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FORTY-FOURTH
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

BUREAU OF
AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

1926-1927

UNITED STATES

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

WASHINGTON

1928

• • • •

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U. «. »UPEhlNTENOEHT OF OOCUftiENfi

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

Smithsonian Institution,
BuEEAu OF American Ethnology,

Wasliington, D. C, June 30, 1927.
Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith the Forty-
fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnol-
og3^ for the tiscal year ended June 30, 1927.

With appreciation of your aid in the worlv imder my
charge, I am,

Very respectfully, yours,

J. Walter Fewkes,

Chief.
Dr. C. G. Abbot,

Acting Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

Ill

CONTENTS

REPORT OF THE CHIEF

Page

Systematic researches 2

Special researclies 10

Editorial work and publications 15

Illustrations 16

Library 17

Collections 17

Property 18

Miscellaneous 18

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

Exploration of the Burton Mound at Santa Barbara, California, by John

P. Harrington 23

Social and religious beliefs and usages of the Chickasaw Indians, by

John R. Swanton 169

Uses of plants by the Chii)pewa Indians, by Frances Densmore 275

Archeological investigations — II, by Gerard Fowke 399

REPORT OF THE CHIEF OF BUREAU

FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

J. Walter Fewkes^ Chief

The operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology
during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1927, were conducted
in accordance with the act of Congress approved April 22,
1926, making ajjpropriations for sundry civil expenses of
the Government, which act contains the following item :

American ethnology : For continuing ethnological researches among
the American Indians and the natives of Hawaii, the excavation
and preservation of archfeologic remains under the direction of the
Smithsonian Institution., including necessary employees, the prepa-
ration of manuscripts, drawings, illustrations, the purchase of neces-
sary books and periodicals, and traveling expenses, $57,160, of which
amount not to exceed $46,000 may be expended for personal serv-
ices in the District of Columbia.

The chief, as in former years, has endeavored to use
this appropriation as economically as possible, being
always conscious that the amount available is too small
to cover the expense of very extensive field work. His
major aim is to make the money go as far as possible m
the advancement of our knowledge of the Indian and the
diffusion of the information acquired.

Popular interest in anthropology, especially archeology,
has increased greatly during the last decade, and each
year replies to queries occupy more of the time of our
staff. In spite of the limited appropriation, the bureau
has had more investigators in the field during the past
year than in any similar period of the present regime.

2 BtTREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SYSTEMATIC RESEARCHES

The systematic researches of the chief at Elden Pueblo,
begun in the last fiscal year and treated in the report for
1925-26, were continued through July and August. All
of the exterior walls and most of the interior rooms were
completely excavated, the rough stone walls of the build-
ing showing that it was rectangular in outline and in-
cluded dwellings, storage rooms, and a single kiva. It
extended over a space measuring 145 by 125 feet, oriented
approximately north and south. The standing walls
range from 2 to 7 feet in height. Elden Pueblo is the
largest ruin yet excavated in the Flagstaff region, but
there are many others of the same general character still
hidden f I'om the light and demanding attention. Although
the masonry is crude, the pottery of Elden Pueblo is well
made, well decorated, and often highly polished, in a few
cases closely recalling glazed ware which was rarely manu-
factured in prehistoric Arizona. Both the masonrj^ and
the ceramics of Elden Pueblo are closely alUed to those
of the little-known cliff ruins, Kietsiel and Betatakin, and
the open-air pueblos situated near St. George, Utah. The
pueblo shows affinities with a culture antecedent to that
of Sikyatki and Homolobi, the foimer being late pre-
historic and the latter post-Colmnbian.

In the midst of graves forming a cemetery on the east
side of Elden Pueblo were found subterranean walled de-
jjressions, which remind one of those post-Basket Maker
rooms or megalithic pit houses which form such a wide-
spread architectural feature, of archaic age, in the South-
west.

Abundant Inmian burials were discovered in cemeteries
situated outside the eastern and northern sides. The
skeletons were not flexed but lay at full length, their heads
generally turned toward the east; those buried at the
greatest depth were suiTounded by burial offerings, in
one instance covered with adobe or hardened clay. About
500 complete j^ottery vessels were brought back, half of
which were unbroken. The collection also contains nu-

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT

merous sherds and other objects, the whole forming- the
largest collection of iJre-Puebloan material of this epoch
in the National Museiuu. In each burial was found an
average of five to six ceramic objects such as bowls. This
important collection is timely and, for the study of Pueblo
chronology, is much better than pottery fragments. The
collection contains some of the oldest types of that south-
western pottery which was manufactured before the intro-
duction of glazed ware. The specimens are also older
than the yellow-red-brown t.^^^e found at Sikyatki and
Homolobi. The collection also contains a larger nimiber
of bright red bowls with burnished black interiors resem-
bling the Pima and Papa go ware of the Lower Gila and
California.

In June, 1927, the chief undertook a short reconnais-
sance to Greenville, S. C, to test the desirability of under-
taking field work in the Piedmont region, the archeology
of which is little known. Though the trip was a short
one, he was much gratified wdth the prospects for intensive
work in the locality and hopes in the autmmi to begin
elaborate field investigations there. He examined several
fine collections containing pottery, stone, and clay pipes,
and other objects, none of which has ever been figured or
described. He made a munber of excursions into the sur-
rounding country and visited several mounds in the Pied-
mont region, one of which was selected for subsequent
explorations. Fragments of pottery picked up on the sur-
face seem to indicate a Cherokee origin. A fine bowl
found near the bank of the Savannah River was of Middle
Mississippi type and resembled effigy vases from Ar-
kansas. It would seem that the archeology of this region
is com])lex and would well repay investigation, especially
as so little attention has thus far been given to it.

The chief obtained many excellent photographs of arche-
ological objects in the collection of Messrs. Thackston and
Schwing, of Greenville, to whom, as well as to other citi-
zens of the section, he wishes to express here his thanlis for
the many kindnesses which he received. The photographs,

4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

made by Dowling, of Greenville, include several unique
specimens.

Dr. John R. Swanton, ethnologist, was engaged during
the past fiscal year in reading the proof of his papers on
' ' Social Organization and Social Usages of the Indians of
the Creek Confederacy"; "Aboriginal Culture of the
Southeast "; and the proof of Mr. W. E. Myer's paper on
"Trails of the Southeast." These papers are to appear in
the Forty-second Annual Report. Doctor Swanton pre-
pared a paper of over 200 pages on the "Social and Re-
ligious Beliefs and Usages of the Chickasaw Indians,"
which has been accepted for publication. With the help
of Miss Mae Tucker, he completed a card catalogue of the
Timucua words contained in the printed works of Pare j a
and Movilla, which he is now engaged in studying and
correcting. He also has in preparation a bulletin on the
social and religious usages of the Choctaw Indians similar
to that on the Chickasaw.

During the fiscal year Dr. Trmnan Michelson, ethnolo-
gist, continued his researches among the Algonquian tribes.
In the early part of the year he began work among the
Arapaho of Wyoming. Although many years ago he
pointed out the divergent character of their language as
compared with other Algonquian tongues, the past season's
work brought this out even more clearly. It can not be
denied that Algonquian elements occur in both the vocabu-
lary and grammar of the language, even though the pho-
netic shifts are highly complex. But certain lexical ele-
ments, as well as certain morphological traits, must appar-
ently be derived from other sources. From these prelim-
inary studies it may be said that Arapaho might almost be
called a stock in the making. The circumstances render
an exhaustive study of the language highly desirable. In
Washington Doctor Michelson prepared for publication
by the bureau a manuscript entitled " Notes on the Buffalo-
head Dance of the Thunder Gens of the Fox Indians."
He also corrected the proofs of Bulletin 85, "Contribu-
tions to Fox Ethnology."

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 5

He furthermore typed tlie Fox text and English trans-
lation of an account of the tvapanoiviireni, a text and
translation of the same relating to the mythical origin of
a major ceremony of the Thunder gens, and the Indian
text of the Thunder dance of the Bear gens. All of these,
combined with some additional material, will be presented
for publication by the bureau. Doctor Michelson has pre-
pared a brief paper on the St. Lawrence Island Eskimo
crania in the United States National Museum, which is
to be printed in the American Journal of Physical
Anthropology. This proves statistically that the crania
are very uniform, and that, although the cranial index is
higher than that of the eastern Eskimo, this could not be
considered as showing admixture with a broad-headed
type. He spent some time studying the alleged proof of
the Australian and Melanesian affinities of certain Ameri-
ican stocks, and found that it lacks a sound foundation.
On his way west Doctor Michelson stojjped in Chicago,
where he took the important measurements of all the
Blackfoot (Siksika) crania in the Field Museum of Nat-
ural History. The average height of the male skulls is
in round numbers 130 millimeters. These measurements,
when combined with those of material in the United States
National Museum, should be sufficient to settle a number
of disputed points.

Mr. John P. Harrington, ethnologist, during July and
August, assisted the chief in the work at Elden Pueblo,
described previously in this report. The rest of the year
was devoted to the preparation for publication of field
data obtained the previous year in the Chumash region
of southern California. The Chumash are fast being
acculturated to the languages and mode of life of the
Mexican and American people with whom they are in
daily contact and it is important that what information
is still available be made a matter of record without fur-
ther delay.

Through the cooperation of Mr. Earl V. Shannon, of
the division of mineralogy of the National Musemn, the

6 BUREAU (IF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

paints used by the Indians were identified chemically,
with interesting results, specimens purchased from liv-
ing Indians and also those taken from graves being used
for the purpose.

A very complete linguistic study of the ethnobotany
of these Indians was carried out, vdth sjjecial attention
to the ancient designations of the parts of the plants and
their growth development. The designations of pollen,
pistil, stamen, and petal vary widely as we pass from
dialect to dialect, various words used for other concep-
tions being extended to cover them. The same irregu-
larity has also been apparent in comparing the nomen-
clature of plant species.

Mr. Harrington also read proofs of his Kiowa and
Picuris papers, which are now in press. The paper
on the Kiowa is important for the classification of the
Pueblo Indian languages. In connection Avith the
Picuris paper. Miss Helen H. Roberts prepared tran-
scriptions and analyses of Picuris songs, which wdll con-
stitute the most complete study in existence of the music
of this tribe.

Early in 1926 Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, ethnologist, com-
pleted the manuscript " Iroquoian Cosmology, Second
Part, with Introduction and Notes. ' '

He has devoted consideral^le time to work upon the
manuscript report on the Indian tribes of the Upper
Missouri made by Edwin Thompson Denig to the Hon.
Isaac Stevens, Governor of Washington Territory, which
has been under consideration for publication by the
bureau for some time. Tliis report has intrinsic merit,
as it contains much ethnologic information which it is
now impossible to obtain because of changed conditions
in the life of the tribes mentioned in it.

Several evenings each week during the autumn and win-
ter Mr. Hewitt devoted to the recording of lexical and
granunatical material in the language of the Nez Perce
Indians of the Shahaptian linguistic stock of the PoAvel-
lian classification of Amerindian languages north of Mex-

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 7

ico. In this work Mr. Hewitt was assisted by Mr. Mark
Phinney, an intelligent and well-educated young man of
that tribe, who is employed in the Office of Indian Affairs
of the Interior Department.

This work was midertaken primarily to obtain ampler
and more accurate linguistic material in this language and
further to elucidate and confirm certain fundamental con-
clusions reached by Mr. Hewitt in 1894 in regard to the
genetic luiguistic relationship of three contiguous north-
western linguistic stocks — namely, the Shahaptian, the
"Waiilatpuan, and the Lutuamian — of the Powellian clas-
sification. These fundamental conclusions were embodied
in two formal reports to the director of the bureau, having
been prepared for his esijecial use and at his behest, as
appears in the administrative report of the director for
1894. He approved the findings of both reports, although
the last was not delivered until after the administrative
report had been written ; he has been verbally informed of
what the conclusions would be. The first of these reports
showed genetic linguistic relationship) between the Sha-
haptian and the Waiilatpuan linguistic stocks of the Pow-
ellian classification; and the second showed, likewise,
genetic linguistic relationship between the Lutuamian
stock of languages and the new group, Shahaptian-
Waiilatpuan, established by the findings of the first report.
Thus these two formal reports brought together into one
linguistic stock the Shahaptian, the Waiilatpuan, and the
Lutuamian lingustic stocks of the Powellian classification.
To this new grouping of languages was tentatively
assigned the name Shapwailutan, an artificial term made
up of the initial syllables of the names of the three com-
bined stocks. Mr. Hewitt has since then found no reason
to change his conclusions in these two reports, and his
work with Mr. Phinney has only strengthened his findings.

As custodian of manuscripts, ]\Ir. Hewitt reports that,
^^ith the exception of a number of cross-references, the
cataloguing of the manuscripts had been completed at the
close of the fiscal year, and that the cataloguing of the

8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

plionogra])!! records of Indian music was the new work
for the year.

On May 8, 1927, Mr. Hewitt went to Brantford, Canada,
where he resumed his researches, studying intensively the
rituals, laws, customs, and chants characteristic of the
League of the Iroquois.

In 1896 Chief Seth Newhouse, a Mohawk, showed Mr.
Hewitt a dociunent ujion which he had been working for
more than 15 years. It purported to he the constitution
and by-laws of the League of the Iroquois, in the compila-
tion of which Mr. Newhouse had visited all the Iroquois
reservations known to him in both Canada and the United
States. Mr. Newhouse was an exceptionally fluent
speaker in Mohawk, but instead of recording the material
in the Mohawk tongue he painfully recorded it in pic-
turesque broken English. Mr. Hewitt realized that the
significance of the materials contained in this document
had been lost in the attempted translation and finally con-
vinced Mr. Newhouse that it was his duty to render the
ideas underlying the English of the document into
Mohawk. This he did in 1898, and the study of this mate-
rial is one of Mr. Hewitt 's present occupations.

Mr. Hewitt also recorded a Cayuga version of the Chant
Along the Trails or The Chant of the Roll of the Founders
of the Lodge; a Cayuga version of the chant. Over the
Great Forest; the music scores of the several chants of
the condoling and installation rituals of the league; and
an " Introduction " in Cayuga and Onondaga to the
second part of the requickening address which is uttered
in the principal place of assembly.

Dr. F. H. H. Roberts, jr., archeologist, joined the staff
of the Bureau of American Ethnology on November 1,
1926. His winter months were devoted to a study of the
ceramics of the San Juan area of the Southwest. Doctor
Roberts left Washington April 27 for Boulder, Colo.,
where a study of early ceramic forms was made iii the
museum of the University of Colorado.

On May 6 he visited El Paso, Tex., for the purpose of
investigating certain caves in a small range of moimtains

ADMINISTRATIVE REPOET 9

which lies 25 miles northeast of the city, between El Paso
and the far-famed Hueco Tanks. There are 28 of these
natural recesses in the faces of the cliffs, in most cases just
above the tops of the talus slopes. In general they open
to the west or northwest. Most of them bear traces of
Indian visitors. In the majority of the caves these traces
are largely in the form of pictographs jjainted on the walls
with red pigment. The pictures are in great part highly
conventionalized and geometric in form. In two instances
they were decidedly suggestive of the decorations on pot-
tery from Casas Grandes in northern Mexico.

Three of the caves showed evidences of an occupation ex-
tending over a considerable period, judging from the
amount of debris and ash on the floors. In the course of
two hours' digging, 12 sandals, a number of spear shafts,
a fragment of netting, several pieces of cord, portions of
rabbit sticks, a few beads, and two potsherds were f omid.

The sandals are of a rare and interesting form which
is not common in the better-known portions of the South-
west. A loop of yucca was twisted to form the edges of
the sole and yucca leaves woven back and forth across this
framework. Similar specimens have been found in caves
in portions of west Texas, east of the present site, and at
one or two places in the Mimbres Valley. Two strands of
twisted yucca leaves were fastened together at the toe, run-
ning back about halfway on either side. The sandal was
presumably held in place by jmssing the toe portion of the
"tie" between two toes. The spear shafts were rather
elaborately decorated with streamers of yucca fiber. In
some instances a small stone point was used; in others a
hardened wood point.

On May 13 Doctor Roberts left El Paso for the Chaco
Canyon in northwestern New Mexico, where excavation
was begun on some slab houses on the top of the south rim
of the canyon 9 miles east of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro
Kettle. Between May 17 and June 30, 12 houses, 20 stor-
age cists, and 1 large kiva were excavated.

55231°— 28 2

10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

All of the houses proved to be of the semisubterranean
single-room variety, rectangular or slightly oval in shape,
averaging about 15 feet in length by about 10 feet in width.
They were excavated 2y2 to 3 feet deep and found to be
lined with large slabs of stone, the whole covered with a
pole, brush, and plaster superstructure supported on four
poles in the interior of the house. In practically all eases
there was a small opening to the south, possibly a door.
Many of the features of these houses are similar to those
which are found in, and considered characteristic of, the
highly develoi^cd kivas or ceremonial rooms of the com-
munal dwellings of later periods. The storage cists were
small oval or circidar pits about 2y2 feet deep, lined with
stone slabs. Houses and storage cists were grouped about
the kiva, which is the first of its type to be excavated in the
Southwest. The front of the banquette and the wall of the
kiva were made of large slabs of stone; the latter were
covered with a thick coating of adobe plaster.

Potsherds and other objects of the material culture of
the builders of this slab-house village are scarce. The
fragments of pottery found, however, are of the type which
in southwestern archeology has been given the term '' post-
Basket Maker." Doctor Roberts believes them to.be from
a late phase of the post-Basket Maker culture, probably the
end of the period and just prior to the beginning of the
pre-Puebloan stage.

Fourteen burials were found and only three had accom-
panying mortuary offerings. The latter was, in each case,
a bowl. Unfortunately the skeletons were in such a poor
state of preservation that in all but three instances their
removal was out of the question. None of the skulls was
deformed, a typical Pueblo trait, and all were dolichoce-
phals or ' ' longheads. ' ' A detailed map was made.

SPECIAL KESEARCHES

The research in Indian music was conducted in a wider
field during the past year than in any year preceding. In
July, 1926, Miss Frances Densmore, collaborator in Indian

ADJIINI.STRATIVE REPORT 11

music, returned to Xeali Bay, Wash., to continue her study
of the music of the Makah and of Indians from Vancouver
Island who have married membei's of the Makah tribe.
More than 140 songs were recorded, including a group of
old songs obtained from a woman of the Quileute tribe, a
particidarly isolated tribe living south of Makah.

An exceptional opportunity for the study of Indian
music was afforded by the celebration of "Makah Day"
on August 26 and by the rehearsals preceding this annual
festivity. The program depicted the arrival of a visiting
tribe and the entertainment which in the old days would
have taken place on such an occasion. The Indians who
took the part of visitors arrived in a gaily decorated boat
and were formally welcomed and escorted to the place of
entertainment, where dances were given by expert Makah
dancers. Several of these dances were dramatic presenta-
tions of tribal traditions. For example, it was the old
belief of the Makah that many sorts of animals, birds,
trees, and rocks were once human beings, and one of the
most important dances was an impersonation of human
beings who were the ancestors of the elk.

The songs recorded at Neah Bay included the songs of
the Makah Day dances, rendered by the leading singers,
and songs of the "impersonation dances" that formed
part of the Klokali ceremony. In these dances they for-
merly impersonated the wolf, deer, and wild white geese.
An interesting group of Clayoquot songs was addressed to
the sea when the breaker were high and it was said "the
sea alwavs seemed to become calm soon after these songs
were sung." A phase of music hitherto unstudied in de-
tail was the old composed song, distinct from the song re-
ceived in a dream. It appears from data collected in two
localities that physical motion was considered an aid to
musical composition, some musicians composing while sit-
ting in a swing, others while walking, and others (on the
coast of British Columbia) while riding in a motor boat.

After five w^eks at Neah Bay Miss Densmore went to
(Jhilliwack, British Columbia, where Indians from a wide

12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

territory are annually employed as pickers in the liop
fields. An effort was made to obtain songs of all im-
portant classes, from Indians as widely separated as
possible. More than 125 songs were recorded, among the
localities represented being the Nass, Skeena, Thompson,
and Fraser Rivers, Port Simpson, the west coast of
British Columbia and the southwest coast of Vancouver
Island. The singers came f I'om a region extending about
400 miles north and south and about 150 miles east and
west. Two aged medicine men recorded songs which they
use at the present time in treating the sick, and numerous
healing songs were recorded by other Indians. One was
for the cure of smallpox ; in another the doctor addressed
the seal, grizzly bear, and deer, asking their help, while
the next song contained their favorable response. Tlie
medicine men apj)reciated the value of the work and
recorded their songs without reluctance.

Mention should be made of the slahal game played often
at the hop camp by a large number of Indians, with crowds
of Indian spectators. The songs and method of playing
the game were recorded, the players were photographed
during a game, and the bone game miplements were loaned
for photographic purposes.

Seven manuscripts on the foregoing field work were
submitted to the Bureau of American Ethnology with
the following titles: ''Songs of the Quileute Indians";
"Makah and Clayoquot songs for treating the sick and
Makah songs in honor of the dead"; "Klokali songs of
the Makah Indians"; "Songs of Indians living on the
Sliamey and Homaco Reserves in British Coliunbia";
"Songs of Indians living at Port Simpson and on the
Skeena and Nass Rivers in British Colmnbia"; "Makah
and Clayoquot songs"; and "Songs and dances presented
on Makah Day, 1926, at Neah Bay, Wash." A paper was
also submitted entitled "A comparison between Pawnee
songs and those previously analyzed," with 18 tables of
analysis. The number of manuscript pages was 178 and
the number of transcribed songs 124.

ADMINISTRATIVE KEPOKT 13

In British Cohmibia, as in the United States, oppor-
tunities for the study of genuine Indian nuisic are rapidly
passing, though there still reniahi old people who can sing
the ancient songs.

Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, curator of physical anthropology,
United States National Museum, made during the spring
and smniner of 1926 a comprehensive anthropological and
archeological survey in Alaska.

Upon reaching the Seward Peninsula he found himself
confronted with insurmountable difficulties in the matter
of transportation. The arrival of the revenue cutter
Bear was a fortimate circumstance, for he secured both
accommodation and promise of assistance in his work.
Doctor Hrdlicka left on the Bear July 22 with the inten-
tion of landing where indications might demand ; but not-
withstanding certain disadvantages, until the end of the
Bear's journey he did not feel justified in leaving the
ship.

The trip, barring the storms, etc., was propitious. The
ship stopped at every place of importance along the whole
coast up to Point Barrow. He was given facilities and
help to make at least the most necessary observations and
collections.

Scientific results. — The whole trip was very useful, and
threw a definite light on a munber of important problems
in the regions covered. It suggested definite notions as
to what is to be done in the future, among which are the
following :

Antiqiiitij of man. — Much that was seen strengthens the
probabilities, as well as showing the facilities of Asiatic
migrations over and along the Seward Peninsula, across
Bering Sea, and also by way of the Aleutian Islands. But
material evidence of these comings was not foimd, and
must be very limited, if not completely wanting, for the
following reasons: The comings could have been only by
small numbers of people, and these contingents would
effect but small and temporary settlements along the
coasts and perhaps the banks of a few streams. The rea-

14 BUREAU OF AMEIilCAN ETHNOLOGY

sons were a relative scarcity of the population in the
northeastern parts of Asia, on account of the limited
resources of that region; the more or less nomadic habits
of the people, due to seasonal conditions and the shifting
food suppl.y; their dependence on the sea and rivers for
both food and movement, the hinterland being poor in
resources and not favorable for raigrations toward more
desirable regions.

Old Eskimo sites. — Older abandoned sites of the
Eskimo, from those of small camps with perhaps only
two or three " igloos " to good-sized dead villages, are
quite cunmion. They occur as a ride on, or just above,
the low " spits " and beaches of the sea and on the banks
of the rivers or lakes.

The Teller battle field. — This consists merely of a
tundra plain, dotted with small lagoons. In its vicinity
are at least two, and probably more, small old sites, with
their graves for the most part already assimilated by the
tundra. The plain itself shows, as far as seen, nothmg
but moss and other similar vegetation.

The areheological objects that it was possible to secure
show: (1) Contact with Asia; (2) two varieties of deco-
ration, rectilinear and curvilinear, the latter much su-
perior to the former; (3) extensive trading ("jade,"
slate, obsidian) ; (4) a great differentiation and variety
in places, indicating a rather high culture.

This survey of conditions in the northwestern part of
Alaska indicates the need of prompt work of areheologi-
cal and anthropological nature in several directions.

Dr. Walter Hough, head curator of anthropology,
United States National Museum, was detailed to examine
recent excavations at Indian Moimd, Tenn., reported by
the Hon. Joseph W. Byrns. In the town of Indian
Mound is a large burial mound, from which the place
derives its name. The moimd is much lowered by culti-
vation, some of the older settlers affii-ming that it was
several feet higher than at present.

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 15

Through the enterprise of Mr. T. W. Seay, jr., excava-
tions in the sumuiit of the mound brought to light several
slab-box burials, a number of skeletons, and a few arti-
facts. From the surface of the mound and adjoining lots,
showing rich, black soil containing artifacts, many speci-
mens of stone imiDlements have been picked up. Through
the kindness of Mr. Seay, Doctor Hough visited a num-
ber of village sites, burial mounds, and flint quarries in
the neighborhood of Indian Mound and Dover, collecting
nmnerous specimens.

EDITORIAL WORK AND PUBLICATIONS

The editing of the publications of the bureau was con-
tinued through the year by Mr. Stanley Searles, editor,
assisted by Mrs. Frances S. Nichols, editorial assistant.
The status of the publications is presented in the follow-
ing summary:

PUBLICATIONS ISSUED

Bulletin 82. Archeological Observations Nortli of the Rio Colorado,

by Neil M. Judd. 171 pp., 61 pL, 46 figs.
Bulletin 83. Burials of the Alponquian, Siouan, and Caddoan Tribes

West of the Mississippi, by David I. Bushnell, jr. 103 pp., 37 pi.,

3 figs.
List of Publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 46 pp.

PUBLICATIONS IN I'RESS OR IN PREPARATION

Forty-first Annual Report. Accompanying papers : Coiled Basketry
in British Columbia and Surrounding Region (Boas, assisted by
Haeberlin, Roberts, and Teit) ; Two Prehistoric Villages in Mid-
dle Tennessee (Myer).

Forty-second Annual Report. Accompanying papers : Social Organi-
zation and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy;
Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the Creek Indians;
Aboriginal Culture of the Southeast (Swanton) ; Indian Trails of
the Southeast (Myer).

Forty-third Annual Report. Accompanying j^apers: The Osage
Tribe: Two Versions of the Child-naming Rite (La Flesche) ;
Wawenock Myth Texts from Maine (Speck) ; Native Tribes and
Dialects of Connecticut (Speck) ; Picuris Children's Stories with
Texts and Songs (Harrington and Roberts) ; Iroquoian Cos-
mologj- — Part II (Hewitt).

16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

Forty-fouith Annual Report. Accompanyinji; papers: Excavation of
the Burton Mountl at Santa Barbara, Calif. (Harrinj^ton) ; Social
and Religious Beliefs and Usages of the Chickasaw Indians (Swan-
ton) ; I'ses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians (Densmore) ;
Archeological Investigations — II (Fowke).

Bulletin 84. Vocabulary of the Kiowa Language (Harrington).

Bulletin 85. Contributions to Fox Ethnology (Michelson).

Bulletin 86. Chippewa Customs (Densmore).

DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLICATIONS

The distribution of the publications of the bureau has
been continued under the immediate charge of Miss Helen
Munroe, assisted by Miss Emma B. Powers. Publications
were distributed as follows :

Report volumes and separates 1.474

Bulletins and separates 7,289

Contributions to North American Ethnology 34

Miscellaneous publications 1, 914

As compared with the fiscal year ended June 30, 1926,
there was a decrease of 3,079 publications distributed.
This was partly due to the fact that one less publication
was distributed to the mailing list than in the previous
year.

Six names were added to the mailing list during the year
and 31 taken from the list, making a net decrease of 25.
The list now stands at 1,713.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Following is a summary of work accomplished in the
illustration branch of the bureau under the supervision of
Mr. DeLancey Gill, illustrator:

Illustrations: Photographs retouched and lettered, drawings,

etc., prepared and made ready for engraving 647

Drawings made, maps, diagrams, etc 44

Illustrations, engraver's proof criticized .516

Colored illustration proofs examined at Government Print-
ing Office 10, 500

Photographic prints of archeologic and ethnologic subjects 603

Negatives made 72

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 17

Lantern slides 16

Phototiraphio enlargements 6

Film rolls developed from field exposures 24

About 70 per cent of the photographic laboratory work
for the bureau was done by Dr. A. J. Ohnsted, of the
United States National Museiun; and 50 per cent of the
illustration work by Mr. Gill was for the publications of
the various bureaus of the Smithsonian Institution in co-
operation. This arrangement has proved eminently satis-
factory during the past year, with a substantial saving
of more than 80 per cent of the former cost of photo-
graphic work.

LIBRARY

The reference library has continued under the inmiedi-
ate care of Miss Ella Leary, librarian, assisted by Mr.
Thomas Blackwell. The library consists of 27,141 vol-
umes, about 15,937 pamphlets, and several thousand im-
bound perioflicals. During the year 480 books were
accessioned, of which 83 were acquired by purchase and
397 by gift and exchange; also 3,950 serials, chiefly the
publications of learned societies, were received and re-
corded, of which only 102 were obtained by purchase, the
remainder being received through exchange. Of pam-
plilets, 225 were obtained. During the year 288 volumes
were sent to the bindery. The catalogue was increased by
the addition of 1,980 cards. A considerable amount of
time was given to preparing bibliographic lists for corre-
spondents. The endeavor to supply deficiencies in the sets
of publications of institutions of learning was continued
without remission. Requisition was made on the Library
of Congress during the year for an aggregate of 300 vol-
umes for official use. The bureau library was frequently
consulted by officers of other Government establishments.

