have all things. They come good 
[ones], it is so. 

June 4- — Ma'ndu [does] not let anything" come here. He gives 
me that I can help myself. 

June 9. — I know Ma'ndu. All things declare Ma'ndu has made 
them. I can not make myself, they declare man can not make one 
tree. 

June 10. — I see another sun because Ma'ndu is good exceedingly. 
Man does not make but little. He thinks he knows much. That is 
so. 

Jtine 11. — Cold early in the morning, that is so. All things are 
good, potatoes and the corn. One will have something eatable, 
never be hungry [long]. 

June 12. — Ma'ndu is good, all things declare that, they say Ma'ndu 
is good. 

June 13. — Ma'ndu is good, because all things say, "Thank you 
for that Ma'ndu!" Ma'ndu makes all these things you see. All 
because he knows how [it is] making [them] so that they will be good. 
He keeps all things, people, too. 

June 14- — Ma'ndu is good. I can not be [anything] only [when] 
Ma'ndu helps me, then I can help myself [to] have here this strength. 

June 15. — To-day is good. Ma'ndu is good because he knows all 
things. A person does not laiow but a little unless knowing Ma'ndu. 
Ma'ndu is very great, exceedingly good. Must you and I be good, 
too, then when you die you [will] rest in heaven. So says Ma'ndu. 
[You] must not become weary, if you do become weary [you] must 
ask for Ma'ndu. [Then] will you get your strength from Ma'ndu. 
Then will you grow strong. 

June 16. — Ma'ndu is good. He gives all toward health, that being 
well therefore [one can be] good. 

June 17. — Ma'ndu is good. I have been to Muddy Cove 
to-daJ^ I did not have anything there. ^^ The birds sang nicely. 

-^ We are obliged to insert "evil" here to make sense. 
24 She refers to mail. 



236 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [eth. ann. 43 

June IS. — ma'ndu wi'go mad net wa'djana mata'wi' dja'naw no: 
i'w,)' da'bat n'V ma'ndu. ma'ndu pa'd'aman andai' mas nawa'dja- 
nam nadi'nai. mad nawo'to' dja'gwan warn nati.', ma'ndu niaduni 
Datai"'namaqg. 

June 19. — nada'bi' i"'wo' ma'ndu wi''go ma'ndu wo'to" mad'ura 
o'wa'n wotai'namaqg mad nawa'djana o'wa'n. wa'mi' ski'damb 
wotai'namowa wohag, mad gato'wi' tai'namowa o'wa'n. na tcipa'g"i" 
si'wa'tam wo'tci' wa'ndjag ski''dambak do" ma'kak do' maki'a'- 
wi'sag-* ni'dai' steamboat wa'mi' wi'yu't. tca'm'aijksag wa'mi. 
m'ad da'bi' o'wa'n wotai'namowa wohag. tca'ntci' warn bata'g'i'wag 
andai' kwa'dji'wag wotci' boat <xg. 

June 20. — Ma'ndunag ni'dai' mad bi"'yo'mo dja'gwan mad wi'ganc 
su'mi' ma'ndu mad da'bi' ka'n'amun, ni' wa'dji' bi''yo' ma'ndu 
ko''djaks yudai'' ba'mkugi . . . ^* wa'dji' da'bi' ga a'p'u mandunag. 
tca'ntci' ga si'wa'tam wo'tci' wa'mi' dja'gwanc gati' mad wi'ganud, 
do' tca'ntci' o'wa'n mad'um wi''ktaman. ma'ndu mad tcu'ya 
ski'dambak wowi'zo'wag di'bi' ma'ndu tcu'ya wa'mi' ski''dambak 
bi''yc'k na'gam a'b'ad ma'ndunag. di'bi' kwa'gwitcayu wa'dji' 
da'bi' ka'n'a ski'dambak. di"bi' ya't'am yu ba'mkugi na'gam 
wo'to', ski'dambak waqg, mantci', nai."' dja'nau wo'tci' Jesus 
Clirist bi'yo''mo mad da'bi' i' dja'gwan. Jesus Christ mas pa'n'a 
di'bi' wo'tci' ma'ndunag su'mi' tayanda'ksku da'ka gau'hig Jesus 
Christ a'b'ad' yu mad da'bi' di''bi' gasa'gwi' ma'ndunag. Jesus 
Christ mas pa'n'cc di'bi' wi'yu'tag, di''bi' wowo'ton waijg. Jesus 
Christ, wonap'u', mi'zo' woha'ga wa'dji' wa'mi' ski'dambak da'bi' 
bi''yo'k ma'ndunag, tca'ntamad. 

April 21. — waba'yu, ma'ntci' gwi''ksumo. 

April 22. — t'ka'yo j'ugi'sk, gi'zack wi'go. naka'd'akum 
naga'wi'. 

April 23. — gi'zack wi''go, ba'd'anta wi''mo. mad da'bi' naskam 
dja'gwan. ka'dji' ba'skwa, tca'ntci" na mi' 'dji' na di' 'nai.'^ tca'ntci' 
na i'wo' dabatni'^' nami''tcwar)g su'mi' ma'ndu nami''z wa'mi" 
dja'gwanc wa'djina jmn yuba'mkugiag tca'ntci' na momi'ki'do'. 
namo'wi' sansmo'* yugi'sk Mohegan. 

» This term denotes, in Moheg.in foils-lore, the dwarfs of the mythological realm. Mrs. Fielding felt 
herself to be in very close touch with these beings and she related several tales concerning them, which I 
caused to be printed some years ago in Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 
ref. I. 

'« In order to eliminate some of the tedious repetitions which crowd these pages, I have talcen the liberty 
of omitting some lines of this sermon which are copied from a former one. 

39 The Mohegan affirmatives were nai and nak or naks. 

" One of the many English loan words acquired by Mohegan-Pequot in its increasing contact with the 
Yankee world. 

33 This is literally "sufficient is that," meaning "thank you"; thecommon response at Mohegan. Natick 
shows kuttabotOmish. "I thank you," and Narragansett, taubolni. (Cf. Natick Dictionary, p. 332.) 

'I The use of this term for the church, "meeting," is interesting. The only cognate tr.aceable, it seems, is 
Massachusetts (Natick) sohsumoo, "it shines forth," sohsu'mo'onk "glory," in Eliot's translation of the 
Bible (Trumbull, Natick Dictionary, p. 266). The resemblance here in an evangelical sense between 
"glory" and the "meetings" of converts is not so far-fetched as it may seem at first. 



SPECK] A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 237 

June 18. — Ma'ndu is good. I do not have much only I say 
"Thank you for that, Ma'ndu." Ma'ndu hears it then sliall I have 
my dinner. I do not know what of all [things] I should do, [if] 
Ma'ndu never helped me. 

June 19. — I can say Ma'ndu is good. Ma'ndu knows [that] 
never anyone helps me. I have not anyone. Every person helps 
himself, is not going to help anyone [else]. I am dreadfully sorry 
for those people and youths and little ones there [on the] steamboat. 
All fire. Poor [creatures] all! No one could help them. They 
ought [to have] turned back then gotten off from the boat." 

June 20. — In heaven there [does] not come anything not good 
because Ma'ndu can not accept it, that is why [there] ca.nie Ma'ndu's 
son here on earth ... so that you can stay in heaven. You must 
be sorry for all things you do, being evil ^^ and [so] must one never 
love it.^' Ma'ndu does not wish [that] people shall call for di'bi. 
Ma'ndu wishes [that] all people shall come to him staying in heaven. 
di''bi' is running about so that he can catch people, dv'hv thinks this 
earth is his own, people, too. It is gone, .yes! Only for [that] Jesus 
Christ came, he can not do anything. Jesus Christ will put di''bi' 
from heaven because he falsified and wants Jesus Christ's place. 
Here can not dv'hv enter into heaven. Jesus Christ will put dv'hv 
in the fire, as dv'hv knows too. Jesus Christ, he died, gave himself 
so that all people can come to heaven, wishing to. 



April 21. — Windy, it goes by whistling. 

April 22. — Cold to-day. The sun is good. I am sleepy, I go to 
sleep. 

April 23. — The sun is good, rising clear. I can not find anything. 
Already noon, I must eat my dinner. I must say "Thank you" [for] 
my food because Ma'ndu gives me all things [I] have here on earth. 
I must be strong. I went to meeting to-day at Mohegan.^'* 



^ She refers to the catastrophe of the excui'sion steamer General Slocum in which a host of women and 
children passengers were burned to death in the East River, N. Y. The diarist hixs an entry "New York" 
on the margin which fixes this reference. 

3" Literally "not being good." 

31 Insert "evil." 

^ .K Congregational Church was built in 1831 on the crown of Mohegan Ilill, in the heart of the old Indian 
community. It still stands in a most impressive spot overlooking the country in all directions, command 
ing a view of Long Island Sound, the eminence known as Lantern Ilill in the old Pequot territory due 
east, and northwest to the Taconnic Hills; all familiar landm.arks in Mohegan history. The "meeting" 
is still the social bond that keeps the Mohegan remnant united. 



238 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT 



(ETH. ANN. 43 



April 26. — ma'ndu wi'go. iiana'ma a'rjgatag gi''zack, wotai'na- 
maijg. 

April 27. — ma'ndu wi"go. naiia'mof a'qgatag gi'zack. wa'mi' 
ski' 'dambak ina'tci' i'wok mad o"'waii ai dja'gwanc wi''ganud, 
wa'ini' ma'tci'. ma'ndu i'wo- nai ^^ wuskwi' 'gag. o'wa'n da'bi' 
o'ki"'dazu andai' mas wowo'to' dja'gwan aiwad ma'ndu i'wad. 

April 28. — zu'gayun, waba'yu waya'ijgwotc. zu'gayun wiyaqgo 
do" yugi''sk ba'ki' mad su'mi' na taia'tam su'mi' wata'gapa mad 
nawi''ktaman. 

April 29. — zu'gayun, su'mi' mata'wi" ma'ndu wi'go su'mi" 
nana'ma a'qgalag gi''zakad. 

May 1. — wi'go yu yumbo'wi'. na'wa gi''zack. ma'ndu wi''go 
wo'tci' ni'. 

May 2. — ma'ndu wi'go su'mi' wotai'naniaqg wa'dji' gata'mki' 
yun. kad'ji' ba'skwa, ma na mi''dji' nadi''nai. dabatni'' mi"tcu- 
war)g. tci'wi' da'pku yuda'pkag. gi'zakad djakwi' 'mo, su'mi" mad 
da'bi' o'wa'n nigan'i'. tca'ntci' gu'p'co'. 

May 3. — ma'ndu wi''go, womi'zam naya'cawaqg do' mi''ki'- 
gwaijg. 

May 4- — na na'ma a'qgatag gi' 'zack. ma'ndu wi' 'go su'mi' wa'mi" 
dja'gwanc bi'yo'k wo'tci' na'gam. na'gam wo'to'hi'c wa'mi' 
wowusto'n'ac. ma'ndu ga'nk'tci', wosiwa'tam wo'tci' ski'dambak 
su'mi' mad wi''ktamag wi'ganc dja'gwanc, wa'dji' mas bi'3'o'k 
na'gam a'bad ma'ndunag. ba'ki' ya't'amagdi''bi" da'bi' tai'namowa 
o'wa'n. mad da'bi' wotai'namowawoha'g. di''bi' ma'tci', wotca'ntam 
wa'mi' ski''danibak ma'tci'. ai'wag waqg. 

May 5. — ma'ndu wi'go su'mi' na wa'djanam. na mi'ki'gwaijg 
wo'tci' na'gam, ma'ndu. 

May 6. — wi'go gi''zack, ba'danta wi''mo. 

May 7. — gi''zaclv mad da'bi' na'wa. ma'ndu wi''go ba'danta 
nata'ag. ma'ndu a'p'u wa'mi' ba'mlvugi'ag. ba'ki'mas natca'ntani 
ma'ndu natai''namar)g, mad'ama'moyan, mas na nat'adamo'wa 
ma'ndu. 

May 8. — naga'wi' wa'yaqgwotc. ma'ndu wi' 'go su'mi' dja'gwan 
mad nakwo'wi'haig. sa'nto' yugi''sk. wi''yut napo'nam paature.^^ 

May 9. — zu'gayun yu yumbo'wi', zu'gayun. ma'ndu wi'go 
su'mi' wowo'to' gi'au'co' na'p'i' wa'dji' to'd'asag mas ba'mbi'yo'k 
da'ka katca'c wa'dji' gi''tasag mas womi''djuwag katca'c wa'dji" 
mad napava'ntamag. ni''\vadji' ski''dambak tca'ntci' wi''ktamag 
ma'ndu, su'mi' ma'ndu wo'to' wa'mi' dja'gwanc, da'bi' i' wa'mi" 
dja'gwanc i''nac yugi''sk do' zab, do' mi'ki'gwaqg i''t'kwan o" 
yuba'mkagwowu'ston. tca'ntci' wo'to' ga'qk'tci' mata'wi' aiki''kuzu. 

38 The colloquial affirmative has three forms, nai, nak, and 7iaks. Narragansett Ttufc, Natick nuz. (Cf. 
Natiok Dictionary, p. .'J47.) 
30 She spells this "piister." 



SPECK] A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 239 

April 26. — Ma'ndu is good. I see another sun, he helps nie. 

April 27. — Ma'ndu is good. I see another sun. All people 
[who are] bad say no one is whatsoever good, all [are] bad. Ma'ndu 
says yes in his book. Anyone can read, then will he know every- 
thing is as Ma'ndu says. 

April 28. — Rain, windy last evening. Rain yesterday and to-daj', 
ma3'be not because I think so, as when it is wet I do not like it. 

April 29. — Rain, because exceedingly Ma'ndu is eood as I see 
another day. 

May 1. — It is good here earh' in the morning. I see the sun. 
Ma'ndu is good to me. 

May 2. — Ma'ndu is good because he helps me so that [I] get up 
now. Already noon, I have eaten my dinner. Thank you [for] 
food.^' Almost night. To-night. The day has hurried awaj^, 
since can not anj"one get ahead [of it]. He must close up.^'* 

May 3. — Ma'ndu is good, he gives me my breath and strength. 

May 4- — I see another sun. Ma'ndu is good because all things 
come from him. He his own them all has made. Ma'ndu is very 
great, he is sorry for people because they do not love good things, 
so that they may come [where] he is staying in heaven. Perhaps 
they think dv'hi' can help anyone. He can not help himself. Di"bv 
is evil, he wants all people [to be] bad. They are, too! 

May 5. — Ma'ndu is good because I have my strength from him, 
Ma'ndu. 

May 6. — It is a good sun, rising clear. 

May 7. — The sun I can not see. Ma'rulu is good, rising in my 
heart. Ma'ndu dwells in all the world. Perhaps I need Ma'ndu, 
my help when I feel badly, will I call for Ma'ndu. 

May S. — I slept last evening. Ma'ndu is good because I do not 
fear anything. Sunday to-day. I put fire [in the] pasture.^" 

May 9. — Rain here early in the morning, rain. Ma'ndu is good 
because he knows we need water so that potatoes will come [up] 
aud hay, so that creatures " will eat hay, so that they will not die of 
hunger. That is why people must love Ma'ndu, because Ma'ndu 
knows all things, can do all things to-daj" and to-morrow, and his 
strength is so great [that] this earth he created. [You] must [linow 
how] very great is his work. 

'" Litcr.illy " Sufficient is that food." 

s« Tile meaning here is based upon inference. I can correlate gup only with gu'pkiiad, "cloudy, closed 
■Jay," Massachusetts, (N"aticlc) kuppi., close!. 
» The meaning is "I burned over the pasture." 
" "Cattle" are the creatures referred to. 



240 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [eth. ann. 43 

May 10. — tci'wi' da'pku, ma'iuiu wi'go su'nii' mad dja'gwan 
bi'ya'nio wa'dji' mas nawi'zi'gwan. tca'ntci' ma'ndu natai'namaijg, 
mad da'bi' natai'namowa naha'g. ma'ndu ga'qk'tci', mad da'bi' 
o'wa'n ya't'am oi gaqk'tci' ma'ndu. 

May 11. — ma'ndu wi'go su'mi' ocami' nada'bi' tai'namowa 
na'hag. ma'ndu natai'namarjg. 

May 12. — ma'ndu wi"'go su'mi' nami''zam da'bi' naga'wi' do' 
womi''zi' mi'kigwaqg wa'dji' nada'bi' gata'mki' yu yumbo'wi' 

May 13. — ma'ndu wi''go. da'bi' nana'mo gi'zack yu yumbo'wi'. 
da'pkag. ma'ndu oca'mi' wi'go. 

May 14. — yumbo'wi' gu'pkwad. wi' 'mo. ma'ndu wi'go. nayu'ndj- 
anam naski''zaks, da'bi' nana'ma wa'mi' dja'gwanc yu'dai. ba'skwa. 
ma'ndu wi'go su'mi' wa'mi' dja'gwanc wi'ganc. 

May 15. — gu'pkwad, ma'ndu wi'go. 

May 16. — ma'ndu wi''go, ni'da'bi gata'mki' wot'ci' nabid*^ do* 
nawa'djanam mi''ki'gwar)g wa'dji' natai'namowa naha'g oca'mi'. 

May 17. — ma'ndu wi'go oca'mi' da'bi' naya'ca' wa'mi' dja'gwanc 
bi.ya'mac wo'tci na'gam ma'ndu. ma'ndu wi'go yu nawo'ton 
nata'ag. 

May 19. — ma'ndu wi'go, nawambunsi'an, womi''zam nanii'lvi'- 
gwaqg wa'dji da'bi' nagata'mki. gu'pkwad, ba'ki' mas zu'gayun, 
ni'wa'dji. dji'tasag" wa'djanak dja'gwanc da'bi' mi'tcuwag. 
ma'ndu wi'go' tci'wi. da'pku. 

May 20. — ma'ndu wi''go, oca'mi' da'bi' nagata'mki' wotci' 
nabi''dag. 

May 21. — ma'ndu wi'go su'mi' natai'namarjg wa'mi dja'gwanc 
wa'dji' da'bi' nawa'djana dja'gwanc nagau'hig mad nada'bi' wu'sto" 
dja'gwan. 

May 22. — gi'zack ba'danta wi'mo yumbo'wi' ma'ndu wi'go 
su'mi" naga'wi" wa 'yaijgwatc, wi'gan. 

May 23. — ma'ndu wi'go. n'ana'wa a'qgatag gi''zack. kadji' 
ba'skwa zai'yarjgwad o'wa'n mad wadjinad owa'n. ka'dji" da'plvu, 
wa'mi' dja'wanc mas ga'wiwag ka'dji' da'pkud. 

May 24. — ma'ndu wi''go oca'mi' nada'bi' na'wa wa'mi' dja'gwanc. 

May 25. — wi'go gi'zack ba'danta wi''mo. ma'ndu wi'go tai'na- 
mowa wa'mi' ski''dambak wa'ndjag ma'tci' ai'wagdo' wi''go ai'wag. 

May 26. — ka'dji' ba'skwa. gi'zack gasu'bata. Iva'dji' da'pku, 
namo'wi' na'wa mad'am'a'mo wi'nai. 

May 27. — ka'dji' gi"zack bi'yo'mo. ma'ndu wi"'go, oca'mi" 
nada'bi" na'wa dja'gwanc yuba'mkugiag su'mi' ma'ndu nami'zi'am 
nami'ki'gwaqg. 

*' Another English loan word for a loan object, ^rJ^bed. 

" This is illegible in part, cither dji-'iasaj or gi'tasag, "beasts," in either case, Mrs. Fielding called them 
*'dumb animals." 



speck) 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 241 



May 10. — Almost night, Ma'ndv is good because nothing conies 
that will hurt me. He must be, Ma'ndu my help, I can not help 
mj'self. Ma'ndu is great, no one can conceive how great ila'ndu is. 

May 11. — Ma'ndu is good because so much I can help myself. 
Ma'ndu is my help. 

May 12. — Ma'ndu is good because he gives me my sleep and he 
gives strength so that I can get up here early in the morning. 

May 13. — Ma'ndu is good. I can see the sun here early. It is 
night. Ma'ndu is so very good. 

May H. — Early in the morning cloudy. Clearing. Ma'ndu is 
good. I open my eyes, I can see all things hereabouts. Noon. 
Ma'ndu is good because all things are good. 

May 15. — Cloudy. Ma'ndu is good. 

May 16. — Ma'ndu is good. I can get up from my bed and I have 
strength so that I can help myself sufficiently. 

May 17. — Ma'ndu is good, so well can I breathe. All things come 
from him, Ma'ndu. Ma'ndu is good, this I know in my heart. 

May 19. — Ma'ndu is good, as I live until morning. He gives my 
strength so that I can get up. Cloudy, perhaps it will rain, there- 
fore creatures [will] have something [they] can eat. Ma'ndu is good. 
Almost night. 

May 20. — Ma'ndu is good, so well can I get up from my bed. 

May 21. — Ma'ndu is good because he is my help in all things so 
that I can have things I want [for] I can not make anything. 

May 22. — Sim rising clear early in the morning. Ma'ndu is good 
because I slept last evening, it is good. 

May 23. — Ma'ndu is good. I see another sun. Already noon. 
Very cold [for] anyone not having someone. Already night, all 
things will fall asleep now that it is night. 

May 24- — Ma'ndu is good, so well can I see all things. 

May 25. — It is a good sun rising clear. Ma'ndu is good. He helps 
all people those who are evil and those who are good. 

May 26. — Already noon, the sun is hot. Already night. I went 
to see the sick old woman. 

May 27. — Already the sun has come. Ma'ndu is good, so well I 
can see things on earth because Ma'ndu gives me my strength. 



242 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT (eth. ann. 43 

May 28. — ma'ndu wi' 'go, naga'wi' wa'yaqgwotc. nada'bi' gata'mki 
na mo'wi' sa'ma ^* na'hag, zi'c gau'can tca'g'ancag^' nami"'dji 
bo'din ^^ da'ka mi' 'an, ni'j^a'yo. 

May 29. — gi'zack ba'danta wi''mo, kadji' ba'skwa, nami''dj 
nadi''nai dja'nau wa'dji' naya'ndam. o'wa'n ya'ndamad mad wi'ya'- 
mamo, o'wa'n mad wi'ya'mamod mad da'bi' aiki'kazu, o'wa'n 
mad da'bi' aiki''kazud tca'ntci' wa'mo'wan wotai'namowa wa'dji 
wa'djana dja'gwan mi''djud, sumi' ba'ki' mas napaya'ntam su'mi" 
mad da'bi' na'ncadon. ni'ya'yo, andai' ma'ndu mas na'^wa wa'ndjag 
ski'dambak wotai'namowa waqg. ni'ya'yo. 

May SO. — gi''zack ba'danta, andai'' gu'pkwad. ma'ndu wi''go, 
wa'mi' dja'gwanc wi'ganc. djanau' ski'dambak mad wa'mi' 
wi'gowag, ni'ya'yo. ba'ld'mad tca'ntam dja'gwan wi'gan wo'tci' 
ma'ndu, su'mi' madda'bi' wusto'k ma'ni'cs. 

June 1. — ma'ndu wi'go da'bi nagata'mki' wo'tci' nabi'dag" 
zu'gayun. Mr. Speck bi''yo' yudai' yugi'sk. ma'ndu wi''go oca'mi' 
wotai'namar)g. zu'gayun t'ka'yu ya'yo. 

June 2. — ma'ndu wi'go su'mi' ni' da'bi' wa'djana naya't'amwaqg, 
ni'ya'yo. 

June 3. — gu'pkwad. ma'ndu wi' go, su'mi' ni' da'bi' tai'namowa 
naha'g. ma'ndu nami'zam nami'lvi'gwaqg. nana'wa skug dodai'' 
zi'bag wa'djana pi'amag wo'tag. mad nawa'djana mitu'g wa'dji" 
nata'g'am. tca'ntci' Data 'g'am wa'dji' bi'ki'dam pi'amag, natai'nam 
nawigi'ta'g'am. madda'bi' kwa'm'a o'wa'n u'mi' wa'djana pi' 'amag 
wo 'tag. 

June 4. — ma'ndu wi''go, mad dja gwazi ualcwowi hai'g da'pkag., 
nawa'djana mi' 'ki'gwarjg wa'dji' nagata'mki', wa'mi' dja'gwanc 
bi'yo''mo wo'tci' ma'ndu. 

June 5. — ma'ndu wi'go, mad wi'ya'mo dja'gwan bi'yo'mo yudai' 
nakwowi'hai'g. ka'dji' ba'skwa. ocami' da'bi' nai'wa ma'ndu 
wi'go, wotai'namaqg su'mi nagau'hi'ya. 

June 6. — ma'ndu wi''go, naga'wi, nagata'mki' mi'tc zi''ckanas. 
naiV cla'ndrn. 

June 7. — ma'ndu niata'wi' wi''go, natai'namarig. nawa'djana 
wa'mi' dja'gwanc wo'tci' ma'ndu ni'ya'yo ma'ntci'. 

June 8. — ma'ndu wi'go su'mi wa'mi' dja'gwanc ya'yuc oi' 
wi' 'yaqgo gu'pkwad ma'ndu wi' 'go. wi'moni' yayo. nata'i''wo' ni'. 

June 9. — gu'pkwad, wi'gan, tci''wi' da'pku. ma'ndu womi''zara 
nami'tcuwaijg da'bi' naga'wi' da'pkutc, su'mi' nawo'to' ma'ndu 
a'p'u yudai''. ma'ndu mi''ki'go do' wa'mi' wo'ton. 

*< A Word of douV)tful meaning, possibly cognate with Nalick assaman he feeds him, Narr. assa'move 
give me to eat. (Trumbull, Natick Diet., p. 16.) 
" English loan- word, "chickens" with animate plural suffix. 
*fl .\nother loan-word from the English. 



SPECK) A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY Z4d 

May 28. — Ma'ndu is good, I slept last evening. I can get up. I 
went [and] fed myself, milked the cow [and tended the] chickens. I 
eat pudding and berries. That is so. 

May 29. — The sun rises clear. Already noon, I eat my dinner as 
I am hungry. Wlioever is hungry does not feel very well, whoever 
is not feeling well can not work, whoever can not be working, him 
must everyone help so that he [may] have something to eat, because 
maybe he will die of hunger since he can not go and get it. That 
is so! Then Ma'ndu will see those people [and] help them, too. 
That is so. 

May 30. — The sun rises, then it is cloudy. Ma'ndu is good, all 
things are good. Only people [are] not all good. That is so! Per- 
haps they do not want anything good from Ma'ndu, because they 
can not make money. 

Junel. — J/a'n(7M is good. I can get up from my bed. Rain. Mr. 
Speck came here to-day. Ma'ndu is good so much he helps me. 
Rain, cold, it is so! 

June 2. — Ma'ndu is good because I can have my thought, that 
is so! 

June 3. — Cloudy day. Ma'ndu is good because I can help myself. 
Ma'ndu gives me my strength. I saw a snake near the river, he had 
a fish in his mouth. I did not have a stick so that I could hit him. 
I ought to hit him so that he would give up the fish. I would help. 
I would like to hit him. He can not bite anyone because he has a 
fish in his mouth. 

June 4- — Ma'ndu is good. Nothing I fear at night. I have 
strength so that I get up, everything comes from Ma'ndu. 

June 5. — Ma'ndu is good. He does not let anything come here that 
I fear. Already noon. Truly can I say Ma'ndu is good, he helps me 
because I need him. 

June 6. — Ma'ndu is good. I slept, I got up, [and] ate milk. I 
went to Landing. 

June 7. — Ma'ndu is very good, my help. I have everything from 
Ma'ndu. That is so! Gone. 

June 8. — Ma'ndu is good because all things are so. Yesterday 
cloudy. 3Ia'ndu is good. True it is! My heart says that. 

June 9. — Cloudy, it is good, almost night. Ma'ndu gives my 
strength so I can sleep nights, because I know Ma'ndu dwells here. 
Ma'ndu is strong and all-knowing. 



244 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [eth. ann. 43 

June 10. — Ma'ndu wi''go, mad da'bi' naai dja'gwan, ma'ndu nias 
tai'namaijg. 

June 11. — ma'ndu wi'go. nawa'djana mi''ki'gwar|gwa'dji" da'bi' 
nawu'stD' nami''tcuwai]g, nada'bi' mi"'tcu yu'n'damyun. tca'ntci' 
o"wa'n ya'ndam andai' mi''tcu, niya'yo, skam'od na'da *" dja'gwan. 

Jw7?c 12_. — ma'ndu wi'go su'mi' ni' dabi' ga'wi', andai' da'bi" 
nagatamki yumbo'wi' nami"'tcu andai' aijgatag dja'gwanc naai'. 

Jime 13. — gu'pkwad, t'ka'yo, ma'ndu wi''go, mad dja'gwan 
nakwo'wi' haig, wa'yaqgwotc naga'wi, ni' ya'yo. 

June 15. — gi''zack ba'danta wi''nio yumbo'wi nawa'd'a'nam 
wo'tci' zi''bag. 

June 17. — ma'ndu wi'go. naga'wi' wa'yarjgwotc. nati'c basag- 
wanana'ntalcsag,*'* mad dja'gwan. 

June 19. — gi'zack wi'go, ba'danta wi''mo. ma'ndu wi''go 
oca'mi' nada'bi' gata'mki. da'bat ni' ma'ndu. 

June 21. — wi''go gi''zack ba'dan'ta. ma'ndu wi''go womi'zo" 
gi'sk da'pku bi'yo''mo. wa'mi' dja'gwanc bi'y.3''mac oi wu'stod 
ma'ndu. 

June 23. — gi''zack wi''ganta yumbo'wi". ma'ndu wi'go. nana'm 
a'qgatag gi"'sk, nada'bi' gata'mki' mi''tcu. nati'co' road wi''yar)go. 

June 24- — gi'zack ba'danta. ma'ndu wi'go. na wa'djana 
mi''ki'gwar)g wa'dji' nagata'mki wo'tci' bi'dag. ni'ya'yo. 

May 6. — Ni' sun dodai' witches^ bi''t'cowag mad a'p'u ni'dai'. 
ba'ki" woki'n'amnau *' dibiko''nagag.^^ mad da'bi' witches a'p'uwag 
ma'ndunag. nataij^a't'am ba'ki' woki'namnau o'i"'t"kwan^^ da'bi" 
wa'mi' uritches gasa'gwiwag. ni' sun djakwi'n." mas gato'wi" 
wu'sto'k wi'yutwa'gi" wu'sto'k dja'gwan mi' 'djuwag. ba'ki' ta'ganig 
do' dji'cs ^^ mas mi''djuwag. ba'ki' t'ka'yu, andai' mas gau'hik' wag 
wi'yu't wa'gi' °^ djas'u'm wowi'dji'cs. andai' mas wodjat'cato'n'au 

" This is the odIv time this word appears and I have no translation for it. Its resemblance to St. Francis 
Abenaki nada'wnvi' "scarcely, rarely" {-wiii' adverbial termination), induces me to consider it a possible 
cognate. 

« This is Muddy Cove, on the Thames near Gale's Ferry. Mrs. Fielding often walked there for her mail 
and provisions. The locality was a favorite of hers. Its name is from hasag " mud." 

M Mrs. Fielding might have used the Mohegan word moi'gu had she wished. This interesting word is 
evidently related to Delaware (^lunsee) malliku, "sorcerer." 

" The subject of this verb is an impersonal plural, though the singular pronoun is used. 

" drbj- is probably a corruption of English "devil." 

^ A word whose analysis is very perplexing. 

" This term refers to the old Indian huts of colonial times, many cellars of which are still to be discerned 
among the hills of Mohegan. The analysis of the word is quite impossible from existing sources, nor do 
Professor Prince's strenuous guesses (.\merican .4nthropologist, vol. 6, 1904, pp. 29-30) help us very much. 
He thinks it might be derived from the root in chokguog (.\atick) "Englishman," literally "knife man." 
It might just as likely have come from Mohegan-Pequot, djakwi-' mo "it is hurried." and mean "hasty 
house." It may, however, mean "bark-house" and compare with Delaware yoka'wun, "bark-house." 

" Moheganized "cheese" is interestin_^ phonetically because it shows conformation of loan words to 
native phonology in final surds, -cs. 

M The consonant of this preposition has two variants, g and dj (ma'gt, wadjv). k similar case, ka'gv, 
ka'djv. leads Professor Prince to think that some dialect forms are merged in .Mohegan. This is not at all 
unlikely judging from what we have already shown of the composite nature of the tribe's population. 



speck] 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 245 



June 10. — Ma'ndu is good. I can not be anything [yet]. Ma'ndu 
will help me. 

June 11. — Ma'ndu is good. I have strength so that I can make 
my food, I can eat when hungry. One must be hungry then eat, 
that is so, finding scarcely anything. 

June 12. — Ma'ndu is good because I can sleep, then can I get up 
early in the morning I eat, then another being *^ am I. 

June IS. — Cloudy, cold, Ma'ndu is good. Nothing I feared, last 
night I slept. That is so ! 

June 15. — Sun rising clear early in the morning I got [something] 
from the river. 

June 17. — Ma'ndu is good. I slept last evening. I went to 
Muddy Cove, nothing [there]. 

June 1.9. — The sun is good, rising clear. Ma'ndu is good, so well 
can T get up. Thank j^ou Ma'ndu. 

June 21. — Good sun rising. Ma'ndu is good he gives it [that] day 
[and] night come. All things come as being made by Ma'ndu. 

June 23. — The sun is good early in the morning. Ma'ndu is good. 
I see another daj^ I can get up [and] eat. I went by the road yester- 
day. 

June 24- — Sun is rising. Ma'ndu is good, I have strength so that 
I get up from the bed. That is so! 

May 6. — That stone ^* where the witches came does not rest 
there [now]. Maybe [they] took it to hell. Witches can not stay 
in heaven. I think maybe he took it; it is so big all the witches 
can go inside it. That stone [was] a house. [They] wall be going to 
make a fire so that they make something to eat. Perhaps bread and 
cheese will they eat. Perhaps it is cold, then will they want a fire to 
warm their hands. Then will they divide ^' their money, that they 

<8 Sic! Yet what she really says is "things!" 

5^ The narrator here refers to a Mohegan folic-taie which she narrated to rae some years ago and which I 
published as a test (.\merican Anthropologist, vol. 6, No. 4, 1904). The stone referred to was a glacial 
bowlder about as large as an ordinary small house, located formerly not far from the main road at Quaker 
Hill, near Uncasville. Conn. It was blasted .away over 20 years ago, not taken away by "the witches,'* 
as Mrs. Fielding would beguile us into believing. The theme of the tale is rather common in Algon- 
kian lore. One stormy night a weary Indian woman was deceived by "the witches" and lured into the 
bowlder as into a house, fed and warmed by a fire. But upon awakening in the morning the poor 
creature found herself lying cold and exposed beside the bowlder, her warm goblin's pallet and fire vanished, 
and her victuals converted into fraud. A tempting opportunity for sermonizing and for voicing the same 
old plaint of the Indian's undeserved poverty not overlooked by Mrs. Fielding. 

»» Literally "halve," see dja't'cr on page following. 



246 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [etu. ann. 43 

wa ma'ni'cs ^' ka'dji' da'bi' gainu'duwag. andai' ski"'dambak 
ja't'amag wa'ndjag ski' 'dambak wi' 'guwag su'mi" wa'djin'ok ma'ni'cs, 
ba'ki' wa'djuwag mi'dinhaus ^^ su'mi' wa'djono'k ma'ni'cs. tca'- 
maqksag i'ntcan.'' mad wa'djano' ma'ni'cs mad wa'djano" dja'gwan 
su'mi' mad da'bi' gQ:mu''du tai'andaksku. 

May 23. — Na wudjai' Mohi''ks.''^ ni' mad Pi''kut.''* o'wa'n 
i'wad ni' Pi'kut wotaianda'ksku, ya'yoni'' wa'n'aksag ya'tamag 
wot'o' wa'mi' dja'gwanc. dja't'ci' i''wad mad ya'yuc."^ tca'm'aqksag 
wa'n'aksag. mata'wi'wag gau'hikwag wa'mi' yu bia'mkugi' mad 
da'bi' arjgatag o'wa'n wa'djana dja'gwan mi''tsud(i'), su'mi' 
wa'n'aksag gau'hikwag ma'ni'cs. niad'a'bi' woki'n'aninau nap'u''d. 
tca'ntci' nap'u''wag wa'tci'a mad wowo'ton' ba'ki" mad gato'wi" 
wo'ton. wa'ndjag ski'dambak mata'wi'wag wi''go ski''damb mad 
mata'wi'wag. natcka'wad mad da'bi' gaska'm'an wa'ndjag 
ski''dambak da'bi' tai''namo'wa o''wan, mad'o'm wotai''namo'wa 
su'mi' saqkwati'd'i'yak, dja'nau. nasi'wa'tam wo'tci' wa'ndjag 
ski'dambak su'mi' mad ni'ni'ka'd'a da'bi' tai' 'iianiandam. ba'ki' 
mas na'gam waijg. nat'a'd'amowa ba'ki' wo' 'to', ba'ki' mad. ni' 
mad da'bi' i'wo' dja'gwan. 

May 30. — dji''tsag. nawigi'no'wa *^ dji"tsag, su'mi' wi'ktcu. 
mad i'wag dja'gwan ma'tce. mi'djuwag yuc ma'ndu mi''zo', 
andai' gatu''mak, su'mi' mad gau'hikwag dja'gwan, wa'mi' dja'gwanc 
ma'ndu mi''zo', ni' ya'yu, wa'mi' dja'gwanc. Wi "yaqgu nana'wa 
zi'bugag skug wa'djana pi''o"mag wowu'tag. nata'g'am andai' 
ba'kidam pi''o'mag, pi' 'o 'mag wi''ktcu. skug mat'ad'i'a'zu, 
gaka'm'ag waqg. pi''o'mag wi''ktcu, nawi'zai'g skug, skug dji'bai. 

Ma'ndu wi'go su'mi' wo' to' wa'mi' dja'gwanc. ski'damb mad 
wo'to' dja'nau kantcatci' oi' woto'd ma'ndu, ma'ndu ga'ntci., 
mata'wi' wi' 'go, tca'ntci' gi'yau' wi''go waqg. andai' ' mas nap'u' 'yun, 
masgadap'u'' ma'ndunag, ni' i''wo' ma'ndu. tca'ntci' mad gaso'san'i', 
so'san'i'an tca'ntci' ganat'ad'amo'wa ma'ndu, andai' mas ga mi'tcs 
mi'ki'gwaqg, andai' mas gamomi''kida su'mi' ma'ndu gatai'namang, 
ma'ndu tcu'ya wa'ndjag ski''dambak ma'ndunag, ni''dai mad 
bi'yamo dja'gwan mad wi'ganc,^' su'mi' ma'ndu mad da'bi* 

" Another English loan word, showing similar handling to dji'cs above, comes from the plural "moneys," 
in^inimate plural or diminutive, as Wabenaki ma'm's. The diminutive here denotes endearment. 

^ A corruption of "meeting-house," church, to own which seemed in her mind to be a sign of worldly 
success natural in a country community. 

61 Another Mohegan corruption, from vernacular "Injun." 

83 Note the correct proper name in use by the Mohegan, which has been previously discussed in the 
introduction. 

'* Here also is another native form of the Pequot tribal designation. Mrs. Fielding's plural form was 
Pi"kutaQ. Having now the correct native form we only lack its translation. 

6' An interesting reminder of the third person inanimate plural, -c, which is a distinctive mark of this 
group of dialects. 

6s The narrator throughout uses the singular objective pronoun referring to a plural object. 

" Note the sudden insertion of the inanimate plural (-c; which ordinarily should agree with the preceding 
singular noun tca'gwan " anything." 



SPECK] 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 247 



could steal. Then the people think these people are good because 
they have money, maybe they have [even] a meeting-house [belong 
to a church] because they have money. Poor Indian! He has not 
money, he has not anything because he can not steal [or] lie! '^ 

May 23. — I am from Mohegan! I am not Pequot! Anyone 
saying I am Pequot he is a continual bar, that is so! White men 
think [they] know all things. Half [the things they are] saying not 
are so. Poor white men. Many want aU this earth. It can not 
be for another person [to] have anything to eat, because white men 
want the money. They can not carry it [with them] when they die. 
They must die when they don't know. Maybe [they are] not going 
to know. These people are man3^ Good man is not frequent. 
Looldng [for him, you] can not find him. These people can help 
someone, but don't help anyone because they are stingy, only! I am 
sorry for these people because not ever can they help it. Maybe 
will they [be sorry] too! Ask him, maybe he knows, maybe not. 
I can not say anything. 

May 30. — Birds. I love to see the birds, because [they are] pretty. 
They do not say anything evil. They eat these things Ma'ndu" gives, 
then they sing, because they do not want for anything. All things 
Ma'ndu gives [them], that is so. All things! Yesterday I saw in the 
river a snake; he had a fish in his mouth. I hit him, then he gave up 
the fish. The fish is handsome. The snake is horrid, he bites you, 
too. The fish is handsome. I am afraid of the snake, snake is a 
spirit.^' 

Ma'ndu is good because he knows all things. Man does not know 
altogether but a little. So it is knowing Ma'ndu. Ma'ndu is great, 
very good, must you and I be good, too. Then when you will die, 
you will stay in heaven, so says Ma'ndu. You must not get tired, if 
you get tired you must ask for Ma'ndu, then will you get strength, 
then will you grow strong because Ma'ndu helps you. Ma'ndu wishes 
these people in heaven. Thither does not come anything not good, 
because Ma'ndu can not take money. That is why he came here on 

M This remarkable composition is not one of Mrs. Fielding's best from an intellectual standpoint, though 
it exhibits well her scathing contempt for those who had more than she did. 

" Mrs. Fielding of course designates God by this widespread .\lgonkian proper name. Ilowever, being 
unable to define her concept of the deity, as if she could even do it herself, I adhere to the original name in 
the EngUsh translation, preferring to permit the reader to reach his own conclusion as to the content of her 
mind. 

•» Snakes figure in Mohegau weather and witch lore as supernatural agents. 



248 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [Era. ann, « 

ka'namma'ni' ni' wa'dji' bi'yayudai' bi'a'mkugi'" su'mi' ski'dainhak 
tfi'pagi' ma'tci' ai'wag. ga'ntci' wu'c mi'zo' na'gam ko"djaks 
wa'dji' madu'm wa'mi" ski' 'dambak nap' u" 'wag. na'g'am Jesus 
Clirlst mad ni'nika'd'o: ma'tci' ai. mi''zi) woha'g wo'tci' ma'tci' 
ski' 'dambak. ma'ndu woko' 'djaks wowi' 'zawaqg Jesus Christ, ma'tci" 
ski'dambak a'nca yudai' bi'a'mkugi'. womi'zo' woha'g wo'tci" 
wa'mi' ski''dambak wa'ndjag gato'wi' i' 'co'k ma'ndunag JesMs C/irisi 
bi'yund. Jesus Christ mas bi'yo' yu'mbowaijg, na'g'am i'wo' ni" 
na'ntcada na'g"am woski" 'dambak. andai' mas a'p'uwag ni'dai 
ma'ndunag wotci'mi'. tca'ntci' nap'u'', wa'mi' ski' 'dambak, mad 
da'bi' o''wan wotai'namandam su'mi' ma'tci' ai'wag. ni' wa'dji' 
nap'u'wag, wo'tci' Jesus Christ bi'ya'mo wa'dji" da'bi' o'wa'n 
a'p'u' ma'ndunag. tca'ntci' gasi'wa'tam wo'tci' wa'mi' gata' mad 
wi'gan'ud, da'lia tca'ntci' o'wa'n mad'u'm wi'ktaman. tca'ntci' 
ba'ki'dara wa'mi' dja'gwanc madwi'gan, su'mi' ma'ndu mad 
wi'ktam dja'gwan madwi'ganc, tca'ntci' o''wan aioi, i''wo' ma'ndu, 
ma'ndu wuskwi'gag. tca'ntci' o'wan o'tci' daman, andai' mas 
wowo'ton wa'mi' dja'gwanc, ma'ndu i'wad, ni" ya'yu. ma'ndji", 
mas bi'yamuc waijg. tca'ntci' ganata'd'amowa, ma'ndu, mas 
gatai'namaijg wo'tci' Jesus Christ, ma'ndu mad tca'ntam o''wau 
woto'n di'bi'ko'nag. tcu'ya wa'mi' ski''dambak mas bi''yak 
ma'ndunag. ba'ci' ma'd'um pa'd'am ma'ndu, i'wad ma'ndu, mad 
da'bi tai'namowa o''wan mad'u'm pa'damad. tca'ntci' gapa'dam, 
ma'ndu i'wad. ma'ndu gato'wi' gatai'namaag. di''bi' "' gwatcai'yu 
wa'dji' da'bi' ka'n'a wa'mi' ski''dambalv. 

di"'bi' ya't'am yu bi'a'mkugi' na'gam wo'to', wa'mi' ski'dambak 
war)g. ma'ntci', nai" ni" ya'yo. dja'nau wo'tci' Jesus Christ bi''yamo 
wa'dji" mad da'bi" ai di'bi" dja'gwan. Jesus Christ po'na di"'bi" 
wo'tci' ma'ndunag, su'mi' di'bi' taianda'icsku da'ka gau'hig Jesus 
Christ a'bad. yu mad da'bi' di''bi' gasa'gwi" ma'ndunag. Jesus 
Christ gato'wi" po'na di'bi' wi'yu'tag. di'bi' wowoto'n waijg. ni" 
wa'dji' di'bi' tci"'mi" aiki'kuzu wa'dji' mas ka'n'a wa'mi' ski''- 
dambak su'mi" wowo"'ta mad da'bi" a'p'u' yudai' ba'mkugi. tci'mi" 
wogau'ha wa'mi" slci'dambak wi'djo'walv di'bi' wi'yu'tag. mad 
da'bi' ga'dji'wag su'mi' ni' wi'yu't mad o''wan da'bi' yunto"'mun. 
ma'ndu wusto'n "- wa'tci' di''bi' da'ka ma'tci' wi''ktamag ski'- 
dambak. 

Je.sus Christ gau'ha wa'ndjag na'gam woto'hi''c womi'zo' woha'g 
wo'tci' na'ndjag ski''dambak. dja'nau na'gamo mad gau'hikwag 
ma'ndu ni' wa'dji' mad da'bi" su'mi' na'gam ma'd'um tcu'ya ma'ndu 
tai'namowa. ma's si'wa'tam ka'dji' di'bi' ka'n'a. 

■' .\q interesting etymology, literally "walking-ground." The form varies to ba'mkiag (ba'm (ca), (" to 
go walking"). 

"' .\n ludiauized torm ot "Devil." Seedibikc-'nag "Devil's h.ibitation," a few lines above. 

■'■ This verb is evidently related to Natick ussl'na't, " to do," or perhaps kcsteau "to make perfect, create," 
also kesleaunal to finish, showing the third person inanimate object incorporated. Prof. Prince's uncer- 
tainty as to its recognition in 1903 C-Vmer. Anth., vol. o, p. 206) suggests this eiplanation. 



speck] 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 249 



earth because people arc dreadfully bad. The great father gave his 
sou so that not all people should die. He is Jesus Christ, not ever 
bad was he. He gave himself for bad people. Ma'ndu's son, his 
name Jesus Christ. Bad people Idlled him here on earth. He gave 
himself for all people. They are going to go to heaven [at] Jesus 
Christ's coming. Jesus Christ will come again. He says that. He 
comes for his people. Then will they stay there in heaven forever. 
Must die, all people, can not anyone help himself because evil they 
are. Therefore they die, for Jesus Christ came that anyone can abide 
in heaven. You must be sorry with all your heart not being good, and 
must everyone not love it. [You] must give up all things not good, 
because Ma'ndu does not love anything not good. Must everyone 
be likewise, says Ma'ndu in Ma'ndu's book. Must everyone crave it. 
Then will he know all things, Ma'ndu's saying, that is so! Gone 
away, he will come again. You must ask him for it, Ma'ndu will 
help you for Jesus Christ [sake]. Ma'ndu does not want anyone to 
go to hell. He mshes that all people will come to heaven. Part [of 
the people] never listen to Ma'ndu, says Ma'ndu', he can not help 
anyone never listening [to him]. You must listen to him, Ma'ndu 
says. Ma'ndu is going to help you. Di''hi is abroad so that he can 
catch all people. 



Di''bi' thinks this earth [is] his own," all the people, too. Going 
that way! Yes, that is so! Only for that Jesus Christ came so 
that Di'hi' can not be anything. Jesus Christ put down Di'hi' 
from heaven, because Di''br lied and wanted Jesus Christ's place. 
Now can not Di''hv get in heaven. Jesus Christ is going to put Di''hi' 
in the fire. Dv'hi laiows it too. That is why Di'hi' always is 
working so that he will catch all the people because he knows he can 
not stay here on earth. Always he wants that all people shall go 
w^th Di'hi' in the fire. They can not get out because that fire not 
anyone can shut it up. Ma'ndu made it for Dv'hi' and people 
who love evil. 

Jesus Christ wants these [to be] his own. He gave himself for 
those people. Only themselves," they do not want Ma'ndu. That 
is why [one] can not [help himself] because he never seeks Ma'ndu 
[to] help him. He will be sorry that Di''hi' catches him. 

" Literally "hira. his own." 

" The confusion of singular and plural pronoiins here makes it difDcult to translate literally. 

19078°— 28 17 



250 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [eth. ann. 43 

June 19. — ga'ntci' wuc a'pud ma'ndunag. mata'wi' wi"'go gawi'- 
zawaqg, gaiiia'ndunag biya'mo. oi' gi' i'wad, ni' i'wag yu ba'm- 
bugiag mo'wi" oi' ma'ndunag, mi''zQ:myugi''sk ta'gani'g, oi' a'qgatag 
gi'sks. wusto' nata' wi''gan wa'dji' mad nawi''ktam dja'gwanc 
ma'tci'c, su'mi' gama'ndimag, garni" 'ki'gwaqg mata'wi" wi''gan, 
wotci"' mi'tci''mi. 

November 1. — wi''go gi''zack. ma'ndu wi''go su'mi' nada'bi'' 
tai'namowa naha'g. nata' gugupa'yu, ni'ya'yo ma'ndu go'danam 
yuc mad wi'ganc. su'mi' na'gam wi'go ni' gatowi' wi'go waqg. 

1905 

January 6. — mohi' 'ks, mata'wi' gun, zu'tcpu yu. mad da'bi' o'wa'n 
gata'wi', dja'nau i''nag.'" tci'pa'g'i' zi''yangad, mad nana'wa o'wa'n 
wo'tci'na sa'nta,'' Rosse STceezuclcs bi''ya yudai'. mad da'bi' 
D'wa'n zu'wi.'* wo'tci' yudai' wo'tci' dja'kwin, wa'mi' gun. 
tca'ntci' o'wa'n ca'bihaman.'" 

January 7. — zo'tota zu'gayun wa'yaqgwotc. gun dja't'ci' gata'wi', 
da'bi' na'wa ki' yumbo'wi'. 

" This interesting word gives us tiie Mohegan-Pequot form of the uiiivers;il Algonkiari designation for 
human being. 

"^ At Mohegan, among many English loan words, the Indians adopted corruptions of the English names 
of the days of the week, viz, Ma'ndaia, Du'zata, H a'nsata, Do'zrta, Bi'ai'ta, Zo'tota, Sa'nta. 

'* It may be interesting to note that this verb in Penobscot (tcuwi's) is used only in address to dogs. 

" The meaning of this word was never definitely ascertained. One might take it, however, to be a 
derivation of the English verb " to shovel " (Mohegan has no v or /) with Algonkian an; yet it is probably 
pure Indian and related to Natick (Massachusetts) chippinum, "he separates it, puts it apart," "clears 
it," in other words. 



siEcKl A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 251 

June /P.- Great Father staj'ing in heaven. Very great is your 
name. May your heaven come. Likewise as is your command, so 
may they say here on earth as it is going on in heaven. Give [us] 
to-day bread, so, too, for another day. Make my heart good so 
that I may not like things evil, because yours is heaven, yours is 
strength very good; that is forever [and] forever." 

November 1. — Clear sun. Ma'ndu is good because I can help 
myself. My heart is closed up, that is so! Ma'ndu takes away 
these things not good. Because he is good I ain going to be good too. 

1905 

January 6. — Mohegan, much fallen snow, snowing now. Can not 
anyone go [out], only men. Dreadfully cold. I have not seen 
anyone since Sunday, [when] Rosse Skeezucks " came here. Can 
not anyone go out from here from the house, all snow. Everyone 
must shovel it clear. 

January 7. — Saturday. Rain last night. Snow half gone, can 
see the ground again. 

" This is Mrs. Fielding's Mohegan Lord's Prayer. She was in her latter days a Seventh Day .\dventiatSi 
Professor Prince, in a former article on this dialect (American .Vnthropologist, vol. 5, No. 2, p. '208, 1903) 
has repnxluced and restored the Lord's Prayer in Pequot as it was recorded in Governor Salteristall's 
notes (1721), and later pubUshed in the first annual report of the American Society, 1824, p. 54. This was 
reprinted in DoForest's History of the Indians of Connecticut, p. 39. Professor Prince's restored version 
seems to show signs of its being a dialect slightly variant from the one preserved by Mrs. Fielding, unles 
the differences between the two are due entirely to the changes wrought by time. 

^1 Jerome Roscoe Skeesucks was one of the Indian boys at that time living at Mohegan. (See photo 
jil. 30, r. d.') His father was from Brothertnn, Wisconsin, of Xarragansett descent. His mother was o, 
half Nehantic descent, a native of Mohegan. The family patronym is from sky'zalis, "eyes," or "littlef 
eye," common to Mohegan-Pequot, Xan-agansett, and Massachusetts. The name may be traced back 
to a chieftain in the time of King Philip's War (1675-76). 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 29 



f» 


^ 




J^^ 


f 




^^ 








m 




JM J^\\\ ■ ^'^^'i;- 


L^^^^^m^^^ 


i 









^^/^.j^f)(^:nis^\v^ 




n. CYNTHIA FOWLER; '>. RACHEL FIELDING: <. AMY COOPER: 
('. EMMA 'FIELDINGi BAKER. ALL MOHEGAN 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 30 







n. h. CHARLES MATHEWS 'FULL FACE AND PROFILE), NEHANTIC- 
MOHEGAN: c, d, J. R. SKEESUCKS (TWO VIEWS), NEHANTIC- 
MOHEGAN 



o 

o 




BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 33 





I. VIEW OF RUINS OF STONE FORT ON MOHEGAN HILL, LOOK- 
ING NORTH. BOWLDERS FORMING PART OF ORIGINAL 
WALL ARE SHOWN STILL IN PLACE (1921 ) iNO. 1 ON CHART); 
''. VIEW OF SAME RUINS LOOKING EAST 

The inclosure on the rock outcrop is known in Mohe^an tradition as the "kitchen" and 
women's quarters of the old fort 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 34 






MOHEGAN CHAPEL ON MOHEGAN HILL. ON SITE 
OF OLD VILLAGE (NO. 2 ON CHART): b. SCENE AT 
THE "WIGWAM" (1920i. OX TEAM BRINGING SUP- 
PLIES: c. SCENE AT ERECTION OF THE "WIGWAM" 
IN 1902. SHOWING SKELETON OF THE STRUCTURE. 
CROTCHED POSTS. AND STRINGERS 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 35 




a, VIEW FROM THE TOP OF LANTERN HILL, A LANDMARK IN 
THE PEQUOT COUNTRY OVERLOOKING ONE OF THE SMALL 
LAKES BORDERING THE PEQUOT RESERVATION. THE GIRLS 
IN THE PHOTOGRAPH ARE MOHEGAN; b, WINTER VIEW 
ACROSS COUNTRY FROM MOHEGAN CHAPEL (NO. 2 ON 
CHART; 



APPENDIX 



GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES AND LEGENDS AT MOHEGAN 

It seems that an account of the life of old Mohegan would hardly 
be complete without some geographical reference to localities which 
Mi's. Fielding referred to in her narrative. To record some of these 
legends at the present time will no doubt preserve them from oblivion, 
because not all, by any means, are even known to the present gene- 
ration of Mohegan. (The numbers heading the paragraphs refer to 
the locations on the chart, pi. 31.) For instance, the very name 
of the Thames River is not known to the Indians, and would have 
been lost were it not for Mrs. Fielding's mention of it as o"'si"d. 
What this term means it is impossible to say. 

2Iuddy Cove. — There is little to record about the locality, except 
that it had a Mohegan name which did not follow the common rule 
of native place names by passing over directly into New England 
toponjnny. Mrs. Fielding, who mentions the place a number of 
times, called it Basa'gwana'ntaksag, "little mud river cove." It 
is Icnown locally as Muddj' Cove. 

A^o. 1. Fncas Fort (pi. 33, a, b). — The ancient stone inclosure 
which tops the elevation known as Fort Hill farm is perhaps the 
most imposing example of native ruins in the immediate neighbor- 
hood. The site is marked (No. 1) on the chart. Here is a stone 
inclosure encompassing three sides, consisting of rocks and bowlders, 
plainly visible among the woods. On the north, west, and south 
sides the remains of the stone wall range from 6 to 8 feet across and 
from 1 to 3 feet above the floor of the woods. There are no stones 
on the eastern face, and so there may have been a log stockade 
instead of a wall here. The hill also is steepest on this side, where 
it falls off to the Mohegan Road, now the highway between Norwich 
and New London. On the northeast corner of the main inclosure 
is a smaller inclosure of large, flat slabs laid upon a crown of the 
hard rock. This is remembered by the Mohegan as having been a 
kitchen, or a woman's ciuarters, used when the fort was occupied. 
No other details seem to be remembered, so any further reconstruc- 
tion will have to be the result of excavation and inference. Several 
times I have paced off the area, which turns out to be 60 paces on 
the western front and about 38 on the northern and southern. The 
smaller inclosure or kitchen is about 30 feet square. Some of the 
slabs here are in what appears to be their original position (pi. 33). 

253 



254 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [eth. ann. 43 

The Mohegan call this Uncas's Fort. Here the famous chief sup- 
posedly had one of his inland strongholds, enveloped by a high 
stone wall on three sides at least. 

Now the environs of the old fort are destitute of all signs of life, 
though several families of the Mohegan still live almost under tlio 
shadow of the hill and the trees that crown it. The vireos sing 
there through the long summer days from the oaks, whose trunks, 
a foot thick, rise from the inclosure, and the woodchuck makes his 
burrow beneath the tumble-down of rocks that marks the place, in 
the northeast corner, where the kitchen stood in the days when the 
Mohegan women plied theii- nourishing industry for those who sought 
refuge in the stockade. The rose-breasted grosbeak is not an un- 
common frequenter of the premises. A ghost still holds forth on 
the steep hillside among the rocks. Some of the Indians, in fact 
most of them, have at one time or another heard the clinldng maul 
and wedge of some one splitting stone there on dark nights. 

It is furthermore asserted that persons passing by this place on 
the roadway after dark are likely to perceive stones being thrown 
at them. Some even have felt themselves struck by the missiles. 
An old general Algonkian belief perpetuated. Somewhere, also, in 
the vicinity a murdered Indian is said to have been buried. The 
sound of digging has been fancied to come from the place, even 
within the last few years. 

No. 2. Old Church (pi. 34, a).— The old Mohegan church, erected 
in 1831, was a factor in the conversion of the Mohegans, and has long 
been a landmark in their religious and social history. It stands 
upon the crown of Mohegan Hill, from which some wide and inspir- 
ing views may be had toward every point of the compass. South- 
ward the eye follows down the Thames River to New London and 
Long Island Sound; west over the hills toward Connecticut River, 
or northwest to Wawecus Hill and the Taconnic Range, across which 
the ancient tribe is believed to have migrated, northeast past Nor- 
wicii or the old "Landin' Place," to the hills near the Massachusetts 
line. Eastward is a wide panorama of the old Pequot country 
opening out across country on the east of the Thames. This tract 
shows from Mohegan lower and less hilly except for several rocky 
eminences, one of which, Lantern Hill, rises several hundred feet 
above the horizon (pi. 35, a). Here is a widely known landmark of 
Indian days. From its almost bare summit is an extensive view 
across the birch swamps renowned in the Pequot war of 1636, where 
the natives sought refuge from the vengeance of the Pilgrims. Now, 
almost under the shadow of Lantern Hill, lies theii- diminutive 
reservation, where the several families of Pequot mixed bloods reside. 

The gz'een m front of the church is still the spu-itual center of life 
at Mohegan. Here is enacted annually the festival of the Mohegan 



siKCKl A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 255 

women's society, tin ordinary modern church festival now, but one 
with a remote ancestry. Tlie account given of this event 20 years 
ago, which is quoted below, still applies to the procedure, except 
that oak posts are now substituted for the chestnut, the latter trees 
through this whole region having succumbed to the chestnut blight. 

"There is no doubt, though, that the Mohegan, like most of the 
Atlantic coast sedentary tribes, had a ceremony to signalize the 
season of the corn harvest. Tliis ceremony, known widely among 
other tribes as the Green Corn Dance, has a degraded survival in a 
modern September festival. The festival is now simply a sort of 
fair for the benefit of the Indian church. A suitable time is ap- 
pointed by the church women, and the men proceed to erect a large 
wigwam as a shelter. An area adjoining the church, at least 60 feet 
square, is covered by this arbor. Crotched chestnut posts are erected 
in the ground about 10 feet apart, and from one to the other of these 
crosspieces are laid. Quantities of green white-birch saplings have 
been cut and are then strewn over the roof cjuite thickly. The sides 
are filled and woven in with these also, in such a manner as to make 
a fairly weather-tight enclosure. A portion of the wigwam's side is 
visible in the background of Plates 34, h, and 36. For some days be- 
fore the festival several men are kept busy pounding up cjuantities of 
corn for yokeg, which the women and children have roasted. Several 
large mortars are kept exclusively for this purpose, and are the com- 
mon property of the tribe. These are kept m the custody of the 
Tantaquidgeon family residing a hundred yards or so from the church 
grounds. The days of the festival are merely the occasion for a 
general informal gathering of the Indians from far and near, and the 
sale, for the benefit of the church treasury, of such things as they are 
able to make. Many articles of Indian manufacture already described 
are displayed on the benches in this wigwam, for sale as souvenirs 
and articles of utility; while various dishes of food, ancient and modern, 
are made and sold on the grounds. Some other sort of amusement 
is usually introduced from outside for the three days, and an admission 
price is charged. They also have some one appear in fuU Indian 
costume as an added attraction. The Mohegan make this annual 
gathering a sort of tribal holiday. The fact that it takes place at 
the height of the corn season, and that corn products, particularly 
yokeg and su'ktac (parched corn powder and corn and bean soup), 
play such an important part m it, are clear indications of the early 
nature of this festival." ' 

Within the past ten years the "Wigwam" festival has been con- 
siderably revived by the people, many of them appearing in native 
homemade costumes, as some of the accompanying portraits show. 



>cf. Speck, ref. i., pp. lW-195. 



256 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT |eth. ann. 43 

No. 3. DeviVs Footprint (pi. 37, h). — Only a few rods in the rear of 
the old church, that is, east of it, is a granite bowlder several feet 
high and about 3 feet across. On its top face is a crevice some 8 
inches deep and as wide as one's hand. This is said to contain always 
some water. This is the "devil's footprint." Tradition says that 
when the devil left this region he leaped from this stone and in so 
doing drove his cloven foot into the stone. His next step, Mrs. 
Fielding used to say, was to Long Island, where, she believed, the 
mate to the impression is to be found somewhere near Montauk, as 
she had heard the Long Island Indians speak of it. The legend is not 
uncommon in other parts of America in the regions of European 
influence and beyond it as well. At Lorette, P. Q., Barbeau describes 
how the Huron have a similar stone, while I have encountered other 
instances in the East. 

Nos. 4, 5, 6. The Indian Springs. — At several localities in the 
heart of the Mohegan settlement springs which are known to have 
been used in aboriginal days pour forth from the hillsides. They 
still bear the names of old Indians who at some time had their 
cabins near by. In some places pits are yet noticeable and appear 
as cavities in the fields. The present-day Mohegan call them " muggs" 
holes and store potatoes within them. Every household formerly 
had one. One of these springs (No. 6) is west of the old Uncas Hill 
fort and still pours from two spacious basins. It is known as Twin 
Springs. Another splendidly flowing spring is Uncas's Spring, in 
a pasture about one-fourth of a mile southeast of the old church 
(No. 4). There is a tradition that the water from Uncas's Spring 
would "make one strong and healthy." People would travel from 
afar to get it. And still another is No'ni's Spring (No. 5), about 
one-fourth mile farther to the southeast. Here in the immediate 
surroundings are numerous surface indications of early occupancy. 

No. 7. Indian Corn Hills. — Lying north of these springs over an 
area of 15 or 20 acres, and again on the north side of Mohegan 
HiU and toward the river, are extensive remains of the Indian corn 
hills. They are indicated on the map by the figures 7, which give 
an approximate location. They appear as small mounds, sometimes 
but not always in alignment, varying from 6 or 8 inches to a foot in 
elevation. Dr. A. I. Hallowell has described and discussed these 
aboriginal corn hills in a short report - as follows: 

"The corn hills, observed during a few days' visit to Mohegan last 
August, are in two localities. One of them is an 8 to 10 acre pasture 
on high ground, a few minutes' walk a little southeast of the Indian 
meetinghouse. The mounds which stud this field are from the point 
of view of order intermediary between those described by Lapham 
and the hills referred to at Assonet neck. (Cf. American Anthro- 

2 American Anthropologist, n. s. vol. 23, No. 2 (1921), p. 233. 



spKCKl A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 257 

pologist, July-September, 1920.) They probably resemble quite 
closely those described at Northampton, Mass. 

"In the second locality, which is also pasture but farther toward 
the Thames River, and bordering on wooded land, the hills are quite 
irregularly scattered and few if any can be said to be in rows. It is 
said that mounds also existed in a field close to the first locality 
mentioned, but within a year or two the white man's plow has entirely 
obliterated all traces of them. 

"It is of no little significance that there is an unbroken tradition 
at Mohegan regarding these corn hills. Anyone asked will point 
them out as such." 

De Forest' also refers to similar corn fields visible in his day, 1852, 
near the village of Thompson, in the extreme northeastern corner of 
Connecticut, in the old Nipmuck country. 

No. 8. Papoose Rock (pi. 37, a). — At a point near the shore of the 
Thames just above the village of Massapeag, which was incidentally 
an old Mohegan site whose name means "big water," is a ledge 
about 100 feet in height. A jutting ledge halfway down toward the 
river was pointed out by the older people as the scene of the follow- 
ing legend : * 

"There was a Mohegan who went across to Long Island and took 
a wife from one of the tribes there. After some time he tired of her 
and came home. Soon after she had a child. She said to herself, 
'My child's father has left me to take care of him. I can not do it 
alone.' So she made ready for a journey and set out for the Mohe- 
gan country across the Sound to look for her husband. She found 
him at Mohegan and said to him, 'You must take care of me and 
the child.' But he paid no attention to her. Then she went down 
to where there was a steep sloping rock, not far from the river. 
Standing on the top of this slope, she took her child in one hand and 
grasped its head with the other. Then she twisted the head and it 
came off, the blood flowing down the rocks. The woman cast the 
hsad down, and the body she threw farther out. Where the head 
fell there remained a splotch of blood, and where the body struck 
there was left an imprint stained upon the rock in the shape of the 
child. That is the story. The blood is there yet, and it tells of her 
deed when she has gone." 

No. 9. ShantoJc or SJiantup Point (pis. 32, 38, h). — The name comes 
from an ancient Moliegan family named Shantup which is said to have 
resided there. At this point several historic associations are cen- 
tered. An ancient Mohegan burying ground may still be seen. 
The interments have left their inerasible marks in elongated hollows 
irregularly distributed over several acres. Among them are the 

3 De Forest, History of the Indians of Connecticut, p. 377. 
' Quoted from Speck, rcf. i (1909), pp. 1S6-187. 



258 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OP CONNECTICUT Ieth. ann. 43 

late burials, where during historic times the Mohegan have been 
laid away and marked, fii'st with granite slabs and last with manu- 
factured stone. The old graves and the new are commingled. The 
older generation of Indians just passed away remembered how bodies 
used to be carried to the cemetery suspended by thongs beneath the 
neck, waist, and heels, to a pole carried on the shoulders of two men. 
This seems to have been the general method of carrying corpses 
reported among most of the central and eastern tribes. 

At the same place, a few rods north and fronting on the river bluff, 
here about 50 feet high, was an ancient shell heap, still conspicuous, 
and composed of oyster and hard and soft shell clams, from a foot 
to 18 inches in depth. The usual shell-heap implements and a few 
potsherds may be found among them. This was, moreover, the site 
of Uncas Fort in 1645, when the Mohegan chief was besieged by 
Pessacus. Several legends are current in connection with the great 
siege, in which the Narragansett might have succeeded in reducing 
the Mohegan if the latter had not been relieved by a supply of food 
brought in by Captain Leffingwell coming from Saybrook. The 
site of the stockade has been marked by a rubble pyramid erected 
by the local Daughters of the American Revolution and appro- 
priately inscribed. 

One of the Mohegan legends is as follows :° 

"When the Narragansett had landed on Shantic Point and had 
taken up theii- position of siege, it looked to the Mohegan as though 
they were to lose; for the enemy outnumbered them. Now, there 
was one Narragansett who had climbed a certain tree not far off, 
where by means of his elevation he could command an advantageous 
view of the Mohegan behind their palisades. From this perch he 
directed a destructive fire into them, adding insult and raillery to 
his attacks. 'Are you hungry?' he would ask in taunting tones. In 
order to remove such an obnoxious adversaiy from their view the best 
of the Mohegan marksmen engaged in trying to bring him down, 
but without result. His abusiveness increased as theii- shots failed 
to touch him. Then they concluded that he was a moigu', 'witch.' 
At length a Mohegan who possessed power equal to that of the Narra- 
gansett appeared and ordered the others to desist. Taking a bullet 
from his pouch he swallowed it. Straightway it came out of his 
navel. He swallowed it again and it came out of his navel. Again 
he did it, with the same result. Now he loaded his rifle with the 
charmed ball, and taking aim, fired at the man in the tree. The 
Narragansett dropped out of the branches, dead." 

» Quoted from Speck, ref. i (1909), pp. 196-197. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 37 





, VIEW OF LEGENDARY PAPOOSE ROOK AT MOHEGAN NEAR 
THAMES RIVER. LOOKING NORTH '1921 ) 'NO. 8 ON CHART); 
b. ''DEVILS FOOTPRINT' IN BOWLDER JUST BACK OF MO- 
HEGAN CHAPEL (1921) (NO. 3 ON CHART; 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 38 





a. SCENE ON MOHEGAN HILL, OLD INDIAN PATH NEAR MO- 
HEGAN CHAPEL <NO. 2 ON CHART); b, MOHEGAN BURYING 
GROUND AT SHANTOK POINT (NO. 9 ON CHART) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 39 





MRS. MARY iKILSON) JESSON. SCATTICOOK. 
(TWO VIEWS) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 40 



^^ISFB^BOHiAt ' 


^^m^ V 

^ 




■ ■ / /• 'f^ " 


' 


^ " ^^^ */ ^ . 








^^ itIbSSh j^^^^^^^^^^^k 






". JESSIE HARRIS. SCATTICOOK: ''. JIM HARRIS AND HIS SONS, 
SCATTICOOK (1903) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 41 





JS»' 




a. A LANDMARK IN THE OLD NEHANTIC COUNTRY. THE CAVE 
SHELTER NEAR NIANTIC EAST LYME" WHERE TRADITION 
SAYS THE IROQUOIS BESEIGED THE NEHANTIC. THE BOY 
IN THE ENTRANCE IS A MOHEGAN; ''. THE LANDING PLACE 
ON THE OLD NEHANTIC RESERVATION AT CRESCENT BEACH. 
NEAR EAST LYME. LOOKING NORTH TOWARD WIGWAM 
SITES AND SITE OF INDIAN STOCKADE IN COLONIAL TIMES 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 42 





«. SCENE LOOKING NORTH ON THE HOUSATONIC RIVER FROM 
SCATTICOOK RESERVATION: '.. SCENE IN THE GORGE OF 
THE HOUSATONIC NEAR MILFORD. IN THE OLD SCATTICOOK 
COUNTRY 



fPECKl A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 259 

A few days later Colonel Leffingwell, fioni Saybrook Fort, effected 
an entrance by night, bringing the carcass of a steer to the starving 
Mohegan. The following morning they stuck the quarters up on 
poles and waved them in derision where the enemy could see them 
and know that succor had arrived. Then the relief party on the 
heels of LefFmgwell appeared on the river and the Narragansett were 
dispersed. 

No. 10. Sandy Desert. — A legend of an encounter with some in- 
vading tribe is associated with a barren sandy zone running westward 
from the river about half a mile toward the Mohegan road. The 
place, which has the appearance of being an outlying extension of 
the coastal plain, is clothed with a growth of pitch pine and other 
sand-barrens vegetation. The legend," which I recorded some years 
ago, is given: 

"It was not such a place as it is now, but fertile and pleasant. 
The tribe was on friendly relations with the Mohegan, but before 
long some disease came among them and killed them off like sheep. 
Ever since that time this valley, where their settlement was, has 
never grown any grass. Then- bones are often unearthed." 

This relation was by James Rogers. The contradiction between 
the two statements regarding the hostile attitude of the strange 
tribe is probably due to an error of memory on his part, for at the 
time he ipoke he was a very old Indian. We have examined the 
tract for surface indications, but found nothing more than a few 
scattered stone implements. 

No. 11. Cutchegun Rod". — At this spot on the map is located a 
massive bowlder near Stony Brook, known as Cutchegmi Rock, 
reported in several geological records to be the largest detached 
bowlder in New England. Here in colonial times dwelt a Mohegan 
named Caleb Cutchegun, whose home was made in a cavity on the 
under side of the rock. Here, likewise, Mohegan tradition mentions 
a resort of Uncas. On top of the rock he is said to have held his 
council meetings, seated upon a flat stone for a bench, surroimded 
by some seven other flat stones for his councilmen. These stones, 
however, have within a few years been rolled off the crown of the 
rock by vandals. 

A^o. 12. Paul's Burying Ground. — At a spot near where the 
figure 12 appears on the map is the evidence of early sepulture. 
Tradition asserts that here in colonial times an Englishman named 
Paul and his daughter were buried. They had become lost and were 
saved by the Indians, who gave them refuge. Later, it is said, 
they died of some contagious disease, which carried off many of the 
Indians themselves. 

• Quotad from Speck, ref. i (1909), p. 187. 



260 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [eth. ann. 43 

AN ADDENDUM TO MOHEGAN-PEQUOT FOLKLORE 

A considerable period of time has elapsed since any writer has given 
an account of the beliefs of the tribes in the now thickly settled 
Atlantic seaboard. From the score of Indians who still inhabit 
Mohegan I have gotten the following few beliefs and superstitions, 
which somewhat extend our body of knowledge available for com- 
parison with that of neighboring groups. A list and brief discussion 
of folklore and medicines, collected with the aid of Miss Gladys 
Tantaquidgeon, was published in 1915. Since then her efforts have 
continued, and Mr. J. R. Skeesucks (pi. 30, c, d), of the same tribe, 
has contributed, to both of whom I am indebted for additions. 

In one of my other papers ' on the Mohegan-Pequot I gave a 
fragment of a song from a story, which I am now able to correct. 
The proper version of this little verse, the only sample of native 

lyrics, is: 

pe'tikado'.s gn'gaiiO's 
ka'ijgayai ntu'lipo's 

The attempted translation at the time for this was, "My grand- 
father brings it, my turtle carries it."^ Since this jingle was first 
recorded I have learned that among children the grasshopper was 
called gu'ganos (possibly also "your grandfather"). This makes 
a change in the translation, which comes forth more clearly with 
the help of Penobscot verb stems, changing pe'tikado's to mean "he 
comes jumping in," and ka'qgayai to mean "he goes swiftly" 
(Penobscot kai]ga'wile = ka'qgayai, substituting y in Mohegan- 
Pequot for J). So we would have for this a more figurative 
meaning, "Grasshopper (or grandfather) jumps in, my turtle goes 
swiftly by." 

Perhaps some connection with the myth to which this recitation 
belonged will still be found in the mythology of the Wabanaki, or 
even among the Central Algonkian. 

From one of the earlier accounts ^ I quote the following narratives 
concerning the forest spirits believed in at Mohegan, to which some 
further information may now be added: 

"It seems characteristic of the Algonkian tribes, in particular, to 
believe in numerous varieties of fairies, forest elves, and river elves. 
The Mohegan claim to have believed in the existence of many of 
these in former times, but only one kind is now remembered. 
These are the makia'wisag 'little people' (singular makki's). 

' Notes on the Mohegan and Niantic Indians. .Vnthropological Papers of the American Museum of 
Natural History, N. Y., vol. m (1909), p. 202. 

s Professor Prince suggested this rendering a number of years ago. He was quite as successful as he was 
with his famous treatment of "mene mene tekel upharsin," 

' Speck, ref. i, pp. 201-202. 



SPECK] A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 261 

The following short narrative of Mrs. Fielding explains all that is 
known about them: 

" The makia'wisag were dwarfs who lived in the woods. They 
were the ones who made the pictures and scratchings on the rock 
which stood on Fort Hill. (Since blasted out by road makers.) 
The old glass bottles which are plowed out of the ground here and 
there were left by them, as were also the brass kettles found in 
graves. 

" The last of them to be seen around here were some whom Martha 
Uncas told about. It must have been before 1800. She was then a 
child coming down the Yantic River in a canoe with her parents. 
Tliey saw some makia'wisag running along the shore. A pine forest 
grew near the water, and they could be seen through the trees. Her 
mother saw them and said, ' Don't look at the dwarfs. They will 
point their fingers at you, and then you can not see them.' She 
turned her head away. There did not seem to be many of them. 

" The dwarfs came to people's houses, asking for something to eat. 
Accoi'ding to the old Indians, one must always give the dwarfs what 
was wanted; for if they were refused, they would point their fingers 
at one, so that one could not see them, and the dwarfs would 
take whatever they chose. 

" There was an Indian and his wife who lived near here long ago. 
They saw some makia'wisag. It was this way: One stormy night 
there was a rap on their door. When the woman opened the door 
the wind blew very hard. Some one was standing outside, but she 
did not know who it was. When she found out what the person 
wanted, she told her husband that someone wanted her to go and 
take care of a sick woman a long way off. She decided to go, and 
packed up her things to leave. The person was a dwarf, but she 
thought he was a boy. He led her far away through the storm. After 
a while they reached a small underground house. The dwarf led the 
Indian woman inside, and there la.y a dwarf woman ill on a bed of 
skins. The Indian woman then recognized them as makia'wisag. 
She stayed with them some time and cared for the sick one until she 
got well. When she was ready to return home the dwarf gave the 
Indian woman a lot of presents, blindfolded her, and led her back to 
her home. She was very well treated. The Indians often tried to 
find these dwarfs, but they never succeeded. They were never heard 
of afterwards. I believe these were the last. They generally kept 
away from the Indians, but never molested them. People used 
to think that the mounds in this part of the Thames Valley were 
made b}' the dwarfs." 

The term makia'wis is interesting in several connections. Be- 
sides meaning "little boy," in Stiles's Pequot vocabulary mucko- 
wheese (ma'kawi s) is given as whippoorwill. There is evidently 



262 TKIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT Ieth. ann. 43 

an analogy here between the bird and the fairies, one which is carried 
through several Algonkian mythologies. Thus we have in Mohegan 
the lady slipper {Cypripedium) known as "whippoorwill's slipper." 
It bears the same fanciful name in the Wabanaki dialects, 
wi"pula'ks8ns, "whippoorwill's moccasin," while in the distant New 
Jersey Delaware dialect it was also "whippoorwill's shoe." ■* Imagi- 
nation is no doubt responsible for the association of the whippoorwill 
and the elves in Mohegan, the name and fancy finally being taken 
by the colonists. The name ma'k'i's, "little boy," is not cognate 
with the corresponding names for elves in other northern Algonkian 
languages, though the fairy-lore is much the same among practically 
all the tribes from Labrador to the Gulf of Mexico. In Wabanaki 
we have wna'game's'u (Penobscot), manogama's (St. Francis Abe- 
naki, which Rasles gives as wanangmeswak, "revenants"), 
wigala'demu'tc (Micmac), denoting creatures with attributes very 
similar to those just described. A similar concept is well distributed 
north of the St. Lawrence, bearing the name memegwe'ju among the 
Montagnais and me''megwe''si among the northern Ojibwa.^ 

Ghosts or wandering spirits (dji''bai) arc believed to be round 
about. Besides indulging in many mystifying capers, such as 
appearing suddenly before people at night and making peculiar and 
terrifying noises, they are thought to take vengeance on their enemies 
and help their friends on earth in various ways. It is, however, hard 
to separate the Indian from the European elements in such tales. 

The will-o'-the-wisp is called g'ackatcaqg. The Indians believe it 
to be caused by spirits who are traveling about with lights. They 
are greatly feared, and are thought to be more numei'ous at certain 
places and at particular times of the year. We encounter in this 
another common Algonkian concept in the association of the disem- 
bodied soul with the apparition of a spot of light. Here are given 
some short anecdotes: 

"One dark, stormy night a woman was coming down the long hill 
toward Two Bridges, having been up to New London. Looking 
across the swamp to the opposite slope she beheld a light approach- 
ing in her direction. Wlien they drew near to one another the 
woman saw that the light was suspended in the center of a person's 
stomach as though in a frame. There was no shadow cast, and yet 
the outline of the person could be distinguished as it surrounded 
the light. The woman was badly frightened and ran all the way 
home. 

"Another time Tantaquidgeon was riding home, and when he was 
passing the same swamp two dogs dashed from the bushes, and 
from their mouths they breathed fire. They ran alongside, blowing 

< Informfition from Dr. John W. ITarshbetgei, University of Pennsylvania. 

• Memoir 71, Geological Survey ol Canada, Anthropological Series No. 9 (1915), p. 82. 



SPECK] A MOHEGAX-PEQUOT DIARY 263 

flames at the horse's flanks until he passed the swamp. A white 
horse's head has been seen lying there, too, but when the person 
ajjproached it it moved farther along, just keeping ahead of him. 
Women who have gone through the bars near the swamp at night 
have felt hands holding onto their skirts, and even herds of pigs 
have dashed out to terrify belated travelers at night. Some Indians 
claim to have felt hands grasping their feet as they went by." 

Mrs. Fielding was aroused one night by a light that shone from 
the hill above her house, and while she stood watching it from her 
window she saw it ascend the hill to a small heap of rocks, where it 
blazed up high and subsided. Then it moved to another rock and 
blazed high again, subsiding as before in a few moments. She had 
reason to be certain that no one was in the pasture, and the next 
morning she found no evidence of burning about the rocks. The 
thing was repeated a number of times, and she considered herself 
to have been visited by spirits.^ 

The will-o'-the-wisp, known as ga'ckatcaqg, presents a term 
possibly derived from ga'ckatca (Natick, quslikodteau), "he crosses 
or passes over (something)," which would give us the plausible mean- 
ing "that which passes over." 

"Fox fire," the phosphorescent glow emanating from damp rotten 
wood, is locally djibai wa'qkcas, " ghost, or spirit, fox," but beyond 
relating occasions when it has been seen the Indians have little to 
record of its development in folklore. Nevertheless this name has 
been one of the most persistent survivals among the feeble remnants 
of the New England tribes. At Mashpee, the Nauset and Wampanoag 
descendants remember tci''pai wa'rjkcas, "spirit fox," as a sign of death 
to the beholder, and upon the little reservation at Middleboro, Mass., 
Charlotte Mitchell, a survivor of the Massachusetts, gives tci''pai 
wa'rjkcas as "devil," all of which bear witness to a widespread belief 
in the East, especially when we encounter a similar belief under the 
name djibai' skwuda', " spirit fire," among the St. Francis Abenaki, 
whose ancestry embraces bands of refugees from Massachusetts and 
Maine. At Penobscot the corresponding term is djibai' skwude. 

' Quoted from ref. i, p. 202. 



MOHEGAN MEDICINAL PRACTICES, WEATHER-LORE 
AND SUPERSTITION 

By Gladys Tantaquidgeon 

The following list of pharmacopoeia from the Mohegan embraces 
matter published in 1915, which has been largely added to and 
amplified since that time. The material was prepared for a paper 
read before the American Folk-lore Society, Philadelphia, 1926. 

The administration of the remedies here is the same in general 
as among the other eastern Algonkian. The practitioners were 
mostly old women, although sorcerers (moigu'wag) employed herb 
cures in addition to their magical practices. Several magic plants 
are mentioned in Mohegan folklore as having been used by former 
witches. One is "whistling root," a mysterious plant known to some 
of the shamans, which endowed the finder with supernatural power. 
When placed upon a rock it is said that the root would whistle and 
vanish. Other weeds are spoken of which were so potent in the 
hands of a magician that even the sight of them would frighten away 
the most savage dogs. 

The remedies are termed a'mbask (derivation of a'mbi, "liquid"). 
There is a taboo against gathering them for medicine during dog 
days. 

Bloodroot (Sanguinaria canadensis) is steeped and used as a 
blood medicine, and it is also regarded as an emetic. 

Ripe wild cherries {Prunus serotina) are put into a bottle and 
allowed to ferment as they are, in their own juice, for about a year, 
when they are thought to become an excellent remedy for dysentery. 
Wild-cherry leaves and boneset steeped together make a tea beneficial 
for colds, "to be drunk hot at night, cold at morn." 

White pine (Pinus strohus) bark is steeped and drunk cold to cure a 
cold. 

Leaves of the wild grape {Vitis labrusca) are bound directly to 
the head for headache. "In a few hours they are completely dried 
and crackled by the fever which they absorb." 

"May weed" {Anthemis cotula) (European) is steeped and the 
liquid drunk cold for fever. 

Sweet fern (Myrica asplemfolia) leaves are steeped and the liquid 
rubbed on the skin to cure the toxic effect of poison ivy. 

"Canker lettuce," shin leaf (Pyrola elliptica), is steeped and the 
liquid used as a gargle for sores or cankers in the mouth. 

Tobacco smoke blown into the ear will stop earache. 

Wild nnistard (Brassica nigra) leaves are bound on the skin to 
relieve toothache or headache. 
264 



spECKl A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 265 

The leaves of rattlesnake plantain {Epipactis pubescens) are made 
into a mash to prevent sore mouth in babies. 

Boneset {Eupatoriutn petjoliatum) tea, as in most parts of the east, 
is drunk for many ailments, colds, fever, and general illness. 

Motherwort {Leonurus cardiaca) (European) is steeped to make a 
tea to be drunk by women for some of their peculiar ills. 

"Elder blow," flowers of the elder (Sambucus canadensis), is made 
into tea to be given to babies for colic. 

The bark of the elder made into a tea is an excellent purgative; 
when scraped upward from the branch it acts as an emetic, when 
scraped off downward it is a physic. 

Spikenard {Sinilacina racemosa) leaves are steeped to make a 
cough medicine. The root is steeped for a medicine to strengthen 
the stomach. 

Pipsissewa (Chimaphila umbellata) is steeped and applied to 
blisters. 

" Fire bush " (Eroinjmus atropurpurea), wo''hu (wahoo), is made 
into a tea to be used as a physic. 

Running blackberry (Rubus hispidus) berries are steeped and 
drunk as a vermifuge. 

Wart weed (sp. ?) exudes a whitish juice which if applied to warts 
will cure them. 

Pennyroyal {Iledeoma pulegioides) is made into a tea and drunk to 
warm the stomach. 

Spearmint {Mentha spicata) made into a tea is good as a worm 
medicine. 

Golden thread {Coptis tri/olia) is steeped for use as a mouth wash for 
babies. 

" Peppergrass " (Bursa bursa-pastoris) seed pods are made into a 
tea for the general benefit of the stomach. Its pungency is thought 
to kill internal worms. 

Peppermint (Mentha piperita) (European) tea is given to babies 
for worms, and grown people drink it. 

Mullein (Verbascum thapsus) (European) leaves are smoked for 
asthma and sore throat. 

Chestnut (Castanea dentata) leaves are made into a tea to cure 
whooping cough. 

Leaves of spicewood (Benzoin) are chewed or steeped to make a 
tea to cure children of worms. 

"Indian posy" (Anaphali§ margaritacea) is steeped and drunk 
for colds. 

Twigs of "speckled alder" (Alnus) are steeped and used for bath- 
ing purposes for sprains, bruises, headaches, and backache. 

The berries of "upland sumach" make a gargle for sore throat. 
They are also made into a beverage. 
19078°— 28 IS 



266 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT 



ETH. ANN. 43 



White oak {Ouercus alba) bark is steeped and used as a liniment; 
it is used also lor horses. 

Wild rhubarb leaves are steeped to make a nerve medicine. 

Spider webs and puffballs are used to stop bleeding. 

The nuuTow of an animal's jawbone is used to draw out splinters and 
to allay inflammation. 

Tansy {Tanacetum vulgare) (European) and yarrow (Achillea mil- 
lefolium.) are soaked together in cold water and taken as an appetizer 
and for the stomach. 

Wild indigo (Baptisia tinctoria) root is steeped and used to bathe 
cuts and wounds. 

"Indian tea" {Aster umbellatus) is steeped from dried leaves and 
used as a beverage. 

Elecampane (Inula heleniu.ni) (European) is steeped for limg 
medicine, and also given to horses for colic. 

Leaves of hardhack {Spiraea domentosa) are steeped to make medi- 
cine for dysentery. 

Leaves of horse-radish {Roripa amoracia) (European) are prepared 
by removing the midrib; the rest is then bound upon the cheeks for 
toothache. 

Common plantain {Plantago major) leaves are bound over stings, 
burns, bruises, and snake bites to draw out the poison. 

Catnip {Nepeta cataria) (European) tea is given to b-abics for 
colic. 

Burdock {Arctium minus) (European), boneset, and motherwort 
are combined into a tea used for colds in the wintertime. 

Hops {Hujiiulus lupulus) are used in making nerve medicine. 
Only the blossoms are used. This brew is very "quieting." A little 
bag of dried blossoms, heated, is applied in case of toothache or 
earache. 

Elm {Ulmus americana) bark is steeped to make cough and cold 
medicine. 

The root of blueweed {Echium vulgare) (European) is steeped for 
kidney medicine. 

Snakeroot {Aristolochia serpentaiia) is pounded into a mash and 
applied to snake bites. 

Dandelion plant {Taraxacum officinale) is steeped for a physic. 

A spring tonic is made by steeping together the following: Wild- 
cherry bark {Prunus serotina), sassafras root {Sassafras sassafras), 
sarsaparilla root {Aralia nudicaulis), sweet-flag root {Acorus calamus), 
ginseng root {Panax quinquefolium), burdock leaves, spikenard root 
{SmMdcina racemosa), dandelion plant, and blossoms of the white 
daisy {Chrysanthemum leucanthemum) , boneset, motherwort, and 
black birch {Betula lenta) bark. 



SPECK] 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 267 



For cases of fever caused by taking cold in the winter, the heart 
of onion roasted in the coals of a fire is used. The heart is bound 
on the wrist, hollow of the foot, and sometimes on the chest and hack 
in severe cases. It is thought to "draw out" the trouble and reduce 
congestion. A piece of the same inserted in the ear will cure earache. 

Some other interesting empirical cures not employing herbs and 
some associated beliefs are as follows: 

To catch a black snake {Bascanium constrictor) alive and bite on 
him from head to tail will cure toothache and prevent recurrence. 
(Also an Iroquois belief, substituting the green snake {Liopeltis 
venialis) for the black snake.) 

Fresh cow dung bound upon the face will cure a toothache. 

A black-snake skin worn round the waist next the skin will cure 
rheumatism. 

To relieve chapped lips, rub the finger behind the ear, then over 
the lips. 

Wax from the ear applied to insect stings will allay the irritation. 

To cure hiccough, think of a gray horse. 

Skunk oil, or goose grease, obtained by simply melting the fat, is 
taken internally for colds. 

The fumes of a piece of leather in the fhe will hclj) colds. 

At the time of childbirth, if the infant is born with a "veil" it is 
a sign that it is gifted with supernatural power. 

When children double up their fists and strike at their parents 
they are told that their hands may drop off, or that they may lose 
their fingers. 

The sensation of a hand gripping the shoulder is a sign of approach- 
ing death. 

A cure for rheumatism is, let a quantity of earthworms and ants 
rot together in a bottle and later rub the mass upon the painful part. 

The odor of the effluvium of the skunk is considered strength- 
giving. 

The wild slippeiy elm grows near Mohegan in a few places. The 
inner bark is kept by some of the Indians and chewed to relieve a 
tight cough. 

Drippings of oil from eelskins are used as a healing ointment. 

Roots of Indian pipe are considered to be as good as quinine for 
colds and pain. A tea is made of them. 

Slices of salt pork bound on the throat will relieve soreness. 

Salt pork is also used to allay pain caused by inflammation. 

The rind of salt pork is rubbed over the body where rash appears 
in cases of measles and chicken pox. 

"Soot tea" is given to infants to relieve colic. It is prepared l)y 
pouring boiling water over a small quantity of soot. 



268 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [eth. ann.43 

"Powder-post" is used as a healing powder for infants. It is 
obtained by scraping the powder from the decayed beams and 
rafters in old houses. 

Milk thickened with flour, with a generous sprinkling of black 
pepper added, is an excellent remedy for dysentery. 

Horse-chestnut snuff is used to relieve head colds and catarrhal 
conditions. 

Sufferers from rheumatism should carry a horse-chestnut hi their 
pocket. A potato carried in the pocket will ward off rheumatism. 
When the potato dries up it is discarded and replaced by a fresh one. 

For toothache the followmg poultices are applied: (a) Lye poultice, 
prepared by mbcing wood ashes, corn meal or flour and water together 
to form a paste, (h) Flour mixed with rum and sprinkled with pep- 
per, (c) Ginger, cloves, pepper and allspice. 

Mustard poultices are applied to pains m the back, chest or 
stomach. 

A poultice made by mLxing snuff and lard together is applied to the 
chest to relieve congestion. 

The blue flag {Iris versicolor) is crushed and mixed with flour and 
used as a poultice to allay pain. (A Montagnais remedy.) 

Sheep excrement mixed with the urine of the youngest child of the 
family was formerly administered in cases of measles. It was thought 
to have been effective m "driving out" the disease. 

Sounds, the white gristle lying along the backbone of a fish, are 
used for glue. When dried they are also used to settle coffee. 

Pitch from pme, spiiice gum, beeswax, sassafras bark and leaves, 
birch and sweet flag were chewed as a pastune. (Also Iroquois.) 

The following plants were made into teas and used as beverages: 
Sassafras, spicewood, wintergi-een, Indian tea, sumac cluster, yarrow 
and witch-hazel. (Also Iroquois.) 

April snow is melted and used as an eye wash. 

May snow water is good for the complexion. 

Wlien a girl marries a man who has the same name as her owm, her 
bread will cure whooping cough. Bread for this purpose must be 
obtained when the person who made it is out of the room. (Also 
Nanticoke.) 

Saliva is good for sore eyes. 

Urine will cure chapped hands. 

Mutton tallow is applied to cuts and chapped hands. It is also 
rubbed on boots and shoes to make them waterproof. 

To cure hiccoughs, engage the sufferer's attention suddenly, thus 
causing him to forget the complaint. 

A mash made of "squaw" or "skook" (snake) berries is applied to 
relieve sore breasts. 

The leaves of skimk cabbage {Spathyemajoetida) are rolled to about 
the size of a pea and chewed as a cure for fits. 



SPECK) A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 269 

Balsam buds (Iinpatiens hiflora) and rum make an ointment which 
is used for bums, cuts, and bruises. (Also Penobscot and Nan- 
ticokc.) 

Dandelion and white daisy wines are beneficial as tonics in the 
sprmg. 

Cranberries crushed and mixed with corn meal make a poultice 
which is most effective in case of blood poisoning. 

Spruce gum or pine pitch is used as a poultice for bods and 
abscesses. (Also Penobscot.) 

The juice obtained by crushing leaves of "Silver leaf" is applied 
in cases of external poisoning. 

A tea made by steeping wild carrot (Daucus carota) blossoms is 
administered to diabetes sufferers. The blossoms must be in full 
bloom when picked for this remedy. 

Yarrow tea {Achillea millefolium) is dnmk for the liver and kidneys. 

Wintergrecn tea is taken to relieve disorders of the kidneys. 

Prickly ash {Xanthoxyluin americanum) bark is steeped and used 
as a remedy for heart trouble. A small quantity is taken for three 
consecutive days and then skip three days before resuming the dose. 

Spruce sap is also a remedy for lung trouble. 

A drink made b}' boding the plant of the thistle (Circium arpense) 
is taken for consumption. (Also Montagnais.) 

The juice of the snaall running blackberry {Rubus hispidus) is 
drunk for dysenter3^ 

Burdock leaves {Arctium minus) bound to the affected parts will 
relieve rheumatism. 

Jack-in-the-pulpit {Arisaema tripliyllum) root, "Indian turnip," is 
steeped and the liquid used as a liniment. It acts as a poison if 
taken internally. 

The root of "Indian turnip" {Arisaema tripliyllum) is steeped for 
sore throat. 

Dried pigweed (sp. ?) tea is taken to relieve hoarseness. 

Onion sirup is taken for colds. Several onions are cut up and 
allowed to simmer over a slow heat. A small quantity of the juice 
is taken from time to time. 

Bark tak«n from the south side of a maple tree {Acer saccJiarinum) 
is steeped and used as a cough remedy. 

Wliite pine {Piiius strohus) bark also makes an excellent tea which 
is drunk for coughs and colds. 

Fern root soaked in water until it forms a jelly-like substance is 
taken to strengthen the lungs. 

Barberry {Berberis vulgaris) juice and water is administered in case 
of fever. The berries are sometimes boiled in molasses and put into 
crocks. By pouring cold water over a small quantit3^ of this mixture 
a cooling drmk is produced. 



270 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT 



lETH. ANS. 43 



Mullein (Verbascum thapsus) (European) leaves steeped in molasses 
make a fine cough remedy. 

A tea made by pouring hot water over a hen's gizzard which has 
been previously dried is a remedy for indigestion. 

\Vhite clover {TrifoUum repens) tea is excellent for coughs and colds. 

A tea made by steeping the twigs of the wild plum (Prunus amer- 
icana) is a remedy for asthma. 

Weather Lore 

The chirping of the tree frog (Hyla) is a sign of damp weather. 
(Also Powhatan, Rappahannock, and Iroquois.) 

Frogs are not killed lest excessive rain follow. (Also Iroquois.') 

The whistling of the quail, "Bob White," means "More wet." 

Webs on the grass m the early morning are a sign of intense heat 
at midday. 

The locust also tells of very warm weather. Six weeks from the 
time when the locust is first heard there will 1)0 frost. 

If the sky is unusually red at sunrise it will rain before the day 
is over. 

Flocks of wild geese are always carefully observed. When they 
fly north the weather changes and the spring season is ushered in; 
when they fly south winter is fast approaching. If the geese fly low 
and appear to be disturbed it is wise to prepare for a storm; if they 
i\y high fair weather will prevail. 

If the smoke from a fire rises during a storm the rain will soon 
cease to fall; if it hovers near the ground in a cloud the weather 
will continue to be unsettled. 

When the foliage is unusually thick and crops are abundant, 
especially wild berries, fruits and nuts, a long, cold winter may be 
expected. 

If chickens pick aroimd the yard while it is rainin_g y^ou may be 
assured that it will continue to rain for sometime. It is also said 
that chickens "oil themselves" by picking around their wings and 
backs just before a storm. When a rooster crows during a storm he 
says: "Going to clear off to-day." 

Crowing before midnight indicates a change in the weather. 

Crowing on the doorstep brings a visitor. 

If the sun shines when it is raining the devil (djiiiai) is whipping 
his wife. 

If the sun shines when it is snowing the devil (dji'bai) is plucking 
his geese. 

Dandelions blooming late in the season are a sign of an open winter. 

^ Respect for the frog is explained in some general Algonkian beliefs concerned with childbirth as well 
as rain. The topic deserves attention. 



SPECK] A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 271 

Wlion the sun casts slanting rays through the clouds it is "drawing 
water." It will rain the next day. 

When the wind blows the leaves "mside out" it is gohig to rain. 

Northern lights (aurora borealis) indicate that cold weather will 
follow. (Also Montagnais and Iroquois.) 

An unusually mild day in winter is called a "weather breeder." 
It is wise to prepare for a stonn. 

The phoebe whistles vciy distinctly just before a severe thunder- 
storm. 

A circle around the moon tells that a storm is approaching. The 
stars within the circle are counted in order to determine when tlie 
storm is due. 

During the winter months if the moon is partially concealed by a 
hazy atmosphere it is said that "the moon is wadmg through snow." 

A sun dog is a sign of stormy weather. (Also Wabanaki and 
Montagnais-Naskapi.) 

Thick husk on corn is a sign that the whiter will be an extremely 
cold one. Thin husk indicates that the season will be mild. (Also 
Iroquois.) 

When a hog carries sticks in its mouth it is going to rain. (Also 
Nanticoke and Powhatan.) 

To hear chopping or talking at a greater distance than usual 
indicates that a storm is brewing. (Also Iroquois.) 

During a period of stormy weather, if there appears a patch of 
blue skj' large enough to make a pair of men's trousers, fair weather 
may be expected soon. 

Thunder m the early spring is a sign that winter is over. (Also 
Iroquois.) 

Explosions or puffs in a fire, especially when hard wood is being 
burned, are signs of rain. (Also Iroquois.) 

Ice making a loud report means that it will soon thaw. (.Uso 
Iroquois.) 

Three foggj^ mornings bring rahi. 

When you see a mare's tail or witch's broom in the sky, high winds 
may be expected. 

A cat running and jumping about also indicates windy weather. 

When a cat spends much time washmg its ears and face a storm is 
coming. 

"Mackerel sky" is also a sign of rain. 

Whid from the south brings rain, from the cast mild weather, and 
the west wind indicates clearmg or prevailing fair weather. 

Planting Lore 

In connection with the planting of seed, certain rules must be 
observed if one wishes to produce a good crop. Vegetables of the 
climbing variety are planted when the moon is waning. It is believed 



272 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



that the plants will not mature if the seeds are planted when the moon 
is waning. Vegetables grow best on moonlight nights. This applies 
particularly to cucumbers. White beans are planted when the 
chestnut trees are in full bloom. 

Due to Irocjuoian influence, the corn, bean, and squash complex 
appears in a very simple form. We find the three vegetables planted 
close together but without the usual ceremonies which are character- 
istic of the Iroquois planting season. When the leaves of the "shad 
blow" or dogwood tree are the size of a squirrel's ear it is time to 
plant corn. The seed corn is soaked overnight in warm water and 
is then ready to be planted.- In former times the corn was planted 
in hills with an occasional squash seed and rows of beans were planted 
among the liills. To-day the same idea of keeping the three vege- 
tables close together is carried out, but the Iroquois legend of the 
"Three Sisters" is unknown. When the corn silk turns brown, it is 
ripe. At this season, when the green corn is ripening, we hold a 
festival which is said to be a survival of the ancient "green corn 
dance." This is the only ceremony in connection with the cultiva- 
tion of corn which has survived among the Mohegan. 

Signs Governing Activities 

When the top of the narrow dock turns brown, hucldeberries are 
ripe. 

"Shad blow " and dogwood blossoms herald the shad fishing season. 

In the evening, when the whippoorwill calls, it is time for the 
children to go to bed. 

Dig clams in the full of the moon, as they are nearer the surface of 
the flats and are larger. 

Kill hogs and plant corn and beans also in the full of the moon. 

Luck Omens and Signs 

Spiders are not lulled, as they bring good luck. If you find a 
spider on your dress you will soon have a new one. 

Always stop and make a wish if you see a spider weaving its web 
near you. This is a sign of good luck and your wish will be granted. 

The cricket also brings good luck and we are pleased when one finds 
its way into our home and chirps cheerily in some obscure corner. 

A ringing or buzzing sound in the right ear mdicates that you will 
soon hear good news; in the left ear, bad news. If your right ear 
burns someone is saying something good about you; the left ear, some- 
thing bad. At night, a ringing sound m either ear brings good news. 

If the sole of the right foot itches you will soon walk on strange 
ground; if the left foot, you will go where you are not wanted. 

If your right eye itches, you will laugh; the left eye, you will weep. 

' According to Waugh, in his study of Iroquois foods, the Iroquois had a special com medicine in which 
the seed was soaked. 



speck) 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 273 



Itching in the pahn of the right hand indicates that you will shake 
hands with a stranger; in the left hand, that you will receive a 
present. 

A stone bruise will appear on the hand of a person who kills a toad. 

If you kill a bat — you Idll your brother. 

^Vhen a screech-owl is heard it is a sign of death m the village. 

A dog howling is also a sign of death. 

If a snake crosses your path it is an evil omen. 

If a bird flies in through an open wmdow and flies out again with- 
out touching the walls or furniture it brings good news. Should it 
seem confused in attempting to fuid its way out again it brings news 
of the death of a relative. (Also Rappahannock.) 

A bee flying through an open window brings a stranger. 

Some mformants say that to see a shootmg star indicates that there 
will be a death in the village within a short time. Others say that it is 
good luck to see a shooting star. If j-ou wish on it your wish will 
come true. 

You will have bad luck if you sing at the table. 

If you sing before breakfast j'ou will cry before night. 

If you put your clotliing on wrong side out you will have good luck 
if you wear it that way all day. 

If a hen crows it is an evil omen. (Also Xanticoke.) 

If you wish on the new moon your wish will be granted. 

To see the new moon over your right shoulder indicates good luck; 
over the left, ill luck. (Also Virginia Powhatan.) 

If a hunter can hang his powder horn on the points of the new 
moon it is called a wet moon. It is full of water and he can not go 
hunting. If the ends point downward the hunter knows that the 
water has all run out and the weather conditions will be more favorable. 

To see the new moon through glass is a sign of disappointments. 

The best time to dig clams is when tixe moon is full. 

Clipping the ends of the hair when the moon is waning not only 
strengthens the hair but makes it grow more luxuriant^. 

It is believed that births are controlled by the moon's phases. 
Several informants stated that births usually occur either in the new or 
the full of the moon. (Also Iroquois.) 

If hogs are butchered when the moon is waning the pork will 
shrink. It is customary to butcher when the moon is full. 

Whatever you are doing when j'ou hear the fii'st "peep-frogs" 
(Hylas) in the spring, you will continue to do throughout the year. 

If you throw combings out-of-doors you will suffer from frequent 
headaches. (Also Chickahominy.) 

If you burn the bones of animals your bones will ache. 

Never cut the finger nails of a baby. The nails should l)c bitten 
ofl UDtn the child is one year old. (Also Virginia Powhatan.) 



274 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT |eth ann. 43 

When you pull a child's tooth, keep it. If thrown out an animal 
might get it and the child would have large, crooked teeth. (^Vlso 
Virginia Powhatan.) 

If you wish to fdl your basket with berries pick a few and throw 
them over your right shoulder for luck before putting any in your 
basket. 

If a fire sputters and cracks when you attempt to add more fuel it 
is a sign that someone thinlcs ill of you. If you spit m it, that per- 
son's thoughts will cease to be unkind.^ 

A whistling sound in the fire is a sign of news. 

Spit over a wall or fence before climbing over, for luck. 

When children are heard to sing at their meals their parents silence 
them, through the belief that the father or mother will die. 

Dreams 

Among the Mohegan there is a belief that dreams are messages 
from their ancestors who are in the spirit world. These spiritual 
advisers appear in dreams to guide and instruct the dreamer. Some- 
times they bear messages of hope and encouragement and on other 
occasions warn one of impending danger or death. If a person has 
the same dream three nights in succession the dream will come true. 
To prevent its recurrence the dreamer must turn the soles of his 
shoes upward before retiring at night. Never tell dreams which 
denote ill luck before breakfast. 

Several informants said that they had recurrent dreams and one 
young woman told the following dream which occurs before or during 
illness of a relative: 

"On Fort Hdl, near the ruins of the ancient council seat of Uncas, 
a blazing fire is seen. A huge pot is suspended over the flame. An 
Indian, tall and straight, wrapped in a bright-colored blanket and 
wearing a war bonnet, is stirring the contents of the pot with a long- 
handled wooden paddle. If the boiling substance rises to the top 
and flows over the sides the person who is ill dies. If it does not 
overflow and ceases to boil the person will recover."* 

Another informant told a recurrent dream in which a black mon- 
ster with terrible claws and wide spreading wings appears. This is 
a sign that death will claim one of the tribe within a short time. 

Nearly everyone in this group believes that to dream of black 
animals or objects is an evil omen. To dream of negroes is a sign 
of trouble and disappointment in the future. 

During the past summer a Mohegan woman had a dream in which 
the spirit of her mother came and told her to tell the people to con- 

3 The Nanticoke spit three times in a new fire to drive away witches. 

* The life token of this nature is current in Wabanaki folk-lore and has interesting possibilities as a topic 
for comparative study in Europe and Asia. 



SPECK] A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 275 

tiniie with their plans for the annual wigwam festival. This message 
inspired the people and with renewed courage they set to work 
determined to carry out the old custom that it might please the 
spirits of the departed ones. The affair was a great success. 

At the same time, while walldng near our burying ground one day, 
I had the good fortune to pick up a perfect stone ax. Upon showing 
it to some of my relatives, several of them remarked that it was the 
spirit of one of my ancestors which led me to the spot where I found 
the ax. They believed it to be a sign of good luck and to encourage 
me in my work. 

Messages from my brother who is in the spirit world are received 
quite frequently, by members of the family, in dreams. 

To dream of snow and ice denotes good luck. Clear, running water 
denotes good luck; muddy water, ill luck. 

To dream of vermin warns one of illness in the family. 

Dreammg of snakes is a sign that you have enemies. If you kill 
the snake you can overcome 3'our enemies. 

Should anyone dream of a snake it is a sign of having an enemy. 
If on the next day the dreamer should kill a snake he would be able 
to thwart the evil design. This belief is shared by the Penobscot 
and their relatives in northern New England. 

To see a broom standing near the door on the outside of a house 
indicates that the occupants are not at home or that they do not 
desire to see visitors. 

Divination 

Certain individuals are able to localize water by means of a 
crotched stick of witch-hazel, wild apple or plum. Witch-hazel is 
also used as a divining rod for locating buried treasure. 

It is an old custom at Mohegan for the men to carry a long staff 
when out walking. Years ago, before starting on a hunting trip, a 
man would stand his staff on the ground and let it fall in order to 
determine in which direction to go in pursuit of game. 

At Mohegan there remains still a store of superstition and folli-lore 
covering many aspects of nature as well as human behavior. 

The sayings are current, "When it rains and the sun is shining, 
dji'bai, 'devil,' is whipping his wife." "When it snows and the sun 
is shining, djibai, ' devil,' is picking his geese." 

Wliile these are manifestly European in origin, they have pene- 
trated the traditions of several Algonkian tribes. An elaboration of 
the same sayings comes from the St. Francis Abenaki.^ 

Several unclassified notes are: 

The Mohegan used to eat turtles, cooking them as other people do 
crabs, dropping them into a pot of boiling water. 

' Information from Dr. A. I. Hallowell. 



276 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OE CONNECTICUT 



|ETH. ANN. 43 



Bones oC the skeleton of a snake are poisonous and should be buried 
when found, lest some one step on them. 

Small birds are believed by some to ride upon the backs of the 
wild geese. The wide extent of this belief, both in America and 
the Old World, Doctor Speck has treated in an article on Bird-Lore 
of the Northern Indians, Public Lectures of Facultj' of University of 
Pennsylvania, 1919-20 (Philadelphia, 1921). 

FOLK TALES 

No explanation, I presume, is needed for the appearance in this 
paper of the few disconnected legends that follow. While they are 
for the most part of purely local bearing, some of them embody 
concepts of folk-lore fitting in with a wider distribution among the 
Algonkian peoples. All of them portray aspects of the native mind, 
adding to our lamentably meager store of information from the 
region. Other Mohegan tales, some of them of greater mytho- 
logical value, were published in articles referred to in the list on 
page 206 of this paper (references c, e, g, i). Miss Tantaquidgeon is 
to be credited with having recorded many of them from her tribesfolk. 

The Mohegan narrators were Mrs. Fielding, James Rogers, Amy 
Cooper (pi. 29, c), and Burrill Fielding (pis. 22, a; 28, d). The 
Poosepatuck tale was related to me (1900) by Mase Bradlej-; the 
Scatticook tales (1903) by Jim Harris (pi. 40, h). 

Captain Kidd and the Pirates 

MOHEGAN LEGENDS 

In the days of Captain Kidd he and other buccaneers used to come 
up the Thames River in their boats and lie to during the periods of 
pursuit. Up there among the Indians they could pass the time pleas- 
antly, and also fmd secluded regions wherein to bury their booty. 
So the Mohegans have some tales of these visits from the pirates 
which have furnished the motive for many nightly excursions to 
dreamt-of spots where treasure is thought to exist. Until this day 
futile attempts are made to lay hands on some of the gold that is 
said to be buried along the river shores. 

One time two Mohegans, having dreamed of a certain spot where 
IQdd's money was buried, went down to the river with spades. 
They began their trench, and soon had the good fortune to disclose 
the top of a great iron box with a ring in it. Their surprise was so 
great that one of them said, "Here it is!" At that moment a tre- 
mendous black dog appeared at the rim of the pit and growled. At 
the same moment the chest vanished. The men were so terrified 
that they never tried to find the place again. 



SPECK] A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 277 

Sometimes the animal, instead of being a blaclv dog, is a pig, and 
it has even been reported as a terrible-lool^ing man witli long robes 
and clotted hair. It is explained by the belief that Ividd, when he 
buried his loot, always killed some animal or man and threw him 
into the pit in order that his spirit might guard the spot. 

The following are the instructions that must be observed by 
the treasure seeker, else liis search end in disappointment and 
fright. The golden disclosure is only made in dreams, and those 
who are so fortunate as to be visited with one at once engage the 
help of a trusty friend. The treasure must be sought for in the exact 
place indicated by the dream. The searchers must provide them- 
selves with a stake or nail to drive into the box the moment it is 
seen. And, above all, not a word nmst be spoken until the stake is 
securely fastened, else the whole thing will disappear and the guardian 
spirit be released upon the scene. If the taboos be properly kept, 
success is insured; but unfortunately no one has so far succeeded in 
keeping them and the treasure j'et rcmams untouched. 

A story is told about a family who occupied the house where 
Captain Fitch lateh' lived. It seems that Captain Kidd and a band of 
his followers stopped at this house once, and the mistress served them 
all with a hearty and bounteous dinner. After they had consumed it 
Captain Kidd arose, and after instructing the hostess to hold out 
her apron, poured gold pieces into it until the strings broke, as a 
reward for her goodness. 

Thunder from the Clear Sky 

Now, there was a time when an Indian man was a preacher here. 
He was Samuel Ashbow. He was a good man, but his wife was not 
a very good woman, being fond of "a'nkapi" (rum). For many 
years she was thus, and it made poor Ashbow very unhappy. 

Then there came a certain time when something was going to 
happen; when something was going to happen from the sky. The 
Indians were helping a white man build a mill over on Ston_y Brook, 
and Ashbow used to go and help too. One time he took his wife 
along with him. Ashbow was a good man, but his wife had a bottle 
of "a'nkapi" hidden in her dress. She began to drink, and gave 
some to the other men. Ashbow only watched her a while, but soon 
got angry, and taking the bottle from her, threw it on a rock. It 
broke and the rum spilled on the earth. The wife became furious, 
and a few moments later, while Ashbow was stooping over a stone, 
she picked up a piece of rock and struck him on the forehead. He 
fell down with the blood streaming from him. Then there was a 
sharp clap of thunder from above, and all looked up, only to see a 
clear sk}' with a patch of cloud overhead only as large as a hand. It 



278 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [Era. ann. 43 

was a sign to Ashbow's wife, and from tliat time she never drank 

rum, neither did the other men who heard the thunder. Aslibow 

got well. 

The Watee-Tight Basket 

An old Indian man wanted some cider. He went to a neighbor's 
house and was told that he could have as much as he could carry 
in his basket. It was a very cold day. The old man took his 
basket and went down to the brook and dipped the basket in the 
water. Then he took it out and let the water freeze on it. This he 
did many times until there was a thin coating of ice on the basket. 
Then he went back to show it to the man. This time he filled the 
basket with cider and the old man went home. (Collected by 
Gladys Tantaquidgeon, 1925.) 

Petee Sky Changed to a Rock 

SCATTICOOK LEGENDS 

This is the story of Peter Sky. They said that he lived north of 
here. He used to go by a swamp that lay near a road. One dark 
night he and some one else went to town and got some whisky. 
Then they came down that road until they reached the swamp. 
They took their whisky down there and began to drink when they 
had found a nice place to sit on. Soon they fell to quarreling over 
their whisky, and in the fight that followed Pete was killed. The 
other Indian got away and was never heard of again. But the next 
day some people coming by found Pete's body there and a rock with 
a hole in it close by. That rock was never noticed much by the 
Indians thereafter until one dark and foggy night, when some of 
them went down to the swamp on their way home to drink something 
they had bought. They heard noises from the rock, and one of 
them poured some of the goods into the hole. Immediately there was 
a voice from the rock. It called for more, and they kept on piouring 
whisky in until the voice was the voice of a drunken man. That 
rock will "holler" now on foggy nights if you pour whisky into it. 

The Stoby of Old Chickens 

In the old days the Scatticooks were in the habit of going from 
these mountains down to the salt water at the mouth of the Housa- 
tonic for a few months every year to get their fish and oysters from 
the sound. They had a trail that ran on the west bank of the 
Housatonic until it reached the Cat's Paw falls near New Milford. 
There it crossed to the east bank, and so on to Long Island Sound. 

The journey from here took two days and one night. There was a 
farm about a third the way down, where the Indians used to camp 
for the night when they came by. A white man had a barn there 
and they would often sleep in that. 



speck] 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 279 



So one night when an Indian named Chickens stopped there with 
his family, the man who owned the phxce, hearing the noise they 
made in the barn, called out and asked who was there. Old Chickens 
didn't hear him, so before long the man came out and opened the 
door a little. "Who is that? What's going on in there? " he 
shouted. "Oh nothing! nothing! It's only the Chickens!" said 
Old Chickens in reply. 

The Mohawks Deceived at the Devil's Den 

NIAN'TIC LEGEND 

There was a village of Niantic Indians near Long Island Sound on 
the Niantic River. They gave a tribute each year to the Mohawks, 
who bothered them from the north. On one occasion the Mohawks 
when they appeared found tlic Niantics ready for them. On the 
west bank of the river they had taken possession of a cave located 
on a southerly spur of the ridge. The cave is now known as the 
Devil's Den, near the town of Niantic. The narrow fissures in the 
rocks barred efTcctually the ingress of any large body of men, pro- 
vided there were a few to oppose them. Consequently the Mohawks 
had to content themselves with a siege, in the hope of starving out 
the imprisoned Niantics. But soon from the chambers within a 
noise of pounding was borne to the ears of the besiegers. What 
could it be unless the wily Niantics in their flight to the cave had had 
the forethought to bring their mortars and corn with them, and were 
now pounding their "yokeg." It was even so. Jeer after jeer was 
bestowed upon the besiegers by those within, and not being strong 
enough to force an entrance and destroy them, the Mohawks withdrew 
carrying their ravages to some other region. 

The Sachem's Daughter Taken by the Mohawks 

U.VCACHOGDE (I'OOSEPATUCK) LEGEND 

A Poosepatuck village was situated on the Suganeck River near 
the Great South Bay on Long Island. As was their custom, the 
Mohawks appeared one day before the town to gather tribute. 
The Poosepatucks decided to offer resistance, and made the enemy 
aware of it. So it was settled that they should engage in a battle. 
Should the Mohawks wan they were to have the handsomest girl in 
the village as prize. Otherwise the Poosepatucks were to remain 
unmolested. The battle that ensued consumed a day. The Poose- 
patucks lost, and the sachem Tobagus's daughter, as the handsomest 
girl there, was carried away by the victoi's. 



280 



TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



PERSONAL NAMES 

In the following lists I have arranged a series of personal names, 
mostly those of men, encountered in going over the historical literature 
on the Mohegan and allied tribes. Since several ethnological situa- 
tions are concerned with personal names, especially such whose tribal 
identity is definitely established, those who have toiled with such ques- 
tions will understand why they are included in my report. Transla- 
tions for a few are attempted, based upon existing material in the dia- 
lects as well as upon knowledge of cognate dialects. Yet it is evident 
that the best attempts in this direction can result in nothing more than 
suggestions. In later times, among the descendants, some of these 
indi\adual and personal names developed into family surnames. 
Synonyms and dates are given, though I have not arranged the 
tedious references to sources, most of which differ for each one. 



Uncas. 

rChoy Choy (1755). 
]joy joy. 
I Chaw chaw (1741 J. 

Mazeen. 

Tantaquidgeon. 
rCockaquid (1755). 
JQuaquid. 

iQuaquaquid (17S7). 
JOccum. 
(Aucom. 
(Wequit (1755). 
[Wequat. 

Cochegan. 

Wamponneage. 
IHoscoat (1755). 
[Hoscutt. 



MOHEGAN 

Cheepunt. 

Pegetowon. 
( Tccommowas. 
( Tee-comme-waws. 

Nannepoon. 

Uppuckqviiantup (17Sf)). 
(Chuckhead. 
(Jackeag (1755). 

Muhdommon (1755). 

Skeezucks. ' 
j Ashpo. 
I Ashbow. 

Wyyogs. 
j Bohema. 
iBohemy (1S48). 

Tuhamen (1674) .2 

Sunseeto. 



( Weebax. 
jWeebuck (1726). 

Shantup. 

Etow. 

Chapeto (1669). 

Ananpau (1669). 

Woncohus (1669). 

Oweneco. 

Mamohet (1715). 

Wambawaug (1741). 

Py (1741). 

Wamiho. 

Nowequa. 

fMaiighauhwont (1714). 
< Manahawn (Johnson) 
I (1723). 

Brushcll (Brushill). 



Nonsuch. 
Waukeet. 



WESTERN NEHANTIC 

* 

Occuish. 
Sobuck. 



Aganemo (16370. 



EASTERN NEHANTIC 



Wequashcook. 
Momojoshuck. 



( Ninigret. 
(Niniglet. 



Awasequin (1645). 
Aumsaaquen. 



' This is a family name at Mohegan, derived from a member of the Brotherton band two cenerations 
ago. Its meaning is "Little Eyes." The name is first mentioned in Dralie's History of King Philip's 
War (1675-76) (Exeter (1834), p. 99). Little Eyes was one of the counsellors of Awashonks, the "Queen" 
of the Saconnet Indians. In 1675 he tried to slay Captain Church. Later he was captured by Church, 
and treated kindly (Drake, p. 104). 

' W. De Loss Love, Samson Occum, and the Christian Indians of New England, 1S99, p. 361. gives this 
as a Narragansett name ( 1746). This name is possibly significant as an evidence of the migration of peopl -s 
from southern New England in the eighteenth century to the St. Francis Abenaki in Canada. The family 
name Tahamont occurs among the latter. 



speck] 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 



281 



Cujep (163S). 

Poquiantup. 

Cocheat. 

Wyokes {1750). 

Wyyogs. 

Wauby. 

Nausipouck (163S). 

Wincumbone (1637). 

Puttuqiippuunok (1037) . 

Pupompogs. 

Sassaciis. 

Kithansh. 

Nanasquionwut. 



PEQUOT 

Mausaumpous. 
Pamatcsick (1638). 
Weaugonhick. 

(Mononotto. 
Monowattuck. 

Kiswas. 

Cassasinamon. 

Momoho. 

Catapazet. 

CiLshamequin (1602). 
fScattup. 
jScadob (1694). 

Sliantnp (1S20) (184S). 



Meazen (1832). 

Tassaquanot. 

Obechiquod. 

Wampushet. 

Wopigwooit. 

Wequash (1634), 
"Swan." 3 

Tumsquash (1655). 

Metumpawett. 

Yowwematero. 
(Kiiiess. 
I Kindness (1788). 

Poquoiam. 



REMARKS ON GRAMMATICAL MATERIAL 

Occasional comments on Mohcgan-Pcqiiot grammar have been 
undertaken by Professor Prince and Doctor Michelson. The ac- 
companying material permits some additional deductions to be made 
on points of structure, especially covering those emphasized by Doctor 
Michelson as somewhat determining features in the dialectic group 
to which Mohegan-Pequot belongs, namely, the imperative -c and 
inanimate plural -tc, -c, and the absence of I. I have attempted, 
conseciuently, in the following section to bring together some prom- 
inent illustrations of his points. It is evident from the recent 
material that Mohegan-Pequot fits the classification with Massa- 
chusetts-Narragansett he ascribes to it in his second paper ^ after 
he had cautiously alluded to such a probability in his first study. 
This warrants us, then, on the Algonkian dialectic chart he made, to 
extend the color representing Massachusetts-Narragansett over the 
uncolored Mohegan-Pequot area, though I should like to repeat what 
was meant to be sufficiently expressed in the introduction to this paper 
(pp. 214-215), that Mohegan-Peciuot, while conforming to the charac- 
teristics of the larger (Massachusetts-Narragansett) grouping in its 
general characteristics, is more divergent from both than they are 
from each other, and peculiar to itself in some respects, on at least 
two phonetic points, y for n, and prominence of sonants in Mohegan- 
Pequot, a tendency toward nasalization before certain consonants 
(Moh.-Peq. (japa'nc, Nat. kuppash) and in some lexical and gram- 
matical minor details (Moh.-Peci- locative -Tc and -g for Mass.- 
Narr. -t). 

The analytic character of Mohegan is highly pronounced when 
compared in syntax with other eastern Algonkian languages. It is 

> The authority for this translation is found in S. O. Drake. Book of the Indians. Boston (1837), Vol. U, 
p. 102. It is a most interesting and instructive term, as may be .'^een. The equivalent in St. Francis Abe- 
naki is wifTuSla (J. Laurent, .\benakis and English Dialogues, Quebec, 1884, p. 38), which not only cor- 
roborates the meaning but gives a reason for supposing Pequot -c(sh)=Wabanaki -1. 

' T. Michelson, Int. Journ. Amer. Linguistics, Vol. I, No. I, 1917. 

19078°— 2S 19 



282 



TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT 



[ETH. ANNi 43 



difficult to decide whether this condition is genuine or whether it is 
due to the broken condition of Mrs. Fielding's idiom. Her verbal 
auxiliaries (potential, negative, temporal) have more the nature of 
separate words than they do in the related eastern tongues. Her 
verbs are extremely noncomplicated. 

In the following illustrations cognates with Massachusetts, Nar- 
ragansett, and in some instances with other adjacent dialects, are 
added in parentheses when such are considered enlightening. The 
original spelling given in the sources is retained in the forms quoted. 
Most important would be a comparison with Mahican, which will be 
possible later when Doctor Michelson has published his texts and 
vocabularies. Some Mahican vocabularies of the eighteenth cen- 
tury are also available among the collections of manuscripts in the 
library of the American Philosophical Society. 

Reverting to the mention of some of the morphological peculiarities 
which characterize the dialect, one of the interesting phonetic prop- 
erties, and perhaps the most distinctive, is the y substitution, in 
Mohegan-Pequot, for I, n, and sometimes r in neighboring dialects. 
A few illustrations may be offered: 



English 



We (inclusive) 

Good 

Spoon 

Breath 

Parched corn flour 

He is strong 

Yesterday 

He gives 

Fire 

It looks clear, nice 

Rain 

Tongue 

He thinks 

I think 

He works 

He gives 

Hen 

Sorry 

Five 

Here, there 

He wishes it 



Mohegan-Pequot 



Massachusetts (Natick)- 
Narragansett 



gi ya'u 

wi'gan 

gi'ya'm'an. 



ya'cawarig 

yo'ki'g 

mi''ki'gu 

wi"yai]gu 

mi''yO' 

wi'yu't 

wi'y«qgwad 

zu'gayan 

wi''yan 

(a) ya"'tam 

nataiya'tam 

aiki''kuzu 

mi''zo ( = mi''zi— )- 

moic 

si'wa'tam 



kenawun 

wunnegen 

kena'm, kuna'm, 
kunna'm. 

nashauonk 

nokik 

menuki 

wunnunkwi 



ni pa u , 



yudai', ni' dai' 
tca'ntom 



nut- 



sokanon 

wenan 

anantam 

nuttenantam un . _ 
anakausu 



Wabanaki 
(St. Francis) 



monish. 



f nepanna (Narr.). 
\napanna (Nat.).. 



ahchewontam. 



ki'lu'na (Pen.), 
uli'gon. 



nasawoga n. 

m3li''kigu. 
w'la'ijgwe. 
mi'lau. 

uK'naqgwat. 

zp'glan. 

wi'la'lo. 

— la'ldamen. 

ndela'ldaman. 

alo''kazu. 

mil—. 

siwaldamen, re- 
pent. 



yuda'li, ni'da'li. 
(Pen.) etcwe'ld- 
aman. 



speck] 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 



283 



The substitution of ;/ for /• and I is also shown by the treatment 
of English loan words. 



rat vats. 

blanket biya'rjgat. 

plate biyo'ti". 



broom biyu'm. 

Friday biyaita. 

breakfast biyo'djapas. 



From Mrs. Fielding's verbal forms, which are by no means com- 
plete, a tabulation of pronominal elements is as follows: 

Mohegan-Pequot Pronominal Tables 
Indicative mood, personal prefixes and terminations of the verb; as exhibited in llie 

extant material 



Singular 


I 


thou, you 


Intransitive 


na- 


ga- 
ga=ni' 


Me 




Us, exclusive 




Us, inclusive.- _ -._-__ 






Thee 






You 






Him 

Them (animate) -- 


l-a 

[na=owa 


>gaf=owa 


Them, it (inanimate) 


-am 









Plural 


he (animate) 


it (inanimate) 


they (animate) 


they (inanimate) 


Intransitive.- 


I -0, -ZU 

1 wo- 


-yo (-yu) 


-ag 


I -p. fshi 




-wak, -wag.. 1 ^ ' 


Me--- - 


wo-"^ar|g 








Us, exclusive 








Us, inclusive _ 










Thee- 










You 


ea~Q:ne 








Him 


1 wo=cwa 

1 -a 


1 








1 


wo=wag 

wo=nau 




Them (animate) 


wo=ag . _ 




It (inanimate)- 


f wo=an 

1 -a 


1 






1 




Them (inanunate) 


wo=q:c 















A short list of Mohegan stems and morphological elements, with 
exam])les of their use from the texts and previously published lexical 
material, will prove serviceable for purposes of comparison. 

-\oayg <icnotes tlie abstract noun. It is usually used with verbs 
in the third personal form (a). In another sense it does service as 
a verbal noun termination, "that which is so and so," or "that 
which does so and so" (b); and then passes over into an instru- 



284 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OF CONNECTICUT [eth. ann. 43 

mental ending which is normally -ig. (c). (Mass.-Narr. (a, b) 
-waonk, -ooonk; Wabanaki (a, b), -waqgan, (c) -igau.) 

(a) gamu'duwaijg theft. 

mi''ki'gwar)g strength. 

wi''za;war|g name. 

ya'cawaqg breath. 

ini'tcuwarig food. 

natai'naniarig my help. 

ya'tamwaijg thought. 

ki'dasuwarig reading. 

wu'skasuwarig writing. 

wiya'mowarig health. 

(b) ga'ckatcaqg "that which passes over"; a supernatural mani- 

festation resembling the "will-o'-the-wisp." 

baui'dwarig knife. 

da'kwarig corn mortar. 

kwa'daijg throat. 

(c) ba'cki'g gun ("tliat which explodes"). 

bumbai'g binding strip on a basket ("runner" (?)). 

gwu'nsna-g pestle ("long stone implement"). 

wu'skwi'g book ("written"). 

-d functions apparently as a participial ending. (Mass.-Narr. 
-d, -t; Wabanaki, -t.) 

wa'djano-d having; when they have. 

ska'm'od finding; when he finds. 

wi'ya'm'amod feeling well; when one feels well. 

da'pkud it being night; when it is night. 

wi''ganud being good; anything good. 

na'pud dying; when they die. 

ai'wad being; things are so and so. 

i'wad saying; as he says. 

mi''tcud eating; thing to be eaten. 

Ba'tckawad looking for him; when you look for him. 

bi"'yund coming; when he comes here. 

pa'dainad hearing; when one hears it. 

wo'tod knowing; wlien we know. 

a'b'ad staying; place where he is staying. 

wu'stod making it. 

yagwana'ijgwad looking as though; appearing as. 

wi"'yar)gwad looking well; favorable. 

zu'ganaTjgwad looking like rain. 

wi"'yanai]gwad looking like favorable weather. 

gi''zakad daytime; it being day. 

gu'pkwad cloudy day; it Ijeing a shut-in day. 

Tca'nami'd excessive eating; a proper name of the Mohegan- 

Pequot trickster in mythology. 



SPECK) A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 285 

-tan, -inn, -iaiiA subjunctive, pronominal termination, used evi- 
-yan, -yun, -y(iii\ dently for first and second personal forms. 

takwa'di"an when drunk; literally, "when hit" (takwa')-' 

wombu'nsiyan if I live in the morning. 

sosa'n-ian if you are tired. 

mas napir'vun when you will die; if you should die. 

da'bi gaini''teiyan can you eat it? 

madama'moyan when I do not feel well. 

Va'ndayun when I am hungry. 

woto'n as (he) can know. 

nugatai.va'na how may you be? a formal salutation. 

Tiiere are a number of verbal forms showing a -mo element, which 
can not well be explained from this material itself. 

wa'camuc growing; are plenty; abound. 

ba'kcamo it broke away (referring to rain clouds). 

ni' ya'yomo that is ever so. 

naya'ndamo I was hungry; I kcjit getting himgry. 

ya'ndamo being hungry. 

wi'va'm'amo feeling (feels) well. 

bi"'t'camo coming; comes. 

gwi''ksumo he whistles; whistling. 

-nc, 1 imperative ending. (Mass.-Xarr. -{a)c ((a) sh); Wabanaki 
-c, ) no correspondent; Mahican -n.) 

gapa'nc close it; shut (the door). 

fawi'c go out. 

gata'mkic get up. 

bi'yonc 



... , come, 

bi yoc 

djoi'kwic hurry up. 

moda'pc sit down. 

kwagkwi'c run. 

po'namc put it down. 

pu'nanc place it. 

a'mapc sit down. 

ka'wic go to .sleep. 

i"'wac say it. 

ka'tcitac 1 , , ,,, 

., , , ( wash {vounseu). 

gl ctutac I 

g.i"'danc take off. 

ki''nanc carr.v it. 

djuwai'yac warm yoiu-self . 

ka'mamc look at it. 

na'ntcidac go after; go seek. 

kwa'tctomc taste it. 

sogwi'c come in. 

yundja'namc open it. 

ma'konamc pick it. 

• .\n interesting correspondence is Penobscot, taga'mszi, literally "hit yourself," which means "take a 
drink." 



286 TRIBES AND DIALECTS OP CONNECTICUT 



|ETH. ANN. 43 



(a) wi'gi- 

(b) wi'- 



(a) desiderative, (b) intensive prefix denoting good, 
favorable, ((b) = Mass. -Narr. wuni-; Wab. uli-; (a) 
Moh.-Peq. wi'gi-=Wab. wi'gi.) 

■wi'gon it is good. 

wi'go he is good. 

wi'ktcu he is handsome. 

wi"'litom he loves. 

•wi'gina'wa I like to see him. 

wi''gitaga'm I wish to hit him. 

wi''gonta it is light. 

wi'ya'mo to feel well. 

wi 'yanaqgwa'd it looks clear. 

wi'tcu he laughs. 

wi'gatac well cooked. 

wi'ksaba'god sweating. 

wi'munai it is true, indeed. 

wi'gwo''san good day (salutation). 

-ac, -c, inanimate plural suffix. (Mass. -Narr. -sh, Wab. -al.) 

gi'zakadc days. 

ma'kosanc moccasins. 

skanc bones. 

manu'dac baskets. 

kandi'c legs. 

padi-'nc arms. 

wi-dji''c hands. 

wo'manc eggs. 

ni'zizanc twos. 

sane stones. 

yuc these (inanimate). 

tca'gwanc things. 

wi''co-gwanc hairy. 

madwi-'gatae (things) not cooked. 

-ag, -nag, animate plursU suffix. 

ga'usanag cows. 

gi"'tasag cattle. 

dji''tsag I)irds. 

moi'cag hens. 

i''nag men. 

Mohi'ksi'nag Mohegans. 