COLLECTIONS

92528. Collection of archeolojrical and skeletal material (740 speci-
mens) secured alonji the Upper Columbia River, AVashing-
ton. during the spring of 1926 by Herbert W. Krieger.

18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

92028. Skeleton of a shaman (less the skull), 2 femora of another
shaman, and 2 bleached bones from the skeleton of a chief,
all Tlinkit, of Alaska, collected by Dr. A. Hrdlicka.

94202. Small collection of shell beads and bracelets, and stone imple-
ments, obtained from the ruin of Las Trincheras in the
Altar districts of Sonora by S. A. Williams.

94776. Archeological specimens from Arkansas, Colorado, Florida,
Kentucky, and Tennessee, secured by various collectors for
the bureau. (2.5 specimens.)

93522. Anthropological, geological, and biological material collected
by Dr. Ales Hrdlicka in Alaska during the summer of 1926.
(1,374 specimens.)

93607. Material collected during the summer of 1926 in Louisiana
and Mississippi by Plenry B. Collins, jr. (236 specimens.)

95011. Ten master records of Hopi Indian s'ongs recorded during the
summer of 1926 at the Grand Canyon by Dr. J. Walter
Fewkes and two master records of a speech by William
Jennings Bryan.

95372. One carved and painted wooden figure representing a Hopi
snake priest.

96091. Four Indian crania from Elden Pueblo, Ariz., and two from
Montezuma Canyon, Colo.

96920. Collection of archeological objects gathered from the bureau

at Indian Mound, Tenn., by Walter Hougli.

96921. Archeological material collected for the bureau at Elden

Pueblo, Ariz., by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes during the summer
of 1926.

PEOPERTY

Office equipment was purchased to the amoiuit of
$12:3.74.

MISCELLANEOUS

Clerical. — The correspondence and other clerical work
of the office has been conducted by Miss May S. Clark,
clerk to the chief, assisted by j\Ir. Anthony W. Wilding,
stenographer. Miss Mae W. Tucker, stenographer, con-
tinued to assist Dr. John R. Swanton in compiling a
Timucua dictionary and Mr. Hewitt in finishing the re-
classifying and cataloguing of the manuscripts in the bu-
reau archives. Miss Tucker was also engaged in classi-
fying and cataloguing the musical records in the posses-

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 19

sion of the bureau. Mrs. Frances S. Nichols assisted the
editor.

Personnel. — Dr. F. H. H. Roberts, jr., archeologist, was
aiJjJoiuted on the staff of tlie bureau November 1, 1926.
Respectfully submitted.

J. Walter Fewkes,
Chief, Bureau of Ameriean Ethnology.
Dr. C. G. Abbot,

Acting Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

EXPLORATION OF THE BURTON MOUND
AT SANTA BARBARA, CALIFORNIA

By JOHN P. HARRINGTON

CONTENTS

Page

Introduction 31

History of Burton Mound 35

Earliest liistory 35

Mention of Svujtiin in the Relation of the Voyage of Cabrillo,

1542 - 35

Mention in the diaries of the Portold expedition, 1769-1770 36

Mention in the Font diary of the Anza expedition, 1776 46

Mention in the accounts of the founding of the presidio of Santa

Barbara, 1782 49

Vancouver's account of his visit to Santa Barbara, 1793 50

Mention in the Goycoechea Report, 1796 55

History subsequent to the abandonment of the site by the natives., 55

Alfred Robinson describes a visit to Santa Barbara in 1829 55

Genesis of title of the Burton Mound property 56

Ownership by the Mexican Government, James Burke, Josepli

Chapman 57

Ownership by Capt. George C. Nidever 57

Ownership by A. F. Hinchman 58

Ownership by Lewis T. Burton, Seaside Hotel Association, Potter

Hotel Company, Ambassador Hotel Corporation 60

Interview with —

M. Aman 60

Arthur Greenwell 61

Mrs. Ramona Trussell 62

Milo M. Potter 62

James M. Carter 63

A. M. Gutierrez 64

Charles T. HaU 64

An early description of the Burton Mound 64

Excavation of the Burton Mound 66

Previous excavating and relic hunting by others 66

Description of the mound 68

The springs of the Burton Mound 69

The grading of the Burton Mound 70

Excavated areas '"

The foundations of the adobe house 71

The old Burton well 71

Description of the artifacts 72

Objects of stone '^

Flat-rimmed l)owls of sandstone 72

Bowls of sandstone with grooved rim 74

Mortars '

Hopper mortars . _

Pestles "^

Limestone dishes °

Tray of sandstone "

55231°— 28 3 25

26 CONTENTS

Description of the artifacts — Continued.

Objects of stone — Continued. Page

OUas or coolving pots of steatite 84

Steatite bowls 85

Canoe-sliaped vessels of sandstone and steatite 86

Steatite comals 87

Steatite pipes 88

Spheroidal sinkers of sandstone 90

Spherical stones 90

Two-lobed stones 90

Fragment of ringstone 91

Barrel-shaped stones 91

Incised slab of paper shale 91

Tarred stones 91

Rubbing stones 92

Fragment of gilsonite "pencil" 92

Quartz crystals 92

Ironstone concretion cups 93

Arrowheads, spearheads, drills, and knife blades 94

Flint implement with one edge coarsely toothed 101

Sandstone reamers 101

Slate points 101

Paints 102

Pendants of stone 103

Beads of stone 103

Steatite disk beads 103

Steatite disks 104

Cylindrical beads of steatite 104

Beads of amethyst 104

Miscellaneous stone beads 104

Objects of asphalt 105

Lumps of asphalt 105

Asphalt fragments with twined basketry imprint '. 106

Unexplained objects of asphalt 106

Objects of bone or antler 106

Entire bone awls 106

Sea-hon rib implements 108

Sea-lion radii 109

Broad bone points, wedge-shaped bone implements 109

Miscellaneous bone points 112

Fragmentary bone points 115

Composite fishhook points 122

Entire composite fishhook points with squared or blunt

bases 122

Entire composite fishhook points, sharp at both ends 125

Composite fishhook points with flattened inner wall of

incurve, anomalous points, awl-lik* points 126

Fragmentary composite fishhook points 128

One-piece fishhooks of bone 133

Bird -bone whistles 133

Awl-shaped artifacts of bird bone 133

Splint-bone needles from the mule deer 133

Whalebone slabs used for lining graves 134

Wedges of deer antler 135

CONTENTS 27

Description of the artifacts — Continued.

Objects of bone or antler — Continued. Page

Fragments of deer antler 135

Fishbones 135

Shark vertebra paint cu|i 136

Excrescences from the scapula of the horse mackerel 136

Bone pendants 136

Bones remaining from bird-claw pendants 136

Pendant of sea-lion tooth 137

Bone beads 137

Tubular beads of deer bone 137

Tubular beads of bird bone 138

Objects of shell 138

One-piece fishhooks 138

Entire fishhooks 139

Fishhook fragments 139

Dishes of abalone shell 146

Shells used as paint cups 147

Beads, pendants, and ornaments 147

Shells for stringing 148

Rim pendants of abalone 148

Oblong pendants of clamsheD HO'

Columella pendants 14&

Triangular pendants of abalone 14&

Leaf-shaped pendants of clamshell 150

Circular and squarish pendants of abalone 160

Abalone gorgets 152

Disks of clamshell 153

Oblong pendants of abalone 153

Ring-shaped ornaments of abalone 154

Limpet rings 154

Long beads 155

CyUndrical beads 155

Columella beads 158

Hinge beads 160

Rock-oyster cylindrical beads 161

Disk beads and other small beads 163

Olivella disk beads 163

Olivella Up beads 163

Minute olivella disk beads 163

Pink disk beads 163

Black disk beads 163

Abalone disk beads 163

Thin clamshell disk beads 163

Thick clamshell disk beads 164

Globular beads of clamshell 164

Small cylindrical beads of clamshell 164

Square beads of abalone 164

Triangular beads of clamshell 164

Abalone blister pearl bead 164

Objects of vegetal material 165

Wooden awl 165

28 CONTENTS

Description of the artifacts — Continued. Page

Objects of modern manufacture 165

Spanish floor tiles 165

Fragmentary Spanish roof tiles 165

Spanish candlestick of brass 166

Iron marline pin 166

Glass bottles 166

Bell clapper of brass 166

Thimble of brass 166

Lead bullets 166

Spanish brass buttons 166

Iron blades 166

Pewter spoon 166

Brooches 167

Mexican potterj' fragments 167

Modern cliinaware and porcelain 167

Glass beads 167

Index 541

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

Page

1. The Burton Mound, looking southeast. Painting by Alexander F.

Harmer, 1897 30

2. a, The earliest extant picture of Santa Barbara, showing the Burton

Mound in the foreground. From Robinson, Life in California be-
fore the Conquest, New York, 1846, opp. p. 41. 6, Photograph from
the Santa Barbara mesa looking east, showing the lower part of
Santa Barbara in the eighties. The Burton Mound is seen this
side of the middle part of the wharf 30

3. a-e, Flat-rimmed bowls of sandstone. /, Sandstone bowl with grooved

rim 74

4. a, Sandstone bowl with grooved rim. b-f, Mortars 74

5. Mortars 74

6. Mortars 74

7. Hopper mortars 80

8. Pestles 80

9. a, b, c, e, Limestone dishes, d, Sandstone tray 84

10. Bowls and ollas of steatite 84

11. o. Fragment of canoe-shaped vessel of sandstone, h, Fragments of

canoe-shaped vessel of steatite 88

12. Comals of steatite 88

13. a-d. Steatite smoking pipes, e. Fragment of steatite pipe, f-i, Sphe-

roidal sinkers of sandstone 00

14. a. Incised slab of paper shale. 6, Ball of sandstone, c, Two-lobed

stone, d, Fragment of ringstone. e, Barrel-shaped stone, f-h,
Tarred stones 90

15. Rubbing stones 90

16. a, Gilsonite pencil, h-d, Quartz crystals, e-h, Ironstone concretion

cups, i, Cake of hematite 90

17. a-T, Arrowheads, drills, knife blades, s-t, Reamers of sandstone,

u, Flint implement with one edge coarsely toothed 96

18. Lumps of asphalt 106

19. a, a'. Bone awls. 6, Sea lion rib implements; sea lion radius 106

20. a, Broad bone points, wedge-shaped bone implements, b. Composite

fishhook parts 124

21. a. Composite fishhook part. 6, c. Bird bone whistles, d, Wooden awl.

e, k, Awl-shaped artifacts of bird bone, f-h, Tubular beads of deer
bone, i, j, Needles of the splint bones of the California mule deer.
Z, m, n, Wedges of deer antler, o, p. Slate points 124

22. WTialebone slabs used for lining graves 134

23. a. Pendant of sea lion tooth, b, Tubular bead of deer bone, c, d,

Pendants of stone, e—h, Bones remaining from bird claw pendants.

i-l, One-piece fishhooks 134

30 ILLUSTRATIONS

Page

24. a, Cache of clamshell disks and long beads in an abalone dish, h,

Abalone dish with transversely incised rim. c, Owl limpet shell

used as a paint cup. d, Abalone shell used as a paint cup 148

25. a, Abalone rim pendant, b, Triangular pendants of abalone. f,

Columella pendant, d, f, g, Oblong pendants of abalone. e, Leaf-
shaped pendant of clamshell, h, i, Circular pendants of abalone.
j, k, Disks of clamsheU. I, Square pendant of abalone. m, Limpet
ring, n, Ring-shaped ornament of abalone. o, Abalone gorget — 148

26. a, Thin clamshell disk bead, b, c, Thick clamshell disk beads, d, Tri-

angular bead of clamsheU. e, Square bead of abalone. /, Globular
bead ■ of clamshell, g, Small cylindrical beads of clamshell.
h, Minute oUveUa disk beads, i, Common oliveUa disk beads.
j, k, I, Cylindrical beads, m, Oblong pendant of clamshell.
n, 0, Columella beds, p, Abalone blister pearl bead, q, Olivella
lip beads. r, Shells for stringing, smaller species of olivella 164

27. a, Base of candlestick of brass. 6, c, Glass bottles, d, Spanish floor

tile, e, Marline pin 164

TEXT FIGURES

1. The four occurrences of " Syujtiin," the native name of the Burton

Mound village, in the original manuscript of the Relation of the
Voyage of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo in the Archivo General de Indias
at Seville, Spain 35

2. Contour map of the Burton Mound, based on a map probably pre-

pared by J. K. Harrington, C. E., about 1901. Scale: 1 inch=

184 feet 69

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2

THE EARLIEST EXTANT PICTURE OF SANTA BARBARA, SHOW-
ING THE BURTON MOUND IN THE FOREGROUND. FROM
ROBINSON, LIFE IN CALIFORNIA BEFORE THE CONQUEST.
NEW YORK, 1846, OPP. P. 41

b PHOTOGRAPH FROM THE SANTA BARBARA MESA LOOKING
EAST SHOWING THE LOWER PART OF SANTA BARBARA IN
THE EIGHTIES. THE BURTON MOUND IS SEEN BELOW THE
GAP TO THE LEFT OF RINCON HILL

EXPLORATION OF THE BURTON MOUND AT
SANTA BARBARA, CALIFORNIA

By John P. Harrington

INTRODUCTION

The present paper is a preliminary report on the collection taken
from the Burton Muimd at Santa Barbara, Calif, (pis. 1, 2), by the
Thea Heye expedition in the summer of 1923. It presents our his-
torical discoveries which led to the investigation of the site and
describes the artifacts. The writer has in preparation a complete
monographic account which will be published at a future date.

The principal rancheria or village of the ancient Santa Barbara
Valley was not at the Mission, where the Indians were gathered
in later times, but at the beach. It was situated a little to the west
of the mouth of Mission Creek, where a landing cove for canoes and
two low mounds, one by the beach and a larger one 650 feet inland and
now known as the Burton Mound, afforded unusual attraction as a
dwelling place for Indians. At a number of places in the locality
were cold sulphur springs; also some springs of drinking water.
The name of the village was Syujtiln,^ meaning " where the two trails
run." There a thriving population lived on the wild food products
of the neigliboring beach and sea and of the Santa Barbara Valley,
rich in acorn-bearing oaks and game animals.

Although the Relation of the Voyage of Cabrillo, 1542, records
the name Syujtun and the early land expeditions passed by the
village, little has been written on its history. After the establishment
of the Santa Barbara Mission, the deserted locality of Syujtun be-
came known as "el rancho de la playa."

In the early thirties this beach ranch of the Padres appears to
have passed in rapid succession into possession of the Mexican Gov-
ernment, James Burke, and then Joseph Chapman, a young English-
man, who had been captured at the time of the Bouchard invasion and
who erected a small adobe house on the mound. A few years later, tra-

' Indian names in this paper are in Spanish orthography ; but c is pronounced as Eng-
lish sh ; K is nojir It ; ' is the glottal elusive; K', k', f, p' are of the " glottalized " variety ;
h is not silent as in Spanish but is pronounced as in English ; a, e, i, o, u as in Spanish
murcielago, " bat."

32 EXPLOKATION OF BTTRTON MOTT^D [bth. ann. 44

dition relates, Thomas Robins bought the property and built the mas-
sive adobe house which was for more than 70 years the most conspicu-
ous feature of the Santa Barbara water front. During the forties the
oM'ner was Capt. George C. Nidever, loiown in California history
as the rescuer of the last surviving Indian woman from San Nicolas
Island. Cajjtain Nidever sold the property in 1851 to Augustus F.
Hinchman, lawyer and prominent resident of Santa Barbara. In
1860 Mr. Hinchman sold the tract to Lewis T. Burton, who made
it his home for 19 years, and after whom the mound has been called
in more recent times. Upon the death of Mr. Burton in 1879, the
Seaside Hotel Association took possession of the property and the
building of a resort hotel on the mound was planned. This project
was finally realized in the erection of the Potter Hotel in 1901-2.
Ownership of the hotel changed hands in 1913 and the name was
altered first to the " Belvedere " and then to the " Hotel Ambassador."
Tlie hotel burned to the ground on April 19, 1921, and the site was
thereby again released for archeological investigation.

Taking advantage of the unique condition presented by the burning
of the hotel, archeological e.xcavation was made possible for the
Museum of the American Indian, Heve Foundation, through the
generosity of Mrs. Thea Heye, of New York City. By arrangement
with the Bureau of American Ethnology the expedition was placed
in charge of the writer.

The results of this excavation of the Indian town of Santa Barbara
proved rich and interesting beyond expectation. The collection of
objects taken from the mound will be placed on exhibit at the
Museum of the American Indian in New York City.

Heartfelt acknowledgment is here given to Mr. George G. Heye
and to Mrs. Thea Heye, who with their usual generosity and enthu-
siasm supjjorted the excavation work diu-ing many months. I wish
also to express my gi'eat indebtedness to Dr. J. Walter Fewkes,
chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, for his kindness in
arranging the cooperative work and for his assistance in carrying it
through to its consummation. Mr. S. W. Strauss, who in the name
of the Ambassador Hotel Corporation gave permission to excavate
the site, is deserving also of most grateful acknowledgment.

But most of all I want to express indebtedness to my friends
Prof. D. B. Rogers and Mr. G. W. Bayley, who were with me during
almost the entire work and contributed in innumerable ways to its
progress.

The photographs were made by Mr. William Orchard, of the staff
of the Museum of the American Indian, who also assisted in many
other ways, and by Mr. Albert Sweeney, of the Bureau of American
Ethnology. The geological specimens were identified by Dr. Edmund
Hovey, of the American Museum of Natural History, and Mr. Earl

HAKEINGTON] INTRODUCTION 33

Y. Shannon, of the United States National Museum's division of
geology. Mr. William L. Calver, of New York City, identified the
pottery and chinaware specimens. Others who.se names should be
mentioned here are Miss Elizabeth IMason, who prepared a model
of the Burton Mound as it was before the Potter Hotel was con-
structed; Mr. Foster H. Saville. who cleaned and classified the
collections; Dr. Bruno Oetteking. who is working up the skeletal
material; Mr. F. W. Hodge; Fr. Zephyrin Engelhardt; Mr. Edward
F. Coffin; Dr. E. L. Hewett; Fr. Alexander Buckler; Dr. A. L.
Kroeber; Rt. Rev. John J. Cantwell; the late Mrs. Luisa Ignacio;
Mr. Barton A. Bean, and Mr. E. D. Reid, who identified the skeletal
remains of fishes found in the mound; Prof. H. E. Bolton; Dr. Paul
Bartsch; Mr. C. E. Asher; Mr. Jesse E. Wood, who assisted in the
excavations; Mrs. Jesse E. Wood, who assisted in identifying the
shells; Mr. George H. Gould: Dr. J. S. Miller; ]\Ir. Charles F.
Eaton; Mrs. R. Kimberly; Miss Jane Kimberly; Mr. Charles T.
Hall; Mrs. Anna West-Bates; Mr. Herbert F. Orris; Miss. Doris
Overman ; Mr. Louis G. Dreyfus ; Mrs. Francisca Dibblee ; Mr. T. S.
Storke ; Mr. Jose Ortega ; Mrs. F. Nardi ; Mr. Juan Isidoro Pico ;
Mr. Edward Borein; Mr. Charles F. Lummis; Mr. Carl O. Borg;
Mrs. Ida M. Kobida ; Miss Mamie L. Goulet ; Mrs. Thomas Hicks ;
Mr. Juan de Jesus Justo; Mr. George D. Morrison; Mr. Ralph
Arnold ; Mr. W. C. Smith, who, surveyed the mound and prepared
several of the maps; Mr. Owen H. O'Neill; Mr. Archie B. Cook;
Mr. Milo M. Potter; Mr. James M. Carter; Mr. Charles T. Hall;
Mrs. Charles T. Hall ; Mr. IMax Aman ; Mr. Arthur Greenwell ; Mrs.
Ramona Trussell; Mr. Guido C. Hinchman; Miss Stella G. Hinch-
man ; Miss Pearl Chase ; Mr. Ole Hanson ; Mr. George Emigdio
Nidever; Mr. A. M. Gutierrez; Mr. Thomas B. Middleton; Mr. Luis
A. M. Ortega ; and Dr. Chester Stock. We shall in a later publica-
tion mention numerous others, some of them friends of long standing,
who have contributed to this study by furnishing historical and other
information, by donating specimens taken from Burton Mound and
other sites in eaily years, or by granting permission to explore or to
excavate upon their property.

HISTORY OF THE BURTON MOUND

Earliest History

There is abundant evidence, traditional, historical, and archeo-
logical, that the large Indian village at Santa Barbara was at the
beach, at the old Puerto de Santa Barbara or early landing place at
the foot of the present Chapala Street,
west of the mouth of Mission Creek and
due east of and comprising the Burton
Mound. The Indian informants have
given the name of this village as
Syujtx'm (fig. 1). meaning "where the
two trails run."

One of the most interesting matters in
California archeology and ethnology
will always remain the recording of
Santa Barbara Channel place names by
the Cabrillo expedition of 1542. Al-
though it has never before been pointed
out, the Indian name of the village at
the Puerto de Santa Barbara occurs in
the Relation of the Voyage of Cabrillo.'
Indeed, it maj- be mentioned in that
document no fewer than four times,
with the additional information that
the village appeared to be a capital.

/ OCOCd ioc~/

""-u/T^-hf/n /

Fig. 1. — The four possible occur-
rences of " Syujtilu," the native
name of the Burton Mound vil-
lage, in the original manuscript
of the Relation of the Voyage of
Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo in the
Arehivo General de Indias at
Seville, Spain.

MENTION OF SYUJTUN IN THE RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO, 13 4 2

The first list of place names given in the Cabrillo account - starts
with El Rincon, naming in upcoast direction :

Xuco [Cukuw, at El Rincon Creek].

Bis, Sopono [Mishopsnow, at La Carpinteria Creek].

Alloc [K'oloK, at El Toro Creek].

Xabaagua [Shalwaj, El Montecito].

Xocotoc [Syujtiin, El Puerto de Santa Barbara].

In a subsequent list of mainland coast rancherias,' jumbled in
arrangement and with rementionings like the first list, the name

' Relacion o Diario de la Navegacion que hizo Juan Rodrfguea Cabrillo. in Buckingham
Smith, CoIecci6n de Varies Documentos para la Historia de la Florida y Tierras Adya-
centes. London, 1857. pp. IT-VISO. Egnlish translations by R. S. Evans in George M.
Wheeler, Report upon United Stales Geographical Surveys West of the 100th Meridian,
vol. 7, Washington. 1R79, pp. 29.3-314; and by Herbert E. Bolton in his Spanish Explora-
tion in the Southwest, New York, 1916, pp. 1-39.

= Ibid., p. 181.

"Ibid., p. 183. 36

36 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [mn. anx. 44

seems to appear twice again, first as Ciucut and then as Yutiim (cp.
" Yuctu " of the Padron of Captain Felipe de Goycoechea, p. 55),
after which the comment is added : " el pueblo de Ciucut parescia ser
cabezera de otros pueblos," " the village of Ciucut appeared to be a
capital of other villages " (cp. Bancroft, p. 49).

With regard to the spelling of the above forms, Xocotoc, Ciucut,
and Yutum, it will be noted that sy is rendered by x (Eng. sh), ci,
and y; the sound of Spanish j is represented by c, as is regular in
the Cabrillo accoimt, or not at all ; u and o interchange ; an echo vowel
timbre is inserted after the j ; and the final aspirated and somewhat
decadent n is heard twice not at all and once as m.

MENTION IN THE DIARIES OF THE PORTOLA EXPEDITION, 17G9-1770

A second point in the history of Syujtiin that has never been
brought out is that the Portola expedition camped within two rifle
shots of the rancheria on the night of August 18, 1769. We are
fortunate in having diary accounts of this expedition by Fr.
Crespi, Costanso, and Fages, each telling about passing through the
Syujtiin vicinity both on the way up coast and on the return
journey. Each of these accounts presents facts not given in the other
two accounts and helps to explain statements in the other accounts
which might remain vague or misunderstood. For instance, Fages
places the two ruined villages merely in the vicinity of Syujtiin and
says that their inhabitants mutually exterminated each other; Fr.
Crespi says that one of these ruined rancherias was 1 league, the
other 21/^ leagues from La Carpinteria and that tlie Indians said of
the first of these villages that mountain Indians had attacked it;
while Costanso states that between Car[iinteria and Syujtim they
found two ruined rancherias but coidd not ascertain why they were
so. Only the Fages diary gives the number of houses in and popu-
lation of Syujtiin. That either Fr. Crespi or Costanso had seen
the other's diary is another amazing fact that comes from a com-
parison of the wording.

Fr. Juan Crespi notes the following in his diary : *

Miercoles 16 de idem [16 de Agosto, Wednesday, the 16th of the same

176!!] : — Como a las sels y media month [Aujnist 16, 1769]. — At about

salimos [de los Pitosl siguieiido el half past 6 we started nut [from Los

mlsmo rumbo del Oeste que es el que Pitos] following the same westerly di-

ccrre aqui a la playa, y ii las dos rection. which is that which here coin-

leguas llegamos fi otro pueblo [el Rln- cides with the shore, and at 2 leagues'

con] mayor que el de la Asuncion, pues distance we reached another ran-

contamos sesenta casas bien formadas cheria [Bl Rinc6n], which is larger

* Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, Cuarta S^rie, Tomo VI, Mexico. 1857,
pp. 317-321, 416: also Francisco Palofl. Noticias do la Nueva Ciilifonila. California Uis-
torical Society's Publication, vol. 2, San Francisco, 1874, pp. 137-142, 237.

HARRINGTON]

HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND

de la misma ronstniccion que las del
primer pueblo que tieue un bueu arro-
yo de agua oorriente buena que va
fl dar it la mar, aunque poco antes
por uu altito que tiene se represa y
forma enmo estero ; pegado -X la ran-
cheria no tiene tierras 5 la orilla del
mar sino para formar el pueblo. Los
cerros que tiene & sus inmediaciones
son de buena tierra y empastados de
buen zaeate. No s4 si arriba liabn'i
arroyo p<ir abras hacen los cerros 6
si tendrA llanos ; es necesario resis-
trarlo que tenidndolos podria ser bueno
para mision ; son los indios muy
d6ciles y afables, reparamos que tenian
en la mar siete canoas que estaban
pescando. En euanto llegamos vino
toda la gente fi visitarnos y nos tra-
jeron mucho pescado tiatemado 6
azado para que cnmiest-mos mientras
llegabau las canoas con pescado fresco
las que en breve abordaron & la playa
y de alii S poco trajeron mucha
abundancia de Bonitos y Meros que
nos regnlaron y ofrecierou en tanta
cantidad que hubi^ramos podido ear-
gar la recua si hubidramos tenido
proporcion de prepararlo y salarlo;
dieronnos 3, mas de lo dicbo pescado
seco sin sal (que no usan ellos en
sus comidas) que llevamos fl preven-
cion y sirvio para el viaje de muclio
recurso ; uno de los capitanes de este
pueblo se hallaba en el de la Asumpta
cuando pasamos y fue el que mas se
esmero en obstHjuiarnos ; es hombre
formado de buen talle y flsonomla
regular, gran bailarin, por cuyo mo-
tivo nombraroii los soldados a su
pueblo del Bailarin, mientras que yo
lo nombre con el de Santa Clara de
Monte Talco: tome la altura y me
salio de treinta y cuatro grados
cuarenta minutos. La caja del arroyo
de este pueblo tiene nnicha arboleda
de sauces, alamos, alisos y encinos.

than that of La Asuncion [San Buena-
M'ntural, for we counted sixty houses,
well fashioned, of the same construc-
tion as those of the first village, and
vhich has a good creek of good flow-
ing water which empties into the sea,
although a little before doing so it is
dammed up by an elevation which
there is and forms a sort of estero;
next to the rancheria there are no
lands at the beach except those which
form the village. The hills which
there are in the vicinity are of good
soil and ai-e grassed over with good
feed. I do not know whether ufv
stream in the gaps made by the hills
there is merely a creek or maybe
plains. It is necessary to investigate,
and if there are plains it might be
good for a mission. The Indians are
very docile and affable. We found
that they had on the sea seven canoes
which were fishing. As soon as we
arrived all the people came to visit us,
and brought much roaste<l or baked
fish for us to eat until the boats came
in with fi-esh fish, and these shortly
landed on the beach, and from them
after a little they brought a great
abundance of bonitos and jewflsh,
which they gave us, and offered us in
such quantity that we would have been
able to load the animals if we had had
ojiportunity to prepare and salt it.
They gave us, in addition to the above,
dried fish without salt (which they do
not use in their footl) ; which we took
along as a pre<aution and which was of
much help on the journey. One of the
captains of this rancheria was in La
Asumpta [San Buenaventura] when
we pa.ssed through, and it was he who
took most pains to be obsequious to
ns. He is a man of good build and
regular features, a great dancer, for
which reason the soldiers dubbed his
rancheria that of the dancing man,
while 1 named it Santa Clara de Mon-
tefalco. I took the latitude and it
gave the result of 34° 40'. The creek
bed of this rancheria has much tree
growth of willows, cottonwoods, syca-
mores, and live oaks.

EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND

[BTH. ANN. 44

Jucrrfi ly dc idem [17 dr Aposto,
J7(l!)\. — Salimos de este paraje ii las
siete y media slguiendo el rmnbo de
Oeste subimos unas lomas tendidas de
buena tierra de zacate que van il re-
matar acantiladns :'i la playa, aunque
entre ellas y la jilaya hay paso por los
arenaU's : andarianms como media
iegua y llegamos a uua punta de
tierra que con la otra en que esta el
pueblo antecedente forma la playa
como ensenada ; sobre esta punta eu-
contramos otro pneblo muy grande en
el que contamos treinta y ocho casas
de la forma de las ya dichas y algunas
de ellas tan grandes que se hospedan
muchas familias. A la orilla del
pueblo estaba toda la gente aguardan-
donos que no era menor el gentio que
el de la Asumpta. llegamos a la ran-
ctieria a saludarlos y el senor coman-
dante regalo al capitan unos abalorios ;
paramos el real no muy lejos de la
raiirheria en una llanura quo de Norte
a Sur tendril como una legua de tierra
buena y prieta muy empastada y del
Este a Oeste tiene cuatro leguas de
largo. Tiene el paraje mucha sauceda.
alamos, alisos y algunos encinos ; estS,
muy proveido de leiia y la sierra muy
alta que tiene al Norte parece tenet
provision de leiia en algunas partes y
en otras se divisa pelona.

Como por el Norte baja un arroyo
que fue a ver mi coinpanero y dice
tiene buen trozo de agua al pie de la
sierra, dijeron los soldados y esplora-
dores que hay otra buena rancheria
de gentiles ; no muy apartado del
pueblo vimos unos ojos de brea ; tienen
muchas canoas y en la actualidad
estaban construyendo una por cuyo
motivo nombraron los soldados a este
pueblo la Carpinterfa y yo la bautic6
con el uonibre de San Roquc dista del
antecedente paraje solo una legua.
En euanto llegamos nos trajeron tanto

Thursdaii. the nth of the smne
month [Aiir/unt 17, 1700 [. — We started
out from this place [El Rinoonl at
half past 7 and following a westerly
direction climbed some rolling hills of
good grass-grown soil which terminate
lioldly at the beach, although between
them and the beach one can pass
along the sands. We must have gone
about half a league when we reached
a point of land which together with
the other iioint on which the above
mentioned rancheria is situated forms
a beach like a cove. On this point we
found another very large rancheria in
which we counted 38 houses of the
same shape as those already men-
tioned and some of them so large that
they shelter many families. At the
edge of the village all the people were
awaiting us and there .were no fewer
people than at La Asumpta [San
Buenaventura]. We arrived at the
rancheria to greet them, and the com-
andante presented the captain with
some beads. We made camp not very
far from the rancheria on a plain of
good black soil, well grassed, which
must extend from north to south about
a league and be 4 leagues long from
east to west. The locality has many
willows, cottonwoods, and ■ sycamores
and some live oaks ; it is well provided
with wood, and the high mountain
range which there is to the north
seems to be provided with wood in
some places and in others is seen to
be bare.

To the north as it were there comes
down a creek which my companion
went to see and he says it has a
good bit of water at the foot of the
range. The soldiers and scouts said
that there is another good rancheria
of gentiles. Not far from the village
we saw some springs of tar. They
have many canoes and at the present
time were building one, for which rea-
son the soldiers named this village
La Carpinterfa, while I baptized it
with the name of San Roque. It is
distant from the last-mentioned place

IHnRINLiTON]

HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND

pcseafio del Bonito fresco, seco y tlate-
iiiiido que escedienm en el ragalo a los
antecedentes pueblos. En frente del
paraje se diviso una isla aunque por
la neblina no se pudleron cerciorar
que isla era.

Viernes 18 de idem [18 de Agosto,
1169]. — A las siete de la manana
salimos del paraje [la Carpinterial y
si^uiendo el referido llano, rumbo al
Oeste por cerca la playa, nos vinieron
acompanando el capitan de la ran-
cherla de donde salimos y el del
pueblo de donde vino anoche con los
esploradores. y il su ejemplo mucha
indiada todos muy contentos y fes-
tivos. A una legua de andar encon-
tramos las ruiiias de una rancheria y
nos dijeron los gentiles que los ser-
ranos habian bajado de guerra y
habian matado (\ toda la gente hacia
como tres meses y a las dos leguas y
media de la sallda encontramos las
ruinas de otra rancheria que habia
sucedido la misma desgracla. En
estos parajes hay sus ojos de agua de
que gastaban dichas rancherias. En
es^ta Jornada [desde la Carpinteria]
que fue de cuatro horas vimos rastros
de osos : Uegamos a las cuatro leguas
de camino a una grande rancheria
rSyujtun]. mucho mayor que las ante-
cedentes. que estaba cerca de una
punta de tierra larga que entra & la
mar ; pasamos eon algun trabajo un
grande estero [El Estero de Santa
Barbara] que entra bastante en la
tierra, cinjzamos cerca de la rancheria
[SyuJtOn], y paramos el real como a
dos tiros de fusil de ella. A poco llega-
d<>s vino toda la gente con un grande
regalo de pescado que venia en siete
tercios bien grandes ; se les corre.spon-
dio con abalorios y se fuerou muy
contentos. A poco rato Uegaron las
canoas que estaban pescando, luego
volvieron todos grandes y chicos con su
regalo de pescado fresco, que se junto
como cuatro cargas solo del fresco, y
cou dicho regalo vinieron al real mas

[EI Rincon] only 1 league. Upon our
arrival they brought us so much bonito
fish, fresh, dried, and roasted, that
they exceeded in their gift the pre-
vious rancherias. In front of this
place was .seen an Lsland, although be-
cause of the fog it could not be ascer-
tained YSfhlch island it was.

Fi-idaii, the IStli of the ■■iame month
[Ang. If, I7G9]. — At 7 in the morn-
ing we started out from the place [La
Carpinteria I and followed the above-
mentioned plain in a westerly direc-
tion along near the beach. The cap-
tain of the rancheria that we started
from came along with us and also
the captain of the village, who came
last night with the scouts, and fol-
lowing their example many Indians,
all of them very hai)py and festive.
After going a league we came upon
the ruins of a rancheria, and the gen-
tiles told us that the mountain In-
dians had come down in war and had
killed all the people about three
months before ; and at 21/2 leagues
from our starting point we came upon
the ruins of another rancheria to
which had happened the same misfor-
tune. In those places they have their
springs of water from which they pil-
laged the said rancherias. In this
journey [from La Carpinteria] of
four hours we saw .some bear tracks.
After traveling 4 leagues we reached
a Large rancheria [Syujtun], much
larger than the preceding, which was
near a long point of land that enters
the sea ; we crossed with some diffi-
culty a large estero [Santa Barbara
estero] which runs back some distance
inland : we crossed near the rancheria
[Syujtfm], and camijed at alwmt two
rifle shots' distance from the ran-
cheria. Soon after we arrived all the
people came with a great present of
fish that were brought in seven large
bundles ; they were given in return
beads and went away very happy.
Soon afteiwards the canoes which
were out fishing came in, and straight-
way all the Indians, big and little,

EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOTIND

[EfTH. ANN. 44

(Ic (luiiiientiis nlmas de nmbos sexos
y ediulcs que ciisi todo el diji los
tuvimos de visita : cercn de la ran-
cheria [S.vujtiiii] tieue uu njo de agua
buena y cerca del real hallamos una
laguna grande que parece no ser de
tempoi-al sini> de algun manantial que
tendra en el oentro. Las mesas de
este parage tieneu muehos y grandes
encinos : llamuse este pueblo de la
Laguna de la Concepcion. No se pudo
observar por haber estado el dia
nublado ; desde aquf se ven las islas.

S('it)ado 19 de idem. [19 de Agosto,
l~t69]. — Salimos este dia solo para
apartarnos de tanto gentio; seguimos
al Oeste por las mesas y bajamos &,
un arroyo seco [el Arroyo del liurro]
aunque niuy poblado de alisos y enci-
nos, y sfguese utra llanada de buena
tierra prieta en donde paramos, no
habiendo andado mas que metlia legua
apartandonos de la playa acantilada
y abordada de altos cerros ; hicimos
alto dentro de una caiiada que tenia
agua corriente, aunque la arena se la
embebe. No lejos de su nacimiento
estd la Canada vestida de encinos y
alisos y por las cumbres tiene algunos
pinos. Nos vino Ti visitar una ranehe-
rfa, sin duda vivirian cerca. Los sol-
dados esploradores que salieron esta
mafiana llegaron esta tarde con la
noticia de haber encontrado grandes
poblaciones de mucho gentfo, y que les
liicieron Inien recibimiento : por la
noche Uegarou :1 este real diez gen-
tiles desarmados eon el proposito de
guiarnos en la maflana siguiente hasta
su rancheria. Se les permitio parar lo
restante de la noche algo apartados
del real, p(jniendoles guardia que los
acompanasen y se entretuvieron hasta
el dia siguiente.

came over wilh tlieir present of fresh
fish, of which alone we got about four
mule loads, and with this present there
came to the camp more than 500 indi-
viduals of both sexes and all ages and
stayed visiting us pretty nearl.y all day.
Near the rancheria [Syujtiin] there is
a spring of good water and near our
camp we found a large lagoon, which
does not seem to be flood water of a
rainstorm but to have a spring in its
center. The mesas in this locality
have many large live oaks. This vil-
lage was called that of La Laguna de
la Concei)cion. It was impossible to
take observations, since the day was
clouded over. From here the islands
can be seen.

Saturday, tlie I'Jthof the same month
[August 19. 1769]. — The only reason
that we started on to-day was to free
ourselves from such a crowd of In-
dians. We went west across the mesas
and descended to a dry arroyo [El
Arro.yo del Burro], which is, however,
full of sycamores and live oaks, and
then there Is another plain of good
black soil, where we camped, not hav-
ing gone more than half a league,
leaving the bold shore which is bor-
dered by high hills. We made our
halt in a canyada which had running
water, although the sand drinks it up.
Not far from where it starts the
canyada is clothed with live oaks and
sycamores and on the hill crests has
some pines. A rancheria came to visit
us : without doubt they live near by.
The soldier scouts who went out this
morning arrived this evening with the
news that they had found large set-
tlements of much population and
which gave them a good reception.
Ten unarmed gentiles came to this
camp at nightfall with the proposal
of guiding us the following morning
to their rancheria. They were ixrmit-
ted to remain the rest of the night
somewhat separated from our camp,
rlacing over them guards to stay with
them and who entertained them until
morning.

tlARRINGTON]

HISTORY OF BURTON MOXTND

On the journey back fioni the north the Portola expedition passed
Syujti'in without stopping:'^

Mii^coles 10 lie idem. [10 AeEnero,
ITiO], — Salimos de los pueblos de las
Islas [I^a Patera] y pasamos por el
de la Lafoina [Syujtun] sin deteiier-
nos y Uegamiis ya tarda al de la Car-
pinterla 6 de Ran Roque [la Carpin-
terla], habiendo andado clneo y media
leguas y paranids en el proplo sitio en
que estuvimos el 17 de Agosto faltiln-
^onos tambien el pescado.

Wednesday the 10th of the same
month [January 10, 1770]. — We set
out from the raneherias of Las Islas
[La Patera] and passed the raueheria
of La Laguna [Syujtun] without
stopping and arrived already late at
the Rancheria of La Carpinterfa or of
San Roque [La Carpinteria], having
traveled 5% leagues, and cami)ed at
the same spot where we did August 17,
fish being likewise lacking [as at their
camp on the preceding day, August 9].

The diary of Miguel Costanso relates for these days as follows:

Miercoles 16 de Agosto. — [Saliendo
de los Pitos] hizimos otras dos leguas
6 poco mas en la manaiia [manana]
costeando siempre la marina : Uegilmos
& una rancheria 6 mejor diremos pue-
blo numeroso de gentiles [el Rincon]
situado sobre la misnia plaia en una
punta de tierra immediato S, la qual
coiTfa un arroyuelo de buen agua.

Los gentiles de esta rancheria acu-
dieron immediatamente al real que si-
tuamos de la otra parte del arroio con
pescado tlatelmado 6 asado en bar-
bacoa para que comieramos mientras
sus canoas que estaban a la sazon pes-
cando viniesen con pescado fresco :
abordaron estas & la plaia de alll S,
iwco, y trageron abundaneia de boni-
tos y meros que nos regalaron y ofre-
cieron en tanta cantidad, que huviera-
mos ]K)dido cargar la requa de pescado
si huvlesemos tcuido proporcion de sa-
larlo y prepararlo: dieron nos a mas
pescado seco sin sal (que no usan en
sus comidas) que llevamos de preven-
cion, y nos sirvio de mucho recurso en
el viage.

Wednesday, Augttst 16. — [Starting
out from Los Pitos] in the morning
we marched for another 2 leagues, or
a little more, steadily following the
coast. We arrived at an Indian vil-
lage, or rather a populous native town
[El Rincon], situated right on the
shore on a point of land near which
ran a small stream of good water.

The natives of this village immedi-
ately came to the camp — this we made
on the opposite side of the stream —
bringing fish, roasted or grilled in
barbecue, for us to eat while their
canoes, then out fishing, were return-
ing with fresh fish. These canoes
landed on the beach shortly after-
wards, and brought an abundance of
bonito and bass, wliicli they gave us
and offered in such quantity that we
might have loaded the pack animals
with fish if we had had the facilities
to salt and prepare it. Moreover, they
gave us fish dried without salt (thisi
they do not use in tlieir victuals),
which we took as a precaution, and it
was of great service to us on the
journey.

" Op. cit, p. 2.37.

" The Portoia Expedition of 176O-1770, Diary of Miguel Costanse, edited by EYedericIi
.1. Teggart, Academy of Pacific Coast History Publications, vol. 2, no. 4, Beriieloy, Calif.,
1911, pp. 30-41, 152-153.

55231°— 28 4

EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND

^ETH. ANN. 44

tJno de los capitanes 6 eaziques de
este pueblo se hallal)ii en el de La
Asuinpta [San Bueuaventural quando
liosiitros pasamos, y fue unci de l<is que
mas se esinerarou en obsequiarnos ;
fra hombre formado de buen talle y
facciones, gran bailarln por cuio res-
pecto le pusimos a su pueblo el noin-
bre del Bailarln. Pareeionos aun mas
numeroso que el de La Asumpta [San
Buenaventura] y las casas son de la
misma fabriea y hechura.

Al Pueblo del Bailarln 2 leguas. De
San Diego 75 leguas.

Jueves n de Affosto. — Seguimos nues-
tra marcha por la orilla de la plaia
un corto tranio, y despues por lomas
altas sobre la costa : paramos cosa de
un quarto de legua retirados de la
misma cerca de un arroio de escelente
agua, que salla de una Canada de la
sierra con mucha arboleda de sauces:
tonfamos ii la vista otra rancherfa o
pueblo de gentiles compuesta de treinta
y dos casas [la Carpinteria], tan popu-
loso como los pasados : vinieron al
real con pescado fresco y tlatelmado,
hombres. mugeres, y nifios codiciosos
de abalorios y cuentas de vidrio, mejor
moneda y de maior estimacion entre
ellos que el oi'o y la plata.

Los soldados llamaron k e.ste pueblo
de la Carpinteria porque estaban a
la sazon eonstruiendo una cauoa : dista
no mas de una legua del Pueblo del
Bailarln.

PareciO a todos este sitio mui apa-
rente para mision, respecto de la in-
numerable gentilidad que liavita estas
plaias en colo el distrito de seis leguas
y por tener mucbas tierras al i)ropo-
sito para siembras capaces de dar
mucho fruto : lo jiroprio dir^mos en el
sentido mistico, porque la docilidad de
esta gente nos dio grandes esperanzas.
de que la palabra de Dios fruotiflcara
igualmente en sus corazoues.

A la Carpinteria 1 legua. De San
Diego 76 leguas.

Viernen IS de Agosto. — Del Pueblo
de la Carpiuterfa marchamos al de La

One of tlie chiefs or caciques of this
town was in La Asumpta fSnn Buena-
ventura] when we passed through tliat
place, and was one of those who took
the greatest care to please us. He
was a robust man, of good figure and
countenance, and a great dancer, and
for this reason we gave his town the
name of El Bailariu. It seemed to us
still more populous than La Asumpta
[San Buenaventura], and the houses
are of the same structure and appear-
ance.

To the Pueblo del Bailarln, 2 leagues.
From San Diego, 75 leagues.

Thursday, August 17. — We continued
our march along the margin of the
beach for a short distance, and after-
wards over high hills on the coast.
We halted about a quarter of a league
inland, near a small .stream of excel-
lent water which flowed from a can-
yon of the range ; here there were
man.v willows. We saw befoi-e us an-
other village or Indian town composed
of 32 houses [La Carpinteria]. and as
populous as the previous ones. Men.
women, and children came to the camp
bringing fish, both fresh and roasted,
eager to obtain glass beads and
trinkets, which are the best money and
mtire highly valued among them than
gold and silver.

The soldiers called this town Pueblo
de la Carpinteria. because at this time
the natives were constructing a canoe.
It is only 1 league from the Puelilo del
Bailarln.

This place seemed to all of us very
suitable for a mission, on account of
the innumerable heathen that inhabit
these shores within a radius of only G
leagues, and because it has extensive
lands well adapted for cultivation and
capable of producing rich crops. We
may say the same in a mystical sense,
as the gentleness of this people gave
us great hopes that the word of God
will fructify equally in their hearts.

To La Carpinteria, 1 league. From
San Diego, 76 leagues.

Fridau, August IS. — From the Pue-
blo de la Carpinteria we marched to

lIAliHINGTOX]

HISTOKY OF BURTON MOUND

LaiTuna r^.vujti'inl distante tres leguas
del primero : cainpanios sobre una la-
guna de agua diilce de que se abas-
teceii los gentiles que oeupau y viven
en su cercaufa : pueblo ol mas nruiie-
roso de los que Iiasta aqui se havfan
visto: inferimos que pasaria de seis-
cientas almas: ofrecieronuos pescad"
tlatelmado y fresco qutinto pudieranios
desear, y vinieron al real con sus
nnigeres y nifios tan earinosos y
afables cnmo en ninsninu parte Iiavla-
nios experimeutado.

Hallamos sobre nnestro camino dos
rancherfas arruinadas : no pudimos
averiguar por que causa pero nos per-
suadinios que seriau efectos de las
guerras y riuas que entre ellos suelen
moverse mui facilmente.

Al Pueblo de la Laguna ?> leguas.
De San Diego 79 leguas.

Savado 19 de Aijosto. — llovimos el
real mas para liuir de la molestia dc
los gentiles, que para liacer Jornada,
pues apcnas hicimos media ; luego [J/
media legua] apartandoiios de la plaia
acantilada y Iiordaila de altos cerros
en este parage ; hizimos alto dentro
de una canada que tenia agua co-
riente, bien que esta se resumla en la
arena, no lexos de su nacimiento.
Estaba la canada vestida de hermosos
encinos y alamos, y no faltaban piuos
en las cumbres de los cerms.

Los exploradores que se despacliaron
en la manana bolvieron en la tarde
con noticia de haver risto grandes
poblaciones, y mucha gentilldad, pu-
blicando el buen recebimiento que en
todas partes les havian hecho.

De nocbe vinieron diez gentiles al
real sin armas, con el fin, deciau, de
guiarnos por la mafiaua a su ran-
cheria: se les permitio pasar lo res-
tante de la nofhe algo distantes del
real, embiandoles quienes les hiciesen
ciimpanfa y los entretuvieron [M en-
tretubiesen] hasta el dia.

fbe Pueblo de la Laguna [Syujtfln],
distant 3 leagues from the first. We
pitched our camp close to a pond of
fresh vrater, from which the natives
that occupy the land and live in the
vicinity take their supply. This vras
tlie most populous of all the towns
that we, so far, had seen ; we esti-
mated that it might contain more than
six hundred souls. They offered us as
much fish, roasted and fresh, as we
cnnld desire, and came to the cami»
with their women and children ; in
no other place had we met natives so
affectionate and good-natured.

On our way we found two ruined
villages : we could not ascertain why
they were so, but we concluded that
it might be the effect of the wars and
quarrels tliat arise very easily among
the natives.

To the Pueblo de la Lagiuia. .'5
leagues. From San Diego, 79 leagues.

Saturday. August I'J. — We broke
camp rather to get away from the
annoyance of the natives than to make
a day's march ; and so, as soon as we
m;ide half a league, turning from the
shore — at this place steep and fringed
by high hills — we halted in a canyon
that had running water, although it
sank into the sand not far from its
source. Tlie canyon was covered with
beautiful live oaks and poplars, and
pines grew on the hilltops.

The scouts, who had been sent out
in the morning, came back in the
afternoon with the news that they had
seen large towns and many natives,
telling everyone of the welcome that
had been given them on all sides.

At night 10 unarmed natives came
to the camp for the purpose, they said,
of guiding us to their village in the
morning. We allowed them to pass
the remainder of the night at some
distance from the camp, and sent them
some of our men. who kept them com-
pany and entertained them until day-
break.

EXPI.OIiATION OF BITItTON MOUND

[E-i'H. ANN. 44

Of passinjT Syujtuii on tlie return journey Costanso writes:

MiercolcH 10 dc Eiicro. — Salimos de
los Pueblds do la Isla con deseos de
alcansar el de la Carpinterfa, distante
cinco leguas y media con la mira de
dejar atras todos los embarazos de
la canal, mlentras la tlerra se inan-
tenla seca y oreada : pasamos sin
deteneros por el Pueblo de la Laguna
[Syiijlun], y Uegamos ya tarde al
I'ueblo de la Carpinteria, en euia em-
mediacion ocupamos el proprio campo,
que en diez y siete de Agosto al subir
por estas tierras.

Ni en este ni en el de la Laguna
[Syujtfm] huvo pescado, ya sea que
los indios no se huviesen dedicado a
la pesca 6 que esta costa sea escasa
de 61, por este tiempo.

Al Pueblo de la Carpinteria 5 leguas,
De la Ensenada de Pinos S6V2 leguas.

Wcchic.idaii. January 10. — We set
out from the Pueblos de la Isla, de-
sirous of reaching the Pueblo de la
Carpinterfa, 5V^ leagues distant, with
the purpose of leaving behind all the
obstructions along the channel while
the ground was dried by sun and
wind. We passed through the Pueblo
de la Laguna [Syu.itunI without stop-
ping, and arrived quite late at the
Pueblo de la Carpinteria, near which
we occupied the same camping-place
as on August 17, when on our way
up the country.

There was no fish either in this
town or in the Pueblo de la Laguna
[Syujti'in] ; it may be that the Indian.?
have not applied them.selves to fish-
ing, or that this coast is without fish
this season.

To the Pueblo de la Carpinterfa, 5
leagues. From the Ensenada de
Pinos, SGVz leagues.

Gaspar de Portola in hi.s own diary furnishes briefer information.''

El 16 [16 de Agosto, 1769] handu-
vimos tres horas siempre por la orilla
del mar, y emos parado en parage de
poco paste : en este parage hay un
pueblo que tiene treinta y tantas casas
hechas de tule, tiene este pueblo pas-
sadas de 300 personas, han acudi<lo
diferentes gentiles de las islas que te-
nemos en frente; en este pueblo hay
siete canoas bien construidas orho
varas de largo, una de ancho, y en lu-
gar de clabos amarran las tablas con
cordeles, y bien embreadas, nos regala-
ron mucho pescado.

El n W de Agosto, J7G9] handu-
vimos dos horas, buen camino, paramos
en la orilla del mar, hay un pueblo
que tenia 38 cassas, y como 300 per-
sonas con sus siete canoas de madera,
mui buenas, mucho pasto, y agua.

The 16th [August 16, 1769].— \fe
proceeded for three hours, the whole
time along the beach, and have halted
in a place where there is little pas-
ture. In this place there is a town
which has 30 or more houses made of
rushes ; the town has more than 30O
Inhabitants. There have come [to our
camp] some natives from the islands
off the coast. In the town there are
seven canoes, well built, eight yards
In length and one in width, and, in
lieu of nails, they fasten the boards
with cords and pay them well with
tar. They made us a present of many
fish.

The nth [August 17, 1769].— We
proceeded for two hours ; a good road.
We halted on the beach. [Here] there
was a town which had 38 houses and
about 300 inhabitants with 7 very fine
canoes of wood. Much pasture and
water.

' Diary of Gaspar de Portola dunng the California Expedition of 1760-1770. edited by
Donald Eugene Smith and Frederick .T. Tegpart, .-Vcademy of Pacifle Coast Ilistory Publl-
eatious, vol. 1, No. 3, Berkeley, Calif., 1910, pp. 28-27, 47-4S.

HABBINGTON]

HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND

El IS [IS dc Agosto, 1769] dc Agosto
anduvimos cinco horas por la playa ;
paramos en un pueblo que tenia qua-
renta y tantas eassas avitadas de mas
500 gentiles, nos regalaron mucUo pes-
cado se les correspondio : tenia este
pueblo diez canoas. a mas de esto
havia a su becindad dos pueblos arroi-
nados. y dessamparados por Uaverse
aniquilado entre cllos mismos.

El 19 [19 de Ago.fto, 17(19], de Agosto
anduvimos una hora, pasto. y agua.
aqui biiiieron como veinte y tantos
gi-ntiles se les regalO de abalorios.

The 18th [August IS, 1769]. —We
proceeded for five hours along the
seashore. We halted in a town which
had 40 or more houses iuhaliited by
over 500 natives ; they made us a
present of many fish and we made
them a suitable return. This town
had 10 canoe.s. Besides this [one]
there were in the vicinity two [other]
towns, ruined and deserted, the inhab-
itants having mutually exterminated
each other.

The 19th [August 19, 1769].— We
proceeded for one hour. Pasture and
water. Here about twenty or more
natives came [to our camp] ; we made
them presents of glass beads.

Of passing Syujtun on the return journey Portola notes :

El 10 [10 De Enero, 1770] handuvi-
mos algo mas de tres jornadas de las
heehas que seria como de 6 horas de
camino, paramos en el pueblo de la
Carpinteria. en donde esiieravamos
luucha iirovission de pescado, y quasi
no hubo nada.

The 10th [Jan. 10, 1770]— We pro-
ceeded [for a distance] somewhat
greater than [we had made in] three
marches on the outward journey,
which was about six hours travel. We
halted in the town of La Cai-pinterla
where we expected [to find] a plenti-
ful supply of fish, but it had hardly
any.

As is customary, Pedro Fages in his Noticias del Puerto de
Monterrey ' supplies other interesting details :

Quinto: Haciendo dos leguas por la
I'laya Campo cerea de una Rancheria
Volante [los Pltos] de Indios pe.sca-
dores, y este fu6 el nombre de aquel
sitio, por no perder la costumbre de
ponerles a todos los parages de nuestro
Descubrimiento segun las ocurrencias.

Sexlo: Por lo notable de liabernos
festejado un Indio extraordinaria-
meute dos leguas adelaute (siempre
costeando la Marina) donde hay un
nuraeroso Pueblo [el Rincon] sobre
una punta de Tierra en la misnia
Playa, el qui. Indio ei-a un hombre for-
nido, de buen Talle. y gran Bailaryn,
y ya nos babia visto en la Asumpta
[San Buenaventura] dos dias antes:
por su respech) Uamamos d este
Pueblo [San Buenaventura] de donde

Fifthly. Making 2 leagues along the
l)each, they camped near a Temporary
Rancheria [Los Pitos] of Indian fish-
ermen, and this was the name of that
site, not abandoning the custom of
naming all the stopping places of our
discovery according to the happenings.

Sixthly. For the notable fact of an
Indian having entertained us extraor-
dinarily 2 leagues farther on (con-
tinually following the shore), where
there is a populous pueblo [El Rinc6n]
on a point of land on this same shore,
which Indian was a robust man, of
good body, and a great dancer, and
had already seen us at La Asumpta
[San Buenaventura] two days before,
for him we called this pueblo [San
Buenaventura], of which our friend

> F.Tces. Pi'dro, Notk'i.ns (li'l Puerto do Monterrey : y Di.irio Historico de los Viagcs
Hechos al Norte de California. 177.5. Oriidnal in Mexico City : copy presented to the
autiior through the Isindness of Prof. H. E. Bolton in 1913.

EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND

[eth. \nx.

era vezino nuestro amigo el Pueblo del
Baylarin. Parece aun mas numeroso
que el otro, y sus casas son de la
misma hechura.

Septimo: Sisue iin corto trecho de
Playa, y luego se pasan alguuas Lomas
altas sobre la Costa para venir Ci un
Arroyo de exelente agua que sale de
una Caiiada de la Sierra con muchii
Arboleda de Sauces : quedando a la
vista otro Pueblo de Gentiles, en que
se contaron 32 Casas, y se llamo el
Pueblo de la Carpinteria [la Cavpin-
terta]. Parece todo este sitio muy
aproposito para Mision. asf por la
iuumerable Gentilidad que habita estas
Playas en el corto distrito de seis
leguas, eonio por tener tierras exe-
lentes, y nnicha Agua para Sembrar.
La docilidad, y buena disposicion de
los Indios, da motivos de tener por
moralmte. cierta su reducion, siempre
que se les prediease la palabra de Dios.

Octavo: A tres leguas se alcanza
otro Pueblo [Syujtfln] sin duda alguna
el mas numeroso de todos asta aqui,
pues pasarfa de 600 almas. EstJi situa-
do cerca de una laguna de agua duke
de que se abastecen los Vezinos;
vinieron con sus Mugeres, y Niilos fi
visitarnos, tray^ndonos Cantidad de
Pescado tlatemado, como ellos dicen,
(esto es asado) y del fresco, y otros
regalos de comer: I.lamose este Pueblo
de la Laguna [Syujtfln].

was an inhabitant, the pueblo of the
Dancing-man. It [El Rincon] appears
even more populous than the other
[San Buenaventura], and its hou.><es
are of the same make.