-san.{i) denotes prostrate position. (Mass. -Narr. -sin; Wab. 
-ds'in. 

nizama'ksorn I lie down. 

niso'sani I am tired. 

da'ksan'i to fall down. 

backaco'san to fall down. 

ba'ckpzi'ti'3''san (Nehantic) to fall down. 



speck) 



A MOHEGAN-PEQUOT DIARY 287 



-i', an element which terniixiates independent forms, verbal aux- 
iliaries, adverbs, and adjectives. It functions as an inanimate pro- 
nominal form. (Similar in the neighboring and in the Wabanaki 
dialects.) 

tca'ntci' must; it is necessary. 

su'mi' because. 

oca'ini' too much; it is excessive. 

ka'dji' already; it has become. 

wa'dji' so that; in order that. 

da'bi" -- can; be able. 

ba'ki' perhaps; maybe. 

mi'tci'mi always. 

dja'ci' so much. (French ian<.) 

tci" ' wi' nearly. 

gata'wi' about to; going to; will. 

gi"'zi' has; finished. 

mo'wi' going to; motion toward. 

mata'wi' much; very. 

wu'tci' from. 

unda'i then; conjunction. 

nida'i there; then 

yuda'i here; now. 

doda'i where. 

ga'ntci' it is big. 

ma'tci' [it is] bad. 

dja'tci' half; partly. 

dja-, tea- \ intensive element with a derogative sense. (Mass. 
tee- 'J chah; Wab. -dja- {-dje-), objurgative.) 

Tca'nami'd glutton; excessive eater. (The Mohegan-Pequot 

mythological trickster.) 

tce'nambai'ckudu he is very bad; no good! 

waikadja'maqk oh, my gracious! (Exclamation of sudden sur- 
prise.) 

wa'kadjana'k (Nehantic) pshaw! Corresponds to the preceding. 



PIGURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 
WITH TEXTS AND SONGS 



BY 



J. P. HARRINGTON and HELEN H. ROBERTS 



289 



CONTENTS 

Page 

Introduction 29S 

Children's stories: 

Magpietail Boy and his wife 29(> 

SQqgerepove'eng Fights with the Sun 312 

The Old Giant steals S^qgerepove'cng's wife 322 

The Old Giantess and the Brother and Sister Fawns 330 

The Old Giant steals the Elf and is slam 338 

The famine 342 

The two Dove Maiden sisters and the drouth 348 

The two Dove Maiden sisters who became Stars 350 

The woman and the wolf 354 

The Ants 354 

The Sandhill Cranes 358 

A baby is stolen by an Owl 360 

The Sphynx Moth and the Old Coyote 362 

Koyowixolapan fetches fire 364 

The Turkeys and the great flood 370 

The origin of the scalp house 370 

The sunken estufa 372 

The Old Coyote Woman and the Crow visit each other. . 374 
The Old Coyote Woman, Jackrabbit, and Bluejay grind 

together 376 

The Old Coyote and the three gourds 380 

The Cricket and the Coyote 382 

Folkways : 

Birth customs 388 

Death customs 388 

Tokens of death 392 

A misinterpreted note 392 

Hunting the horses 394 

Rattlesnakes 394 

The buffaloes 396 

The "Our Father" 396 

LIST OF SONGS 

No. 1. Traveling song of the Elf 303 

No. 2. Love song of the Elf 307 

No. 3. Song of the Elf as he is packed along 341 

No. 4. Song of the Elf in the fire 343 

291 



292 ILLUSTRATIONS 

Page 
No. 5. Song of the two Dove Maiden Sisters as tliey become 

Stars 353 

No. 6. Song of the wizards as Koyowixolapan enters their 

estuf a 367 

No. 7. Crying song of the grandmother as she seeks 

Koyowixalapan 367 

No. 8. Song of the wizards as they make Koyowixalapan 

an old woman 369 

No. 9. The Jackrabbit's grinding song 379 

No. 10. The Bluejay's grinding song 379 

No. 11. Deer summoning song 397 

Analysis of Picuris songs, by Helen H. Roberts 399 

ILLUSTRATIONS 

Page 

Plate 43. General view of J^iwweltha (Picuris) 292 

Plate 44. The contest between S^qgerepove'eng and the 

Giant 326 

Figure 9. The Picuris phonems 294 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES, WITH TEXTS 

AND SONGS 



By John P. Harrington 



INTRODUCTION 

Among the Indians of the little Tiwa village of Pieuris,' which lies 
hidden among the mountains of northern New Mexico, the Earth is 
believed to sleep for about a month at the time of the winter solstice; 
that is the period for telling ancient myths. Some of the prettiest 
of these myths constitute the bulk of the present volume of texts. 
They are dictated by Rosendo Vargas ^ just as he heard them told 
by his grandfather and others within the adobe walls of the home 
village when a boy "while the Earth was sleeping." They have 
all the savor of the New Mexican mountains and well illustrate the 
versatility of the language, which is capable of expressing the most 
intricate and poetic thought. 

Characters which figure largely in the myths are the members of 
the family of cannibalistic Giants, the Elf (a youthful dwarf who has 
the strength of a man and goes about clad only in a breechclout), 
Fish Maiden, Sc^qgerepove'eng (the Tewa hunter-adventurer), Shell 
Hat, the Sun, the Moon, the Morning Star, the Corn Maidens of 
the cardinal colors, the Butterflies of the cardinal colors, Magpietail 
Boy, Old Beaver, Old Wolf, Old Coyote, Old Coyote Woman, the 
brother and sister Fawns, the Dove Maidens, Big Nostril, the Snakes, 
and several others. Most of the stories end with a good moral 
teaching or some explanation of nature, and then "You have a 
tail" ^ — which means that it is your turn to tell a story. The songs 
which accompany the myths, charmingly rendered by Mr. Vargas, 
constitute one of the most pleasing features of the collection and. 
have been transcribed by Miss Helen H. Roberts. 

The dialect of Pieuris and the markedly divergent Taos dialect 
make up the Northern Tiwa as contrasted with the Southern Tiwa 
or Isleteno. For further information on the classification of the 
Tanoan languages see my "Introductory Paper on the Tiwa 
Language, Dialect of Taos, New Mexico," in American Anthropol- 
ogist, n. s., vol. 12, pp. 11-48, 1910. 

' Native form Piwweltha; for a view of the pueblo see Plate 43. 

^ Indian name Phlthoxomt^n^ (shortened familiarly to Thaxon), 

Feather-bunch Fh'ing (phi- from phl'iuQ, feather-bunch, Spanish 

plumero; thoxomQU?, that which flies or floats along in the air, from 

thaxoniQ-, to fly along, -nq, agentive). 

^ See footnote, p. 312. 

293 



294 



PICURfs CHILDREN'S STORIES 



lETH. ANN. 43 



At the end of the volume a number of nonmythological textlets 
dealing with folkways and an Our Father version, all from the same 
informant, have been added. The texts were originally prepared 
with interlinear translation, but this has been omitted because of the 
cost of printmg, although I believe that the including of interlinear 



(.0- 

a. 










(3 


->> 










a 


u 


\ , 




J3 



translation best subserves the purpose for which such texts are 
published. 

Grateful acknowledgment is due especially to Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, 
Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, for his sympathetic 
support of these studies. The warmest thanks are also given to 
Rosendo Vargas, the narrator, and Miss Helen H. Roberts, who 
transcribed the songs with painstaking accuracy. 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 

Magpietail Boy and His Wife 

Ngkuth? ngkuth^ke tcexgmQn' wa tatha Piwweltha 'i?aith3. 
Thapa Kwiatciaxw^'autco" han 'gliuphil 'Itsolekwin' 'gntho. 
'Ifiolekwin TcahanQ^ 'gn 'gngwia. Hele yin phanna Yawatcake'ai * 
'ingtataki. M^ntcoho 'Itsolekwin nOwcii tcihokwil Tcahon? 
'i?utce?am§nipiu m^hu. Rwiatciaxvv^'autco wingtcifsa'epa men 
thoian? tcipiu'aihQn tcokwil 'glium^'e wi tcuta wewe thatha 
'gwan'e 'gnakatcatiam^. 'lEsolekwin tholan'aih^n ngngpupuh^n wa 
tiupha'cii Tcahan^ 'intatakin'au Tcahan^ 'gn ?utcem§hu. 
Hepux^nnQn ngpikkial^n thattha wanhu, han hepux§nn?n hiaulon 
hattg 'op^ygm^n wanhu. How^n 'gsantha'e Rwiatciaxw^'autco 
ngthia'ai tcilsa'epa tcuta 'ghutsamni^nng 'gnakatcatiam^. Wi 
tcokwil 'gm^m^'e nowai 'gnakatca. 



M^ntcoho wepa Kwiatciaxw^'autco wetgn tijhu: "Xgmmg tcannoj 
tiyaitclpiupo, xgmmg tcokwil'a 'gnhulan^ nowai 'osowalehu. Tcanngi 
tihotci, kwipaingtha takui'aihQn ■ taitclpiawetci. Yon thanate 
'owalek^nng kewatta he taim^tci wa tcoho m^n'aux^n. 

M^ntcoho tci^ai nQwian? tholkemm^n 'gliulan^ pa m^kiah^n 
'gmmiahu. "'Qnlolen?, tcukwe 'gkuhan hattg 'gkuE^nng ngwan." 
Kwiatciaxw^'autco m^n mgtcl'gpiawehu, han tohu: "Hoxui, 'gntiu- 
lan§, hattg ngthia'aiyo tatcrgmai,hokeyo hattg takuh§." Ho tgm^n 
mgkui. KwipQmotha kui mgtcipiawem^n. Ngtcihglg'gmhu. 



'(jlliulan?, 'Ifsolekwin, mallan mgp^xia'gnhu. L?vit?n ngngn 
pgtcutai ngkankupupu'gn, 'Itsolekwin 'ikankwelpan. M^ntcoho 
Rwiatciaxw^'autco 'ghulan^ 'o'gmmiam^n tgtalia: "Malla, hattg 
'eh^ng 'gpanhu." Rwiatoiaxw^'autco tcuJai ket'a 'gngpgpu'e t^pQ. 

' It is customary to begin a Picuris myth with the words: Ngkuth^ 
ngkuth^ke (t^n) tcexgm^n (or with the emphatic repetition of 
ngkuthQ omitted), "long ago, long ago therefore accordingly," 
which may be freely rendered as "Long ago then" or "Once upon a 
time." 

- One of the Com Maidens of the cardinal colors; cp. White Corn 
Woman, wife of S^ijgerepove'eng, pp. 313, 323. 

' One of the secret societies of Picuris. 

* For the Picuris place names the writer has in preparation a 
separate treatise. 
296 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 
Magpietail Boy and His Wife 

Once upon a time the people were dwelling at Picurfs Pueblo. 
And Magpietail Boy and his wife, Yellow Corn Woman, dwelt there. 
Yellow Corn Woman belonged to the Society of Wizards. Down 
below at Yawatcoke'ai they had their estufa. Yellow Corn Woman 
went there every night where the Wizards were doing their sacred 
ceremonies. Magpietail Boy liked to sleep so much that he did not 
know where his wife went in the evenings nor at what time of the 
night she returned. As soon as it got dark. Yellow Corn Woman 
went over to where the Wizards had their estufa, to take part in their 
sacred ceremonies. At times she would come home after midnight, 
and at other times she would come home when it was already day- 
light, in the early morning. But her husband, Magpietail Boy, was 
such a sleepyhead that he did not know at what tmie his wife came 
home; neither did he know where she was going every night. 

But one time he said to hunself, "Suppose I do not sleep to-night, 
in order to see where it is that my wife is going out to nightly. To- 
night I will follow her. When I lie down in bed this evening I will 
pretend that I am asleep. As soon as she goes out of the house I 
will follow right behind her wherever she goes." 

And that evenmg, after liis wife had given hun his supper, she said 
to him: "My husband, you must be lying down, for the time has 
come for you to sleep." Magpietail Boy made believe that he was 
very sleepy and said: "All right, my wife. I am really very sleepy, 
so now I am going to lie down." And so saying, he lay down. He 
was tying in bed pretending that he was asleep. He was snoring 
away. 

His wife, Yellow Corn Woman, began to hurry to get ready to 

leave. Shortly somebody knocked at the door. Y''ellow Corn 

Woman opened the door. And Magpietail Boy heard someone 

telling his wife, "Hurry. You are the only one who is late." Mag- 

19078°— 2S 20 297 



298 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

Wetgn tohu: "Hglgn 'gnliutho'e TcahaiKj 'gnQ?utce?ahu. How?n 
tcanno} tihotci. Tcannoi henoikatcatci." M^ntcoho 'Ifsolekwin 
Eowen 'gnigpia'aih^n tcileko'aihQn thanate 'owole. 'Owalekcjnng 
EwiatcioxwQ'eutco mgxwlweh^n mgpai'aihQU 'gKum§m§n kewatta 
mq. 

'I^olekwin tangn pilamgn hallgn m^hu. Patholia'epa phanhui 
pathow^n hou'auteta 'ok3pp(jyo. M^m^nwoita wa Tcahan^ 'itta- 
takin'ai wan. Rwiatcioxw^'autco 'gliutha'e mgm?n ngphiats^tau- 
kitha 'gfsan. "Yghoyo men ngwai ygnM liuen§ 'gntha'e 'ehu, 
TcahanQ 'gn tutcelahu, hgwQn yohiii he taix(;taitci." Ho tgm^n yin 
'flaputha ^ ingx^nlai 'o'elatophialiakelianngtha * mgtai. 



Tataphalta 'omom'cdx^n Tcahan^ 'ingphiatietauki. L^gt^n thapa 
'imgtuixia'gmhu. Wei 'iutcewem^n, wel 'iuph?itham?n, wel 'iufcila- 
thomgn, wel 'iuxgthamgn, han wel wi pin'ai 'imglamgn. Mgntcoho 
l^mgn 'imgpiahu. 'ImgpiakamQhgn 'it1;onwia'epa 'i'gmmiahii: "Tg 
xgmmg hattg 'ing?ui'gntci." Ho tomgn mentcoho tatoxwil^n 
'ipimiakwgygtokui. Mgntcoho 'iJuitahu. Miakwgygtoma 'iwilemgn 
wewe tan^n tsgnpiu 'ilolhu. 'Itlonwia'epa 'i'gmmiahu: "Hglgn 
yoho pu'au kiyanglataitutco'eyo tcihu. Xgmma ken'au wgrn'o 
kopgwale." Mgntcoho wqn ken'aukwil 'opgwale. Yin 'o?aulosian'au 
ngpgmgtcian wSwe tatapiu fsan. "Tcutai yjn ken'au wi hele 
waingla?aitcIm§ko," ?on'gm§. 



Mgntcoho wewe 'i^iiitahu, wewe miakoygtoma 'iwllcmgn wewe 
fsQmpiu 'ilolhu. Miakoygtoma 'iyaxwiletiamg. "Halo l?g'oh§n 
nigluwe," ISnen? tghu, " hgw^n ygho kiyatutco'e he wi tcihu. Hokeyo 
ho kinaEuikotiamg. Xgmmg Lekguen^ 'Lxwia'gntci. Tci!aiyo wi 
ngwQn naingn 'opQyg." Mentcoho LekguenQ 'ixwia'gn: "Lekggen?, 
'gxwio'gn '§'e 'gnglawiako, ?yo wi ngngwQmiaingn hau'aute 'in'on^ 
w?nng kgpgtiahu. 'IJyo 'gnglawia. Ygho ngla^aieuQ kiyatutco'e 
pu'au kitcimgko king^uikotiamg. Hokeyo kongtcikkeyo 'gxwia'gnhu." 
"Hu hu," Lekgueng tomfjlipn ken'aukwil 'otlialwale, yin le'au 
han ?aulo'au mglaimgtcia'aih^n, tcohele wa ngla?aimgn. Hattg 
tatapiu ng?ala!ietahen yin 'gla'ai 'o'elatokelianng'ai kalxaixw^tcgne. 



^ 'Ela-, roof-hole, N. M. Span. coye. 

' 'Elatophia-, roof-hole sticks, i. e., the sticks used for closing the 
roof-hole, piled beside the roof-hole when the latter is open. 



HARBiNOTON) CHILDREN' 'S STORIES 299 

pietail Boy recognized the person's voice that was speaking outside. 
He said to hunself, "I believe my wife is doing ceremonies with the 
Wizards, but I will follow her to-night. To-night I shall know." 
Yellow Corn Woman, dressed up well, her hair well combed, went 
out of the house. As soon as she had gone out, MagpietaU Boy got 
out of bed, dressed up, and followed his wife. 

Yellow Corn Woman went southwest, walking fast as she went 
along the trail. As the moon was shining, her moccasins looked 
white as snow, as she came to the estufa of the Wizards. Magpie- 
tail Boy watched his wife as she entered a place which was brightly 
lighted. "I see that this is the place where this wife of mine has 
been coming every night, doing ceremonies with the Wizards. But 
I will hide myself under hcio." As he said thus he hid himself near 
the roof-hole. He put himself under the roof-hole sticks. 

When he looked into the estufa the Wizards had it lighted up. 
Shortl.y they began to prepare themselves for the ceremony. Some 
took thek ej'es out, some took their noses off, some took their ears 
off, some took then- legs off, and some even cut themselves in two. 
They were all fixing themselves in various ways. After they were 
finished drcssmg, they were told by their leader, "Now let us start 
our ceremonj'." As he said thus they put a rainbow across the 
estufa. Then they began to do their ceremony. As thej' tried to 
climb the rainbow, they would fall back again. Their leader said to 
them, "I believe there is a person near who is not our equal. Sup- 
pose that one of you go out to see." And one of them went out to 
look. He looked around among the bushes, but he could not see 
anything, so he went back into the estufa again. "There is not a 
human being outside," he told the leader. 

Then they again started to do their ceremony. They began to 
climb the rambow. Again they fell back. They could not climb 
the rainbow. "Stop for a moment," said the leader. "There must 
be some human being near who is not our equal. That is the reason 
that we have failed in doing our ceremony. Suppose we call the 
Screech Owl, for he is the only one who can see, even in the dark." 
Then they called the Screech Owl. "Screech Owl, we have called 
you because you are the chief of the night, since you are the only one 
that can see in the dark. You can even see a little ant very far in the 
dark. You are the chief of the night. There is a human being 
near who is not our equal, and that is the reason we have failed to 
do our ceremony. So that is why we have called you here." "Hu, 
hu," said the Screech Owl as he flew outside. He lighted around m 
the weeds and bushes there, but he could not see a human being. 
And as he was going into the estufa to report that he had not seen 
anything, he noticed there at the roof-hole the tail of a wolf bide 
sticking out through the roof-hole sticks. He then went into the 



300 PICURfs CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth, ann. 43 

Tstama tson'ait^n Tcahon^ 'i'omcjn: "Hu hu, tcufioi hele kon'au 
tiyancilataiinon. How^nko yon 'o'cjlatokelian'aiyo tcutai kalxai- 
xw^tccine, hu hu," tonKjhQii 'othalwale. 

LakijuenQ kalxaitopukenna 'Ifsolekwin phvewan. "Thapa m^tco 
'gnsattho'e yo wia," wetgn tohu. "Xommg w^m'a ketha mgpotcgn, 
'oix^n hele mgEaithgm'gn'gn tcoikwil mgfsatetci," 'itfonwia'e tohu. 
M^ntcoho w^n ken'aukwil 'opgwele. 'Ela'ai 'omgm^n '^lang'oi 
tcu?ai w?n faien^ ^'gkalxai'e'aih^nng '^kitong'ai xQtai. Tcihuite 
vvatciah^n tstapiu Satia, tonen^ '^ntha kglia. "Ha, Rwiatcia- 
xw^'autco, heyo t.cu?ai 'gnlawiathakin'au 'nwOnhu?" HgwQii Rwia- 
tcioxwQ'eutco hewatgniQ, wa 'gliu'^n'ai lakiah^ii. MQutcoho hattg 
ngpikkial?n ngng'epa 'owatcekwelpattiam?, tcrgmcti'epa. Hetcuw^n 
'ghutha'c 'opawiama 'ipexekkui. M^ntcoho tcipiu. Tcnhan? 
'iutuiphal'aih^n yin kia'au 'gngpathgnm^nlapiatcia. M^ntcoho tcihui 
'anatclkatcan takia. 



Th5piak?n hiaulotta tclwapuix^n tgnngngn'aii kwilpa 'gn^a- 
pa'aih^n pathgnxweu'ai kui. "Heyo hattg ygiiate teat tawaletci," 
wetgn tohu. Wi mgxwikkew^nng 'gnathiani^, pathgnxweu'enKj 
waikuitcitt^n 'iuwia'epa kwilpah^n 'omgniQn kui. 



HARRINGTON] CHILDREN'S STORIES 301 

estufa and said to the Wizards: "Hu, hu. I have not seen a hiunan 
being outside, but there is tlie tail of a wolf skin sticking out from 
under the roof-hole sticks," And saying "Hu, hu," he flew out. 

As soon as the Screech Owl mentioned the wolf skin Yellow Corn 
Woman realized who it was. "That must be my husband then," 
she said to herself. "Let one of you go out to see. If you should 
find anybody, bring him in," said the leader. And one of them went 
out to look. As he looked around the roof-hole, there was indeed a 
person under the roof-hole, covered with a wolf skin and hidden 
under the roof-hole sticks. He was taken out of there, was carried 
into the estufa, and was brought to where the leader was sitting. 
"Ah, how is it that you come about my precinct?" But Magpietail 
Boy did not say anything. He was then taken over and seated where 
his wife was seated. As it was then after midnight, he could hardly 
keep his eyes open. He finally laid his head on his wife's lap and 
went to sleep. After the Wizards had finished their ceremony, they 
made a ridge-bench in the arroyo. He was then put there while 
he was still asleep. 

WTien he awoke early the next morning he was lying face up in a 
strange place on the cliff bench. "How am I going to get out of this 
place, now?" he said to himself. It was even impossible for him to 
turn over. Since the cliff bench on which he was lying was only 
wide enough for him to lie on, he could only look upward as he lay 
there. 



302 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES Ieth. ann. 43 



Mentcoho Yaimgn? wa Python 'ai " tho. "Xommg tcathai wa 
t3non pakwil he tait,iiwani?tci," tom^n m^ntcoho m§. M§m§n 
m^ntcoho tcatahu: 

No. 1 

TRAVELING SONG OF THE ELF 

'Qi 'ai wetala 

'Qi 'ai wetala 

Wetala haaaa holiuliuho 

Wetala 

Wetala haaaa holiuliu 

Hahe'a haaaa 'ai 

Haneya haneya. 

'Qi 'ai wetala 

'Qi 'ai wetala 

Wetala haaaa holiuliuho 

Wetala 

Wetala haaaa holiuliu 

Hahe'a haaaa 'ai 

Haneya haneya. 

'Qi 'ai wetala 
'Qi 'ai wetala 
Wetala haaoa holiuliu 
Hahe'a haaaa 'ai 
Haneya haneya. 



'"Deer Home." 



harrini-.ton] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 



303 



Now at P^thontha there dwelt an Elf. "1 believe I will go for a 
walk down southwest to the river to-day." As he said thus, he 
started out. Going along he sang: 



mi 



jj,. 



NO. 1. TRAVELING SONG OF THE ELF 

TranBcription by Helen H. Roberta. 



^m^ 



■M± 



:^-# — 1»- 



-3- 



-• •- 



:p=zp= 



=P 



il* 



:^=1t 



:53t=it: 



i:^- 



a ax s^*" "^ -'^ ^b 

'Ai 'ai we-ta-la ai 'a\ we-ta-la we-ta-lo haa - oa Ho- 

V C 



ait^£3sr=E^ 



^^^ 



Ilt=t 



isziJV: 



: :zJ-F^ ^^3t ¥ p Fi|: 



H^-»- 



li- u-ho-o we-ta-la 



we-ta-la hoa -oa Ho- 



m^ 



^W& 



^^^^=? 



m^ 



l:4=t 



^ 



afe 



li - u ha - he - a 
A' 



hoa - - a - 'ai 



ha - ne - ya 






-^— A- 



^az 



=P=P 



^?=F=^= 



*=•- 



lia-ne-ya 
J=80 B' 



a a X' ^ 

'/Vi 'ai we-ta-la ai ai we-ta-la we-ta-la 



-•- -•- h' -•- -•- v'-*- ^ ■*■ 



b.' --- -'-y 

hoa - oa Ilo-li - u - li - u - ho - o we-ta-la 
C 



we - ta - la 



21 



:s^;s 



&:d^=i5z=!V: 



^ 



Bz 



?t=*=t 



^H^^ J-^j 5l:4: 



-A— N- 



#- l," -•--•- 3 -•- 2' " -•- " -•- -J- •«- 

hoa - oa Ho - li - u - li - u ha - he - a hoa - o - a -'ai ha -ne-ya 

A' 



^#r 


— w — p — f "~i — ^ — p — r — r — i — # — ^ d'^ — r^ — ^ — 


^^^^^-^ 


7^„ I ^ i^ r^K„ 1 '' I -^•-^, ** ^ M 




-•- -•- b'" -^ ^-^ z' 

hoa-oa Uo-li - u - L - u hae-'a hoa - o - a-'ai ho-ne-ya ha -ne-ya. 



304 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[eTH. ANN. 43 



Yin Rwiatcioxw^'autco kuiKai'aukwil tcafam^n tc^hu. M^ntcoho 
Rwicitcioxw^'aiitco ngnate mgt^h^m?: "Tcutoi yin kon'au kgngtca- 
poniQii^'e 'cit§w§ xa'a yonate maiwei." Yoimgn^ t^^alia yin ngto- 
ponpiu poniQ. Pathgn'ai 'okaiwalex^n Kwiatcioxw^'autco 'ipa- 
thgnxweukun'ai thgn. "'Q, Kwiatcioxw^'autco, heyo tcu?ai \ ygho 
'g?ahu?" Kwiatciaxw^'outco pa 'ommia: "Yaimgn^, yonate mai- 
h?m?." "Halo yin tenoon pakwil tam^m^ko w^n kwalen? 'gn kang- 
ngxiangko, halo l^ut^nno tosoniuletci." Ho tom^h^n Yeimgn? tangn 
pakwil niQ. Tcalam^n m^hu: 



barhinoton) 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 305 



As he sang, he passed right above where Magpietail Boy was lying, 
and Magpietail Boy cried from below: "Whoever you are that is 
singing along, stop, and get me out of this place." The Elf heard 
the cry and went to see the place where it sounded. As he peeped 
into the cliff, he saw Magpietail Boy lying on the cliff bench. "Ah, 
Magpietail Boy, what are you doing here?" Magpietail Boy said 
to him: "Elf, get me out of this place." "You will have to wait, 
for I am going down southwest to the river, since I am paying court- 
ship to a maiden, but I will return shortly." As he said thus, the 
Elf went down southwest to the river. He went along singing : 



306 PICURI8 CHILDREN'S STORIES Ieth. ann. 43 

No. 2 

LOVE SONG OF THE ELF ' 

Ya'ehe'a 'eraihyo'ero 
Ya'ehe'a 'eraihyo'ero 
Ya'ehe'a 'eraihyo'ero 
Ya'ehe'a 'eraihyo'ero 
'Eraiya'ehyo 'aihyo wiroheyo. 

Hate pam'on? 

Hate pam'on? 

TcakwU 'g'§j§ 

'Qmgxutcetci 

'Eraiya'ehyo 'aihyo wiroheyo. 

Ya'ehe'a 'eraihyo'ero 
Ya'ehe'a 'eraihyo'ero 
Ya'ehe'a 'eraihyo'ero 
Ya'ehe'a 'eraihyo'ero 
'Eraiya'ehyo 'aihyo wiroheyo 
Hate pam'onQ 
Hate pam'oDQ 
Kgmgntceltcisg 
Topiii 'gnm^tci 
'Eraiya'ehyo 'aihyo wiroheyo. 

' The prose equivalent of the words of this song which have mean- 
ing is as follows : 

[English translation] 

Hati pam'on?, Dear little flower, 

Tcakwil '(j'?y§ Come hither, 

'Qmgxutcetci. That I may embrace thee! 

Hati pam'on?, Dear little flower, 

Kgmantc(;'ltcisg Let us be married, 

Tepiu 'gnm^tci. Come, let us go to the Pueblo. 



HARRINGTON] 

I A 

a. J— 76-80 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 307 

NO. 2. LOVE SONG OF THE ELF 

Transcription by Helen H. Roberta. 



P=^ 



-h — ¥- 






a 
Ya 



'e - he - a e - rai 
B 



N I 



a 

hyo - 'e - ro ya - 'e - he - a 'e - rai 



N ^ N 



d= 



m 



iomjG 



4=t 



-* — *-■ 



4=P= 



iS— *z 



1 1 y 



hyo 



'e - ro Ya 



he 






^-^- 



he 



;:t 



i3= 



'a 'e - ra - i - hyo - 'e - ro ya - 

C ^^\ /\ /\ 



-0 if- 



iiz 



it 



£?^E^?E^ 



'a 'e - ra - i - hyo - 'e - ro 'E - rai -ya-'e-hyo 'ai-hyo wi-ro ■ 



-C^^j}--! 1 p — , ^ I 



:ii 







a - te - e pa - am - 'o 



-RtA^-I — ^f^-1— 




:4 ,# - ,^-^,^H^_H^_^- 


-^i-j > 1 


^1 — 


-^4 "-r^^ 


— 17- 


^^M-*^^^'^"^ 


i=*^ar 


— ii — 




b' 






c' 



ye g, - ^ - m^ - xii 



tcel - tci 'E 



n A" 



=§3^ 



& 



-V— t/- 



-* * — * * # 



it4i 



h*-«-r 



=&i=t= 



rai - ya-'e-hyo 'ai - hyo wi-ro 


- he - e - yo 


\a - 'e - he-'a 'e-rai- 
B 


rv-'T' ■ ^ ! 


1 1 


f P f P 


i.ii ^ N 1 


L^^-i^ • , -J J_ — *J 


4 f= 




N^-^^^»— * J '^^ 


--^ A 5 — * *-= 1 — 


k' 


— ! U ^ i 


|-*-t ^=* * t 



liyo - 'e - ro 



a"' 



he 



a e - rai 



hyo 



b 

ro Ya • 



1 



gi3= 






3^ 



4^ 



E^*3 



^; 



b' 

'e - he - 'a 'e - ra - i - hyo - 'e - ro ya - 'e - he - 'a 'e - ra - i 
C" /\ /\ 



- 4 ^ — * 



^1; 



^v=J= 



^ 



1t^ 



ii 



iS^t 



hvo - 'e - ro 



c ' 
'E 



rai - ya - 'e-hyo 'ai - hyo wi - ro ■ 






:?^:::t 



4^ 



3tZ3t: 



i 



he - e - yo 



a 
Ila 



a - te - e pa-aiii 



a' 

iKj ha ■ 



308 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES (eth. ann. 43 

Ya'eheya 'eraihyo'ero 
Ya'eheya 'eraihyo'ero 
Ya'eheya 'eraihyo'ero 
Ya'eheya 'eraihyo'ero 
'Eraiya'ehyo 'aihyo wiroheyo. 



HARKINGTOX) 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 
B' 



309 



^!1= 



J i-j — ^ S 1 — - 



ir=St 



f —n- 



5d 



b' 



a - te - e pa - am - 'o 



n? 



Ka - a - ina - an tee - el 









rL "^ n. 




C" 


t=^^=j— ^^ 


P 


1^ 


-.--r-J-i— jT^^; 


-^H- 


-^^^- 


-^-4 " m g-^ 


— >^ 


1-4-^— 


^ >;-* ,^ --?: 


:4zr^ 


-i— * — ^— 




rai - ya - 'e-hyo 'ai - h\o wi - ro - he - e - yo Ya - 'e - he - 'a 'e - rai 

B 



^^ 



^^— ff-i * — *- 






:4=^? 



:^=P= 



hyo - 'e - ro ya - 'e - he 



a e - rai 



hvo 



iai=ss=^ 



* — it-' 



M 



-m—*- 



Li=t 



4 '' »=r^- 



e - ro 



b' 

Ya 



he 



a e - ra - i 
C" 



hyo - 'e - ro ya 



'e - he - 'a 'e - ra - i 



^ 



-^ — ii~ 



tit 



-#— •- 



• — »- 



;fc 



hyo - 'e - ro 



Hati pam'on?, 
Tcakwi] 'g'^y§ 
'i^niaj'-utcetci. 

Hati pam'on?, 
K^rnqntc^ltcisit 
T3piu 'tinm^tci. 



rai - ya-'e-hyo 'ai-hyo wi - ro - he - e - yo. 

PROSE 

Dear little flower, 

Come hither, 

That I mav embrace thee 



i 



Dear little flower, 
Mayst thou be my wife, 
May we go to the pueblo. 



310 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

Pakwil m^m^n Po'opQyo pnwaitha lukkuitha wan. '"QthsEowa, 
Ps'op^yo," tylui. "Tcailcwil 'g'?yCi" P^'opeyo pa 'ommia. Yaimnn§ 
tcihokwil niQ'aitQn wipai 'gntcltcelai. MQntcoho Pa'op^yg waiHa- 
m^nta laxatcicihu. "Ilcittg pQna 'gngxwinng taSonh^." Han 
YaimgnQ tghu: "'QlK'u'oliQn kgngt^thiapo?" Po'opeyg thapa 
m^ntoolio tohu: "Ng pnken'au tiyaitotcikeko, hoke'e hattg wewe 
tafSgnh^ko." Ydimgn§ m^ntcoho Po'op^yo paketha 'at^w^thiam^'epa 



M^raQn "ipakuatilikittha wnn'ait^n pgnnu 'ongpaRuaxahaket^n \va 
Rwiatcioxw^'outcopiu m^. Tcltha wan'ait^n RwiatcioxwQ'eutco 
'om?: '"Gix^'n tcano yinate koxwoletgntci, 'aix^n w^m'a ygnn? 
pgnnu pakuaxo'enc; 'gngtcejle'gn, hokeyo w^nnQnng kongloleh?. 
kopghaxwatce'gn yjnate kowawglepg." "Tgxui kow^nno, tasotc^l- 
hui'gntci." Haih^n niQntcoho 'gngpakuaxa'ophutcia. How^nko 
natcQle wewe w^n 'gng'ophutcia. Thapa tcitoi natcQle patcunngwia'e 
'gng'ophutcia. Thapa natc^le. Hattg JeimgnQ pa Igmmiahu 'ommi- 
om^n: "Tcang 'ghui'gntci yon?oi yo han phulian." "Ha, tatatci." 
Kwiatciaxw^'eutco tohu. MQntcoho winngwia'e 'gng'ophutcia. 
Notc^le. "Howe yina 'gitaiw^n, hoh^nno 'ongngwia'gn," Yaimgn^ 
pa 'omniiahu. Kwiatciaxw^'outxo Igni^wt^h^n mg'aih^n hewaitoni^n 
kui. Yeinign^ thapa w^n ngpnkuaxotcgn?. "Tcang wjwinakke 
'ahakwia'gm?m§. Yon^aiyo phulia, hattg 'gnatc^le'gn yinate 'awaipg.' 
Yoimgn^ tgni^n 'gngphuliawiapu'e ng'ophui. HowQuko mcjutcoho 
RwiatciaxwQ'dutco 'gngtcQltia. "Tgxui," Yoiingncj tgliu, "yinlai yin 
'gkuipe'ano ng'aukwil 'gng'ophutci." Yin hewai'gmmian ng'ophui- 
'aili^n, !Qut?n pakua'emg 'i'otropisi'e kwilpa 'iwllehu, ygkwe waima- 
kwil wa k3ta pgtliax^n. "Tcano lian," Yeinign^ pa 'gmmiahu, 
"yimpcti pgkua'emg 'ikimmakwillo 'gwlleh^n kowaletci." Kwia- 
tciaxw^'autco m^ntcoho 'owale. "Tsengho niauTgn," Yoimg'gniQ. 
Tiiapa he keni'gnlv(;;n 'gncipupu'e thapa he yina taitiapu'e Yoimgn§ 
'ommia. "Hoxui," Yaimgn? tohu. Yin 'ilakonkuipiu 'gmm^'aih^n 
Yoimgn^ lapupithgn, ho'aih^n Kwiatciaxw^'outco 'gwitcia, 'gmmi- 
aniQn: "Ygnlai piipin^ yo tcatthohin^n kgliulan^ ' gngkuiwiatlia 
'gktitci. Yon?9i payo Kokammiatci. Hokeyo kgthsppiu 'gm^tci, 
hgwQnivo he 'ayolIu'gniQpg. He 'ayawelo'cimpo. Yon?ei piipiuQ 
pa'aih^nng han," ho Yyimgn? pa 'gmmiam^h^n thappiu mq. 



EARRINGTONl 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 311 



As he went along, he came to where Fish Maiden was basking beside 
the river. "Good morning, Fish Maiden," he said. "Come over this 
way," said the Fish Maiden to him. The Elf went over and they both 
sat down to talk. As the Fish Maiden was getting dry, her mouth 
began to open. "I must be going back into the water where I 
belong." The Elf said: "Could you not stand it a little while 
longer?" The Fish Maiden said: "1 do not stay outside of the water 
so very long. That is the reason that 1 am already about to go back 
in." Because the Fish Maiden did not want to stay outside the 
water, the Elf went away angry. 

As he went he came to a tall spruce tree and there he picked five 
spruce cones, and went over to where Magpietail Boy was. As he 
came to the place, he said to Magpietail Boy: "1 now perhaps might 
help you to get out of there, if you can catch one of the five spruce 
cones. So I am going to drop them to you, one at a time. If you 
miss all of them, you will not get out of there." "Very well, indeed, 
I wUl tiy my best to catch them." And so the Elf dropped one of 
the spruce cones, but he did not catch it. He dropped hun another, 
but he did not catch this one either. He dropped him the thu-d one, 
but he did not catch it either. Now the Elf began to scare him by 
saying: "You must do your best, for this one is the last." "Yes, 1 
will," said Magpietail Boy. He then dropped him the fourth one. 
He did not catch it. "Then you can stay there; that is all 1 had," 
the Elf said to him. Magpietad Boy said nothing, but looked very 
frightened as he was lying there. The Elf then took out another 
spruce cone. "Now, this tune 1 am not telling you a lie. That is 
the last. If you do not catch this one, 1 can not get you out of there." 
As the Elf said thus, he dropped the last one that he had. But 
Magpietail Boy caught this one somehow. "All right," said the Elf. 
"You must drop this right straight dowm from where you are lying." 
Then he dropped it, as he was told, and shortly there came up a 
spruce tree loaded with branches, right beside him, until it reached 
up to the bench. "Now," said the Elf, "you must climb this spruce 
tree and get out." Then Magpietail Boy came out. "Thank you 
for helping me," he said to the Elf. He then told the Elf just what 
had happened to him that night and how he had gotten in there. 
"Very well," said the Elf. Then they went over to where there 
was a fallen tree. The Elf found a woodworm and gave it to Magpie- 
tail Boy, telling him: "You must put this wonn by your wife's bed 
to-night. This will fix her. So you must go home, but you must 
not tell your wife. You must not try to quarrel with her. This 
worm will do enough to her." As the Elf told bun that, he went to 
his home. 



312 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES (eth. ann. 43 

Thattha wan'ait^n piaw^n kiat§n mglgi. 'QUiulan? pa 'ong- 
kgltcgiiniah^n 'okoleh^n hattg nOwian ngng'epa wipaita 'gnkel. 
Wa 'gtiulon^ kuiketha pupin^ m^ntcoho Kui. Pupin? yin likgipiu 
'Ifsolekwin 'gtsan. M^ntcoho tclkuitha thina 'ongpghataipu'e 
'onghgnnialiQii piu. Tcihuite Rwiatcioxw^'autco wetgn kow^Q 
thslahu. 

Kgxw^ki.^ 

S^ijgerepove'en^' Fights With the Sun 

Ngkuth? ngkuth^ke tcexgm^n Pakaiiphol'ai 'i^aitha. Tcexgm^n 
S^ijgerepove'eng 'gtiuphil wes^n 'gngn'o'ophil 'gntha. S^rjgere- 
pove'eng winayo tcSwia. Hoh^nno 'i'owa'gnhu. thapai 'otc5w5- 
lem^n 'ip^kglhu. 

TcexgmQn wepa 'otcgwsle. Hele 'iygpsthgin^. Thsmo'gn wi 
tcim^n wi p?'in? wqq 'owamon. M^ntcoho Ighgn'epa 'ilQxwekekkui- 
tha mgloiwaioi. "Hgw^n h^x^tci hele piyapfthgmQ tcatthei?" 
tohu. Xwelkoleh^n tcexgm^n ngthat!3ahu, tgm^n "Xg ygkwe p?n§ 
wingipci nigie'e 'owawalem^ wepah^n tisothgn'ophutcipu." M^ntco- 
ho waiwitgmQpun pfn§ m§n winoipa maie'e 'ow3le. TcexgiiKjn 
ngthattgipgld. Halo xwelwatcem^n, m^ntcoho P?n§ pa tg'g™ici' 
"Wayo 'gmpiiien? miyathappg." S^qgerepove'eng 'gngthaxxwsiki- 
waita Igm?'?. Pfne wa 'gmpiu 'am^. "Wayo," P^n^ pa 'ommia, 
"sikakgmgitcitci. Tcatthai'aite pgimuthalayo kolupiatci, pgnnu yo 
kolumopiatci. Tcinn§ lumg'en^ kokem^h^n 'gxiawiatci. Ygnfoi 
Tholen^ pa, 'gnwahutciam^'epa, konop^yo'gmianiQ'epayo, 'gpun- 
'gmiah^. Hokeyo pgnnuthela ngpuim^nng tcaikwil wewe kgn'ophillo 
'g'^tci. Yohuiyo tholen^ 'gnmgn'otcotci. Yghuiyo mgnpun'gntci. 
Hoh^niig 'a'gmQtci'e 'gnngwia. Hokeyo sanhuiyo 'g?atci." Tcexg- 
niQii S^qgerepove'eng 'gpun'aite mgwen^h^n thappiu mgp^sai. 

^ "You have a tail," translated into Spanish as "Tienes cola" or 
"Tienes ima cola." Cp. Isl. Kahwikieim, "You have a tail" or 
Tg kahwikieim, "Now you have a tail," etc. The narrator says this 
to the one whom he wants to have tell the next story. 

^ From Tewa S^qgiripovi'^'niJ (s^qgh'i- as in various words of 
greeting, of meaning obscure to the Tewa in this name; povi, flower; 
'e'ng, youth). The stories m which S^qgerepove'eng figures are felt 
by the Indians to be as characteristically Picuris as any of the others, 
yet the hero bears a Tewa name, lives at the Tewa village of San 
Juan, and the Tewa tell similar myths about him. 



hakkington] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 313 



When Magpietail Boy arrived home, he sat down very quiet. 
His wife brought him something to eat, and after he had eaten, since 
it was already night, they both went to bed. And he laid the worm 
above where his wife slept. The worm entered Yellow Corn Woman 
at her navel. While she was sleeping it ate up all her entrails and 
she died. And after that Magpietail Boy lived happily, alone. 

You have a tail. 

S^rjGEREPOVE'EN^ FiGHTS WiTH THE SuN 

Once upon a time the people were dwelling at San Juan Pueblo. 
And S^qgerepove'eng dwelt there with his wife and two children. 
S^qgercpove'eng was a great hunter. That was the only way he fed 
his children. Every day he went out hunting and brought deer. 

Once he went out hunting and could not find any deer. All day 
he walked. Not a track of deer could he see. And as he was tired 
he sat down to rest on a log. "But why do I not find any deer 
to-day?" he said. He took his bow. He drew his bow, saying: 
"Would that a four-homed deer might come out. I could shoot 
him at once and knock him dowoi." Then exactly as he said, a four- 
horned deer came out. He aimed. But while he was drawing his 
bow, the Deer spoke to him. "My friend, do not shoot me." 
S^ijgerepove'eng, still drawing his bow, sat frightened. The Deer 
went to where he was sitting. "My friend," said the Deer to him, 
"let me talk to you. Within five days from to-day you must make 
arrows. You must also make five quivers. Wlien you finish these 
quivers you must be ready. This Sun that is helping us to live and 
giving us light is about to make war on you. That is why within 
five days you must come this way again, with your children. Here 
you will meet with the Sun. Here you will have a fight. That is all 
that I have to tell you. You must act like a man." Then S^qgere- 
pove'eng got up from where he was sitting and started home. 

He was not bringing any deer. "Much as he has been hunting, 
he never has come home from hunting without a deer," the people 
said when they saw him coming from hunting. "S^rigerepove'eng 
is not bringing a deer this time," the people said as they saw him. 
19078°— 28 21 



314 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

Wi hele waip^huimQn wihutcun wi tcetcim^n wiwepgn'ayo p?p?n 
thappiu watcSkwiwamm^pu. Tai'en^ pa rnQmiam^ii '(jmmiahu: 
"S^qgerepove'eng tcappa hele waip^kglmQ," ?ai'enQ pa waimomia- 
m?nta 'Qmmiahu. M^ntcoho thattha wan'ait^n lumothaikui'ait^n 
mgpln^lai. "Lolen?," 'gUulan§ pa 'gmmiahu, "heyo tcatthai hele 
'ayap^hon? He'ayo hglgn kgngwia. Wihutcong kowitc5w5lem?a, 
wiwepgn'ayo p^PQn 'awammQpu." 'Ongkalsiatciahijn mgkallai. 
Tcowetcon patcuw^n'oh^n 'ongnltceh^n mgwen?. "Qnliulan?," 
hu'gm?, "yin tatcetcimQn'au tiwiP^thgnh^n tcifei P^n§ payo 
talai'gmia hanko tatcItci'gniiamQn ta'gmmia xg tcatthai'aite pgnnu- 
thala ngpuimen Tholen? pa,yontaikiup§yo'gmian^payo tapun'gmiah?. 
Thapa ta'ominia xg tcatthai'aite pgnnuthala ngpuim^nng, lurng'en? 
pgnnu yo tapiatci tapam^tci lupa. Hattg pgnnuthala ngpuimQnng 
yon teatthai P^n^ pa tatij'gmian'au wo tam§tci, tcihoyo xg Tholen^ 
'gnkan'otcotci, tcihoyo kgmpun'gntci. Hokeyo '§x§nnQ 'gxia'gntci. 
Thapa ygnn§ wes^n 'o'o'an? 'ixia'gntci." 

Tcexgm^n yonn? pgnnuthala S^qgerepove'eng lupiakeh^nng ?ahu. 
Witthala ngpuimQn'au nQwian S^qgerepove'eng pgnnu lumo'en? 
'olupam^'aih^n 'oxiakeUa. Xg tJjhu: "thannayo m^ntcoho ngso- 
katcatci xommg po'a 'gmgsolgiyg, Tholen^'a thahe ng'a, xgmmg pg'a 
solgjsanwia." 

Tcexgm^n thspiak^n ngkemg'ow^h^n ngngnta, 'imgxwiwe 
'iuthakkaleh^n. Tcexgm^n S^ijgerepove'eng mgpuppiahu. Mgpa- 
lephokeh^n tu'au mgthgit^nl^n'gmhQn. Tcexgm^n tQhu: "Tghon, 
'gngn'o'on^, tcohe 'gnngsoputci, 'gnliutha'e, 'aix^n hekian tamal'- 
gmia'gn thahe tahotia'gn, ygnn? wes^n 'o'o'on^ ng kgngntha'e wa 
'gngntgnloleletothappiu 'ihutci. Tcihoyo mgsothstci. 'Ew^n payo 
mgsowa'gmiatci." 

M^ntcoho 'im§ wa P^n? pa tij'gmiamQpun'au 'iwan'aih^n wa 
hupuikwil sattilen§ thapa 'gmgpuppia'aih^n, xw^puna w§n 'gn- 
tciuxw^ki'aih^n, paphutha 'glapalki'aih^n, 'owale. Tcexgm^n 
hau'auteta 'gnxwgithanhu. Piasai Igjtciau'oh^n wel'en? 'gnhai- 
kglhu. Piasai 'gngihgjk^lm^nta 'gnlumg?ialolehu. Hgw^nko wel- 
'en§ 'gnawam^me, piasai Igiputha 'gnhgikglhu. M^ntcoho w^nn^h^n 
'onghimgphihu. How^nko wePen§ 'gnawamem§. Hattg Igiputha 
yo 'gnwOnhu. M^ntcoho wesQn patcu'ah^nng 'gngnhiphlhu. Lgj- 
putha 'gnhgjkgl, kewgn 'gngnluwiapu'e 'gnphuhathan. Tcan'ehan 
mgmpa 'gntc^l, tciho 'gnxotc^hn^n. M^ntcoho S^qgerepove'eng 
'ophutcia. 'Ophutcait^n Tholen^ tclw5tceh?n S^qgerepove'eng 
'gnka??wia. 'QnkaE^wiakenna m^ntcoho wes^n 'o'on? 'gngntgnlo- 
leletothappiu 'gnkiamgtcg'aih^n 'gnxwillole. M^ntcoho Tholene 
pa kian§ kolia, wa papamakwil thammakwil S^qgerepove'eng 
'gmpephil thapa 'olia. 



harrinoton] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 315 



When he reached home he put his quiver away. He sat down very 
sad. "My husband," said his wife, "why did you not kill a deer 
to-day? There must be something the matter with you. As long 
as you have been going out hunting, you never have come back without 
a deer." She placed something to eat, and he sat down to eat. 
He put something into his mouth two or three times and got up. 
"My wife," said he to the woman, "while I was hunting, just as T 
was about to shoot a Deer, that Deer spoke to me and began to talk 
to me, telling me that five days from to-day the Sim that is giving us 
light is going to make war on me. He also told me that within five 
daj's from to-day I must make five quivers and fill them with arrows. 
And the Deer told me to go to the same place I saw him to-day five 
days from to-day and that there the Sun and I wiU meet, and there 
we will have a fight. So you also must get ready. You must also 
have the two children ready." 

Then S^qgerepove'eng did nothing but make arrows during the 
five days, and the night of the fourth day S^qgerepove'eng had five 
quivers ready, filled with arrows. He said: "We shall see in the 
morning who is the braver; we shall see who is more of a man, the 
Sun or I." 

Before daylight the next day they got up and ate breakfast. Then 
S^rjgerepove'eng put his war paint on. He painted his face with 
red, his body with white in blotches. "Come on, let us go, my dear 
ones, no matter what happens to me. My wife, if I should be injured 
in any way or kiUed, you must take these two children that we have 
to where their grandfather and grandmother Uve. There you may 
live. They will take care of you." 

Then they started out and when they reached the place where the 
Deer had spoken a tall man came out in the northeast, he also being 
in war paint, \vith an eagle feather at the back of his head and with a 
shining ornament on his forehead. Then they began to shoot at each 
other from a distance. They came closer to each other in a short 
time. As they began to get closer, they were emptying their quivers. 
But they could not liit each other. They were getting nearer. 
Now each had only one quiver left. But they could not hit each 
other. They were still getting nearer. Now each had only two or 
three arrows left. They still got nearer. Each shot his last arrow. 
They began to have a hand-to-hand fight. There they wrestled. 
And then S§r)gerepove'eng was thrown down. When he was thrown 
down the Sun took out his Itnife and severed S^ijgerepove'eng's neck. 
As soon as his neck was severed the two children left their mother 
and ran away to their grandparents. Then the Sun took their 
mother up to the heaven where he lives. The Sun also took 
S^ijgerepove'eng's head with him. 



316 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

'O'o'on^ tcexgm^n 'gngntcjnloleletothan'au 'gnwOn Tcexgingn tciho 
'gntha. 'QngilgilaupiatciamQnta l^yiifhgn 'gP^ntgnloleietotciVhu 
tcoho 'gngnldatgn'g'e. '(^Ingntgnioleleto'eng pa 'gn'gmmiahu: 
"'Qngn'o'o'onQ, hattg witcun'gnwQiing mgpgnakiatgnmgpo." Hanko 
'o'o'ong 'gnt^hu: "Hgwgii ng wa tcoho 'gpgnldatgntgn'auxgn ho 
'gningmghu." Tgnloleleto'enQ pa 'gn'gmmiahu: " 'Q.ngn'o'o'ong, 
/;cmi'gntci tcu£ai '§ mgpgnkiatgnthgtci. Tholeng yon pfkata 
mgmmgmg'e thappiu'e 'isohui." 'O'o'ong 'gntghu: "Hgwgn 'gpgn- 
thgn'ouxgn he 'gnmgmghu." "Tgxui," tcexgnign 'gngntgnlolenQ pa 
'gn'ommiahu, "yin ngkin'au mgmg'aihgnng mgnpIsi'ila?Qtci. Hg- 
wgnng yin Tholeng pa mgugntgnhotiapmi'auh^nno mgngmgpo, wi 
tcihowgnng mgiia'ilalQpg!" 

Mgntcoho 'o'o'ong 'gntclhakehgn ngkippiu 'gn'ilatQmQ. Mgntcoho 
WQn tghu: "Howga hgxgtci kgngntgnloleng pa wa kgngntgnhotia- 
pun'au 'gn'ila?Qtci'e wamiaumg. Hgwgn tcihokwil he 'gnimgtci, 
tciho he 'gni'ilalQtci." Me^ntcoho tcihokwil 'gmmg. Wa 'gngn- 
tgnhotiapun'au 'gnwan'aihgn, 'gn'ilathgn. Mgntcoho wqn mgtgsai, 
w^n 'i'ila??g, tcexgmQii 'ila'eng pa 'gn'gmmia: "'(Jtngn'o'ong, heyo 
tcufei mgitu?§hu?" 'O'o'on^ Igm^wgh^n 'gmmgyg'aihgn 'gngnthap- 
piu 'gmm§. 'Q.ntgnlole'QmQ: "Tgnlole, hele hiapa 'ila'eng pa 'ohe 
'gn'gmmia: "gngn'o'on?, heyo hgx^yo tcu?9i maituJ^hu?'" Tgnlo- 
len? pa 'gn'gmmia: "Hantcg'g hojo mgpgn'gmgm^n hokeyo tcihokwil 
mgpgnpQ?ea'mm^n, toon ygn wgm hokwUlo mgn'ilatgmgtci." 
'O'o'on? wewe 'gntcihakehgn 'gn'ilat^mg. Ngkin'au 'gnwQn'ait^n 
'gn'ilatghu. 'gn'ilumghutceh^n wewe 'gngntgnloleng tha 'gnhui. 

"Taxui," tcexgrngn 'gngntgnlolen§ pa 'gn'gmmia, "tcang mg- 
pgnngpuhaxwgntopiatci. MopgnngEgm^ntgnng mgnpuhaxwgntohui- 
m^n mgnsoldatgnn^m^tci. Wa mgnngtcimgn'au ygnn? mgnso- 
wlpetci." Tcexgmgn 'gngntgnlofen^ 'opuhaxwgntokamghgn 'gn- 
'eleh^n 'gnkiat^jnn^m?. 

Tcoho patcu witthala'a i5i'ai 'gmm^m^n X^lole hattg Xgliula 
'gn 'gnthan'au 'gnwdn. Xgan? pa 'gn'gmmia: "'O'o'ong, tco- 
kwillo mgnm^hu?" '"Qnkiatgnngmghu," 'o'o'on? 'gpgnXg'gm§. 
"Tgxui," Xgan^ 'gntghu. Wipaita 'gnJalaxwiltowatcehgn 'o'o'ong 
'ongwitcia 'gn'gmmianiQn: "Ygnng mgnwipetci wa mgnkiatgnngtci- 
mgn'au. Hoike ngwia'gn'gn ygnng yo mgmphotci." 



HARRINGTON] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 317 



The children reached their grandparents' home. There they lived. 
As they grew older they often asked their grandparents where their 
parents were. Their grandparents said to them: "My little children, 
you will never see your parents again." Then the children said: 
"But anyway we are going to look for our parents until we can find 
them." Their grandparents said to them: "My little children, you 
will never find your parents. The Sun whom you see above the clouds 
has taken them to his home." The children said: "But we are going 
to look for them until we find them." "Very well," said their 
grandfather, "go into the woods and cut plenty of willow trees. 
But you must not go to or cut the willows where the Sun killed your 
father." 

Then the children took their knives and went to the woods to cut 
willows. One of them said: "Why does not our grandfather want us 
to cut the willows where our father was killed? We will go there 
anyway and get the willows there." They went there. When they 
came to the place where their father was killed, they found willows. 
And one of them began to cut them. The willow tree said to them: 
"My children, why are you cutting my flesh?" The children looked 
frightened, but they went home and told their grandfather. "Grand- 
father, the willows spoke to us and told us, 'Why are you cutting my 
flesh?'" Their grandfather said to them: "I have told you not to 
go there. Now you can go this other way to cut willows." Then 
the two children took their knives again and went to cut willows. 
When they came to the woods they began to cut willows. They took 
the willows in their arms and carried them to their grandfather. 

"Very well," said their grandfather, "now I shall make shinny 
sticks for you. When I finish your shinny sticks you can take them 
and go to look for your parents. While you are looking for your 
parents you will need them." The grandfather finished the shinny 
sticks and they put them on their backs and went to look for their 
parents. 

They were on the road about three or four days. They came to 
the home of Old Male Woodrat and Old Female Woodrat. The 
Woodrats said to them: "Little children, where are you going?" 
"We are going to look for our parents," said the boys to the Wood- 
rats. "Very well," said the Woodrats. And each took two Httle 
sticks from his ears and gave one to each of the boys, saying to them, 
"You will need this where you are hunting for your parents. If 
there should be any betting, you could rub them on yourselves." 



318 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

'0'o'on§ 'gmme. 'Qtmin§m§n Lolapathaan? ^ 'ithan'ai 'cjnwaii. 
"Tcokwillo, 'o'o'on?, m(jmm?hu?" Lolapathaen^ pa 'gn'omniia. 
"Wa '(jnkiat(jnn?5m?hu," 'o'o'on? 'cipgnLolafjatho'oniQ. "Tgxui," 
Lolapathaan^ pa 'gn'ommio, "yonnQ toipatQaan? mgpgnhuim^n wa 
mgnkkiatgnn<jtcim§n'au mgnsowipetci." '(^pgnthoihakehen 'gmra§. 



'Qlmm?m?n wa Lotaphon'en? 'ithan'au 'gnwan. Lolaphon'enQ pa 
'gn'ommio: "Tcokwillo, 'o'o'oiiq, mgmm^hu?" " 'Qnkiatgnnij- 
mehu," 'o'o'one 'gpgnLolaphon'gme. "Tgxui," tcexgmQn Lola- 
phon'en^ pa 'gn'ommio, "ygnn? thoiphon'en? mgpgnhuimon wo 
mgnkiotgnngtclmen'ou mgnsowipetci." 'O'o'on? 'gpgnthoiphonho- 
keh^n 'gmm§. 

'Qlmmem^n Lolatsolen? 'ithan'au 'gnwOn. Lolotsolen? pa 'gn- 
'ommio: "Tcokwillo, 'o'o'one, mgmm^hu?" '"Qnkiotgnn^m^hu," 
'o'o'on^ 'gpgnLolafsol'gmQ. "Tgxui," Lola^olcn? po 'gn'ommio, 
"ygnn? mgpgnthgifsolhuim§n mgnkiatgnnijtcimen'ou, ygnn^ mgnso- 
wipetci." '0'o'on§ 'gpgnthoifsolhakehQn 'gmm§. 



'Qmm^mQn wa Lolatcgl'enQ 'ithan'au 'gnwdn Lolatcgl'en? pa 
'gn'ommio: "Tcokwillo, 'o'o'on?, mgmm^hu?" " 'Qnkiatgnn^- 
m^hu," 'o'o'on? 'gpgnLolatcgl'gm?. "Tgxui," tcexgm^n Lolo- 
tcgl'enQpo 'gn'ommio, "ygim(j thgitcgl'en? mgpgnhuimon wo mgnkia- 
tgnn^tclm^n'ou mgnsowipetci." '0'5'onQ 'gpgnthoitcglhokeh^n 
'gmm?. 

'Qmmom^n m^ntcoho tcufoi Thaltaien? kakehui mo'e '^n'oi 
'gnwan. "Tcokwillo, 'o'o'onQ, mgmm^hu?" Thalfaien^ pa 'gn'- 
gmmio. "'(lnkiatgnngm(?hu," 'o'o'onQ 'gntohu. "Tgxui," Thaltai- 
en? po 'gn'ommio. " Komgngnthgiwio patijhawen, phonw^n, tiolw^n 
'imgyo'e?" 'O'o'one 'gntghu: "Kgngnwio." "kowQo," Thalfaien? 
po 'gn'ommio, "yimiQ tliQjenQ pomouKipQhokeliQn waTholeng theppiu 
mgpgn'oletci." "Row^nng, ngyo koElthgi'gntci he 'gmioum^mmo." 
"Tgxui," thal?aienQ tghu, "peemg pathaw^nng mopphotci, hcittg 
lamg'emg han xg'en? 'gn fsolw^n, hoy yon pi'au pathalw^n, hax 
hoxwQ'en? pathaw^n, koto phonw?n. Ho moithoi'gmQhQnng 
tothalxiamotxi." "Tgxui," 'o'o'oncj 'gntohu, "He 'oimioumoko 
ng 'gthgjphotci." 'Qpgnthoiwgtceh^n wa Thaltaien^ tDniQinmo 

^ The butterflies of various colors are encountered by S^qgere- 
pove'eng in the order in which the cardinal directions and their colors 
are mentioned in Picuris ceremonies: tapupa, northeast (patha-, 
white); ta'opo, northwest (phon-, black); tsngn, southwest (fsol-, 
yellow); takwepo, southeast (tcgl-, blue). To these is sometimes 
added: pimmo, east; literally, in the middle (paxQ-, gray); cp. p. 354. 



HARUINfiTON] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 319 



Then the little boys went. As they went they came to the home of 
the White Butterflies. "Where are you going, little boys?" the 
White Butterflies said to them. "We are going to look for our 
parents," said the little boys to the Wliite ButterfUes. "Very well," 
said the White Butterflies, "if you take this white paint, where you 
are going to look for your parents you may need it." They took the 
white paint and went. 

As they went, they came to the home of the Black Butterflies. 
The Black Butterflies said to them: "Where are you going, little 
boys?" "We are going to look for our parents," said the little boys 
to the Black Butterflies. "Very well," said the Black Butterflies, 
"if you take this black paint, where you are going to look for your 
parents you may need it." The little boys took the black paint and 
went. 

As they went, they came to the home of the Yellow Butterflies. 
The Yellow Butterflies said to them: "W'here are you going, little 
boys?" "We are going to look for our parents," the little boys said 
to the Yellow Butterflies. "Very well," said the Yellow Butterflies 
to the boys, "if you take this yellow paint, where you are going to 
look for your parents you may need it." The little boys took the 
yellow paint and went. 

As they went, they came to the home of the Blue Butterflies. The 
Blue Butterflies said to them: "Where are you going, little boys?" 
"We are going to look for our parents," said the little boys to the 
Blue Butterflies. "Very well," said the Blue Butterflies, "if you 
take this blue paint, where you are going to look for your parents 
you may need it." The httle boys took the blue paint and went. 

As they went, they came to where there was a certain Flying 
Creature which looked like a crow. "Where are you going, Uttle 
boys?" the Flying Creature said to them. "We are going to look 
for our parents," said the httle boys. "Very well," said the Flying 
Creature, "have you any white, black, and yellow paint?" The 
httle boys said, "We have." "Good," said the Flying Creature, 
"if you can paint my feathers I will take you up to where the Sun 
hves." "Good. We will paint your feathers any way you wish." 
"Very well," said the Flying Creature, "you can paint my head white 
and my bill and legs yellow, and here on my breast white, and the 
tail white, and black at the end. After you paint me as I have told 
you, I will be ready to fly." "Very well," the httle boys said, "we 
will paint you any way you wish." They took out their paint and 
painted the Flying Creature as he had told them. After they 
finished painting him, he was called by them the Eagle. That is the 



320 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES |eth. ann. 43 

'giithoiphohu. 'Qniphophaleh^n Tciuen? 'gnxgyg. Hokeyo Tciuen^ 
ho 'imoyo. "Tgxui," TciuenQ t^hu, "yon ?onna mgnlai. Kwalw^nno 
nigntc^ltci, ng tathelkolh^. Takolek^nnayo mgntcekweltci. Mgna- 
mgpg mgpgn'om^n max§n." "Tgxui," 'o'o'on? 'gntohu. 

Tciu?oniia 'gnlaketQn TcTuen? mgkol. Piasai kwilpa wilehu, 
picisai Igikepa nginulmgtcia. TcexgmQ mglai. "Tcano ban 
mgiitcekwelpan," 'o'o'on^ 'gn'ommia. 

'Qntcekwelpatex^n tgn ngpgmgn'au 'on'?. "Tcang han, 'o'o'on?, 
Tholcn? 'gpgwian'au wo mgpgnkgl. Wafoi (ngmgtopem^n) ngtha- 
pathakittha yo mgngnkia'e, Tholen? 'gkwinwia'eyo wia. Hattg 
mgngntgmen? 'gmpewia'e wa Thgpiapaxalan? thatha yo 'ikui. 
Thapai hioulon Tligpiapflxalnn? mgngntgmen? 'gmpewia'epajo puha- 
?ahu. Hokeyo thanna hiaulon ngngnng wa puhatam^mpiu mgm- 
m^tci. Ngpi'oyo 'giigpg'a hgw^nko mgngpipo. Hew^n nigntci- 
'glion'gn mgnatox^pipg. 'QLx^n mgmpuha'awia'gn mgmpuhathiatci. 
How^nko mgngntgmen? 'gmjjewia'e mgpgngxwgmpg. 'Q.mpu- 
haxwgntowia'et^nng mgpgnxwgntci. Tcot^katt^n 'atijnno 'opu- 
haxwgntowia. Phulion 'gwia'e mgpgnthauko Thapiapaxalan§ 
piukatci. Piukathayo mgngntgmen? 'gmpewia'e mgpgnkoleh^nnQ 
wewe tcaikwil mgn'^tci, ygho taixiatciin^w^n." 

'O'o'onQ Tcluen? pa 'anai'ommia 'gmm?. Hiaulon tcexgin^n 
ngpi'ai 'gntg?alia. "Ying han Th^piapaxalnn? kgngntgmen? 
'gnpewia'opa puha^ahu," 'o'o'onQ 'gntohu, "tgxui, 'gn'otconiQtci. 
Tciuene pa 'anai'ommiapunt^n 'gnfapuh^n kgnEiahgn^tci." M^ntco- 
ho wa ThapiapOxalan? 'gngpgmpiu 'gmm?. Wa tcim^n'au 'gnwQn- 
'ait§n ThgpiapaxalanQ pa 'gn'ommia: "'9utco'o'onQ, heyo teun? '? 
ygho mgnwanhu? Ng tculai hele ygho 'gnangla?aiwgmm§, witciutco- 
'on? w^nng ygho 'gnawamm?. Tcang wipaita mgpgnhgn^tci." "Pa 
ygho 'antcThu," 'o'5'on§ 'gntghu. "Tgxui," Thopiapaxalan? tghu, 
"ygmpai mgngntgnien? 'gnpewia'epayo, thapai tapuhatahu. Ygho 
mgnkiatgnngtcim^n ngng'gn 'ipuhalaci mgngntgmen? 'gmpewia'epa. 
Tculai 'olem^'eyo 'gnsopewiatci." 

M^ntcoho 'ipuhalahu. 'O'o'ouq 'gmpuhaxwgntcikomaixQn Thapi- 
apaxalan? 'opuhaxwgntowia'eh^nng 'gnxwgnhu. Phfilian 'gnwiapu'e 
'gntiiawian Th5piapaxaian? piukan. "Takgnleme," 'o'o'on? 'gntohu. 
"Yimpai kgngntgmen? 'gmpewia'e 'gpgnhuim^nt^n wa Tcluen? 
kgngnxia'^mpiu 'gmm^tci." 'Qpgnpekoleh^n 'gmm§ wa Tciuen? 
xia'^ntha 'gnwOn. 

"Heyo, 'o'o'on?, mgngnngpu?" Tciuen? pa 'gn'ommia. "Ro- 
w?n," 'o'o'on? 'gntohu. "Kgngntgmen? 'gmpewia'eyo kgnlem?." 
"Tgxui," TciuenQ tghu, "tcan'ehan mgngnkian? mgnkolm^'aih^nng 
wathate mgnmai'aih^nng wewe pgtha mgpilauetci patcuta. Tho- 
lan'aihen wa mgugnkia'^tha mgm^tci, tci?ai ngng'et^nng Tholen? 



EURRINOTON) 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 321 



reason the Eagle looks that way. "Very well," said the Eagle, "sit 
on my back. Hold on tight, I am about to fly. As soon as I fly, 
close your eyes. You must not look until I tell you." "Very well," 
said the little boys. 

They sat on the Eagle's back and the Eagle flew. He ascended 
higher and higher and kept circling. Then he lighted. "Now you 
can open your eyes," he said to the little boys. 

When they opened their eyes they were in a strange-looking land. 
"Now, httle boys, I have brought you to the Sun's land. Over there 
where that white house is your mother is staying. She is now the 
Sun's wife, and your father's head is at the Morning Star's house. 
Every morning the Morning Star plays sliinny with your father's 
head. So you must go early to-morrow morning to the place where 
he is playing shinny. He makes a fierce noise, but you must not 
fear him. Should he ask you any questions, you must not fear to 
answer him. If he should ask you to play shinny, you must be 
willing to play shinny with him. But you must not liit your father's 
head. You must only try to hit his shinny sticks. He has only 
about ten shinny sticks. \Mien you break his last shinny stick the 
Morning Star will drop dead. When he drops dead you must take 
your father's head and come here again. I will be waiting here." 

The little children went as the Eagle had told them. Early in the 
morning they heard a fierce noise. " There is the Morning Star playing 
shinny with our father's head," said the Httle children; "indeed, let 
us go and meet him. We wiH do as the Eagle told us, and wUl win.'' 
They went where the Morning Star was making the noise. When 
they came to where the Morning Star was the Morning Star said to 
them: "Little boys, why do you come here? There is no creature 
that comes around where I am; not even a little bird comes around 
here. Now I shall eat you both up." "We are around here, any- 
how," the httle boys said. "Very well," said the Morning Star, 
"this is your father's head, and I play shinny with it every morning. 
If you are around here looking for your parents, let us play shinny 
with your father's head. Wlioever wins shall have the head." 

Then they began to play sliinny. The little children, instead of 
hitting the shinny ball, were hitting the Morning Star's shinny 
sticks. \Mien his last shinny stick was broken, the Morning Star 
dropped dead. "We win," said the httle boys. "Our father's head 
we shall take over to where the Eagle is waiting for us." So they 
took the head and came to where the Eagle was waiting. 

"How did you make out, little boys?" said the Eagle to them. 
"Wefl," said the little boys, "we have won our father's head." 
"Very well," said the Eagle, "now you may go and get your mother. 
When you bring her back here I will take you down again to the 
earth. You must go to where your mother is staying after it gets 



322 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. asn.43 

matclkuhu. Tclkuitlia yinnQ tnloxwilto'eiK; X^anQ pa manlammi- 
apu'e mginpapholeh^n watciwapo, hanko mgiikiamgtci tcaikwil." 
"Ho," tcexgm^n 'o'o'on? 'gntQhu, " tholan'aih^nno wa kgntjnkia- 
thappiu 'ansom^tci." 

Tholk^n'aih^n m^ntcoho 'gmin^. Phalta 'gntsan'aih^n Tholen? 
'gntcTthgn. Xntaloxwiltopa 'gnpnpholcliQn TholenQ IgitcTpiu. 
'QnkiahcmQhcn wa Tciuen? xia'^puppiu 'gnhui. 

"Heyo, 'o'o'on^, mgngnngpu?" Tcliien^ pa 'gn'gmmia. "Row^n," 
'o'o'on? 'gntghu. "Tgxui," Tciuen? tijhu, "patcuta yon ?onna 
mimglai, takolek^nnayo miupohotcepax^m^tci, mivvatcekwelpapg 
pgtha talak^nmax^a." Tcexgm^n Tciu^on'ai 'imgiakeh^n Tciuen? 
mgkol. Wa ngmulmatcia'aihQn, pgtha mgloi. "Tcanghan," 
TciuenQ t^hu, "wa mgthappiu mgtgmenQ 'gmpewia'e mgpihuimQn 
mgm^tci. Wa mgthanna mgwan'ait^n ygmj3ei peemowa ngngngn'au 
mgpikutci. Mgpiyamgpg pgnnuthela ngpuim^n. 'Qix^n hanko 
mgtgmenQ wewe 'gtupiatcetci." 

'O'o'onQ 'gngnkiaphil 'inthappiu patcuta iin§. 'Itthanna 'iwan- 
'oitQn 'gngntgraen? 'gmpewia'e wa Tciuen? pa 'anai'gniiapun ngwQu 
ngngn'ai 'ipikui. Pgnnuthale ngpuim^n wa 'ipipeEuipun'au 'iumom- 
'aix^n S<;r)gerepove'eng Sope waiwimgpun 'imgn'aili§n 'ithgn. 
Tcihuite kow^h^nng 'itha'gn. 

Kgxw^ki. 

The Old Giant Steals S^rjGEREPOVE'fiN^'s Wife 

Ngkuthe ngkuth^ke tcexgm^n pokauphol'ai 'i?aitha. Thapa 
SQijgerepove'eng hattg 'Ipathskwin 'ghulana 'gntha. M^ntcoho 
S^rigerepove'eng tc3wia. Tc3keh§n tahu. Thapai 'otcSwelem^n, 
'ip^kalhu. Hattg 'gliulane piakakeh^n paikwiu ?ahu. 

M^ntcoho wepa S^qgerepove'eng 'otc3w5le. 'Ipathskwin paikwiu 
piakam^. 'Ongpia'aniQntha m^ntcoho Takololole 'gwan. "Heyo 
'g?ahu?" TakolonQ pa 'gmmia. "Tangpia'ahu," 'Ipathskwin tghu. 
"Tgxui, yon femoloma 'g£sen xui," Takolon§ tghu. "Hattg 
'gnthanmakwil tam^m^ko. Tcakk^n hattg 'gnsatcskwiwakkeko," 
'Ij3ath5kwin tghu. "Yon ?5moloma 'gRan, mg 'g'gm^hu. 'Afsan'gn 
ng 'gkolehgn yo 'gtaitci," Takolon^ tghu. " '4nthappiu hattg 
tam^rnQko. Hattg tcakk^n 'gnsatha'e tc5kwiwakkeko," 'Ipathskwin 
tghu. M^ntcoho Takolon? pa koliah^n femolotha takiah^n thappiu 
mgp^sai. 

S§r)gerepove'eng tcSkwiwan'aixQu 'ghutha'e thattha wa'e. "How^n 
hcjx^tci 'gnliutha'e tcan wakwanwilem<j? Xgmmg wa paikwiu 
taipglautci." Ho tom^nphil wa paikwiukwil pglau. Wa mg'akettha 



uakringtonI 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 323 



dark, for that is the only time that the Sun goes to sleep. While he 
is asleep you must spit the earsticks that the Woodrats gave you on 
him and he will not wake up, and then you must bring your mother 
here." "All right," said the little boys, "as soon as it grows dark we 
shall go over to where our mother is living." 

\Mien it got dark, they went. When they entered the room they 
found the Sun asleep. Thej^ spit on him with the earsticks of the 
Woodrats. The Sun fell fast asleep. They took their mother out 
and carried her to where the Eagle was waiting for them. 

"How did you make out, little boys?" said the Eagle. "Well," 
said the little boys. "Very well," said the Eagle, "the three of you 
sit on my back, close your eyes as soon as I fly, do not open your 
eyes until I land on the ground." Then they got on the back of the 
Eagle, and the Eagle flew. He circled around and landed on the 
ground. "Now," said the Eagle, "you can take your father's head 
home. When you reach home you must put your father's head in a 
dark place. Don't look at it for five days. By that time your 
father will turn to flesh again." 

The little children and their mother went home. When they 
reached home they put their father's head in a dark place, as the 
Eagle had told them. After five days they looked where they had 
put the head and they found S^qgerepove'eng as he had looked before. 
They lived happily ever afterward. 

You have a tail. 

The Old Giant Steals S^ijGEREPOVE'ENg's Wife 

Once upon a time at San Juan the people dwelt. And also 
S^ijgerepove'eng and ^Tiite Com Woman, his wife, dwelt there. 
S^rjgerepove'eng was a hunter. He did nothmg but hunt. He 
went out hunting every day and brought deer.' And his wife did 
nothing but wash clothes down at the river. 

^\jid once S^ijgerepove'eng went out hunting. White Com Woman 
went to the river to wash clothes. While she was washing her clothes 
the Old Giant came to her. "What are you doing?" said the Giant 
to her. "I am washing clothes," said White Corn Woman. "Very 
well, get into this packbasket then," said the Giant. "I am already 
starting home. My husband comes home from hunting at this time," 
said White Com Woman. "Get into this packbasket, I said. If you 
do not get in I will take you and put you in myself," said the Giant. 
"I am already starting home. My husband comes home from hunt- 
ing at this time," said White Com Woman. Then the Giant took 
her and put her into the packbasket and started for his home. 

Wlien SQqgerepove'eng returned from hunting his wife was not at 
home. "But why is it that my wife does not come up from the river 

'For deer-summoning song used by S<jr)gerepove'eng and other 
Picuris deer hunters see p. 397. 



324 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth.ann.43 

wanokettha wan'oLx^n, hota 'gn?ipalukkiwaita hota 'ongpialiakwan- 
waita ngng. "How§a tcokwiltci 'gnJiume?" SQqgerepove'eng tohu. 



Yiho tcImQn m^ntcoho Takolon? 'ithgn. "How^n yonfoi ?ailaii§ 
pahe tailiulQinmia. How^n wa tikau'aux^n he tihotci." Luihq'- 
eleh^n m^ntcoho Takolon^ 'ihon. 

M^m^n Xglole hax Xgli'o 'gn 'gnthan'ai wan. "S^qgerepove'eng, 
tcokwillo 'gm^hu?" Xggn? pa 'gmmki. "TaiiukoliiKjhu, Takololole 
pa taliul^mmayo." '"Q., ygkweyo tconiQii tcatthai. 'Taithun^ 
?aihuihu,' mg 'gmmiamQko ygkwe m^in^n." Xglole hattg Xgliula pa 
w^nnQii lalaxvviltolammiah?!!. "'Aix^n hoikengng'gn yon? payo 
'gpaholtci," Xglole 'gmmia. Thapa Xglole xwelmgtcgn^hQn thapa 
xwellammia 'gmmiam^n, "Ygn?ai xwelen§ 'aix§n hoikengng'gn'gn 
'ahuimen." 



M^m^n thapa Lolapathaan? 'ithan'au wan. "S?r|gerepove'eng, 
tcokwillo 'gmt;hu," Lolapathaen? pa 'gmmia. S^rigerepove'cng 
tghu: "Takololole pa taliul^mmayo taJiukolm^hu." "'Amgtci. 
'TdithimQ taihuihu ' 'gmmiam^ko yghui tcomfjn." Lolapathean? pa 
xal?npathora?kiah(.'n tglglpatheon? 'gn. 'Okoieh^n m^ntcoho wewe 
mgTakolo'ihgnp^sai. 



M^ntcoho S^rigerepove'eng m?. M^m^n Loiaphgn'eng 'ithen'ai 
wnn. "S^qgerepove'eng tcokwillo 'gm§hu?" Lolaphon'enQ pa 
'gmmia. S<ji3gerepove'eng tghu: "Takololole pa taliulgmmayo taliu- 
kolm^hu." Lolaphon'en? 'itghu: "Yghui 'taithune laihuihu ' 
'gmmioniQnng tcgm^n." Lolaphon'enQ pa xol(.>nphonmQkiah(;n 
tglglphon'en? 'gn. 'Okaleh^n m^ntcoho wewe mgTakolo'ihgnpejsoi. 



M^m^n LolaEsolen? 'ithan'ai wan. "S^qgerepove'eng, tcokwillo 
'gm^hu?" LolatsolenQ pa 'gmmia. S^qgerepove'eng tghu: "Tako- 
lolole pa taliul^mmayo taliukolmQhu." 'Clmgtci. Yghui 'Faithunij 
laihuihu ' 'gmmiam^nng tcgm^n," Lolafsolonc; 'itghu. Xol^n^sol- 
m^kiah^n hattg tglgltsolen? 'gn. 'Okal^h^n wewe Takololole 
'ihon. 



M^m^n Lolatcgl'ene 'ithan'ai wan. "S^qgerepove'eng, tcokwillo 
'gniQhu?" Lolatcgren? pa 'gmmia. "Takololole pa taliul?mmgyo 
taliukol^hu." "'Qmgtci Yghuiyo 'faithun? taihuihu ' 'ommiamQung 



nARRINGTON 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 325 



earh' this time? I think I will go down to the river and see." As 
he said thus, he went down to the river to look. When he came to 
her place of washing, the pot was stUl there and her clothes were still 
hanging to dry as she had left them. "But where did my wife go?" 
said S^qgercpove'eng. 

As he was walking around there he found a track of the Giant. 
"I think this big person has stolen my wife. But anyhow I will 
follow him until I catch up with him." He put his quiver on his 
back and started to follow the tracks of the Giant. 

As he went he came to the home of Old Male Woodrat and Old 
Female Woodrat. ''S^qgerepove'eng, where are you going?" the 
Woodrat said to him. "I am going to fetch my wife, because the 
Old Giant has stolen my wife from me." "Yes, he was passing here 
to-day. 'The one greedy for people is taking a person,' the people 
called out to him as he was going by here." Old Male Woodrat and 
Old Female Woodrat each gave him an earstick. "In case of betting 
you must spit on yourself with this," Old Male Woodrat said. And 
Old Male Woodrat took out a tobacco bag and also gave him a pipe 
and told him: "You may take this pipe in case of betting." 

As he went he came to the home of the White Butterflies. 
"S^qgerepove'eng, where are you going?" said the \Miite Butterflies 
to him. S^qgerepove'eng said: "The Old Giant has stolen my wife 
and I am going to fetch her." "You can bring her back. 'The one 
greedj' for people is taking a person,' the people called out to him as 
he passed here." The White Butterflies fed him white combread 
and white boiled beans. After he had eaten he then set off again to 
follow the tracks of the Giant. 

Then S^qgerepove'eng went on. As he went he came to the home 
of the Black Butterflies. "S^qgerepove'eng, where are you going?" 
said the Black Buttei-flies to him. S^qgerepove'eng said: "The 
Old Giant has stolen my wife. I am going to fetch her back." The 
Black Buttei-flies said: "'The one greedy for people is taking a 
person,' the people said to him as he passed." The Black Butter- 
flies fed him black combread and black boiled beans. After he had 
eaten he then set off again to follow the tracks of the Giant. 

As he went he came to the home of the Yellow Butterflies. 
"S^qgerepove'eng, where are you going?" said the Yellow Butter- 
flies to him. S^qgerepove'eng said: "The Old Giant has stolen my 
wife and I am going to fetch her." "You can bring her. 'The one 
greedy for people is taking a person,' the people said to him as he 
passed," said the Yellow Butterflies. He was fed yellow cornbread 
and yellow boiled beans. After he had eaten he again started off to 
follow the tracks of the Old Giant. 

As he went, he came to the home of the Blue Butterflies. "S?q- 
gerepove'eng, where are you going?" said the Blue Butterflies to 
him. "The Old Giant has stolen my wife. I am going to fetch my 



326 PICURfs CHILDREN'S STORIES 



lETH. ANN. 43 



mQm?n," Lolatcgl'ene 'it^hu. XoI?ntcglm?kiahQn h(jn tgl(jltcgl'en§ 
'gn. 'ORol^h^n wewe Takolon? 'ihon. 



HetcuwQn Takolon? than'ai wan. Thanna tsan'aLx^n, thanna 
liuthgn. "'Qnliulan^, heyo tcutai yoho 'gJahii?" liu'oniQ. "Tako- 
loiiQ pa wa paikwiu ta'amQpun'aite tsmolona tatakiah^n tasomgtciapu 
tcakwil. Takol5n§ yin 'gngtotakimmayo '§," 'gJiuthe'e pa 'Qmmia 
"Tgxui," S^qgerepove'eng tghu, "t3tama yo taphqlauhQ, 'gjxia- 
'qmqw^n. Tihon'aih^nno kgngnthappiu 'gm^tci." 

M^ntcoho S^rigerepove'eng t5tapiu wa Takolon^ taipiu bu. 
'rian'aiten tcita Takolon? ioiwaxQiikutha thgn. "Heyo, S^qgere- 
pove'eng, tcufoi yoho 'gnpakw^n pakin'ou 'gfianhu. Ng tcuEei wi 
hele 'gnangla?aiwanme yoho. Wi tciutco'on? w^nng yoho 'g^a- 
fsainm^," Takolon? pa 'gmmiahu. " Mgnliul^maiko hokeyo taiiii- 
kol'Q," S^rigerepove'eng Takolo'gm?. "Tgxui," Takolon? tohu, 
"kgnhoi'gntci, tcu?ei 'oleme'eyo lluen§ 'gwiatci." "Tgxui," S^qgere- 
pove'eng tijhu. 

Takolon? tca'an xueltilitcgn^h^n t^hu: "Tcu?9i yon?ai '^lamax^n 
tStauQ xwelkapax^mopemQ'eyo 'olemetci." Ho t^niQU m^ntcoho 
xwelphiatci. Tcexgm^n ngkapax^mgpiahu. Halo tstapin'ai 'gngfs?- 
kapnx^mgwam^nta 'gxwelionphal. 

Tcaii'ehgn S^qgerepove'eng 'gngwan. XgouQ pa kilaxwilto lammia- 
pu'e pa xwelpapholm^h^n liataihu. Mgxatciakia'ohuih^nno 
'gxwelwia. "Wu, hiapa '? 'ahe. Lapuma kgngikapax^mgwatci, 
ho'oh^n kgsoxwelwia. Hiapa ng wihutcu'gn 'gniwianhc wipin'aiw^n 
'gnawdn. Tcano 'gliul^m^tci." S^qgerepove'cng nKjntcoho xwelphia- 
tce. Hattg ngkapax^mgpiahu. Piasai pin'ai 'gngwahu. L^gt^n 
ngpuim^n '^lainax^n 'gnawon. "'I$yom(jn 'glgitutce ngtholen," 
Tnkolon^ pa 'gmmiahu. "Hgw^n halo miai}^m?m§. Tcono ng- 
katcatci, tcu?ai 'owawgle'eyo iTuen? 'gwiatci." 



M^ntcoho Takolon^ ngpho'aite 'ophal'aite tcilaumgtcgn^, han 
t^hu : "Tcang ygn^ pa 'g?^phaliatci. hokeyo tcan '^yo kgngl^gnwatci. 
Tcu?aiygn tatamate 'owawale'eyo iTuenQ 'gwiatci. Hokeyo '§yo yona 
'gfSott^wetci." "Tgxui," S?qgercpove'eng tohu. Xggn? pa Eala- 
xwiltolammia pu'epa wetannigpapholm^hQii. Takololole 'otcilauphia- 
tceh^n ken'aukwil 'owale. TQwehui tcilauen^ t3tama 'otanhu. 
"Tcang S^qgerepove'eng yinn? pa l^phaliatci. tcano 'gnliuwiatci." 
Tcllauen? 'opghatapphal, Takolon? t3tapiu San. Tsan'aix^n S^qge- 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 44 




THE CONTEST BETWEEN SENGEREPOVEENA AND THE GIANT 



HARRINGTONl 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 327 



wife." "You can bring her. 'The one greedy for people is taking 
a person,' the people here said to him as he went," said the Blue 
Butterflies. He was fed blue cornbread and blue boiled beans. 
After he had eaten he again followed the tracks of the Giant. 

At last he came to the liome of the Giant. As he entered the 
house he found his own wife in the house. "My wife, what are you 
doing here?" he said to his wife. "While I was washing at the 
river the Giant came and put me into his packbasket and brought 
me here. The Giant is there in his estufa," said his Mdfe to him. 
"Very well," said S^i]gerepove'eng, "I will go down to the estufa 
and you can be getting ready. After I kill him, we can go home." 

And then S^qgerepove'eng went down into the estufa, in where 
the Giant was. Entering there he found the Giant lying leaning 
asleep. "S^rjgerepove'eng, why are you entering here in my private 
place? There is no living creature that comes around here. Not 
even a little bird comes here," the Giant said to him. "Because 
you have stolen my wife, that is the reason I have come to get her," 
S^qgerepove'eng said to the Giant. "Very well," said the Giant, 
"we will bet. The one that wins shall have the woman." "Very 
well," said S^qgerepove'eng. 

The Giant took out a long pipe and said: "The one that fills this 
estufa to the top with a cloud of smoke from the pipe shall win." 
(PI. 44.) As he said this, he lighted his pipe. Then he began to 
make the cloud of smoke from his pipe. But before the smoke 
reached halfway up the estufa his tobacco burned out from his pipe. 

Now S^qgerepove'eng's turn came. He began to spit on his pipe 
with the earsticks that the Old Woodrats had given him, and began 
to put tobacco into it. His pipe was not larger than his little finger. 
"Wu, you could not do half as well as I did. The smoke of your 
pipe will never reach the ceiling, because your pipe is too small. 
Even my pipe, large as it is, did not get half way. Now I am going 
to win the woman from you." S^qgerepove'eng then lighted his 
pipe and began to make a cloud of smoke. Slowly it rose halfway. 
In a short time it reached up to the roof-hole. "I think you must 
have more power than I," said the Giant to him. "But you have 
not defeated me yet. Now we shall see. ^Vlloever comes out safe 
shall have the woman." 

Then the Giant took a bag of obsidians from a shelf hole m the 
wall and said: "Now this will cut you to pieces. And so it will be 
your turn this time. The one that comes out alive from this estufa 
shall have the woman. You are to stay in here first." "Very 
well," said S^qgerepove'eng. He spit on himself with the earsticks 
which the Old Woodrats had given him. The Old Giant started t(i 
burn the obsidians and went outside. The obsidians began to 
explode in the estufa like a gun. "Now those will cut S^qgere- 



328 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES Jeth. ans.43 

repove'eng hota wa'ilia '?. "X^mmg '§yo tcan kgngwan," S^qgere- 
pove'eng Tfikolon? 'omehu. '0tcil9utcgn§h(jn m^ntcoho 'ophia- 
tceh^n Een'aukwil 'ow5le. Tawehui tcll5uen§ tstama ngteppQ. 



"Tghon 'gmm^tci," Hu'om?, "tcano Takolon? tcTl5ucn§ pa??- 
phalia." MQntcoho 'gJinphil 'gmm§. 

'{^minciiKjn LolatcgrciH' 'itlwn'ai 'gnwan. "Heyo, S^qgere- 
pove'eng, 'aliuhuihu han," Lolatcgl'en? pa 'gmmia. '"Ql," S?r)- 
gerepove'eng tohii. "Mgnkwan'gntci xui. TuJ'^phoIian hgw^n 
leiit^nng tutg ygtiatci." 

MQntcoho 'gmm?, wa Lolafiol§n? 'ithan'ai 'gnwOn. "S^ijgere- 
pove'eng, 'aliuhuihu hoii?" '"Q," Sijqgerepove'eng tohu. "Mgn- 
kwan'gntci xui. Tut^pholia pgnngpa hattg tutgygtiahu," Lolatio- 
lenQ pa 'gn'ommiam^h^n 'gmm?. 

Wa Lolaphon'enQ 'ithan'ai 'gnwOn. " S^qgerepove'eng, 'aliuhuihu 
han," Lolaphon'en? pa 'ommia. "'(~l," S^qgerepove'eng tohu. 
"Mgkwon'gntci xui. Tu!<;phulia pynnopa hattg tutgtcia," haihc^'n 
ho 'gn'gnimiam^nten 'gnim?. 

Wa Lolfipathaan? 'ithan'ai 'gnwan. "S^qgerepove'eng, hattg 
'aliuhuihu han? " Lolapathooncj pa 'gmmia. " 'Q," S^qgerepove'eng 
tohu. "Mgnkwan'gntci xui. Tui^phalia pgnngpa hattg tutgyg- 
phalhan." Ho 'gn'gmmiamQntQn 'gmm§. 

Wa Xglole han Xgli'o 'gnthan'ai 'gnwan. "S^qgerepove'eng, 
'aliuhuihu han," XganQ pa 'gmmia. '"Q.," S^qgerepove'eng tohu. 
"Mgnkw^n'gntci xui. Tut^phalia punngpa hattg tutgygphalko 
hattg mgnhOpiah?." Ho 'gn'ommiament^n 'gmniQ. 



Takololole 'ifemolo'elet^nng S^qgerepove'eng mg'ixossai. Ngle- 
lia'epa, lelpaw^hQn mo'aihQu pi'au m?hu. 

MQntcoho Pak(7iiQ'n§ xwia'gn. Pakgy^nQ l^ut^n 'gwan. "Heyo, 
Phutetala,'" Pakgi(?n? pa gmmia. "Hele 'gxwia'gnhu S^qgere- 
pove'eng pa taliukolal^mmayo, xgmmg mgnnglergntcikc, wa 'gnlel- 
xwilkik^n'au tikaweh^n tiliukwetcike." "Ng ngthia'ai tiyasolelha- 
kenno, ng tiyasopephia." Pakgi^n^ tgin^h^n mgthalkol. 

' Proper name of tlie Old Giant, of obscure meaning, used by the 
birds, etc., in addressing him. 



HARRINCTOS] 



CHILD REX S STORIES 329 



pove'eng to pieces. Now I shall have the woman." After the 
obsidians were all exploded, the Giant went into the estufa. But 
when he went in Seqgerepove'eng was still sitting there as if nothing 
had happened. "Now it is your turn," S^ijgcrepove'eng said to the 
Giant. He then took out the obsidians and set them afire, and 
then went outside. The obsidians were e.xploding like a gun in the 
estufa. 

"Now let us go," he said to his wife, "the Giant has now been 
cut all to pieces by the obsidians." With his wife he then set out. 

As they went they came to the home of the Blue Butterflies. 
"S?ijgerepove'eng, are j'ou alreadj^ talcing your wife?" said the Blue 
Butterflies to him. "Yes," said S^qgerepove'eng. "You must hurry 
then. His flesh was all cut to pieces but will all come together again 
in a short time." 

And then they went and came to the home of the Yellow Butter- 
flies. "S(jr)gerepove'eng, are you already taking you wife? " "Yes," 
said S^ijgerepove'eng. "You must hurry then. His flesh was all 
cut to pieces but is coming together again ali'eady," the Yellow 
Butterflies told them, and they went. 

They came there to the home of the Black Butterflies. "S^qgere- 
pove'eng, are you already taking your wife? "said the Black Butter- 
flies to him. "Yes," said S^ijgerepove'eng. "You must hurry then. 
His flesh was all cut to pieces but has come together again already." 
And as they were told that they went. 

They came there to the home of the White Butterflies. "S^qgere- 
pove'eng, are you already taking your wife?" said the White Butter- 
flies to him. "Yes," said S^qgerepove'eng. "You must hurry then. 
His flesh was all cut to pieces but has come together again already." 
And as they were told that they went. 

They came there to the home of Old Male Woodrat and Old 
Female Woodrat. "S^qgerepove'eng, are you already tal-dng your 
wife?" the Woodrats said to him. "Yes," said S^ijgerepove'eng. 
"You must hm-ry then. His flesh was all cut to pieces but it has come 
together and now he is coming tracking you." As they were told this 
they went. 

The Old Giant put his packbasket on his back and started to track 
S^qgerepove'eng. As it was hot, he was sweating as he went along 
the road. 

He then called a Buzzard. The Buzzard soon came to him. 
"'\Miat is the matter, Phutctala?" said the Buzzard to him. "I 
am calling you because Scjrigerepove'eng has stolen a pretty woman 
from me, to see if j'ou can make it hot, so that I can catch them 
wherever they sit down to rest in the shade and take the woman 
away from him." "I do not like very much heat, as I am bald- 
headed." As the Buzzard said this he flew away. 
19078°— 28 22 



330 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [kth. ann.43 

L(5iit§n ra^ntcoho Pakgi§n(j nglelwoi. Takolon? ielpaw^h^n 
mo'aih^n tcoho pipiu m^hu. "Tcufei S^qgei-epove'eng 'gliuphil 
'gnleltQ'eyomen 'gnwia," tgm^n tongtha mgpa^inlai. M^ntcoho 
S^qgerepove'eng 'gliuphil pa?inkow§h?ii 'gmmehu. 

L^ut^n Takolon§ Kaken^ xwia'gn. Tongtha j3a!in'Qntha Kaken? 
'gwan. "Heyo, Phutelola," Kaken? pa 'ommia. "Mgnnglelwiatci- 
keyo 'gxwia'gnhu. S§r)gerepove'eng pa taliuEolalQinmayo pihonhu. 
'QLx^n yin 'gnlolxwiliaken'au tikoutcike, tihukwetcike." "Ng tiyoi- 
lolhakeko 'onokiwapapia'gn l^u'oh^n 'gngmgthallghgnkeko," Kaken§ 
tgm^n mgthelkol. 



L?yt§n m^ntcoho Knken? nglolxwia'gn. Mallan ngph^kw^nm?- 
waita, l?yt^n loleiiQ mgxwawe. Kwgmphilo m^ntcoho lolhu. 
Pa'iweh^n Takolon^ mg'aih^n pima in^hii. Ts5puthata 'omele- 
saitciam^n nigtcepox^m^hu. NgkwgnJialpupgm^nmgkolm^n m^hu, 
pa'iweh^n ino'aih^n. S^ijgerepove'eng 'gliuphil pa?inkow^h?n pima 
'gmm^hu. M^ntcoho Takolon? lolpa'iw^hen mo'aih^n pima m^m^a 
wetan tohu : "S^qgerepove'eng m^ntcoho 'gmglolxwinyg'eyo wia, halo 
piyaisokaum^. Hottg howe tamuleh?. H^x^yo pa'iw^h^n iigpa- 
w(jh?n ygn pima ngngn'ai tculai tam^tci?" M^ntcoho Takolon? 
wewe thappiu mgmtile. 

S^qgerepove'eng 'gnthan'ai 'gnwOn'oit^n tcikwete kow^n 'gnthe- 
lahu. 

Hokeyo hattg Takolon? wa Pakouphol'ai wafoingwake, hele lelke 
hattg pa'ike 'gngthewia'epa. 

Kgxw^ki. 

The Old Giantess and the Brother and Sister Fawns. 

Ngkuthe ngkuth^ket^n tcexgm^n W^thglapgwa'gn ' Takolo'oh'o 
the. Tcexgin^n thapai 'otcewgleniQii hele tcun§ 'gngthiam^'e yin 
tclmen'au 'onghom^n 'ongkglhu, ygniiQ wai piueiiQ, kuxwiu'en?, 
lakwen? han wel tcuiiQ ngkw§iai'en§ yin tclm^n'au 'gntcQltiam^'e. 

Tcexgm(,'n wepa hupupa I^in'omakwil 'ik^l'^'ai kui'aihQii 'itiii- 
koleliQU m^ntcoho mc;. Wa Pln'o'au mentcoho tciniQn, wesen 
P?'o'6'on§ 'gntcl?iakeliatha 'ithnu. M^ntcoho piasai kiat^n wa 
'gntclkeliapiu m?m^n, hatt<j putha wQn, m^ntcoho 'gnkQl'e'gu 
kuipu'c pa P^'o'5'on? 'gnnigkOliah^n 'gntc^lia. "Hele po'eng, 
piP^'otc^l," Takolo'oh'o wetgn tohu, "tcang 'gnthappiu pihui'aih^n 
pikaltei." M^ntcoho E^ltha 'i'elpai'aih^n 'i'eleh^n 'gthappiu m§. 

1 "PineFootlog." 



HABWNOTONl CHILDREN'S STORIES 331 

In a little while the Buzzard called the heat. The Giant was 
sweating as he went along the road. "S^qgerepove'eng and his wife 
must stand heat well," said he as he sat down to rest from the heat 
under a cottonwood tree. S^qgerepove'eng and his wife were going 
along feeling nice and cool. 

After a while the Giant called a Crow. While he was sitting there 
mider the shade of the cottonwood tree the Crow came to him. 
"^^^lat is the matter, Phutetola?" said the Crow to him. "I have 
called you so that you can summon the rain. S^qgerepove'eng has 
stolen a pretty woman from me, and I am trackmg them. I might 
be able to catch him wherever they stop for shelter from the rain, 
and take the woman away from him." "I do not like the rain, 
because if my wings get wet I soon tii'e of flying," said the Crow, and 
flew away. 

In a little while the Crow called the rain. It began to get cloudy 
and the rain soon began to pour. It rained, together with thunder. 
The Giant was drenched as he went along the road. The lightning 
struck in front of his face, and as it struck he closed his eyes. And 
when he heard the noise of the thunder he jumped as he went along 
there drenched. S^ijgerepove'enqi and his wife were going along the 
road feeling nice and cool. As the Old Giant went along the road 
drenched he said to himself, "S^qgerepove'eng must stand rain well 
for I have not been able to overtake him yet. I think I will turn 
back again. Why am I going, drenched as I am, and with the roads 
muddy?" And the Giant returned again to his home. 

S?qgerepove'eng and his wife arrived home and they lived happily 
thereafter. 

And this is why the Giant has never again come to San Juan to 
look for more people, since he suffered so much from the heat and rain. 

You have a tail. 

The Old Giantess and the Brother and Sister Fawns. 

Long ago the Old Giantess lived at W^tholapgwa'gn- She went 
out hunting every day and killed whatever she could out there and 
brought it home, such as rabbits, chipmunks, tree squirrels, or what- 
ever animals she could get while going about hunting. 

Putting her shawl over her shoulders and taking her cane, she 
once started for Pin'oma. While she was walkhig about at Pin'oma, 
she found two little Fawns fast asleep. Going over slowly and 
quietly toward where they were lying asleep, she approached them, 
covered the young Fawns with the shawl which she had on her 
shoulders, and caught them. "Hurrah! I have got the little 
Fawns," the Old Giantess said to herself, "now I shall take them 
home and fatten them up and eat them." She wrapped them up 
in her shawl, put them on her back, and carried them home. 



332 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann.43 

'Clthettha wan'aih^ii thaphalta 'iP^ 'omntco'aih^n 'antcThu. 
'Ikw^lem^kem^n thepai thapa wel tcuiiQ hele 'giKjthiamQ'e 
'imQkem^n. Hoh^n 'iwa'gnhu. Piasai P^'o'on? 'gnlaupiatciahu. 
'(Jnailau'opiatciamenta yin tha'au 'gngngtcaiitiahu. Tnkolo'oli'o 
pa thapai 'ken'au 'gntoiwahemmianiQn, yjho 'gn'Qpiafahu. Kwilpa 
pilamon 'gmm^m^n weweta 'gmmulehii. Piasai Takolo'oli'o pa 
'gnainK^kiainQiita piasai 'an'guhu. Tcexgm^n thopai Tnkolo'oli'o 
pa 'gn'ommiahu: "'O'o'on?, hglgn hattg mongwihgpa'okgyghan." 
'Onghgpa'ofsawiam^n ho 'gn'ommiahu. Tcexgm^n Pf'o'o'on^ 
wctgn 'gntghu: "Howe Takolo'oli'o thate 'gnkwiltci, thapai 
kongwihopa'okgyg'e 'gnso'cmmiam^nng, hot^n tcoho 'gnfaxata- 
kiah^n 'gnknlia." M^ntcoho piasai Pf'o'o'on? 'gngngpixokawiahu. 
WQiihg tcexgm^n 'gntohu: "Thennayo 'gnkwiltci, hot?n Takolo'oli'o 
pa 'gnfakiah^n 'guhgnnia." 



M^ntcoho thopah^n Takolo'oli'o pa Ketha 'gnaihemmiak^n 
'gn'^piahemmia. "Tcano 'gnkwiltci. Yon kwilpa pimakwil 
'gmm^kemakwil 'gmm^m^waitayo kgnamulepg." Ho 'gntgm^n 
m^ntcoho 'gmm§. Pa'gyg'oli'o m^ntcoho thapa yin pu'auta 
thg'epa tcexgm?n 'gthankatcata taiwa'§. M^ntcoho P^'o'o'on? 
pilamgn 'gmm^m^n 'imgm^n tghu "Takolo'oli'o pg 'gnsoP^'o- 
xwimm^m^nng." Takolo'oli'o talian wetgn tghu: "Wa ks'aix^n 
'gmniQ'aih^n wewe 'gmmulekekohe." M^ntcoho P^'o'o'on^ hattg 
hdupa pima 'gnwilehu. Pa'gyg'oli'o thanketcatate wewe 'angpg: 
"Takolo'oli'o po 'gnsoP^'oxwimm^m^nno." Ho l^un^h^n tcexgrn^n 
Pa'gyg'oli'o 'gngpg^ahu. "Tcowinayo," Takolo'oli'o tOmQn, 
'ik^l'cj'gn kui'aihQn 'ituikoleh^n thenketha 'ow5leh§n, hattg heupa 
'gnP^'om^hu: "Wiwina'e pg 'gngnsoP^'oxwimmQmQung." HatQ- 
m§n tcexgm^n 'iPf'ohon. 



Pf'o'o'on? 'gmm^m^waita Paxopata pang 'gnwOn. M^ntcoho 
Phojphallole ' 'gmphesalomgkwialkui'ailiQn phltcing'^ntha 'gnwan. 
"Heyo tcun§, 'o'o'on?, tcokwillo mgnm^hu?" Ph^iphallole pa 
'gn'gmmia. "'Q.nkwllhu Takolo'oli'o pa thapoi konghgpa'ofsa- 
wiam^n 'gnxofopiam^ko. Hokeyo moix^m^." "Tgxui," Phgi- 
phallole tohu, "j^gn phaiphalraa mgn&n." M^ntcoho Pg'o'o'on^ 
ph^iphalma 'gntsan. L^gt^n ngngn Talolo'oii'o lelpaw^hQn 
mg'aihQn Phojphallole phTtcing'tjutha wan. "Phaiphallole, 
'gngnP§'okwilm?ko ho pihonhu, ygho mgmamgn?" Takolo'oli'o 

' More hterally "Old Nostril" or "Nostril Old Man." 



harkingtonI 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 333 



After she brought the Httle Fawns home, she turned them loose 
inside the house, and they walked about. She fed them with corn 
mush and what else she could every morning. That is how she 
nursed them. Little by httle the young Fawns began to grow. As 
they grew older, they got accustomed to the house. The Old 
Giantess used to take them outside for pleasure every day, and they 
played around there. They would walk up the road for a distance 
and then return again. As the Old Giantess fed them, they slowly 
grew larger. Every day the Old Giantess would say to them: 
"Little ones, I believe your little kidneys are already pretty fat." 
Thus she would say to them as she felt their little kidneys. And 
the little Fawns said to each other: "Let us rim away from the Old 
Giantess, for she tells us every day that our little kidneys are already 
fat, and is likely to roast us and eat us up." In a short time the 
little Fawns began to get more afraid. One night they said to each 
other: "To-morrow we must run away, lest the Old Giantess roast 
us and devour us." 

The next morning the Old Giantess gave them their breakfast 
and took them outside to play as usual. "Now let us run away. 
We will walk up the road where we usually go, but this time we will 
go and will not return." As they said thus, they started off. The 
Old Spider Woman, who happened to live near by, was sitting for 
pleasure on the roof of her house. As she watched the little Fawns 
going along the road, she said: "The little Fawns of the Old Giantess 
are running away." When the Old Giantess heard this, she said to 
herself: "They go as far as the top and then come back again." 
The little Fawns were already going c[uite a distance up the road. 
Old Spider Woman was heard saying again from the top of her 
house: "The little Fawns of the Old Giantess are running away." 
Old Spider Woman kept repeating this every once in a while. "It 
must be so," said the Old Giantess, as she put her shawl on her 
shoulders, took her cane, went outside her house, and saw that her 
Fawns were already quite a distance away. "Sure enough, my 
Fawns are running away." As she said thus, she followed the 
Fawns. 

The little Fawns went along and came to Paxapata on the river. 
Going on, they came to where Big NostrU had his blanket spread 
out and was looking for lice. "What is the matter, little ones? 
Where are you going?" Big Nostril said to them. "We are running 
away because the Old Giantess threatened to kill us, feeling our little 
kidneys every day. So please hide us." "Very well," said Big 
Nostril, "enter my nostrils." So the little Fawns went into his 
nostrUs. In a short time the Old Giantess came, all sweating, to 
where Big Nostril was sitting lumting Hcc. "Big Nostril, I am 
following my Fawns, who are running away from me. Have you 



334 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 4.f 

tohii. "Tcu?8i yoho ngphitcinokeh^n taJam^kohe wi Pf'o'o'on? 
WQn yoho 'gngmaiwamm^ko." 'lase, 'iase. "Petcu^ei ngwiTa'ai, 
Ph^iphallole, wa'e 'gngmisoP^'omQhu." TcexgmQn Pf'o'o'onQ 
haupa 'gmmQhu. Takolo'oH'o lelpQw^h^n mo'aih^n k^watta 
'ihonhuihii. 

P^'o'o'on? 'gmm^m^waita Tasalole ' tapia?am?ntha 'gnwan. Heyo 
tcimQ, 'o'o'onQ tcokwillo mgmm^hu?" Taselole pa wetce huikwilta 
tatoimgm^n 'gn'gmmia. "'Qnkwilhu, Takolo'oU'o pa thapai kong- 
hgpa'ofsawiamQn 'gnxo^apiam^ko hokeyo maix^m?," P^'o'o'onQ 
'gntghu. "Tgxui, yon tatimraa wipaita mgnfen." Tcexgm^n 
wipaita P^'o'o'onQ 'gntsan. L^ut^n ngngn Takolo'oU'o lelpaw^h^n 
mg'aih^u 'ikQl'^'gnkui'aihQii Taselole tapium^ntha ^ wan. "Tasalole, 
yoho mgmapQ'omgn?" Takolo'oli'o tohu. "Ng tcufai tapiakeh^n 
tafianieko wi P?'o'5'on? w^n ygho piyaimgm(?ko," wetce huikwilta 
tatginiomt>n tohu. "Tiu tig liake, tig tig take/" Tasaiole tghu. 
"PetcuJai ngwrta'ai, Taseiole, wa'e 'gngmisoP^'om^hu." Tijm^n 
P^'o'o'on^ haupa pima 'gmm^hu. Takolo'oli'o lelpaw^h^n mg'oihen 
kewatta 'iP^'ohonhu. 



P^'o'o'on^ hfiputa kwelna Patcan? pakaitha lukkuitha 'gnwOn. 
"Heyo tcun?, 'o'o'on? tcokwillo mgmm^hu?" Patcalole pa 'gn- 
ommia. "Takolo'oli'o pa thapai konghope'oSawiam^ko 'gxo?apia- 
mtjko 'gnkwilhu. Hokyo wa paliaukwema maihem?," P^'o'o'on? 
Patcalole 'gn'gm(;. "Hoxui," Patcalole tohu, "mgn'elwOn xui ngyo 
paliaukwepa mgpgnsohem^tci." Teexgm^n Pif'o'o'onQ 'gn'elwan- 
niah^n paliaukwepa 'gnhemmiah^n Patcalole pa 'gn'gmmia: 'Wa 
Ruhan^'ai P^tcon? 'ithan'au wo mgnm^tci. 'l^w^n payo tcokwil 
mgnso'eliatci." Ho Patcan? pa 'gn'ommiam^h^n P^'o'o'on? 'gram?. 
L^gtQn ngngn Takolo'oli'o lelpaw^h^n mg'aih^n 'gnk^l'^'gn kui- 
'aih^n Patcaloie pOwaitha lukkuitha wan. "I^atcalole, ygho mgma- 
p^'omgn?" "'(J, tcatt^nng ygkwe pa'gn pihem^. Halo tcou- 
'oh^nng 'gmm^liu." "Tgxui, ng'c maiheniQn h^u'au 'gngmaxgitciat- 
ta pitccjltcikke," Takolo'oli'o t^hu. "'Q'elwa xui," Patcalole pa 
'gmmia. Mg'elwaneh^n pa'ai hemmiahu, papTn'ai 'olgiw?nna wam- 

' The more original meaning is "Digging-stick Shaper Old Man." 
^ The common meaning and the one here intended by the narrator 
is "plow;" the more original meanuig is "digging-stick." 
' Representing the sound of hitting the plow as he shapes it. 



BAREINGTON] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 335 



not seen them here?" said the Old Giantess. "No Fawns have come 
to me, as I am doing nothing but looking for lice." He sneezed. 
"For pity's sake, Big Nostril, my Fawns are going along over yon- 
der." The little Fawns were going at quite a distance. The 
Old Giantess, sweating, followed behind them. 

As the little Fawms went along, they came to where Old Plow- 
maker was making a plow. "What is the matter, little ones? 
\Vhcre arc you going?" the Old Plowmaker said as he looked at his 
plow on both sides to see if it was true. "We are running away 
because the Old Giantess threatened to kill us, feeling our little 
kidneys every day. So please hide us," said the little Fawns. 
"Very well, both of you enter this crack in the plow." So both of 
the little Fawns entered. In a short time the Old Giantess came 
along, all sweating, with her shawl on her shoulders, to where the 
Old Plowmaker was making a plow. "Plowmaker, have you not 
seen my Fawns around here?" said the Old Giantess. "I am doing 
nothing but making plows, and have not seen any little Fawns," he 
said, as he looked to see if the plow was true. "Tiy tiy fake, tiu tiy 
?ake," went the Old Plowmaker. "For pity's sake, Plowmaker, my 
Fawns are going along over yonder, ' ' said she. The little Fawns 
were going at quite a distance along the road. The Old Giantess, 
all sweating, again followed behind the Fawns. 

The Fawns came to the dam where Beaver was lying basking 
beside the water. " Wliat is the matter, little ones? Where are you 
going?" said the Old Beaver to them. "We are running away 
because the Old Giantess threatened to kill us, feeling our little 
kidneys every day. So please carry us across to the other side of 
the river," said the little Fawns to the Old Beaver. "Very well 
then," said the Old Beaver, "get on my back and I will take you 
across the river." So the little Fawns got on his back and he carried 
them across the river, and Old Beaver told them: "You must go 
over to Ruhan^'ni where the Snakes live. They will tell you where 
to go." As the Old Beaver told them thus, the Fawns went on. In 
a short time the Old Giantess came, all sweating, with her shawl on 
her shoulders, to where Old Beaver was basking beside the river. 
"Old Beaver, have you not seen my Fawns aroimd here?" "Yes, 
I just carried them across the river. They are still going near." 
"Well then, cany me across also, so that I can catch them before 
they get too far away from me," said the Old Giantess. "Get on 
my back then," said the Old Beaver. As she got on his back, he 
started to carry her across. But as the Beaver came to the middle 
of the river, where it was deeper, he turned himself upside down. 
"P'axalamummun, p'axalamummun," went the Old Giantess as she 
was sinking under the water and again emerging. But she finally 



336 PICURis CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. a.nx. 43 

m^n Patcon^ mgmgxwin. Paxalamummun, paxalamummim/" 
Takolo'oli'o paRattiam^n weweta tcgnniamQn. HowQn hetcuw^n 
paRema paliawcjh^n mo'aih^n 'owsle, t^in^n: "Petculei ngwila'ai 
'aisobipuim^waita. Hattg haupa'e '(jngmisoPQ'oxgitciahu." Mg- 
paHat(jmm§h?n wa P^'o'o'on^ wewe 'ihon. 

P^'o'o'on^ 'gxniiQiriQwaita Patcantj pa 'gnai'Qmmiapiin wa Kuhan§'ai 
p^tcoiiQ 'ithan'ai 'gmm§. 'Ingtatakikketha 'gnwan'ait^n 'gnwen^. 
P^tcoii? tstaphalta 'itcifalia Eetha. W^n ketha po'alhemmia. 
Wewe tataphalpiu tsan'aih^n tshu: "WesQn 'o'o'onQ hepa kctha 
'gnikwen." Tonen^ pa 'gmmia: "'Itcattcatce xui. H^x^yo tcutai 
'iyatcettcatcemQ? " wewe 'ow5leli§n P^'o'o'on^ P^tcon^ 'intotakimma 
'gntcottcaipia. "Mgntsan, 'o'o'on?," P^tcon? pa 'gn'gmmia. Hai- 
h^n 'gntsan. '(JntSan'aix^n P^tcon? tstama 'ikw^n^. "Mgnlai, 
'o'o'on?, heyo yoho mgntawOnhu?" Pf'o'o'on^ 'gnlai. 'Qnlakeh^n 
'gpnnP^tco'oniQhu: "Takolo'oii'o pa thapai konohope'otsawianiQii 
'gnxo£epiainQko, 'gnxwimm^men'ai Patcalole pa pa'ai gnhemmiah^n 
tcaikwillo 'gn'^tcimo 'gn'gmmiapuyo hokeyo yglio 'gn'?." "Hoxui," 
P^tco?onen^ pa 'gn'gmraiahu. Ho halo tom^ii tataketha Takolo'oli'o 
ngtcipo. M^ntcoho lelpaw^h^n mo'aih^n '^latha wOn. Won'aiten 
'gngpg: "Phal'atte, ygho 'gngmaPf'o'^?" "Qi, ygncj 'gn'§. 'Axai- 
fsan." "Ni'a, mgnhem?." '"Axait^an," P^tconQ pa 'gmmiahu. 
Hetcuweh^n 'itho'ai mgtcuttai. TsammQn hattg wetten 'gn'inthoton, 
PftconQ 'jnthonatha kuipu'e ngsauwa'gn. Takolo'oli'o '"uluwia"^ 
tgniQn 'o'lthoxwatcem^n xwekwattiam^n wilem^n'ai, how^n hetcu- 
WQD ketha 'owale. 'Qthappiu mgp^sai. Yin 'oto'oxwekkelia'e ho- 
'i£setcom§'eta mglam^m^n, than'ai wOn. 



Hattg P^'o'o'on^ P^tcolonen^ pa 'gn'ommiahu: "Tcang han, 
'o'5'onQ, wa pimmakwil mgngnngxwippiu mgm^'aih^n, tciho mgnpa- 
leklpiatci. Hokeyo '§, 'autco'on?, S^in'o'ai 'gwOn'aitcjn RgygiiiiakvviF 
'gm^tci, tclhoyo '§ 'gpalckipiatci. Han '§, 'op^yo'cnQ, tcihuite 
tapunno 'gm^tci, tciho 'gngpisian'au wo 'gpaleklpiatci." Ho P^tco- 
tonen? pa 'gn'ommiam^hijn 'gmniQ. 'QlmraemQn 'ghtohu: "Tcano- 
hgn wetgn pin'au 'gnpInQtcItci. Wipai 'gn'aliatciko maLx^n 'gnso- 
tiletcaipia." 

'A word imitative of the sound made by a dro\vning person. 

^Interjection of surprise. 

' Rgygjpinen^, Jicarita Mountain, literally "Greasy Mountain." 



HARRINGTON] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 337 



reached the shore and came out of the water, all drenched, and she 
said: "For pity's sake! How annoying: it is when one is trying to 
do something to make a living. My Fawns are gradually getting 
farther away from me." She shook herself and again began to 
follow the Fawns. 

The Fawns went over to Kuhan^'ai, where the Snakes lived, as the 
Old Beaver had bidden them. They arrived outside the estufa and 
stopped. The Snakes inside the estufa heard someone walking 
outside. One of them was sent out of the estufa to look. Entering 
the estufa again, he said : "There are two little ones standing outside." 
The leader said to him: "Let them come in then. Why do you 
not tell them to come in?" The Snake then went out again and told 
the Fawns to come into the estufa of the Snakes. "Come in, little 
ones," said the Snake to them. So they entered. Wlien they went 
in, the whole estufa was full of Snakes. "Sit down, little ones. What 
do you come here for?" Then the little Fawns sat down. Having 
sat down they told the Snakes: "The Old Giantess felt our little 
kidneys eveiy day and threatened to kill us, and as we were running 
away. Old Beaver carried us across the river and told us to come on 
this way. That is the reason that we have come here." "Very 
well," said the Snake leader. No sooner had he said thus than the 
Old Giantess was heard coming outside the estufa. Then she 
arrived, all sweating, at the roof door. From there she spoke out: 
"Insider, are not my Fawns in there? " "Yes, here they are. Come 
in and get them." "No, bring them out to me." "Come in and get 
them," said the Snake to her. She finally started to climb down 
the ladder. As she entered, she had only one more step to make 
before reaching the floor of the estufa, when a Snake that was lying 
beneath the ladder began to sound his rattle. "'Uluwia," said the 
Old Giantess as she was hanging, missing the steps, on her way back 
up. But finally she got outside. She started home. Frightened by 
all the sticks lying along the road that she stepped on, she came to 
her home. 

Said the leader of the Snakes to the little Fawns: " Now, little ones, 
you must go to the mouutauis, where you belong, and there you must 
increase. When you, little boy, reach Pln'o'oi you must branch off 
toward Jicarita Mountain, and there yoy must bring forth. And you, 
little girl, must go northeast from there and bring forth there among 
the mountains." As the leader of the Snakes told them thus, they 
went. As they went on they said to each other: "Now we are going 
to be lonesome, alone in the mountains. Instead of sending us 
together, he has told us to be separated." 



338 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[eTB. ANN. 43 



Wa Pjn'o'ai 'gwan'ait(jn 'gnEokia'gmm§h(jn 'gn?ile. P^san'on? 
Rgygjmakwil niQ hattg P^liu'on? tgpun niQ. P^san'on? wetgn 
iiK^niQii'ai 'gmglohamm^n pTn^tghu: "Tcoho he'a ngb'ai 'gmpgi'on? 
'gngsopuihu. P^tcon? pa wipai 'cin'oliatciko moix^n 'gnsofilia." 
Ho tgm^n m^hu. Thapa P^liu'on^ wa 'ginmiapuppiu m^mQn wetgn 
?alhu: "Hoke, hgke, me me," ^ tQmen, "tcohe'a 'gmpapa'onQ 
'gnasopuihu. P^tcon^ pa wipai 'gn'aliatciko maix^n 'gnso^ilia." 
Wa 'gmmQii'au 'gnwan'ait^n tciho pin'au gmpalekipiahu. Hokeyo 
tciho 'ongpision'au 'ip^tha. 



I 



Kgxw^ki. 

The Old Giant Steals the Elf and is Slain 

Ngkuth? Ngkuth^ke tcexgrn^n Kgygitha Yeimg'oiiQ tha. 
mQn Tnkololole Phappittha tha. Thapai 'ilaithan'au 
'i'o'otc^lhu. Tsmolotha 'itakeliQiinQ theppiu 'ihuihu. 



Tcexg- 



TcexgrriQn wepa Kgygimakwil m?. Tcexgm^n Rgygikatha Ysimg- 
'onQ thgn. " Heyo ygho 'gtahu? " "He tiyafom?," tcexgniQnyaimg'on^ 
tJjhu. "Tgxui, ygn?5molotha'g^8n." "H^xq?" "Yon femolotha 
'gSan, mg'a'omQhu. 'Qtsanh^'gn 'gkolehenng 'gtaitci." Tcexgm^n 
koliahi^n i5molotha takia. Tcexgm^n Takololole thappiu mgp^sai. 
Tcexgm§n Yaimg'on? ?gmolona 'gngtcapg: 

' This is the way the Fawn Girl cried. 



HARRINGTON) CHILDREN'S STORIES 339 

When they came to Pin'o'ai they bade farewell to each other there 
and then parted. The male Fawn went up toward Jicarita Moun- 
tain and the female Fawn went northeast. As the male Fawn went 
on alone he was tired out and sighed in his lonesomeness : "I wonder 
how my poor little sister is getting along. Instead of the Snakes 
sending us together they have parted us." Thus he said as he went. 
Also the female FawTi cried as she went along where she had been 
told to go: "Hoke, hoke, me, me," she said, "I wonder how my older 
brother is getting along. Instead of the Snakes sending us together 
they have parted us." 

When they arrived at their destinations, they brought forth there 
among the mountains. This is the reason that deer live there among 
those mountains. 

You have a tail. 

The Old Giant Steals the Elf and is Slain 

Once upon a time the Elf dwelt at Jicarita Mountain. And the 
Old Giant dwelt at Phappittha. Going every day to where the 
people Hved, he caught the children. Putting them into his pack 
basket he took them to his home. 

And once he went to Jicarita Mountain. On top of Jicarita Moun- 
tain he found the Elf. "AVhat are you doing here?" "I am not 
doing anything," the Elf said. "Well, get into my basket." 
"Why?" "Get into my basket, I said to you. If you do not get 
in I will take you and put you in." Then he took him and put him 
into th-; basket. Then the Old Giant headed for home. The Elf 
sang in the basket: 



340 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

No. 1 

SONG OF THE ELF AS HE IS PACKED ALONG 

Weselo weselo selo selo selo we'a 
Me'e yehe yehehe 
'Q'ahahaha 
'Ehclowe. 

Weselo weselo selo selo selo we'a 

Me'e yehe yehehe 

'Q'ahahaha 

'Owifaingla'epa 

Taso'elhu tcam^nno sg.' 



"Wiho 'a'^lopo. Ngthia'aiyo 'gxal." Tcexgm^n Takololole lOpa- 
wQh^n mo'aih^n m^hu. 

Than'ai kgliat(?n Takololol? Igxgn'epa m^ntcoho mgioiwaEui. 
Tcexgni^n Yaimg'on^ ketha 'owaleh^n ng'omolotha ngthgn. 'Qng- 
ph^ixgmmo tcipun'aite 'iwalwatceh^n 'o'gpapholhu. TcexgmQQ 
'o'o'gme: "'O'o'on^, mamgxwiwe!" Tcexgm^n wes^n 'ikw^no'alhui. 
'Qkw^kgl'ait^n jaimg'on? kw^phokiahu, tcan'ehan wewe 'o'o'on§ 
'i'opiatcia. 

Yaimg'oDQ Takololole thappiu IJsan. Takololole tciwapuix^n phia- 
Ro'gn. "Xgming tcaikwil 'g'^y?, 'o'on?," tcexgm^n Yaimg'onQ 
'gmmia. Mgmiam^nt^nno TakoloiiQ tohu: "Tcannoi ng takalsl- 
m^tci. YonTai wi ng'o'okgyg'eyo m^n wia." M^ntcoho phiana 
xatakia. Yaimg'on^ phiaJDapholm^h^n phiana San. Teexgrn^n 
'gngtcapo : 

' Only the last two lines have meaning: "A person who is very 
kind is carrying me on his back." 



HARBINOTON) 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 



341 



NO. 3. SONG OF THE ELF AS HE IS PACKED ALONG 

A 

a. J=76 



Transcription by Helen H. Roberts. 



^^^S^=^^.N^ 



f=fiZ 



We - se - lo 
B 



wp - se - lo 



X 

se - lo 



se - lo 
C 



se - lo we 



FP=S= 



W^irii' 



^ fP^^f'^li 



1^=0^ 



'•—* - 



y-^=x^ 



""-v- 



b z 

Me - 'e ye - he ye - he 
A 



bz 



he 



'A-'a - ha- a - ha 



ha 



-N-V 



P=F*= 



-x=x 



S^ 



^^ 



It*: 



:t*: 



d 4 



* 4 ^.<^ 



^ 



tii^zt 



a ^ 

he - lo - we. We - se - lo 
B_ _ 

3C 



B^S 



*—i^ 



W=i 



we - se - lo se- lo se - lo 
C- 



y 

8e -lo we - 



*=^ 



^ f—r^ 



±^ 



*~t- 



-V— 5^- 



Me - 'e ye 
D 



he ve - he 



he 



bz 

A - 'a - ha 



a -ha - ha 



^^ 



-N— fv- 



-N-V- 



Sr 



I 



i2fc 



<— *"» 4— d 4 -m-nt—* 



d e 

'O - wi - t'a- i -a?, - Id - 'e-pa Ta-so-'el - hu tca-m^n - nij 

TRANSLATION 



S^. 



Only the last two lines have meaning: "A person who is very 
kind is packing me along." 

"Do not move so much. You are very heavy." The 01(^ Giant 
was going along all sweating. 

When he brought the Elf to his home, the Old Giant was tired out, 
and lay down to take a nap. Then the Elf came out and found a 
pile of bones. He had a medicine bag tied on his person, and took 
the medicine out and spit it on the bones. Then he told the bones: 
"Little children, get up!" Then he sent two of them to look for 
pitch. After they brought the pitch, they put pitch all over the 
Elf, and he turned the children again into bones. 

The Elf went into the Old Giant's house. When the Old Giant 
woke up, he fixed the fire. "Let me see; come this way, little one," 
he said to the Elf. The Giant said as he looked at him: "To-night 
I shall have a feast. This must be a very fat child." And he put 
him in the fire to roast. The Elf, spitting on the fire, entered the fire. 
Then he sang: 



342 PICURfs CHILDREN'S STORIES (eth. ann. 43 

No. 2 

SONG OF THE ELF IN THE FIRE 

Weselo weselo selo selo selo we'a 

Me'e yehe yehehe 

'Q'ahahaha 

'Ehelowewe 

'OwiEaingla'epa 

Ng wiiunna tgsotakianno.^ 



"Tcu?ai ygntai 'o'otcawia'eyo men wia." M^ntcoho Takololole 
wewe tcipiu. Takol5lole tclkuithd Yaimg'onQ tcekglthalpiinhQn 
phianate 'owale. 'Iphionatcaitokoleh^n Takololole pexwgnhon. Kcn- 
'aukwil 'owaleh^n wewe 'o'qpapholm^h^n 'o'o'on^ 'imgxwiwehu. 
Tcex(jm§n Yaimg'onQ pa 'i'Qmmiahu: "Tcano hattg Takololole 
mghgniam^pu'epa mgpinhon. Tcano han mgthappiu piwep^n 
mgmQtci, wa mgthen'au ngla'ai mikkiatgmenQ 'ipin^'^n'au. Thapa 
ngx^n hau'au wo tatha. Thapa 'gnthon'au 'gnletopln^'e tcikwekwillo. 
Thapa. ng tam^hu. Hokejo Rokiamg. Mgthappiu mgm^tci." 
Tcexgm^n 'o'o'on^ 'iYaimgtha'a'om§h§n 'ipghamQ. 



Hokeyo hattg 'iyaTakolotha. 

The Famine 

Ngkuth? ngkuth^ke tcexgm^n tatha Piwweltha 'iTaitha. M^ntcoho 
wepa 'ipegpuihu. Hele ngpia'au soUota ngng. Tai'en? 'ingp^gthe- 
wiahu. Piasai t5thate 'iupQgxwiwwalehu. Phesalon? han wel 
ha'o'oHQ 'iung'eleh^n wes^nn^n pang mglencjn 'iuwalehu. Pghatta 
tanon 'im^hu. Wel Pakeuphalpiu, Xaipapiu, Paqwalepiu 'ip^gxwim- 
mQhu. M^ntcoho s5nen§ hal lluen? wel 'ipi'o'el'aih^n haw wel 
'ipLxatc^le'aihQn 'im^hu. 

-Only the last two lines have meaning: "A person who is very 
kind has put me in a warm place." 



HABRINOTON] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 



343 



NO. 4. SONG OF THE ELF IN THE FIRE 



a. J =76 



^^Y, 



iz2^ 



iJfcV: 



M: 



tztiz 



S 



>TTT 



3 



TranscriptioD by Helen H, Roberts. 

B _ 



a ""— X y b 

We-se-Io we-se-Io se-lo se- lo se-lo we - 'a Me- 'e ye - he 
C I. 




d e 

we '0 -wi -t'a-i-n^-la-'e-pa nq. wWun -na ta-so - 1 a-ki-an - ng. 

TRANSLATION 

Only the last two lines have meaning: "A person who is very 
kind has put me in a warm place." 

"I did not kxiow that this child is indeed a singer." Again the Old 
Giant went to sleep. While the Old Giant was asleep, the Elf 
emerged from the fire, with sparks flying. He took the poker 
stick and hit the Old Giant on the head and killed him. Going 
outside and again spitting on the bones, the children began to rise up. 
Then the Elf told them: "Now I have killed for you the Old Giant 
who has been eating you up. And now you can go home without 
fear to where in your homes your poor parents are thinking about 
you. I also live far away. Also in my home my grandmother is 
thinking about me. And I also am going thither. So I will bid you 
good -by. You must go home." Then the children thanked the 
Elf. They all started out. 

This is why there are no more giants. 

The Famine 

Long ago the people were dwelling at Picuris Pueblo. And once 
there was a famine. The fields were all bare. The people were 
suffering with hunger. A few at a time, they left the pueblo, because 
of the famine. Carrying their blankets and other belongings which 
they had, they began to go forth, two to five or six at a time. They 
all went southwest. Some fled, on account of the famine, to San 
Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso. The men and women were some 
carrying their babies on their backs, some leading them by the hand, 
as they went. 



344 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

Wann? laikewan 'it^ytcapu'e'en? han \v?n s5nen^ hattg 'ciiiliuphil 
'(jnwia. Tcexgm^n wes^n 'gngn'o'otho, 'opQyo'on^ han 'autco'on? 
'gn. M^ntcoho 'gpan'otcTkelohQii hele the'nu 'ongngpalxowiapu'c. 
'Qng'eleh(^n 'gpan'otciiiigtco'aih^n wa vvel iai'eiiQ 'im^m^npiu 
'ginm§. 

'O'o'onQ 'gntciwapnix^n 'gngnkian? 'gngnt^mcnQ 'gnatcime. 
'Op^yg'on^ wippel hattg 'eutco'on^ mgHpelhijn 'gnwia'epa 'gnke- 
liaputate 'giixwlweh(;n 'gntolhu. Ratcata 'gnwllex^n tatha ?aihui 
ngng, wiwgm'ayo wataipgtiam?. '(JngngpQukwQn mQiitcoho 'opQyg- 
'oiK^yin ngpia'aulutholou'aih^n hottg 'eutco'onQ lakw^yo xailau'aih(^^n 
'gnphiafokeliQii 'gpaniulaleh^n 'ankalhu. Hoh^n tcexgm^n lowe;n 
'gnwa'ghu. Piasai 'autco'on^ woilaupiatciamQnta wa tca'om^m^n 
tcetco'o'on?, tciutcon?, kuxwiu'eiiQ 'ikglliu. HoHqii 'gnwa'giihu. 
Wailgilaupiatciam^nta Igihau'au ngkeppiu niQiu^n piu'o'on^, lakwen^ 
hak kg'eiiQ lupa'ihom^'e 'ikglhu. Pelene; 'owaim^in^nta wailgi- 
thgnkwiwiltiam^nta pimma tcam^m^n 'ip^kglhu. Hoh^n 'gnwa- 
'gnim^n 'gntha. 



Tcexgm^n 'op?yg'on§ wes^n 'gn'I^piafsa'otha. Thapai ngphoma 
'ophal'aite 'iwgtcahgn 'I^piatahu. M^ntcoho wepa 'IJpiatsa'o'on? 
'giitghu : " Nglau'ai ygnn^ 'o'o'on^ hohQn 'gniwn'gnhu. Howe thanna 
tuikwe Th3ng'ai Hglwaximmatcia ' than'ai 'gnngmelelautci. 
Xgming hele 'owQn'aih^n 'gnlammiatci." 

Thapaih^n yin ngphophalmate 'gnwaleh^n wa thsna'ai Hglwa- 
ximmatcia 'gtstakin'ai 'gnlau. Tcitha 'gnwan'aitQn tataketha 
'gnwen? yin Hglwaximmatcia 'gtatakimma. Tcexgm^n wes^n talo- 
'on? '^lawetcekweta 'gn'^. Tcexgm^n 'gnklwamgthialem?n 'gnthalhai- 
h^wai 'gn?ahii. "Xgmmg h^xQyo yjnn^ wiho 'gnklwa'gnhu. 
Xgmmg ketha kopowale," Hglwaximmatcia 'o'gm?. 'Q^'okai'e t5ta- 
ketha 'opgwalex^n 'IJpiatsa'o'on? '^latha 'gnkw^n. Wewe t3ta- 
phalta fsan'aih^n tohu: "Wes^n 'o'o'on? hepa ketha 'gnikw^n." 
" 'Itcattcatce, hex^tciuko 'iyatcettcatce? " 'I^piatia'o'on^ 'gn tcan- 
tcaipiah^n 'gnEsan. 

'Qln!isan'aih?n hglweh^n ngtatang hglpgnan? han hgllapunen^ 
hattg tciu t5tan§ hglweh^nmg. Hglwaximmatcia hglweh^n 'gmgpia, 
'ghgltcottai'aih^n, 'gniiglxintai'aih^n, 'ohgltcitotai'aihen, 'ohglplii- 
losia'aih(jn 'gngtatakimma \. "Hcyo, 'o'o'on^, yon 'gnpakw^npa- 
wian'au mgnwonhu? Ygho tcu?ai hele 'gnangla?aiwam?n, wi tciu- 
tco'on? w?n ygho wawanm?," Hglwaximmatcia pa 'gn'gmmiahu, 
hglweh^n xwelmo'e phiatcem^n ho 'gn'ommiam^n- "'CI, yoho 
kgpakwepawicm'au 'gnwanhu, nglau'ai wes^n 'o'5'on§ 'gnwa'gmia- 
m^'epa hele 'gnnmgkalwiako. 'Op^yon^ luthatcgn'aih^nng hattg 

' Archaic name probably meaning Shell Hat. 