Seventhly. The beach continues a
short stretch, and soon some higli hills
on the coast are passed in reaching au
arroyo of excellent water which comes
out of a canyada of the mountain
range, witli many willow trees, there
being in view another pueblo of Gen-
tiles in which 32 bouses were counted,
and it was called the pueblo of La
Carpinteria [La Carpinteria]. All
this site appears very appropriate for
a mission, both because of the innu-
merable Gentiles which inhabit these
shores in the small district of 6 leagues
and because of the excellent lands and
much water for planting. The docility
and good disposition of the Indians
give reason for considering morally
certain their reduction, so that the
word of God would be continually
preached to them.

Eighthly. At 3 leagues another
pueblo [Syujtun] is reached, without
any doubt the most populous of all
thus far, for it would exceed 600 souls.
It is situated near a lake of fresh
water, from which the inhabitants sup-
ply themselves. They came wth their
women anil children to visit us, bring-
ing us a quantity of tlatemado, as they
say — i. e.. roasted — fish, and of fresh,
and other gifts to eat. This pueblo
was called that of La Laguna
[Syujtun].

MENTION IN THE FONT DI.\RY OF THE ANZA EXPEDITION, 1776

The diary of Fr. Pedro Font tells of the Anza expedition passinjr
Syujti'm on their way up tlie channel, February 25, 1776. and ao;ain
on their way south April 26 of the same year :

Dia 25 [25 de Febrero, 1776] Do-
mingo. — Dixe missa. Salimos de la
Rancheria de la Riuconada [el Rincon]
S las nueve de la manana, y Ti las tres
de la tarde paramos en un parage
Uamado Las imraediaciones de las
Rancberias de Mescaltitan. haviendo
caminado unas nueve leguas con rum-

3oth [February 25, 1776] Suiid<iu.—l
said mass. We started from the
Rancheria de la Rinconada [El Rin-
con] at 9 in the morning aud at 3 in
the afternoon we stopped at a place
called Las Iraediaciones de las Ran-
cberias de Mescaltitan. having traveled
.some 9 leagues, in direction 6 west-

HARRINGTON]

HISTORY OF BURTON MOVND

I)o, coiuo seys al oeste (luarta al noro
este, dos al uoroeste. y al ultimo una
legua corta al sudoeste para desca-
bezar iiiios esteros que hay alli eerca.
El camino fue como ayer dixe, sigtii-
eudo la playa ; fl las dos leguas llega-
mos a las Ranchei'ias de Sau Buena-
ventura [la Carpinterfa] que son dos,
una en cada lado de uii llano como de
una legua de largo, en donde se in-
tento fundar la Mission de San liuena-
ventura, que estil dotada, y no se
fundo por falta de providencias, y
hay en el algun pasto, y bastantes
encinos, pero poca agua : con otra
legua Uegamos 3 otra Rancherla
[Shalwilj] : y con una legua mas Ue-
gamos a la Ranclieria de la Laguna
[Syujtun], en donde se tomaron p<ir
abalorios algunas coritas, y nos pro-
veimos de pescado, porque en la oca-
sion llegaba a tierra una laneha que
venia de pescar, y traia varies y di-
versos pescados muy buenos, y de dis-
tinctos colores y becliuras que no
conocf : y eon esta ocasion vi como
sacan las lanchas del agua, y fue que
al llegar & tierra se arrimaron a ella
diez 6 doze hombres, y cogiendo la
laneha en hombros con la pesca, la
llevarou a la casa del Patron 6 Capi-
tan de la laneha, distinguido con el
capotillo de osso : los instrumentos con
que pescan son nassas bien grandes, y
anzuelos que se hacen de concha y
tambien tal qual red pequeiia hecha
de un hilo muy fuerte como de c^-
namo. En el Parage me ofrecio el
S' Ansa de sus coritas diciendo, que
escogiesse las que gustasse ; pero como
yo no tenia endonde llevarlas le re-
spondi, que si en concluyendo el viage
me las daba entonces las tomaria ; y
mi dixo que me daria quantas qui-
siesse ; pero despues niuguna me dio,
porque acabe el viage sin su gracia.

The entry on the return journey

Dia 26 [26 dc Ahril, 1116] Vicrnen.—
t^alimos de Cerca las Rancherias de
Mescaltitan a las seys y quarto de la

northwest, 2 norrhwest, and finally 1
short league southwest in order to cut
off some esteros which there are near
there. The route was, like I stated
yesterday, following the shore; at a
distance of 2 leagues we arrived at
the Rancherias de San Buenaventura
[La Carpenteria], which are two in
number, one on each side of a plain
about a league long, where it was in-
tended to found the mission of St.
lionaventure. which has been endowed,
but which was not founded because of
lack of supplies. There is there some
pasture, plenty of live oaks, but little
water. With another league we reache<l
another Rancheria [Shalwaj] : and
with another league we reached the
Rancheria de la Laguna [Syujtunl,
where we traded beads for some baskets
and provided ourselves with fish, be-
cause on this occasion a canoe landed
which was coming in from fishing and
brought various and diverse fishes
and very good ones, of distinct colors
and shapes which I did not recognize.
And on this occasion I saw how they
take the canoes out of the water, the
method being that on reaching shore
10 or 12 men went to the canoe, put
it, fish and all, on their shoulders
and carried it to the house of the
boss or captain of the canoe, distin-
guished by a little bearskin cape.
Tlie implements with which they fish
are large fish-traps, and hooks which
they make of shell, and also a kind of
little net made of a very strong hemp-
like twine. At this place Sr. Ansa
offered me some of his baskets, saying
that I might choose those which I
liked, but since I had no place to carry
them I told him that if on finishing
the trip he would give them to me I
would take them, and he told me that
he would give me as many as I
wanted : but it turned out that he did
not give me any at all, for I finished
the journey without his grace.

is as follows:

26th [April 26, 1116] Thursday.—
We started from Cerca las Rancherias
de Mescaltitan at quarter past 6 in the

EXPLORATION OP BURTOTsT MOUND

[BTH. ANN. 44

iiiafinna, y fi las cinco do la tarde
Iiaramiis en el Rio de la Assumpta
[Rio de San Buenaventura 1, ha-
viendo eaminado unas diez y siete
li'suas, andanilo lo mas por la playa,
y passando por las misnia Rancliorlas
de la ida ; en una de las quales, vi
que los Indies estaban tatemando una
buena partida de langostas. con al-
gunos cangrejos grandes, que havian
pescado entre unos pedrones que havia
en la playa, y me regalaron una : yo
la entregu6 al cozinero paraque la
coziera ; y siendo assi que en el camino
me havia dicho el S' Ansa, que era
para 61 una comida niuy regalada, y
que le quadraban mucho, despues no
quiso comer de ella, ni siquiera
probarla por instancias que le hize,
escu.sandose con decir que no era
comida que el apeteciera y que teniia
le hiciesse daiio : y no era sino que
no la quiso probar porque me la
havian dado a mi, porque era estilo
suyo, que cosa que fuesse mia, o que
me diessen d mi, la despreciaba, y
deseehaba, y mas antes queria que se
perdiesse, como me sucedio con una
talega de gigote preparado que yo
llevaba, y por su respecto no nie sirvio ;
con una codorniz y un pa to que me
regalaron los Soldados ; con un pedazo
del pescado Tollo que me dieron en el
Puerto dulce ; y con unos quessos que
me dieron en San Gabriel. Oy despues
de panir logramos ver las Yslas de la
Canal, que hasta ahora ni I'l la ida,
ni a la buelta las haviamos ix>dido
ver claramente, sino muy en confuso y
poco, por causa de las neblinas, que
son en este mar muy continuas. Con
esta ocasion las demarqufi segun la
fachada que hacian desde este parage
de la Assumpta [San Buenaventura],
.\ es la que aqui iiougo: [fachada de
las islas de Anacapa y de Santa Cruz]
y observe que mirando al snr desde
dicho parage, la Ysia mas gi'ande. que
es la de la Santa Cruz, caia al sudo-
este, y las demas se venian siguieudo
de ella hasta el sur : y advierto que
lodas est as Yslas estan unas seys fi
ocho leguas dentro de la mar, y sou
las que forman la Canal.

morning, and at 5 in the evening we
stopped at the Rio de la Asumpta [San
Buenaventura River], having traveled
some 17 leagues, going for the most
part along the shore and passing tiie
same rancherias as on our trip up. In
one of these I saw that the Indians
were roasting a good bunch of craw-
fish with some big crabs, which they
had caught among some rocks on the
shore, and they gave me one. I
handed it to the cook for him to cook
it, and, although Sr. Ansa had told me
on the road that it was very good for
a meal and that he was very fond of
them, later he did not care to eat any
of it, nor even to taste of it upon my
insistence, excusing himself by saying
that he had no appetite for it and that
he feared that it would injure him ;
and the only reason was that he did
not care to taste it because they had
given it to me, for that was his style
that anything that was mine or had
been given to me lie depreciated and
declined and would sooner see it spoil,
as it was in the case of a bag of pre-
pared jigote which I had along and
which on account of him did me no
good, al.so a quail and duck which the
soldiers gave me, also a piece of tollo
fish which was given to me at Puerto
Dulce, and some cheeses which they
gave me at San Gabriel. To-day after
going into camp we got to see the
islands of the channel which until
now we had not been able to see
clearly either on the way up or back,
but very faint and little, because of
the fogs which are very continuous on
this sea. On this occasion I drew
them according to the outline which
they present fx-om this locality of La
Asumpta [San Buenaventura] and I
show it here [profile of Anacapa and
Santa Cruz Islands]. And I observed
that looking .south from this place the
largest island, which is Santa Cruz,
lay southwest, and the others came
following it to the south. And I note
that these islands are some 6 or 8
leagues out to sea and it is they that
form the channel.

HARRINGTON] HISTORY OF BURTON MOVXD 49

MENTION IN THE ACCOUNTS OF THE FOUNDING OF THE PRESIDIO OF SANTA

BARBARA, 1782

It is not until the j'ear 1782, in connection with the founding of
the Presido at Santa Barbara, that we find furthei' mention of the
village of Syujtiin. Fr. Paloii in describing this event writes:**

After marching about 9 leagues [from Sau Buenaventura], they [Governor
Felipe de Neve, I'Y. Presidente Junipero Serra, and soldiers] came to a place
which the.v judged to be about half way to the end of the channel. Here
the governor ordered the troops to halt. Then with the Fr. Presidente and
some of the soldiers he explored the region and found a very favorable site for
the presidio within view of the beach, which here forms a bay where vessels
might anchor and where there was a large Indian village [S.vujtun]. The
governor gave orders that camp be pitched in a suitable place ; whereupon they
began cutting timber for the large cross, for the little structure to be used as
chapel, and for the altar. On the following day, it being a Sunday, the
venerable father presidente blessed the site and the cross, which was then
set up and venerated. He also celebrated the first holy mass, which the
governor, the officers, and all the soldiers attended. Thereupon his reverence
preached an eloquent sermon. The ceremonies concluded with the formal talk-
ing possession of the site, not the slightest opposition being made on the part
of the natives.

Father Palou states in his Xoticias:^

The expedition set out from the Mission of the Seraphic Doctor [San Buena-
ventura] in April, leaving as guard for the mission 15 leather-jacket soldiers
with a sergeant. On the same day they reached the spot called, since the first
expedition, San Joaquin de la Laguua. It is 10 leagues distant from the
Mission of San Buenaventura and not very far from the beach, in 35 degrees
and a few minutes. The presidio was established away from Oie beach and
rancheria [Syujtun], at a good distance from the laguna [the Santa Barbara
estero] on the edge of a grove of live oaks. It is said that the place looks
dismal and that it has but little water.

Bancroft says of the founding of the presidio : "

The site chosen was on the shore of a small bay affording tolerably secure
anchorage, at a place said to have been called San Joaquin de la Laguna in
the first expedition of 17(i9. and near a large native town [Syujttjn], which, like
its temi, or chief, was called Tanoualit. . . . The natives were more friendly
than had been anticipated, and Yanonalit was willing to exchange presents.
Work was at once begun and oak timber felled for the requisite shelters, and
particularly for the palisade enclosure, 60 varas square, which was later
replaced by a solid wall enclosing an area of 80 yards square. The natives
were hired to work and were paid in articles of food and clothing. Yanonalit
had authority over some 13 rancherias, and his friendship proved a great
advantage.

It was not until 1786 that the Santa Barbara Mission was founded,
half a league northwest of the presidio.

* Francisco PaJofl, Relacion Historica de la Vida .v Apostolicas Tareas del Venerable
Padre Fiay Junipero Serra, Mexico, 1787, cap. LIV, translation taken from Engelhardt,
Santa Barbara Mission. San Francisco, 1923, p. 33.

' Francisco Palou, Koticias de la Nueva California. San Francisco, 1874, Vol. IV. p. 241,
translation taken from Engelhardt. Santa Barljara Mission. San Francisco, 1923, pp. 33-34.

""Bancroft, California, Vol. I, San Frajici-sco, 18.S6, p. 377.

50 EXPLOEATIOlSr OF BURTON MOUND [e-ih. ann. 44

Vancouver's account of his visit to santa Barbara, 1793

The visit of the Vancouver expedition to Santa Barbara in Novem-
ber, 1793, is described liy Vancouver as follows: "

The coast coutinued in tliis easterly direction about twenty-tliree miles from
Point Conception, to a point where it toolc a southerly turn, from whence the
country gradually rose to mountains of different heights. In the vicinity of
the shores, which are composed of low cliffs or sandy beaches, were produced
some stunted trees and groveling shrubs ; and notwithstanding the dreary ap-
pearance of the coast as we passed along, it seemed to be well inhabitetl, as
several villages were seen at no great distance from each other in the small
bays or coves that form the coast.

By four in the afternoon we had sailed beyond the influence of our favorable
NW. gale, which still continued to blow a little way astern of us, whilst we
were perplexed witli light variable winds from every quarter. With these,
however, we endeavoured to approach the .shore of the mainland, in order to
anchor for the night. About sunset we were visited by some of the inhabitants
in a canoe from one of the villages. Their visit seemed to be dictated by
curiosity alone, which being satisfied, as they were about to depart. I gave them
some iron and beads, with which they appeared to be highly delighted, and
returned to the shore.

By seven in the evening it was nearly calm, and having at tliat time soundings
at the depth of 37 fathoms, muddy bottom, we anchored in company with the
Chatham and Daedalus.

The surface of the sea, which was perfectly smooth and tranquil, was covered
with a thick filmy substance, which, when separated, or disturbed by any little
agitation, became very luminous, whilst the light breeze that came principally
from the .shore, brought with it a very strong smell of burning tar, or of some
such resinous substance. The next morning, Sunday the 10th, the sea had the
appearance of dissolved tar floating upon its surface, which covered the ocean
in all directions within the limits of our view : and indicated, that in this
neighbourhood it was not subject to much agitation.

From this anchorage, situatetl in latitude 34° 24', longitude 240° 32'. the
coast as before mentioned takes a southerly turn, S. 48 E. about two leagues to
a point bearing by e<impass N. 81 E. half a league distant from our station ;
tlie centre of the island of St. Miguel bore from S. 27 W. distant 11 leagues ;
S'° Rosa from S. 11 W. to S. 5 E. ; the former 25, the latter 2G miles distant;
the island of S" Cruz from S. 81 E. to S. 55 E. ; and the main land in sight
from S. 82 W. to S. 87 E.

The want of wind detaining us in the situation, afforded an opportunity to
several of the natives from the different villages, which were numerous in this
neighbourhood, to pay us a visit. They all came in canoes made of wood, and
decorated with shells like that seen on the 8th. They brought with them some
fish, and a few of their ornaments : these they disposed of in the most cheerful
manner, principally for spoons, beads, and scissors. They seemed to possess
great sensibilit.v, and much vivacit.v. yet they conducted themselves with the
most perfect decorum and good order; very unlike that inanimate stupidit.v
that marked the character of most of the Indians we had seen under the
Spanish jurisdiction at St. Francisco and Monterrey. These people either did
not understand the Spanish language, or spoke it in such a manner as to be

" Vancouver, Georgp, A voyage of Di.scoveiy to the North. Pacific Ocean, aiid rouud the
World, Vol. II, London, 1798, pp. 324-338.

HAIIRIXGTONJ

HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 51

uiiiiitelligible to vis : for as we were totally unacquainted with their native
dialect, we endeavoured, but to no effect, by means of Sijanish, to gain from them
some information.

On a light breeze springing up from the westward, at about eight o'clock,
we directed our course along shore to the eastward ; our progress was very
slow, owing to light winds, though the weather was very pleasant. About two
in tlie afternoon we passed a small bay, which appeared likely to have afforded
good anchorage, had it not been for a l)ed of seaweed that extended across its
entrance, and indicated a shallow rocky bottom.

Within this bay a very large Indian village was pleasantly situated, from
whence we were visited by some of its inhabitants ; amongst whom was a very
shrewd intelligent fellow, who informed us, in the Spanish language, that there
was a mission and a Presidio not much further to the eastward. About five in
the evening this establishment was discovered in a small bay, which bore the
apiiearance of a far more civilizei! place than any other of the Spanish settle-
nient.s. The buildings ainieared to he regular and well constructed, the walls
clean and white, and the roofs of the houses were covered with a bright red
tile. The Presidio was nearest to the sea tiliore, and just shewed itself above a
grove of small trees, producing with the rest of the buildings a very picturesque
effect

As I purposed to anchor somewhere for the night, and as this bay seemed
likely not only to answer that purpose, but another ecjually essential, that of
procuring some refreshments, we hauled in, and anchored in six fathoms
water, sandy liottoni ; the southern land in sight, called by the Spaniards Con-
version Point, bore by comjiass S. 7<) E. ; a low cliffy point in the bay N. 42 E. ;
tlie Presidio N. 32 W. ; the nearest shore NNW. distant half a mile; the north-
west point of the bay S. C4 W. ; the northwest extreme of the island of S' ' Rosa
S. 34 W. distant thirty-two miles ; its western extreme was shut in with the
west point of S'" Cruz, whicli bore from S. 22 W. to S. 28 E. seventeen or eighteen
miles ; the nearest part of this island S. 20 E. distant thirteen miles ; and the
southeasternmost of tlie islands in sight S. 28 E. : apijearing from our anchorage
like a single rock, but consisting of three small islands.

Having thus anchored before the Spanish establishment, I immediately sent
Lieutenant Swaine to infonn the commanding officer at the Presidio of our
arrival, and as I intended to depart in the morning, to request that the Indians,
who had shown a great desire to trade with us, might be permitted to bring
us, in the course of the night, such articles of refreshment as they had to
dispose of ; which, as we understood, consisted of an abundance of hogs,
vegetables, fowls, and some excellent dried tish.

Mr. Swaine returned, after meeting with a most pulite and friendly reception
from the commandant, Seiior Don Felipe Goycochea, who with the greatest
hospitality informed Mr. Swaine that every refreshment the country could
alfiinl was perfectly at our command; and desired that I might be made
acquainted, that he hoped I would remain a few days to partake of those
advantages, and to allow him the pleasure of administering to our wants and
necessities.

On his learning from Mr. Swaine which way we were bound, he observed
that wood and water would not only be found very scarce, but that a supply
could not he depended upon at St. Diego, or any other port to the southward;
and if it were necessary that we .should replenish our stock of those articles,
it would be well to embrace the opportunity which our present situation
afforded for so doing.

The general deportment of this officer was evidently the effect of a noble
and generous mind ; and as this place, which was distinguished by the name

52 EXPLORATION OF BtTRTON MOTTNO [eth. axx. 44

of S'° Barbara, was under the same jurisdiction as St. Francisco and Mon-
terrey, our very friendly reception here rendered the unkind treatment we had
received on our late visits at the two other establishments the more paradoxi-
cal, and was perhaps only to be referred to the dilferent dispositions of the
persons in power.

The inteUi:_'onc-e communicated to me by Mr. Swaine. and the polite and
liberal conduct we had reason to expect from the commandant, induced me to
think of accepting the advantages he had so (ibligingly offered.

The next morning, accompanied by Lieutenants Puget and Hanson, I paid
my respects on shore to Seii'' Don Felipe Goycochea, the commandant of the
establishment of S*" Barbara, and Lieutenant in the Spanish infantry. He
received us with the greatest politeness and cordiality, and renewed, with
great earnestness, the ofEers he had made to Mr. Swaine the preceding evening.
He was pleased to say, that he should derive the greatest satisfaction in ren-
dering us every service compatible with the orders under which he acted.
These orders only required, that those who were employed for the service of
the vessels on shore, or engaged in taking their recreation in the neighbouring
country, should return on board every night. This stipulation I assured him
shiiuld be punctually attended to, as well as every other regulation that his
prudence might suggest.

We were likewise introduced to Friar Miguel Miguel, one of the reverend
fathers of the mission of S'" Barbara, who, in the name of himself, and his
companion the Rev. Father Estevan Tapis, expressed the greatest anxiety for
our welfare; and repeating the civilities of the commandant, offered whatever
services or assistance the mission could afford.

Accompanied by these gentlemen we went from the presidio in order to
ascertain the spot from whence we were to obtain our wood and water. As
the former was to be procured from the hdUy-leavcd oak that grew at some
distance from the waterside, our reverend father offered us the waggons of the
mission, and some Indians to carry the wood, when cut, down to the beach.
The cart of the presidio was directed by the commandant to be. at our orders
for that or any other service. The water, which was not of the best quality,
was in wells close to the seashore. We were in no imminent want of these
necessaries ; yet, from the experience of our late retarded progress from light
baffling winds, in consequence of the coast taking so easterly a direction, and
obstructing the general course of the northwest winds that prevail most part
of the year, it was highly probable we might find the same sort of weather
farther south, as we must necessarily keep near the shore, for the purpose of
examining the coast, which I now found would occupy more time than I
supposed. This circumstance, in addition to the information we had received,
that the further we advanced the worse we should fare in respect of these
essential articles, I thought it prudent, notwithstanding the business appeared
likely to be snmewliat tedious, to give orders for its being immediately carried
into execution ; convinced that we should greatly benefit in point of health
whilst these services were going forward, by the excellent refreshments the
country promised to supply.

The commandant had ordered us to l)e furnished with fresh meats in such quan-
tities as I might think projier to demand : vegetables and fowls were principall.v
purchased fmni private individuals, whilst our reverend fathers at the mission,
and the commandant, shared the productions of their gardens with us ; which,
like those of the mi>re northern establishments, were but <if small extent.

Since the recreation that had been denied us at Monterre.v was here granted
without limitation, I felt myself bound to adopt such measures as were most

HiBKINGTOX] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 53

likely to prevent any abuse of the indulgenee, iir any just cause of complaint.
For when I reflected on the unrestrained manner in which most of tlie officer.?
and ijentlemen bad rambled about the country, durins our former visit at
Monterrey, I was not without my suspicions that the unpleasant restrictions
imposed upon us on our late return to that x>ort had been occasioned by our
having made too free with the liberty then granted. To prevent the chance
of any such offense taking place here, I issued positive injunctions that no
individual under my command should extend his excursions beyond the view
from the Presidio or the buildings of the mission, which, being situated in
an ojjen country of no very uneven surface, admitted of sufficient space for
all the exercise on foot or horseback that health or amusement might require.

Notwithstanding the water on the beach was the same as that with which all
the Spanish vessels that had visited this roadstead had been supplied, and
although much pains had been talceu to clean out the wells, yet they were
very dirty and brackLsh : and as they afforded a very scanty supply, we were
induced to make search for better water.

At the distance of only a few yards farther than where the wells had been
made, a most excellent spring of very fine water was discovered, amongst
some bushes, in a kind of morass; and though it flowed but slowly, yet it
answered all our purixises, and was obtained with more ease than the water
from the wells. This spring was totally unknown to the resident Spaniards,
and equally so, I presume, to those employed in their shipping, or they would
not so long have been content with the dirty brackish water procured from the
wells. At the Presidio is a large well of excellent water, from which also, by
the assistance of the cart, a portion of our stock was obtained.

Our business being thus in a train of easy execution, the agreeable society
of our Spanish friends, the refreshments we procured, and the daily recreation
which the country afforded, rendered our situation at S" Barbara extremely
pleasant.

We here procured some stout knees from the holly-leaved oak, for the security
of the Discovery's head and bumkins : this and our other occuixitions. fully
engaged our time until the evening of Sundaj the 17th, when prei>arations were
made for sailing on the day following.

The pleasing society of our good friends at the mission and presidio was this
day augmented by the arrival of Fi-iar Vincente S'* Maria, one of the Rev.
Fathers of the mission of Bueno Ventura, situated about seven leagues from
hence on the seacoast of the southeastward.

The motives that induced this respectable priest to favor us with his com-
pany, evidently manifested his eliristian-like benevolence. Having crossed the
ocean more than once himself, he wa.s well aware how valuable the fresh pro-
ductions of the shores were to jjersons in our situation ; under this impression
he had brought with him, for our service, half a .score sheep, and twenty mules
laden with the various roots and vegetables from the garden of his mission.
This excellently good man earnestly entreated that I would accompany him by
laud back to Bueno Ventura ; saying, that I should be better able on the spot
to point out to him, and to his colleague the Rev. Friar Father Francisco Dume,
such of the productions of the country as would be most acceptable, and con-
tribute most to our future comfort and welfare. Of this journey I .should have
been very happy to have been able to have availed myself had the existing cir-
cumstances not obliged me to decline the pleasure I should thereby have
received.

54 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. ANN. 44

Our new- benevolent friend, accompanied by tlie commandant and Father
Mijniel, honored us with their company to dine on board, where in the course
of conversation. I was informed that the mission of Bueno Ventura was situated
near a small bay of easy access ; and as Friar Vinceute .seemed much pleased
with his visit on board, I requested he would favor me with his company in
the discovery of his residence. This offer he cheerfully accepted and in doing:
so I had only reason to rejaet the short time I was to be indulRed with the
society of a gentleman, whose observations through life, and general knowledge
of mankind, rendered him a most pleasing and instructive companion.

In the evening our friends returned on shore, and I took that opportunity
of soliciting their acceptance of a few useful articles which they had no other
opportunity of obtaining; though I must confess they were a very incompetent
return for their friendly, generou,s, and attentive sei"vices ; and I tnist they
will accept this public acknowledgment as the only means within my reach
to show the grateful sense I shall ever entertain of the obligations they so
liberally and unexpectedly bestowed.

We attende<l at breakfast the next morning, Monday the 18th, with our
friends from the shore ; and the want of wind detained us at anchor until near
noon ; when we took leave of our S" Barbara friends, and, accompanied by
Father Vincente, we directed our course toward Bueno Ventura.

Whilst we remained at S'" Barbara Mr. Whidbey, whose time was principally
devoted to the several duties on shore, embraced that opix>rtunity of making
some necessary astronomical obseiTations with the artificial horizon ; the only
means we had of ascertaining the latitude, variation, and the longitude by
the chronometers. The mean results showed tie latitude, by four meridional
altitudes of the sun, to be 34° 24' ; the variation by six sets of azimuths, differ-
ing from 11° 14' to 9°, to be 10° 15' eastwardly ; and the longitude, by eight .sets
of altitudes of the sun between the 11th and 15th, allowing the error and rate
as calculated at Monterey, was shown b.y Kendall's chronometer to 240°
45' 40"; Arnold's No. 14, 240° 44' 16"; No. 176, 240° 56' 45"; and the truu
longitude deducetl from subsequent observations, 240° 43'. As I continued to
allow the same rate, the situation of the coast has been laid down by No. 14 ;
and I should hope, by the regularity with which it had lately gone, with soma
degree of precision. The tide, though showing here no visible stream, regu-
larly ebbed and flowed every six hours ; the rise and fall, as nearly as could
be estimated, seemed to be about three or four feet ; and it is high water about
eight hours after the moon passes the meridian.

To sail into the ba,v, or more properly speaking the roadstead, of S*" Barbara,
requires but few directions, as it is open and without any kind of interruption
whatever; the soundings on approaching it are regular, from 15 to 3 fathoms;
the former from half a league to two miles, the latter within a cable and half
of the shore. Weeds were seen growing about the roadstead in many places ;
but, so far as we examined, which was only in the vicinity of our anchorage,
they did not appear to indicate shallower water, or a bottom of a different
nature. The shores of the roadstead are for the most part low. and terminate
in sandy beaches, to which, however its western point is rather an exception,
being a steep cliff moderately elevated ; to this point I gave the name of Point
Felipe, after the commandant of S'° Barbara.

The interior country a few miles only from the water side, is composed of
rugged barren mountains, which I was informed rise in five different ridges,
behind and above each other, a great distance inland towards the ENE. ; which
space is not at present occupied either by the Spaniards or the native Indians.

HARBINGTOX] HISTORY OF BURTOX MOUND 55

MENTION IN THE GOTCOECHEA REPORT, 17 90

In 1796 Synjtun was still extant and its chief still living, for in the
report of Captain Felipe de Goycoechea,'- under date of March 12,
1796, it is given as " Yuctu (at the presidio)," its captain " Yano-
nali," ^^ its population estimated at 125. During the first decade or
two of the nineteenth century the ancient site of Syujtiin evidently
became completely depopulated of Indian inhabitants.

History Subsequent to the Abandonment of the Site bt the

Natives

The abandoned beach at the site of Sj'ujtun was commonly spoken
of in Spanish as El Puerto, or La Playa. It was there that vessels
visiting Santa Barbara landed; the cove of sandy beach in front of
the village had been used in earlier times as the landing place of
Indian canoes and a few of these craft were still used by the Indians
who were detailed to fish for the padres. The Indian jacales were
probably burnt or otherwise destroyed by the Indians themselves when
they abandoned their homes. They stood in the vicinity of the foot
of Chapala Street and about the adjacent Burton Mound. The tract
was acquired by the Church as a part of the great mission lands.