BARRiNGToNl CHILDREN'S STORIES 345 

Among those that went last were a man and his wife. They had 
two children — a little girl and a little hoy. Having put their chil- 
dren to sleep, they carried away their household goods. Leaving 
their children sleeping, they went with the rest of the people. 

When the children woke up, the mother and father were nowhere 
around. As the girl was only four j^ears old and the boy six, they 
got up from where they were lying and began to cry. When they 
went up on the roof of their house, there was not a person around 
the village, not one to be seen. They got hungry and the little 
girl went down to the field and got some greens, and the little boy 
went down and got some kmdlings. They built a fire, boiled the 
greens, and ate. In this way they subsisted for a long time. As 
the little boy slowly grew, he went out hunting and brought mice, 
birds, and chipmunks. Thus they subsisted. As he grew older, 
going out farther into the woods, he brought home rabbits, squirrels, 
and jackrabbits that he killed with his bow and arrows. As the years 
went by and as he grew stronger to shoot, he went up to the mountains 
to hunt and brought deer. Thus subsisting they dwelt. 

The little girl had two Dolls. Every' day she took them out of a 
hole in the wall and played with them. One day the Dolls said: 
"These two poor children have been living in this way. To-morrow 
we wLU go down southeast below the Pueblo to where Shell Hat 
lives, to supplicate hun. Perhaps he maj' give us something." 

The next day the Dolls came forth from the hole in the wall and 
went down below the Pueblo to Shell Hat's estufa. W^hen they 
arrived there they stopped outside Shell Hat's estufa. There were 
two macaw birds seated, one at each side of the roof-hole. They 
spread their wings and acted as if they were going to Ry. "I wonder 
why they are fluttering their wings so. You go out to see," said 
Shell Hat to his son. When his son went outside the estufa and 
looked, there stood the Dolls at the roof-hole. He went back again 
into the estufa and said: "There are two little children standing 
outside." "Tell them to come in. Why do not you tell them to 
come in?" The Dolls were told to come in, and they entered. 

As they entered they saw that the estufa was all made of shell 
There was shell floor, shell ceiling, and all of the estufa was of shell. 
And there in his estufa was Shell Hat, all dressed in shell. He had 
a slurt of shell, a hat of shell, leggings of sheU, earrings of shell. 
"What is the matter, little children, that you come to my sacred 
precinct? No one comes here, not even a little bird," said Shell Hat 
to them, lighting his pipe of sheU as he told them thus. "Yes, we 
have come here to your sacred precinct because two poor little 
children who are keepuig us have no food to eat. The little girl 
19078°— 28 23 



346 PICURfs CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. iNN.43 

'outco'on? yjho hele 'gngthiam^'e 'onghom^nh^miQ 'gnwo'gnhu, 
'gn<jnkiat(jmen? pa wetgn '(jmgtcowiapuyo, hokeyo yohui 'gnminu- 
bu," 'I^piatsa'o'on^ Hglwaxiinmateia 'gn'om^hu. "Hoyo xuiiii^n," 
Hglwaxjmmatcia tijhu. Ho tfjin^h^n phalpiu ^an'aih^n 'onghem^n 
pgnnu 'ixo'onQ — pathsw^n, phow\v(;'n f^ohv^n tcglwQn, hap pnx§- 
w(;n — hattg taan§ path5w?n, phoww^n, hap phaiw^n moyo'e. Thapa 
'gnlammia 'gn'gmmiam^n : "Yoneyo 'o'o'on? mgpan'om^tci wa 
phal'au nowQn ngngn'au 'gnngtaitci. '(Jtngtaket?n Tghgn 'gnkak- 
kweltci, wjnthala yo tcita 'gnginopg. Hattg pgnnuthala ngpui- 
m§nng 'gnkwelpattci." Ho 'IJpiafsa'o'onQ 'gn'ommiam^h^n Hgl- 
wax}mmatcia 'gntha'a'gmmehQn 'gn'^. 

'Op^yg'onQ ngphophal'ai 'o'lJpiaRo'onQn'aili^ii tcoho hele 'iya- 
thgn. Sephil thanna 'onomgtcia'aihQii hele 'iyathgn. 'AinQntc^^n 
'l^piatia'o'on? 'gntcapphal, Hglwaxinmiatcia pa 'gnlammiapu'e 
'onongphil'aih^n. "Yin ThSng'ai Hglwaximmatcia than'au wo 
'gntcimQii, ygn^yo mgngkoletcaipia. Xg yonnQyo wa phal'au 
ngw^n ngngn'au mantaitci, howi^^nko withaleyo tcita mgnamgpo. 
Han pgnnuthala ngpuim^u'au mgmmotci." 'O'o'on^ ho 'gn'om- 
miam^h^n pharainow^n ngngn'au 'gngtai. 

Witthala ngpuimen'ai ngwian 'o'o'odq 'gngtcipium?. Thgpiak^n 
'otholwalemcjn 'gnxwlweh^n phalpiu yinn§ 'ongngtaipui)piu 
'gntsan'aih^n. 'lin? l^mgn 'onigyo'e thapa tgan§ pOthaw^n, 
phgww^n, hap phaiw^n mgyg'e, iapunthateta pam?. Tcixuite 
'gnmiauniQnma 'gmpaltam^n kow^n 'gntha. 

Tcexgm^n w?n FiwwelssneuQ Khaipapiu m^pu'e wepa liu'gm^hu: 
"He'a tcoho wann^ wes^n 'o'o'on? T3tha 'gnmgtcowiapu'e 'gnso- 
watclhu thahe 'gnasowatcime'a. Xgmmg taipgm^tci." Ho 
tQniQhQU m^ntcoho m§. M^ni^n wa IPQxanna 'owale. '0'o'on§ 
katcata 'gmpg'e'epa mgmian 'gntghu: "Wa phanna hepa tcu?ai 
wi lai'^h^." '(JmmoniQn s5nen^ '^h^waita wa 'gn'^mmakwil 
wile. Sephil 'Imgkowa'gmm^hQn, sSnen? 'ongkgltcgnnaihQn 
'okglhu. Tci?ai ngwian? tcitha 'gthapiah^n, thspiak^n 'o'o'on? 
pa wewe Xaipapiu han yin w§m ho Tsthate tai'en? 'i'Qu'au 
xai'alhutcia. Ssnen? wewe m^'ait^n 'ipghalaLxwia'gm^nt^n T3piu 
'iniQtci'c 'i'gniQ. Tai'en? hele 'iungpalxowia'e 'iung'eleliQn wewe 
Tspakwil 'imgpQsai. 



T5tha 'iwOn'ait^n 'o'o'on? pa 'gmiam^nt^n 'gngnthanna 'itcen- 
tcaipiahu. 'Qngnkian? hattg 'gngntamen? 'ongngmglia'el thapa 
'gnwan. Howc^'n 'gngn'o'o'onc;' pa wi 'gna^ai'gmia, thahe 'gna- 
tcettcaipia. 'Iho 'gnkwettam^h^n 'ongngmglia'el'aih^n t5pun 



HARRiNQTON] CHILDREN'S STORIES 347 

goes out to pick greens and the little boy goes out to hunt and kills 
whatever he can. That is the way that they have been subsisting, 
their parents having left them. That is why we have come down 
here to make a plea," the Dolls said to Shell Hat. "Well, so it is," 
said Shell Hat. As he said thus he entered a room and brought out 
with him five grains of corn — white, black, yellow, blue, and gray — 
and also white, black, and red beans. And he gave them to them, 
saying: "You must tell the little children to put these in a dark 
room. After they have put them in tliere they must lock the door 
tight. They must not look in there for four days. They must open 
it on the fourth day." As the Dolls were told thus, they sat there 
thanking Shell Hat. 

The little girl looked for her two little Dolls in the wall hole, 
but did not find them. She looked all around the house, crying, 
but could not find them. But they entered the house again all of a 
sudden and had with them what Shell Hat had given them. "We 
have been down below the Pueblo where Shell Hat lives, and he ha.s 
sent you these. He said that you must put these in a dark room, 
but you must not look in there for four days. You must look on 
the fifth day." When the children were told thus, they placed the 
com and beans in a dark room. 

The night of the fourth day the children could hardly sleep. 
The ne.xt morning as the sun was rising they got up and entered the 
rooni in which the corn and beans were. It was filled clear to the 
ceiling with corn of various colors, and white, black, and red beans. 
From that time on they cooked the way they wanted to and lived 
well. 

One day one of the Picuris men who had gone to Santa Clara 
said to his wife: "I wonder if those two children that were left at 
the Pueblo are still living or not. Suppose I go and see." So 
saying, he started out. As he went along, he came to Poxonna. 
As the children sat on top of their house looking, they saw him and 
said: "Down southwest somebody is coming." As they watched 
the man coming, he came up to where they were sitting. They all 
wept as they shook hands with each other, and food was set out for 
him, and he ate. He slept there with them that night, and the next 
morning they sent him back to Santa Clara and to the other places 
where the people of Picuris were staying. The man went back 
and, calling all the people, told them to go back to the Pueblo. The 
people put what utensils they had on their backs and started for the 
Pueblo again. 

When they arrived at the Pueblo the children shook hands with 
them and told them to come into their house. And their mother 
and father, packing things on their backs, also arrived. But their 
own children would not speak to them, nor did they tell them to 



348 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

'gnp^sai. How^n he '(jngngpupupu'e thahe tcokwil 'gmme'e 
ngkatcatiapu. 

Tcihuite tgwgn'e ngag'epa Piwwel'en^ 'iukam^n pisihe kalen§ 
'iuwia. Tcihuite Eow^n 'itliatoliu. 

Hokeyo Piwweltha tcgininax^n halo Jai'en^ 'iukaiiiQU he 'ing- 
thiam^mma 'imgwa'gmm^n 'itha. 

KgxwQki. 

The Two Dove Maiden Sisters and the Drouth 

NgRuth? ngkuth^ke tcexgm^n Tgtha fiwweltlia wcs^n Raipia- 
'6'on^ 'gntha. Wei PiwwelkokwenQ Tathate tcske 'imgwa'gm^n 
kokwenc; thopai JDimmakwil 'iutcawalemen hat tholan^n 'ipipQ'el- 
'aihQii 'iwanhu. Hak Raipia'o'on? 'owaipelwiamQiita kakeh^n 
'gnfahu. Tgwgnta 'liu? l^ingn 'omoyg'e hat tnancj thapa l^nign 
mgyo'e gkam^n kow^n 'gnkolm^n witcSkew^n 'gnapin? wel piwwelkg- 
kwehui 'gntha. Thopai thoketha halo 'otholwoleiiK^nta wa ngpia'au 
'ongngkalsion'au 'onoiigxwipphil'aihen 'gntcaiam^n 'gmmoiniahu. 

M^ntcoho w^npil 'gmpisi 'ikau. Hat tgan? 'gn, mQiitcoho pelen^ 
ngthia'ai lia'epa hele walolmQii hota 'ongngkaltiasian, he 'gntatci'e 
'gnathgniQ. Yin tolasian'au hepuxQnnQn thamg'gn 'gnpatilaim^n 
Piwwelkgkwene pa 'gmmQ'iiifmi?" 'gn'on^m^icihii: "Yinn? Raipia- 
'o'on? 'onongkalJiasia'aih^n hota 'gnipaJin'?. 

Han Raipia'o'on^ ho Piwwelkokwen? pa 'gn'ommiatci'e 'gnamiaii- 
m^n wepa wqh Raipia'on^ tghu: "Xgmmg fnkgien^ 'gnxwia'gntci 
'aihQn '^w^n payo kgngnglolwiatcetci." Haih^n tcexgm^n Pakgieii? 
'gnxwia'gn. L^gt^n Pakgien? 'gngnwOn. Pakgien? pa 'gn'gminia- 
hu: "Heyo, 'o'o'on^ tcu?ai ygnlai lelen? tha 'gngkomen inaima'a- 
'gnhu." Hoih^n Raipia'o'on? 'gntijhu: "'Qxwia'gnhu, xgmmg 
mgnnglolwiatcike hota ngb'ai konongkalfiasiako. Han Piwwelkg- 
kwen? pa he'gngtam^ pen patittha k^keh^nng 'gntahu, 'gn'Q™i"ic- 
m?ko." Haih^n Pakgien? pa 'gn'gmmia: "Ng tiyailolhakkeko ng 
tholen^'e 'gntgnwiako, hoke'e '^wQn wiama'e tawiah^ko." Ho 
Pakgien? t^mch^n mgthalkol. "Yintei Pakgilole, pephayan?, wim?- 
w?n," Raipia'o'on^ 'gntohu. 

"Kaken? yo 'gxwia'gntci." Haih^n mentcoho Kaken? 'gnxwia'gn. 
L^gt^n Kaken? 'gngnwan. "Heyo, 'o'o'on?, pin'aute Row^n tapafin- 
'epun'aute maima'a'gnhu?" Kaken<j pa 'gn'gmmia. Haih^n Kai- 
pia'o'on^ 'gntahu: " 'Qxwia'gmhu, xgmmg mgnglolwiatcike h5ta 
ngla'ai konongkaliiasiako. Han Piwwelkgkwene pa yin 'gnpafin- 
'^n'aii 'gn'gmmiam^ko xg kgngmgmailia pa?ikkeh(jnng themg'gn 
'gntahu." Ho 'gnKake'cm^niehen Kaken? tghu: "Ng pin'au ngpn- 



HARKiNiiTos] CHILDREN'S STORIES 349 

come in. As they stood around there they finally put their packs 
on their backs and went toward the east. But whatever became of 
them or where they went to, nobody knew. 

From that time on, it being spring, the Picuris people planted, 
and food was plentiful. Thenceforth they lived nicely. So this 
is the reason that the people at Picuris still plant and dwell, subsisting 
as well as they can. 

You have a tail. 

The Two Dove Maiden Sisters and the Drouth 

Once upon a time there lived two little Doves at the Pueblo of 
Picuris. Some of the Picuris youths at the Pueblo made their 
living by going out hunting every day to the mountains, and returned 
in the evening packing deer. And the two little Doves did nothing 
but plant every year. They lived, planting corn and beans of 
various colors in the spring, eating well and not thinking of hunting 
as the youths of Picuris did. They were seen every day early 
before simrise m their fields where their crops were, having their 
hoes with them, singing. 

One year they planted much corn and beans, but as the year was 
dry and there was no rain, their crops were drying up and they did 
not know what to do. Sometimes they would sit in the shade of a 
Cottonwood tree all day, and the Picuris youths would look at them 
and would say to them: "These two little Doves are doing nothing 
but stay in the shade while their crops are drying up." 

As the two little Doves did not like to have the Picuris youths 
talk to them thus, one day one of the Doves said: "I believe we 
will call the Buzzard; perhaps he can call the rain for us." Then 
they called the Buzzard. In n little while the Buzzard came to 
them. The Buzzard said to them: "Little ones, why do you bother 
me whUe I am having such a good time out in the heat?" Then 
the little Doves said: "We have called you, thinking you might 
be able to summon the ram for us, for our poor crops are drying up, 
and the Picuris youths tell us that we do nothing but just sit in 
the shade." Then the Buzzard said to them: "I do not like the 
rain, for the Sun is my father, so that is why I am going to take part 
on his side." As the Buzzard said thus, he flew away. "That old 
bald-headed Buzzard, let him go," said the two little Doves. 

"Now we will call the Crow." So then they called the Crow. 
In a little while the Crow came to them. "Why, little ones, do 
you disturb me here from the mountains where I have been sitting 
in the shade so nicely?" said the Crow to them. The two little 
Doves said: "We have called you, thinking that you might be able 
to summon the rain for us, for our crops are drying up. And the 
Picuris youths are saying to us, because we sit in the shade, that 



350 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES (eth. ann 13 

?in'nu E5weh?n ta'^ko h5tQn tanglolwai'gn 'onoRiwapapia'gn 'gng- 
mathalkitciko." Ho tijm^h^n Kakcn^ pimmakwil mgtholkol, 
"Kakelole, mailion^, tcokwil miauniQinpiu wim^w^n," Raipia'o'on§ 
'gntiJmQn pln^w^n 'gngnthappiu 'gnfsan. "Tcanngi paikwiu 'gntu- 
kalau'aihQnno thsnna hiaulotta ThapiaplkKatha ' 'gmm^tci, tciho'e 
ThSpiapaxala'autco thsko 'aih^n 'qwqn payo konglamiatci." 



Fcifoi nowicuiQ paikwiu 'gntukaloii'aih^n thspiak^n hiaulotta 
Thspiapimmakwil 'gnm§. Tcitha 'gnwan'ait^n Th5piapaxolan? 
'gngtotakimma 'gn'^^Q- "Heyo, 'o'o'on§, yon 'gngtatakimma mgn- 
wnnhu? Tcang mgpanhgn^tci." Haihen Raipia'o'on? Thapiapa- 
xalan? 'gn'gme: "Yohoyo 'gn'Q, xgmmg mgnglolwiatciwai, hota 
ngla'ai kongngkal?iasiako." "Hoxui," Th^piapaxalan^ pa 'gn'gminia, 
"tcatthoiyo mgpgngnnglolwiatci, 'o'o'onQ. Hokeyo he mgnaplnepg." 
Ho 'gn'ommiam§nt?n wcwe 'nngnthoppiu 'gmmi;. 'Qngnthottha 
'gnwOnmQn hattg 'oblpaxwgnhu. LQutQii m^ntcoho ngthia'ai iolhu. 
Wa 'ong'isiappiu 'gmm^'aih^n paliawch^n 'gmmgyo'aihtjn gngnig- 
pgn'gntcThu. Haihen 'gntghu: " Youq kalen? kongngsia'e Piw^vol'enQ 
t^-okkehQn 'iyafatcike 'iutalangpetcike 'gpgnlam^tci." Ho VmtQ- 
m^hQii 'gnkiwamgthialemQhgn 'gntholhai. Tcihuite Piwwel'en§ 
Eaipia'o'on^ 'ongngkalsiapu'e 'iunglala'gmm^n 'itha. 



Hokeyo tcexgniQU Piwwel'enQ 'owaipelwiam^nta 'iungkal'au'gm'a, 
koipia'o'5'on? pa 'ilammiapuyo. 

The Two Dove Maiden Sisters Who Became Stars 

Ngkuth? ngkuth^ke tcexgmen Piwweltha 'iEaitha. TcexgmQn 
wes^n Raipiakwal'o'on^ 'gngnleto'ophil 'gnthe. Tcexgm^n Piwwel- 
kwol'euQ 'iutelm^n IsapaihiawQhQU 'imgyg'aihQn 'itcihu. Tcexg- 
m§n Raipiakwel'o'on^ 'gngnleto'ophil putipiakeh^n 'i?ahu. 

Tcexgmen wepa 'gnleto'o'gmQ: "Leto, tcexgm^n how^n h^xftci 
ng kgnatelm^ wel Piwwelkwalhui? IsapaihiawQh^n 'imgyg'aihQn 
ken'au 'isotclhu. Han ng pu!ipiakeh(jn 'gnitahu." "'Qngn'o- 
'othe'e," tcexgm^n 'gnnnleto'ouQ pa 'gn'gnimia, "ho 'ayasotgpg." 
"Tcanngi nign'ixothotci, thennayo iMnteUiQ," tcexgm(jn Raypia'o'on? 
'gleto'o'om?. Tholan'aih^n leto'on^ sephil 'itcalmolotcgn^h^n 
tcexgmQn 'ixophghu. 



■ Thapiapinen^, "Morning Mountain." 



HAKRINGTON] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 351 



we are lazy, that we are doing nothing but sit in the shade all day." 
As they said thus to the Crow, said the Crow: "I am satisfied 
sitting in the shade in the mountains; if I should call the rain, my 
wings would get wet and I woiild not be able to fly; As he said thus, 
the Crow flew away to the mountains. "That old lazy Crow, let 
him go where he wants to," said the two little Doves, and sadly 
they went to their house. "To-night we will go down to the river 
to bathe, and early to-morrow morning we will go to the top of 
Morning Mountain, for the Morning Star Boy lives there, and he 
might be able to help us." 

That night they went down to the river to bathe, and started off 
early the next morning to Morning Mountain. Wlien they reached 
there, they entered the estuf a of the Morning Star. "Why, little ones, 
do you come to my estufa? Now I am going to eat you up." Then 
the two little Doves told the Morning Star: "We have come here 
to see if you could call the rain for us, for our poor crops are drying 
up." "Very well," said the Morning Star to them, to-day I will 
call the rain for you, little ones. Do not be sad about it." When 
they were told thus, they went back home again. As they were 
reaching home, a few drops of rain began to fall. Then in a little 
while it rained hard. They went over to where their corn was 
growing. There they were drenched, but were feeling happy as 
they walked about. And they said: "These crops that we have 
we will give away to the Picuris people, so that they will not do so 
much hunting, so that they may learn to work." As they said thus, 
spreading their wings out they both flew away. From that time 
the Picuris people lived cultivating the crops of the two little Doves. 

So this is the reason that the people of Picuris grow crops every 
year, because they were given them by the two little Doves. 

The Two Dove Maiden Sisters Who Became Stars 

Once upon a time the people dwelt at Picuris. And two Dove 
Maidens dwelt there with their grandmother. The Picuris maidens 
were grinding corn and were going about with their faces aU powdered 
up. The Dove Maidens and their grandmother did nothing but 
make baskets. 

Once they told their grandmother: "Grandmother, why do we 
not grind com like the rest of the Picuris maidens? With their 
faces all powdered up, they are going about outside. And we do 
nothing but make baskets." "My dear children," said the grand- 
mother, "you must not say that." "To-night get the corn ready, 
for we are gomg to grind in the morning," said the Dove Maidens 
to their grandmother. When it got evening, the grandmother, 
weeping, took out the tinaja and toasted some corn. 



352 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann.43 

Thgpiak^n tcexgm^n Kaipiakwal'o'on? 'gntelxia'n. Tcexgm^n 
'ana 'gn'Ixosai'aih^n 'gntelhu. Tcexgm^n 'gntca£nhu: 

No. 5 

SONG OF THE DOVE MAIDEN SISTERS AS THEY BECOME STARS 

Kuakasaphingtatsg 
Ruakasaphingtafsg 
'Qiwikiwapalohgin(;hgm§hgm§ 
Kgnsofsa'otelhu.' 



TcexgmQn 'gntelm^n piasai Eo'ai Ro'ai 'gnwilehu. 'Qngnleto'on§ 
ngla'ai sc'q. Tcexgm^n t^hu: "'{Jlngnphlu'5'on^, ho 'ayasoJapg'a. 
Mgntelluwe!" Tcexgm^n Kaipiakwal'o'onQ 'gnafalapiam^. Tce- 
xgm^n 'gntcafem^n 'gntelhu. Piasai Igiko'ai 'gnwilehu. Tcexg- 
m^n 'gngnleto'one se'§. Lapgmmakwil 'gntcohu. Piasai Igikopa 
'gnwalehu. '"Qnqmphiu'o'on?," tcexgrn^n leto'on^ tohu, "ho 'aya- 
sofepo'a. Tcaikwil mgnmule!" Tcexgm^n Eaipia'o'on? 'gmpQ- 
pai. TcinnQyo Kgygiplttuikwe paxala'o'on^ 'gnkwan. 

Hokeyo tcexgm^n kiyatgntokgnke ngko, hokeyo tcexgm^n Makiuto 
Pau?oke ^ Kgygituikwe 'gngnngko. 

Kgxw^ki. 



' The meaning of the words is obscure except that -telhu means 
5he grinds." 

" Makiuto, the older sister, and Pauioke, the younger sister, 
iris pray to them when they want to be strong in grinding corn. 



harrinoton] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 



353 



The next morning the Dove Maidens got ready to grind. Pouring 
the com on the metate, they ground. And they sang: 

NO. 5. SONG OF THE DOVE MAIDEN SISTER.S AS THEY BECOME STARS 



168 



Transcription by Helen H. Roberts. 



SS^d 



^ 



:^-»-.+p: 



^ 






i 



-t»H?'4-'^ 



:b^^ 



m 



K'u-a - k'a-so - phi -n{i -ta - te'^ K'u-a - k'a-sa - phi- n^i-ta - ts'^ 
C \ I 1 C 



=F^ 



^ 



'4 - i - wi-k'i-wa- p'a -lo - h^ - m^-ha - m§ 



h^ - niQ Kp.n - so - 




h^. - m^- h^. - m? - h^ - m? K^n-so-ts'a-'o 
TRANSLATION 



tel 



hu. 



The meaning of the words is obscure except that -telhu means 
"she grinds." 

As they ground, they rose slowly higher and higher. Their poor 
grandmother sat weeping. Said she: "My dear children, you must 
not do thus. Stop grinding!" The Dove Maidens did not listen. 
Smging, they ground. They rose slowly higher. Theii- grand- 
mother sat weeping. They reached the ceiling. They rose slowly 
higher. "My dear children," their grandmother said, "you must 
not do thus. Come back here!" The Dove Maidens disappeared. 
They are the two little stars above Jicarita Mountain. 

This is the reason that it is well to obey one's parents, and this 
is the reason that Mokiuto and Po?oke are above Jicarita Mountain. 

You have a tail. 



354 PICUKiS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann « 

The Woman and the Wolf 

NgRuth^ke tcexgm^n Piwweltha 'ilaitha. Tcexgm^n lluen? ngngRe- 
mopupun'aite phaltah^nno 'iiKjxwi. 

TcexgmQn w?n lluen^ ngwian hele 'apawia. 'Ipamolokoleh^n Painon 
pOxailud. Koloinate pataimQn 'gKalwOn. "Heyo 'g^ahu?" tcexgm^n 
'ommia. "Tipatailiu," liucn§ Kal'om^. "'Q'ellai xui," tcexgm^n 
Kolen^ pa 'gmmia. "Hatt<j 'gnthammakwil tipa'olemQko," tcexgm^n 
iTuen^ t^hu. '"(J'elkiimo 'g'oniQhu howe'gn yghotayo' ghijn^tci." 
LiuenQ 'gngpixowQD 'ipamolom(Jtco'aih§n Kolen^ 'gn mg'ellai. 



Tcexgmen Kaleng pa liuen^ pimmakwil 'oila. PikRatha kaliah^n, 
tcexgrn^n KolenQ tspupa, tg'opa, t5non, tskwetha' wel 'okdl- 
xwiawele. Liuen^ mQntcoho 'ilautilikimmakwil wile. 



'Qsattha'e tcexgmen 'gkwanliuwilem^'epa thakatsitate mglawia'gn. 
L^gtQnng senen? 'iungxalkainphil 'iwOn. Kollole wa rngtohQiiK^niQ- 
pun'aute wan'aih^n iluen? laukata yo '^'gn. S5nen§ 'imgngtilephale. 
M^ntcoho ngpln'au w^n s5nen§ pa lluen? thijmia. Hanko s5nen§ 
mgtgh^m?. Wel 'iwan'ait^n 'iliuiswe wewe thappiu. Liuen? sanen? 
pa laphaliahu. 

Hokeyo tcexgm^n liuen? tholan'aih^n phal'aute wetgn 'iwaw5lem§ 
het^n 'iputciko. 

The Ants 

Ngkuth^ ogkuth^ke tcexgm^n Koragjthotha ^ Pa'gygsiulan?' 'itha. 
Tciho hele 'imatciutcowanm^ hoke tcexgm^n piwep^n 'ithalahu. 
Tcokwil 'iniiaum^mpiu pIpQn 'im§m§n wi totcolo'on? w^n 'imatha'epa 
pu'au. 

M^ntcoho wepa 'it?onwia'epa 'i'ommiahu 'itgygntha: "'gngnlai- 
wia'e, tcathai'aite witthala ngpuim^nng yon 'ithattha ygn?ai p^aii§ 
kikuttha 'iphgletci, wel ?ai'en? tings^npiatci. Hokeyo hele tculai 
polen?, k5nen§, xixwauan? han wel teutai mimapiatci'e miungtci. 
Hoih^nno pghan thal^ai'en? 'iyoLxgnemg ygtha 'ipis^n'autci." Ho 
'itlonwia'epa 'Lngwitciam^h^n 'itijhu: "KowQnno ngng ho 'aitij- 
m^nno, tcathai'aite witthala ngpuim^nng kimgphalxia'gntci. " 
Haih^n tcilai ngng'e Pa'gygsiulan? 'imgxia'gmhu. Yin 'itaithan'au 
pu'au hele 'ipeme'e 'gw^n 'imawia'e 'imgsitclhu. 

' Boxing the compass in the ceremonial order; compare p. 318, 
footnote. 

^ "Needle Horn Pile." 
' A species of black ant. 



harrington] children's stories 355 

The Woman and the Wolf 

Once upon a time the people were dwelling at Picurfs. The 
women, after it got dark, were to remain inside their houses. 

And one woman in the night had no water. She took the water 
jar and went down to J'ainon to get water. As she was pouring the 
water with her gourd, a Wolf came to her. "What are you domg?" 
he said. "I am pouring water," the woman said to the Wolf. "Get 
on my back, then," the Wolf said to her. "I am already about to 
take the water to my house," said the woman. "Get on my back, 
I said to you, or I will eat you up right here." The woman got 
afraid, left the water jar, and got on the Wolf's back. 

And the Wolf took the woman up to the mountains. When he 
had brought her to the mountain top, the Wolf went northeast, 
northwest, southwest, and southeast, to call the other wolves. The 
woman then climbed a tall pinyon tree. 

Her husband, when his wife did not come up from below quickly, 
yelled as a signal from the top of the house. And shortly men with 
their weapons arrived. 

When the Old Wolf arrived from his summoning [the other wolves], 
the woman was sitting in the top of the pinyon tree. 

The men all gathered for search. And then at about midnight one 
man found the woman. Then the man gave a yell. After the rest 
came they took the woman home again. The woman was scolded 
verj^ much by the men. And this is why the women, after it gets 
dark, do not go forth from inside the houses alone, for something 
might happen to them. 

The Ants 

Once upon a time at Komgithotha dwelt the Ants. No birds 
came around there, and so they lived without fear. They went 
wherever they pleased without fear, for there was not even a little 
Hummingbird around near where they lived. 

One day their leader told them at a meeting: "My people, in 
four days from to-day we are going to dance here in this land of 
ours; we will entertain the other people. So you must be looking 
for such things as red paint, beads, war bonnets, and whatever dress 
you may need. And we will call the flying animals of aU kinds 
here to look on." As their leader instructed them thus, they said: 
"It seems all right the way you say, we will get ready to dance four 
days from to-day." And the Ants were getting ready within that 
time. They went around borrowing things from their neighbors 
whom they knew. 



356 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

Hattgi witthalo ngpuimcjn 'ittonwia'epa 'itgimia 'ingtotakittha. 
HaihQn 'i'ommiahu: "'(JnanJaiwia'e, thannayo han thaoiiQ 'ipha- 
letcinna kiwQn. Hokeyo thollai'criQ 'iyaixgn^n kat^nno yotha 'ithat- 
tha kinsQnwanh^. Hokeyo mgnaithiam^nno mg?atci." 

M^ntcoho thapiah^n halo 'ofsethorowalemQiita Pa'gygsiulanQ 
'intatakimma 'itgtciahu. 'Itgtciaphal'aih^n pohan Hutciu han 
siutciu 'ikopia'aih^n tatoketha 'iuwale. Yin lasian'au 'iuphohnon- 
'ai.xQn thal^ai'en? 'iyaixan^n Eat^n 'i'q. 

Halo l^y'oh^n 'iphalem^n mQntcoho pohan TcTiien^ tciho 'is^n'epu'e 
pntha Pa'gygsiulanQ 'iphalem^npiu 'imghakeh^n 'ihgpium^'epa 
'ipiPa'gygsiulakalhu. 'IhnwapuhQn wo tcokwil 'ithappiu 'imgthalhai. 
Pa'gygsiulan^ 'ittonwia'epa 'i'ommiahu: "Mima'oletci, 'gngn?aiwia'e, 
pTsiwenno kit?ais§nwia." 

Halo ts^topholm^n thapa Xw^phaimon? 'is^n'cpun'aite 'imgha- 
keh^n Pa'gygsiulan? 'iphalem^npiu tcexgm^n 'ipiPa'gygsiulakalhu. 
'Ihgwapuh^n wa 'ithappiu 'imgpohatthalhai. Pa'gygsiulanQ 'it^ion- 
wio'epa 'i'ommiahu: 'Q.ngn?aiwia'e, mima'oletci, plsiw^nno kin?ai- 
s^nwia." 

Halo ti§tgphalm§n Pakgien^ 'is^n'epun'aite Pa'gygsiulan? 'iphale- 
m?piu 'imghakeh^n 'ipiPa'aygsiukikalhu. 'Ihgwapun wa 'ithappiu 
'imgpohatthalhai. Hg'gn hattn tcu'oh^n Pn'gygsiulan? 'ixwettoiahu. 
How^nko 'iyaphalluwemQ. LgiwQn'eyo 'img'olehu. 'Ittonwia'epa 
'i'ommialiu: " 'Q.ngntaiwia'e, mima'oletci, halo plsiw^nno yon kittai- 
SQnwia." 

Halo ts^tophalm^n Pillelo'en^ 'ipg'epun'aite Pa'gygsiulan^ 'iphale- 
mijpiu 'imghakehQn 'ipiPa'gygsiulakalhu. 'Ihgwapuh^n wa 'ithappiu 
'imgpohatthalhai. Hattg hg'gn Pa'gygsiulan? tcu'ot^n 'ixwettoiahu. 
HowQnko ngthia'ayo 'imgphal'Slehu. 'Ittonwia'epa 'i'ommiahu: 
"'Qngntaiwia'e, mima'oletci, halo plsiw^nng kitfais^nwia." 



Halo ho fi^tgphalm^n Solen^ lakai'au 'is^n'^pun'aute wa 
Pa'gygsiukniQ 'iphalemQpuppiu 'inighakeliQn Pn'gygsiulanQ 'iphniQpu'e 
Eontciuta 'ipipghahgn^. Haih^n SolenQ wa 'ithappiu 'imgpohatthalhai. 



Hattg wel thaliai'en? tciho 'is^n'^pu'e 'imgpohatthalhai. Hele 
'iyaPa'gygsiulaphTmij'epa pghatta 'itgm^n: "Howe ngx^n yjnn? wel 
thaltai'enQ pa 'iyaPa'gygsiulaphiliako tcokwilw^n 'ingm^tci." Ho 
thallai'euQ tciho 'isQn'^pu'e 'itgiiKjliQn 'imgpghaPci'gygsiulangkwele. 

Hokeyo tccxgniQn tciutcon^ halo tcathai maxQn 'iPa'gygsiulungtcihu, 
hokeyo thapa thaltai'en? 'iupa'gygsiula'g, ho'e hank^n 'ipikale'epa. 



HARRiscTON) CHILDREN'S STORIES 357 

On the fourth day the leader assembled them in their estufa. 
And they then were told: "My people, to-morrow the day arrives 
on which we are to dance, so the flying animals of every kind are to 
come here to our home to look on. And so you must all do your 
best." 

The next morning as the sun was rising the Ants gathered in 
their estufa. After they were all assembled, both men and women, 
all dressed up nicely, emerged from the estufa. When they looked 
around at the trees, there were birds of every kind sittmg there. 

They were only dancing a little while when all the Eagles, who 
were sitting looking on, flew to the ground where the Ants were 
dancing, and being hungry, began to eat the Ants up. After they 
had enough, they flew away to their homes. The leader of the 
Ants said to the people: "Dance your best, my people, for there are 
many people looking on." 

When he had hardly finished saying thus, the RedtaU Hawks, 
from where they were sitting lookmg on, flew down to where the 
Ants were dancing, and began to eat up the Ants. When they got 
enough, they all flew away to their homes. The leader of the Ants 
said to them: "My people, dance your best, for there are many 
people looking on." 

When he had hardly finished saying thus, the Buzzards, from 
where they were sitting looking on, flew down to where the Ants 
were dancing, and began to eat the Ants. When they got enough, 
thej^ all flew away to their homes. Bj' that time there were very 
few of the Ants left, but they would not quit dancing. They danced 
all the more. Their leader said to them: "My people, dance your 
best, for there are still many people looking on." 

When he had hardly finished saying thus, the Tm'keys, from where 
they were sitting looking on, flew down to where the Ants were 
dancing, and began to eat the Ants up. When they got enough, 
they all flew away to their homes. By that time there were but 
few of the Ants left. But they danced their best. Their leader 
said to them: "My people, dance your best, for there are still many 
people who are looking on." 

When he had hardly finished saying thus, the Bluebirds, from 
where they were sitting in the trees looking on, flew down to where 
the Ants were dancing, and ate the Ants that were left, together 
with their leader. And then the Bluebirds all flew away to their 
homes. 

And the other birds who were lookuig on flew away. Because 
there were no more Ants left for them, they all said: "Since the 
other birds have not left us any Ants, let us also go and look for 
some." When the birds who were sitting looking on said thus, they 
all scattered to look for Ants. 

So this is the reason that the birds to-day hunt around for ants, 
and also the reason that birds like ants, because they ate the ants 
at that time. 



358 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES |eth. ann. 43 

The Sandhill Cranes 

NaEutliQ ncjKuth^ke tcexgm^n wcpa wa pheEeta ph^'au Kgien? 
'ithd. Tciho pha'aute 'ipasom^n thapa ph^'auta 'iuleEipiarn^n 
tciho Row^n 'ithafahu. M^ntcoho wepa 'itlonwia'epa 'i'ommia: 
"Xoming pgthayo 'ithalautci. Pgancj pisiwenno tcokwil w^n 
'opakelia. Thapa tcihoyo pana p3on^ han paphoon? thapa wel 
tcunQ hele paJai'en? 'itho. Thapa laan? tciho kiuJelipiatcin'au 
'opisisio. Pgtha 'iwOn'oit^n 'opakeliapiu 'iwOn'oih^nno tcihoyo 
kiukoEalm^n 'itupiom^n Kow^n 'ithatci." Ho 'itfonwia'opa 
'i'ommiam^h^n, pohcjn Kgjen^ 'ithio. Han 'itlonwia'e 'i'omQhu: 
"Yjn? PQhgn p^thate 'gtJjmcj'e kQw^nnQ ngngwayo ngmia'g. 
Hokeyo pghgnng p^piu 'ip^miohu." Ho 'itgm^h^n pgpiu 
'imgthalhai. 

Ph^katate 'ithallauiiiQwaita Paxwi'oxwalpQxwitha 'iinglai. 
Tciho Kow^n 'iuRohrKjn psantj paphoon? thapai 'ipikahn^n 'i'§. 
HgwQn Kgien§ wiho 'ipasgm^'epa i^gt^n paxwinate 'ipghgppahgn^ 
patciuta paphotciuta. "Howe w^n papiu kimghaitci, yonfai 
paxwine wa xui patc^lm?," 'itfonwia'epa 'i'gmmiahu. 

Ho'aitQn m^ntcoho Kgygjpaxwipiu 'imghai. Tciho 'iwOn'aihen 
paxwiputho 'imglai. Tciho paxwi'au thapa p3anQ hattg paphoon? 
thapa wel patai'enQ tciho 'itha'e 'ipikahnen paxwipaan? 'isgm^n 
'itha. Tciho l^g'a kow^n 'iukalmen 'imiaupun kat^n pQan§ 
'isgiiien 'itho. Hgw^n Itjgt^n pnxwinate pdon^ 'ihgn<; pStciuta 
hail paphotciuta. Haih^n 'it^onwia'epa 'i'gmmiahu: "Howe wa 
tg'opa ThawelpaanQ kummayo tcan kimghaitci, hele ygnfoi paxwin§ 
wahuipatc^lin^n. 

Ho 'ittonwia'epa 'i'gmmiameh?n ta'opa Thawelpamakwil 'imghai. 
Tciho 'iwan'aih^n papu'ai 'imglai. Tciho pa'ai paan? paphoon? han 
Avel pafai'en? pana 'itha'e 'ipitcelm^n kow^n 'iukalm^n pisiw^n 
'isgmQn l^u'a 'itha. M^n wiho 'ipasgm^'epa legtcjn ta'opate paon^ 
patciu paphotciu han hele tclta pana thapu'e 'ihaneh^n 'itfonwia'cpa 
'i'gmmiahu: "Tghowe wa tatha Piwwclpatha' kimghaitci. 'Qixen 
tcihoyo paan§ Igihewia. Ygnlai ThawelpaanQ wahuitcelniQ." 



Ho 'it?onwia'epa 'i'gmmiam^h^n tSpiu Piwweltha 'imghai. Tciho 
'ivvan'aih^n papu'ai 'imglai. Tciho paan? paphoon^ han wel pafai- 
'en§ pana 'itha'e 'ipitcQlm^n kowQn 'iukalniQn l?y'a kow^n 'itha. 
Tciho leg'a 'ithaJam^n mentcoho patciu paphotciu han hele tcita 
'ipataithapu'e l^gt^n 'iungpghahgn?. "Tghowe Palapapiu - kimg- 
haitci, yon?ai P'iwwelpaancj wahuipatc^lmen he niyanawaihcjnng 
yoho paan? paan^ paphoon? han wel pal;ai'en§ 'ipihgn?. 

' Picuris River. 

^ Palapaane, "the Big River" (Sp. Rio Grande); also spoken of 
as Paan§, "the River." 



HARRiNGioNi CHILDREN'S STORIES 359 

The Sandhill Cranes 

Once there lived a flock of Sandhill Cranes up in the clouds in 
the sky. And they drank the water from the clouds, and also 
built their nests upon the clouds, and lived well. Once their leader 
said to them: "I believe we will go down to the earth. The earth 
has many rivers in every direction. And ui the water fishes, frogs, 
and other water animals are living. And there are also many trees 
where we could build our nests. When we reach the earth, going to 
where the rivers are, we can live well, eating nicely and getting 
fat." As their leader told them thus, all of the Sandhill Cranes 
agreed. Then they said to their leader: "All that you have said 
about the earth seems to be very good. So we all want to go to 
the earth." As they said thus, they all flew toward the earth. 

As they flew down from the clouds they lighted at P'oxwi'oxwol 
Spring. And they lived, eating well, eating fishes and frogs every 
day. But the SandhiU Cranes, as they drank so much water, soon 
drank all of the water from the spring, together with the fishes and 
frogs. "We will fly to another river, as this spring does not hold 
enough water," their leader said to them. 

Then they flew to the spring at Jicarita Mountain. When they 
arrived they lighted at the spring. At the spring they lived, catching 
fishes, frogs, and other water animals that lived there, and drinking 
the water of the spring. There they lived for a while, eating well 
and drinking as much as they wanted. But they soon drank all 
the water from the spring, together with the fishes and frogs. Then 
their leader said to them: "Now we will fly northwest to where 
the Taos River ' lies, for this spring does not contain enough water." 

As their leader told them thus, they flew northwest to the Taos 
River. When they reached there they lighted near the river. And 
they lived a while by the river, catching fishes, frogs and other 
water animals that lived in the river, eating well and drinking much. 
As they drank so much, in a short time drinking up all the water 
of the Northwest River,^ together with the fishes and frogs and what- 
ever else lived in the river, their leader said to them: "Now we will 
fly to the river of Picurls village. There there may be more water. 
This Taos River does not contain enough water." 

As tiieir leader told them thus, they flew to the Picurls village. 
When they reached there they lighted by the river. And they 
lived well for a while, catching fishes, frogs, and whatever other 
water animals lived there in the water. But living there for a while 
they soon drank up all the water, together with the fishes, frogs, 
and other water annuals that lived there. "Now we will fly to 
the Rio Grande, for this Picuris River does not contain enough 
water, and like notliing we have drunk up all the water, fishes, frogs, 
and other water animals." 

' Pueblo Creek. ^Another Picuris name for Pueblo Creek. 



360 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann, 43 

Ho 'it^onwia'epa 'i'ommiah^n Pglapfjpiu 'imghai. Wa Palapa'ai 
'iwan'aih^n tciho pQpu'au 'imgkii. Tclho Palapapaon? 'isom^n haa 
p5an§ paphoon^ han wel pafai'en? tciho 'itho'e 'ipiEalmen Eowqu 
'itha. Pohgn Kgien§ IgiEow^n 'iwaipasongp^n 'isomen Palapa'aite 
paanQ 'imgx^n^palhu, thapa palapapganQ han paphoonQ han wel 
paEai'cn? tciho 'itha'e 'imgxgn^pelhu. " Yqntai paan^jo m^n kwiwil- 
'ewia, yohoyo howe kiungkwelthapiatci, yqhoyo kiulelipiam^n kmig- 
pateKlpiatci." Ho 'it?onwia'epa 'i'ommiam^h^n tciho K^ieng 
'imgthepai. 



Hokeyo tcexgmQn Palapa'ai 'iKgitha plsipawiako. 



A Baby Is Stolen by an Owl 

NgRuth? ngkuthgke tcexgmgn tgtha 'iJaitha. Wgn lluen§ ngthia'ai 
'g'o'okialpu'e tha. 'O'on^ nowai Jalm^'epa kian§ he 'gntci'e 
nathgmti. 'Owisewatcapiatciam^n wa sexanthiamg. Thamg'gn 
hattg ngkwil ?alm§'epa m§ntcoho wgnno kiang pa Estcata 'o'onQ 
hemmiahQn tcita mgtcowia. 

Eatcata 'o'onQ 'gngsepglomQn m^ntcoho Kggeng 'g?alia. '0'on§ 
?alinQntha K^geng thalwan'aitgn 'itc^raite 'o'omglgnkolehgn Poxa- 
puta Kggen^ ngthia'ai hiukata 'gngthekkinna 'o'on§ hui. Tcita 
kgl'aitejn hiuphallakuitha 'o'ong mgtcg. Thapai KiJgenQ hele 
'gngthiam^'e m^kemgn tcotcuthala'a 'o'ong tcltha '§. 

Mgntcoho w^n tholangn saneng t5puppc pilamgn tcskwi'^hgpu'e 
tcihui Kggen^ thanpe'au tcomgn 'o'ose?alia. Tcitha l§g'a mglala- 
wen?. Wa hiukata 'o'ong 'gngsepo. "Xommg taipowiletci wa 
ng'o'osepgnpiu." Ho tijmgn tcexgmgn hiuk^pakwil wile. R5ta 
wQn'aixgn 'o'ong hiu'gn se'g. Kolehgn 'elehgn thappiu hui. 



Thattha wOn'oitgn wa 'o'on§ 'gkiathappiu hutcia. 'Qkian? 'g'o- 
'owitciahgn saneng pa ?a'gmiahu 'omniiamgn: "Heyo tcutai kcn'au 
'a'osemgtcohu? Wa K^yeng thannayo tcattholoiiQn tatcskwi'ghgn- 
'auteyo tithgn. Tcihoteyo timai. Ng tiyawia'gn'gn Kggen? payo 
kg'ohanniatcin." Ho sanen^ liu'gm^mQntgn saneng 'gthappiu mg. 



Hokeyo tccxgmgn Tgthate llueng Een'au wetgn 'ipiya'osemgtcoke, 
hotgn KggeiiQ pa wa 'ithappiu 'o'o'oiiq 'ihutciatciko. 



habrington] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 361 



As their leader told them thus, they flew to the Rio Grande. 
When they reached the Rio Grande they lighted near the river. 
They drank the water of the Rio Grande and ate the fishes, frogs, 
and other water animals that lived there, and lived well. AU the 
Sandhill Cranes did their very best to drink up the water, but could 
not finish drinking the water of the Rio Grande, neither could they 
finish eating up the Rio Grande fishes, frogs, and other water animals 
that lived there. "This river must be very strong, so here we will 
make our headquarters, here we will build our nests and increase 
in number." When their leader told them thus, they made their 
homes there. 

So this is the reason that there are Sandhill Cranes living on the 
Rio Grande, because there is plenty of water. 

A B.\BY IS Stolen by an Owl 

Once there lived people at the Pueblo. And there also dwelt 
there a certain woman who had a baby that cried a great deal. 
As the baby cried every night, the mother did not know what to do 
with it. Soothing songs were sung to it, but the baby would not 
stop crying. It cried day and night, and one day the mother took 
the baby out upon the roof and left it tliere. 

As the chUd cried continually on the roof, it was heard by an Owl. 
The Owl came flying to where the baby was crying and picked it up 
in his claws and carried it to Poxaputa, up on some very high rocks 
where the Owl dwelt. When he brought the baby to his home, he 
laid it on a flat rock. Every day the Owl would feed the baby 
whatever he could, and the baby stayed there several days. 

One evening a man was commg home from hunting from the north- 
east, and as he was passing along the trail opposite the Owl's home, he 
heard a baby cry. There he stood to listen for a while. The baby 
sounded crying up on the top of the rock. "I believe I will go up 
toward where the baby sounds crying and see." As he said thus, he 
climbed to the top of the rocks. When he reached the top, the baby 
sat on the rock, crying. He took it, put it on his back, and carried 
it home. 

When he reached home, he took the baby over to where its mother 
lived. He handed the child to its mother and scolded her, telling 
her: "Why do you leave the baby outside, crying? I found it at 
the home of the Owl this evening as I was returning home from 
huntmg. I brought it from there. If it were not for me, your 
child could have been eaten by the Owl." As the man said thus to 
the woman, he went home. 

So this is the reason that the women at Pueblo no longer leave 
their babies crying outside alone, lest the Owls might take the babies 
to their homes. 

19078°— 28 24 



362 PICUKIS CHILDREN'S STORIES I«th, ann 43 

The Sphynx Moth and the Old Coyote 

NgRuthe ngEuth^ke tcexgm^n Tgtha Phopoken^ 'gleto'ophil 

'(jntha. Mentcoho Phopoken? n(jthia'ai xowewia; ?aithate hele 

w^n nghowehu. Thapa leto'otQkgnwia; tcokwil 'gleto'on? pa 
tcaipiam^mpiu wa tJJxQphil m^hu. 

TcexgmQn wepa 'gleto'onQ pa 'Qmmiahu: " 'gn'oEai'e, tcannQJ 
kongphlpai'aih^n hukwe Kon'inai ' hiaulotta konghntci. Tcihoyo 
Piwwelkokwen^ wi Piwwelkwal'enQ w^n 'iungphlhuim^n 'ingnie- 
lem§hu. Hokeyo thenna hiaulotta kongphi'eleh^n tcihui 'gngme- 
lem^tci." Tcexgm^n Phopoken? 'gleto'on^ pa wai'ommiapun 
phlpiaiahu. 

Thapiak^n halo R^'oweh^n ngngnta 'ongphl'eleh^n hukwe 
Kon'jmpiu m^. Tcihokwil ngpiapippiu m^m^n Toxwialole 
tc5tcim?puii'aute 'owalia. "'(JthoRowa, tcokwilo 'gm^hu?" 
PhopokenQ 'gmmia Toxwialole pa. "Wa hukwe Kdn'in'ai he 
tam^hu," Phopoken? tijhu. "Hele tciuko yinM 'g'elhuihu?" 
Toxwialole Phopoken? 'gni?. Haihgn Phopoken? tohu: Leto- 
piu'on? he ti'elhuihu hukwe Kan'in'ai." Haih^n Toxwialole 
tijhu: "Haloxui yohui mgmgxiat?w?, ngx^n notaleto'okolm^h?." 

Ho Toxwialole Phopoken? 'om^m^ntQii wa Tciuthgmakwil ^ 
mgtolia'ophui wa 'gleto'o'Qmpiu. Tciho wan'ait^n 'omgngm'ait^n 
wa 'gleto'on^ phalta thetsehn^punna* Esen. Haih^n leto'o'om?: 
"Leto, yonfoi mgna 'gtsen!" 'Qleto'ouQ watcatthiam^. "Ygma 
'gtsan mg'g'om^hu." Toxwialole leto'o'oniQhu. Howqu 'gleto'on? 
watcatthiam§. Toxwialole tohu : " Yontha 'atsan'gn phianatcaitopata 
'gpexwgtteh^n ygn motha 'gtaitci." Ho Toxwialole tcotcuwen'a 
leto'o'om^m^n m^ntcoho 'gngma'akw^n 'iphianatcaitokolehQii 
kamotha 'ikiputhate 'gleto'on? thstcal'^putthate pexwgn'ophui'aihQU 
motha takeh^n 'eleh^n wa Phopokan? 'gxiawiaputtha Leto'o'elkgl. 
"Tcanohan wipaita wa hukwe Kan'in'ai 'gpanleto'o'elhutci," 
tcexgmQn Toxwialole Phopoken^ 'om^hu. Hoxui tcexgm^n 
Phopoken§ tijhu. 



Haih^n wipaita wa hukwe Kan'in'ai 'gnp^sai. Tcihui pi'ai 
'gntclm^n Kan'in'ai 'gnwau. Tcitha nghiuwiatha Phopoken^ 
ngwelm§h?n 'ongphlkelhu. Toxwialole Phopoken? mom'aih^n leto- 
piu'on^ maix^n phlin? hiungtha 'ongkt»ihu. Haih(jn Toxwialole 
wetgn tQhu: "Yonlai Phopoken? pa taliakwia'gmmia. Letopiu'ou^ 

' "At the Buffalo Track." 

^ Tciuthoplnen^, "Eagle Pile Mountain." 



HABRiNGioN) CHILDREN'S STORIES 363 

The Sphynx Moth and the Old Coyote 

There once lived at Picuris Pueblo a Sphynx Moth and his grand- 
mother. The Sphynx Moth was a great believer; he believed every- 
thing concerning the customs of the people. And he was very obe- 
dient to his grandmother; he would go wherever his grandmother 
would tell him, without talking back. 

Once his grandmother said to him: "My grandson, you must 
make plumeros ' to-night and take them to Kan'in'cd, to the south- 
east, early to-morrow morning. The Picuris youths and even Picu- 
ris maidens take their plumeros there and supplicate. So early to- 
morrow morning you must carry these plumeros and go there to 
supplicate." So that night the Sphynx Moth made plumeros the 
way his grandmother had told him. 

Early the next morning, carrying the plumeros, he set out for 
Kfln'in'ai, to the southeast. As he went along through the fields, 
he met Old Coyote, who was hunting around. "Good morning, 
where are you going?" the Old Coyote said to the Sphynx Moth. 
"I am going over southeast to Kan'in'ai," said the Sphynx Moth. 
" What is it that you are carrying? " said the Old Coyote to the Sphynx 
Moth. Then the Sphynx Moth said: "I am carrying my dead 
grandmother over southeast to Kan'in'ai." Then the Old Coyote 
said : "Then wait here for me, for I am going to get my grandmother." 

As Old Coyote told the Sphynx Moth thus, he ran toward Tciu- 
thotha where his own grandmother was. When he arrived there he 
hunted for a bag and went inside the house where his grandmother 
was toasting com meal. And he said to his grandmother: "Grand- 
mother, get into this bag!" But the grandmother woidd not get 
into it. "Get in here, I tell you," said Old Coyote to his grand- 
mother. But his grandmother woidd not get in. The Old Coyote 
said: "If you do not get in, I will hit you on the head with a fire 
poker and then put you m this bag." The Old Coyote told his grand- 
mother thus several times, but he soon got disgusted and, taking the 
fire poker which 'was lying by the fireplace, he struck his grand- 
mother, where she was sitting toasting the corn meal, and then put- 
ting her into the bag and carrj'ing her, he brought his grandmother 
over to where the Sphynx Moth was waiting for him. "Now we 
shall both take our grandmothers over southeast to Kan'in'ai," said 
the Old Coyote to the Sphynx Moth. The Sphynx Moth assented. 

Then they both started off to Kan'in'ai, to the southeast. As 
they went along talking on the road they reached Kan'in'ai. There 
in a rocky place the Sphynx Moth dug, and laid his plumeros. When 
the Old Coyote noticed what the Sphynx Moth was doing, he dis- 
covered that instead of a dead grandmother it was plumeros that he 

' Spanish: feather bunches. 



364 PICURf S CHILDREN 'S STORIES (eth. ann. 43 

yo yin motha '<jtaimcdx?n phiine he yjn hiung'ai 'ongitaihu. Tcan 
watha tclm^ntha tam^xa'a tisiypulaliy^tci." Ho t^in^n m^ntcoho 
Phopoken? folia'epa mgthclkol. HailiQii Toxwialole ngthia'ai ?amiau- 
m^n t^hu: "LiaPhopokeliyaiKj pa '^wqu wian'e tisoleto'ohon." 
Phopoken? mgkolek^nng pgpai'epa han Toxwialole heng'gntci'e 
nathgm^. Wewe letopiu'elehijn wa 'gthoppiu mgp^sai. Talm^n 
pilamon m^hu. 



Wa thappu'au wonm^n m^ntcoho yin 'gn'o'^piatcim^pun'aute 
'gnsefalian tcexgm^n wel'en^ 'itohu: "Hgw^n h^x^tci Ivitgin^nQ wilio 
'gaigpg? Pilamon tca'^h?. Xgmnig pohan 'i'otcom^tci." Ho 
'itOniQn Toxwia'o'o'on^ 'itgn'otconiQ. 'I'otcon'oihijn 'itci'ghu: 
"Kitgmen§, heyo wiho kgmgpg? HQx^yo wiho haLx^n kgngtcOpg- 
'^liQ?" Haih^n 'itgmen? pa 'i'ommia: "'Qngn'S'on^, 'gnatcOpo- 
'Qh^ketci sekehe 'gngpo'^h^. Walai Phopokeliyan^ wina'eho tiso- 
letopexwgnhon, '?w?n pa taliakwia'ommiapnyo. 'Qnngkatca'gn'gn 
'gnngthiatiam^puttha tatisoliyQtcipu." Ho 'ittgmen^ pa Toxwia- 
'o'o'on? 'i'ommiam^h^n thapa 'imgpohasephile. Toxwialole phalpiu 
leto'o^atteh^n wa kamg'ai thatcol'^pun'ai wewe Iflkiam^n 'othstcalto- 
witcam^n woiwgn 'ommiam^n: "Hattg tcano han, leto, koths- 
fsalphale!" Tcihui lakem^n weweta 'gnkemm^n m^ntcoho hstcuw^n 
Toxwialole 'glgifekkwen 'iphianatcaitokoleh^n wewe leto'opexwg- 
teh^n wiwinakke hotcike. Hoih^n 'eleh^n wa kiapiu kghui. 



Hokeyo toxwia'en? tcathai 'iiuigpQ, tcun'gnk^nn? ygnfai ?alan? 
'iungp^mupuyo; hokeyo tcexgm^n toxwia'en^ hew^n wel ngkw??ait- 
hole 'iungp?. 

Kgxw^ki. 

KoYOWlXaLAPAN ' FETCHES FiRE 

NgkuthQke tcexgrn^n Piwweltha 'ilaitha. Thapa Koyowixalapan 
'gleto'ophil 'gnthe. 

Tcexgm^n wepa 'gnlaxaitclm^pun'aute 'gnwan'aih^n 'gngmgphia- 
wa. "Xgmrag yin ken'au kophiangwole," Koyowixalapan 'gleto'on^ 
pa 'gnimia. M^ntcoho Koyowixalapan 'ophiangwale. M^ntcoho 
yin kia'ai pQtopong'ai ^ ngphiats^tauki. "Xgmmg watha 'ophai- 
m^ntha he taiphiakoUautci," tohu. M^ntcoho lau. Tcitha wan- 
'aih^n TcOxan^ tatama 'iphalehu 'itca?amQn: 

' The etymology of the name is obscure. 
^ Under the Aqueduct-Log. 



BAERiNQTON) CHILDREN'S STORIES 365 

was laying; under a rock. And the Old Coyote said to himself: 
"This Sphynx Moth has told me a lie. Instead of having a dead 
grandmother in his bag, he is putting the plumeros under the rock. 
Now, I will go over there where he is and bite him." As the Sphjaix 
Moth heard him saying thus, he flew away. Then the Old Coyote 
was very angry-, and he said to himself: "That accursed Sphynx 
Moth, it is on account of him that I have killed my grandmother." 
As the SphjTix Moth disappeared as soon as he flew, the Old Coyote 
did not know what to do. Again he packed his grandmother on 
his back, and started for home. He was crying as he went along the 
road. 

As he reached home, his children heard him crying from where 
they were playing, and said to each other: "But why is it that our 
father is so happy? He is coming along the road singing. Let us all 
go to meet him." As they said thus, the little Coyotes went to meet 
their father. When they met him, they asked him: "Our father, 
why are you so happy? Why are you coming along singing so 
loud?" Then their father told them: "My children, I am not 
coming along singing, but I am coming along crying. It is on account 
of that accursed Sphynx Moth that I have killed my grandmother 
by hitting her on the head, because he told me a lie. If I had known 
this, I would have bitten him while I had a chance." As their 
father told the little Coyotes thus, they all jomed crying. The Old 
Coyote carried his grandmother mto the house and set her down 
again at the fireplace where she had sat toasting com meal, and 
gave her the corn meal toasting sticks and told her, although she 
was dead: "Now, grandmother, finish toasting your corn meal!" 
As he would set her down she would topple over again, and at last 
the Old Coyote got more angry, and he took the fire poker and struck 
his grandmother again on the head, to be sure that she had been 
killed. Then he put her on his back and took her to the arroyo to 
bury her. 

So this is the reason that coyotes nowadays are smart, because 
they learned this kind of work long ago; this is the reason that the 
coyotes are smarter than any other four-footed animal. 

You have a tail. 

KoYOW{xaLapaN Fetches Fire 

Once upon a time the people were dwelling at Picuris. And 
there also lived Koyowixolnpan with her grandmother. 

One time when they came home from going around wood-gathering, 
their fire had gone out. "You must go outside to look for fire," 
said Koyowixakipan's grandmother to her. Then Koyowixolapcm 
went out to look for fire. There was a bright light down in the 
arroyo at Patopong'oi. "I believe I will go down where the bright 
light is to get fire," she said. Then she went down. When she 
arrived there, the Wizards were dancing inside the estufa, and they 
sang: 



366 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. « 

No. 1 

SONG OF THE WIZARDS AS KOYOW{X3tAPAN ENTERS THEIR ESTUFA 

Henai'anen(j 'aneng 

Henai'ane'en(j henai'aneng 

Henai'ane'eng henaneng 

Henai'ane'eng. « 

Henai'aneng 'aneng 
Henai'ane'eng henai'aneng 
Henai'ane'eng henaneng 
Henai'ane'ena. 



Mgntcoho Koyowjxalapan tetaphalpiu ?ion. fsan'oit^n Tcax>in§ 
pa phglphiltcaipia. M^ntcoho mgphislphile. 

'Q.leto'on§ wa kwanwilem^'epa 'gngx^lhu. Tghu: "How^n tco- 
kwiltci Koyowixalapan m?? Xgmmg tainowoletci," tijm^n nom?. 
Notclm^n'au Jalm^n m^hu: 

No. 2 

CRYING SONG OF THE GRANDMOTHER AS SHE SEEKS KOTOWIX3LAPAN 

Koyowjxalapan 
Koyowjxalapan 
'Qwingke hayuwi ni^hu nn^hu.^ 



^ Hayuwi is a mere filler; the other words mean: "Koyowjxalapan, 
I am going along seeking you." 



BABRmOTONi 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 



367 



NO. 6. SONG OF THE WIZARDS AS KOYOWfXaLAPAN ENTERS THEIR 

ESTUFA 

A 

Transcription by Helen H. Roberta. 

O. J^- 200 B 






g^g ffi=g 



flz?=± 



d 



1 '2 3 

He-nai-'a-ne -n^ - ^ 'a-ne - n^ - he - nai - 'a - ne-'e-n^ He-nai 

C 

-^-T-Trri-.vi— ri-n— rr Trn — ^n rn srri^i N 



^i^fllis^isa^i^ig 



a^i 



n^. he - nai - 'a 
A 



6 7 

ne-'e-np He-na - ne-n^ he - nai - 






I 2 

'a - ne - 'e - n^ He - nai -'a - ne - nq. - q. 'a-ne 



n^ 



3 
he 



B 


U^-^ Q — rhA— 1 ^ 1 1 — -H-» f 4 ; — n- A f 9 ^ 


t3^HiJ=t#J-^^-t' nF-4=^*tj==j4^4:-t2:izJ 



ne 
C 



'e - n^i He - nai - 'a - ne - n^ he 



a^i^i^^^ia 



fc± 



n 



it^ 



6 7 

ne - "e - n^ He - na - ne- n^ he - nai - 'a - ne - e -nq.. 
Koyowixalapon then went into the estufa. As she went in, she 
was asked by the Wizards to join in the dance. She then joined in 
the dance. 

Because she did not return soon, her grandmother began to get 
uneasy about her. She said: "But where did Koyowixalapon go? 
I behove I will go out and look for her," she said, and went out. As 
she went about searching, she went crying: 



NO. 7. CRYING SONG OF THE GRANDMOTHER AS SHE SEEKS 
KOYOW{XaLAPAN 

TranscriDtion by Helen H. Roberts. 



A 

a. J = 84 



w^^^^mwi: ^W^ m^^s^ 



-c^- 



Ko -yo -wj 



m 



xa- la 
B 



pan Ko-yo-wi - xa-ta 



■7!^- 



it±:fci^j=^ 



pan '.\i - wi - nQ - ke ha - yu - wi m? - hu m§ - hu. 

TRANSLATION 

Hajuwi has no meaning; the other words mean: "Koyowjxalapan, 
I am going along seeking you." 



368 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



M^ntcoho wa Tcaxan? 'ingphiats^taukippiu m^. Tcitha 'iphale- 
m^ntha wOn'aih^n 'fla'aite phalpiu mgtohem^: "Phal'atte, ygho 
Koyowixalapan 'gna'^?" Tco wetcon patcue'a t^m^n TcOxanQ pa 
'gma£alapiatciam§. Koyowixalapan 'jnpintai'aihQn 'itcaEam^n 'ipha- 
lehu: 



No. 3 



THE SONG OF THE WIZARDS AS THEY MAKE KOYOWJXaLAPAN AN OLD 

WOMAN 



MimafalapiapQ 

Talapiapo 

Henai'ane'eng 

MimafalapiapQ 

Henai'ane'eng 

Hananeng 

Henai'ane'eng. 



MimaMapiapQ 

Talapiapg 

Henai'ane'eng 

Mima?alapiapQ 

Henai'ane'eng 

Hananeng 

Henai'ane'eng 



Halo 'iphgl?am§n JonenQ Koyowixalapan 'gleto'on^ 'glalia'epa 
'i'om§ halo mgluwe. 'I'gmait^n tcexgm^n 'iphalluwe. Wa '^la'ai 
Koyowixalapan 'gleto'on? 'gngpg: "Phal'atte, ygho Koyowixalapan 
'gna'^?" "'(J, ygng '^ 'gkolSan," TcOxan^ pa 'ommiahu. "Ne'a, 
nignheniQ!" t^hu: 'It?onwia'epa 'i'ommia: "Mgpinhem^, hattg 
ngb'ai wi liula'owia." M^ntcoho 'ghemmiah^n 'gngnthoppiu 'gmm?. 

Hokeyo tcexgm^n kwal'en^ ngwian 'innaphiong'al'awiake TcQxen? 
pa 'itc^liatciko. 

Kgxw^ki. 



HAERINGTONl 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 



369 



She then went over to where the Wizards had their place all liglited 
up. When she arrived where they were dancuig she called inside 
through the roof-hole: "Insider, is not my Koyowixalapcui here?" 
She repeated this two or three times, but the Wizards would pay no 
attention to her. Koyowixolapon was dancing with them as they 



NO. 8. SONG OF THE WIZARDS AS THEY MAKE KOYOW{XaLAPAN AN OLD 

WOMAN 



Transcription by Helen H. Roberts. 




Mi - ma-t'a- la-pi-a-p<j t'a-la-pi-a-pp he - nai- "a-ne- 'e-na 




Ha - na-nc-119 he 



nai - 'a - nc - 'e - n^. Mi -ma-t'a - la - pi - a- P9 




t'a-la- pi-a-p9 he - nai- 'a-ne- 'e-na Mi - nia-t'a-Io-pi-a-p9 he- 
C 



nai - a-ne - e- nq. 



Ha- na-ne- n^ he 



a-ne - e - aa. 



As they were dancing, the leader heard the voice of Koyowixolapcin's 
grandmother, and told them to stop. As they were told thus, they 
stopped dancmg. There at the roof hole Koyowixolapcm's grand- 
mother was heard saying: "Insider, is not my Koyowixalcipan 
here?" "Yes, she is here. Come down and get her!" said the 
Wizards to her. "No, bring her out for me!" she said. Their 
leader said to them: "Take her out, for she, poor one, is now very 
old." When they brought her out, they both went to their home. 

So this is the reason that the girls are not permitted to go out to 
look for fire in the evening, lest the Wizards might catch them. 