ALFRED ROBINSON DESCRIBES A VISIT TO SANTA BARBARA IN 1829

Alfred Robinson, in his book published in 1846," describes the ap-
pearance of Santa Barbara as seen from the ship in 1829 and, while
saying nothing of the Burton Mound, tells of fording the Mission
Creek northeast of the mound. He also furnishes the earliest extant
picture of Santa Barbara, as seen from the ship, showing the Burton
Mound in the foregi'ound, reproduced in this paper in Plate 2, a.

From the Mission, we stood over for some small and rocky islands nt the
southeast point of Santa Cruz ; and on the following morning, close under our
lee, we beheld the beautiful vale of Sta. Barbara.

See from the ship, the "Presidio" or town, its charming vicinity, and neat
little Mission in the backgrumid, all situated on an inclined plane, rising
gradually from the sea to a range of verdant hills, three miles from the beach,
having a striking and beautiful effect. Distance, however, in this case,
"lends enchantment of the view," which a nearer«approach somewhat dispels;
for we found the houses of the town, of which there were some two hundred,
in not very good condition. They are built in the Spanish mode, witJi adoie
walls, and roofs of tile, and are scattered about outside of the military de-
partment ; shewing a total disregard of order on the part of the authorities.
A ridge of rugged highlands extends along the rear, reaching from St. ISona-
ventura to Point Conception, and on the left of the town, in an elevated position,
stands the Castillo or fortress.

■^Engelhardt, Santa Barbara Mission, San Francisco. 1923, p. 448.
*-" Here with the tinal t omitted.

".\lfred Robinson. Life in California before the Conquest, New Vorli, 184G, pp. 41-4.'{
and 40.

56 FAPLOI'.ATION OF BURTON MOTTND Ieth. ANN. J4

The port of Santa Hiirbata is completely sheltered from the northwest and
\vcsti>rl.v winds, but simicwhat exposed to those from the southeast. The
anehorase is hard sand, abounding in seaweed, wliere the ship came to, in six
and a half fathoms. The sails were furled, the boat lowered and manned, and
we proceeded to the shore.

A heavy westerly wind during the night had '• knoclced up" considerable
swell, which continued to roll in and fall heavily upon the sand. Our men
pulled lustily until ordered to lie upon their oars, when we effected our
landing. In approaching the shore through the .surf, more depends upon the
judgment of the person steering the boat than upon the rowers. Usually,
there are thi-ee consecutive rolls, and then follows a temporary recession;
and to land safely, it is necessary to proceed with caution, wait an opportunity
by observing the swell ; pull in strong on a third roller, and the moment the
boat strikes the sand, the oars should be cast on either side, while the men
jump out and prevent her being carried back by the retiring surf.

At the landing we found our Yankee friend, Daniel H I Daniel Hill],

and a few others who had come down to greet G [Gale], As the town

was three quarters of a mile distant, I accepted Daniel's offer of his fine
saddled mule, and he getting up behind me, we rode along slowly, until we
reached a small descent [opjjosite the Burton Mound |, where flowed a stream
which recent rains had swollen beyond its usual bounds. Here the stubborn
animal stopped, and seemed disinclined to proceed, but repeated application
of the spurs at last urged him forward, and he forded the stream. Ascending
the opposite bank, he again stopped, and giving a sudden fling in the air with
his heels, sent us both rolling down towards the water. Fortunately we were
neither wet nor hurt, but after so decided a manifestation of the creature's
abilities, I declined remounting. Daniel, however, nowi.se disconcerted, mounted
the beast and rode off alone.

We returned to town, and at the beach found a lively and busy scene.
Our men were passing throu,gh the surf to the launch liearing hides upon
their heads, while others landed, from smaller boats, portions of the ship's
cargo. It was a merry sight, and their shouts mingled with the sound of the
waves as they beat upon the sand. We embarked on board ship, where soon
our decks were crowded with men and women of all classes: many coming to
purchase, some to see the vessel, and others to accompany their friends, so
that it was not unusual for us to have a party of twenty or thirty at dinner.

GENESIS OF TITLE OF THE BURTON MOUND PROPERTT

The <renesis of title of the Burton Mound, quoted from the Santa
Barbara "Weekly Press, June 7. 1900, is as follows:

The preliminary steps to the buikling of a hotel on I'.urton Mound are lieing
taken with considerable rapidity. ... On June 6th, 1900, a deed was filed
from the Santa Cruz Island Co. to Edward R. Spaulding. This clears the entire
six blocks included in the original tract of the Sea Side Hotel Association,
except two lots facing on Montecito St. . . .

The first individual owner of the Burton Mound proix^rty was Santiago
Burke, father of the present county tax collect<a-, Mr. M. F. liurke. who held
it under a title granted by the Mexican Government.

The abstract made by Judge J. T. Richards in 1875 . . . shows that accord-
ing to an old "espediente" (record of title) a conveyance was made December
23, 1833, by Santiago Burke to Jose Chapman. In the conveyance Mr. Burke
states that " the house which I own, situated in Santa Barbara, near the
beach, and that which was known as "The House of the Mission of Santa
Barbara" was transferred to Chapman for .<4()0 in hides and tallow.

HAKEIXGTON]

HISTORY OP BURTON MOUND 57

The nest conveyance was by Isaac J. Sparks, transferring a lot 200 varas
square, surround! iis the house, enclosed by a fence, and on which a mill was
erected. This deed was dated Feb. 6, 1840.

On Dec. 6th, 1851, the city of Santa Barbara, by deed . . . recognized the
o\\-nership of the entire tract to be in one Hinchman (that was an action clos-
ing all streets on the tract).

On Jan. 20th, 1875, the Sea Side Hotel Association was organized.

OWNERSHIP BY THE MEXICAN GOVERNMENT, JAMES BURKE, JOSEPH

CHAPMAN

Of the ownership by the Mexican Government and by James
Burke, better known as Don Santiago Burke, we have in the present
progress of our studies only documentary information. The second
individual owner was Joseph Chapman (otherwise Don Jose Chat-
man). He mu.st have obtained some form of residence there, since
Mr. William H. Manis, grandson of Joseph ChajDman, says that he
learned from his mother (Joseph Chapman's daughter) that she was
born on the Burton Mound in a small building that afterwards be-
came a wing of the massive adobe of later years.

The next traditional owner or occupant was Thomas Kobins, who
was later a grantee of the Hope Ranch. It is said to have been Robins
who built the main part of the adobe house on the mound.

The identity of the next owner is still in doubt. According to Mrs.
J. F. Freeman, of Santa Barbara, her husband's great grandfather,

Foxen, owned the place for a short jjeriod after Robins gave

it up.

OWNERSHIP BY CAPT. GEORGE C. NIDEVER

Capt. George C. Nidever came into possession of the property in
1840 or 1841. Nidever came to Santa Barbara in 1834 from West
Virginia, having taken eight years to cross the continent, hunting,
trapijing and fighting by turn. At Santa Barbara he followed otter
hunting by profession. He was the first man to stock San Miguel
Island. He was the principal in the rescue of the " lone woman " of
San Nicolas Island. He married Sinforosa Sanchez in 1841. Slow
of speech and movement, of unblushing integrity, and a dead shot,
he was a terror of evildoers. He resided at the mound for some 10
years and added two outbuildings to the adobe house; one was used
as a warehouse for furs, the other as a gristmill. It is said that
Nidever made improvements in the grounds, setting out trees and
gardens.

To the Bancroft Library of the University of California we ai-e
indebted for the following excerpts from a manuscriirt entitled "Life
and Adventures of George Nidever. Recollections furnished by him-
self to E. F. Murray for the Bancroft Library, 1878." In this inter-
55231°— 28 5

58 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [lOTH. ANN. 44

view Nidever tells of his purchase of the mound ]iroperty from
Joseph Chapman in 1840, and of his hiding out in the old adobe house
on the mound at the time of the invasion of California by the
Americans. He says:

I was born in 1802. Dec. 20, in Sulivan Co.. East Tenn. My father, also
named George, was a native of Penn. ; I do not ri-niemlier the town. . . .

In the fall of 1S40 I bought what is now known as the Burton Mound prop-
ert.v from Jo.seph Chapman, who had purchased it from the mission. It had
formerly been used to store hides in by the Fathers.

OWNERSHIP BT A. F. HINCHMAN

In 1851 Captain Nidever sold the mound property to A. F. Hinch-
man, Santa Bai'bara attorney and a prominent citizen. Miss Stella
G. Hinchman, daughter of A. F. Hinchman, has very kindly fur-
nished interesting information and documents on the history of the
mound at that period.

In a letter dated July 3, 1923, Miss Hinchman writes as follows:

Having read some articles printed in the Lo.s Angele.s papers which tell
of the work you are doing in Santa Barbara. I am taking the liberty of
writing to .vou because I am interested in your discoveries, as m.v father
sold the propert.v to Mr. Lewis T. Burton, and it was then called " La Playa "
(The Beach). In 1849 my father, Augustus F. Hinchman. In company with
his classmate, Mr. Edward Sherman Hoar, of Massachusetts, a brother of the
late Judge Hoar, both having graduated from Harvard and also from the
Harvard Law School, decided to go to California, but on the trip my father
contracted the Panama fever, and when they arrived in San Francisco he was
too ill to go to the gold fields, and his doctor advised him to go s<nith and
camiJ until he regained his health. Mr. Hoar and my father went to Santa
Barbara exi)ecting to stay a few weeks, but they were so delighted with the
place that they decided to remain and open a law office.

After they acquired a practice my father decide<l to have a home and bought
Burton Mound from Mr. George C. Nidever, with the knowledge that it had
been an Indian burial ground. The property originally belonged to the church,
the church sold it to Mr. .Joseph Chapman, Mr. Chapman sold it to Mr. Nidever,
and Mr. Nidever to my father.

As soon as my father acquired the property, he started to Iieautify the place,
laying out a garden and planting trees. As soon as they commenced to work,
they unearthetl mortars, pestles, skulls and bones.

About that time a member of the Smithsonian Institution was in California
and my father entertained him and gave him many relics for the Smithsonian.
The only thing my father retained was a piiie, and the skulls and bones were
cremated. I think that if you look at the records of the Smithst>niau of the
years 1851 and 1853. you will get some information about them. My brother
visited the Smithsonian Institution some years ago and was told that they had
been placed with the otlier Indian relics, but he did not locate them.

In a letter dated December 6, 1851, Mr. Hinchman says:

One of the first things that strikes the eye of a stranger, who comes to Santa

Barbara, is a little hill which breaks the uniformity of the plain, rising perhai)s

20 feet above the general level of the surrounding land. The hill has a

gradual slope on all sides to its base and covers about 15 acres. All thei

HARRINGTON] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 59

year around it is sreen. because iu every part of it are welling up beautiful
little springs. On the highest part of the hill is an adobe house, which was
when new one of the best houses in the country, though now it is somewhat
out of repair. There lives a man by the name of Nidever, an otter hunter,
in these parts long before the Americans came here.

In a letter dated August 16, 1923, Miss Stella G. Hinchman states :

with regard to the " Mound " : In December, 1S51, my father purchased the
proi)erty you sjjeak of as " Burton's Mound." . . .

In August, ISoO, my father erected a store building at the foot of the mound on
the beach, and formed a copartnership with Lewis T. Burton and Harvey B.
Blake, who had previously been in business and were agents for the steamship
line and the express company. Tliis firm \va.s dissolved January, 1800. . . .

The beach at the foot of the mound was the favorite bathing spot for the
women and girls of the vicinity, and a right to the undivided and sole use of
this part of the beach by the women during their bathing hours had been
established by long usage and become an unwritten law. . . .

Now. as to the name " La Playa " being applied to the " Mound," which
you question. The women when they came to bathe naturally spoke of going
to la pla.va, the beach. However, if the townspeople went to the beach store
the.v spoke of going to La Playa. I remember that during several visits that
I made to Santa Barbara I was repeatedly a.sked if I was born at La Playa.
If asked where the Hinchmans lived or they answered any question connected
with the mound, they called it La Playa. My father in his correspondence
called it '" Casa del Mar," but the name did not stick.

Concerning the sulphur springs, my brother says that in 1868 he. while on a
visit to Don Lewis Burton, was taken by my father to the north of the house
and was shown the sulphur springs. My father took a pole and prodded the
mud at the bottom of the spring, releasing the gases, which arose in enormous
bubbles through the water and which he ignited with a lighted piece of news-
paper. The springs at that time were not in use and there w-as no talk of
exploiting them.

The Indian relics are frequently alluded to in the letters, and in 1854 the
intention is expressed of sending them to Dover if a favorable opportunity
presented itself. This, however, was never done. Jly mother rememliers the
giving of a large quantity of these relics to a representative of the Smithsonian
about this time, and thinks bis name .sounded like Zieglau. She rather regret-
fully says that it was a besetting weakness of my father's to present almost
anything he possessed to any one who expressed a desire for it. or even
admired it.

Relative to Indian affairs, my mother — who lives with me, is in her 95th
year, who although not active has a very clear memory — relates the following
story that was current in her younger days. Nidever in one of his otter-
hunting expeditions, found on the island of Anacapa. one of the Santa Barbara
Channel islands, a lone Indian maiden, who, together with her belongings, he
brought to his home on the mainland. Nobody in Santa Barbara could under-
stand her language. Native Indians from adjacent pueblos were brought and
they also failed to understand her dialect, and no clew was ever obtained as
to her identity. The maid pined away and finally died, it was thought, of
homesickness. When found she was oddly clad, among other articles of attire
was a cape composed of liird skins, mainly the breasts of wild fowl with the
down on. Tradition has it that after death her belongings were sent to a
museum at Francisco. She also recalls a legend of the native Indians, to the
effect that at a remote period the Santa Barbara Lslands formed a part of the

60 EXl'LOKATION OF BUKTON MOUND [eth. ann. 44

nuiinland ami their ancestors in bygone days were able to walk there dry shod.
The (iiicry is presented to my mind, as to whether the Indians who used the
" Mounil " as a. burial place were not inhabitants of the Charuiel Islands. . . .

OWNERSHIP BT LEWIS T. BURTON, SEASIDE HOTEL ASSOCIATION. POTTER
HOTEL COMPANY, AMBASSADOR HOTEL CORPORATION

In 1860 Mr. Hinchman sold the tract to Lewis T. Burton, who
was, like Captain Nidever, a native of Tennessee. Mr. Burton made
the place his home for the remainder of his life, and from him the
mound has taken its name in later years. Upon his death in 1879
the tract came into possession of the Seaside Hotel Association and
the immediate building of a hotel on the mound was planned. This
plan was, however, not consummated imtil 20 years later, when
Milo M. Potter was the leader in a new movement for the erection
of a beach hotel on the site. In the meantime the old adobe house
on the mound was inhabited by a mmiber of consecutive tenants,
some of whom were interviewed with interesting results. The Potter
Hotel was erected in 1901 and 1902, and the grounds were graded
and landscape-gardened and made one of the most beautiful spots on
the coast. The hotel was sold in 1913 and became the property of
the Ambassador Hotel Corporation. It burned to the ground in
1921.

INTERVIEW WITH M. AMAN

Mr. Max Aman lived in the Burton adobe house during the three
years prior to the construction of the hotel ; he was its last occupant.
As he remembers it, the total length of the house proper was about
80 feet, and it was 20 feet wide, not including the veranda, which
ran around the northern, eastern, and southern sides and was itself
some 10 feet in width. The rooms were, therefore, about 20 by 20
feet, but tlie parlor, which ran across the entire eastern end of the
house, was larger and may have been 20 by 40 feet.

Mr. Potter tiu'ned the first earth in the construction of his hotel
in the spring of 1900. The adobe house was, however, not torn down
immediately, but was allowed to remain standing for a year or more —
in fact, until the hotel fotuidations were put in.

When the house was torn down, sheet lead was found laid hori-
zontally at the base of the walls all around. The purpose of this
was to keep tlie moisture of the groinid from creeping up into the
adobe walls. AVhen the lead was seen by the workmen they became
excited and for a moment thought it might be silver.

It was said that one of the workmen foimd a silver brick luiried
under the adobe house, but that Mr. Potter heard of the fact and took
it away from him.

The sulphur spring which supplied the bathhouse, which ^Ir. Aman
ran most i:)rofitably for three years, was covered up and it happened

HARRINGTON]

HISTORY OF BURTON- MOUND 61

that the hotel dining room occupied the second story above that spot.
The fumes from that spring crept up into the dining room and
lihickened the silver and it also affected the utensils in the kitchen.
Mr. Potter determined to do away with the spring, and had it covered
over with a layer of cement a foot thick and 20 feet across.

There were two pipes by the swamp, at a location which is now
approximately the middle of the eastern lawn. These pipes were
inserted in the ground, projected vertically from the ground, were
several feet apart, and one had water or nothing in it, while the
other had natural gas, so that sometimes it would burn if you held
a match to it. Mr. Aman does not know who put these pipes in the
swam23 or what the idea was.

The near-by swamp had blue and purple colors on top of the water
every once in a while, as if there were an oily film.

Mr. Henry Tallant was agent for the property when Mr. Aman
rented it. Once Mr. Aman asked Mr. Tallant if he would have any
objection to some one digging for relics. Mr. Tallant did not like
the idea at all and said, " Don't you dare to dig for relics."

Mr. Aman found most of the relics that came to light when he
was living there at the little vegetable garden, which he cultivated,
which as stated above was at the locality of the present palm grove
at the west of the mound. There he found arrow heads and Indian
bones.

The roof of the adobe was shingled when Mr. Aman lived there.
The gable ends of the house were of brick and had evidently been
put in later than the adobe.

Mrs. Hari-y Jenkins had lived at the house just prior to the time
when Mr. Aman lived there and she was an artist, and painted the
beautiful oil picture of the adobe, showing the red blossoming roses
around the veranda, the morning glories climbing up the jjosts, the
old well, the trees, and many other details. Mrs. Jenkins sold this
picture to Mr. Aman while he was a resident at the mound for the
very modest sum of $20, and when Mr. Potter had finished the hotel
he approached Mr. Aman on the subject of purchasing the picture
from him. Mr. Aman refused to sell it. It is still in Mr. Aman's
possession.

INTERVIEW WITH ARTHUR GREENWELL

Mr. Arthur Greenwell has lived practically all his life as a neigh-
bor of the Burton IMound property and recalled many interesting
details concerning the former condition of that site.

Mr. Greenwell recalls fig trees, olives, pomegranates, and pears in
the old orchard at the southwestern end of the mound where the palm
grove stands at present.

62 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. ANN. 44

The Santa Cruz Island Co. had their corrals for handlinj;; sheep at
the southwest corner of the present Ambassador fjrounds. A fence
ran around that corner, forming a sinjile corral, and there was a shack
near where Bath Street meets the Cabrillo Boulevard which was used
for shearing sheep and for a storage place.

Mr. Greenwell recalls that the swamp extended parallel with the
beach from Chapala Street as far as the present eastern driveway of
the grounds. It was not a lake, but a place of tules and willows.
People used to shoot ducks there.

It was a Seventh Day Adventist [Mr. Eli Kimberly] who started
the bathhouse at the sulphur spring at the eastern end of the mound.
That gentleman sold the bathhouse to Mr. Jenkins and Mr. Jenkins
sold it to Mr. Max Aman.

Mr. Stephen Bowers dug for archeological remains one time at the
corner of the grounds, where Chapala Street meets the Cabrillo
Boulevard. That corner of the grounds, the extreme corner toward
the wdiarf, was high. This information, wholly volunteered by Mr.
Greenwell, has been corroborated by similarly volunteered informa-
tion from several other informants.

INTERVIEW WITH MRS. RAMONA TRUSSELL

Mrs. Ramona Trussell,'^ born in 1830, was interviewed in connec-
tion with the mound. Her father was Mr. Sparks. Mrs. TrusselPs
sister, Mrs. Packard, is also living.

Mrs. Trussell stated that when she was a girl, and she was born at
Santa Barbara, the mound was half wild and there was no bath-
house over the sulphur spring. The sulphur springs were, in fact,
merely muddy places, but peoj^le used to go there to bathe and would
drink the water. She could not remember who built the adobe house,
but it was there prior to the Burtons, and she imagines that Mr.
Chai:)man may have constructed it.

INTERVIEW WITH 3IILO M. POTTER

We had the unique opportunity of an interview with Mr. Potter
on the Ambassador grounds. He explained the grading operations
to the minutest detail and told of his burying the relics, also of bury-
ing a redwood box of bones .somewhere on the grounds, a " coffin " as
he called it, but declined to tell us just where."" The information
gathered from Mr. Potter was lengthy and will be given in full in a
future paper.

"Mrs. TrusseU died in April. 1924.

"» Botli tile cache of relics aud the redwood box have been found.

hahrington] histoky of burton mound 63

intervt:ew with james m. carter

Mr. James M. Carter, who at present resides at Hawthorne, Calif.,
was in charge of the grading and construction work of the Potter
Hotel during the entire period of its building. The work on the
hotel was started on the 19th of January, 1901.

AVhen the excavations were made for the foundations of the hotel
on the inland slope of the mound few, if any, Indian relics were
found, but during the small amount of grading that was done at the
crest of the mound, at the spot immediately toward the beach from
the main entrance of the hotel, and especially toward Chapala Street
from the main entrance, quantities of bones and relics were found.
Little by little the skulls, bowls, beads, arrowheads, and other curiosi-
ties which had come to light in the above-mentioned spot, or at
otlier places on the grounds, were gathered under the direction of
Mr. Potter and Mr. Carter and were put in a room at the western
end of the old Burton adobe house. After a few months there was
quite a museum in that room. Mr. Carter had a lot of l-by-12-inch
boards put in around the walls for shelves, and the skulls and bowls
made a gruesome appearance.

It was about May or June of that same year that Mr. Potter came
to Mr. Carter one Saturday morning and called him aside from his
work. Mr. Potter told Mr. Carter somewhat as follows :

"A great many of our guests will be actors, and especially theatri-
cal people have a superstitition about ghosts and spirits from the
dead. It would be very unfortunate if they got the report going that
this place here was a potter's field, that this hotel is a potter's field,
and to me it seems the thing to do for us to bury everything of every
kind before the reporters get hold of it and give us an advertising
that will do no good."

Mr. Potter suggested that Mr. Carter come the following morning,
which was Sunday, and bring with him four or five of the workmen,
including one man with a team. Mr. Carter acted accordingly, and
came with the workmen Sunday morning. Mr. Carter officiated.
The others were Kittie Goux, a big Spanish Californian, of Santa
Barbara, who is still living, an Irishman named Dewlaney, an Eng-
lishman named John Bebb. and with the three nations, Indian, Irish,
and Englisli, represented and an American officiating, the relics, con-
sisting mostly of mortars and pestles and human bones, were hauled
to the east annex, and were deposited in a trench which had been
freshly dug that Sunday morning as a grave for the materials that
were to be reburied. They filled this pit with bones and all kinds
of things, most of them in broken condition, up to about 2 feet from
the surface of the ground, and they had to tramp the stuff down in
order to get them all in the allotted space.

64 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOXJND [E-iH. ann. a

INTERVIEW WITH A. M. GUTIEKKEZ

Mr. A. M. Gutierrez recalls the appearance of the mound in the
eighties. He said that he and various other boys used to play all over
Burton Mound. He remembers the mound at the foot of Chapala
Street and says that it was some 6 feet high or more. I asked him
if it was of sand, and he added that it was of earth too. He agreed
that the wharf butted against it.

INTERVIEW WITH CHARLES T. HALL

Mr. Charles T. Hall, who resides at 117 Bath Street, proved a good
informant on the property which has lain across the street from him
for 50 years. The site of the burial ground has always been felt by
him to be in the present lawn,, that is on the site toward the ocean
side of the mound. A second burial ground, in his opinion, was the
one at the junction of Chapala Street with Cabrillo Boulevard, and
which ought to yield good results to tlie excavator, if one were not
prevented from digging there by the place being covered over by the
street and boulevard, ^t least to a large extent.

Mr. Joe Woods told Mr. Hall that de Sissac, Stephen Bowers, and
himself had all prospected around Burton Mound, more or less, for
Indian relics. But they never did anj' digging there that amounted
to anything.

The ocean came across the sand sometimes in the days before the
boulevard was put in and some of the water got over into the swamp
between the mound and the beach.

An Early Description of the Burton Mound

The following appreciative summary of information about the
Burton Mound is taken from " Santa Barbara As It Is," published
by the Independent Publishing Company, Santa Barbara, Calif.,
1884, pp. .51-54:

Many of the residents of Santa Barbara know this interestinpr spot only
as the late residence of Don Louis Burton, as a beautiful shady spot for
picnics, and as the destined site of a grand seaside hotel. Travelers upon the
decks of passing steamers admire the beauty of the place, which stands, a
romantic landmark of the past, only a few hundred feet from the lauding place.
It is a mound, ciroxilar in form, standing prominently above the level of the
surrounding plain, about 400 feet from the surf which breaks upon the smooth
sandy beach at its foot. The top of the mound is about 30 feet above high
water and the mound itself comprises about 2 acres, although the property of
which it is a part contains 30 acres. From the level summit may be seen the
shore line for 30 miles or more to the east ; to the south, the channel and its
towering islands present a fascinating prospect ; to the west, the lighthouse,
perched upon the bluff: ami nearer, the "Castle Kock " or the Puuta del Castillo,
around which the restless waves invoke a ceaseless melody. Landward, the city,

HAKRINGTOX] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 65

the foothills lu gold or in green, and the mission towers combine to form an
almost uniiaralleled picture and one generally neglected by visitors.

Some years ago this mound with its adjacent surrounding property was pur-
chased by a number of the prominent citizens of Santa Barbara, organized and
incorporated as the Seaside Hotel Association. It is held by this association for
the purpose of using it as a grand sanitarium and seaside hotel site.

The mound appears to have been a system of subterranean water courses.
Springs flow in all directions, and the most remarkable feature about it is their
variety. At one place there is a clear blue spring of sulphur water bubbling up
and discharging into the grass beneath the olive groves. At another place an
" iron spring," the water of which is strongI,v impregnated and the surroundings
covered with iron rust. Near the summit a spring of pure water, which is used
to irrigate an immense vegetable garden, from which Santa Barbara draws its
principal supply of vegetables. The property is intersected or traversed by a
stream of water from the source of which the city derives its water supply
above the mission. The water of the sulpjmr spring is similar to that of the
Montecito Hot Springs, except in its temperature. The following extracts from
an article in the Daily Independent of October 19, 1883, give a vivid description
of the traditions of the mound :

" For many years the coast of California and Oregon has been explored for
ethnological relics. It has been dug up by different experts seeking to obtain
the various implements of household goods and gods buried with the dead, who
knew tlie patient labor of the Indian during life passed with him to the grave.
In other words, the result of his work did not, as with us, go to the living — that
it was superstition, no one in these days doubts. And hence we find in the
grave the cooking utensils, the arrows, flsh hooks, the crude pan for baking
purposes, the tasteful olla for boiling, the flint motar for grinding corn and
beans or seed, and various other implements, the present generation can not
understand for what purpose they were made. Even the everlasting pipe is
found buried.

" But, speaking of the Burton Mound, its origin is unknown to men now living,
but it is known to have been formed of the bones, the trinkets, the cooking
utensils, and weapons of thousands of natives of this coast. It is in fact one
grand catacomb or deposit of human bodies covered with immense quantities of
sea shells. The interior of the mound has never been explored. No detiling spade
or shovel has been permitted to unearth the immense quantities of Indian
remains and relics therein deposited. Sometimes wlien a tree has died and it
has been deemed desirable to remove the stump or roots, in digging it out, the
earth was found full of Indian relics such as stone utensils, skulls, and in-
geniously made articles of ornament. Many efforts have been made to obtain
permission to explore the interior of this mound, Itut thanks to the vigilance
and care of Capt. William B. Greenwell, a manager of the Sea Side Hotel
Association, the valuable ethnological treasures of the mound remain intact.
They are perhaps the most complete and valual)le collection of aboriginal relics
in the United States and will some day be regarded with more interest than at
present.

" There is a tradition extant which says that this mound was the regal resi-
dence of the Grand Sachem or Inca of all the tribes of this southern coast.
Around its base the supreme chief of all the southern tribes held regal court.
Upon it the priests and medicine men of the tribes held their mystic conclaves,
and no doubt enacted savage tragedies in centuries gone by.

" Vancouver, the English explorer, in his three volumes published in 1798,
speaks of this mound as the abode of the Great Chief, which undoubtedly it

66 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [E-rn. ann. 44

was ; in the year 1RS3, or 95 years since his visit, It is yet unexplored, and is
covered with luxuriant vegetation and embowered with vines and fruit trees.
" MacGregor in liis three volumes, Prosress in America, puhiished in 1S47,
speaks of this mound. It is certainly an interesting spot and well worth the
consideration of the directors of the various universities throughout the world
who might seek to obtain the buried relics of a past race."

EXCAVATIOX OF THE BURTON MOUND
Previous Excavating and Relic Hunting bt Others

The present work was the first to be done in a systematic way on
the site of Syujtiin. Considerable promiscuotis digging and pot
hunting had been done at the site at one time or another by various
individuals.

The prejudice against digging up graves was so strong in Indian
and early Mission times that the bodies and accompaniments of the
dead remained inviolate. Moreover, j^ractically all of the owners of
the property have forbidden excavations.

A. F. Hinchman amassed a considerable number of relics that had
been found on the place and it is supposed that part of these found
their way to the Smithsonian Institution. (See p. 58.)

Count Leon de Sissac, heading a French archeological expedition
to the coast of California in 1878, is said by Mr. B. F. Birabent, of
Santa Barbara, and others to have done some digging at the mound.

Rev. Stephen Bowers did a little digging at the foot of Chapala
Street in the early eighties, according to Mrs. R. Kimberly and
others.