You have a tail. 



370 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

The Turkeys and the Great Flood 

NgRuth^ke tcexgm^n Ke'omapittha Pillelo'en? 'itha. M^ntcoho 
wepa tcu?ai theltaien^ pa 'inc^ilalakalia wa Mgxwalaplttha ' tciu 
'iyainankw^thalfaithan 'iwiletci'e, lolpa ngpakemmiah^'epa, 
'(jncjthia'epa p^tha nglol'aUauwehQ'epa. 

Hattg thaanQ 'imQtci'e wan. Pohgn tcutcon§ wa Ra'omapittha 
'ithopu'c 'im^hu Moxwalapippiu. Tcexgm^n wesQn Pillclo'cn? 
'gni^ipgi'ophil tclhokwil 'imgp^sai 'gnpgi'oxatcile'aih^n. Hattg 
pu'au 'iwanm^n 'nngnpgi'on^ 'gmglghanm^n ?alhu. "'Qmgpiatci, 
kgngnpgi'onQ," 'gnpapaan^ pa 'gmmiahu. 'Qmailghanm^nta 
falinQii m^hu. "'(Jtalpg, kgngnpgj'oiiQ, hattg Mgxwalatha 
'iwi'owanh^," 'ommiam^n 'gnpapaoiiQ pa 'im§hu. 

M^ntcoho hetcuw^n Mgxwalapikkatha 'iwdn. Twan'oih^n 
pikkatha ngkw^Jai'en^ hattg tholtai'en? 'iyaiwiatta 'i'?. Ngthia'ai 
lolni^'epa hattg pIkkothaxQn pawOnhu. Wei tcutcon^ iakai'au 
'imglaiin^n, hattg wi Mgxwalapinkatha pQwanh^n nglolpe. 



Hokeyo tcexgm^n Pillelo'en? xw^xan^'ai pathaw^n 'inkimgyg 
'ipnxalapaxai'epa. Thapa hokeyo wcl thal?ai'enQ thapa wel 
ngnkwQtai'en^ talaw^n 'imgyo, wa Mgxwalatha 'ilolxwinwileputtha 
'ipaxalapaxai'epa. 



KgxwQki. 

The Origin of the Scalp House 

Ngkuth? ngkuth^ke tcexgm^n Tstha 'iEaitha. Thapa ts'opa 
Thawehna 'i^aitha. Tgthate tcexgm^n Thawel'en? 'gn 'imgpun- 
'gmm^'cpa, tholan'aih^n thaphal'au pohgn 'iwaiphaimQn '!'§, Thawel- 
'en^ ngwian 'iwakkepuyo. 

M(jntcoho w^n Piwwelsanen^ 'gmgygpu'e lumg 'eleh^n xwelkoleh^n 
tholanQ halo watholketta ta'opa Thawel'ene 'ithamma m§. Tciho 
wan'oih^n 'ongthalesian'au ngnoputci'e mgxialai. Tcihui xia'^n 
Thawel'o'o'on^ ngngpuimQii 'i'^pialaioQii 'inngpg: "Tghan phalpiu 
'ilsonya hot^n Wila'en^ pa 'itc^lamg." ^ 

M^ntcoho ngngpupunh^n nglsonthokittha wan'aih^n phalpiu Ran. 
TccxgiUQn wQii Jiuen? h^ii 'g'omgxuphiraihc^'n 'q. Sanen§ tciwatcehQn 
lluen§ Ra?Qg. Tpekoleh^n wewe Tapakwil mgxwilesai. M^rn^n wa 

' Mgxwalaplnene, Pueblo Peak. 

^A Taos sentence in Pic. pronunciation, =Pic. Tghan phalpiu 
'i&attci hot^n "Wila'en?" pa 'itc^lamg. 



harrisgton] children's stories 371 

The Turkeys and the Great Flood 

Once upon a time there lived some Turkeys at Ea'oma Mountain. 
And one time there came a certain bird to tell them that all four- 
footed and flying animals must go up Pueblo Peak, since the whole 
earth was to be covered by rain, it being that the Power was to 
send rain to the earth. 

Then the day arrived for them to go. All the birds that lived at 
Ra'omci Mountain went to Pueblo Peak. And two Turkeys started 
to go there with their little brother, leading their little brother by 
the hand. As they got near, their little brother was growing tired 
and began to cry. "Keep on, our little brother," said his older 
brothers to him. As he grew tired he went along crying. "Do not 
crj', our little brother, we shall now soon reach Pueblo Peak," said 
his older brothers to hun as they went along. 

They finally came to the top of Pueblo Peak. When they reached 
the top, four-footed and flying animals of every kind were already 
there. Since it was raining hard, the water was almost reaching the 
top. Some of the birds were sitting on top of the trees and just as 
the water was about to reach the top of Pueblo Peak it stopped 
raining. 

So this is the reason why the Turkeys have their feathei-s white at 
the end of the taO, because they were touched by the foam of the 
water. And this is also the reason why some of the flying animals 
and four-footed animals are spotted, because as they ascended, 
fleeing from the rain, their feathers were touched by the foam of 
the water. 

You have a tail. 

The Origin of the Scalp House 

Once upon a time people were living at the Pueblo. i\lso people 
were living up northwest at Taos. As the Picuris people were at 
war with the Taos, the people were all inside their houses without 
lights as soon as it got dark, for the Taos used to come around at 
night. 

Now a certain Picuris man put his quiver on his back and took 
his bow and started off in the evening, before sunset, up northwest 
for where the Taos lived. When he arrived there he sat inside an 
old house, waiting for it to get dark. As he sat there waiting, and 
as it was getting dark, he heard the Taos children who were playing 
say: "Now we must go inside, for the Picuris might catch us." 

When it grew dark, he went into the first house he came to. There 
was only one woman there, who was holding a child in her arms. 



372 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES |eth. ann. 43 

Pcixwinowia'ai ' wnmin^n IsQinpiu nigpomgxaleh^n Thawercn^ 
'ithottha 'inngphiafs^tcihu. Wei pilamon wa '^puppiu ngphiafs^'^h?. 
Tolliawen senen? Tapiu mgmgpiahu. Wa PQtcothakka'ai ^ 'owaleh^n 
tclhuite mgtokw^n toh^m^. Tsthcite sanen? 'itokw^ntalian lu'en^, 
fauen§, han wel tcuriQ 'iunghalkanwia'e 'iunghakeliQn 'imgkwen'gnhu 
wa pQtcotho pinkatha. Rotlia 'iwan'aix§n sanen§ 'gnThawelliupe- 
phil'aihQn 'ithgn Tcitha 'iphiatakeh^n 'Lxonphalehu. 



'luphelphal'aih^n Tgpiu 'ipipelawe. "Xommg 'ingpexgithapiatci; 
'aix^n yiho 'ipunm^'gn wcl kiupexgikgrgn kiuxwewantcuke," wel 
saiien? 'itQhu. Tcexgin^n thapiaketta 'ingpexgithapai. 

Hokeyo tcexgm^n Tstha wa 'ipuntcipun'aute 'iupexgikgl'eyo tcitha 
'oxwekwan tcathaimgh^n. 

The Sunken Estufa 

'Qngn'o'on?, halo tcim'gnk^n '^wai wa Tgtha ta'o'owian, 'gngn- 
leto'en^ pa, 'gngntgloleiiQ pa, wi 'gngnkiatgmen? pa w^n, 'oyo 
'gngmgtcitiake'gn, xg waitcun'gn halo Tgtha Piwweltha faipa 
'inghuik^n ho'e hele w^n futccpa 'i?akepiiyo, in§nteoho xg w^n 
tawgn lai'en^ 'ipattelm^n yin Rappui. Halo tcanw^n'e tcihokwil 
'gtcQm^n 'gngmom^n ngsgnwaita'e ngisong. Hglgn tcoho wetcott^ 
ha'gn'aihQii wewe pgnnuwett^'ayo tci?ai tgtatha 'ikgtai. Hat tciniiQ 
'ikgtai'en^yo 'iwia sanen^ hal liuen^ 'gn 'itcGlam^pu'e. How^n 
'ilgipokotcopu'e paien^yo 'iwia'gn, hat tcan kwel'en^yo 'ipi'gmehu, 
hgw^n tcinn^ kwal'o'on? tcun'ak^n ?utcepa 'ipattelm^pu'e hoh^niiQ 
i'qmmiake'gn. M^tco tcipo pohan lai'en? 'imgkopia'ga. 



';' 



Hokeyo, 'gngn'o'on§, halo tcan Tstha lolen^ 'itha'e 'ito'a xg 
ngthia'ayo 'aih^wiatiatci tcitha kan^en?, philo'on^ haw wel tcitha 
'ongkgtcii'epa. Mgngkatca kitcepaihia papaon^ ygnnQ tcun'gn 
pelxon^ ngthia'ayo 'iungxon'gmhu tcathai. Hokeyo ng Tatha he 
tamiaum^ma 'gng'awiara^'gn wel'o tcepaihia'enQ 'ongxw^l?amiatcike, 
piaw^h^nno tcifoi tgtan? taxw^lm^tci. Hoh^nno tcifoi Tathate 
tatan^ thate mgpi'gm^hu, hoh^n'e 'gnngkfltcako. Hokeyo ho mgpi- 
yai'gm^n petha mgngtaitci, 'aix^n tcun'gn yinn^ teal lolen§ 'itcg- 
punhan '? mgngkole mgngwiatcikke. 

' "At Night Lake," the site of the present town of Taos. 
^ Meaning "Above the Home of the Snakes." 



nARRiNGTONl CHILDREN'S STORIES 373 

The man took out his sword and severed the woman's neck. He took 
the head and started up toward Picuris again. As he went along 
and came to Paxwinowia'ai he turned and looked back, and torches 
were flashing around where the Taos lived. Some of the lights 
were coming along the roads by which he had come. The man ran 
his best toward Picui'is. 'When he got out to P^tcothako'ai he 
gave a war whoop. The men of Picuris, when they heard the war 
whoop, took the arrows, guns, and whatever weapons they had, 
and hm-ried toward the top of PQtcothoko'ai Mountain. Wlien they 
reached the top, they found the man with the head of the Taos 
woman. They built a fire at the top and had a wai'-dance. 

When they finished dancing, they took the head down to the 
Pueblo. "Let us build a scalp house; we might happen to go to 
war and bring more scalps, and could hang them up," some of the 
men said. And so they built a scalp house the very next day. 

So this is the reason that scalps which were brought by men who 
went to war are hanging at the Pueblo to this day. 

The Sunken Estufa 

My children, long ago when I was a child like you at the Pueblo, 
my grandparents and even my parents used to tell me lilvc this, 
that a long time ago, when at Picuris Pueblo they still used to carry 
on by native custom and do everything by ceremony, one spring 
the people were grmding flowers at Rappui. Even to this time 
you can see the place as you pass by, as it is sunken. Perhaps 
there may be some 250 people buried in that estufa. Among those 
buried there are the men and women who were singing. The 
prettiest looking of all were the paien^ (literally, "grinders"), whom 
they nowadays call kwol'enQ (maidens). But these girls ground flowers 
long ago in ceremony, and that is why they were so called. I suppose 
that all the people that were in there were dressed up nicely. 

So that is the reason, my children, that the old men at the Pueblo 
still talk about it, that one might get rich with beads, earrings, and 
many other things that are buried there. You know that our 
palefaced brothers value ancient articles much. If I were to have 
my own wa^- and were to be permitted at the Pueblo, I would get some 
of the palefaces to help me dig that place; I would gladly go to dig 
that estufa. That is all I have to say to you about that estufa at 
the Pueblo, for that is all I know. So put the unpression in your 
head as I have told you, so that when these old people have passed 
away you can take theh' place and have this story to tell. 



374 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann.43 

The Old Coyote Woman and the Crow ' Visit Each Other 

NgEuthQ ngEutliQke tcexgm^n wa Tauxgtho'ai - Kaken^ tha. 
Han Toxwiah'o 'gn'ophil 'Q'ai ^ tha. Wepa Toxwiaii'o 'i'o'om^hu: 
" Thannayo wa Tauxgtho'ai 'gmpuicn? KakenQ than'aiyo tataiwam^hu. 
Hokeyo kwan'ai miyakwaxxepo." Thapiah^n Toxwiaii'o mgtcilem^n 
innkopianiQhQn m^ntcoho KakeiiQ thappiu taiwam^. 



KakenQ than'au wan'ait?n KakenQ pa tcattcaipia. Toxwiaii'o 
phalta fsan'ailiQn KakenQ ngthia'ai 'gngthako. PgnanQ tcexgmQD 
ngthia'ai patcihui 'gngpata. Toxwiaii'o pgnatha tcimQn wakwenQ- 
tianiQ, ngthia'ai ngpata'epa. Tciho laltciinQn mglakeliQn KakenQ 
'gntcihu. Haihen Toxwiaii'o KakenQ tci'gl: "'(JinpuieiiQ, howQn 
he'gntci wiho kgngpijnapatatia? " HailiQn KakenQ tijhu: "PQn 
tingpafiatteliQn pgnatha timgwialehQn haihQn pgnamg'au talsleniQn 
hohe 'anngpgnapatatia." HaihQn ToxwianQ t^hu: "Tgxui ngxQn 
tcattholanQH 'gnthappiu tamQ'aihQn 'gngn'o'onQ pingpapiatcatcehQn 
thaphalta tingpatsattehQn tailaletci, 'q kgnaip(jnapatata ngxQn 
'gngp^najja ta tiatcike. ' ' 



Tclhui 'gntiJmQn 'gntcitci'Qn tcexgmQn Toxwiaii'o tijhu: "HgwQn 
hele taiwakaliatci'e ngiwipe. '(JngwisapQn wapoi yin kaniotha 
'iphiangtcaitoki'e tcaikwil mgnmg!" KakenQ Toxwiaii'o 'gniQ. 
Toxwiaii'o pa KakenQ 'gnphiangtcaitomgtciahQn mgph^ixwgnsai. 
Miyaiph^ixwgnmQnta phaiinate pisiwQn 'gfaulolhu. Phulama 'glau- 
pan'aihQn Toxwiaii'o 'gkalsiatcia. Toxwiaii'o pQufia'o'ewia'epa 
xgjtcuta laukalhu. TholonQn toxwiaii'o t^hu: "Hattg 'gnthappiu 
taniQhQ. Thanna tholammQnng 'q 'gtaiwamQtci 'gnthappiu." Hai- 
hQn mQntc.oho Toxwiaii'o thappiu mQ. 



Wan'aitQU 'i'o'gmQhu: " 'Qngn'o'onQ, 'gmpuienQ KakenQ 'aya- 
kwenQtiamQUO 'gngpijnapata. Hokeyo ngxQug ho tangpgnapata- 
'gmhQ. Hokeyo yjn Retha mgngpapiatci tcatto, hele KakenQ thanna 
tholamQn tcaikwil taiwa'QhQko. 'I^wqu 'gnaipgnapatan 'gnngpana- 
thgmiatci'eyo ng tomiahu." Toxwia'o'ouQ 'imgngpapia^alasai. 

' Old Coyote Woman and Crow are old women. Cp. the story 
starting p. 376, in which Jackrabbit and Bluejay are old women, 
grinding companions of Old Coyote Woman. 

" Mutilated placename form for Tauxgjthg'ai, "at Pinyon Cone 
Pile." 

3 Meaning "At the Salt." 



harrington] children's stories 375 

The Old Coyote Woman and the Crow Visit Each Other 

Once there dwelt a Crow at Tauxgtho'ai. And the Old Coyote 
Woman together with her young ones dwelt at 'Q'ai. Once the Old 
Coyote Woman said to her children: "To-morrow I am going for a 
visit to Tauxgtho'ai, where my friend the Crow lives. And so do 
not expect me to return soon." The next day the Old Coyote 
Woman combed her hair and dressed up nicely, and then went for 
a visit to the home of the Crow. 

When she arrived at the home of the Crow, she was told to come 
in. Wlien the Old Coyote Woman went inside, the Crow's house 
was very beautiful. The floor was very sleek, like ice. As the Old 
Coyote Woman walked about on the floor, she could not keep her 
feet because it was so very sleek. As she rolled about she sat down 
and she and the Crow talked together. Then the Old Coyote 
Woman asked the Crow: "My friend, how did your floor get so sleek?" 
Then the Crow said: "I just brought some mud in, spread it on the 
floor, and then I rolled all over the floor, and thus my floor got sleek." 
Then the Old Coyote Woman said: "Very well, I too, when I go 
home this evening, will ask my children to make mud, and I will 
take it into the house and I will roll, so that my floor will get as 
sleek as yours." 

As they sat there talking thus, the Old Coyote Woman said: "We 
ought to have something to eat while visiting." "Quite so, bring 
me over that fire poker lying by the fireplace," said the Crow to 
the Old Coyote Woman. The Old Coyote Woman brought the fire 
poker to the Crow, and she began to whip herself on the nose. As 
she whipped herself on the nose, a quantity of pinyon nuts dropped 
out of her nose. After she had filled a basket with pinyon nuts she 
set it for the Old Coyote Woman to eat. As the Old Coyote Woman 
was voracious, she ate the pinyon nuts shell and all. In the evening 
the Old Coyote Woman said: "Now I must be going home. To- 
morrow evening you must come over for a visit to my house." Then 
the Old Coyote Woman went back to her home. 

When she reached home she told her chOdren: "My children, the 
floor of my friend the Crow is so sleek that I could not keep my 
feet. So I too am going to make my floor smooth like that. So 
you make mud outdoors right now, since the Crow is coming here 
for a visit to-morrow evening. I want her to find my floor as sleek 
as hers." The little Coyotes started to work making mud. When 



376 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

'Ingpakam^h^n phalpiu 'ingpatiatteh^n pgnatha 'imgwialehu. 
'Inigwialephaleh^n Toxwiali'o mglaletcgn^. Ngpaw^h^n mo'aihQn 
mglslem^n tcoho wisuin'a 'gnapatotiam^. Hutcu'aita'o 'itcQl'in'aih^n 
'gngpgnang. Tcano Kaken^ tilgm^tci. 'IJw^n 'gnaipgna patattxiyo 
tcan ng 'gmi'JPf'ta. 

Wewe tholainm^n tcexgm^n Kaken§ Toxwiali'o thgtta taiwamg. 
Tcitha wOn'ait^n Toxwiali'o pa 'gmmiahu: "'Q-San, 'gtsan! P^n 
mgnngpoiiamoi!" Kaken^ tsan'ait^n ngp^namgn'aLx^n hutcu'aita 
tcota Toxwiali'o mgtctjl'en^ ?ala'en?, xwqii^, Eu'en^, wi'in^ 'o'in. 
KakeiiQ sa'oketa mgEeppiawem^n tohu: "Toxwiali'o, he'gntci 
wiho kgngpgnapatatio? " Haih§n Toxwiali'o pa 'gmmia: "Tal3- 
lem^n talalem^n." Haih^n wipaita 'gntcitcelai. 



L^g'a 'gntcim^n m^ntcoho Kalven? Toxwiali'o 'gm§: "Toxwiali'o, 
hele taiwakaliatci'e ngiwipe." Haih(jii Toxwiali'o tQhu: "Tgxiii 
wapoi phiangtcaito'emg kamotha 'iki'e tcaikwil 'img." Haih^n 
Kaken§ 'iphianatcaito mai'aih^n Toxwiali'o mgph^ixwansai. 
Mgph^ixwamm^n tauen^ 'gtcgntcikomaix^n 'g'eneta 'gntcgnhu. 
"Lgihaix^n 'gxwgn!" Kaken? pa 'gmniiahu. Haih^n Toxwiali'o 
Igihaix^n mgxwanhu. M^ntcoho Igiw^n pheinate 'gn'gtcgnhu. 
Hgw^nko miyaph^ixwanluwem^. Hetcuw^n m§n Toxwiali'o wetgn 
mgph^ixwanhon. Piukuitha KakenQ 'gngpiam^n tohu: "Tox- 
wiali'o hota wa paxakkwialloii^ ngwai latciwayo 'gngmia'g'gn." 
Ho Kaken§ tijm^n m§ntcoho Toxwiali'o 'otcexawia'e 'oEoleh^n 
mathalkol. 



Hokeyo tcexgm^n kaken§ 'iutcexa'g. 
Kgxw^ki. 

Old Coyote Woman, Jackrabbit, and Bltjejay Grind Together 

NgEuth^ke tcexgm^n Rapui Kgn§ hatt^ Tsiauen? 'gn 'giitha. 
M^n tcoho wepo 'gnt^hu: "Thanayo kgnteltci." ThapialiQU 'ana 
'gn'ixosai'aih^n 'gntelhu. Rgn§ tcexgm§n 'otelm^n tcalahu: 



Barri.ngtoxI 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 377 



they finished the mud, they carried it inside and spread it on the 
floor. When they finished spreading;; it, the Old Coyote Woman 
started to roll. All muddy, she rolled around, but it did not get 
sleek at all. The floor was imprinted with her large claws. "Now 
I will surprise the Crow. My floor is just as sleek as hers." 

So the next evening the Crow went to the Old Coyote Woman's 
home for a visit. When she arrived the Old Coyote Woman said to 
her: "Come in! Come in! Just look at my floor!" As the Crow 
entered and saw the floor, there were large and plain imprints of 
the claws, the ears, the tail, the hips, the teeth of the Old Coyote 
Woman. The Crow made herself fall, just for fun, and said: "Old 
Coyote Woman, how did it happen that your floor got so sleek?" 
Then the Old Coyote Woman told her: "Just by rolling over and 
over." Then they both sat down together to talk. 

After they sat talking a while, the Crow said to the Old Co\'Ote 
Woman: "Old Coyote Woman, we ought to have something to eat 
while visiting." Then the Old Coyote Woman said: "Very well, 
bring me over that fire poker which is lying by the fireplace." Then 
the Crow brought the fire poker and the Old Coyote Woman began 
to whip herself with it on the nose. As she whipped herself on the 
nose, it began to bleed, instead of pinyon nuts coming out. "Whip 
yourself harder," said the Crow to her. Then the Old Coyote 
Woman began to whip herself harder. Then her nose began to bleed 
more. But she would not stop whippmg herself on the nose. Finally 
the Old Coyote Woman killed herself by whipping herself on the 
nose. As she lay dead, the Crow said, laughing: "The thus easily 
fooled Old Coyote Woman thought that she would do the same as 
I." As the Crow said thus, she ate the Old Coyote Woman's eye- 
balls, and then flew away. 

So this is the reason that crows are fond of ej'eballs. 

You have a tail. 

Old Coyote Woman, Jackrabbit, and Bluejay Grind Together 

Once upon a time there lived at Rapui a Jackrabbit and a Blue- 
jay. Once they said to each other: "To-morrow let us grind." 
So the next morning they put their shelled corn on their metates 
and began to grind. The Jackrabbit sang as she ground: 
19078°— 28 25 



378 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ank. 43 

No. 1 

THE JACKRABBIt's GRINDING SONG 

Rgtolia'gtanphawanphawan 
Piu'on^ toliatoliateyahehe. 

RatoHa'gtanphawanphawon 
Piu'on? toliatoliateyahehe.' 



Thapa Tsiouen? 'otelm^n tcafahu: 

No. 2 



THE BLUEJAY S GRINDING SONG 

Tcefsexemotce'oxQux^y 
Tautauwileketce'ox§\imotsiau£iiau. 
Tcefsexemotce'ox^uxQU 
Tautauwileketce'oxQymotiiaufiiau.^ 



' The words have no meaning. 

^ The words have no meaning, but the syllables tsiau!^iau are 
understood to mean "bluejay, bluejay;" cp. fiiauen?, bluejay. 



BABBiNGTON] CHILDREN'S STORIES 379 

NO. 9. THE JACKRABBIT's GRINDING SONG 

Transcription by Helen II. Robertfl-. 




K'^~t9 - li - a - '^- tan - pha-wan-pho-wan piu- 'o - iiq t^ - li - a - ti? - li-a - 



^i&r 



^3 



-^^-•-=1- 



list 



Nt 



V — t^ 
te- ya-he - he 



^ 



E45^ 



i^i 



K'a-t(.) - ii - a - a- tan - pha-wan-pha-wan piu - 'o- 115 




TRANSLATION 

The words have no meaning that is understood. 
Also the BUiejay sang as she ground: 

NO. 10. THE BLUEJAy's GRINDING SONG 



^ 



a. J . — about 63 

_u * * m 



Transcription by Helen H, Robertff- 



m 



^15 



-v—^ 



tfi: 



ft: 



-• — 0- 



itzt 



a b 

Tee - ts'e-xe- mp - tee - 'o - x? - q - x? - ii tau - ta - u - wi - le - ke - 

A' 



m Si ^^^^^m a-j^^j ^^i^ ^ ^ 



* 



tee 



x? - li - mo 



ts'i -an - ts'i - au 



Tee - ts'e - xe - mg 



^^1 



m 



=i^=p= 



-+- 



V '- 

\\ - xe 

N 



tee 



o - x? 



b' 

tau - ta - u - wi - le - ko 



ag=-: ^^ 



:7^ 
;8^ 



I 



tee 



x§ - I! - mo - ts 1 - au 
TRANSLATION 



ts 1 - au. 



The words have no meaning but the syllables fsiaufsiau are under- 
stood to mean "bluejay, biueja}'"; cp. fsiaueni;, bluejay. 



380 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES |eth. ann. 43 

M^ntcoho Toxwiali'o yin tcoho tcetcim^n'aute tcaMia. "TcoUi 
how^n ngtcakolapo? Xommg yin naponpiu he taim^tci." Ho 
tQin^hen tcexgm^n ngtcaponpiu in?. Wa Rgn§ hattg Tsiauen? 
'gntelnnjntha won'ait^n t^hu: "Heyo mqintelhu?" "Hg'g, kgn- 
telhu." Tsiauene pa 'ommia, "'ex^n 'g'lxoxaim? xa'a 'gphile." 



Ho 'Qminiam^nt^n Toxwiali'o wa Tciutliomakwil ' 'Ixoxaim?. 
Thon'au wan'oit^n yin 'ohosian'au hoxathokiali^n pu!ina sai'ailnjn 
'iput ihokitceli^n wa Rgn? han Tsiauen? 'gntelm^npiu mgkwan'gnnnQn 
m?. Tcitha wOn'ait^n tgliu: "Tcang ti'Ixokgl; tcang tatelphiletci. 
Kgn? Tsiauen? 'gn 'gpanpufihgxamgn Toxwian? 'gn'om^hu: "Ng 
hox'on? yon 'a'gn 'gnaitelkeko hele 'a'en? 'otsultcan'aih^n 'owaipe- 
keko." Ho 'ommian wewe ketho hoxepateh^n wewe Tciuthgpiu mq. 



Than'au wOn'oih^n 'glgi'ixokotcowiapu'e puiina sai'aih^n 'ipuliha- 
kitccliQn wewe wa Rgn§ hattg Tsiauen? 'gntelm^mpiu mgkwan'gmmijn 
mq. Tcitha won'ait^n Kgn? pa 'gnimiahu: "Tcano koteltci; yinn? 
'Ixokotco'eyo kgwia." Ho Toxwiali'o 'ominiamehen 'ana 'ixosai'aih^n 
patcuto 'iutelhu. 



'lutohnQn Toxwiali'o Kgn? pa 'gmmiahu: "Xgmmg tcan kimgpg- 
hatelmgpiatci, xgmmg tcufai'a solgitelkwiwil. Hokeyo kiutcekwele- 
h^nng kiuteltci." Tocwiali'o tghu: "Tgxui." M^ntcoho pghan 
'iingtelmgpiahu. Toxwiali'o m^ntcoho mglgitehngpai Kgn? pa 
iiattg TsiauenQ pa'gn 'apin'ai wia'epa 'ahiupata pe'ai xwantiah^n 
hotia. 

Hokeyo tcexgrn^n telke ngwia. 

The Old Coyote and the Three Gourds 

NgkuthQke tcexgm^n Kapui patcun Koloon? 'itha. Mentcoho 
wepa 'iuphalmate ketha 'iuluwwale. 'Dun'^n thapa Toxwialole 
'i'Qnpe'a 'ophalthate 'oluwwale. "Toxwialole 'iyaisiam^m?; 'aixi^Mi 
tcaikwil kLxon'Q'gn kiuphalpiu 'isoxwitBattci," RsIoohq 'itghu. 
'Ilun'enthate Toxwialole 'isianiQhu. "Toxwialole, tca!ia!onQ, kalle 
panig, kw^lamg!" Toxwialole hm'^nthate taliahen Koloom; 
'i'gmQhu: "Ho maisiamem^'gn watha tain(j xa'a mgpipghasigpu- 
laliuctci." "Toxwialole, tcaliatont;, kalle paino, kwelrung!" Ro- 
loonij 'itijhu. "Riate! Ho mai'om?m?'gn watha tam? xa'a mgpi- 

' Tciuthg'ai, "at the Eagle PUe." 



HARRiNGTONl CHILDREN'S STORIES 381 

Then Old Coyote Woman, who was hunting around there, heard 
the song. "But where must this beautiful singing be coming from? 
I believe I will go to whez'e it sounds from." As she said thus, she 
went over to where it sounded from. When she arrived where the 
Jackrabbit and the Bluejay were grmding, she said: "Are you 
grinding?" "Yes, we are grinding," said the Bluejay to her, "go 
and get your shelled corn and join us." 

As they told her thus, she went up to Tciuthoma to get the shelled 
corn, \\lien she reached home she went to where there were cedar 
trees and picked some cedar berries and putting them m her shallow 
basket and putting the basket on her head, she went hurrying along 
to where the Jackrabbit and the Bluejay were grinding. When she 
arrived there she said: "Now I have brought the shelled corn; now 
I shall join in grinding." When the Jackrabbit and the Bluejay 
saw the shallow basket of cedar berries, they said to the Coyote: 
"We do not grind cedar berries here on oiu- metates, because it 
makes the metates look brown and it wUl not come off." As they 
told her thus, she went outside again and threw the cedar berries 
away and went back to Tciuthoma. 

When she arrived home she put the best shelled corn that she 
had in the basket, put it on her head, and agam went hunying 
along to where the Jackrabbit and the Bluejay were grindmg. When 
she arrived there, the Jackrabbit said to her: "Now you may grind; 
that shelled corn that you have is very good." As the Old Coyote 
Woman was told thus, she put the shelled corn on a metate and the 
three of them ground. 

As they ground, the Jackrabbit said to the Old Coyote Woman: 
"This time let us grind with all our strength to see who is the strongest 
to grind. So we will close our eyes and grind." The Old Coyote 
Woman said: "Very well." Then they all started to grind with all 
their might. As the Old Coyote Woman was grinding with all her 
might, the Jackrabbit and the Bluejay hit her on the head with 
their handstones, as she was grinding in the middle, and killed her. 

So that is the reason that people grind. 

The Old Coyote a.nd the Thkee Gourds 

Long ago three Gourds were living at Kopui. Once they came out 
of their hole to bask. As they sat basking. Old Coyote also came 
out of his hole to bask just opposite. "Let us call the Old Coyote 
names; if he should come after us, we will flee into our hole," said 
the Gom-ds. So they started to call Old Coyote names, from where 
they were basking. "Old Coyote, unsuccessful hunter, wet worn- 
out moccasins, pitch mouth!" As the Old Coyote heard the Gourds 
from where he was basking, he said to them: "If you keep calling 
me names I will go over there and bite every one of you." "Old 



382 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



lETH. ANN. 43 



pohasiypulaliyetci." How^nko Koloon? Toxwialole '(jmafalapiatcia- 
me. "Toxwialole, tca?ia?.onQ, kalle pamo, kw^amo!" Roloon§ 
pa 'ommiahu. M^ntcoho Toxwialole 'glgifokwcn wa Ksloon? 
'ilun'epuppiu xomme. MQiitcoho RolooriQ 'iuphalpiu 'ixwittsen. 



Tcexgm^n Toxwialole phalma mgxw^lsai. Ngw^lmen m^ntcoho 
w?n Kolon? kau. "Po payo 'Toxwialole, tcslialon?, kolle pamo, 
kwQlamo ' ta'ommiam^n?" Rolon§ Toxwialole pa tci'cjlia. "Yin 
ngthatai'epa," Rolon? t^hii. Ho t(Jm§hQn mgowin'ophui. 

Toxwialole ngw^lm^n thapa w^n Rolon^ kau. "Po payo 'toxwia- 
lole, tcgEa?on?, palle jjamo, kwglamo' ta'ommiam^? " Toxwialole 
Rolone tcl'gl. "Yin ngngtai'epa," Rolon^ tghu. Ho t^mgn mgxwin- 
'ophui. 

Toxwialole ngw^lmgn phulian Kolong phalma taipu'e kau. "Pq 
payo 'toxwialole, teetiatonQ, kolle pamo, kwglamo' ta'gmmiamgn? " 
Toxwialole Kolong tci'gl. "Yin ngthatai'epa," Rolong tohu. Ho 
tomgn mgxwin'ophui. 

Toxwialole wewe ngwglmgn hlueng Rolohui mo'e thgn. "Po 
payo 'toxwialole, tcaliutonQ, kalle pamo, kwglarag ' ta'Qmmiamgn?" 
hiuenQ tcl'glia Toxwialole pa. Hiueng 'awatai'epa he wait^mgn kui. 
Wewe Toxwialole pa hiuenQ tci'gUa: "Pq payo 'toxwialole, tcatiatong, 
kalle pamo, kwglamo' ta'ommiamgn? " Hlueng hele 'awatai'epa 
he wait^mgn kui. "He miya'gmg'gn yonthata 'gsiypulalivietci," 
Toxwialole hlueng 'omghu. Hgwgn hlueng he waitomgn Icui. 
Toxwialole tcotcuwa'a tcitei tahgn tcT'glia. Hatta he watomg'epa 
Toxwialole 'gfekwen mgntcoho hlueng Rolohui 'gngmia'gpu'e Ijyg. 
Mgntcoho 'opohawithau. Tcitha Igy'a wihal se'g'aihgn thappiu mg. 



Hohc.yo tcexgmgn toxwia'eng 'ipiyakololiugke. 

The Cricket and the Coyote 

NgRuthg ngkuthgke tcexgmgn hukwe Kan'in'oi ' Paitcelkong 
the. Han Toxwiong Tciuxwgtho'ai - tha. Wgn tha Toxwiang 
wetgn tOhu: "Xgmmg tcatthai hukwe Kon'inpiu he taiteiwa- 
mgtci, xgmmg hele'a tciho tisothgtci." 

1 Meaning "at the BuiTalo Tracks." 

2 Meaning "at Eagle Tail Pile." 



HABBINGTOS] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 383 



Coyote, unsuccessful hunter, wet worn-out moccasins, pitch mouth!" 
said the Gourds. "Sliut up! If you keep calling me that, I will go 
over there and bite every one of you." But the Gourds would not 
listen to Old Coyote. "Old Coyote, imsuccessful hunter, wet worn- 
out moccasins, pitch mouth!" said the Gourds to him. Finally the 
Old Coyote got real mad and went after them where they were 
basking. Then the Gourds fled into their hole. 

Then the Old Coyote began to dig into the hole. As he dug he 
reached one of the Gourds. "Who was it that called me 'Old Coyote, 
unsuccessfid hunter, wet worn-out moccasins, pitch mouth?'" the 
Old Coyote asked the Gourd. "One that is below," said the Gourd. 
As he said thus, away he fled. 

As the Old Coyote dug he reached another Gourd. "Who was it 
that called me 'Old Coyote, unsuccessfid himter, wet worn-out moc- 
casins, pitch mouth?'" the Old Coyote asked the Gourd. "One 
that is below," said the Gourd. As he said thus, away he fled. 

As the Old Coyote dug he reached the last Gourd that was in the 
hole. "Who was it that called me 'Old Coyote, unsuccessful hunter, 
wet worn-out moccasins, pitch mouth?'" the Old Coyote asked 
the Gourd. "One that is below," said the Gourd. As he said thus, 
away he fled. 

The Old Coyote, again digging, fomid a stone that looked like a 
Gourd. "Who was it that called me 'Old Coyote, imsuccessful 
hunter, wet worn-out moccasins, pitch mouth?'" the Old Coyote 
asked the stone. As the stone had no life in it, it lay without speak- 
ing. Again the Old Coyote asked the stone: "Who was it that 
called me 'Old Coyote, unsuccessfid hunter, wet worn-out mocca- 
sins, pitch mouth?'" As the stone had no life in it, it lay without 
speaking. "Why do you not answer me? I wUl bite you here on 
the spot," said the Old Coyote to the stone. But the stone lay there 
and said nothing. The Old Coyote asked the same question several 
times. As it could not answer, the Old Coyote grew angry and bit 
the stone, thinking it was a Gourd. He then broke all his teeth. 
He sat there a whUe, crying from the ache of his teeth, and went 
home. 

So this is the reason that the coyotes do not bite gourds any more. 

The Cricket and the Coyote 

Once upon a time the Cricket dwelt southeast at Kan'jn'ai and the 
Coyote dwelt at Tcuxw^tho'ai. One day the Coyote said to him- 
self: "I think to-day I will go for a walk dowm southeast to Kon- 
'in'ai to see what I can find there." 



384 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



Thakke hiaulotta 'othokRoleliQn m^ntcoho hukwe Krm'inpiu 
m§. Kdn'in'ai wan'aix^n ni^ntcoho Paitcelkon? piwaitha lukkuitha 
won. Tcihokwil tc^m^n m^ntcoho Paitcelko'itsetco. Paitcelkon? 
pa Toxwian^ 'ommia: "H^x^yo '? kowato'gmmQ? " Hattg 
Toxwion^ tohu: "N<j ho 'i?aimoyo'e piyafai'gnke." "Tgxuiho," 
Paitcelkon? tohu, " kgnhoi'gntci xui xommg tculai'a 'gnsolgjfai- 
kwiwil." "Hoxui," Toxwion^ Paitcelko'om^, "thennayo xui 
yona'ai pa'ai kiragso'otcotci." "Tgxui," Paitcelkon§ tohu, 
"thannayo wewe kgnsomotci." M^ntcoho Toxwion? thammakwil 

Tcitai nowiaiiQ Paitcelkon^ 'gnlaiwia'e 'ixwia'gn. Kakkaphoyon?, 
Pumele'eiiQ, ^olmolen? thapa hele wel Pumele'enQ 'iukiwasia'e 
'ipghaxwia'gn. Thapa Toxwian? hota m^Q fahu. Tcifoi ngwian§ 

ngkw(j?ai'en§ yin pin'au 'itha'e Kal'en^, X^nlan^, X^ntselan^, 

Kaan? hat tciu wel homgxotai'en^ 'iyaiwiatta 'ixwia'gn. 

Th3piak§n 'othol'owalem^n Toxwian? 'gn^aiwonhu. 'Ipohak- 
kwanphal'aitQii 'i'om^hu: " 'Qngnlaiwia'e, yin hukwe Kan'in'ai 
hux^n tataiwatclm^n'au ?aitcelkon§ pa tahoi'gmia. Hokeyo 
tcatthai mgpLxwia'gnhu." "Hoxui," xg wel homgxon^ 'it^hu, 
"tcatthaiyo Paitcelkon^ 'gngsokatcotci." Ho'ait^n Toxwian? 
mgtsom§taket§n Kan'inpiu 'iniQ. 

Pa'gn 'iwan'ait^n Toxwian? ttjhu: "Halo yghui mgixiawiaw^n 
xommg ng Poitcelkon? tapgtcghQ." M^ntcoho paiiaukwepa tcgn. 
Paitcelkon? then'ai wOn'aihQn, Paitcelkon^ xiawia hattg. "'Qxia- 
mo?" Toxwian^ Paitcelko'gm^. "Hattg tamo," Paitcelkon? 
tohu; yghuyo xui kgloi^aikwiwU'e 'g'altcgnQtci." "Hoxui," Toxwia- 
nq toniQh^n Paiiaukwepa 'gnEaLxiataitha wewe tcgn. "Tgxui 
han," Toxwian? 'ifoi'gm^, "ngyo xui taSontcgntci, xgining tcohe 
'gnngsoputci." M^ntcoho tcgn. Paitcelkon^ than'ai wOn'aiten. 
Paitcelkon^ pa 'gnpghapuniele'alh^mmia. Tcexgni^n pumeliahu, 
tceta, lala'ou, lonio'au, tumo'au. Wel 'iliwem^n hgw^nko wi hele 
'owatgntiam^. Pa'ai won'aix^n nicipa'ophui mgng'openi^n, wewe 
'owalem^n'ai pumele'en^ pa pumeliainQn hetcuw^n 'gnlaixia'^n'oi 
wQn. Xg tQhu: "Hele Paitcelkon§ 'gnlaiwia'e n^thia'aiyo 'ixal- 
kgnpisi. 



"Tgxui, xgmmg ngyo tcan tam^tci," X^nlan^ t^hu. M^ntcoho 
niQ. Paitcelkon^ than'au wakko wewe Paitcelkong 'ipumele'alhem?. 
Thapa Toxwian^ wai 'giniaputta pumeliahu, tce'au, £ala'au, lamo'au, 
tumo'au. X^nlan^ wel 'iliw^m^n wel mgmpa 'img^^m^n wa pOpiu 
toliam^hu. Pa'gn wan'ait^n mgng'opehu. Patate wai tcgnnia- 
m^nta Pumele'en§ pa pumeliahu. Panate 'owalet^n wa 'gn!aLxia- 



HARKINliTON] 



CHILDREN'S STORIES 385 



Early in the morning he ate his bi'ealvfast and then went to Kdn- 
'in'oi. Then arriving at Kan'in'ai he came to where the Cricket was 
lying basking beside the road. As he passed there, he stepped on 
the Cricket. The Cricket said to the Coyote: "Why do you not 
speak?" The Coyote said: "I do not speak to such looldng people 
as that." "Very well," said the Cricket, "we will make a bet then 
to see whose people are the strongest." "Very well," said the Coyote 
to the Cricket, "we will meet to-morrow then down by the river." 
"Very well," said the Cricket, "we shall see each other again to- 
morrow." Then the Coyote went home. 

That night the Cricket called his people. All the Bumble Bees, 
White-striped Bees, Honey Bees, and other winged stingers he 
called. And the Coyote was doing the same. That night he called 
all the four-footed animals that live in the mountains — the Wolves, 
the Mountain lions, the Wildcats, the Bears, and other beasts of 
prey that there are. 

The next day as the sun was rising the Coyote's people began to 
come. After all of them had arrived he said to them: "My people, 
over southeast at Kan'in'ai, where I went for a walk yesterday, the 
Cricket asked me to bet. That is why I am calling you to-day." 
"Very well," said the other beasts of prey, "we will show the Cricket 
to-day." Then the Coyote started ahead of the rest, and they went 
to Kan'in'ai. 

When they came to the Picuris River, the Coyote said: "Wait 
here. I am going across the river to see the Cricket." He then 
went across the river. Arriving at the Cricket's home, the Cricket 
was already waiting for him. "Are you ready?" said the Coyote 
to the Cricket. "Yes, I am ready," said the Cricket; "you are to 
send your best man here." "Very well," said the Coyote, and then 
went back across the river to where his people were waiting. "Very 
well," said the Coyote to his people, "I wUl go over first, to see what 
is going to happen to me." Then he went across. Wlien he arrived 
at the Cricket's home, the Cricket tm'ned all the Bees loose on him. 
He was stung by the Bees in his eyes, ears, mouth, and all over his 
body. He bit some of them, but that did not help him any. When 
he came to the river he plunged into the water and dived, but when 
he emerged the Bees stung him again. At last he arrived where his 
people were waiting, and said: "The Cricket's people are well sup- 
plied with weapons." 

"Very well, I wUI go this time," said the Mountain lion. Then he 
went. Wlien he arrived at the home of the Cricket, all the Bees 
were turned loose again. He was stung the way the Coyote had been, 
in the eyes, ears, mouth, and all over his body. The Mountain lion 
bit some of them and hit others with his paws, and ran toward the 
river. When he arrived at the river, he plunged in. When he 



386 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



'§mpiu niQ, hele 'i?ai'om§hu : "'Qng?aiwia'e, m^n Paitcelkon^ payo 
'iJemmia. 'I^w^imo 'gnlgi^aikwiwil. Hiapa ng wihutcun 'onowi- 
wjsiaii, wihutcun 'onowimgtc^lsian, Pumele'enQ pa i^utiya'gmia. 
Hokeyo hattg, 'gngn?aiwia'e, mgthappiu mgm^tci. Wa Pumele'en? 
'ithan'au mam^po. Hokeyo wa mgthappiu mgpoham§tci." Ho 
X^nlon? pa 'i'onimiam^h^n pohan ngkw§£ai'eii§ 'itheppiu 'im^. 



Hokeyo tcexgm^n pumele'en? 'iupumelehal. 
Kgxw§ki. 



HARRINGTON) CHILDREN S STORIES 387 

emerged from the water the Bees stung him again. When he came 
out of the water he went to where his people were waiting and said 
to his people: "My people, the Cricket has defeated us. His people 
are stronger. Although I have many teeth, although I have many 
claws, I did not last very long among the Bees. And so now, my 
people, you must all go to your homes. Do not go over to where the 
Bees live. You must go to your homes." As the Mountain lion 
told them thus, they all went to their homes. 

And this is why it hurts when bees sting you. 

You have a tail. 



FOLKWxiYS 

Birth Customs 

Tgthate liuen? 'o'osai tcu?ei 'o'one 'gnH?Qwia'epayo xgimiahu. 
Xgimiam^ntha yon 'o'on? 'gnxQwiatha 'gmgle'otsikiahu. Haih^nnq 
'gkian^ kuimayo kutciahu. I'iiiQ RohvQn ino'eyo 'o'owaima kutcicihii. 
Yonlai 'lin? yo 'o'on§ 'gkiawici patcuwett^thebiimaxg. Llucn^ 
'o'osai'aite patcuw^nt^thaleyo miyaxwiwem?, 'g'o'ophillo kui. Tcifoi 
ngng'e palum'enQ ht;nno sohu thapa kalencj '§w?n wetgn 'ongpia- 
tcialm. 

Hattg patcuw^nt^thal.i ngwan Iuioiiq kuithate mgxwiwehu haihgii 
mgkopai'aih^nng 'o'ckoleh^n Thoi^iapikkotha ' pakem^hu. Thappu- 
lehuim^n tciho xiatcon? 'im^ketcikke tcitha, wcln'aih^n 'ongmeleniQn 
'g'o'otha'emiauke. 'QLxqii 'o'oii? 'opgygn^ wia'gn'gn kioii^ telke, 
pciltake han wel liuen? fala'en? 'take'eyo 'ongmelehu. 'Qix^n 
'outcon^ wia'gn'gn ygwiake, tcske, wilke haw wel sanen^ ?ala'en§ 
'ifnko'eyo 'ongmeliahu. Haih^nng kian? wewe thappiu m^hu. 
Haiiko 'iin§ 'o'on^ waipa 'akiakuipu'e 'gxgtcih^n 'gpatiahu. Hattg 
hg'gn 'Iin§ 'o'on§ thate wakiawia han; hg'gn lluen§ 'o'on^ siatciapu- 
'eyo wikian? wia. 



Hoyo Tathate lluen? 'inng'gsiamg. 

Death Customs 

Tothatc Tai'en§ 'ihalpianna faikganQ payo 'ikgmia'a. Hgw^n 
tcan taikgan^ tcun'akt^n 'iyaitakepun tcan 'iyatcira^, tcepaihkikgan? 
Eai'en^'au 'iJgiwan'aite. Hgw^nko wan tcutann^n halo laikgan^ 
'ing^ui'gm'a. Ta thate lai'en^ pohan 'ipepnko 'iigihalpkmna 
'ipiuh^woi 'inngmia'gn wa Ruhon^tha 'iutapiakaxwia'alhui'aih^nng 
hattg fapiakon? laih aliens 'gngthakittha wOn'oih^nng laihallen? 
hek' halfapu'e topiakon^ 'omQhu. HgwQnko halo hal thapa wel 
lai'en? pa 'okgtcapiatciahu, 'aix^n watcilve. Hattg pium^ntha 
thahe wipiuphal tcuta 'ingthiapunna wel fai'en^ pa 'ongphl- 
piatciahen nignna 'ongwitcialiQn hattg 'gnphanpa'akutckih(jn yon 
fsana haih^nno 'gnpiutcapiatcialui. 'Ixg'e "pikuitcaamg.'' 
"Ygmpai tcaamg 'gmpiatciahu wa tanon 'ipasiatciathappiu tholen? 
k?mm(?mpiu pinQ pa hutciatcikke. 

' ThapiapInenQ, "Mornmg Mountain." 
388 



FOLKWAYS 

Birth Customs 

When a woman of Picuris bears a child whoever cuts the child's 
navel cord names the child. While the child is being named, a string 
is tied to its wrist. ^Vnd then it is laid where its mother is lying. 
An ear of yellow corn is laid beside the child. This ear of corn 
becomes the child's mother for 30 days. The woman does not get 
up for 30 days after she gives buth to the child, but lies along with 
her child. And during this time she drinks only warm water, and 
food is made for her apart. 

At the end of the 30 days the woman gets up from her lymg and 
dresses up nicely and makes an excursion to the top of Thapiapittha. 
She takes along sacred meal to give to the fetishes there, and arriving 
there she prays for her child. If the child is a gui, the mother prays 
that she may grind, cook, and do well the other kinds of work that 
women do. And if the child is a boy, she prays that he maj^ be 
brave, a himter, a runner, and do well the other kinds of work that 
men do. Then the mother goes back to her house. And then the 
ear of corn which lay as a mother by the side of the child is taken out 
of there and thrown away. From then on the ear of corn is no longer 
the child's mother; from then on the woman who bore the child is 
the real mother. 

Thus the Picurfs women bear children. 

Death Customs 

When the people of the Pueblo are sick they are doctored by 

native medicine men. Nowadays the Indian medicme men are 

not as active as they used to be long ago, since the white doctors 

have come more among the people. But at times the Indian 

medicine men still perfonn then- ceremonies. Since the people of 

the Pueblo are all Christians, if they should get very sick and think 

that they are going to die, they usualh' send for the priest at Penasco; 

and when the priest arrives at the home of the sick person, the sick 

person confesses to the priest. But still some of the Indians sing 

their medicine songs to a sick person for his recovery. When a 

])erson is dying, or even already dead, or whenever they can get 

around to it, the people make a plumero for hmi, giving it into his 

hands, and put a strip of black mica on his face, and then a death 

song is sung to him. It is called "making the road song." This 

song is sung to him so that the road will lead him southwest toward 

where the sun sets. 

389 



390 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

Tcipai piutcaamo 'gnkammiah^nno petha Eutciah^nno paso- 
tcaipiahu. Tai'en? w^nn^n ^i'oina 'ippatai'aih^n wesQn m(jxo'cn§ 
'iupQtaim^n haih^n pluen§ 'gnlamowiama 'ipaloltaim^n, wepann^n 
'iyaitaim^nta tcjnn? wel paxwin^ 'iupiahu yin Ta'au 'onaipissian 
mo'au 'osia'e. Pliien^ lamona 'aipasiatciam^nta paxwiii^ wQnn^n 
'iux^ygm^n 'it^m^n: "Tcihote paxwinate paaiiQ 'asoi!" Pohcin 
?ai'en§ tcita 'i'^'epa sotcaipioh^n thapa pgnapittha RutcialiQiino 
pcpaanQ 'innaiwianno tcitha nigtcowiahu. P^napittha nOwicin 
kiii waikui wetcepatayo 'okgygphiaphaihu. Pohan 'gnlaiwia'e 
sealiuphil tcita 'i'^'e 'ipepatcalahu n^kwil. 



Hatta thgpiak^n kghutciamQn yon waima 'othaxoRikkiahii, hele 
tcuJai kalhakkepu'e. Tcan'ehan halo kuithate wa '(jlwiatta w?n 
s5nenQ he 'amo'e 'ohophil'aih^n tsan'aih^n hattg kuiputthate koliam^n 
tci?9i s5nen? 'ohophillo wa pIuenQ kuiputtha ken'aukwil natcilem^wai 
iKj^minQn futcetcatam^n suit^n 'owalehu. Tcihuite tonon tcoho 
wes^n mlla'a ngponhuiliu wa tholkemm^mpiu. Tathate £ai'en§ 
'inghowehu xg wa tanon tholk?mm(jmpiu wo tai'en^ 'ipiu'e 'ithem^hu. 
Yon?ei luiene 'mgxg piupanen?. Tci?ei s5nen§ ngpiupenhuipu'e 
witthalayo 'gthan'aute heu'au 'owaw5lemen 'gngtliiam^'gn. Thapa 
pIueiiQ 'gliah^n pohaa lai'en? 'otciu piuen? kuitha 'itsan'e paikwiu 
'itukaiuQhu. 



Tcihuite tcim? 'imiaum^'e wa pluen? thattha witthaloyo 'i'?. 
PiueiiQ 'glgimo'e hulanQ thahe iolcn^'a thahe tcinnQ 'gmawia'ga 
tcutai 'glgimo'eyo wa piutha mglgihu. Tcithate witthalayo miya- 
wen^m?. Witthalayo tcitha 'i'^. Tholan? 'iwakfllctta 'ipolaselahu. 
Han ngwian tcilai piuthate 'imatclm? wel tcun§ hele yin ngtcQpu'e 
'inngpupu'eyo 'imgtcihu. Hokeyo 'inngpiamenno han 'it^m^n he 
napupuwoih^n 'I'q. Hattg witthala ngpupuno tci?ai ngwiancj fai'en? 
'ingihoweniQn pTuen§ mgsatonate 'owalehu, haili^n wa t5ngn 
tholkQmmQmpiu pasiatcian? 'ithappiu m^hu. How^n pTu'aite wittha- 
layo m^satoma xg '§tci. Hattg pgnnuthala ngpuimci'n thakke 
'otholwalem^nta wafoi sgnen? ngpiupanhoipu'e 'gnwalkovvdan fsan- 
'aih^nno. TcinnQ Wen? 'iwalpapholiahii tci?ai sanen? 'i'gmem^n: 
"'gngn?aiwia'e, ygnlai pluen? hattg pasiatcian? 'ithappiu mq. 
Hokeyo he nigpin^pg. Mgngkowianno mgthappiu mgm^tci. Haih^n 



HARRINOTONl 



FOLKWAYS 391 



When they finish singing this song to him, he is laid face up and 
is told to drmk water. The people one at a time pour water into a 
pottery dish, dipping two fingers in, and then put a few drops at a 
time into the dead person's mouth, each time representing different 
springs of the mountains about the Pueblo. As the water is put 
into the dead person's mouth, they name one spring each tune, 
saying: "Drink from such and such a spring!" After all the people 
who are present there have told him to drink the water, he is then 
laid, face up, in the middle of the floor, and is left there according 
to the custom of the Catholics. As the person lies during the night 
m the middle of the floor, candles are lighted on both sides of where 
he is lying. All of his relatives, men and women, that are there, 
sing Christian hymns all through the night. 

And the ne.xt morning as he is taken out for burial, a bag of lunch 
is tied on his side, of the food that he used to like. Then, before he 
is carried from where he is lying, a man who is no km to him comes 
in with cedar sprigs, and as the dead person is taken from where he 
is lying, the man with the cedar sprigs pretends that he is sweeping 
out death, singing a sacred song softl}' as he goes outside. From 
there he goes southwest for about 2 miles to throw death away toward 
where the sun sets. The people of the Pueblo believe that all the 
people who die go southwest, toward where the sun sets, to live. 
This ceremony is called the throwing away of death. The man 
that threw death away is not supposed to go out very far from his 
house, if he can help it, for four days. After the dead person has 
been buried, all the people, with children and all who have been in 
where the dead person was lying, are to go down to the river to 
bathe. 

After that, those who wish may stay at the dead person's house 
for the next four days. The dead person's nearest relative, wife or 
husband, or if he has not either, his next nearest, sits at the place 
where he died. From there he or she does not get up for four days. 
They remain there for four days. In the evening, before they eat 
their supper, they all pray together. And in the evening they do 
not talk about the person who has just died, but of what has hap- 
pened to them in the past. So they sit around and talk as if nothing 
had happened. According to the belief of the people, the dead goes 
out of the church on the evening of the fourth day, and goes south- 
west toward where the sun sets, where the home of the dead is. 
For four daj'^s after dying it is supposed to remain in the church. 
And early on the fifth day, as the sun is rising, the man who threw 
death away comes back in with good medicine. And the people 
are sprinkled with this medicine by the man, he saying to them: 
"My people, this dead person has already gone to the home of the 
dead. So you must not think any more about it. You must all go 
to your houses with good feeling. And then you must lead a good 



392 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



|ETH. ANN. 43 



Row^nnQ waan? mghutci." Ho pluen? 'gn?aiwia'e 'i'ommiam§h§nnQ 
'ithappiu kowen 'ipin^mQhu. Yonliaiyo. 
Tgthate fei'eiiQ 'inngwia w^m'a 'itlaipiu'gn- 

Tokens of Death 

Tcun'ak?n halo 'gntgnlolen? k^kwewiak^n wepa yin tcoho Ngmolo- 
pu'au 'ew^n haw wes^n s5nen? hiaulon halo nats^pathgm^n j5ilamon 
'iniQiiKjii yin paxaloxot^an'gn. Yin pek^n'aitQnng phiaEs^thalputf^-nng 
yin tcOpun. Hanko w^n sanen? topun: "Hen^n 'gnngpImmiamQkoho 
yinfoi pa.xaicinQ ygkwe kitco." Tcoho w^mpa'a ngpuiniQn tcifai 
sanenQ piu'gn. 

Wepa 'gntgnlolen^ 'gn tapuipe pilomon 'gn'^h? halo S§tholk§mm?n 
phQpa'a'amg wa tanoipe katew^n 'ikui'gn. 'Qntgnlolen^ tcifoi 
'imonko ta'ommian: "Hglgn ponQn Tathate ?aipiuh?ko ho yimpai 
'iph§pa'akui." Thapa wQmpa napuim^nng w^n Tathate Eai'en§ 
piu'gn. 

Thapa Tathate ?ai'en? phal'au 'itciutcotian'gn'gn 'itg'an^n xg 
nako, xg hen^nno tcita thana 'itha'e w^n'a 'gngpuh^. Hokeyo ?ai'en§ 
hele tcu?ai tciutcon^ phglta 'ifsan'gn'gn 'itcaxau'gmiahu 'ito'a. 
Wepa tcotcupel ngngn halo tciakia'oh^n tawiak^n wa kithanna 
tciutconQ fsan'gn. Tciiai tciutconQ tcQ'ang 'gnpewia'gn thapa 
lamo'emg 'gntili'gn, tuna tciakia'oh^n han xw^'enQ pollon'oh^n 
wia'gn. Kithanna thalCsan 'itcQlehQnno 'iphiakui'gn. Tcihuite wiho 
?ow§n nangpu 'gntgnlolen? piupu'e. 

A Misinterpreted Note 

Xuniupan^ 'ofsonthaSan pelen^ w(jn t^tala'aih^n wewe win hglgn 
ngng'gn hgw^n kow^n 'gnnahuikatca wa Tatha halo tapoon? Hglpa- 
nate' 'iyawamniQn m^ntcoho Tathate tapgngpfw^n? wepa w?n 
sanen^ 'glolafatci'e yin 'okon'au miaum^n hele lawian^ 'gngta- 
'opiatcia. Haih^n 'gng'alhutcia WQm'a tapgn^ pa. Lowian^ 'gngta'- 
owitcia, thapa 'owatapg wi 'owatapia nip^'epa m^ntcoho w^n sanen? 
'otapgngpcjwai 'gngmia'gpu'e 'gngtahutcia xommg ngthgtcikke 
xoninig he ngtOm^'e. Taan§ sanen? ngnigtci'e 'gngkglian. Thapa 
'owahuitaponip^'epa taan^ ngmgphalehQn lawian^ 'om^hu: "'Oyo 
tapgngp(jw^n§ 'gngta'otohu, xg thanna pohan kiatgmcn^ HglpOna 
'in'6tapQ'(j'e wa 'Embudo wa tcTpilaitha hele xg ygthate 'o'on§ 
Hglpana 'itapo'^'e thanna pln'ouk^n tcipi laitha 'iwanh^ko 'i.xai- 
lautci." Ho lawian^ ygn?ai sanen^ pa 'gmmiam^h^n 'gthappiu niQ- 

'■ Hglpaan§ ("Shell Water"), (1) Santa Fe Creek, (2) Santa FeCity. 



HARKlNGTO.Nl FOLKWAYS 



393 



life." As the dead person's people are told thus, they all 2:0 to their 

houses with good feelmg. 

This is the custom of the people of the Pueblo when one of their 

people dies. 

Tokens of Death 

Long ago when my grandfather was j^et young, once he and two 
other men were going along the road near Nambe early in the morning 
just before it got daylight. And there was a shooting star. It 
passed over their heads, sparkling. Then one of the men said: 
"Something wrong must be thought of me as the star has passed 
right over our heads." Then in about one month this man died. 

Once my grandfather and I were coming from the northeast along 
the road just before the sun set, and there was a straight strip of 
cloud lying to the southwest. When my grandfather saw this he 
said to me: "Perhaps somebody from the Pueblo is going to die; 
and that is the reason that the strip of cloud is lying there." And 
in one month a person from the Pueblo died. 

Also the people say at the Pueblo that when a bird flies into a 

house it is bad, that something is gomg to happen to one of the 

members of the house which the bird goes into. So the people say 

that whenever a bird enters their house it is a bad token. Once 

many years ago, when I was still small, a bird flew mto our house. 

This bird had a very big head, and also a very long beak, a small 

body, and a short tail. When it flew into our house we caught it 

and burned it up. And it was not very long after that that my 

grandfather died. 

A Misinterpreted Note 

I believe it was in the month of June, in the year 1904, but do 
not remember well, that at the Pueblo when the children had not 
yet returned from Santa Fe, the teacher at Picurls wanted the men 
to work for her in her garden, and so she wrote a note to the gover- 
nor. And the note was sent to him by one of the pupils. The note 
was handed to the governor, and as he could neither read nor write, 
he took the note to a man who thought he was able to read it, to 
find out what the note said. The note was brought to the man by 
whom it was to be read. Since he did not hardly know how to read, 
after he got through glancing over the note he said to the governor: 
"This is how the teacher's note says, that you are to inform all the 
parents whose children are in school at Santa Fe to go down to the 
station at Embudo to get them, for the children who are in Santa 
Fe are to arrive at the station to-morrow noon." The governor, 
being told thus by this man, went back to his house and went up 
on top of the roof and shouted announcement, as it is the custom of 
people at the Pueblo to do when anything is going to happen or any- 
19078°— 28 26 



094 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth.ann.43 

'aih^n Eatcata wileh^n mglowia'gn, Tsthate fei'en? 'inaiwian hen?n 
ngpuh^nna thahe hen^n 'ifah^nna. Mglawia'gmm^n fai'en? 'i'DiriQ- 
mcn tcuiiQ Hglpana 'in'otapo'c^'e tcipilaina wa 'Embudona 'i'oxai- 
loutci'e. Tai'enQ Tathate 'i?aliak?niia kiatgmen? 'imgxia'gnhu. 

Thopiaken wa tcipilaina 'ixialau. Tco wetcot^ mlla'ailiQii ngng- 
'epa wiho 'inakwatt^pu. Wa tcipilaina tcita l^y'a 'ixia'^n tcipin^ 
wan, how^n tgpoon? tciiai tcipjna 'iyawan. Haih^n kiatamene 
pinephil wewe Tgpiu 'imgmiile. Hantcg'g, fai'en?, hoyo wanlpQn§ 
pa 'gngi?alapiatciatci. 

Hunting the Horses 

Tgtha tnwgnta fai'en? 'iukaphalehfn wel 'imiaum^'e hupupa 
pimniakwil 'ipikawayo'al'a, 'ittupiatcikke tciho pin'au lekotco'e 
'ikalniQn. Tcihoyo pelmg'au hsta 'inmgtcgtcihu. Hattg ngphatco- 
waniniQn fai'en^ pin'au 'inkawayotcimm^'e 'ixaiwile'a 'iungkalhaim^n 
'ipilala'gntcikke. 

Ygn^ai m^n ngng'eyo ng w^nphatco w§n 'gmpQien^'gn kgngnkn- 
wayotiia'e 'gnngwil^n. Pin'au 'gntcimen kgnghuithoxo'ole'epa 
thaxon? kgnnghan^n 'gmpuien§ tithaxoxai'allawQn wa Tstha. 
Thaxoxailau'ait^n ng patcuthalayo yin pin'au 'otcuiiQ tcglw^n 
'o'omoyg'e tapaxum^m^n takalmQn tatha'gn. HepuxQun^n tilakwe- 
hom^n 'gngfawewia'epa. '(^npuien? 'ongthaxo'ol^n'aite pQtcutliola 
ngpuim§nng 'gpgnkOwayothgn'gn. Haih^nng kgngntheppiu 'gpgnia- 
w§n. 

Rattlesnakes 

Totha pin'au p^tcon^ hele 'iyatha. How^nko pa'au £aulosian'au 
pisiwQnng 'itha. Ng 'gnnakatcatculemgn pftcon? tciho 'itha'e, 
hglgn ng taping w^nt^nh^nng 'imgyg'e 'itha. 

Wel tai'en? Tatha 'itg'a xg pelta patholianna 'iwaliw^kc. 
Hgw(^n 'gnnakatcawina ngng'e w^npel tholan^ tcu?ai tafnlian 
hau'au paitcelkohui 'gngpg'e. Hanko w^m'a 'gmpuien^ titci'gn'gn 
hele'a 'gngsopg'gn. Hanko ta'gmmian xg p^tcongyo 'gngpg'gn. 
He t^m^pu'e tanahoweniQn ta'gmmian: " 'Qnahowem^'gn wipaita 
wa 'gngpgntha 'gnpgm^tci." Hanko 'gnra^'gn. Tcitha 'gnwQn- 
'ait(jnng pntholia'epa p^tcouQ hiuphallaka'ai mgxilkui'gn. Pinna 
kwilpa 'gnngtsauwatcgiiQ'aih^n tcitai fsauwan§ ngwgyomQn tco 
wesQU miki'ayo ngtaliaraQn. Thapa 'gmpuien? pa ta'gmmian xg 
'itgikwalwia'e 'ipiwia'a. Hanko tangthgn'gn xg p^tcon? wetce- 
kwillo 'iung!iauwapalho'gn§n, 'g?ala'gmiatcikke kuipu'au 'gwau- 
m(;'gu han 'ipikwaltgiwiatcikke. 



HAKUINGTONl 



FOLKWAYS 395 



thing has been done. So he shouted announcement, telUng the 
parents whose children are in school at Santa Fe to go down to 
the station at Enibudo to get their children. When the people of 
the Pueblo heard that, the parents began to get ready. 

And the next morning they went down to the station to wait. 
As the distance is only about 20 miles it did not take them so long 
to reach there. They waited at the station and the train arrived, 
but the school children did not come on that train. The parents 
returned to the Pueblo again, disappointed. And so, people, that 
is how an uneducated person will make trouble for us. 

Hunting the Horses 

In the springtime at Picurls when the people are through planting 
some of them take their horses to the mountains so that they can get 
fat by eating good grass in the mountains. There they turn them 
loose all summer. And when fall approaches those Indians that have 
their horees in the mountains go there to get them so that they can 
work them when they are harvesting. 

It was on one of these occasions that a friend of mine and I went 
up to look for our horses. While we were up in the mountains we 
ate up all our lunch, as we did not take very much; and I sent my 
friend down to the Pueblo for more lunch. When he went down to 
get lunch I lived for three days up in the mountains just by boiling 
and eating some of the green herbs that grow there. Once in a while 
I would kill a scjuirrel with my gun. It was about three days after 
my friend brought more lunch that we found our horses. Then we 
took them down home again. 

Rattlesnakes 

At Picurls there are no rattlesnakes in the mountains. But many 
of them live on the plains where there are many laulon^ bushes. I 
do not know how many different kinds of rattlesnakes live there, 
but believe there is only one kind. 

Some of the Indians at the Pueblo say that the rattlesnakes do 
not bite in the summer when the moon shines. But I do know this 
for sure: One summer evening I heard something at a distance which 
sounded like a cricket. Then I asked one of my friends what it was 
that made that noise. Then he told me that it was a rattlesnake 
that made that noise. I did not believe what he said, and then he 
told me: "If you do not believe what I say, we will go together to 
where the sound comes from and see." Then we went. As we 
reached there, with the moon shining, the snake lay coiled on a flat 
rock. Its rattle stuck up in the center, and when it shook the 
rattle it could be heard for about 2 miles away. My friend told 
me that this is how they call their mates. That time I discovered 
that the snake can use its rattle in two ways, to warn you when you 
get too near where it is lying, and also to call its mate. 