Gill Kimberly, in company with the Streeter boys, the two sons
of W. Streeter, a neighbor, used to play at the mound when they were
boys in the eighties and dug bones by the present central walk, where
we carried on our chief excavations. On one occasion, jNIr. Kimberly
relates, they dug up four skeletons in sitting position at a place 30
or 40 feet toward Chapala Street from the Burton well.

Chico Leyva, who made the rich finds at the Mispii site in 1908,
is said by several informants to have dug at the central walk locality
quite extensively, probably during the ownership of the property by
the Seaside Hotel Association. Most of the previous digging at this
spot we attribute to him. He took only the larger artifacts, throwing
the bones and many of the less conspicuous objects back into the holes.
The agents of the Seaside Hotel Association, following the wishes
of Captain Greenwell, told the tenants not to dig for relics and to
allow no one else to do so, but there was considerable pot himting,
nevertheless.

At one of the Fourth of July picnics and barbecues held at the
mound in the nineties the writer recalls seeing a man whose

HARRINGTON] HISTOBY OF BURTON MOUND 67

name he did not know, assisted by Mr. Fred Johnston, dig out a
complete Indian skeleton just over the crest of the southwest end of
the mound on the seaward side. It was common on such occasions
for people to have the idea of doing a little digging around the
premises for Indian relics.

Mr. Ernest Hunt, of Santa Barbara, had for years a skull from the
Burton Mound with an Indian arrowhead embedded in it. This
skull he took along when he moved to his present home on San
Andres Street. Mr. Hunt instituted for me a thorough search of the
barn and premises, and while neither he, Mrs. Hunt, nor his son
have any knowledge to the effect that the skull was taken by anyone
or thrown away, the search at this late date has been unsuccessful.

Miss Laura Holt, employee of the Santa Barbara post office,
informs us that her deceased brother, Philip Holt, once found a
skull with an arrowhead in it at the mound. That was many years
ago. The arrowhead was struck into the side of the head. Mrs.
Rachel Short, of Santa Barbara, had this skull at one time. Miss
Holt stated that her brother gave some relics at one time to the
Santa Barbara Society of Natural History, and the skull from Burton
Mound may have found its way into that collection, or possibly to
the Smithsonian Institution.

Mr. William Hayward, of Santa Barbara, once dug up some bones
at Burton Mound, and some of these may be included witli some relics
from Gaviota now stored at Hazard's bicycle store.

Dr. P. M. Jones, of San Francisco, did some archeological work
on San Joaquin Valley mounds in December, 1899, and made an
archeological reconnaissance trip down the coast of California the
following spring. Arriving at Santa Barbara, he learned of the
Burton Mound and that the work was about to start on the new
hotel there. In vain he appealed to Mr. Frank M. Whitney and other
stockholders in the Potter Hotel Co. for permission to excavate.

When the excavations and grading were made for the hotel, which
was built over the inland slope of the mound and fronted on its crest,
numerous skeletons and relics were discovered by the workmen.
These were placed in a room of the Burton adobe house, which wag
still standing at the time, and were later reburied near the present
East Annex of the hotel by Mr. J. M. Carter, according to instruc-
tions given him by Milo M. Potter. Information about this cache
had been given me by Mr. Jose Ortega and was later given by Mr.
Milo M. Potter and in splendid detail by Mr. J. M. Carter. We
found the cache, consisting principally of mortars and pestles, at the
spot described.

Also on the beach in front of the Syujtun site Indian objects have
repeatedly been found.

68 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [mH. ANN. 44

On the occasion of a very low tide in 1871 Mr. Charles T. Hall
while walkin<r on the beach in front of the mound noticed a pecul-
iarly round bowlder, and on turning it over it proved to be an
ancient Indian mortar. This mortar was purchased from Mr. Hall.
(See p. 77.)

Mrs. Constance D. Ealand informs us that the beach at low tide
at the foot of Chapala Street used to be considered by early residents
a good place to look for Indian relics. There, near where the sul-
phur spring (see p. 70) comes out of the beach, Mrs. Ealand used
to pick up broken bowls, pestles, and other objects, such as abalone
spangles and beads. There is reason to believe that these objects
came both from the cemeteries and former habitations of the Indians.
Several others have furnished similar information.

Description of the Mound

The contour map of Burton Mound (fig. 2) is based on a map prob-
ably prepared by J. K. Harrington about 1901 for the Potter Hotel
Co. and shows the former shape of the mounds. According to this
map. Burton Mound was about 600 feet long in northeast-southwest
direction and about 500 feet across. The highest ridge was about
100 feet long by 75 wide, and extended from the center to the north-
eastern end of the mound. The northeast and northwest slopes were
the steei:)est. The slope of the mound became more abrupt about 400
feet back from the beach, which the long axis of the mound paralleled.
The crest of the mound was about 650 feet from the beach. The
mound comprised about 2 acres.

The elevation of the mound is given as about 30 feet above high
water in the pamphlet " Santa Barbara As It Is," 1884, p. 64. The
top of the mound in its present graded condition is 24.27 feet above
mean tide level. The contour map gives the elevation as 20 feet above
the flat land in front of the mound toward the beach. The flat land
at the inland base of the mound was approximately 7 feet higher.

Tules formerly grew in the low land west of the mound. North
of the mound, toward Mission Creek, the land was also low and flat.
A lagoon with tules and perennial water fed by the spi'ings extended
from near the beach in front of the mound along the eastern base,
terminating in a sliallow gully near its northern end.

A much smaller and lower mound formerly stood at what is now
the intersection of Chapala Street and West Cabrillo Boulevard and
extended about 125 feet southwest of that intersection, or as some
informants have expressed it, to approximately opposite the north-
east end of the hotel. Its southwest end is shown on the contour
map. Like the Burton Mound, this smaller eminence had its long
axis parallel with the beach. The elevation was only about 8 feet
over the surrounding flat land.

harrinotonl history of burton mound

The Springs of the Burton Mound

There were (and still are, if they were reopened) springs of both
fresh and sulphur water in the vicinity of the mound; 230 feet east

Fig. 2. — Contour map of the Burton Mound, based on a map probably prepared by
J. K. Harrington, C. E., about 1001. Scale: 1 ineh = 184 feet

of the highest part of the mound was a large .spring of fresh water,
shown in Figure 2 between the 2 and 3 foot contours.

Near the base of the northern slope of the mound, between the
5 and 10 foot contours, at the eastern end of the Potter Hotel, were

70 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. ANN. 44

three cold sulphur- water springs, impregnated from the Pleistocene
deposits underlying the mound.

Most interesting of all is the sulphur spring in the beach at the
foot of Chapala Street. Sulphurous fresh water still runs from a
certain spot on the beach there exposed by very low tides. The
former Indians knew of this spring.

The Burton well (see pp. 71-72) had an abundance of very good
water, although only about 200 feet from the sulphur springs where
the bathhouse was. Since most of the wells in the lower part of Santa
Barbara were brackish or sulphurous, people living in the neigh-
borhood used to come to get barrels of water at the Burton well.

There was also a well of fairly good water on the inland side of
the warehouse of the first wharf.

The Grading of the Burton Mound

Fortunately for our understanding of the grading of the Burton
]\Iound, the men who had it in charge are still living and were thor-
oughly interviewed. They are Milo M. Potter, J. M. Carter, and
Marshall Hicks. Jose Ortega and several others furnished minor
information. The grading was done in the years 1901 to 1903. Mr.
Potter gave considerable attention to the correct estimation of detail
in the various parts of the grounds.

The tule swamp east of the mound was filled in largely with earth
hauled from East Haley Street. The fill extended to the region south
of the mound. During the latter part of the work earth was hauled
from the west corner of the grounds, where the level of the soil was
originally nearly 2 feet higher than that of the adjoining streets.
Beach sand was used in part as a filling material under the concrete
walks and drives, since it does not settle or shrink.

Detection of the scraped surfaces gave us little trouble and we had
excellent information as to their extent.

Where the fill was made by scraping loam from the adjacent sur-
face it caused more confusion. But most of the filled-in earth was
from a distance and of a character different from that beneath. Sand
filling presented, of course, no diiliculty.

Excavated Areas

During the season of 1923 test pits were sunk in practically every
part of the Ambassador grounds and of the property of Mr. C. F.
Eaton, adjoining the Ambassador property across Chapala Street
to the east. Our principal finds, however, were made in four locali-
ties only. (See fig. 2.)

(1) Near the south corner of the Help's Hall where we found the
important cache of material buried by Mr. J. jNI. Carter in 1901.

HAKRixGTON] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 71

(2) On the slojie of the southwest end of the mound, in wliat was
known during the hotel period as the pahn grove. Here we ex-
cavated a large area.

(3) Half way down the slope of the southeast side of the mound,
that is, the side of the mound toward the beaeh, in the vicinity of
the central walk which ran from the main entrance of the hotel
to West Cabrillo Boulevard. It lay straight in front of the hotel
entrance, the upper end of the excavations being 85 feet from the
entrance steps. In this occurred rich burial material, disturbed in
places, the burials extending to the bottom of the sharper slope of
the mound and beyond.

(4) At the Charles F. Eaton lot, at the northern corner of Chapala
Street and West Cabrillo Boulevard.

The ForxDATioNs of the Adobe House

The foundations of the adobe house were completely uncovered.
The house was built parallel to the beach, its axis running east-north-
east west-southwest. We discovered the north corner first. The up-
per surface of the foundation at that point was exactly 2 feet below
the surface of the lawn and 21.47 feet above mean tide level. The
earth above the top of the foundation was filled in and was partly
composed of the battered down walls of the building.

The foundations had been formed by digging a trench in the
ground about 3 feet wide and 2 feet deep and this trench was then
filled in with beach boulders of sizes ranging from a few inches, to
a foot or two in diameter. Xo cement of any kind was employed.

The house was 83 feet long by 20 wide, outside measurements. In

uncovering the foundation we found a few pieces of loof tile and floor

tile.

The Old Burton Well

The old Burton well was situated some 32 feet beachward from the
northeast end of the adolie house and was for many years the only
source of good drinking water in that neighborhood. Its water was
not sulphurous to the slightest degree and its total depth is said to
have been some 25 feet.

It was surmounted in the nineties, and proliably earlier as well, by
a box of 2-inch pine boards which stood about 3 feet from the surface
of the ground and completely hid the construction of tlie well from
view, since a Dayton pump had been placed on top and there was no
way to look into the well.

The curbing found in the ground was square and was about a yard
tall and exactly a yard across each way. Inside of the four corners
was a vertical post, also of pine. The two bottom planks were
laid flat all around, but the other planks, forming the sides of the

72 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOITND

I RTH. ANN. 44

curbing, were all on edge. This curbing luul its northern and west-
ern sides injured in the early excavation, but the other sides remain
whole, and were removed from their position and laid on the surface
of the lawn without breakage. The nails used in the construction of
this curbing were partly of the wire variety, and partly old-fashioned
square nails.

Below the curbing the shaft of the well is round and averages some
46 inches in diameter. We excavated this shaft to a depth of lOy^
feet, but were forced to cease operations because of the entering of
water, which in a day or two had filled the bottom of the hole to a
deijth of 3 feet. It is remarkable that the water I'ose to so high a level
at this elevated position on tlie mound, and the watering of the sur-
rounding lawn evidently contributes only partially to this flow, if at
all. The water was perfectly good and sweet and was free from any
taste or odor resembling sulphur. The well is only about 200 feet
from the sulphur springs and apparently is supplied with water from
the same formation.

DESCRIPTIOX OF THE ARTIFACTS

The objects taken from the mound have, at the suggestion of Mr.
George G. Heye, been classified according to the material of which
they are made, thus conforming with the presentation in his recent
paper on the San Miguel Island expedition of the Museum of the
American Indian.'"

Generally speaking, the artifacts had the appearance of being old
and long subjected to the havoc of soil and water. Their long history
in the ground had been climaxed in more recent times in several of
the areas by lying under a well-watered lawn or garden for a period
of 20 years. And many of them had patently been broken or dam-
aged before being placed in the graves. We saved everything that
was taken from the excavation and time and ingenuity has been used
in piecing some of the broken objects together.

Stone, shell, bone, and wood have in this mound resisted the chem-
ical action of the soil with success, decreasing in the order in which
they are named. It was not uncommon to find shell beads reduced
to chalky softness, and even sandstone fragments were met with in
disintegrated condition.

Objects of Stone

flat-rimmed bowls of sandstone

Flat-rimmed bowls of sandstone with comparatively thin and even
walls and flat or somewhat flattish bottom form a definite type. The

IS Hoye, George G. Certain .Artifacts from San Miguel Island. California, Indian Notes
and Monographs, Vol. 7, no. -1. New Yorli, lOlil.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 73

edffes of the rims are sometimes beveled or rounded. These bowls
are of handsome type and would neither have stood heavy pounding
or use over a fire. The size is comparatively large. Some bowls of
soapstone evidently belong to this same type of vessel.

Entire bowl of gi'ay .sandstone, gritty and friable, 301.6 mm. diameter, 158.7
mm. liisli. Concavity 107.9 mm. diameter. Tbe bowl has a nicely squared rim
varying in width from 20.6 mm. to 38.1 mm. The surface of the concavity has
no bevel where it joins the rim, but there is a 9.5 mm. bevel of the outside
surface forming a somewhat acute angle with the rim. The rim slopes down-
ward to the outside. The bottom is rounded. (PI. 3, 6.)

Fragment of mortar of hard gray .sandstone, 320.6 mm. diameter, 153.9 mm.
high. Rim uniformly 125.4 mm. wide. The rim has a double bevel on its
inner and outer edges about 1!) mm. in thickness. The concavity of the frag-
ment is S8.9 mm. diameter. The bottom is i^eclied i>erfectly flat and measures
101.6 mm. across. The fragment is that of a beautifully made bowl and
represents nearly half of the original. (PI. 3, a.)

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, smooth textured. Found in two
halves. The left half is more brownish gray than the other half, 214.3 mm.
diameter, 133.3 mm. high. Rim nicely squared, 12.7 mm. wide, .slightly concave
in the brownish half of the bowl. The concavity is 92 mm. diameter. The
bottom is quite flat and has a diameter of 117.4 mm.

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, 270.2 mm. diameter, 174.6 mm.
high. The rim is nicely squared and varies in width from 22.2 mm. to 25.4 mm.
There are conspicuous flecks of asphalt on the rim, but not elsewhere on the
bowl, suggesting that there may have been inlay work on the rim. The
surface of the concavity has no bevel where it joins the rim. hut the outside
has a bevel 12.7 mm. wide and forming an acute angle with the rim. The
concavity is 117.4 mm. diameter. The bottom is flatfish and about 107.9 mm.
107.9 ram. diameter.

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, 231.7 mm. diameter, 158.7 mm. high.
The rim is nicely squared and is 25.4 mm. in width. The concavity shows
much use and is 112.7 mm. diameter. The bottom is flattish and measures
107.9 mm. diameter.

Entire bowl of gray sandstone, brownish gray in places, rather fine textured,
417.5 mm. diameter, 295.2 mm. high. Rim nicely squared and varies in width
from 19 to 26.9 mm. The surface of the concavity is not beveled where it
meets the rim but the outer surface has a bevel 15.8 mm. wide at the rim,
which curves gracefully into the contour of the sides of the bowl. The con-
cavity is 244.4 mm. diameter. The bottom is somewhat flattish but curves
into the sides of the bowl. A stain, as if from iron rust, is seen on the left
part of the outer surface.

Entire bowl of grayish .sandstone, hard and smooth textured, 295.2 mm.
diameter, 155.5 mm. high. Rim squared, 34.9 mm. wide, and without bevel.
The concavity is 120.6 mm. diameter. The bottom is quite flat and measures
about 177.8 mm. diameter.

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, 368.3 mm. diameter, 222.2 mm. high.
The rim is nicely squared and varies in width from 34.9 to 38.1 mm. The
surface of the concavity is beveled off a trifle where it meets with the rim.
The concavity is 177.8 mm. diameter. The bottom is somewhat flat, about 177.8
mm. diameter, hut rounds off gradually into the sides of the bowl. (PI. 3, c.)

Entire bowl of very coarse gray sandstone ; the small pebbles contained in
the stone can be seen in the photograph ; 482.6 mm. diameter, 298.4 mm. high.
55231°— 28 6

74 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN. 44

The rim is sqiiared niul varies in widtli from 31.7 to 3S.1 mm. Tlie insirte wall
meets the rim without bevel. The outside wall has 15.8 mm. width bevel, form-
ing an acute angle with the rim. The concavity is 244.4 mm. diameter, indicat-
ing that the bottom of the bowl is 53.9 mm. thick. The bottom is flat and
about 209.5 mm. diameter, there being a rather definite line of demarcation
where the bottom joins the sides. (PI. 3, e.)

Fragment of hard gray sandstone bowl foimd in four pieces. The fragment
measures 69S.5 mm. diameter and sits 273 mm. high, this being the original
height. The rim is squared with great precision and is 41.2 mm. wide. The
edges where tlie rim meets inside and outside walls bulge for a space of about
6.3 mm. The concavity is estimated to have been 203.2 mm. diameter. The
bottom is rounded. Enough of the specimen remains for a complete reconstruc-
tion of the bowl.

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, fine textured ; 333.3 mm. diameter.
180.9 mm. high. The rim is nicely squared and varies in width from 25.4 to
28.5 mm. The inside surface is beveled off a little where it meets the rim.
The outside surface lias a bevel 12.7 mm. wide forming an acute angle with the
rim. The cancavity is 133.3 mm. diameter. The bottom is fiattish.

BOWLS OF SANDSTONE WITH GROOVED RIM

Entire bowl of gi'ay sandstone. 463.5 mm. diameter at the rim, 222.2 mm.
high. The rim is squared without bevel and 28.5 mm. wide. A groove averaging
9.5 mm. wide and 4.7 mm. diameter run.? around the center of the rim. There
is no trace of asphalt in the groove, although the purpose of the groove may
have been to hold inlay work. The concavity is rounding and 180.9 mm. diam-
eter. The bottom is flat and is 317.5 mm. diameter. The bottom forms a well
defined angle with the sides. (PI. 3, f.)

Fragment of bowl of greenish gray, fine textured, but somewhat friable sand-
stone, 200 mm. diameter, 127 mm. high. The rim is squared, 17.4 mm. wide,
and there was a groove 3.1 mm. wide and 1.5 mm. diameter at the center of
the rim. The rim is at present in a worn and to some extent fractured con-
dition. The concavity is 100 mm. diameter. Less than a third of the bowl is
missing. (PI. 4, a.)

MORTARS

Several of the mortars recovered were merely beach bowlders with
the outside unshaped, or stones whose surfaces consisted more or less
of fractures, that appearing to have been the original condition, or
with sometimes a rough corner or projection pecked away to carry
out the idea of making the vessel shapely.

Entire bowl of gray sandstone, hard and fine textured. 139.7 mm. diameter,
120.6 mm. high. The rim is rounded, but forms quite a sharp curve where it
meets the inside wall. Concavity 93.6 mm. diameter. The bottom is completely
rounded. (PI. 4. f.)

Mortar of coarse .gray sandstone, 184.1 mm. diameter, 158.7 mm. high. Con-
cavity 88.9 mm. diameter. The lip is rounded. The bottom is flat. The
fragment represents one-third of the entire bowl. (PI. 4. 6.)

Entire bowl of bright green stone mottled with whitish flecks ; 76.2 mm. diam-
eter, 47.6 mm. high. Rim rounded. Concavity 31.7 mm. diameter. Bottom
neatly rounded.

Fragment consisting of about one-half of a metate of coarse gray sandstone.
The fragment is 215.9 mm. long, 165.1 mm. wide, at the end which is intact.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 3

a-e, FLAT- RIM MED BOWLS OF SANDSTONE, f, SANDSTONE BOWL
WITH GROOVED RIM

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 4

a. SANDSTONE BOWL WITH GROOVED RIM. b-f, MORTARS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 5

MORTARS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATES

MORTARS

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 75

317.5 mm. wido nt the fracture, and 107.9 mm. high. The concavity is 50.S mm.
deep and 177.8 mm. diameter, the fracture traversing probably its maximum
deiith. The edges are rounded and the bottom is the original surface of the
rwk. (PI. 6, a.)

Entire mortar of somewhat friable gray sandstone. 180.9 mm. diameter,
107.9 mm. high. The outside meets the concavity, forming quite a sharp edge.
The concavity is 53.9 mm. diameter. Tlie bottom is rounded, there being no
flat portion. Although the two halves were found in the same pit they differ
considerably in color, one lialf being mucli darker than the other.

Fragment consisting of perhaps one-half of an oblong-.shaped bowl of huffish
gray sandstone, somewhat friable. 1S4.1 mm. long, 161.9 mm. wide, 120.6 mm.
high. The concavity is 114.3 mm. long in the present fractured condition of
the specimen, 98.4 mm. wide. 69.8 mm. diameter. The rim was evidently tiattish,
but there is a long fracture off the lower edge of tlie rim. The bottom is flat
and about 120.6 mm. wide, but rounds gradually into the sides.

Entire bowl of light greenish gray sandstone, fine textured ; 209.5 mm.
diameter, 114.3 mm. high. The rim is rounded. The concavity is 103.1 mm.
diameter. The bottom is quite flat and its extent is well defined, it being
about 123.8 mm. diameter. There is a fracture off nearly half of the rim. The
bottom has been knocked out. leaving a hole 42.8 mm. diameter, with edges only
14.2 mm. thick. The thinness of the bottom would indicate in the case of this
specimen at least that it may have been broken through by use.

Fragmentary mortar of hard gray sandstone. The fragment measures 180.9
mm. diameter and siits 114.3 mm. high, which is the original height. The rim
is rounded but remains intact only in places. The concavity is 93.6 mm.
diameter. About one-third of the mortar is brolien away, the break being old
and encrusted as is the rest of the specimen.

Fragment of mortar of very eoar.se. friable buff gray sandstone. The frag-
ment is 168.2 mm. diameter, 1.S3.3 mm. high. The concavity is 61.9 mm.
diameter. Little if any of the rim remans intact but it was doubtless
rounded.

Entire mortar of hard gray sandstone, smooth textured ; 228.6 mm. diameter,
95.2 high. The rim is rounded, and there is a rim fracture extending a quarter
of the circumference, the missing fragment having been found and stuck in
place. The concavity is 79.3 mm. diameter. A hole 38.1 mm. in diameter has
been knocked out of the bottom, the thickness of the bottom being only 15.8
mm. The cleavage slants from the inside edge of the hole outward, indicating
that the hole was produced by a blow from the inside, probably in the course of
use. (PI. 4. e.)

Fragmentary mortar of gray sandstone with a somewhat greenish caste,
rather soft and friable ; 3.55.6 mm. diaiheter, 163.5 mm. high. Enough of the
bottom is left to determine the original height. The rim is rather sharply
rounded and is more or le.ss intact. The concavity is 96.8 mm. diameter. The
hole in the bottom is 158.7 mm. long and 82.5 mm. wide, and the thickness of
the bottom is 68.2 mm. The bottom is rounded uniformly and evidently
contains no flat area.

Entire mortar of light gray sandstone. The stone is very sandy in content
hut not friable. 247.6 mm. long, 227 mm. wide. 69.8 mm. high. The edges are
very irregular but are natural, except at the most acute corner, which has been
pecked. The rim is broad and flat. The concavity is at the center of the top
surface and measures 107.9 mm. diameter and only 22.2 mm. deep. The bottom
is somewhat flat and is the original surface. Although this .specimen was
possibly used as a hopper mortar, there is no proof that it was in the shape of
asphalt adhering to the rim. (PI. 5, 6.)

76 EXPLOKATION OF BXTRTON MOUND [eth. ANN. 44

Entire mortar of frniy siiiidstoiie cdntaininij larf,'e pebbles of conglomerate
material and small white shells, 874.0 nnn. lonsr. 336.5 mm. wide, 127 mm. tall.
Rim flat and broad. The concavity is 196.8 mm. diameter and 95.2 nnn. deep.
The hole in the bottom is onl.v 34.9 mm. diameter and the bottom is 31.7 mm.
thick. The fracture suggests that the hole was broken from the Inside, prob-
ably in the course of use. The edges are old fractures, worn smooth. The
bottom is flat and rough. (PI. 5, c.)

Entire mortar of very coarse sandstone of yellow ochre color. The stone
contains coarse gravel ; 200 mm. diameter, 79.3 mm. high. Rim rounded and
shows in its present condition no trace of asphalt, although the specimen is
surely a hopper mortar. The concavity is 26.9 mm. diameter. Edges rounded.
The entire bottom is rounding. (PI. 7, f.)

Entire mortar of brownish gi"ay sandstone, rather coaree and friable ; 184.1
mm. diameter, 98.4 mm. high. Tlie rim is rounded, but shows in its present
condition no trace of asphalt, although the specimen is surely a hopijer mortar.
The edges are rounded, as is als<j the bottom. There is one large chip broken
off tlie edge.

Entire mortar of brownish gray, very coarse and friable sandstone. This
mortar is almost spherical in shape, 239.7 mm. diameter, 155.5 mm. high. The
rim is rounded and shows no trace of asphalt. The concavity is 133.3 mm.
diameter and 47.6 mm. deep. The sides and bottom are rounded, apparently
without peeking. (PI. 4, c. )

Entire mortar consisting of a beach bowlder full of sennila borings. 234.9
mm. diameter, 123.8 mm. high. The concavity is 76.2 mm. deep. (PI. 4, d.)

Fragment of a metate of greenish gray sandstone, rather coarse ; 612.7 mm.
long, fragment 196.8 mm. wide, 95.2 mm. high. Rim rounded. Concavity 47.6
mm. diameter. One side of the metate is missing.

Fragment of bowl of brownish gray sandstone which is much disintergrated
and appears to have been through fire. The fragment is 234.9 mm. long,
180.9 mm. wide ; 177.8 mm. of roumling rim are intact. The other edges
consists of old fractures. The bowl had an original height of 177.8 mm. A
little of the old bottom is intact and is 44.4 mm. thick.

Entire metate of gray sandstone, somewhat triangular in sliape; 479.4 mm.
long, 336.5 mm. wide, 177.8 mm. high. The rim is somewhat flat. The
concavity is 330.2 mm. diameter and 79.3 mm. deep. The outer edges are
irregular, the bottom flat. Donated by Mrs. West-Bates. Obtained from Bur-
ton Mound in 1901. (PI. 6, c.)

Entire metate of gray sandstone, somewhat oblong in shape. 485.7 mm. long,
336.5 mm. wide, 177.8 mm. high. Rim rounded. Concavity 122.2 mm. diameter.
A hole broken in the bottom measures 88.9 mm. by 49.2 mm. Outer etlges
rounded, bottom flat. Donated by Mrs. West-Bates. Obtained from Burton
Mound in 1901. (PI. 6, e.)

Entire bowl of gray sandstone, round in shape ; 393.7 mm. diameter, 180.9 mm.
high. The rim is rounded, forming a sharp curve where the concavity begins.
The concavity is 222.2 mm. diameter and 88.9 mm. deep. The outer edge
is neatly rounded, as is the bottom. Donated by Mrs. West-Bates. Obtained
from Burton Mound in 1901. (PI. 5, a.)

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, hard and tine textured ; 209.5 mm.
diameter, 158.7 mm. high. The rim is rounded but is quite rough and irregular
in shape in its present condition. The concavity is 120.6 mm. deep. The bottom
is neatly rounded with a natural depression 57.1 mm. diameter at one side.
Purchased from Mr. Jose Ortega, who obtained it from the Burton Mound in
1901.

HAnRiNGTOX] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 77

Entire mortar of greenish gray sandstone, somewhat friable; 333.3 mm. long,
l'.l3.ti mm. high. The rim is squared and varies from 22.2 mm. to I'J mm. in
\yidth. The concavity is 14U.2 mm. diameter and has a liole at its base 114.3
by S8.9 mm. The thickness of the bottom is 34.0 mm. The outside and bottom
are rounded. This bowl was discovered by Mr. Charles T. Hall, inverted on
the beach at low tide at the foot of Bath Street, south of the Burton Mound, in
1871.

HOPPER MORTARS

A rin": of asphalt or traces of such a rinjz: adlierinp to the rim of
several mortars proved that such vessels had been augmented by a
basketry rim. Such mortars varied fi'om mere slabs to deeply worn
bowls.

Entire hopper mortar of buff colored and hard sandstone, 247.6 mm. greater
diameter, 204.7 mm. lesser diameter, 69.8 mm. high. The mortar consists of a
slab, the edge of which is very roughly rounded. The top s.urfaee is not cupped
at all but shows a band of asphalt averaging 50.S mm. in width around
its edge, which was used for sticking the basketry rim to the stone. The as-
phalt that remains is as much as 7.9 mm. thick in places. The bottom is the
former surface of the boulder and most of its surface is flecked over with
asphalt. (PI. 7, e.)

Entire hopper mortar of gray sandstone, 187.3 mm. diameter, 98.4 mm. high.
Concavity of the upper surface is only 7.9 mm. diameter and a band of asphalt
averaging 44.4 mm. in width runs around its periphery. The edge of the mor-
tar consists of four major cleavages. The bottom is flat and half of it has
been pecked to its present shape, while the other half is the original surface of
the rock. (PI. 7, c.)

Entire hopper mortar of gray sandstone, somewhat friable ; 282.5 mm. long,
212.7 mm. wide, 111.1 mm. high. The rim is flattish and shows only patches
and stains of the asphalt which formerly adhered. The concavity is 180.9
mm. long, 165.1 mm. wide, and only 17.4 mm. diameter, and .shows pecking on
its walls, which would indicate that the specimen had not been used much for
pounding. The outside edges are naturally squared, being pecked into shape
only in a place or two. The bottom is very flat, consisting of the original
surface.