396 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

The Buffaloes 

Tothatc fai'cnQ tcun'akk^n wa Tuiputha p^'au 'ikattcSiriQke'qin 
knneiiQ hank^n pIsiwQii tciho 'ithe'cpa. Wihalo hg'gn 'gmpapalolen? 
kokwewiak^nw^nno kaneiiQ Igiheyo 'ithake'gn. 'Qnnaisowikatca 
toke'e xg pin'au wai ?ausianno Tuiputha pg'au 'ikakin 'imon'gn. 
NgilumQ wiho iQu'ot^n tcinn§ pgthaariQ tcokwil 'im^'e. Hglgn 
lauen^ 'ongfsakk^nnayo pghan 'iphalicin. 

Tai'eiKj 'itg'ci xg kanen? pin'au witcun'gnw^niig 'iyathapu, wa 
pg'au kasehui 'ilekalm(jliQnng 'ithake'gn. Hglgn hokcyo lcaen§ 
yin palQpapu'au 'iyathawapu. 

Hattg tcan kaxxoienQ 'owahuiwia wi kanmgi'en^ w^n thahe hele 
kancuQ tliate 'ongwiapu'e. Piasaiyo hattg tcinn^x^n 'ongpaipliallm. 
Tciin'gnkQn lai'enQ 'ikappliSleinQu 'iuxai'ekcpu'e thahe lutce'au 
'iupalhokepu'e thahe thephalta pgna'au 'iuplkeliakepu'e hattg tcan 
tcut^nng ngpgng. 

The "Our Father" 

Kitgmen^ pnpatha '^'e, tutcewQiing xg kgxgmotci. Kglawiathawia'e 
xg 'Qtci. Kiuthapaipakowia'e niaila tcathai. Hal'en^ maungpai'gntci 
wauQ 'ihal'gmiam^'e pa tiunaipai'gm^n. Kingwam^n'au miyataipg, 
hgwQH maiwatcgn^tci ngkianncn'aute. ['5yo hele kgnglawiathawia 
han kgngthia'e han kgngkotci'e, tcQn'awcjn.] 'Qm^n. 



HARRINGTON 



FOLKWAYS 



397 



The Buffaloes 

Tlie Picuris Indians used to go buffalo hunting among the plains 
of Mora, as the buffaloes were then plentiful there. As late as the 
time when nij' uncle was a 3'oung man, the buffaloes existed in great 
abundance. I still remember him saying that he once saw them on 
the plains of Mora as thick as the pinyon trees that grow in the moun- 
tains. It seems strange that these animals should disappear so 
quickh'. I suppose after guns were introduced they were all killed off. 

The Indians say that the buffaloes never lived in the mountains, 
but they used to live on the plains, eating the grass there lilce cows. 
I believe that this is the reason that the buffaloes never lived near 
the Rio Grande. 

Nowadays the buffalo hides are very scarce, and also the horns 
of the buffalo and anything else pertainmg to the buffalo. These, 
also, are beginning to be forgotten. The hides which the Indians 
used in former times to put over them when they danced the buffalo 
dance, and those that they used in their ceremonial dances, and those 
that the}' used to spread as mats on their floors, are nowadays 
very rarely seen. 

The following song was used by S^qgerepove'eng (see p. 323) and 
is still used by Picuris hunters for bringing deer by magical means 
withm shooting range. 



A 

J^ = 152 



NO. 11. DEER SUMMONIXG SOXG 

Transcription by Helen 11. Roberts. 



1 






']J;i-tci 'en-tci law- paw 



-F 



H- 



-• •- 



__ Pause. 






ll=5t 



?n-tci '?n-tci law -paw. 



l7g J *'- rPause 



'En -tci '^n - tci law - paw 
A:8: 



'§n - tci '?n - tci law - paw. 



Dal :S: 



^^^:^=i=i 



!J24 



^zFE I2±,^,_, — ,_ 



'Ell -tci '§11 -tci law- paw 



S-F^' 



--t=i^ 



pause : 



'§ii-tci '§Q - tci law - paw. 



TRANSLATION 

The meaning is obscure with the exception of 'Qntci, he will come. 



ANALYSIS OF PICURlS SONGS 



By Helen H. Roberts 



One of the most important reasons for maldng an analytical study 
of this small group of Picuris songs is that they are, I believe, the 
first collection of Indian, or, for that matter, of any exotic songs 
ever so studied where all were sung by one individual and where 
several additional renditions (from one to four) were secured of each.' 

A general statement concerning the nature of Picuris music could 
hardly be made with safety on the basis of a study of so small a 
number of individual songs as are presented in this collection, all 
sung by one person. It would also be ill-advised to attempt to draw 
comparisons between Picuris musical ability or musical output and 
that of other peoples in the Southwest, unless such comparisons were 
understood to be frankly tentative. However, for such considera- 
tions, even so small a group of songs is better than none, and much 
of value may be learned from a careful study of them, especially 
since consistency of performance may be more correctly estimated 
than is usually possible. Aside from all the renditions having been 
sung by one singer, another good point is that the songs are all of 
one type, that is, they all belong with myths. Therefore if any 
stylistic feature is common to myth songs as a group, it should be 
discoverable. With these considerations in mind, a critical study 
of the songs may be taken for what it is worth. 

In writing the music, I have followed what has always seemed to 
me the simplest and best procedure, that of employing our cus- 
tomary notation in so far as it fulfills the demands of accurate pre- 
sentation, only modifying it where it does not. In this particular 
group of songs the melodies are for the most part so clearly comparable 
to our major and minor schemes that I have gone so far as to employ 
key signatures, although of course truly fixed major and minor scales 
are unknown as such among the Indians, as indeed are any fixed 
scales, presumably. Oilman's statement, made in the early nineties, 
that their scales are not formed, but forming, presents the case for 
all Indian music with which I am familiar. Pitches which do not 
coincide with those of our diatonic or chromatic scales are rather 

• A somewhat comparable collection was made by the writer for A Study of Folksong Variants Based 
on Field Work in Jamaica, published in the Journal of .Vmerican Folk-Lore, vol. 38, no. 14S, pp. 149- 
216, for April-June, 1925, which appeared in January, 1927. Here, however, the opportunity to study 
different songs as sung by one singer was rejected in favor of studying the vicissitudes of the individual 
song at the hands of diflercnt singers, although the range of variation in repetitions of the same song by 
a single singer was also observed. 

399 



400 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ans. 43 

frequently heard, in some songs with considerable consistency in 
repetitions, a point which will be discussed later. Such pitches, 
however, do not, on the whole, displace what are to our hearing 
ordinary scale tones in these Picurls songs. They rather supplement 
them, enriching the melodic color, but even so, scarcely attaining 
to the importance of the diatonic or chromatic scale tones. Even 
according due weight to the fairly consistent use of them in different 
renditions of the same melody, it is a cpiestion in how far theu" pres- 
ence is due to the individual habit of this one singer and to what 
extent the "deflections" from the diatonic or chromatic intervals 
may be due to exigencies of language, that is, accent, pronunciation, 
and the relation of certain phonetic sequences. These last questions 
could be answered only by a minute study of the language, followed 
by a study of series of the same song sung by many individuals, not 
once each, but several times, so that the degree of fluctuation in the 
different performances of each singer might be observed and compared 
with the amount and Idnds of variation observable between the 
versions of different singers. In the songs here presented the pitches 
used by only one singer are available and the degree of consistency 
in his performance is all that may be studied. 

I have indicated these pitches by means of ordinary notation where 
this will serve, but for mtermediate tones single or double acute or 
grave accents are placed over the notes which without them would 
represent true staff pitches. Ordinarily I prefer oblique Imcs drawn 
directly through the head of the note representing one of these inter- 
mediate pitches, because it seems to me to make for easier reading 
to see them on the note itself. But in type-set music the difficulties 
of the music printer also come in for their share of consideration and 
in this paper the accents have proved the only workable compromise. 
One acute accent above the staff means that the note lying immedi- 
ately beneath it is about a quarter tone higher than its staff position 
indicates. A double acute accent means that the "sharping" is less 
than a quarter-tone. (It might be reasoned that the logical plan 
would be to use double accents for the larger differences in pitch 
and single for the smaller, except that the finer nuances are much 
less frequent and simplicity of diacritical marks is desirable wherever 
possible.) Conversely, grave accents indicate shnilar degrees of 
"flatting." It has not seemed essential to the study to define these 
pitches more accurately than this, nor is it maintained that the 
single accent indicates exactly a quarter tone and the double accent 
an eighth of a tone. Without the aid of instruments havmg fixed 
scales of such finely graded tones (which these people do not possess) 
it seems quite unlikely that with the numerous extraneous influences 
constantly at work affecting pitch production by the human voice, 
the Picurls should consistently produce or use very small accurately 



KOBERTs) ANALYSIS OF SONGS 401 

pitched intervals. Although these songs are too few to make possible 
the positive denial or assertion of any such practice, experience with 
the purely vocal music of other aboriginal peoples of comparatively 
low culture would decidedly favor the assumption that they do not. 

Apparently, regular metric (and also rhythmic) patterns are lilve- 
wise not formed but forming. By the word metric pattern is meant 
a succession of metric groups (measures) either all the same size or, 
if of different lengths, reappearing m regular order regardless of 
melodic, rhythmic or word accompaniment; such, for instance, as a 
regular succession of 2, 3, 4, 2, 3, 4 meters. By rhythmic pattern is 
meant recurrence, withm natural division of the melody, of a group 
of notes of contrasting lengths, in the same order as previously set 
forth; a recurrence not incidental to direct repetition of nielody and 
words, but which reappears despite changes in either. Were such a 
rhythmic persistency discovered, it would be fair evidence of the 
rhythmic feature being enjoyed and used for its own sake and not 
by chance. 

Now and then songs are encountered in which the meter is almost 
regular, but in many it gives way in places to the demands of the 
text, and beats are lost or inserted which temporarily disturb the 
swing of the movement. It is interestmg to observe occasionally, 
however, that metric shifts are apparently disturbing to the singer, 
for a beat lost in one measure is now and then added to the next, 
and vice versa. Regularity of meter is more apt to occur in songs 
which are generally accompanied with regularity of bodily move- 
ment, such as marchuig songs, rather than with incantations, for 
instance. 

I have retained the use of measure bars in writing the songs, as 
indicating the return of tiie pi-imarj^ accent. They are a great help 
in reading the music and much to be preferred to accent marks above 
a long series of otlierwise undivided notes, especially as such marks 
are sometimes needed for other purposes than for indicating pri- 
mary accents. Constantly changing time signatures, including those 
which contain fractional beats, are therefore self-explanatorj'. It is 
troublesome to insert them at each change, and to omit them is an 
error easily committed, but they seem preferable in reading to the 
omission of measure bars. 

In this collection, out of several renditions of the same song, one 
usually showed a greater tendency to definiteness and regularity 
than the others. Although these considerations might be argued as 
rather arbitraiy standards by wliich to decide on the best rendition, 
especially according to Picuris ways of thinking, since it was not 
possible to question the singer as to which rendition he preferred, 
I have used them in making my own selection of the rendition which 
was to be placed with the story. There are 11 story songs. The 



402 PICUEIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

other renditions are placed in this section of the report, numbered 
from 12 on. Other renditions of Song No. 1, which is to be found in 
the Magpie-tail Boy myth, are 12, 13, 14; other renditions of No. 2 
are 15, 16, 17; of No. 3 are 18, 19, and so on. 

Like most Indian songs, and those of other peoples in comparable 
stages of civilization, these Picuris tunes are rather simple in structure. 
There is no elaborate thematic development or modulation; little 
in the way of embellishment of simple melodic themes. Length, 
which is not great at best in any song, is attained by repeating more 
or less exactly two or three short melodic entities or phrases. These 
phrases are usually easily discernible as such by their contours, by 
their association with lines of text which are nearly always quite 
definitely delimited, and by natural pauses which separate them. 
I have worked out these divisions of the music with considerable care 
and with due attention to the text divisions, which at times are the 
deciding factor. They correspond with what our musicians know as 
melodic phrases. These phrases have been marked above the staff 
with capital letters, the choice of which is somewhat arbitrary, but 
controlled nevertheless by the degree of relationship which appears 
to exist between the different phrases. Thus the first phrase in a 
song is always given the letter A, and it depends on whether the sec- 
ond phrase is more or less of a repetition of A, or contains some fea- 
ture which marks it as a complementary phrase, whether it is given 
the letter A' or B. Unless the degree of relationsliip is very close, 
B is the preferred lettering for the second phrase. 

Generally, smaller divisions of the phrases exist which are about 
two measures long. They correspond to the well-known sections 
of classical composition analysis. I use the same term to designate 
them in Indian music. Where it is advisable in analyzing, these 
sections are distinguished by small letters placed immediately 
beneath the staff' at the beginning of each section, and so the inner 
structure of the larger design may be more readily discerned by the 
reader and more conveniently referred to in discussion and m tables. 
The prime marks following the capital and small letters indicate 
small and unimportant differences between different divisions which 
in the main are the same and bear the same letter. 

In the tables which are compiled from an examination of the songs 
from these points of view the first column gives the capital letters 
which stand for the phrase structure in the order of their occurrence 
in the song. The second column lists the small letters, revealing the 
section structure of the phrases in formula order. The third column 
shows the number of metric units or time beats, even to fractional 
values, which are contained within the compass of each phrase. Thus 
at a glance the phrase structure, the section structure, and the com- 
parative lengths of the phrases in beats may be seen as a design. In 



ROBERTS] 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 



403 



the tabular analyses of these songs I have made no attempt to list the 
order of changing time signatures, for in most of the songs it seems to 
be quite random and a repetition of the order occurs only as the result 
of repeating the whole musical division, and not always then. Neither 
have I designated anj' rhythmic values, for while striking rhythmic 
groups are found here and there, and any succession of notes creates 
some rhythmic grouping, there is little or no evidence in any song of a 
particular rhythmic group creating a controlluig design in rhythm 
other than a repetition incidental to the restatement of a word phrase 
and usually of the melody as well. 

The first song, the Traveling Song of the Elf in the Magpietail 
Boy myth (see p. 303), has a three-phrase structure which is repeated 
in its entirety once, after which the first and third phrases occur again 
and serve as quite an eft'ective coda. The A phrases contain tkree 
sections, carrying the ternary idea stUl further. The B and C 
phrases have only two sections each, but the second section of each 
phrase contains three measures instead of two, while in the second 
section of the C phrase two of the three measures are in three-four 
time, as if to give a fuial emphasis on the side of a structure built 
chiefly on the principle of three. 

Tabular Analysis No. 1 



Soug Xo. 1: 








a. Phrases 


Sections 




Beats 


A 


a a' 


X 


im 


B 


b y 




10 


C 


b z 




12H 


A' 


a" a'" 


x' 


n% 


B' 


b' y' 




10 


C 


b" z' 




iiJi 


A' 


a" a'" 


x' 


iiH 


C" 


b'" z' 




11^ 


Other renditions of Song N 


0. 1 




6. (Song No. 


12): 






A 


a a 


X 


111/^ 


B 


b y 




11 


C 


b' z 




123^ 


A 


a' a 


X 


\IV2 


B' 


b y' 




10 


C 


b" z 




V2V2 


A 


a a 


x 


ny. 


C 


b z 




nv. 



other renditions 


of Song No. 


1— Con. 


c. (Song No. 


13): 








Phrases 


Sections 




Beats 


A 


a 


a' 


X 


11?^ 


B 


b 


y 




11 


C 


b' 


z 




1214 


A' 


a' 


a'" 


x' 


11}^ 


B' 


b' 


y' 




10 


C 


b' 


z 




12V4 


A' 


a" 


a'" 


x' 


11J4 


B' 


b' 


y' 




10 


C 


b' 


z 




IIH 


d. (Song No 


14): 








A 


a 


a' 


X 


IIV^ 


B 


b 


y 




11 


C 


b 


z 




I2V2 


A 


a 


a' 


X 


11'2 


B 


b 


y 




11 


C 


b 


z 




121^ 


A 


a 


a' 


X 


ll'li 


B 


b 


y 




11 


C 


b 


z 




UK 



The question has been raised as to whether some Indian songs may 
not be based on certain metric and rhythmic patterns. To consider 
first the possibility of a metric pattern for Song No. 1, the tab- 
ular analysis No. 1 will show that while the phrases approximate 
one another in total number of beats, they are not absolutely the 






404 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [etii. ann. 43 

same, the C's being longest, the B's shortest. Not all C's are the 
same length, nor all A's or B's even in the course of Song 1, while in 
its other renditions, Nos. 12, 13, 14 (pp. 426-428), further minor dis- 
crepancies are seen. In the succession of different measure lengths 
no recurring pattern is discernible apart from that which develops as 
thef result of repeating the entire ABC structure, for the order of 
succession of two-four measures changes only in the second section of 
each C phi-ase, to 3, 2, 3. The only evidence of play with a rhythmic 
pattern, apart from its setting with identical melody and words which 
are repeated, occurs in the b sections, where the rhythmic pattern of 
the X section is duplicated almost exactly. 

The a and a' sections of the A phrase are almost identical, rhyth- 
mically as well as melodically. Designating the rhythmic structure 
of the sections by number, the design of the song in rhythmic pat- 
terns might be written in a formula of 1, 1', 2, 2', 3, 2, 4, correspond- 
ing, respectively, to sections a, a', x b y, b, z. It does not seem entirely 
justifiable to consider as patterns rhythmic groups the limits of which 
do not coincide with the natural melodic and word divisions, or else 
it might be argued that the last measure of a' together with themeas- 
m-es of X, wluch have a rhythmic structure identical with y, form a 
pattern. But it can hardly be likely that the A plu'ase divides prop- 
erly into two equal sections of three measures each rather than three 
sections of two measm-es each, for both words and melody are against 
such an assumption. Thus the identity of rhythm with that of 
section y seems rather fortuitous than otherwise in this case, especially 
as it happens to coincide with a repetition of the same words and 
much of the same melody. 

As to scale, it seems better to take up the question of scales or 
tonal content for all the songs together, so that temporarily this 
discussion will be omitted. 

An examination of the three additional renditions of No. 1, Nos. 12, 
13, and 14 (j)p. 426-428), and the tables of their structure in tabular 
analysis No. 1, shows that in general they adhere to the same plan 
of structure but that minor differences exist throughout, from the 
number of phrases repeated down to differences in tonal content and 
rhythm. One interesting melodic shift in No. 12 is the use of the 
subdominant and mediant in place of the dominant and subdominant 
in the first measure of the C phrases, and in Nos. 13 and 14 the 
augmented fourth and major third, which alters considerably the 
"feeling" of the melody, although in the main its curves are retained. 
A comparison of the four songs will reveal these and other points of 
difference better than a discussion. 



ROBERTS] 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 



405 







Tab 


UL.\R Analysis 


No. 


2 






Song \o. 


2: 






Othei 


ren 


ditions 


of Song No 


. 2- Con. 


Phrases 


Sections 


Beats 




Phra.'^es 


.Sections 


Beats 


a. I 


A 


a a 


1.5 


{■ 


(>Sl 


lig Xu. 


IG}- 






B 


b b 


15!, 




I. 


A 


a a' 


10 




C 


c 


IIH 






B 


b b 


15J^ 




A' 


a' a' 


15J^ 






C 


c 


12H 




B' 


b' 1)' 


15 






A' 


a' a' 


15J^ 




C 


c' 


121 2 






B 


b b 


15 


II 


A" 


a" a'" 


15 






C 


c 


11}^ 




B" 


b b' 


15 




11. 


A" 


a" a' 


15 




C" 


c" 


121^; 






B 


b b 


15 




A' 


a' a' 


15^2 






C 


c 


113/2 




B' 


b' b' 


15 






A" 


a" a' 


15 




C" 


e'" 


10 






B 


h b 


15 


III 


A" 


a" a" 


15H 






C 


c 


nVi 




B" 


b' 1) 


15 




III. 


A'" 


a'" a' 


15 




C" 


c" 


101 2 






B' 


b' b' 


15 


Other renditions 


of Song \o. 2: 








C 


c 


10 


6. (Song No 


. 15)- 




d 


(Sc 


ng No. 


17) — 




I. 


A 


a a' 


10 




I. 


A 


a a' 


15 




B 


b b' 


15 






B 


b b 


loH 




C 


c 


13 






C 


c 


IIM 




A' 


a" a" 


15 






A' 


a" a" 


15 




B' 


b" b' 


15K 






B' 


1) b' 


15 




C 


c' 


11^ 






C 


c' 


nV2 


II. 


A" 


a'" a"" 


15 




II. 


A" 


a'" a" 


15 




B" 


b b'" 


15 






B' 


b b' 


15 




C 


c' 


IIH 






C 


c 


IIJ^ 




A'" 


a'"" a""" 


15 






A' 


a a 


15 




B'" 


b"" b"" 


15 






B 


b b 


15 




C" 


c" 


IIH 






C 


c 


113^ 


III. 


A" 


a'" a'" 


15 




III. 


A'" 


a a" 


15 




B 


b b 


15 






B" 


b' b 


15 




C 


c 


IQH 






C 


c 


lOH 



Song No. 2 (p. 307) also appears to have been built on the principle 
of three. (See tabular analysis No. 2.) Three different melodic 
phrases are repeated with a slight variation by beginning the second 
A phrase on a lower note that suggests that the second three phrases 
are complementary to the first tliree. This peculiarity persists in 
the repetition of the six phrases as a group as the song proceeds. 
Because of this I have used roman numerals to indicate even larger 
divisions of the song than the plirase divisions. The two sets of com- 
plementary plirases which constitute that portion of the song num- 
bered I are repeated with slight variations in other respects than the 
low note just mentioned, to form Part II, but for Part III only the 
first three phrases are given. The structural plan of presenting the 
full design twice and then only part of it to finish with is similar 
to that of No. 1 in its larger aspects. The similarity is between 
divisions containing three phrases doubled (or six phrases) in No. 2, 
as against divisions containing only three phrases not doubled in 



406 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

No. 1. In Song No. 2 the tliree phrases ABC together contain five 
sections, a a in A, b b in B, and c in C, as against seven sections for 
the ABC phi'ases of No. 1, where a a' x constituted the A phi'ase, b 
y the B and b z the C. Thus in Song No. 2 the tendency to binary 
structure in the smaller divisions is rather well marked. Throughout 
the song the two sections for each A phrase are more often identical 
than not. This is true also of the two b sections. The binary prin- 
ciple for the substructure is carried still further in that each section, 
even c which alone constitutes the C phrase, contains only two meas- 
ures, but the c compensates for its lack of a complementary section 
by the extra length of its measures. Nevertheless in actual number 
of beats the C phrase is shorter than either A or B, although in Song 
No. 1 the A's, B's and C's differ in their length from time to time, 
and this is true in the other renditions, Nos. 15, 16 and 17. There is 
no metric pattern; that is, the alternation of different lengths of 
measures is irregular and is not consistently repeated, although 4, 
33^ occurs more often in succession than other combinations. The 
rhythmic groups conform to the sections. Using numbers for them, 
the formula is 1, 1, 2, 2, 3, and this is repeated more or less exactly 
as many times as A B C are given, but the duplication of 1 and 2 
within the formula is due to repetition of both melody and words 
and not to rhythmic impulse alone. 

An examination of Nos. 15, 16, and 17 (pp. 429-434), which are the 
other renditions of No. 2, will show that in larger structure they are 
more nearly alike than the versions of Song No. 1, but that in most 
respects the same kind of minor differences from rendition to rendi- 
tion are to be found. It is rather remarkable, however, that in all 
three of them the second and fourth A phrases begin on a low note in 
contradistinction to the relatively high beginning of the first, third 
and fifth A phrases, confirming the assumption made regarding Song 
No. 2, that the song has a larger structure than that of phrases, 
namely, that designated by the roman numerals. 

Song No. 3 (p. 341) appears on first glance not to conform as well to 
the ternary structural plan as Nos. 1 and 2, for, after two presentations 
of a set of A B C phrases in the second of which the C is cut short, 
the song ends with a new musical idea and new words, carried to the 
length of a phrase or more, to which I have given the letter D. From 
the standpoint of melody D is nothing more or less than a long exten- 
sion of what was the third measure in the first full-length C phrase, 
but its association with new words and its length seem to indicate 
that it should be considered apart as a distinct phrase rather than as a 
long-drawn-out continuation of the second C. The text, if not the 
melody, shows that this D part definitely shortens the second C 
phrase by cutting into it and beginning with what otherwise would 
be the second section of it. Even with this peculiarity it is seen by 



KOBERTSl 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 



407 



referring to tabular analysis No. 3 that roughly speaking the largest 
structural plan of Song No. 3 is like those of 1 and 2 in that each has 
three major parts composed of phrases, the first two parts in each 
song being almost alike except in minor details but the third being 
curtailed or different. 

Tabular Analysis No. 3 

Other renditions of Song No. 3 — Con. 



Song No. 3: 








Phrases 


Sections 




Beats 


o. A 


a X 


y 


12 


B 


b z 




8 


C 


bz c 




10 


A 


a X 


y 


12 


B 


b z 




8 


C 


bz 




5 


D 


d e 




15 



Phiases 


Sections 




Beats 


A 


a X 


y 


12 


B' 


b' z 




8 


C- 


bz 




5 


D 


d e 




13H 


c. (Song No 


19) — 






A 


a X 


y 


12 


B 


b z 




8 


C 


bz c 




10 


A 


a X 


y 


12 


B' 


b' z 




8 


C- 


bz 




5 


D 


d e 




13 



Other renditions of Song No. 3: 
6. (Song No. 18)— 

A a X y 12 (4) 

B b z 8 

C bz c 10 

In No. 3, D takes the place of A C of No. 1 and the undoubled ABC 
(III) of No. 2, but with this difference, that D overlaps the second C, 
causing it to be curtailed. In some respects the section structure of 
No. 3 resembles that of No. 1. A has three sections of two measures 
each, B two of two measures each, and C two of two and a half 
measures each, totaling seven sections for the three phrases. Another 
similarity is that in the first section of C in No. 3 there is a recapitu- 
lation of melodic material which occurred in B, just as there was in 
Song No. 2. 

No metric variation forming a design is apparent, for this is one 
of the comparatively rare songs in which the time is almost regu- 
larly two-four throughout. The exceptions are the second measure 
of the second C phrase which becomes three-four to accommodate 
the extra beat left alone by the introduction of D in the place where 
the last half of the measure would normally appear, and the third 
measure from the end in D. 

Syncopation is a noteworthy feature of several measures and the 
rhythm of an eighth note, a cjuarter note and an eighth might be 
said to constitute a small pattern if it did not divide word groups or 
words themselves. The rhythms of the two measures in the a sections 
are almost identical repetitions. In view of a similar peculiarity in 
No. 1, it is interesting to observe in the first section of C an exact 
melodic and rhythmic repetition of the last three measures of B with 
different words. Yet considering that in B the rhythmic group 
referred to begins in the middle of a word phrase, it hardly seems 
justifiable to separate it as a rhythmic pattern and compare it with 



408 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES Ieth. ann.43 

the first section of C as an entity, although the chances are that 
the o3mposer was impressed with the beauty of this particular strain 
to the extent of reiterating it in another connection. The rhythmic 
developments in D are interesting, the cumulative effect of the three 
statements of the small rhythm of two eighths and a quarter note 
ending in the fourth measure by doublmg the length of the quarter 
and adding two more half notes as emphasis of finality. The other 
renditions of No. 3, Nos. 18 and 19 (pp. 43.5, 436), are like it in plan, 
as would be expected, but in minor points the usual differences occur. 
A perusal of the tabular analysis No. 3 and the songs themselves will 
make these clear. One remarkable consistency in all three renditions, 
considering other melodic shifts and especially the minor tonality of 
the song, is the play between the major and minor third. The first 
measure in all B phrases contains et] or e# as against eb or et] every- 
where else. 

The structure of Song No. 4 (p. 343) is almost identical with that 
of No. 3. In fact it is the same melody used for another song in the 
story. Its second C phrase is not quite as curtailed as that in No. 3, 
only two beats of rest having been omitted. The latter part of the 
D phrase is different melodically and rhythmically from the D of 
No. 3, probably on account of the words. The other rendition of 
this song, No. 20 (p. 437), is more nearly identical with No. 4 than has 
been the case with the additional renditions of the three songs 
already discussed, as a comparison of it with No. 4 and of their 
tabular analyses will show. 

Tabular Analysis No. 4 



Song No. 4: 








Another rendition of Song 


No. 


4: 


Phrases 


Sections 


Beats 


6. 


(Song No. 20)— 






a. A 


a X 


y 


12 




Phrases Sections 


Beats 


B 


b z 




8 




A ax 


y 


12 


C 


bz c 




11 




B b z 




8 


A 


a X 


y 


12 




C bz c 




11 


B 


b z 




8 




A ax 


y 


12 


C- 


bz c 




9 




B b' z 




8 


D 


d e 




15 




C- bz 

D d e 




5 

15 



Song No. 5 (p. 353) differs from the previous songs in many particu- 
lars. Its structural plan is binary rather than ternary; the A and B 
phrases form one complementary pair, the C and C phrases another, 
and all four are repeated with only veiy minor variations. How- 
ever, a trace of the three-phrase idea exists in that there are really 
only three distinct phrases, the last of which is reiterated in part to 
form a fourth. The phrases do not seem to subdivide clearly into 
sections and so I have made no attempt to designate any. Another 
new feature brought out in this song is the extension at the end of 
the C phi-ases, marked with a bracket above the two measures which 



ROBKRTSl 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 



409 



constitute it. This extension brings the total length of C up to 

24 beats, making it considerably longer than the other phrases. 

Although triplet effects in rhythms have not been lacking in previous 

songs, and three-four meters have crept in here and there, this is 

the first example of predominating three-part time. In fact, but 

for one measure near the end, the meter is regularly three-eight. A 

well-defined rhythmic group characterizes both A and B phrases and 

may be the result of a repetition of words, for the melody of B is 

different from that of A, though related to it, being a partial sequence 

of it. This rhythmic pattern does not occur elsewhere. The rhythmic 

scheme of C is not repeated except as C comes in a second time. 

The second rendition of the song. No. 21 (p. 438), follows No. .5 

fairly well in some of the larger features, and surprisingly closely in 

some of the smaller, as, for instance, in the rhythm of the second 

measure of the C phrases. The similarities and differences will be 

apparent on comparing the two songs and glancing at tabular analysis 

No. 5. 

Tabular Analysis No. 5 



Song No. 5: 




Another rendition of No 


. 5: 


Phrases 


Beats 


b. (Song No. 


21) — 




o. A 


15 


Phrases 




Beats 


B 


15 


A 




14 


C 


24 


B 




15 


C 


18 


C 




24 


A 


15 


C 




18 


B 


15 


A 




15 


C 


24 


B 




15 


C 


18? 


C 

C 




24 

18 



In Song No. 6 (p. 367) a form vers* like that of Nos. 1 and 3 appears, 
except that after the three jihrases are repeated once the song ends 
without the coda effect which a partial repetition of the three phrases 
achieved in the other two examples. In the matter of sections all 
three songs are alike, the A phrase having three, the B's and C's two 
each, totaling seven for the group. In this case I have numbered the 
sections rather than designated them by letters, since each seems to 
borrow melodic or rhythmic ideas from others so that they lack the 
distinctive character which lettering might imply. 

The underlying ternary principle in the phrase structure of the 
song and the section structure of the A phrases is carried still further 
in the first section of A, which contains three measures, all in three- 
eight time. The second section covers a little less than two meas- 
ures, the last of which is in four-eight time. The third section is a 
little over four measures long. Perhaps here a compensatory in- 
fluence is at work, the extra measure in the third section making up 
for the short second section. The first section of B, numbered 4, 
copies the first section of A exactly in rhythm, and this may be said to 
constitute one of the rhythmic patterns of the song, but its melodic 
19078°— 28 27 



410 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



content is also to be compared with that of A's first section, to wliich 
it forms an ahnost perfect melodic sequence. Section 5 is the same 
as 3, so that the B phrase is modeled rather closely on A's first and 
last sections but lacks a central section. There is no metric pattern 
discernible in the rather irregular order of measures of varying 
length, and no other rhythmic patterns appear more than once except 
by complete repetition of material. 

The other two renditions of the song, Nos. 22 and 23 (pp. 439, 
440), contain the usual small differences which a moment's compar- 
ison will show. In No. 22 the confusion of rf# with d'^ creates a play 
between major and minor tonality which is rather obvious to our 
ears. It may have been a quite unnoticed or unimportant shift 
with the singer, however. Tabular analysis No. 6 shows that in 
metric structure all three renditions are identical. 

Tabular Analysis No. 6 

Other renditions of No. 6 — Continued. 
c. (Song No. 23)— 

Phrases Sections 



Song No. 6: 








Phrases 


Sections 


Beats 


a. A 


1 2 


3 


27 


B 


4 5 




21 


C 


6 7 




18 


A 


1 2 


3 


27 


B 


4 5 




21 


C 


6 7 




18 


Other renditions 


of No. 6 






6. (Song No 


22)— 






A 


1 2 


3 


27 


B 


4 5 




21 


C 


6 7 




18 


A 


1 2 


3 


27 


B 


4 5 




21 


C 


6 7 




18 



A 
B 
C 
A 
B 
C 



Beats 
27 
21 
18 
27 
21 
18 



Song No. 7 (p. 367) presents a new ternary form, merely three 
phrases long without repetition. In reality it has only two distinct 
melodic phrases, the first of which is repeated before the second is 
introduced. Each phrase consists of only one rather long section, 
fundamentally three measures long, but the final measure of the B 
or last phrase is extended one more measure, lending appropriate 
weight to counterbalance somewhat the lack of a complementary 
phrase. The movement of the song is rather slow, giving an impres- 
sion of greater length to the phrases and sections than really exists 
in number of beats. The prevailing time is also three part, but there 
are several shifts to other meters. This song is one of the examples 
mentioned early in this discussion where such sliifts, however effective, 
nevertheless throw off rather noticeably the regular movement of 
the piece. It is not possible to say whether the composer consciously 
shortened the third measure of the A phrases to offset the extra 
length of the second, but it looks suspiciously as if the feeling for 
three-part meter had persisted despite a temporary displacement of 



HOBEKTs) ANALYSIS OF SOXGS 411 

the primary accent. In the B phrase all the measures are three- 
four, a fact which strengthens this assumption. 

The A phrase exhibits a rather well-defined rhythmic group, which 
is repeated closely m the second A. It might be said that the three 
fuU quarter notes which open each of the three phrases are also 
important rln'thmically. The other renditions of this song, Nos. 24, 
25, and 26 (pp. 440, 441), should be compared with it and with one 
another for minor differences and similarities. (See also tabular anal- 
ysis No. 7.) On the whole the three extra renditions have gained 
in metric, rhythmic and melodic stability, a fact which often happens 
as a singer repeats material and his confidence increases. 

Tabular Analysis No. 7 



Song No. 7: 






Phrases 




Beats 


a. A 




9V2 


A 




^Yt. 


B 




12 


Other renditions of No 


. 7. 


6. (Song No. 


24)- 


- 


A 




9 


A 




9 


B 




12 



Other renditions 


of No 


7 — Continued 


c. 


(Song No. 


25)- 






Phrases 




Beats 




A 




9 




A 




9 




B 




11 


d. 


(Song No 


26)— 






A 




9 




A 




9 




B 




12 



Song No. 8 (p. 369), also a ternary form, is clearly a variant of No. 
6, but pitch shifts creating minor rather than major tliirds and minor 
thirds in place of perfect fourths change it somewhat. On account 
of smoother movement, longer measures characterize No. 8 than in 
No. 6, and what were sections in the earlier song are here single 
measures, so I have not divided the phrases. A has three measures, 
B and C have two each. The three phrases are repeated once. 
The succession of irregular measures reveals no repeated pattern 
except by direct repetition of both melody and words. Nor is any 
rhythmic pattern apparent except under such conditions as were 
discussed for No. 6. The other renditions of No. 8 are Nos. 27 and 
28 (pp. 441, 442). No. 27 states the three phrases three times 
instead of two. 

Tabular Analysis No. 8 



Song No. 8: 






Phrases 




Beats 


a. A 




26 


B 




20 


C 




17 


A 




26 


B 




20 


C 




17 


6. (Song No. 


27)- 


— 


A 




26 


B 




20 


C 




17 


A 




26 


B 




20 



Song No. 8 — Continued. 


h. (Song No 


27)- 


— Continued 


Phrases 




Beats 


c 




17 


A 




26 


B 




20 


C 




17 


c. (Song No. 


28)- 


- 


A 




26 


B 




20 


C 




17 


A 




26 


B 




20 


C 




17 



412 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



The number of repetitions of a melody in its entirety appears to 
be extremely variable and indefinite in the different performances 
of many primitive peoples. In this small group of songs, therefore, 
it does not seem safe to consider the number of repetitions of the 
ABC phrases as fundamental to the structure, although in the 
first four songs and their other renditions the indications are that 
the number of repetitions is fixed. 

Song No. 9 (p. 379) is a pure binary form throughout. Each A 
contains two sections of two measures each. Metrically the song 
alternates regularly from two to three part meter in a pattern of 
2, 3, 2, 3, etc. Each phrase has a total of exactly ten beats. Two 
well-defined rhythmic groups appear in a and b, repeated incidentally 
to the repetition of these sections. Other renditions of No. 9 are 
29 and 30 (pp. 442, 443). 

Tabular Analysis No. 9 



Song No. 9: 






other renditions of No. 9 — Continued 


Phrases 


Sections 


Beats 


h. (Song No. 29)— Continued 


a. A 


a b 


10 


Phrases Sections Beats 


A' 


a b' 


10 


A a b 10 


Other renditions 


of No. 9: 




c. (Song No. 30)— 


b. (Song No 


29)— 




A a b 10 


A 


a b 


10 


A a b 10 



Song No. 10 (p. 379) is structurally very similar to No. 9, although 
the tunes are different. Two A phrases each contain two sections, 
the first composed of two measures, but the second having three. No 
metric or rhythmic pattern stands out from the rather irregular 
succession of metric and rhythmic groups. For the most part, how- 
ever, although the measures are irregular in length, a triplet move- 
ment in subsidiary groups imparts a smoothness to the swing which 
might almost be taken for metric regularity. Four other renditions 
of this tune, Nos. 31, 32, 33, 34 (pp. 443, 444), are closely similar to 
it, with only the usual minor variations. 

Tabular Analysis No. 10 



Song No. 10: 






Other renditions of No. 10- 


-Continued. 


Phrases 


Sections 


Bc.its 


c. (Song No. 32)— Continued. 


a. A 


a 1) 


35 


Phrases Sections 




Beats 


A' 


a' b' 


35 


A' a' b' 




33 


Other renditions 


of No. 10: 




d. (Song No. 33)— 






b. (Song No 


31)— 




A a b 




34 


A 


a b 


34 


A' a' b' 




33 


A' 


a' b' 


35 


e. (Song No. 34) — 






c. (Song No 


32)— 




A a b 




34 


A 


a b 


34 


A a' b' 




34 



The last song, No. 11 (p. 397), is not really a song, but merely a call. 
It was given eight times, each two being succeeded by a pause of some 
length. I have therefore concluded that two statements of the call 



RouEKTSl ANALYSIS OF SONGS 413 

naturally belonged together and formed one phrase. The rise in 
pitch which occurs at the end of each measure in the second A phrase 
affords a pleasing contrast to the level lower ending of the other 
measures in the first and last two A phrases. 

Tabular Analysis No. 11 

Song No. 11 

Phrases Beats 

a. A 24 

A 24 

A 24 

A 24 

To summarize briefly the points brought out in this study of the 
structure of the songs, the first that comes to mind is the prominence 
of the ternary idea. Of the eleven different songs five show it to a 
marked degree not only, as in some of them, in the larger structure 
of repetitions of groups of phrases, but in the number of phrases 
forming a group, and to some extent, but not consistently through- 
out, in the number of sections within the phrase, or measures within 
the section, or beats within the measures. Some, like Nos. 3 and 4, 
which are about the same tune, have two identical parts consisting 
of three phrases, succeeded by a third short part havmg only one 
different plirase. Others, like Nos. 6 and 8, have a different ternary 
form, composed of only two different phrases, one of which is 
repeated. In one other. No. 5, which is really four-part, only three 
different phrases are used, one being repeated. Thus eight out of 
eleven songs have some ternary feature about them and five show 
such a plan prominently. The remaining three songs are binary in 
principle, not in the possession of two different phrases which com- 
plement one another, but in the coupling of two identical or almost 
identical parts. In Nos. 9 and 10, however, the two sections com- 
posing the phrases are different. In No. 11 they are identical. It 
has been seen that the singer was fairly consistent in performance, 
especially as regards the larger features of the structure, but small 
melodic, rhythmic, and metric differences characterize all the ren- 
ditions. Absolute metric regularity was not found in any song, 
although a few nearly approached it. It is rather surprising that the 
ternary scheme does not extend more often to the meter, which is 
always rather obvious in any music, but three-part meters are less 
common in these songs than several other meters. Apparently there 
are no metric patterns and the prevailing irregularity of size in metric 
groupings is to be accounted for probably by the contest for supremacy 
between word accents and the latent accents in certain melodic 
situations, as in the songs of most primitive peoples. 

vSome striking rhythms a're noted which are not perhaps entirely 
due to the natural rhythms of the accompanying words, but they 



414 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES |eth. ann. 43 

can not be said to fall into patterns which characterize any particular 
song or group of songs. 

The songs are very melodious, rather surprisingly so for a random 
collection not made on this basis, and their similarity in tonality to 
our songs in major and minor modes renders them especially accept- 
able to our ears. They are short and simple, with little evidence of 
elaboration of, or play with, melodic themes. Apparently no struc- 
tural feature characterizes Picuris myth songs as a type, unless it be 
the prevalence of the ternary forms. 

SCALES 

It has already been stated that these Picuris songs are built on 
scale systems so nearly comparable to our major and mmor that it 
seemed justifiable to employ key signatures, not for the purpose of 
implying key settings, but merely because none of the tones repre- 
sented by the chromatic signs in any given signature used was absent 
from the song. On the other hand, to use a signature of five sharps, 
for instance, when only a# occurs in a song and b seems to stand in 
the relation of a tonic or general level to the rest of the tones, carries 
rather far the assumption of the song being definitely committed to 
the setting of b major. Of course keys in vocal music only unply a 
certain location, in the great gamut of possible pitches which the 
voice can produce, of a group of tones bearing fixed relations to one 
another in pitch. This whole group might be shifted higher or lower, 
that is, to a different key. Except for presenting the actual range 
of any song or voice in true pitch, songs intended for analytical study 
might all be written in the same key. 

In working out the scale of tones in any given song, each tone 
from highest to lowest was considered in turn. The total number 
of beats or the sum total of all notes occurring on each pitch during 
the entire song was counted. That note which had covered the 
greatest number of beats (but not necessarily occurring oftenest) 
was taken as the standard of value by which to compare the other 
notes of the song. Thus in the first song the lowest tone, e, if not 
reverted to more often than any of the othere, at least covers a greater 
number of beats, and moreover, occurs m places which, to a musician, 
are clearly of greater strategic importance for the melody as a whole 
than most of the other notes, a fact which contributes to its promi- 
nence quite as much as the total number of beats which are devoted 
to its utterance. Merely as an initial procedure in estimating the 
relative prominence of the different pitches, only the number of 
beats consumed on each was taken into consideration. After the 
number of beats occurring on each pitch was learned, the tune 
devoted to the pitch receiving the most attention (if the term may 
be allowed) was taken as the standard of value. In the first song 



ROBERTS] 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 415 



lower c (counting the time value of all the lower e's in the song) 
received M}4 beats. Lower e was therefore arbitrarily given a 
standard value of 100, and in order to show its relative importance 
in the entire scale of tones used in Song 1, was written as a whole 
note. In representing a scale of tones occurring in a melody it is 
misleading to make no distinction between tones which are important 
in the melodic structure and those which are ephemeral. Some 
plainly constitute a permanent framework of a scale; others are 
mere embellishments and in the course of several renditions by the 
same singer or different singers may never appear more than once. 

After the most important note has been determined it is necessary 
to calculate the time devoted to the other tones of the song in relation 
to it and to one another. The number of beats consumed on each of 
the other pitches of the song are counted and their ratio to the number 
covered by the most important tone is then calculated, but instead 
of being given in percentages, is represented directly for the different 
pitches in notes, the denominations of which themselves stand for 
relative time values. To anyone familiar with the rudiments of 
notation this system instantly conveys the relative importance of 
different pitches in the scale of tones occurring in any song, and, I 
venture to think, is preferable to a table of percentages for purposes 
of quick visual comparison, even to readers not familiar with notation, 
especially since the e.xact number of beats accruing to each note dur- 
ing the course of the song is written above it in the scale. 

A pitch having half, or approximately half, as much prominence as 
the chief tone, is wTitten as a half note. Since the whole thing is 
relative and the study requires only a rough presentation of the actual 
values, this system serves admirably. Dots and double dots after 
notes of different denomination make it possible to give the values 
somewhat more accurately, since one dot increases by half the value 
of the note to wliich it is attached, while a second dot adds half the 
value of the first. In other words the two together add to a note 
three-fourths of its face value. Notes so unimportant as to cover 
less than one thirty-second as many beats as the standard tone are 
WTitten without stems, since it seems unnecessarily meticulous to use 
denominations smaller than a tliirt^y-second in value. The diatonic 
intervals of the scale are represented sufficiently far apart horizontally 
on the staff to permit of writing between them all notes requiring 
chromatic signs or other diacritical marks for designating their 
pitches as intermediate between adjacent staff degrees. More such 
intermediate pitches may occur between some adjoining lines and 
spaces (diatonic scale tones) than between others in these songs, 
which explains why more horizontal distance is allowed on the staff 
between some notes a whole step apart than between others the 
pitch interval of which is the same. 



416 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



lETH. ANN. 43 



After the scales for each song and its various renditions have been 
calculated in the keys in which the songs were originally sung and 
written, they are all transposed, so that the principal tone of each 
song falls on c in the small octave (i. e., on the second space of the 
staff). It might seem that the mere factor of greater prominence of 
a note in a melody is not sufficient cause for consideiing it as the 
pivotal or fundamental tone about which to group the other scale 
tones and according to which to range the scales of the different 
songs in a table. (See pp. 445-447.) But it happens that in practi- 
cally every song the most prominent tone is not so merely by the pre- 
ponderance of a few beats, but that nearly always it outweighs in 
value of beats any other scale tone several times over. In some 
songs it outweighs in prominence practically all the other tones 
together. Thus mathematically, as well as from decided auditory 
impression as the song is sung, it appears to be the general level about 
which the melody revolves and to which it frequently returns. In 
18 out of 34 renditions or in 6 of the 11 distmct songs it is the tone on 
which the song ends. In 16 renditions or 5 distinct songs it is for all 
practical purposes the lowest note in the song, although in three of 
these the melody drops to within a whole step below it and one song 
ends on the lower tone rather than on the so-called tonic. But the 
value of these lower tones is always slight as compared with the other 
scale tones and in each case other renditions of the same melody 
merge these lower tones with the principal tone, showing that the 
drop below was not an important part of the melodic scheme and 
possibly inadvertent and to be discounted altogether. Therefore, 
from the standpoints of principal time value, of being the lowest 
not« in the scale of tones, and of being the final note in the song, it 
seems likely that this chief tone has a fundamental value for more than 
half of the songs and may justifiably be taken as a pivotal point 
around which to range the various scale tones of the different songs 
for the purpose of comparing them as groups. 

This chief tone, now transposed to lower c in all scales, is not the 
final nor the lowest tone in the remamder of the songs. On the 
contrary, for most of these it occupies almost a central position m the 
complete range of pitches. However, in practically all of them its 
prominence far outweighs that of the other tones and in audible 
rendition it seems to be as fundamental to the melodic structure as 
in the first examples. So I have retained it as a pivotal tone by which 
to compare the scales of the songs in which it is not the lowest nor 
the final note with those in which it is, and have grouped these songs 
to follow immediately the scales of the first groups, with the prmcipal 
tone c placed in the same vertical line for all the scales. The letters 
b, t, and e will be observed under certain notes in each scale. The 
note under which b is placed represents the beginning tone of the 



ROBERTS] ANALYSIS OF SONGS 417 

song, SO that its position in relation to the range of tones as a whole 
may readil}' be seen. The letter e designates that tone on which the 
song ends, while I have ventured to use t to indicate what seems, by 
all ordinary means of judging, to be the fundamental tone or general 
level around which the whole song revolves and to which the melody 
is constantly reverting — the tonic. Occasionally the same tone 
assumes all three offices; again only one or two of them. Also 
occasionally I have placed b under two notes when a song starts with 
a grace note which is omitted in repetitions of the A phrase, so that 
doubt exists as to whether the grace at the beginning was or was not 
inadvertent with the singer and whether the second note on which 
the remaining A phrases begin should be considered the intended 
first tone in the song. 

A comparison of the scales of the songs as ranged in the table 
reveals that no two scales are absolutelj' identical, but that, as might 
be expected, those covering the different renditions of the same tune 
are very similar and in a few instances ahnost exactly alike. If 
Picuris music of one or several types employed a reasonably definite 
tonal scheme or schemes, we should expect the tonal content of differ- 
ent songs of a given type to coincide for the most part. On the 
other hand, no good reason exists why Indian composers should 
necessarily introduce every known tone of a scale which they use into 
every song composed any more than that our own songs should do 
this — a procedure which would tend to increase the monotony con- 
siderably in the long run. So we should not expect the same degree of 
similarity in the derived scales of different songs as m those of various 
renditions of the same song. Although the actual tones used for 
any one song and its various renditions form a scale the main tones 
of which seem at first glance quite different from those of any other 
song or its renditions, I think that a study of the table of scales will 
convince the reader that the scales of all the songs possess, never- 
theless, many tones in common. Takmg mto consideration the 
position of the tonic in relation to the other tones m the scale, all the 
scales fall into five groups on this basis and that of identity of prin- 
cipal tones, especially if the ephemeral tones are regarded as being 
much less important structurally, as they usually are. Now and then, 
however, a pitch intermediate between two of the more usual scale 
tones will be found to have been repeated cjuite consistently, not 
merely in the repetitions of corresponding phrases, but in the different 
renditions of the same song. Such a tone, however peculiar it may 
seem to be, rises almost to the place of a structural tone m the melody 
scheme. In these songs no such tone appears consistently through- 
out every rendition, although in No. 12, which is a second rendition of 
No. 1 (p. 303), the flat c's at the beginning of the B phrases and the 
raised b's in a similar melodic situation at the beginning of the 



418 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES [eth. ann. 43 

C phrases might be taken to indicate a groping for a tone inter- 
mediate between the domuiant and the subdorainant. Curiously 
enough the tritone does not appear to have been the object of this 
gropmg, or else it would have surely been struck more frequently. 
Observe the sharped a in B', the 6b's in the C phrase of No. 1, the 
slightly flatted ftti's and the a#'s in the B and C phrases of No. 13 
(p. 427), and the &q's in the B and C phrases of No. 14 (p. 428). 
These tones are different for the different renditions because they are 
written in different keys, but in the table of scales (pp. 445-447) where 
they are all transposed to the key of C as the first four scales of 
Group I, they are the tones occurring between g and/fci. Their pres- 
ence may mean, on the other hand, that this singer had difficulty in 
always pitching true dominants and subdominants, hitting tones 
between them when the dominant should have been reached as the 
crest of a melodic curve, or, when progressing from the dominant to 
the mediant or tonic downward by way of the subdominant, flatting 
the subdominant as if its production had been influenced by the 
general melodic trend. Such a procedure might be termed "smooth- 
ing the melodic curves. " 

The scales of No. 7 and its other renditions, Nos. 24, 25, and 26, 
are undoubtedly the same as the first four scales except for transposi- 
tions of tones from one octave to another. Thus d between lower c 
and e is missmg in the first four, only occurring there in the upper 
octave above the upper tonic, while in the versions of No. 7 the upper 
tonic, leading tone and submediant are omitted altogether, but the 
tones which do appear comcide with scale tones of the first four songs. 
Nos. 7 and 26 are two of the three songs in Group I already mentioned 
where the melody drops below the tonic, but in the other two rendi- 
tions of No. 7 it does not. The same fluctuation of tones between 
the dominant and subdominant is noted as in the first four scales. 
In No. 7 a slightly flatted subdominant was used m the second meas- 
ure when dropping from the dominant to the tonic, while in the second 
A phrase, second measure, the true mediant is substituted for the 
subdominant in the same melodic setting. In the other renditions 
the mediant is used throughout. Again, although the B phrase in 
No. 7 begins with a true subdominant from an upward progression 
from the supertonic, and is followed by a true mediant, in the other 
renditions the subdominant fluctuates, apparently influenced by 
other tones. Thus in the B phrase of No. 24 it is probably influ- 
enced by the pull of the dominants in the first four measures, if that 
expression may be allowed; in B of No. 25 it is influenced by the 
trend of the melodic curve in which it is situated; in B of No. 26 
the altered c appears to have been influenced by e in the preceding 
measure but it would be still more speculative to attempt to account 
for the flatted c of B's third measure. 



I 



ROBERTS) 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 419 



While discussing this group of scales I should like to call attention 
to those marked as Group III on page 446. Except that the tones 
of the songs represented m this group range below the tonic as well 
as above it, and thus those below it are transposed as regards octave 
position, they represent the same scale intervals as the scales of 
Group I, namely, chiefly those of a major diatonic scale, but with 
some intermediate tones between the tonic and the leading tone just 
below it, some fluctuations just above and below the subdominant 
and a number of intermediate tones between the dominant and the 
submediant. Let us see what these intermediate pitches suggest. 

Song No. 2 (p. 307), the scale of which is the fii-st in Group III, 
offers more evidence that this singer was influenced in pitchmg his 
intervals by the general trend of the melody. In the first measure 
of the firet A the g is slightly sharped, bringing it nearer to the a's 
on either side of it, between which it stands as a changing note. 
Thus this little melodic curve has been smoothed, or attenuated. In 
both sections of the B phrase the c which stands as a changing note 
between the two a's is flatted, just falling short of what should be 
the peak of the melodic curve if the true tone were used which occurs 
in other melodic situations in the song. In the final measure of the 
C phrase as the melody comes nearer to the low g on which the phrase 
is to end, the c's are flatted in anticipation of the drop, or in response 
to the downward trending melodic curve. These modifications of the 
curves are not consistently carried out for all the repetitions of 
similar melodic situations but in the first B phrases of Parts II and 
111 the flatted c's between a's are to be noted. This tendency to 
reduce the sharpness of upward melodic curves accounts for all the 
intermediate pitches shown between the diatonic intervals in the 
scales of Nos. 2, f5, 16, and 17, so that these scales are to be identi- 
fied with those of Group 1 except that they lie around the tonic, the 
upper and lower tones being duplicated in difTerent octaves, instead 
of all tones lying above the tonic. Even in some of the songs of the 
first group the upper tonic appears as a duplication of the lower tonic 
in the second octave and the supertonic of the second octave appears 
when that of the firet does not. 

The other scales of Group 111 (those of No. 10 and its other rendi- 
tions, Nos. 31, 32, 33, and 34) illustrate a process exactly opposite 
to tliat of smoothing curves as well as offering some additional 
examples of such smoothing, although the latter are rare in this song. 
In the final measure of the first A phrase of No. 10 (p. 379) the two 
submediants are slightly sharped, altered in the direction away from 
the trend of the melody. The last measure in No. 10 and corre- 
sponding notes in the final measures of Nos. 31, 32, and 33 (pp. 
443, 444) indicate that these tones should have been true 6's. In the 



420 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES (eth. ann. 43 

first measure of the second A phrase of No. 10 the final note is 
sharper than in the corresponding measure of the first A phrase. 
Here the grave accent over gi^ does not mean flatting so much as 
that the note is so sharped that it is near enough to gi^ to be written 
that way rather than as g'l, which occurs everywhere else in this 
song. The peak of this curve between two/^'s is thus sharper than 
that in the first measure of A. To obtain a true perspective it is 
necessaiy to look to the other renditions, bearmg in mind that in 
the transposed scale of No. 10 in the table the notes under discussion 
are the flatted /# and the raised a. In No. 31 (p. 443) the tendency 
to sharp in the second measure, away from the direction of the 
melodic trend, is noticeable. The sharping of the first note of the 
song may mean merely that the whole level was started at this pitch 
and the singer could not keep up to it, but it is equally possible 
that the sharp attack is comparable to the sharpened curves. The 
raised notes of the second measure reveal an accentuated curve. In 
the first measure of the second score, however, the flatted e is prob- 
ably influenced by the curve of the melody — one of the few mstances 
in these four songs of the process of smoothhig a curve. The influ- 
ence here is specially strong since the leading tone by its very nature 
emphasizes the position of the tonic and draws the melody toward it. 
But the sharped a's again m the first measure of the A' phrase and 
the two first notes of the second measure are certainly evidence of 
the second process — that of acuating or sharpening a curve. The 
octave from the lower to the upper dominant is one of the easiest 
to produce under ordinary circumstances. In fact, the tendency to 
accentuate curves is very marked ua aU the renditions of this song, 
where only one good case of the opposite tendency is foimd, and is 
the more strildng because the melody itself is one of the most easUy 
singable on true pitches of any which are presented. Acuated 
downward curves are exemplified by the consistent flatting of the 
lower dominant as the lowest and last tone in the final measures of 
both phrases of No. 32; by the stiU greater drop at the corresponding 
points in the other two renditions, Nos. 33 and 34; by the deepcnmg 
of the curve in the next to the last measures of both A phrases of 
No. 34 as compared with other renditions; and possibly by the flat 
e at this same point in the first A of No. 31. At the close of songs 
such curves seem to lend finality as they do emphasis in the body 
of a song and there the acuated upward curves are possibly associated 
with the same function. If one made any estimate as to the condi- 
tions under which the five renditions of this song (Nos. 10, 31, 32, 
33, 34) were taken, which betray to such a degree a handling of 
melodic curves so opposite from that which characterizes the rest of 
his songs, one might suspect some sort of irritation in the singer. 
At least this much is known about the conditions under which the 



EOBEETS] ANALYSIS OF SONGS 421 

records were obtained. Only one informant gave the material, both 
the myths and the accompanying songs. He was kept at work 
steadily over long hom-s of concentrated effort. Under such condi- 
tions I have frequently noticed that Indians become considerably 
irritated, especially when they feel that they have already given the 
desired information clearly and sufhciently. They can not under- 
stand bemg asked to give the same performance repeatedly and 
resent the confinement incident thereto. The songs in which these 
accentuated curves are most appai'eut are the last of a long series of 
repetitions, when it would be expected that the Indian was probably 
irked. His earlier singing shows a decided tendency to smooth his 
melodic curves; the last of a long series shows the reverse propensity. 
These considerations, together with much experience with and long 
observation of singing, suggest the following cjuestions: (1) Does a 
deepenmg of the trough of do\\mward melodic cmwes mean the same 
as sharpening the peaks of upward curves? (2) Does such over- 
emphasis of melodic contours in singing indicate some sort of irrita- 
tion or excitement and does a tendency to smooth their sharpness 
come from a certain relaxation or indifference? It is not impossible 
that these questions may be truly answered in the affirmative. At 
least they suggest an interesting field for study. If they should 
prove to have indicated the truth perhaps these tendencies in singing 
might serv^e as another useful means of testing states of emotion. 

The principal tones of the last five scales of Group III appear to be 
substantially the same as the others in that group and in Group I, 
namely, the diatonic scale ranging roughly from dominant to domi- 
nant, the songs beginning on the highest tone and ending on the 
lowest, but giving most prominence in other respects to the tone thafc 
stands in the relation of a tonic to them. The sole reason for the 
existence of Group III as a category is this situation of scale tones 
above and below the principal tone, and the fact that the songs 
which tliis group represents begin on the liighest note and end on 
the lowest. After all, the scales of Group III are those of only two 
distinct songs, and other considerations than these lead one to 
classify them with the scales of Nos. 1 and 7 in Group I. It is 
worth noting that most of the pitch fluctuations from the diatonic 
norms in the scales of Group III lie between the doininant and the 
mediant abov^e the chief tone or tonic, just as in Group I, indicating 
that at least with this singer this is the most unstable region of tho 
scale. 

The scales of Songs 8, 6, and 5 and their other renditions 27, 28; 
22, 23; and 21 form Group II, which I have placed intermediate to 
Groups I and III merely because their range and the position of their 
tones in relation to the principal tone are about the same as those 
of Group I. In all the songs of Group II except one rendition, 



422 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES Ieth. ann. 43 

No. 28, the chief tone is also the lowest. Several of the principal 
tones of the scales of Group II are also duplicated in those of Group I, 
but in spite of these similarities I am inclined to consider the scales 
as quite different fundamentally from those of I and III, which, 
as already stated, seem to be alike except for their location in regard 
to that of the tonic. 

It will be observed that the scales of Group II range not more 
than an octave above the principal tone and less for some songs. 
The intermediate tones between the subdominant and the dominant 
which seemed to indicate an unstable area in the scales of Groups I 
and III have almost disappeared. In place of them are a great 
many pitches other than the major second and major third between 
the tonic and subdominant in the lower tetrachord. An examination 
of the lower tetrachords of the scales of this group reveals the fact 
that the tendency of the intermediate pitches between d and / is to 
cluster around eb in most of the scales, although in those of Song 8 
and its other renditions, Nos. 27 and 28, both eb and eb, are used, eh, 
being a little more prominent. In the upper tetrachord there is a 
very noticeable grouping of intermediate pitches around ab, and crb 
itself is very common, while ati has disappeared almost entirely. 
No. 8 and Nos. 27 and 28, wliich employ both eb and e\\, make little 
or no use of ab. Nevertheless they must be considered as having 
a peculiar mixed tonality of both major and minor, for the salient 
tones would read from lowest to highest c, d, eb, e\\,f, g, ab, c. In 
Songs 5 and 6 and their other renditions, 22, 23 and 21, the scale is 
more definitely minor since elq, which forms the major third with the 
tonic, is practically eliminated, but in No. 5 and No. 21 a.q either 
occurs with or takes the place of a\?. Therefore it can not be said 
that any of the scales of Group II are pure minors of harmonic, 
melodic or natural character, but they all have more in common 
than with the scales of Groups I and III and are more minor than 
major. The scales of each of the three songs and their versions 
may be quite distinct, depending on how seriously one takes the 
less prominent tones, but those of No. 6 and its other renditions are 
probably fundamentally the same as those of Nos. 8, 27, and 28, 
for the songs are obviously all versions of the same tune. 

What appears to be extreme instability in this melody of Nos. 8 
and 6 as regards the interrelationship of intervals, especially of the 
thirds, makes any assumption as to the function of the pitches indi- 
cated by the acute and grave accents very risky. Thus in No. 8 
(p. 369) the sharp eb of the third measure might be an instance of 
acuating a curve, but judging from No. 6 (p. 367) it is probably a 
reflection of/ in the previous measure and thus is really an illustra- 
tion of smoothing. Possibly the sharp g\? at the beginning of the 
B phrases is a rough approximation to the more definite «b which is 



ROBERTS) ANALYSIS OF SONGS 423 

soon to come or it may be a case of sharpening the curve between 
(l.y and/ as No. 27 would indicate. At any rate it is another example 
of a modified subdominant, which in No. 28 in relation to the at> imme- 
diatelj' following it becomes a tone which would be the mediant 
with d\} as the tonic. The raised (l\> in the first measure of the C 
phrase of No. 8 is probablj* a case of smoothing the downward curve; 
the din's of the second measure again are a clear example of the 
sharping tendency. In No. 27 the first note of the third measure 
probably illustrates the smoothing process but the sharped c's are 
comparable to the d's of No. 8, just discussed. The instability of the 
principal tones of the scale affects judgment regarding the ephemeral 
tones. I can only recommend a comparison of the songs, which will 
give some idea of the difficulties of the problem. 

No. 6 appears to be a more stable version of the song than No. 8 
and its other renditions, 27 and 28. Here the tendency to acuate 
curves is evident throughout. It is clearer from No. 6 and its other 
two renditions that the distinctions between major and minor thirds 
which appear continually at different levels and in dift'erent situations 
throughout the song is very difficult for this singer. The second 
measure of No. 23, showing the depressed peak of the curve between 
the two ^'s, probably explains the c:'s of the first measure in Nos. 8 
and 28. 

In No. 5 (p. 353) the depressed eb in the third measure of the C 
phrase appears to have been affected by the long series of lower 
notes preceding it and the drop to the Jb's in the next measure. In 
other words, the peak of true e\> seems to have been gained with 
difficulty and the tendency to attenuation of the curve is observed, 
as also in the fourth measure of the B phrase. These two inter- 
mediate pitches are therefore probably to be discounted as main 
scale tones in the table where they appear as lowered g and lowered/. 
Both of the sharped pitches in the final measure of the A phrases of 
No. 21 (the other rendition of No. 5, p. 353) are probably due to 
smoothing downward melodic curves. 

Comparable to Group II, except that the principal tone occupies a 
middle position just as in the songs of Group III, are the scales of 
Group IV which are derived from Songs 3 and 4 and their other 
renditions, Nos. 18, 19 and 20. They are more lunited in tonal con- 
tent than those of Group II, although their range covers an octave. 
The presence of eb as a prominent or structural tone forming a minor 
third with the tonic, rather than the prominence of elq which would 
create a major third, makes them minor, although the major third 
is not entirely lost sight of, as its infrequent use proves. It is inter- 
esting to observe the low beginnings of the songs the scales of which 
form Group IV in contrast to the higli initial notes m the songs of 
Group III where the tonic also occupies a middle position in the scale. 



424 PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES |eth. ann. 43 

The fifth group represents the scales of two songs, Nos. 9 and 1 1 
(pp. 379, 397), and the other renditions of No. 9, Nos. 29 and 30 
(pp. 442, 443), which are exceedingly limited in range. The longest 
scale, that of No. 29, covers only a very little more than a perfect 
fourth. These scales are quite different from all the others, aside 
from their lunited range, ua that the tonic lies at the top of the range 
and the songs begin with it but end on a tone a minor third below. 
Another peculiarity is that the only prominent tone intervening 
between the tonic and the minor thu'd below it tends definitely to 
be the minor seventh rather than the major seventh or leadmg tone, 
although it is somewhat uncertam, as the cluster of minutely graded 
pitches about it show. The one "altered" pitch in No. 9 is clearly 
a slighting of the trough between the/s, since eb would be the normal 
tone here, as its presence elsewhere in the song indicates. This tone 
is the slightly flat b in the table. 

The sharp initial tone of No. 29 (p. 442) is harder to explain than 
the flatter beginning of the second A phrase, which is likely due to 
the pull of the two previous notes. The depressed eft m the last 
measure of both A phrases is strictly comparable to the depressed fiiq 
in No. 9 and in the table of scales is also represented as a slightly 
flat 6. In the next to the last measure of No. 29 the somewhat 
lowered pitches may be anticipations of the approaching end and the 
low closing tone. Practically all of No. 30, which in tonal content 
consists mainly of the tonic, is sung sharp. The true/# is heard only 
in the final measure of each A phrase and is probably true at these 
points because of a downward puU of the melody in the midst of 
which it forms a peak. 

The limitations of No. 11 (p. 397) have already been mentioned. 
It is worth notmg that the two identical measures of the second 
A end with a slight rise in pitch, wliile the measures of the A's pre- 
ceding and foUowing do not. Tliis extra tone in the second A 
phrase adds a third to the two principal tones of which the call is 
chiefly composed and figures as ib in the transposed scale of 
the table. 

To summarize briefly the situation as revealed by the scales, it is 
seen that two classifications of scales may be made. One considers 
the position of the principal tone in relation to its setting in the 
tonal content of the song, and by this classification there are three 
types of scales foimd, one exhibited in Groups I and II, another in 
Groups III and IV, and a third in Group V. The second classifica- 
tion takes into consideration only the mtervalic relationships of the 
tones to one another and to the prmcipal tone or tonic as a funda- 
mental, and under this classification three main types of scales are 
also derived. The first, regardless of the location of the tonal content 
of the song above, below or around the tonic, is exhibited in Groups I 



ROBERTS] ANALYSIS OF SONGS 425 

and III and is strongly major in tonality. The second is exhibited 
in Groups II and IV and is strongly minor in tonality or a mixture 
of major and minor in which the latter predominates. The third is 
exemplified in Group V, and is neither major nor minor because of 
the position of the tonic as the upper tone and the presence of what 
stands in relation to it as a minor seventh. This variety of scales 
prevents drawing any conclusion as to the prevailing scale for 
Picuris myth songs, if such might be foimd to exist by examining a 
large number of distinct songs. The most that can be said is that 
both major and minor tonalities are known to the Picuris; that 
the myth songs examined divide according to them in about equal 
proportion; and that the intennediate pitches not infrecjuently occur- 
ring between the diatonic steps of which both major and minor 
scales are formed, are not, as far as the evidence points at present, 
structurally important in the scale, but more or less ephemeral tones 
in the songs. The presence of these ephemeral tones in most melodic 
situations is to be accounted for by the direction m wliich the voice 
is moving in upward or downward curves, controlled, it may be, by 
certain psychological conditions in the two opposite tendencies of 
smoothing and acuation, which for the most part do not manifest 
themselves together in the course of a single song. 