Entire hopper mortar of gray and somewhat friable sandstone ; 273 mm.
diameter, 139.7 mm. high. The rim is rounded and a band of asphalt adheres
to it in places varying in width from 22.2 mm. to 25.4 mm. The concavit.v is
only 15.8 mm. diameter. The outer sides and bottom are rounded and consists
of the original surface.

Entire hopper mortar of very green-colored fine-textured sandstone; 288.9
mm. diameter, 95.2 mm. high. The rim is flattish. The concavity is 190.5 mm.
diameter and only 36.5 mm. deep. Flecks of a.sphalt on the surface of the
rim indicate the former use of the specimen as a hopper mortar. The edges
are roughly rounded in places by pecking. The bottom is flat and consists of
the old surface.

Entire hopper mortar of somewhat greenish gray sandstone, somewhat
friable ; 241.3 mm. long, 190.5 mm. wide, 95.2 mm. high. The rim is rounded
and there adheres to it a band of asphalt averaging perhaps 25.4 mm. in
width. The concavity is 30.1 mm. diameter. The edges are rounded at places
with the help of pecking. The bottom is somewhat flat, (PI. 7, a.)

78 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth, ann. 44

Entire hopper mortar of Imft" sandstone with somewliat greenish caste, rather
friable ; 32().G mm. km};, 202.1 mm. wide, 130.1 nnn. high. The rim is intended
to be somewhat flat. The concavity is 244.4 mm. diameter and 49.2 mm. tleep.
There are stains of asphalt for the attachment of the basket hopper all along
tlie rim. The edges are rounded, the bottom flat.

Entire hopper mortar of coarse greenish sandstone; 215.0 mm. diameter,
123.S mm. hiph. Rim rounded with asphalt almost everywhere adhering. The
concavity is 22.2 mm. diameter. The edges are rounded, the bottom is peeked
flat.

Entire hopper mortar of very coarse and friable .sn'eenish gray sandstone;
244.4 mm. diameter, 139.7 mm. liigh. The rim is intended to be flattish and
has sparse flecks of asphalt adhering. The edges are rounded, the bottom
flat.

Entire hopper mortar of somewhat dark buff colored sandstone, not friable;
285.7 mm. diametei', 153.9 mm. liigh. The rim is flattish, and has abundant
traces of asphalt The concavity is 215.9 mm. diameter and 55.5 mm. deep.
The edges are rounded, the bottom is flat.

Entire hopper mortar of light gi-ay sandstone ; 215.9 mm. diameter, 95.2 mm.
high. Edge rounded with traces of asplialt which show in part the exact posi-
tion of the lower edge of the basket by a bare streak between two bands of
asphalt. The concavity is only 22.2 mm. diameter. The edges are rounded,
the bottom is also somewhat rounded. (PI. 7, 6.)

Entire hopper mortar of brownish gray sandstone, fine textured and hard ;
295.2 mm. long, 127 mm. high. The rim is pecked flat in places, in otlier places
rounded. It is much blackened from former asphalt and there are traces from
the asphalt far down the sides of the mortar. The concavity is 58.7 mm.
diameter. The edges are rounded, the txjttom somewhat rounded. (PI. 7, d.)

Entire hopper mortar of Imff gray sanstone, very friable and coarse; 247.6
mm. diameter, 133.3 mm. high. Rim flattish and traces of asphalt remain in
two places. Concavity 31.7 mm. diameter. Tlie concavity has a ring of dis-
coloration as if some li(]uid had at some time stained the inner surface. The
outer edge is rounded and shows two straight fractures. The bottom is
rounded.

Somewhat fragmentary hopper mortar of gray sandstone with brownish cast
in places, friable and very coarse ; 260.3 mm. diameter, 120.6 mm. high. The
rim was evidently originally squared, but has been broken away for the most
part. In one section, 171.4 mm. long, asphalt still adheres, suggesting the u.se
of this specimen as a hopper mortar. The concavity is 93.(5 mm. diameter, and
at its bottom a hole has been broken out 66.6 mm. diameter. The outside and
bottom of the specimen are rounded. The specimen was found in two halves.

Fragmentary mortar of greenish gray sandstone, somewhat friable, probably
a portion of a former bowl of larger size which has been used secondarily as a
hopper mortar, as indicated by the aspahlt adhering to the rim ; 222.2 mm.
long, 200 mm. wide, 165.1 mm. high. The concavity is 57.1 mm. diameter.
The longest edge consists in part of the old rim, all other edges are fractures.
The cornere of the e<lges have been lacked away somewhat and asphalt has
been applied around the periphery of the concavity for the attachment of a
basket.

Fragment of a hopper mortar, consisting of more than half the original
mortar. Greenish gray sandstone, somewhat friable, 244.4 mm. diameter, 79.3
mm. high. Rim squared with abundant traces of asphalt, which extends to the
concavity and to the outside of the specimen. The concavity is 50.8 mm.
diameter. Edges rounded, bottom somewhat flat.

HABEiNGTO.N] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 79

PESTLES

Ninety per cent of the nnnierons pestles taken are of sandstone,
such as is picked up in the adjacent beach. The rest are andesite or
other igneous rock. There is one pestle of scoria or porous lava.

Many of the cruder pestles were e\'idently picked up in partly
shaped condition and a little pecking produced the desired form.
Others were entirely unshaped and their use as pestles could be
detected only by the abrasion of the end or ends.

A number of short, chunky pestles contrast sharply, for instance,
with the very long and nicely shaped pestles which would hardly
have stood heavy use.

Several pestles had been broken and reused ; others had been broken
and mended by la.shing the parts together, with asphalt as binding
material.

One of the most curious plays of chance in connection with our
excavations of the mound was that we did not happen to encounter
any of the elliptical manos or sandstones so common at the adjacent
sites along the coast and in tlie mountains.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone with mottled texture; 149.2 mm. long.
63.5 mm. diameter, 57.1 mm. diameter at the top. The butt bulges 15.8 mm.

Entire pestle of greenish gra.v sandstone, 171.4 mm. long. 57.1 mm. diameter.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone ; no marks of i)ecking ; 130.1 mm. long, 57.1
mm. wide, 38.1 mm. thick.

Entire pestle of greenish gray sandstone ; no marks of pecking ; 147.6 mm.
long. 76.2 mm. wide, 50.8 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of pestie of black scoria, the only specimen of this material
in the collection. The body of the pestle is somewhat bent. 152.4 mm. long,
73 mm. diameter. The bulge of the butt is 22.2 mm. The butt shows signs
of much use.

Butt fragment of nicely made pestle of very hard sandstone, olive green cast;
134.9 mm. long, 57.1 mm. diameter. Bulges of butt 9.5 mm. Very symmetrical.

Entire pestle of creamy gray sandstone; both ends bulging; 98.4 mm. long,
63.5 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt 15.8 mm., bulge of top 12.7 mm.

Entire pestle of gray .stone, 161.9 mm. long, 76.2 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt
12.7 mm.

Tip fragment of pestle of gray sandstone ; 161.9 mm. long, 60.3 mm. diameter.
It is difficult to estimate the original length of the siiecimen.

Butt fragment of pestle of gray sandstone ; 142.8 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diameter.
The bulge of the butt is 15.8 mm. The fracture is coated heavily with asphalt
as if it had been mended by the Indians.

Tip fragment of pestle of gray sandstone, elliptical in section ; 168.2 mm. long,
76.2 wide. 57.1 mm. thick. The sides are the original surface, the edges are
pecked rounding.

Entire pe.stle of gray stone, squarish in section, crudely shaped ; 192 mm.
long. 57.1 mm. wide, 50.8 mm. thick. Bulge of butt 12.7 mm.

Tip fragment of pestle of gray sandstone ; 127 mm. long. 50.8 mm. diameter.

Butt fragment of pestle of gray sandstone ; 158.7 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 15.8 mm.

80 EXPLOEATION OF BURTON MOUND [isth. ann. 44

Tip fnisnipnt of pestle of gray sandstone, rather coarse textured: 136.5 mm.
long, 53.9 mm. diameter.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, smooth textured ; 155.5 mm. long. 47.6 mm.
diameter. Part of the original butt and also part of the original tip are
intact.

Entire pestle of buff gray sandstone, 101.6 mm. long, 57.1 mm. diameter.
Tip bulges 15.8 mm.

Entire pestle of yellow ochre colored sandstone, rather coarse-textured but
hard ; 190.5 mm. long, 66.6 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt 12.7 mm. This is the
most pronouncedly curved pestle in the collection.

Entire pestle of greenish gray smooth textured sandstone ; 150.8 mm. long,
39.6 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt, 12.7 mm.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, 390.5 mm. long, 66.6 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt, 23.8 mm. The tip is enlarged at the end, having a diameter of
36.5 mm.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, rather limy in texture and friable ; 676.2
mm. long, 44.4 mm. diameter at the butt, 55.5 mm. diameter at the center, 33.3
mm. diameter at a distance of 38.1 mm. from the tip. at which distance the
tapering of the tip starts. Bulge of butt, 12.7 mm. One side of the tip is
brolcen off, slanting with a fracture 31.7 mm. long, but enough of the tip remains
to show that it was rounding and quite sharp. The specimen was found
broken in two, the break being 263.5 mm. from the butt. This rather remark-
able specimen is by far the longest jiestle recovered from Burton Mound and
is so slender that it can not have been put to any violent use in pounding.
(Pi. 8, ft.)

Entire pestle of gray sandstone ; 174.6 mm. long, 50.8 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt 14.2 mm. The extremity of the tip is enlarged and measures 31.7 mm.
diameter. Neatly made.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, smooth textured ; 498.4 mm. long, 63.5 mm.
diameter. Bulge of butt 9.5 mm. There is a feriiile 39.6 mm. diameter and
15.8 mm. wide. 44.4 mm. from the extreme tip. A comiianion specimen to that
next described below. (PI. 8, i.)

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, smooth textured ; 495.3 nun. long, 69.8 mm.
diameter. Bulge of butt 9.5 mm. There is a grooved ferrule 44.4 mm. diameter
and 25.4 mm. wide, 26.9 mm. from the extreme tip. (PI. 8, fc. )

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, 247.6 mm. long. 60.3 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt 12.7 mm. (PI. 8, c.)

Entire pestle of friable gray sandstone; 133.3 mm. long, 57.1 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 15.8 mm.

Butt fragment of pestle of greenish gray sandstone, 88.9 mm. long, 57.1 mm.
diameter. Bulge of butt 12.7 mm. The surface of the pestle extending from the
tip fracture 31.7 mm. is coated with a.^phalt which bears the imprint of per-
pendicular splints (if some sort, evidently from a former mending of the speci-
men. There are 66 of these depressions in the asphalt.

Butt fragment of gray sandstone pestle. 76.2 mm. long, 38.1 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 7.9 mm.

Butt fragment of brownish gray sandstone pestle, 100 mm. long, 41.2 mm.
diameter. Bulge of butt 11.1 mm. The rever.se surface is a fracture.

Butt fragment of greenish gray sandst<me iiestle, 92 mm. long. 63.5 mm. diam-
eter. Bulge of butt 9.5 mm. The reverse side is a flat cleavage. (PI. 8. f. )

Entire pestle of greenish gray sandstone, hard textured. The pestle is beau-
tifully made and has a polished surface 203.2 mm. long, 61.9 mm. diameter.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 7

HOPPER MORTARS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 8

PESTLES

HAHRINGTON] DESCKIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 81

Bulge of butt 12.7 mm. The surface of the tip and adjacent sides for a space of
.';onie 63.5 mm. fiMm the tip are stained with asphalt and present a blackened
and polished surface. (PI. 8, d.)

Entire pestle of greenish gray sandstone, smooth textured, 15S.7 mm. long.
Elliptical in .section 31.7 mm. wide, 25.4 mm. thick. Both obverse and reverse
sides are flat near the butt. Bulge of butt 9.5 mm.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, smooth textured and hard, 441.3 mm. long,
71.4 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt 9.5 mm. A little of the old surface of the
rock shows on the obverse near the butt. (PI. 8, I.)

Entire pestle of greenish gray sandstone, fine textured and hard, 384.1 mm.
long, 63.5 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt 11.1 mm. Symmetrical and smooth
surface. (PI. 8, m.)

Entire pestle of gray and limy sandstone. 320.6 mm. long. 53.9 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 9.5 mm. A sharper taper starts 114.3 mm. from the tip and the
tip i.s squared and 25.4 mm. diameter. There is a chip off the surface adjacent
to the butt. (PI. 8, a.)

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, 146 mm. long, 85.7 mm. diameter, 50.8 mm.
diameter near the tip. Bulge of butt 6.3 mm.

Tip fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 120.6 mm. long, 69.S mm. diameter.

Entire gray sandstone pestle, 127 mm. long, 61.9 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt
12.7 mm.

Entire gi-ay sandstone pestle, 120.6 mm. long, 53.9 mm. diameter. Bulge of
butt 12.7 mm.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone with olive green cast, exhibiting very inter-
esting pecking because of its coarseness ; 349.2 mm. long, 69.8 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 25.4 mm. The butt is rounded but neither butt nor tip shows
the slightest abrasion, but have just the same surface as elsewhere on the pestle.
Evidently the specimen has never been used.

Butt fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 227 mm. long, 107.9 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 12.7 mm.

Central fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 92 mm. long. 95.2 mm. diameter.
The material of this pestle matches that of the one last described above, but
the fragment does not fit on the other fragment.

Median fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 190.5 mm. long, 90.4 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt about 25.4 mm.

Entire yellowish sandstone pestle, 222.2 mm. long, 73 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt 12.7 mm. There is a sliallow groove around the specimen 25.4 mm. from
the extreme tij). forming a sort of neck. (PI. 8, 6.)

Butt fragment of yellowish sandstone pestle, 198.4 mm. long, 82.5 mm. diam-
eter. Bulge of butt 25.4 mm. (PI. 8, ff.)

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, 201.6 nnu. long, 42.8 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt 4. 7 mm. (PI. 8, m.)

Butt fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 165.1 mm. long. 60.3 mm. wide, 41.2
mm. tliick. Obverse an reverse flat and evidently the original surface. The
butt bulges 6.3 mm. (PI. 8. e.)

Entire pestle of gi"ay standstone, 149.2 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt 19 mm., bulge of tip 15.8 mm. Both butt and tip show signs of use
for pounding.

Central fragment of gray pestle, 63.5 mm. long, 58.7 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 107.9 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diameter.

Central fragment of gray sandstone j)estle, 53.9 mm. long, 53.9 mm. diameter.

82 EXPLOKATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. ann. 44

Butt fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 114.3 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 9.5 mm.

Tip fragment of gray .sandstone pestle, 53.9 mm. long, 44.4 mm. diameter.

Butt and median fragment of gray .sandstone pestle, 131.7 mm. long, 50.8 mm.
diameter. Bulge of butt 9.5 mm. The reverse is a fracture.

Butt fragment of gray sandstone jwstle, 133.3 mm. long, 60.3 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 17.4 mm.

Tip fragment of yellowish coarse sandstone pestle, 165.1 mm. long, 47.6 mm.
diameter. A sharper taper starts 63.5 mm. from the tip.

Central fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 196.8 mm. long, 76.2 mm. diameter.
The butt is an old break, encrusted with earth, has no bulge and shows no use.

Tip fragment of yellowish sandstone pestle, 190.5 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diameter.

Butt fragment of greenish gray sandstone pestle, fine textured and hard ;
139.7 mm. long, 57.1 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt 14.2 mm. Purchased from
Mr. Jose Ortega. Obtained by him from Burton Mound in 1901.

Entire iiestle of gray sandstone, 119 mm. long, 53.9 mm. diameter. Bulge of
butt 12.7 mm. Some of the original tip end is still intact and shows asphalt
stains on its sui'face. There is a large chip off the tip which extends 44.4 mm.
down the side. Purchased from Mr. Jose Ortega. Obtained by him from
Burton Mound in 1901.

Entire pestle of greenish gray sandstone, 146 mm. long, 53.9 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 12.7 mm. Thin surface scales are chipped off the butt. Pur-
chased from Mr. .lose Ortega. Obtained by him from Burton Mound in 1901.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, somewhat friable, unique in shape since
both ends are the same size and have equal bulge. At double ended pestle
consisting of a straight shaft of stone, 252.4 mm. long, 74.6 mm. diameter.
Bulge of the butts 12.7 mm. Purchased from Mr. Jose Ortega. Obtained by
him from Burton Mound in 1901.

LIMESTONE DISHES

The considerable number of dishes or cups made by pecking out a
roundish concavity in a shib or chunk of soft whitish limestone is
probably to be explained by the occurrence of this nutterial near at
hand. Just what the vessels were used for is a matter of conjecture,
none of them containing paint or other material, or even a stain.
Several of them had not been used at all. judging from the fresh-
looking pecking of their hollows. Their holding capacity is small.
The stone is too soft to make the vessel of use for grinding, pounding,
or even mashing. One of the specimens has a concavity on both
sides.

Dish of yellowish limestone, 85.7 mm. long, 76.2 mm. wide, 44.4 mm. thick.
The concavity is 38.1 mm diameter, 76.2 mm. deep. Edges rounded except at
one end which is a square fracture.

Dish of whitish, soft limestone, 152.4 mm. long, 95.2 mm. wide, 53.9 mm.
thick. Concavity 76.2 mm. diameter, 12.7 mm deep. Edges rounded except
one broken side.

Dish of cream-colored limestone, ver.v light in weight. 215.9 mm. diameter.
179.3 mm. wide, 66.6 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Concavity 76.2 mm. diameter,
17.4 mm. deep. The concavity is worn very smooth from use.

H.UiRiNGTON] DESCRIPTIOX OF THE ARTIFACTS 83

Dish of gray limestone, 152.4 mm. lung, 117.4 mm. wide, 41.2 mm. thick. C(in-
cavity 76.2 mm. diameter, only 9.5 mm. deep. (PI. 9, 6.)

Dish of cream-colored limestone, darker in layers; 92 mm. long, 79.3 mm.
wide, 44.4 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The concavity is 50.S mm. diameter and
14.2 mm. deep. The concavity shows peckings.

Dish of cream-colored light-weight limestone. 123.8 mm. l<mg, 95.2 mm. wide,
50.8 mm. thick. Edges .squared from old fractui-es. Concavity 2.5.4 mm. diam-
eter, 7.9 mm. deep, and has the appearance of having been bored with a blunt
I)oint.

Dish of cream-colored limestone, very soft; 142.8 mm. long, 127 mm. wide, 63.5
mm. thick. Edges rounded with exception of the longest edge, which is a
squared fracture. This sp*'cimen is peculiar in that it has a concavity on both
sides. The concavity on the obverse, shown in the photograph, measures 69.8
mm. diameter and 23.S mm. deep. The reveree concavity is 69.8 mm. diameter
and 14.2 mm. deep. (PI. 9, a.)

Dish of cream-colored limestone, very soft and light in weight ; 155.5 mm.
long, 136.5 mm. wide, 60.3 mm. thick. Edges rounded, apparently the original
shape of the stone. Cimcavity 25.4 mm. diameter. 23.8 mm. deep.

Dish of light-buff chalky limestone, 180.9 mm. long, 149.2 nnn. wide, 53.9 mm.
thick. Edges rounded ; the original shape of the stone. Concavity 82.5 mm.
diameter, only 7.9 mm. deep.

Dish of gray limestone, the surface of which is encrusted with dark gray
matter; 101.6 mm. long. 76.2 mm. wide, 38.1 mm. thick. Edges somewhat
rounded. Concavity 44.4 mm. diameter, 9.5 mm. deep.

Dish of somewhat pinkish gray limestone, 127 mm. long, 117.4 mm. wide,

31.7 mm. thick. Edges rounded. All surfaces are in rough condition. Con-
cavity 57.1 mm. diameter and 11.1 mm. deep.

Di.sh of wliitish limestone, 228.0 mm. long, 101.6 mm. mide, 57.1 mm. ^hick.
Edges rounded. There are straight ridges along the side margins of the obverse
surface. The concavity is 120.6 mm. long, 76.2 mm. wide, and 19 mm. deep.
(PI. 9, €.)

Dish of light gi-ay limestone which has the appearance of having been
reddened by fire, 196.8 mm. long, 26.9 mm. wide, 38.1 mm. thick. The edges
consist of old and worn fractures and one more recent fracture. Concavity

50.8 mm. diameter, 6.3 mm. deep.

Dish of light gray limestone. 88.9 mm. long, 69.8 mm. wide, 41.2 mm. thick.
Edges rounded with exception of an end fracture, which almost eats into the
concavity and is therefore to be considered as a more recent break. Con-
cavity 57.1 mm. diameter, 19 mm. deep. (PI. 9, c.)

Dish of cream-colored limestone. 128.5 mm. long, 123.8 mm. wide, 66.6 mm.
thick. Edges rounded. Concavity 95.2 mm. long, 76.2 mm. wide, 22.2 mm. deep.

Dish of CTeam-colored limestone, 133.3 mm. long, 104.7 mm. wide, 38.1 mm.
thick. Edges rounded with exception of a fracture which evidently breaks the
original specimen almost in half and carries away perhaps a third of the con-
cavity. The cimcavity measures 66.6 mm. diameter and 15. S mm. deep.

Dish of buff -colored limestone, 179.3 mm. long, 149.2 mm. wide, 55.5 mm. thick.
Edges rounded. Very light in weight. Concavity 82.5 mm. diameter and shows
coarse peckings.

Dish of gray limestone, very soft, both obverse and reverse surfaces con-
sisting of a yellowish layer. The original shape was evidently oblong with
squnred edges, but a transverse fracture has reduced the length. 117.4 mm.
long, 117.4 nnn. wide, 33.3 mm. thick. The concavity is 76.2 mm. diameter
and so shallow that its depth is diilicult to measure.

84 EXPLORATION OF BITrtON MOtTND [eih. ann.44

Dish of cream-poloied linu'stone, 17-1.0 mm. long, 153.9 mm. wiile, 82.5 mm,
thick. Edges aiul bottom rounded. Concavit.v SS.O mm. diameter, 26.9 mm.
deep. The specimen was found as two halves.

Dish of cream-colored limestone, 146 mm. diameter, 69.8 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The concavity is 7G.2 mm. diameter, 47.6 mm. deep. The concavity
shows pecking and has in it three serpula holes from the rock, which was
evidently picked up on the lieach.

Dish of cream-colored limestone. Very light in weight. The edges contain
serpula holes. 231.7 mm. long, 225.4 mm. wide. 104.7 mm. thick. Edges rounded,
bottom tlattish. The concavity measures 123.8 mm. diameter, 30.1 mm. deep.
This is the largest of the dishes of soft limestone.

TEAT OF SANDSTONE

Only one specimen was obtained of the typical flat sandstone tray
or platter, but this is a large-sized and important one.

Tray of somewhat buff colored grayish sandstone witli a very high sand
content, 434.9 mm. long, 288.9 mm. wide, 44.4 mm. high. The edges are rounded.
The deepest part of the concavity is 19 mm. diameter, the center of the con-
cavity being shallower, measuring only 4.7 mm. lower than the edge of the tray.
The concavity starts about 38.1 mm. from the extreme edge. The bottom shows
no ijecking and is quite flat. (PI. 9, d.)

OLLAS OR COOKING POTS OF STEATITE

Fifteen steatite ollas or cooking pots in entire condition or nearly so
were obtained, as well as quantities of fragments that would not piece
togettier. Ollas of gray steatite are said to have been obtained by
barter from the Catalina Island Indians, who lived, roughly, 100
miles away, and the larger ollas were considered very valuable even
at the source of supply. Sevei'al of the ollas taken are among the
largest and most symmetrical ever obtained in southern California.
The largest specimen stands 15% inches high and weighs 72 pounds.

The specimens vary considerably as regards relative size of the
mouth or orifice. Some are almost bowls in shape and may have
been used both as cooking pots and as receptacles.

A zigzag incision decorates the rim of several of the specimens.

Olla of gray steatite. 311.1 mm. diameter, 165.1 mm. high, orifice 157.1 mm.
diameter, rim squared and varying in width from 12.7 mm. to 17.4 mm. The
rim is undecorated. The concavity i.s 168.2 nun. deep. The bot.t<im i.s rounded,
its flatter portion measuring abcmt 177.8 mm. diameter.

Olla of black steatite, beautifully made and exhibiting minute crinkly vein-
ings and blotchLngs of a dark gray color on its surface ; 155.5 mm. diameter,
95.2 mm. high, orifice 111.1 mm. diameter. Rim squared and 7.1 mm. diameter.
A groove runs around 3.1 mm. to 4.7 mm. below the rim. Concavity 87.3 mm.
diameter. The bottom is flattish at its central portion. Surfaces highly pol-
ished. Such a vessel could be used either as an olla or as a bowl. The clean
condition of the present specimen suggests that it had not been used for cooking.

Olla of gray steatite. l.SO.l mm. diameter. 101.6 mm. high, orifice 02 mm. dia-
meter. Rim merely rounded. Concavity 92 mm. diameter. Bottom somewhat
flat for a space about 88.9 mm. diameter.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 9

a. b, c, e. LIMESTONE DISHES, d, SANDSTONE TRAY

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 10

BOWLS AND OLLAS OF STEATITE

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 85

OUa of gray steatite, 101.0 mm. lUanu'ter, 107.0 mm. high ; orifice 100..'? mm.
diameter. Rim rounded, 23.S mm. to 12.7 mm. wide, a groove rumiing arouud
4.7 mm. below the rim. Concavity 9i).2 mm. diameter. Bottom rounded.

Fragmentary olla of gray steatite, 200.7 ram. diameter, 100.5 mm. high, orifice
140 mm. diameter. Kim squared, 11.1 mm. wide. A groove runs around 0.5
mm. below the rim. Concavity 1GS.2 mm. diiimeter. Bottom somewliat flattened.

Olla of gray steatite. 352.4 nun. (li.-imcter 247.0 mm. high; orifice l.'')2.4 mm.
diameter. Rim siiu;ired and 12.7 mm. diameter. A groove runs around 8.1 mm.
below the rim. Tlie rim is decorated with zigzag incisions. Concavity 233.3
mm. diameter. Bottom rounded.

Olla of gray steatite, the largest olla in the collection ; 400.4 mm. diameter,
396.8 mm. high ; orifice, 133.3 mm. The rim is squared and 23.8 mm wide.
A groove runs about 0.5 mm. below the riiji. The rim is decorated with zigzag
incisions. Concavity 330.2 mm. diameter. Bottom rounded. Weight 72 pdunds.

Olla of gray steatite. 349.2 diameter. 20S.4 mm. high ; orifice. 130.7 nmi.
diameter. Rim, 14.2 mm. wide; .sc|uared, and a groove runs around 0.3 mm.
below the rim. The rim is decorated with zigzag incisions. Concavity, 208.2
mm. diameter. The bottom is flatlish over an area about 203.2 mm. diameter.
(PI. 10. e.)

Olla or bowl of black steatite with gray mottling in the shape of flecks, 152.4
mm. diameter, 98.4 mm. high ; orifice, 115.8 mm. diameter. The rim is 7.9 mm.
wide, squareil, and a gi-oove runs around 3.1 mm. below the rim. The con-
cavity is 85.7 mm. diameter. The bottom is quite flat and measures 101.6 mm.
diameter. The specimen was probably used as a bowl, since it shows no signs
of having been placed over fire. (PI. 10, a.)

Olla of gray steatite, 117.4 mm. diameter, 82.5 mm. high ; orifice, 74.0 mm.
diameter. Rim squared and 0.3 mm. wide. A groove running around 3.1 mm.
below the rim. Concavity, 73 mm. diameter. Bottom quite flat and 19 mm.
diameter. This little pot is lopsided. (PI. 10, d.)

Olla of gra.v steatite, 225.4 mm. diameter, 165.1 mm. high ; orifice, 133.3 mm.
diameter. Rim, 6.3 mm. wide, and .squared. A groove runs around 3.1 below
the rim. The rim was decorated with zigzag incisions, but these are now
largely worn off. Concavity 141.2 mm. diameter. Bottom flatfish, repaired
with plaster of Paris as shown in the photograph. (PI. 10, 6.)

Olla of gray steatite that was found in scattered fragments. The olla has
been blackened by fire. 165.1 mm. diameter, 111.1 mm. high ; orifice 95.2 mm.
diameter. The rim is 7.9 mm. wide, squared, and a groove runs around 4.7
mm. below the rim. Concavity 101.6 mm. diameter. Bottom rounded.

Olla of gray steatite, 260.3 mm. diameter, 222.2 mm. high ; orifice 130.1 mm.
diameter. Rim rounded merely. Concavity 190.5 diameter. Bottom flatfish
over an area 139.7 mm. diameter.

Olla (pf gray steatite, 298.4 mm. diameter, 254 ram. high ; orifice 142.8 mm.
diameter. Rim merely rounded. Concavity 231.7 mm. diameter. Bottom
flatfish over an area 177.8 mm. diameter. (PI. 10, f.)

Olla of gray steatite, 263.5 mm. diameter. 158.7 mm. high ; orifice 157.1 mm.
Rim .squared 12.7 mm. wide, a groove running around 4.7 mm. below the rim.
Concavity 138.1 mm. deep. Bottom flatfish. The specimen was found in
fragments and is plentifully pieced together with plaster of Paris.

STEATITE BOWLS

The bowls of steatite which i-esulted from the excavation, although
few in number, are liandsome in workmanship. The veining and

86 EXPLOBATION OF BURTON MOUND [e-ih. ann. 44

mottling in some of the specimens is especially fine. The steatite
bowls, in distinction to the globular and small-mouthed ollas or
cooking pots, are described below.