I have said nothing about the large curve which each melody 
describes in its entirety, nor of the possibility of these large curves 
proving a common basis by which to classify the songs as a group. 
Unfortunately the limit of time imposed in preparing this analytical 
discussion, so that it could accompany the fii-st part of the paper 
which was already in press, prevents further investigation of the 
songs along other lines of analysis. The position of the beginning 
and ending tones of the song in relation to the general levels as 
shown in the tables make clear the point that the curves which the 
melodies describe are radically different. 
19078°— 28 28 



426 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



ADDITIONAL RENDITIONS 



NO. 12. TRAVELING SONG OF THE ELF 



A 

b. J=76 



TranBcription by Helen H. Roberts. 

B 






m m — 1-#-3 



EI5 



-P — Pt- 



-^ 



^ 



:^^3t 



■^ — y 



a 



=9 






Ai 'ai we-ta - la 



?=t=j=t 



a 

'ai 'ai we- ta - la 

^ — N- 



we-ta - la 



haa - aa Ho - 
C 



-3— • • -f- 



g=^^ 



-*— ^ 



y ^ b' 

li - u - li - u - ho - o we - ta - la we - ta - la haa - aa Ho 




^i 



-P± 



-H^ ^ 1^ 



-\- 



1^ 



li - u - li - u - ho - o we - ta - la 



we - ta - la 



- ' b" 
haa - aa Ho - 



^ 



p, — I* — ^ — He 

J LJ I l_! 



H h 






4± 



iJi 



a= 



--N-^- 



-* ^3-#- 



-*—*—*" 



-i*— *— •" 



li - n - li - u ha-he 'a haa-a-a 'ai ha-ne-va ha-ne-va 



A 


f-^i*-^^- 


J = 84 

"* — r~ 


:P=2z^=zr^ 


^-^-^^- 


c 


-=^^4-1 — ^- 


-k— ^^^ 


1 — LZ 


-t=^=B^L 


— -~^'^'- 


-^ — h' •' : 



a a X '^ b 

'Ai 'ai we- ta - la 'ai 'ai we-ta- la we-ta -la hea - aa Ho- 



=9iE^E?=E#E3^ 



• — t) 



gg 



y 



43t 



^ 



=^ 



fczzt 



->->">-" 



#-3-* 

z 
li-u-li-u-ha-he a 



s s ' s ^ s 



a - a ai ha-ue-ya ha-ue-ya. 



BOBERTS] 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 



427 



NO. 13 



A 

C. J=80 



TranscriptioQ by Helen H. Roberts. 



^ 



-fV-A- 



^mA 



A \- 



-3- 



-W ■- 



:C=P 



P-3 1- 



t± 



-^-^ 



»— *- 



H- 



;fe 



a a' X ^•- -•- • b 

'Ai 'ai \vc'-ta-!a 'ai 'ai wc-ta-la We-ta-la haa-aa Ho 

V N C 



ftizrjv: 



^n 



^ 



zJ^zzic 



t 



^ 



-* <^ ' -#-3- 



-<!—»- 



it*=J 



g 



li - u - li - u - ho -o We-ta - la We- ta-la hoa - oa IIo 
A' 



i: 



a 



ii: 






3I 



L^I 



li-u-Ii-M ha-he 'a hoa-.»-a-'ai Ha-ne-ya ha-ne-ya-a' 'Ai 'ai 

B' 






•- -•- -•- 



iil^l 



a- X' ^»- -■- -"- b" 

We-ta-la - a ':ii 'ai we-ta-la We-ta-la haa-saHo- li - u - li- 

C 



mm^ 



:^=fcd: 



-j^ — N 



-3-i^ ^ 



1 N 



3t2; 



:^=:^ 



Jsirdv- 






-y'-w- ^w- -w- -W- b' 

ho - o We -ta-la we - ta - la hoa - oa Ho - li - ii - li - u 



2. 



^m 



I 



& 



■^ 



— 1 1-3— 1—1-' ^ J • ^— •— [ -*-^ 1 I I ^ J 1 1 1 U t^ I — H — 



ha-he 'a hoa-o-a-'ai ha-ne-va hane-va-a lia-ue-va. 



428 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



NO. 14 



A 



d. J = 80 (84 on repeat) 



Tranacriplion by Hclpn II. Roberta. 









l^E^ 





a 




a' 






X 


^ 


• • - b 


1. 


'Ai 


'ai we- ta - la 


'ai 


'ai 


we - ta - la 


We-ta- 


la 


haa-aa Ho - 


2. 


'Ai 


'ai we- ta - la 


•ai 


'oi 


we - ta - lo 


We- ta- 


la 


haa-oa Ho - 


3. 


'Ai 


'ai we- ta - la 

• 


'ai 

= 84 


'ai 


we - la - la 


We - ta - 


la 


haa-aa Ho - 
C 



:t 



m. 



i^ 



tE^rt 



:1==1= 



li - u - li - u - ho - o we - to - la 
li - u - li - u - ho - o we - ta - la 
li - u - li - u - ho - o we - ta - la 



^- - - b 

We - ta - la hv)a - oa Ho ■ 

We - ta - la haa - aa Ho • 

We - la - la hoa - aa He ■ 
i 1 and 2.~| I 3. 



E£M 



-N-H^-- jN— \ 



1^^=^ 



±Mzjtz 



Z 

U-u-li-u ha-he 'a haa-a-a'ai 

h-u-li-u ha-he 'a haa-a-a'ai 

h-u-li-u ha-he 'a haa-a-o'ai 



2? 



ha-ne-ya 
ha-ne-ya 
ha-ne-va 



P 



IJVlfti 



-^-N^ 



* * it * 

ha-ne-ya -a. 
ha-ne-ya -a. 



^3 



ha- ne-yo. 



ROBERTS] 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 



429 



NO. l.T. LOVE SONG OF THE ELF 



lA 



b. J 


^^ ,^, ■, , ■, . . ^ ,1 . ^ Transcription by Helen II. Roberts. 

= 76 (Gradual dropping to G^ minor) 


c\' r 


1 4 r r r * 


— 1^ ^' I* 




T* J 


1 ^ J lj i 








I4J ^ ^ ^ i 


-1^— «— *— *-L/- 


1 1 ^ ^ 1 






^y^-p -^ _,J 


^ 



a a' 

Ya - 'e - he - 'a 'e - rai - hyo - 'e - ro ya - 'c - he - o 'e - rai - 



B 




^ 










^1-0^-^^.^ 


] 


p^j^'l^^: 


tairJ^ 


-^- 


-J 


— 1 — 


U^L^^J'Zl V 




-t^-^ * 


|4-»_ 


« 


— #"=- 





b ' b' 

hj'O - 'e - ro Ya - 'e - he - 'a 'e - ra - i - hyo - 'e - ro ya 

^ C defect in record 

--j- ^-^ ^ 






W- 



zMiuti 



il 



f£E 



:t= 



-^ — s- 



'e - he - 'a "e-ra-i - hyo-'e-ro 'E - rai-ya-'e-hyo 'ai-hyo wi - ro • 
A'^- — . — . 






--^-' 



-s-^ 



Vzi± 



3=£tf-«'-*--g: 



he - yo 



a 
Ha 



a - te 



e pa - am - o 
B' 



a 

ne ha ■ 



H— J- 



:^ 



-H 



:t 



-i< — ji- 



-=M»- 



ittfi^tzlti 



V — 5- 
a - te - e pa - am - 'o 



b" ^' 

n§ Tea - a - kwil 



? C 



PPl 



t:E|3i3^5E 



=zfcS^tzi=ti 



^ 



-* —*—• — i# ^ 



-l< — ^- 



y? 



b' 

'a 



c' 

tee - e - tci 'E - 



II A" 



i^iiL 



.* — n^ 



-• —* — * - 



iiiS 



•-rat 



i(_C3ia_=_« 



--^S-tT 



:4 "i — I — ;_ g=r= : 



rai - ya-'e-hyo "ai - h\'o wi-ro - he - yo 



a '■ 
Ya 



lie - a c - rai - 
B" 



4- 



^zaz 



s — »-' 



-P=F 



IS 



a 

hyo - 'e - ro ya - 



BIlK 



4=^^= 



^ 



e - he 

m 



a e - rai 



hyo 



b 

■ ro Ya- 



-y-y 






itii-t-ex*: 



'c - he 



'a 'f - ra - i - hyo-"e - t.j ya - 



he 



siiisiiijfe^pp?^^ 



H3 



a e - ra - I - 
A'" 



^^-9 ^-9 — \-^-^ 



c' ^" ^ a 

liyo-'e-ro 'E - rai -ya-''.^-hyo 'ai- hyo wi - ro - he - yo - o Ha- 



430 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



f5l^8z^'=S 



■M^t^^^z 



r±.-rir 



3^:S 



± 



gS=a: 



I3?E?^333 



L-4i 



-v^^- 



11=^-1^ 



-.4- ^_a^«_«_! 



#=^ 



a - te - e pa-am 



a b"" 

n? ha- a-te-e pa-am - 'o - n§ K^.- 



a»r, rj^ j 3E.^ ja 'j^paisiB -^^^ 



a - m^ - ail - te^l 
C" 



tci - 1 



b" 
q. to 



pi - u ail 



i^V,^ 



m A" 



aa ^^j^ ajsj^^g^ ^gpH^feji^fei^ 



m^ - Q - tci E - rai - ya -'c-hyo 'ai - hyo wi -ro 



he - yo - o Ya- 



P^-^!t-^ 4 - t^ ' ^^^ — '^^ ^F -4 — -<^— a— >— -i-F - 4 T I LJ^ — 



iStf 



e - he - 'a 'e - rai 
B 



^*= 



h\-o - 'e - ro ya 



e - he - 'a 'o- rai - 

A- 



gi^ii^^ 



*ji 



liyo - e' - ro Ya 

— r=— 



he 



a e - ra-i 



liyo - 'e - ro ya • 
C 



^S 






^ 



he 



§i»S 



^=1^ 



e - ra - 1 



hyo 



c 

'E 



^1 



5=a=9 



Pz 



£i* 



rai - ya - 'e-hyo 'ai - hyo wi - ro - he - yo - o. 



ROBERTS] 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 
NO. 10 



431 



I A 

C. J= 76 



Transcription by Heleo H. Roberta. 



:M3-*.zt; 



a 
Ya 



a 



'e - he 



a e - rai 
B 



h\-o 



va - 'e - he ■ 



a e - rai 



:§^e: 



f=at 



■ 1 1 f- 



-I — hrf — *- 



-V— 5- 
he 



rzfr- 



-^—^-' 



hvo 



b 

Ya 



-^ — 1 — h*-*- 



-^-fc 



' — ' b 

a 'e - ra - i - hvo - 'e - ro va - 

c ^^\. /\ A 



!•=*- 



i#5^ 



-i<— *i- 



i± 



& 



P P m — J— • — • — #~# 

-t— — ( 1 * — 1 = — *- 



■F=&= 



'e - he - a 'e-ra - i 



hyo- 'e - ro 'E 
k' ^ —. 



-^-V— 



rai-va- 'e-hyo 'oi-hyo wi-ro - 



A-5— ^-5:5 



il 



:v=t 



SBB 



:^^=i- 



:Si 



he - vo - o 



Ha 



a - te - c pa-am 



a 

n§ ha- 







■^ 










B^ 


- 










tt rT^ 






• 






f\ 1 




N ^ . 


'-i.4 1 1 1 :, '. 


• • 




1 1 • 




^ \ 


1 


J 






r r. m m 


1 ^ • 1 • " _n 


4 


L-b- 


—5 


i^-J 


u u_^ 1^ J_J 



a - te - e pa - am - o 




rai - va-'e-hvo 'ai - hyo wi-ro 



^^^^^E^ 



=t=^ 



e - he - 'a 'e - rai 
a - te - e pa-am- 
B 



Tp -^/ > I 



-=;-^- 



V— I 









a 








hvo - 


'e - 


ro 


va - 


e 


lie- 


'a "e -rai 


'o 


- 


n? 


ha - 


a 


- te - 


e pa - am 



hvo - 'e - ro \o. 
'o - riQ Ka 



9^ P^r ^ 



^ 



^BF 



4zt 



-p 



r5=t=p=t: 



t:4i 



-»— *- 



±: 



'e - he 
ff. - ma 



a e - ra 
on - tp(;I 



hyo-'e - ro ya 
tci - i - s^ te 



'e - he 
3 - pi 



a c-ra-i 
u 'an - 
/\ 



g 



iSi: 



-+- 



tit 



X 



§ 



hyu - 'e - ro 
iii§ - § - tci 



c 

•E 
'E 



rai - ya - e 
rai - va - 'e 



hyo 'ai - hyo wi - ro - 
hyo 'ai - hyo wi ■ ro ■ 



432 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



niA" 



. ^ ^— ^ ' r 


'• ^ — ^ — : ' 


n— :— • = • = 1 


^iif^J. J.-J^^^-^f 


-\f-s^~^-d—^^»-f 


ff'^f 


— F — 1 — « — 


" ■-_-■ J ** 


lq -v_-. d -J- 


I"* 





he - yo - o - o 



Ha 



he - vo - o - o 



a'" 
Ya 



'e - he • 



coxarz:^^ ^^^ — l^njgi -arr — I* — W — f W 



e - rai - 
B' 



Mz 



4=Sl 



^^<c: 



a 

hyo - 'e - ro ya - 'e - he - 'a 'e - rai 



hvo 



b' 

'e - ro Ya - 



:^ 






9^^ 



?±»zi 



*=^ 



^? 



'e - he - 'a 'e - ra - i 
C 



^ 



hyo - 'e - ro ya - 'o - he 



a e - ra - 1 



=t 



1=d=^ 



E^iSi 



^*^J= 



H 



:p=P= 



i*=t 



ft 



*z=ii-i&' 



hyo - 'e - ro 'E - rai -ya - 'e-hyo 'ai - hjo wi - ro - he - yo - o - o. 



ROBERTS) 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 
NO. 17 



433 



d. J=76 



TraoHcriplion by Helen 11. Roberta. 



^ 



m 



ifTtub 



fEa-iE 



o3e 



-.^-5.- 



o (• - rai 




Ha - a - te 



te 



pa - am o 



n? 



b 

Tea- a 



kwil 



-^T^M — ^1- 


-n*-K^- 


r- i^-J^^ ^^t^^-^— 1^-^ 


C 


^4^. J-J-^ 


=t-J:^^- 


-^ * ^ V *--^ ■ -4^L-;-^- 


— u 



y? 



tee 



i 



SS VN V 



^ n A" 



tci 



c 

'E 






^^ 



d- d - 



f33t 



=p=p 



rai - ya-'e-hyo 'oi-hyo wi - ro - he - e - yo 
defective 



Ya - 'e -he- 'a 'e -rai 
B' 



gssa^ 



— 7- 

hyo - 



i^E 



ai: 



-ff— #- 



e - ro ya 



- he - 'a 'e - rai 



hvo - 



-V 1 



b 

ro Ya ■ 




434 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



1 Ck-i f- 


— •— 


~y—f- 


^ " 


B 

FT ^""T^ 


ij. » 


rTl* — h ^ . 1 


M4j= 


-I— 


-i> ^ 




fei^Ei---^'=l 


lit 


-^-4-S^.^J 



a - te - e pa - am 



S^ 



■4rf- 



-fV— IV 



^F=i^ 



n? Ka - IJ - ma - an-tce-cl 

C 



^ii£. 



iz 



-v-^ 



tci 



i - sa t3 



Pi 



^in 



m§ - ? - tci 'E 





'"'''^ ^ r. 1 h h 




m A'" 




i^iHir- 


- ^— Tv— 1 ^^ ^^ 


1^- 


— 1— ^ ,-^F- 


-*-r— r ft f- 


^^-^- 


" • * • • i # 


1^-^ 


-r^*-j— 1^- 


^j — 1 — 'i^ '•^ 1 — 



rai - ya - 'e-hyo 'ai -hyo wi - ro - he - e - yo Ya - 'e-he-'a 'e-rai- 

B" 



:p^ 



^ 



TYT ^ 

4 ! . i^ =* — *- 



IfrziZ 



a 

hyo - 'e - ro ya 



^ 



he - 'a 'e - rai 



hyo - 'e - ro Ya - 



-sm 



s 



:^;5:i- 



j=3?^a3i 



13^ 



£383 



-#— ■ — *- 



-+7 



-^— aH 



-K 



-"-5* ^-=^ b 

'e - he - 'a 'e- ra - i - hyo - 'e - ro va - 'e - he 



a e - ra - 1 



=§3! 



p 



a l ^' 



it 



:?Pq^ 



H- 



=t- 



rtztntzat 



-H 



fi= 



hyo - 'e - ro 



c 

'E 



rai - ya - 'e-hyo 'ai - hyo wi - ro 



he - e - yo. 



ROBERTS] 



ANALYSIS OP SONGS 



435 



NO. 1<S. SONG OF THE ELF AS HE IS PACKED ALONG 
A 



6. J =76 










Tranacript 


on by Helen H. Roberts. 


-c^fOsa-f-T-j^-^-Ki 


-4 P — i — *- 


-#-^ 


— p— 


"f p j"^ 


-J 1 


--j — — — 


:2-f jf_l4 ^ =» ^ * [^ 


.t 


" * * ^U- 


-^ r 


-t^-r^*- 


* > 


--I 

^m-^ 1 



^J 



We - se - lo 
(defect) 



X y 

ve - se - lo se - lo se - lo se - lo we - a 

^ ^^ 



=?s=P»: 



mil 



-35— «- 



b 

Me - 'e 



ve - e - he - he 



he 



he 



c 


—m — 


:— 


. ^^"M 


-^-^- 


[^->^ 


-l 


A 


-:&: 


-?-^ 


I^^Jt-?^-^- 


—I' — 


:^ 


=fL4^:t 


_*^_ 


^v_^ * 


-d_ 




¥ 


«L_H 



bz 

'A- 'a- ha - a - ha 



ha 



he - lo - we 
B' 



a ^ 

We - so - lo 



^#rdr5zj^jzs=*- :f±zp= :P^t^ ij— j" zf-P :f=#^t ^t^?"^ 


_=.^Jf_5 jLjL_iL^tAl._ .1 ^ -t^-p- J^ -* — ^L „ _JL _UJ-^U_U-^_'^_^_ 



b' 



we - se - lo s 

• 1 li IS Ik 


e- lo 


se-lo 
C- 


se - 


lo we - 'a 

^ r. 


Me - 'e 


ve - e-he 
D 


-^fii^^-.^.^i'^ 


H^ 


-f-r 


H 


-r^-^-^ 


lri~ 


-1-9 'i f - 


-^^Ti-^-i^—y —^ 




-U — 1 — 


-t= 


hi. ^-^-^H 


J4-*— 


4^ — *- 



z 

ve - he 



he 



bz 

'A - 'a - ha - a - ha 



ha 



d 

'O - wi 



mi 



!tjv- 






Wi^ 



i 



•^ — 1~ — }■ 



.P:*=t=*= 



*r3t=3t 



t'a - i - na - 1 j - 'e - pa Ta - so - el - hu tca-ui§u-uo 



Sfl 



436 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



NO. 19 



C. J ^76-80 



Transcription by Helen H. Roberts, 



izfc2=:5^i^ 



1^6 






i^-^ 






X y 

We - se - lo we - se - lo se - lo se - lo se - lo we - 'a 
B . C 



V- 



b 

Me 



-^ 1 



^S 



^=:^=Pl: 



he \e - he 

-^ — >-r f^ ^ — |- 



he 



b2 

'A - 'a - ha 



:^=q= 



:2=t 



-f— i— i- 



-•=t 



y — ^-3-^ — g-a- 



m 



ha 



c 

la 'e 



he - lo - we 



We - se - lo 
B' 



m 



itilrt 



m 



we - se - lo 


se - lo se - lo 


se - lo we 
C- 


- 'a 


]Me - 'e 




i i> 


P m 


n m 




H-, p r f * f 


p J J J ^ 


1 • r 


'• 1 


P • J J 


■2=rt,-t-F-n-^- 


H^~f • ** * 

—y - — 1 ' 


^t-P=^ 


■4-V- 


-\r^^* 



ye - he ye - he 



he 



bz 

'A -'a - ha 



ha 



ha 






I^7rfr 



z&rJt 






S—d—it- 



■jtrMzzMt 



'0 - wi - t'a - 1 - up - le - 'o - pa Ta-so -'el 



hu tca-men-ny 



K0BERT31 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 



437 



NO. 20. SONG OF THE ELF I\ THE FIRE 



,A 

b. J=76 












T„a.cr. 


ption by Helen H. Roberta. 


'c\- rt-j ^ f* N 


^ ^ 


N -* 


M • 


• ""' i'^ 


1 ! 
















1 *i 


^ br>A #1 * * r 


* # ■ ■ 


* > 




-^ ^ 


'^ * 




1 " !/-«■ 


-•-^ 








— ^ — ' 






^•-. ' 



a ^ 

We - se - lo 



&s 



^ 



we - se - lo .se - lo se - lo 



=^r:*i 



y 

se - lo 



izJ- 



=P=3 



z^—^ 



b 

Me 



he 



z 
vo ■ 



he 
A 



bz 
A- 



Y^^ J /Jq 


-t^-^ 


l^^d — ^- 


-*^-^'-^-JHH^- 


f25^-*_-0- 


•— * — *— 


l#=*=^^ 


if-* — M — • — ^ * — * *^ 
j± ^•-^ ■ 



c 

ha 'e 



he - lo 



a ^ 

We - se - lo 

B' 



we - -se - lo .se • 



gi^ 



se - lo 



se - lo we - 'a 
C- 



b' 

Me 



'e ye - he 
D 



-^v»-f f I ^ 


-^—r- 


"^f — r 


^-^iT-J^^J^- 


-g 


— 1 — 1 


^^^^^v^ T— *= 


* S 


:^-. 


-4-^-.^-^=*-*- 


4^^ 


# 



z 

ve - he 



he 



bz 

'A 



ha 



ha 



d 

'O - wi 



g^ 



4 » '4 — * — ^ 



^ 



-* — *- 



4 •- 



m 



t'a - i - n^ - Id - 'e - pa nq, wi - luu - na ta - so - td - ki - au 



ng. 



438 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[eTH. ANN. 43 



NO. 21. SONG OF THE TWO DOVE MAIDEN SISTERS WHO BECAME STARS 



b. /'=168 










rr 


Trsnacription by Helen H. Roberts. 

B 




1 ^ a 








^ 










1 • , " 1 


1 '» r r 








f • 


1* a 


1 p ^ 


^ b J J 


u ■ ' 




[/ 1 




r 








1 n 1 


V 1 




»» 




1 


1 1/ 


1 L/ 


'^ i>' I/ 























K'u-a - k'a-.sa - phi - ng. - ta 
C 



ts'^i K'u - a - k'a- sa - phi - n^- 



Ei^ 



-fs N- 



f^ 



-V — V- 
ta - ts't}. '4 - i - wi - k'i - i - wa - p'a - lo - h^ - m§ - h^t - m§ 

, , C A 



^^ 



^ 



-^- 



hq. - m§ K^n - so - ts'o - 'o - tel 



hu. 



K'u - a - k'a - sa ■ 







r 


B 








-^M>— 1^^ — i» — •— 


-z&*^^»^ 




-Kr^ ^1-^ =^ 


— ^» 9 a 


J 0^ — W-, F- 1 ' 

-=^^& — »-V ^ 1/— 


F^^=^ 


~9»- 

L-J 1 




F HP 


-h 


— hi-l ^ • 



phi 



n^ 



ta 



ts'^ 



K'u 



k'a - sa - phi - na - 



^^ 



^ 



"F=§* 



^t=^ 



-V — ' 



ta 



ts'a 



^z,tp. 



'4 - i - wi - k'i - i - wa - p'a - lo - h^i - m? 
-, C 



^ 



atzt* 



■i?— =^ 



9 



EE^ 



■*-:—-• 



hf - m§ - h^ - m§ Kf n - so - ts'a - 'o - tel 



hu. 



ROBEBTS] 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 



439 



NO. 22. SONG OF THE WIZARDS AS KOYOWJXaLAPAN ENTERS THEIR 

ESTUFA 
A 

Ij ^ 900 ^ Transcription by Helen H. Roberta. 



^g^ 



V- 



-^—0- 



=t= 



\4Fi-~ 



• — •- 



a^ 



;» 



;S: 



^ 



He - nai-'o - ne - n^ 
B 



3 

n^ he 




ll^^i^iE 



ne - 'e - na He - nai -'a - ne 
C 



n^ 



5 

he 






agg^a iaiai^ia 



6 7 

ne - 'e - u?. He - na - ne - u^ he - nai 



ne - e - n^. 



440 



PICTJRIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



[ETH. ANN. 43 



NO. 23 



C. ^= 200 



■n — *- 



1 

He - uai - 'a - ne 



-1^— b/ 



Tranflcription by Helen H. Roberta. 






na 

b' 



a a - ne 



3 

na he 



asii^ 



m^ 



tiBift 



i 



aH=^=±^fi 



2: 



ne - e - n^ 



He 



nai- a - ne 



nq. 



5 

he 



ii«^^gi^i^^^i^[ig 



SEtEitztE*: 



6 7 

ne - 'e-n^ He - na - ne-n^ he 



ne - e- nq. 



1 



1^ 



^^ 



H-a 



a= 



&te 



:!=:: 



=t^: 



^1= 



it 



He- nai-'a - ne - na 
B 



a - ne - n^ 



he - nai 



^^^ 



m 



=p^4 



Sz 



^ 



^=&= 



ii=t 



gggS 



ne - 'e - na He - nai - 'a - ne - np, he 
' C 

-N— i: ^ 



ISS 






Z?5-q. 



fl 



:tz*3te 



6 7 

ne - 'e-n^ He • na - ne-n^i he - nai - 'a - ne - 'e-n^i. 



NO. 24. CRYING SONG OF THE GRANDMOTHER AS SHE SEEKS KOYOW 

IX3LAPAN 

A 

b. ,■ = 84 _ A 



Transcription by Helen H. Roberta. 



=9^^T 



EiE 



4=f=f= 



■P— [|," 4=^=b' 



^: 



± 



-zJ- 



4; 



^T_i — I — 



Ar- V »'--.— ^ - 



Ko- yo - wj - .\a - la 



pan 



Ko - yo - wj - X9 - la 






na 



pan 



'Ai - wj - ni? - ke ha - yu - wi m? - hu m^ - hu. 



ROBERTS] 



A 

C. J = 84 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 441 

NO. 25 

A Transcription by Helen H. Roberts. 



^ & 4 



W^ 



-4 ^—v 



-St- 



5^ 



X 



4 rV—\/^ 



Ko - yo - wi - xa - la 



pan 



Ko - yo - w; - xa - la 



^^ 



!^ 



Sz 



=^EEgiEN: 



^^1^ 



4^^^- 



^ 



pan 'Ai - wj - ni? - ke ha-yu-wi m§ - hu m§ - hu. 

NO. 26 

A Tranacription by Helen H. Roberts 



E» 



A 

d J =104 



#=»= 



S^ 



I^Z 



a: 



lEEEt^t^^ 



4 - ^ ^ I 



Ko-yo-wj - xa - la 
B 



pan 



Ko - yo - wj - xa - la 



:^=± 



--^- 



^ 



^Jl 



•— jg- 



iii 



i 



pan 



'Ai - wi - ng - ke lia - yu - wi m§ - hu m? - hu. 



NO. 27. SONG OF THE WIZARDS AS THEY MAKE KOYOWIX3LAPAN AN 

OLD WOMAN 
A 

^^ A about 200 Transcription by Helen H. Roberts. 




=9^ 



Mi-ma-f o-la-pi - a- jio t'd- la-jii - a-p(j he - nai- 'a- ne - 'e-na 

B C " " 



N N > - 



it=t=t= 



S d 4- 



- m d u r 



Mi - ma-t'a -la- pi- a- po he - nai - 'a-ne - 'e-na 

A 



Ha - na-ne-na he ■ 



I 


— S — 1 N — N ri-n— ^* — P~\ ! • _ . irv^f — f ^~^""^l 




-^ "-^'^""-Im- ^^^^^-g-^-^ ^ :H^=fcH^Jt=tt: 



nai- a-ne - e-n^ 



IVIi-ma-ta-la- pi-a-po t'd-la-pi- a- py he- 









B 










:9aO-ir- 


— f^ — 1 

jj ^ 


-^^-^ 


-i • W 1 


— ft— 

— 1 — 


— C- 


— ^ — 


-i^^ 


K:-ft— r 






E^ t t ^ 


=^ 


-1^ 







a-ne - e - no, 
C 



IMi 



ma-t'd - la - pi - a - p9 he 



#^ 






-' 1. 



rSi 



iQ= 



iN-zN- 



:& 



it=i=tz* 



-^(-'^-^ 



nai - a - ; e - e-n^ 
1. Ou the repeat the d is true. 

19078°— 28 29 



Ha - ua-iie-im he 



uai - a-ne - e - ua. 



a 



442 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 

NO. 28 



|ETH. ANN. 43 



C. J^ = about 200 



^ 



^g= r — r-f- 



■& 



b. 



Transcription by Helen H. Roberta. 

-fV fy ^ 



E£3E 



& 



fii 



Mi - ma - t'd - la - pi - a - p9 

B 



t'a - la - pi - a - p9 he 



=i^-EE 



:P=S 



^^=?^i= 



a - ne - e - im 
C 



Mi - ma - t'd - la - pi - a - po he 



fil 



=id?^ 



-» -1 I 



11 



-=4-^- 



-V— >- 



—I — f-y— 

nai-'a - ne - e'-n^. 



nai - a - ne - e - n^ 

•- -•- 



g^=£ 



Ha - na - ne - n^ he 



:& 



Sr^ 



M 


i - ma - t'd - 


la - pi - a 


- P' 


1 
B 


t'd - la - pi - a - po 


he - 


^^' 1 r* — 




_- ? f - 




'-1.IU 








• r 1 ! , r _ _ _ 


^ a 


1 1 


r 1 






; . 1 ^ Li r r 


r 


n 


L- ^ — V- 


;/ 1/ 




1 


-^^ '^ — '\^ — '\^ 


-V-J 



nai - a - ne 



Mi - ma - t'd - la - pi - a - pn he 




nai - 'a - ne - 'e - ng. Ha-na-ne-noi he - nai -'a- ne - 'e- n^. 

NO. 29. THE JACKRABBIT's GRINDING SONG 



A 

6. J^76 



Transcription by Helen H. Roberte. 



m. M^^^;Em^^ =m^^^ ^^^ 



K'^i - tg - h - a - '^ - tan 



pho - wan - pha - won piu - 'o - n? 




tp - !i - a- tg - ii - a 



"^^^^^ ^m^ 



1 ^ I V V- 

te - ya- he - he K'^ - tg - H - a - 'a - tan - 

\ \ V \ A ^ 




pha-wan-pha-wan piu-'o-n§ tg-ii-o- tg-li - a - te - ya-he - he. 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 



443 



NO. 30 



C. J =76 



Transcription by Helen H. Roberta. 



§^ 



a=sr- 



EE=EEE^ 



=ifp 



l\.'q, - t9 - li - a - 'a - tan 
f f f f f f f f 



pho - wan- pha -wan piu - 'o - iiq 
/ r ^ f f ^ f f r 




^liSsiggl 



phd-wan-pha-won piu-'o-u^ ty-ii-a-ty-li-a - te- ya- he - he. 



b. J -63 



NO. .31. THE BLUEJAY S GRINDING SONG 

Transcription by Helen H. Roberts. 



§% 



Ifc 



> ' ! , ' 



•=rws=^ 



=*=? 



-f- 



_J__;_j_J-_^ =f=: 



it:^L: 



a 

Tee - ts'e -xe-mp 



:9^ 



fc^ 



tee - 'o -x§ - u - .\§ - u 
A' 
•-= — I 



=«Ffh?^ 



tau - 1 a - u - wi - le - ke - 



:?=¥= 



X 



^^^^^^. 



^^ 



^^=*= 



a^ 



tee - 'o- x§ - 1}- mo -ts'i-au-ts'i-au Tee -ts'e-xe -mij - tee - 'o - x? - ij - x? - ij 

m !S ^ 



^ 



ifct 



Si 



S 



^1-J 



f^ — ^ 



i 



b' 

tau - ta - u - wi - le - ke - tee - 'o - x§ - q - mo - ts'i- au - ts'i -au. 



444 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 
NO. 32 



|ETH. ANN. 43 



^ 

C. J, ^6,3 



Transcription by Helen H. Roberts. 



m^^^^. 



m. 



^-»- 



^ — •- 



i*±=U=F=» 



Hgfl^ 



^=^=t 



-It — y- 



a b 

Tc? - ts'e- xe- mcj - tee - 'o - x§ - ij - xq - i| tau - 1 a - u - wi - le - ke • 

A' 



^m 



-•— i — •— ^ — 



■•-=-•- 



rrrr 



9=?= 



-• — •- 



s^sha 



a 



tee- 'o - XQ - n -mn-ts'i-aii - t-^'i-au Tce-ts'e-xe-iiKj - tco - 'o- xq - ii - xq - ij 



^^m 



i|*fi 



IMe 



:=it=pz 



:J • 



b' 



-•f/ — ^- 



-V K 



tau - tail - wi - le - ke - tee - 'o - x? - ij - mo - ts'i - au - ts'i - au. 
NO. 33 



^ 



1- J 



6.3 






Transcription by Helen H. Roberta. 



7 



-t^ — k- 



atzfc 



a b 

Tce-ts'e -xe - itkj - toe - 'o - x? - n - x? - ij f au - ta - u - wi - le - ke ■ 



^*lfff^ 


— "^ 1 — 


i=p=j 


^ 


^EjEfellf-: 


=^ 





tee - 'o - XQ - 11- mo-ts'i-au - ts'i-au Tce-t.s'e-xe -mij - ti'e -'o - X(; - ij - xq - i] 



m 



i 



■^ 



-F — ^ — •- 



-A-^i— =P — ^-=^- 



lituZl 



b' 



-V — ?"- 



tau - tau- wi - le - ke - tc? - 'o - x? - i] - mo - ts'i - au - ts'i - au. 
NO. 34 



e. J. =63 



Transcription by Helen H. Roberts. 



ag Bjpg gj-^ 



-• — •- 



It=t 



^;-A 



ii 



-• — •- 



-I H 



H^ — 1- 



-» y- 



-V 1^- 



Tce -ts'e - xe -m9 



mm^^^^^ 



tee - 'o - x§ - 11 - XQ - 11 



tau - ta - u - wi - le - ke ■ 



-9=-itm 



-t- 



a 



tee - 'o - XQ - u - mo - ts'i - au - ts'i -au Tce-ts'e-xe- mp - tee - 'o - x? - i} 



afeEEgfe 



-• — .• r— t 



; — >■ — i/ — V- 



M^fctlii 



-A=1- 



-f^n- 



-v-^ 



X5 - ij tau -ta - u - wi - le - ke - tee- 'o -.\§ - ii- mo -ts'i-au - ts'i-au. 



ROBERTSi 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 



445 



Scales of tKt So n^8 
Group I 




'This note was written enliarraonically as ab for uniformity with tbe other scales, although as a strict 
transposition of No. 8 it should be sS- 



446 



PICURIS CHILDREN'S STORIES 



(eTH. ANN. 43 



M 31 10 li 




iiky 


m 1 


Zli 


tt » 3 J » U, 


blX 






rt^ fF r ;t' =^ 




'7N 


— •= 




2* 
l-i 


«i >> 


Wl 2 


u J- 


i|./ 




1> 




=f=^ 


=Tr*= 


r^e ' 



12 13 1 



It i t 2 12 




ISIfj 


m 


rt 1 




3 


3ti 2 


1^ 
1- 


bki , 




[Z 


4= 


P 


=^^f= 


— r-=^ 



1 t 'i ii li ' Is 1 t« it 



ROBERTS] 



ANALYSIS OF SONGS 

ITS M 



447 



I . 



wr 





^^ 


' ^ 


ft 


^ 


ti 


^ -r r ■ r f»- >■ _ i 






r 


y p 


btc 


V 



Groupie 



^"h A 




i\ \H. i 1 



3^ 



r^^ 



A t^ % ^M 



IROQUOIAN COSMOLOGY 

SECOND PART 
WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 

BY 
J. N. B. HEWITT 



449 



CONTENTS 

Page 

Introduction 453 

Myths 464 

The myth of the Earth-grasper 470 

Notes to Iroquoian Cosmology 608 

Onondaga text and interlinear translation 612 

De'hodya'tka'ewe-' 792 

Index 821 

451 



IROQUOIAN COSMOLOGY 

SECOND PAHT 

WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES" 



By J. N. B. Hf:witt 



INTRODUCTION 

The accompanying text was recorded in 1900, on the Grand River 
Reservation of the Six Nations of the Iroquois, from the dictation of 
the Seneca Federal chief, John Arthur Gibson, who was in addition 
a priest of the religion of his ancestors. At the time the record 
was made he had been completely blind for 26 years. The text was 
recorded partly by hand and partly by the typewriter. It is one of 
the longest known texts dealing with the myths of the genesis, the 
cosmic metamorphoses, of primitive Iroquois thinking. Naturally 
there are varying versions of the several incidents related in the text; 
but in the main events of the myth the several variants agree. The 
subject matter of the text is the phenomena of the environment of 
the ancestors of the Iroquois. It is not strange after contact with 
European explorers and missionaries for over 300 years that the 
text would have some foreign elements; but these are readily de- 
tected because of the difference in the psychologic premises of the 
Amerindian and the European peoples. It is due the memory of 
Mr. Gibson to say that his viewpoint was dominantlj' that of his 
ancestoi's. 

At the close of the Revolutionary War in America the tribes of the 
Iroquois which had espoused the cause of Great Britain removed to 
lands assigned them by the Crown of Great Britain in the Province 
of Ontario. With the exception of the Mohawk tribe, all the other 
tribes were divided into at least two parts, and one of these parts of 
each several tribe remained within the State of New York. Natu- 
rally such a disruption of tribal and social organizations led to a 
period of confusion. Many of tlie leaders, both in civil and military 
affairs, had lost their lives in that wai'. The chiefs of the portion of 
the Onondaga tribe which removed to Canada were the first to take 
measures for establishing the Federal and other tribal organizations 
among their people who had taken up their residence in the Dominion 
of Canada. One of these, who was a very old man when Mr. Gib- 
son was first installed as a Federal chief, noted that Mr. Gibson 

<» Tho first part was published in the TweEty-first .\nDual Report of the Bureau of .\nierican 
Ethnology. • 

453 



454 IROQUOIAN COSMOLOGY [eth. ann 43 

was seriously interested in knowing the customs, traditions, and 
religion of his ancestors, and so he decided to go out of his way in 
instructing young Mr. Gibson. When this old man realized that 
life was drawing to a close he requested his faithful pupil, Mr. Gibson, 
to succeed him as the leader and teacher of his people in their social, 
political, and religious activities in the Onondaga Council House 
where he officiated. This Mr. Gibson agreed to do, an agreement 
resulting in makmg Mr. Gibson, a Seneca, virtually an Onondaga 
chief and priest at all times except m Federal councils. 

The fact that at the time of his death Mr. Gibson was by far the 
best-posted man living in all that related to Iroquoian mythology, 
civil institutions, and the rituals of their Condoling Council, shows 
how well he had been instructed by his departed patron. This wide 
knowledge of the customs, institutions, and religion of his ancestors 
made Mr. Gibson a valuable assistant counselor of the Canadian 
Department of Indian xVflairs. This department very frequently 
called upon Mr. Gibson to settle disputes between members not only 
of his own tribe but between those also of other tribes, in which he was 
very successful. His ideas of right and wrong were derived largely 
from the teachings of his ancestors. He had a living and profound 
reverence for the merciful care of his Creator.' The Iroquois have 
seven great annual festivals which are fundamentally assemblies for 
thanksgiving. So it was not strange to hear Mr. Gibson, after more 
than 26 years of total blindness, not only at mealtime but at other 
times, thank his God for the bounties he enjoyed and for the beautiful 
sunshine and beauties of nature, which he had not seen for all those 
years. 

The Onondaga were an important tribe of the League of the Iro- 
quois, and when first known they dwelt on the mountain, lake, and 
creek bearing their name, in the present State of New York, and their 
territory extended northward to Lake Ontario and southward perhaps 
to the waters of the Susquehanna River. On the east their lands 
abutted on those of the Oneida, and on the west those of the Cayuga 
and Seneca. 

Their principal village, which was also the capital of the Confedera- 
tion, was called Onondaga, and later Onondaga Castle. This village 
was situated on Indian Hill, in the present town of Pompey, Onondaga 
County, N. Y., and in 1677 it contained more than 140 long lodges or 
long houses of the well-known type peculiar to the Iroquois. This 
village was situated here from before 1654 to 1681. Later it was 
removed to Butternut Creek, where the palisaded fort was burned in 
1696. In 1720 it was again removed to Onondaga Creek, and the 
present reservation of the portion of that tribe living in Onondaga is 

in that valley, being a few miles south of Onondaga Lake. 

> 

See note on p. 608. 



HEWITT] 



INTRODUCTION 455 



It is learned from the writings of Champlain that in 1622 the 
Montagnais, the Etchemin, and the Hurons had been engaged for a 
long period of time in an effort to establish peace between themselves 
and the five tribes of the Iroquois, and that previously to that time 
there had always been some serious obstacle to the consummation 
of such an agreement on account of the fixed distrust which each 
side had of the good faith of the other. They importuned Champlain 
himself to aid them in establishing a firm and durable peace, and they 
insistently begged him to give them his advice on this matter, which 
they promised faithfully to follow. Champlain was assured by them 
that they were then exhausted and weary of the wars which they had 
waged against each other for more than 50 years, and that on account 
of their strong desire for revenge for the murder of their kin and 
friends their ancestors had never previously thought of establishing 
peace. This last statement, it may be, fixes approximately the epoch 
of that historic feud mentioned in the Jesuit Relation for 1660 (Chap, 
ii) and by Perrot, in which the five Iroquois tribes on one side, 
and the Huron and Algonquian tribes on the Ottawa and St. Lawrence 
Rivers on the other, were inveterate enemies, although this period 
of strife may have been but a renewal and a widening of a still earlier 
quarrel. 

Cartier learned from the two Iroquoian tribes and their allies 
dwelling on the St. Lawrence in 1535 that they had been continually 
tormented by enemies dwelling to the southward, called Toudamani, 
etc., probabty identical with the Tsonnontouan or the Seneca, a 
name then meaning "upper Iroquois," who continually waged war 
on them. 

The Onondaga sent in September, 1055, a delegation of IS persons 
to Quebec for the purpose of conferring with Governor de Lauson 
and with the Algonkin and the Hurons. At this conference the 
Onondaga spokesman employed 24 wampum belts in his address. 
The first 8 were delivered to the Hm-ons and the Algonkin, whose 
leading chiefs were there, as presents; each wampum belt had its own 
jiarticular name on such an occasion. The Onondaga delegates 
professed to speak for the "four upper Iroquois nations," namely, 
the Seneca, the Cayuga, the Oneida, and the Onondaga, thus leaving 
only the Mohawk, the "lower Iroquois," out of this peace conference; 
nevertheless the Onondaga speaker promised to urge the Mohawk 
to change their attitude and to join in the establishment of peace. 
The Onondaga also asked for priests to dwell among them and for 
French soldiers to aid them in their war against the Erie. The 
Onondaga in May, 1657, nearly 10 years after the expulsion of the 
Hurons from their motherland, sought by the giving of numerous 
presents and by covert threats of war to induce the Hurons, who 
had fled to the vicinity of Quebec, to remove from their country and 



456 IROQUOIAN COSMOLOGY [eth. ann. 43 

to form with the Onondaga a single people. The Mohawk and the 
Seneca were also interested in this affair on their own account. 
Finally these Hurons were virtually forced to acquiesce in these per- 
sistent demands of the Iroquois tribes. 

The Onondaga in 1686 were at war with the Cherermons (Shawnee?). 
But in 1688 French influence was very strong among the Onondaga, 
and the Onondaga were regarded as the chief among the Iroquois 
tribes. The Onondaga, with the Mohawk, the Oneida, the Cayuga, 
and the Seneca, in 1682 entered into a treaty of peace with the com- 
missioners from the Colony of Maryland, who contracted not only 
for the white settlers but also for the Piscataway Indians. 

Early in 1647 a troop of Huron warriors defeated a band of Onon- 
daga which was approaching the Huron country, the Onondaga chief 
being killed and a number of the warriors taken prisoners. Annen- 
raes, a man of character and authority among the Onondaga, was 
among the latter. He learned in the following spring that those 
Hurons who had been disappointed because he had not been burned 
at the stake intended to kill him. To some of his Huron friends he 
related what he had heard, and that he had resolved to escape to his 
own country. The leading Huron chiefs, all their council having 
heard of his resolution and of the reason for making it, concluded to 
aid him in his resolve, trusting that he would render them some 
valuable service in return. So, giving him some valuable presents 
and sufficient provisions, they sent him off secretly by night. Hav- 
ing crossed Lake Ontario, he unexpectedly came upon 300 Onondaga 
who were engaged in making canoes to cross the lake in order to 
revenge his death, as they believed that he had been killed by the 
Hurons, and who awaited the arrival of 800 Seneca and Cayuga 
reenforcements. These countrymen regarded Annenraes as one 
arisen from the dead. With great astuteness he succeeded in per- 
suading the 300 Onondaga to give up all thought of war for that of 
peace, whereupon these Onondaga, without awaiting longer the 
expected reenforcements, returned to Onondaga, where a tribal 
council was held. After due deliberation it was their resolve to 
send an embassy with suitable presents to the Hurons for the purpose 
of undertaking negotiations for peace. 

One of the chiefs of this embassy, and its spokesman, was by birth 
a Huron, named vSoiones, who after his adoption among the Iroquois 
had become so naturalized that it was said of him that "No Iroquois 
had done more massacres in these (Huron) countries, nor blows 
more wicked than he." Now Annenraes was accompanied by three 
adopted Hurons who had not long been captives at Onondaga. The 
embassy, ha\ang arrived at St. Ignace July 9, 1647, found the Hurons 
divided as to the expediency of accepting the Onondaga proposals, 
and so their tribe, the Hurons, justly fearing the duplicity of the 



HEWITT] 



INTRODUCTION 457 



euemy, even though bearing presents, hesitated to open negotiations. 
But the Rock tribe and many other villages desired the conclusion of 
peace in the hope that thereby a number of their kin, then captive at 
Onondaga, would be returned to them. So, after many councils and 
conferences, it was found expedient by the Hurons to send an 
embassy to Onondaga in order the better to conclude this matter. 
For presents the Hurons took valuable furs, while the Onondaga 
Iroquois used belts of wampum. The Huron embassy was well 
received at Onondaga, at which place a month was spent in holding 
councils. Finally the Onondaga resolved to send back a second 
embassy, headed by Skanawati (Scandaouati), a Federal chieftain 60 
years of age, who was to be accompanied by 2 other Onondaga and 
by 15 Huron captives. One of the Huron embassy remained as a hos- 
tage at Onondaga. This embassy was 30 days on the way, although 
it was in fact only 10 days' journey. Jean Baptiste, the returning 
Huron delegate, brought back seven wampum belts of the largest 
kind, each composed of 3,000 to 4,000 beads. By these belts the 
Onondaga sought to confirm the peace, assuring the Hurons that they 
could hope for the delivery of at least 100 more of their captive kin. 

The Onondaga sought this peace not only because the Hurons had 
spared the life of Annenraes, but also to thwart the Mohawk in their 
attempts to dominate policies of the League and to hold in check the 
Mohawk, who had become insolent from their victories and so were 
overbearing even to their allies, and who might become too much so 
should the Hurons fa'il at this time to unite all their forces against 
them, and further because of fear of the active power of the Conestoga. 
The Cayuga and the Oneida showed deep interest in this Onondaga 
project of peace, but on the other hand the Seneca would not listen 
to it, and the Mohawk were still more adverse to it, as they were 
envious of what had been accomplished by the Onondaga. So, at 
the end of the winter of 1647-48 the Seneca and the Mohawk sent 
strong forces to assail the Huron village of St. Ignace. 

The character of some of the chief men and statesmen of the 
Onondaga appears in the following incident: Early in 1648 the 
Hurons resolved to send another embassy to Onondaga. This 
embassy consisted of six men, accompanied by one of the three 
Onondaga ambassadors then officially in their country, the other two, 
including Skanawati, the head of the Onondaga embassy, and the 
fkekeeper of the Federal council, i-emaining as hostages. The new 
Huron embassy was unfortunate, for its members were captured 
and killed by a force of more than 100 Mohawk and Seneca who had 
lurked about the borders of the Huron country. The Onondaga 
accompanying this embassy was spared, and the two Hurons suc- 
ceeded in escaping. When this distressing information reached the 
ears of Skanawati early in April, this proud Onondaga ambassador, 
19078°— 28 30 



458 IROQUOIAN COSMOLOGY |eth. ann. 43 

who had remained with tlie Hurons as a hostage, suddenly disap- 
peared. Naturally the Hurons suspected that he had stealthily 
fled away, but a few days after his disappearance his corpse was dis- 
covered in the forest lying on a bed of fir branches, where he had, 
from chagrin, taken his own life by cutting his throat. In order to 
exonerate themselves the Hurons notified his companion, who ex- 
plained that the cause of Skanawati's despair was the shame he felt 
at the contempt for the sacredness of his person shown by the Seneca 
and the Mohawk in going to the Huron country and slaughtering 
the Huron people while his own life was in pledge for the keeping of 
the faith of his people. Of such men was the great Federal Council 
of the Iroquois composed. 

The Onondaga and the Cayuga and the Oneida had good reason 
for fearing the Cones toga, for the Jesuit Relation for 1647-48 relates 
that in a single village of the latter people there were at that date 
1,300 men capable of bearing arms, indicating a population of more 
than 4,500 for this village alone. Through two trusted messengers 
the Conestoga chiefs at that time informed the Hurons that if they 
failed in ability to defend themselves they should send them word by 
an embassy. The Huron Federal Council greedily seized this 
opportunity of obtaining aid by sending on this mission four Christian 
Indians and fourso-called "infidels," headed by one Charles Ondaaion- 
diont. This mission reached Conestoga early in June, 1647. This 
Huron delegation conveyed to their Conestoga friends the gloomy 
information that they themselves had come from a land of ghosts 
(souls), where war and the fear of their enemies had spread destruc- 
tion everywhere, where the fields were covered with blood and the 
lodges were filled with corpses, and that they themselves had re- 
maining only enough life to enable them to come imploring their 
friends to save their country, which was rapidly drawing toward its 
end. This moving and laconic address moved the Conestoga to send 
an embassy to urge upon the Iroquois the advantage of making a 
lasting peace with their Huron enemies. Jean Baptiste, a Huron 
ambassador mentioned above, being at Onondaga at the end of the 
summer, learned that this embassy of the Conestoga had reached the 
Iroquois country, for he had even seen some of the Conestoga presents. 
The object of the Conestoga was to establish a firm peace between 
the Hurons on the one hand and the Onondaga, the Oneida, the 
Cayuga, and, if possible, the Seneca, on the other, and to renew the 
war against the Mohawk, should they still refuse to become parties 
to it. It thus appears that the Conestoga did not fear the Mohawk. 
It is learned from the Jesuit Relation for 1660 that about the year 
1600 the Algonquian tribes had greatly humbled the Mohawk, and 
that after the Mohawk had regained somewhat their former standing 
the Conestoga, in a war lasting more than 10 years, had very nearly 



HEWITT] INTRODUCTION 459 

exterminated the Mohawk, who since, however, had partially re- 
covered from that defeat. 

The Onondaga dwelling on the Grand River Grant (reservation), 
Ontario, Canada, have nine clans, namely: The Wolf, the Snapping 
Turtle, the Bear, the Deer, the Eel, the Beaver, the Sharp-shinned 
JIawk (erroneously Ball), the Plover (Snipe), and the Pigeon Hawk 
clans. The Wolf, the Beaver, the Plover, the Sharp-shinned Hawk, 
the Pigeon Hawk, and the Snapping Turtle clans have each only 
one Federal chiefship; the Beaver and the Eel clans have each two 
Federal chiefships; while the Deer clan has three. The reason for 
this marked difference in the rjuotas of Federal chiefships belonging to 
the several clans is not definitely known, but it may be due to the 
adoption of alien groups of persons who already possessed chiefship 
titles. 

In Federal, ceremonial, and social assemblies the Onondaga, by 
right of membership therein, take their places with the tribal phratry 
of the "Three Brothers," of which the Mohawk and the Seneca are 
the two other members; but in the Federal Council, in which sit the 
Federal representatives of all the five (latterly six) Iroquois tribes, 
the Onondaga tribe itself constitutes, in function at least, a tribal 
phratry, while the Mohawk and the Seneca together form a second, 
and the Oneida and the Cayuga originally, and the Tuscarora 
latterly, a third tribal phratry. 

The Federal Council is organized on the basis of these three tribal 
phratries. Functions of the Onondaga phratry in the Federal Council 
are in many respects similar to those of a judge holding court with 
a jury. These three phratries in session in council occupy fixed or 
prescribed positions with relation to an actual or symbolic council 
fire. On one side of this fire are seated the Federal representatives 
of the phartries of the Three Brothers. On the opposite side are 
seated the phratry of the Yoimger Brothers. 

A question coming before the Federal Council is discussed first 
by the phratry of the "Three Brothers," namely, first by the 
Mohawk by themselves and then by the Seneca by themselves; 
then the matter is returned to the Mohawk, who then refer it across 
the actual or symbolic fire to the Oneida, who in turn discuss it by 
themselves and then refer it to the Cayuga, who discuss it by them- 
selves, and latterly, to the Tuscarora, who discuss it by themselves, 
and who then refer the matter back to the speaker of the Oneida, 
who refers it back across the fire to the Mohawk speaker, who refers 
it in turn to the Onondaga phratry for confirmation or rejection, or, 
in case of error, returns it for correction to the Mohawk speaker for 
resubmission for correction. The confirmation of a common opinion 
or of one among two or more dift'erent opinions submitted by the 
discussing phratries by the Onondaga makes that the decree of the 



460 IROQUOIAN COSMOLOGY {eth. ans. 43 

Council. In refusing to confirm an opinion tlie Onondaga must show 
that it is in conflict with established custom or with public policy; 
when two or more conflicting opinions are rejected by the Onondaga 
they may suggest to the two phratries a course by which they may 
be able to reach a common opinion; but the Onondaga may confirm 
either of two differing opmions submitted to them. Each Federal 
chief has the right to discuss and argue the question before the 
Council, either for or against its adoption by the Comicil, in a speech 
or speeches addressed to the entire body of counsellors and to the 
public. 

With the exception of two important bodies or kindreds of the 
Seneca, the Onondaga were the last of the five tribes originally 
forming the League of the Iroquois to accept fully the principles of 
the universal peace proposed by Dekanawida and Hiawatha. 

The site of the former chief town of the Onondaga, with the name 
Onondaga, was shifted at different times from place to place in central 
New York. Within its limits formerly lay the unquenched brands 
of the Great Council Fire of the League of the Iroquois. During the 
war of the American Revolution General Washington found it neces- 
sary to send a punitive army under General Sullivan to chastise the 
Iroquois tribes for their cruel and bloody work in pursuance of their 
close alliance with Great Britain. The chastisement was so ruthless, 
and so thoroughly demonstrated by the total destruction of more than 
40 Iroquois villages and the growing crops surrounding them, that 
the integrity of the League was disrupted and the scattered remnants 
forced to seek shelter in Canada and elsewhere under the protection 
of the British Government. Finally, on the Grand River in Ontario, 
Canada, the brands of the Great Council Fire of the League were 
rekindled by the allied portions of all the tribes of the Six Nations; 
and here that fire is stilP burning. The portions of the tribes which 
elected to remain in New York relighted a fire at Onondaga and sought 
to reestablish the ancient form of their government there in order to 
formulate united action on questions affecting their common interests; 
but this attempt was only partly successful, since the seat of govern- 
ment had forever departed. The establishment at Onondaga of the 
seat of Federal power by the founders of the League of the Iroquois 
made Onondaga not only one of the most important and widely 
known towns of the Iroquois tribes but also of North America north 
of Mexico. At the zenith of the power of the Iroquois it was the 
capital of a government whose dominion extended from the Hudson 
River on the east to the Falls of the Ohio and Lake Michigan on 
the west, and from the Ottawa River and Lake Simcoe on the north 
to the Potomac River on the south and the Ohio on the southwest. 

See note on p. 608. 



HEWITTl 



INTRODUCTION 461 



Around the Great Council P^ire of the League of the Iroquois at 
Onondaga, with punctilious observance of the parliamentary pro- 
prieties recognized in Indian diplomacy and statecraft, and with a 
decorum that would add grace to many legislative assemblies of the 
wliite man, the Federal senators of the Iroquois tribes devised plans, 
formulated policies, and defined principles of government and political 
action which not only strengthened their state and promoted their 
common welfare but also deeply affected the contemporary history 
of the whites in North America. To this body of half-clad Federal 
chieftains were repeatedly made overtures of peace and friendship 
by two of the most powerful kingdoms of Europe, whose statesmen 
often awaited with apprehension the decision of this senate of North 
American savages. 

The sites of the village of Onondaga with their approximate dates 
are thus identified by Clark, Beauchamp, and others, and listed by 
Beauchamp in the notes to his map (Jes. Rel., Thwaites ed., li, 294, 
1899): In 1600 the site was probably about 2 miles west of Cazenovia 
and east of West Limestone Creek, Madison County, N. Y. Two 
sites of towns are accredited to 1620, the one about 'lYi miles south- 
west and the other 1 mile south of Delphi, Onondaga County, N. Y. 
The site of 1630 was nearly 2 miles northwest of Delphi; that of 1640 
was about 1 mile south of Pompey Center, Onondaga County, on 
the east bank of West Limestone Creek; that of 1655, in which was 
established the mission of St. Jean Baptiste, was about 2 miles south 
of the present Manlius, in the same county, on what is called Indian 
Hill; the Jesuit Relation for 1658 states that this town was large and 
was called "Onnontaghe . . . because it was on a mountain." 
This town, with its site, is probably the same as that visited by 
Greenhalgh in 1677 and described as large, unpalisaded, consisting 
of about 140 lodges, and situated on a very large hill, the bank on 
either side extending at least 2 miles, all cleared land and planted with 
corn. Greenhalgh learned that there was another village of 24 lodges 
situated 2 miles westward. He estimated the Onondaga warriors 
at about 350. The site of 1696 was 1 mile south of Jamesville, east 
of Butternut Creek, Onondaga County. Count Frontenac burned 
this town in 1690. The site of 1743 was east of the creek and north 
of the present reservation in Onondaga County, while that of 1756 
was west of the creek. The site of 1779 was that of one of the three 
towns plundered and burned in April by the troops of Col. Van 
Schaick; they were situated within 2 mUes of one another and con- 
tained 30 to 50 lodges. 

The mission of Saincte Marie de Gannentaa was founded in 1655 
on the shore of Lake Onondaga, 12 miles north of the mission of St. 
Jean Baptiste; it was also called Saincte Marie du Lac de Gannentaa. 
To this mission village, which was abandoned in 1058, the Jesuits 



462 IROQtTOIAN COSMOLOGT (eth. ann.43 

brought five small cannon. For the use of this mission the French 
Governor Lauson, April 12, 1656, granted to the Jesuit Fathers "10 
leagues of space in every direction, to wit, 10 leagues of front and 10 
leagues in depth, and in the place where they shall choose to establish 
themselves in the country of the Upper Iroquois called Onondagero- 
nons, be it in the town or near the town of Onondage, or at Gan- 
nentae . . . the said place to the extent of 10 leagues square is to be 
possessed by the said reverend Jesuit Fathers, their successors and 
assigns, in freehold forever." This grant was made evidently without 
the knowledge or the consent of the Onondaga and without any com- 
pensation or emolument to them, a course of procedure quite in con- 
trast with that of the Dutch and the English colonists in New York, 
but, on the other hand, in close accord with the policy of Governor 
Winthrop, of Massachusetts, tersely expressed in the formula that 
"If we leave them sufficient for their use we may lawfully take the 
rest, there being more than enough for them and us." This doctrine 
was embodied into law by the General Court of Massachusetts in 
1633, justifying its action by Biblical citations. 

From the Jesuit Relations it is learned that under the operation 
of the principle of conferring citizenship by adoption into some 
definite stream of kinship common to the Iroquois state, there were 
colonized at Onondaga in 1658 persons and families from at least 
seven different alien tribes. 

According to the same authority (Thwaites ed., lxvi, 203, 1900) 
the Jesuit missions to the Onondaga and the Seneca were abandoned 
in 1709, and in 1711 a French expedition built a blockhouse at 
Onondaga 24 J/^ feet long and 18 feet wide, which Peter Schuyler 
ordered destroyed along with other building material, as "there was 
other wood ready to build a chappell." (In N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 
V, 249, 1855.) Father Jean de Lamberville (Jes. Rel., Thwaites ed., 
LXii, 1900) wrote of the Onondaga village of 1682 the following 
interesting facts: "I found on my arrival the Iroquois of this town 
occupied in transporting their corn, their effects, and their lodges to 
a situation 2 leagues from their former dwelling place, where they 
have been for 19 years. They made this change in order to have 
nearer to them the convenience of firewood and fields more fertile 
than those they abandoned." This was probably the town visited 
by Greenhalgh in 1677. 

The League of the Iroquois had no chief magistrate or so-called 
head chief. Each tribal council was composed of both Federal and 
tribal chiefs, one of whom, usually a Federal chief, was the Fire- 
keeper, like a speaker of a modern assembly, among whose duties it 
was to open and close the sessions of the Council by an appropriate 
and largely prescribed address. There were in each tribal council 
chiefs whose office was not hereditary, but who through merit had 



HEWITT) INTRODUCTION 463 

been installed like other chiefs as chiefs of their tribe. At their 
death their office ceased. In every tribe there were able men who 
many times had as much if not more power than any member of the 
council. Sometimes these men have been called head chiefs of their 
respective tribes. After attaining this preeminence it was custom- 
ary to install them as merit chiefs. Another name for this class of 
chiefs was Pine-tree chiefs. In the original organization of the 
League Council the last chief in the Onondaga list, Skanawati, was 
made the Fire-keeper of the Federal Council. He was also given the 
office of Chief Warrior, which made him the civil head of the warlike 
activities of the League, and he alone of the 47 original Federal chiefs 
had served in a double capacity, first as a Federal chief, and second, 
virtually as a secretary of war. Hence it is said that his body was 
divided in twain. 

But at a later date two important groups of Seneca people were 
persuaded to join the League of the Iroquois. Each group was under 
the leadership of a very strong personality. These two men agreed 
to join the League with their peoples on condition that they together 
perform the functions of a modern secretary of state and secretary 
of war, respectively. This naturally stripped Skanawati of his posi- 
tion as Chief Warrior in the League. By the adhesion of these two 
chiefs the Federal Council then numbered 49, and this number was 
never changed, although the Tuscarora, the Nanticoke, the Tutelo, 
and the Delaware were later adopted into the League as separate 
tribes, and such of them as had chiefs were permitted to be repre- 
sented in the Federal Council by their tribal chiefs. 

The original constitution of the League recognized Federal women 
chiefs, who had an equal official standing with the men chiefs, and 
they had also the same right to attend the sessions of the Federal 
Council; but these women chiefs did not always exercise this right 
of attending the sessions of the Federal Council, but such kinship 
groups as had women chiefs also provided them with spokesmen or 
orators, who were the most noted speakers in their respective groups. 



MYTHS 

The myths of the Iroquoian peoples deal with three great mythic 
cosmic periods. A race of gigantic anthropic beings dwelt in the 
first — man-beings, let them be called — more ancient, and possessed 
of more potent orenda^ than man, and though possessed with 
superior ability to perform the great elemental functions, character- 
izing differently the things represented by them, nevertheless 
they had the form, mien, and mind of man, their creator, for 
unconsciously man did create the gods, the great primal beings of 
cosmic time, the controllers or directors or impersonators of the 
objects and phenomena of nature, in his own image. To these man- 
beings, therefore, were unconsciously imputed the thought, manners, 
customs, habits, and social organization of man, their creator. 
Notwithstanding this fact, man regarded these beings as uncreated, 
eternal, and immortal; for by a curious paradox man, mistaking his 
own mental functions, his metaphors, for realities, explained his own 
existence, his wisdom, and his activities as the divine product of 
the creations of his own inchoate mind. The dwelling place of these 
first great primal beings, which was characterized by flora and fauna, 
respectively, identical with the plant and animal life appearing later 
on the earth, was conceived to have been on the upper surface of 
the visible sky, which was regarded as a solid plane. Here dwelt 
these first beings in peace and contentment for a very long period of 
time ; no one knows or ever knew the length of this first cosmic period 
of tranquil existence. But the time came when an event occurred 
which resulted in a metamorphosis in the state and aspect of celes- 
tial and earthly things; in fact, the seeming had to become or to 
assume the real, and so came to pass the cataclysmic change of things 
of the first period into that now seen on the earth and in the sky, and 
the close of this period of strife and turmoil was the dawn of the gods 
of these myths. Into the sunless and moonless skyland, lighted 
only by the snowy white flowers of the great tree of light, standing 
high near the lodge of De'hao°'hweiidjiawa"kho'" ("He the Earth- 
holder "), the presiding chief of that realm, jealousy crept. This 
chief, reputed to be invincible to sorcery, took a young wife by 
betrothal in fulfillment of a vision of his soul. The name of the 
young woman was Awe^'ha'i', "Mature Flowers," or "Mature 
(i. e., fertile) Earth." Through the crafty machinations of the 
Fire Dragon of the White Body, the consuming jealousy of the aged 
presiding chief was kindled against his young spouse. Unfortu- 

See note on p. 608. 
464 



HEWITT] MYTHS 465 

nately for her welfare, she, by inhaling the breath of her spouse 
before the completion of their antenuptial ordeals, became partheno- 
genetically gravid. The betrothed husband, not knowing the cause 
or source of her condition, questioned her chastity, and with reluc- 
tance resolved within himself to expel from his lodge and land his sus- 
pected but innocent spouse, and because of inherent inability to aid 
him, to change or transform at the same time the nature of all the 
man-beings who were his neighbors and associates. The disturbed 
state of his mind caused him to have another vision of his soul. In 
fulfillment of the requirements of this vision he caused the tree of 
light, then standing over the supposed aperture through which the 
sun now shines, to be uprooted, whereby there was formed an abyss 
into the empyrean of this world. By craft he succeeded in thrusting 
his unsuspecting young spouse into this abyss. 

Some versions of this genesis myth say that this event occurred 
after Awe^'ha'i' had given birth to a daughter, which by this occur- 
rence was reconceived and to which she again gave birth on this 
earth. 

In like manner the man-beings, the Corn, the Bean, the Sun- 
flower, the Tobacco, the Deer, the Wolf, the Bear, the Beaver, and 
all their kinds he transformed into the forms and sizes and with 
the habits by which they are known to-day on earth, and then cast 
them down into the abyss. Only the Ancients, the so-called Elder 
Brothers, of these things remained m the skyland. Then the rage of 
Deiiao'"hwendjiawa"kho°' subsided and he had the tree of light 
replaced. This great cataclysmic change was brought about because 
none could divine a cure for his illness (jealousy) by " searching for 
his dream-word." These events brought about the establishment of 
the second cosmical period. 

The expelled bride, Awe°'ha'i', while floating through cosmic space 
or the upper sky was seen in her descent by the waterfowl and water 
animals of the primal sea, who were likewise man-beings, and who at 
once set themselves the task of providing a habitation for her. 
Some versions of the genesis myth assert that the waterfowl of the 
larger kinds flew up to meet her and to bring her slowly down as 
she rested on their united backs. While this was being done the 
best divers among the water annuals brought up from the depths of 
the sea some wet earth, which was carefully placed on the carapace 
of the Great Turt