Bowl of gray steatite, built up of eight or more fragments found in scat-
tered position ; 174.6 mm. diameter, 98.4 mm. higli ; orifice 1.5.5.5 mm. diameter.
Rim squared and 6.3 mm. wide. Concavity 80.9 mm. deep. Bottom i-ounded.
Some of the fragments show traces of soot.

Bowl of black steatite, 165.1 mm. diameter, 76.2 mm. high ; orifice 147.6 mm.
diameter. Rim squared, 11.1 mm. wide, a groove running around the bowl
4.7 mm. below the rim. Concavity 69.8 mm. deep. The bottom is rounding
and is ornamented by a double-lined cross pricked into its surface. The dots
are some of them .3.1 mm. diameter, and the lines are approximately 25.4 mm.
apart. The liowl is somewhat blackened with soot.

Bowl of black steatite witli beautiful crinkly veins of gray color ; found
in widely scattered fragments ; 301.6 mm. diameter, 133.3 mm. high. The rim
is nicely squared and is 15.8 mm. diameter. Both inside and outside surfaces
are beveled, beginning 6.3 mm. from the rim. The concavity is 120.6 mm. diam-
eter. The bottom is rounded. The bowl evidently broke in two and was
mended by tlie Indians, as is indicated by the four pairs of holes which were
drilled along the crack or break, for the purpose of lashing the halves together.
These holes are about 20.6 mm. diameter and average about 25.4 mm. apart;
that is, they are drilled about 12.7 distant from the fracture. (PI. 10, c. )

Bowl of blackish gra.v steatite. This bowl and the two next to be described
below were found nested together ; 104.7 mm. diameter, 79.3 mm. high ; orifice
88.9 mm. diameter. Rim rounded. Concavity, 73 mm. deep. Bottom flat and
76.2 mm. diameter.

Bowl of slate-gray steatite, very clean and new in appearance, 82.5 mm.
diameter, 60.3 mm. high. Rim rounded, 4.7 mm. wide, a groove running around
tlie bowl 4.7 mm. below the rim. Concavity 55.5 mm. deep. Bottom perfectly
flat, 53.9 mm. diameter. This was the middle-sized bowl of the nesting of
three bowls described above.

Bowl of black steatite, 41.2 mm. diameter, 25.4 mm. high ; orifice 31.7 mm.
diameter. Rim rounded. Concavit.v. 20.6 mm. deep. Bottom rounded. The
bowl is somewhat lopsided and the rim is very uneven. Found as the smallest
bowl of the group of three nested bowls.

Bowl of gray steatite with pretty black veiniug, found in several fragments;
133.3 mm. diameter, 92 mm. high ; orifice 114.3 mm. diameter. Rim squared,
6.3 mm. wide, little of the rim being intact. Concavity, 85.7 mm. deej). Bottom
rather fiat, 63.5 mm. diameter.

CANOE-SHAPED VESSELS OF SANDSTONE AND STEATITE

An end fragment of a unique and evidently large-sized canoe-
shaped vessel of sandstone was recovered; also two canoe-shaped
vessels cut from steatite. One of these latter was an unusually large
canoe, fragmentary, and with the fragments widely scattered. For-
tunately, both ends, which furnish jiractically all the information
that we need to Imow about the shape of the vessel, were recovered.
From them the entire craft can be easily reconstructed, except that
we do not know the exact length. The specimen api)ears to be by
far the largest steatite canoe ever reported from a California site,

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ABTIFACTS 87

and exceeded in size only perliaps by our sandstone specimen. The
other steatite canoe, smaller and more symmetrical, was found intact
and is one of the handsomest specimens on record.

An important and very unique specimen is tlie end fragment of a canoe-
shaped vessel of gray sandstone, wliich lias the appearance of having been in
the fire. It fortunately preserves the sliape of the end of the rim of this
vessel, which must have been more than a foot in length. The fragment has a
maximum diameter of 140.5 mm. The top of the rim is squared and 10 mm.
wide, making a right angle where it bends at the end of the vessel ; 61.5 mm.
of the rim remains on one side, 39 mm. on the other side. The end of the
vessel forms a vertical edge 51 mm. long; the thickness of the bottom of the
vessel is 27 mm. It is unfortunate that no further fragments of this interesting
sandstone dish were recovered. (PI. 11, a.)

Canoe-shaped vessel of somewhat sparkling slate-colored gray steatite. Re-
covered from scattered fragments. It was possible to piece these fragments
together so as to reconstruct botli ends of the canoe, but three fragments from
the central portion neither fit together with each other nor are adjacent to the
end fragments. Therefore, the length of the canoe can not be determined
with accuracy, but is estimated after careful study to have been about 431.8 mm.
As reconstructed in Plate 11, 6, it is 451 mm. long. The canoe may have been
considerably shorter, but if so it was irregularly proportioned and had poorly
curved lines. Even if the ends which we pieced out are placed touching each
other, which would be an absurd reconstruction, the structure is over a foot
long. The specimen is, therefore, as far as I am able to learn, the largest
steatite canoe taken from Indian graves in southern California. The recon-
structed length of the sandstone canoe just described above, only one tip of
which is taken, is conjectural.

The large end of the canoe measures as follows : 212.7 mm. long. 106.3 mm.
wide, 98.4 mm. high. The keel is flat, 50.8 mm. wide, 11.1 mm. thick. The
end of the gunwale projects beyond the end of the keel 53.9 mm.

The smaller end measures 120.6 nmi. long. 92 mm. wide, 95.2 mm. high. The
keel is flat, as in the larger end fragment, 34.9 mm. wide, 22.2 mm. thick. The
end of the gunwale ijrojects beyond the end of the keel 50.8 mm.

The gunwale is squared, 7.9 mm. wide, and a neat groove runs about the
canoe about 8 mm. below it. In other words, the guuwale is shaped in the same
manner as the rim of many steatite ollas and bowls. (PI. 11, 6.)

Entire and unbroken canoe-shaped vessel of gray steatite, neatly made and
very s.vmmetrical ; 211.1 mm. long, 77.7 mm. wide. The height of the ends of
the canoe is 63.5 mm., of the middle of the canoe 57.1 mm. The gunwale is
.squared, 7.9 mm. wide, but no groove runs below it. The bottom is rounding,
not flat as it is in the large steatite canoe. The central part of the bottom is
only 7.9 mm. thick.

STKATITE COMALS

The comal or steatite slab was a familiar article at the Channel
Indian household. The hole in the small end was for the purpose of
inserting the poker stick for handling when heated. It was also the
hot-water bottle of the Indians; it was heated and laid against the
paining part. In addition to the fine si^ecimens listed below, we
obtained many fragments of comals.

88 EXPLOKATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. a.n.n. «

Comal of slate gray steatite color, which differs from the other eomal speci-
mens iu having a raised ridge about 22.2 mm. wide around the entire margin of
both obverse and reverse sides. Tlie height of this ridge is 4.7 mm. or even
G.3 mm. in places, 273 mm. long, 2-17.6 mm. wide, 139.7 mm. wide at the upper
end. Thickness varies from 30.1 mm. to 34.9 mm. A hole 17.4 mm. daimeter is
located 3S.1 mm. from the smaller end. (PI. 12, e.)

Comal of slate gray steatite, lopsided. Edges squared. 298.4 mm. long, 254
mm. wide ; 193.6 mm. wide at lower end, 153.9 mm. wide at upper end. Thick-
ness varies from 22.2 mm. to 25.4 mm. A hole 14.2 mm. diameter is located 42.8
mm. from the smaller end. (PI. 12, f.)

Comal of grayish steatite, unusually square cornered. 273 mm. long, lower
edge 241.3 mm. wide, upper edge 152.4 mm. wide. Thickness varies from 25.4
mm. to 31.7 mm. The upper edge has an incurve of 9.5 mm. Hole 22.2 mm.
diameter, 34.9 mm. from the upper edge. (PI. 12, c.)

Comal of grayish steatite, differing from the other eomals in not having
concave surfaces ; this specimen is thickest in the center and thinner toward
the edges, which are squared ; 280.9 mm. lougi, 187.3 mm. wide, lower edge 127
mm. wide, upper edge 82.5 mm. wide. There is a hole 15.8 mm. diameter
located 36.5 mm. from the upper edge. (PI. 12, d.)

Comal of slate gray steatite, found in broken condition ; 206.3 mm. long.,
174.6 mm. wide, lower edge 168.2 mm. wide, upjjer edge 63.5 mm. wide. Thick-
ness varies from 17.4 mm. to 15.8 mm. Hole 12.7 mm. diameter, 22.2 mm.
from the upper edge.

Comal of light slate gi'ay color, full of bright sparkle, found iu broken con-
dition. The specimen is somewhat lopsided. 247.6 mm. long, 215.9 mm. wide,
lower edge about 177.8 mm. wide, upper edge 133.3 mm. wide ; thickness varies
from 22.2 mm. to 23.8 mm. Hole 15.8 mm. diameter is located 44.4 mm. from
the upper edge.

Comal of gray steatite, 225.4 mm. long, 230.1 mm. wide, upper edge 88.9 njui.
wide; thickness varies from 15.8 mm. to 23.8 mm. Hole 15.8 mm. diameter,
30.1 mm. from the upper edge. The lower right-hand corner is broken off with
a fracture 53.9 mm. long. (PI. 12, a.)

Comal of light .slate gray color, 246 mm. long, 209.5 mm. wide, lower edge
203.2 mm. wide, upper edge 107.9 mm. wide, thickness varies from 22.2 mm. to
23.8 mm. Hole 15.8 mm. diameter is located 49.2 mm. from the upper edge.
(PI. 12, 6.)

STEATITE PIPES

The pipes of the Channel Indians were worked from gray or black
steatite, more rarely from other stone. The usual form is a straight
conical tube, with the result that the Indian when smoking had to
tip the bowl of his pipe upward in order to keep the contents from
falling out. The boring was usually done from both ends and is
often slender in the central portion of the pipe. A stem of bird bone,
for instance the limb bone of a pelican, has been found inserted in the
small end of the pipe in a considerable number of southern California
specimens, made fast by sticking with asphalt. Some specimens that
do not have the mouthpiece of bone show traces of the asphalt adhe-
sive. A pipe from Santa Barbara, collected by Mr. Stephen Bowers

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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 12

^ij^^-iiliS.*

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COMALS OF STEATITE

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 89

and in the National Museum, has a bend of about 20 degrees in the
middle and is provided with bone mouthpiece; this specimen is
figured by C. C. Abbott on page 130 of the Putnam Report.^*

Five of these steatite pipes were recovered from the Burton Mound,
one of them being a fragment. They are all of medium size and
ordinary type, such as are figured by Putnam, Plate VIII. The
longer type (Putnam, PI. VII), the short type (Heye,^' PI. XXVII,
a), and anomalous types also occur on the channel.

Fragment of pipe of gray steatite, 57 mm. long, 32 mm. wide, 22 mm. thicJj.
Tlie hole is IS mm. diameter at tlie larger end and lt> mm. diameter at the
smaller end, but this does not represent the original diameter. (PI. 13. e.)

Pipe of gra.T steatite, intact except for lack of mouthpiece ; 120 mm. long.
33 mm. diameter at large end, 24 and 19 mm. diameter at .small end. The small
end has two borings. One of these has broken through the wall of the pipe,
making a gap in the edge of the small end 2.5 mm. diameter, besides leaving
the edge of almost pai>erlike thinness. At the large end tlie edge is squared and
3 mm. wide. The boring is 24.5 mm. diameter at the large end ; the borings at
the small end are 21 mm. maximum diameter, 12 mm. lesser diameter.
(PI. 13. p.)

Pipe of gray steatite, mouthpiece lacking. 99.5 mm. long, 21 mm. maximum • "■»,

diameter, 23.5 mm. diameter at larger end, 13 mm. diameter at smaller end.
Edge of larger end sharp, not squared, with a groove 2 mm. back from the edge.
Edge of .smaller end also rather sharp. The boring is 17 mm. diameter at the
larger end. tapering to the smaller end, where it is 10 mm. diameter. The
boring was done from both ends and is only 6.4 mm. diam. where these two
borings meet in the interior of the pipe. (PI. 13, a.)

Pipe of bluish gray steatite, intact except for loss of mouthpiece. Very neatly
made. 120 mm. long, 27.5 mm. diameter at larger end, 17 mm. diameter at
smaller end, the extreme end being broken off, but not very much of it since
some of the asphalt which was used for sticking the bird bone mouthpiece
on Is still intact. The edge of the larger end is squared, 5 mm. diameter and
has an outward bulge, rounded in shape, extending some 4 mm. down the out-
side wall of the pipe. The boring is from both ends and is 19 mm. diameter
at the larger end, 8 mm. diameter at the smaller end. (PI. 13, 6.1

Perfect and entire pipe of dark gray steatite with mouthpiece intact. The
body of the pipe is 92 mm. long, including the mouthpiece the piiie is 114 mm.
long. The larger end is 31.5 mm. diameter, the smaller end Is l(i,5 mm. diameter.
The edge of the larger end is rather thin and rounded ; there is no bulge toward
the outside as there is in the specimen last described, but a groove runs neatly
around the pipe 4 nmi. back from the end. The bird bone mouthpiece Is 8
mm. diameter. The end of the mouthpiece is squared straight across. The
mouthpiece is inserted In the smaller end of the pipe and fastened in place very
neatly and symmetrically with strong black asphalt. The pipe is bored from
both ends, the diameter of the boring at the large end being almost that of the
end of the pipe, which is 31.5 mm. (PI. 13. i1.) "

"Putnam, F. W.. Reports upon Arehpological :md Ktlinological Collections, United
States Geographical Surveys West of the 100th Meridian, Vol. VII, Washington. D. C,
1879.

'■ Ueye, George G., op. cit.

35231°— 28 7

90 EXPLOKATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN. 44

SPHEROIDAL SINKERS OF SANDSTONE

Sinkers of sandstone, apparently used as weights on primitive fishlines, have
as their chiiracteristic shape In the specimens obtained an elongate spheroid
form, around the longest axis of vchlch passes a shallow groove for the
attachment of the cord. In some specimens this groove is made only at the
sharper turns, and does not extend across the flatter sides. The size varies
from that of a hen's egg to that of a baseball, (inly typical specimens arc
described below.

Sinker of gray sandstone, friable, 73 mm. long, 57.1 mm. wide, 44.4 mm.
thick. The groove is 12.7 mm. wide, and runs around the greatest diameter.
(PI. 13, f.)

Sinker of gray sandstone, friable, 68.2 mm. long, 57.1 mm. wide, 57.1 mm.
thick. The groove is peculiarly narrow, only 3.1 mm. wide, and runs around the
greatest diameter. (PI. 13. fir.)

Sinker of gray sandstone, friable, 128.5 mm. long, 104.7 mm. wide, 95.2 mm.
thick. Tlie groove is 12.7 mm. wide, and runs around the greatest diameter.
(PI. 13, ft.)

Sinker of gray sandstone, friable. 127 mm. long, 117.4 mm. wide, 76.2 mm.
thick. The groove is 12.7 mm. wide, and is in the plane of the greatest diam-
eter, but extends for 57.1 mm. at one end and consists of a mere abraided
patch at the otlier end, while there is no trace of a groove along the sides of
the specimen. (PI. 13, i. )

Sinker of greenish gi-ay sandstone, fine textured and hard, 88.9 mm. long, 79.3
mm. wide, 60.3 mm. thick. The groove is 19 mm. wide, and is pecked as usual
around the long axis of tlie specimen, passing around the greatest diameter.

Sinker of lirownish gi'ay sandstone, 123.8 mm. long, 107.9 mm. wide. 88.9 mm.
thick. The groove is 12.7 mm. wide, and passes around the gj-eatest diameter.
Tlie groove can not be traced on the reverse side of the specimen, though it is
carefully cut on the obverse side and around the two ends.

Sinker of light gray sandstone, unusually coarse in texture, 73 mm. long,
66.6 mm. wide. 58.7 mm. thick. Almost a perfect sphere. Groove 12.7 mm.
diameter passes around the greatest diameter.

Median fragment of sinker of brownish gray sandstone. 77.7 mm. long.
68.2 mm. wide. 39.6 mm. thick. The groove is 12.7 mm. wide and passes as
usual around the longest diameter. The greater part of the obverse surface is
broken away.

SPHERICAL STONES

Several worked spherical stones were found in the moinid. They
may have been ii.sed for several purposes. We figure a typical
specimen.

stone ball of .smooth textured gray sandstone. 44 mm. diameter. (PI. 14. 6.)

T«'l>-r.OBEn STONES

A larger specimen than that described below was obtained by Mv.
Francis Figg-Hoblyn, of Santa Barbara, at the grading operations
at the mound in 1901.

Cylindrical stone ^^^th neck at center and rounded ends. Coarse gray sand-
stone. 58 mm. long, 26 mm. diameter, 23 mm. diameter at neck. Purchased
from Mr. Josf Ortega, who obtained it from Burton Mound in 1901. (PI.
14, c.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 13

ad, STEATITE SMOKING PIPES, e. FRAGMENT OF STEATITE
PIPE. /-', SPHEROIDAL SINKERS OF SANDSTONE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 14

a, INCISED SLAB OF PAPER SHALE. '-, BALL OF SAND-
STONE, c, TWO-LOBED STONE, d, FRAGMENT OF RING-
STONE, f, BARREL-SHAPED STONE, /--/i. TARRED STONES

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 15

RUBBING STONES

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 15

a, GILSONITE PENCIL, b-d, QUARTZ CRYSTALS. .-'>. IRON-
STONE CONCRETION CUPS, i, CAKE OF HEMATITE

HAKBI.NUTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 91

FRAGMENT OF RINOSTONE

Fragment of a ringstoiK', about a quarter section, made of hard calcareous
sandstone. This is the only riugstoue specimen taken from the mound. Tht-
material is smooth textured, the fractures old. Fragment 68 mm. long, 41
mm. wide, 22 mm. thick. The original was perhaps 110 mm. diameter. (PI,
14, d.)

BARREL-SHAPED STONES

Cylindrical stone with bulging center and rounded ends. Coarse gray sand-
stone. lOS mm. long, 50 mm. diameter at the center, ends 26 mm. diameter,
bulge of ends 7 mm. Purchased from Mr. Jose Ortega, who obtained it from
Burton Mound in 1901. ( PI. 14, e. )

INCISED SLAB OF PAPER SHALE

Slab of shale with scratchings on both surfaces. The shale is almost fine
enough to be called slate. The surface is blackish but takes on an orange color
almost Uke a lichenous layer in places on both sides. The scratches are not
deep but one can feel them with the finger. The scratches are intended to give
a cross-hatching pattern but are very irregularly executed. The edges of the
slab are squared with straight fractures, making the fragment four-sided iu
shape. 101.5 mm. long, 82 mm. wide, 8.5 mm. thick. (PI. 14, a.)

TARRED STONES

Unworked sandstone or andesite pebbles of pestle-like shape with
asphalt on one or both ends were found especially at plot e. Typical
specimens may be described as follows :

Tarred stone, of gray sandstone, unworked. 136.5 mm. long, 53.9 mm. wide,
50.8 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to the upper end of the stone as figured.
(PI. 14, f.)

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked ; 127 mm. long, 26.9 mm. diameter.
Asphalt adheres to the upper end as figured. (PI. 14, fc.)

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked; 88.9 mm. long, 30.1 mm. wide,
4.7 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to the upper end as figure<l. (PI. 14. g.)

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked ; 196.8 mm. long, 69.8 wide, 25.4
mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked; 111.1 mm. long, 50,8 mm. wide.
11.1 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked ; 1.S9.7 mm. long, .57.1 mm. wide,
28.5 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked : 15."). 5 mm. long, 46 mm. wide,
7.9 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked; 155.5 mm. lon,g. 55.5 nmi. wide,
38.1 mm. thirk. Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of gray asphalt sandstone, unworked ; 157.1 mm. hmg. ,5.^.9 mm,
wide, 38.1 mm. thick. A.sphalt adheres lo both ends.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked ; 125.4 mm. long, 53.9 mm. wide,
25.4 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to both ends.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked ; 155.5 nun. lon.g, 77.7 mm. wide,
30.1 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of reddisli gray sandstone, very coar.se, unworked; 142.8 mm.
long, 71,4 mm. wide, 31.7 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

92 EXPLORATION OF BITRTON MOUND [bth. ANN. 44

KtTBBING STONES

The rubbint^ slabs of coarse sandstone, of which we found several
good examples, were evidently obtained at the Santa Barbara mesa,
west of the Burton Mound, where the formation occurs in quantities.
They were useful for grinding shell, bone, and stone, but there is
no way of proving what objects were ground on these particular
specimens.

Rubbing stone of coarse gray sandstone, friable and gritty ; 363.5 mm. long.
127 mm. wide, 34.9 mm. thick. All edges rounded. The obverse .shows espe-
cially a broad longitudinal depression varying in width from 95.2 mm. to 133.3
mm. the deepest part of this groove being 9.5 mm. in depth. The groove
exhibits in part a more buff color than the remainder of the surface, owing to
Its penetrating a different formation. The obverse shows two narrower longi-
tudinal grooves of similar appearance. This is the largest rubbing stone.

Rubbing stone of .greenish gray sandstone, not very coarse but friable ; 139.7
mm. long, 106.3 mm. wide, 25.4 mm. thick. Both ends are fractures. The long
edges are nmnded. The obverse surface presents a wide longitudinal depression
and has numerous flecks of asphalt.

Rubbing stone of gray sandstone, very fine textured ; 130.1 mm. long, 79.3
mm. wide, 50.8 mm. thick. The edges are square fractures. Obverse and
reverse surfaces present natural longitudinal ridges and depressions.

Rubbing stone of gray, fine-textured sandstone, quite hard ; 180.9 mm. long,
158.7 mm. wide, 88.9 mm. thick. The edges are rounded with the exception
of the diagonal edge, which seems to be a more recent break. A natural
groove 69.8 mm. wide and 36.5 mm. deep runs longitudinally along the obverse
.':urface. The reverse surface is flat. iPl, 15. a.)

Rubbing stone of very coarse, somewhat greenish gray friable sandstone:
307.9 mm. long, 234.9 mm. wide, 92 mm. thick. A depression varying in width
from 127 mm. to 165.1 mm runs across the middle of the slab. The surface of
this depression .shows coar.se irregular diagonal scatches. The reverse has a
prominent longitudinal ridge and shows no sign of use. T.he edges are mostly
fractures. (PI. 15, c.)

Ruliliing stone of smootli textured gray sandstone, 196.8 mm. long, 142.8 mm
wide, 41.2 mm. thick. A depression 101.0 mm. wide runs longitudinally across
the obverse. The ends are square fractures, the side edges are naturally
rounded. The reverse is flat. (PI. 1.5. 6.)

FRAGMENT OF OILSONITE " PENCIL "

Worked cylindrical piece of white material identified as gilsonite : 18 mm.
long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Unhored. The small end seems to have an older break
than the larger end. Mr. F. W. Hodge, of the Mu.seum of the American Indian,
who happened to see the siiecimen, says that it suggests to him t.he medicine
pencils used by the Zunis for rubbing paining parts. (PI. 16, a.)

QUARTZ CRYSTALS

Quartz crystals of various sizes were used by the Indians for sur-
mounting ceremonial wands of bone or as pendants, asphalt being
applied to one end of the crystal for attachment. Several of these
crystals were found in the excavations. The crystals are of what is

HAHKINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE AETIFACTS 93

known as impure quartz and the source of supply has not been
determined. Most of them have a pretty hexajjonal cleavage at one
end, which was, of course, the end displayed by the Indians.

Quartz crystal. 29.5 mm. long, 15 mm. wide, 12 mm. thick. Six well-formed
faces at one end. Not glass clear. (PI. 16, c.)

Small quartz crystal with somewhat maiTed cleavage. 15 mm. diameter.
(PI. 16, b.)

Irregular shaped crystal of quartz. Pretty and very clear. Cleavage lop-
sided. 26 mm. long, 23.5 mm. diameter. (PI. 16, d.)

Quartz crystal with curious minute fractures throughout. The tip end has
symmetrical cleavage, the butt is nicely shax)eil. 27 mm. long, 17.5 mm.
diameter.

Beautiful but minute quartz crystal with very symmetrical cleavages at one
end. The quartz at the other end is more coludy. 14.25 mm. long, 8 mm.
diameter.

Quartz crystal, clear as diamond, having well-formed faces at one end. 21
mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 9.5 mm. thick.

Irregular fragment of quartz crystal, with broken hexagonal cleavages at
one end. 63 mm. long. 31 mm. wide. 15 mm. thick.

lEONSTONE CONCRETION CUPS

The shells of ironstone concretion had a wide use among the south-
ern California Indians as cups and for like purposes. The concre-
tions are usually of a brownish color and resemble a hollow sphere
filled with sand. Concretions or fragments of concretions worn to
shape by rubbing on a gritty stone make neat little cups. The size
varies greatly, the largest listed below measuring 80.5 mm. in
diameter.

Fragment of ironstone concretion cup which was used as a small paint bowl.
Has two curious pr<jjections on the lip. Edge partly worked, partly fractures.
Blackish chocolate color. This specimen may have been through fire : it l(X)ks
as if the surface has been fluxed down a bit on the outside and there are many
vesicles visible. 80.5 mm. diameter, 35 mm. high, walls about 8 mm. thick.
Concavity 28 mm. (PI. 16, h.)

Ironstone concretion cup. Lip ground off square. 22 mm. diameter, 10 mm.
high ; concavity 7.5 mm. deep. Symmetiical and prettily made.

Ironside concretion cup. Lip ground oft' square. 32 mm. diameter, 10 mm.
high ; concavity only 5 mm. deep. The rim is about 3 mm. wide. ( PI. 16. f. )

Ironstone concretion cup, the rim of which consists of an unworked square
fracture. 28 mm. diameter, 12 mm. high ; concavity 6 mm. deep.

Fragment of ironstone concretion cup, consisting of nearly half of original
specimen : 61 mm. diameter, 20 mm. high ; rim squared and 13 mm. diameter.
The bottom of the fragment tapers to a thin edge. There are traces of red
paint on the inside of the cup fragment. ( PI. 16. e. )

Ironstone concretion cup. identified as impure lamauite ; 48 mm. diameter,
15.5 mm. high ; concavity 9.5 mm. deep. The rim is ground more or less
squared.

Ironstone concretion cup, 28 mm. diameter, 10 mm. high ; concavity 7 mm.
deep. Kim squared. About one-third of the rim Is broken off with a straight

94 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. ann. 44

fracture 22 mm. long. There are scratches running in several directidii.'* on the
surface of the concavity.

Iron.stone concretion, 32 mm. diameter, 11 mm. high; concavity 7.5 mm.
<ieop. The rim is squared. The inside of tlie concavity .«hows scratches from
former use. (Pi. 16, ff.)

Ironstone concretion cup. 28 mm. diameter, 19 mm. high, concavity 15 mm.
deep. Rim neatly .squared.

Ironstone concretion cup, 22 mm. diameter. 10 mm. high, concavity 7 mm.
deep.

Ironstone concretion cup. 82 mm. diameter. 28 mm. hijili. 13.5 unn. deep.
Shaped and sized like a deep-cupped rock oyster shell. Rim rounded and un-
even.

ARROWHEADS, SPEARHEADS, DRILLS, AND KNIFE BLADES

A large number of flint points of this description were taken, many
of them in a fragmentary condition. These instruments can be
classified according to (1) use, (2) shape, (3) material. All three
of these classifications are difficult. We also took quantities of flakes
or fragments of the same materials as those used in the manufacture
of the cliipped implements.

As regards use, it is clear that the great majority of the objects are
arrowheads. Those too large or heavy to be arrowheads may have
been spearheads or may have been used mounted or unmounted for
several other purposes. A class of points triangular in section may
have been drills, but may also have been used on arrows. Only when
showing traces of handles or of the tarring for handles can blades,
although of the right shape and size, be accepted as knife blades.
The knives do not necessarily have both edges sliarp. (Cp. Wilson,'*
PL 51.)

The most elaborate classification of arrowheads according to shape
is that offered by Wilson.'" This classification we reproduce here,
suggesting in brackets certain abbreviations by the use of which
the shape of arrowheads can be expressed with some degree of
satisfaction.

-I. Leaf Shaped [L]

This division includes all kinds: elliptical, oval, oblong or lanceo-
late forms bearing any relation to the shape of a leaf, and without
stem, shoulder or barb.

[pointed at both ends [ambipointed. a].
General shape_-| oval [o].

[long and narrow, parallel edges [slender, si].

I convex [ex],
straight [truncate, st].
concave [cvl.

>' Thomas Wilson, Arrowheads, Spearheads, and Knives ot Prehistoric Times, Annual
lioport of United States N:itional Museum for 1807. Washinsto". isnu. pp. Sll-988;
claasiflcation, pp. 8S7-946, esp«>ci!illy pp. 890-891.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 95

II. TUIANOULAR [T]

This division includes all specimens wliich, according to geometri-
cal nomenclature, are in the form of a triangle, whether the bases or
edges be convex, straight or concave. They are without stems and
consequently without shoulders, though in some of the specimens the
extreme concavity of I he base produces barbs when the arrowshaft
is attached.

convex [ex].
Base straight [truncate, st].

concave [cv].

III. Stemmed [S]

This subdivision includes all varieties of

straight [parallel edges, p].
pointed [contracting, c].

Stem } expanding [e].

round [r].
flat [f].

except tho.se with certain peculiarities and included in Division IV
I Irregular] ; and whether the bases or edges are convex, straight, or
concave.

lozenge-shaped, not shouldered or barbed [un-
shouldered, u; diamond-shaped, rhomboid, d].
"i shouldered, but not bai-bed [shouldered, sh].
shouldered and barbed [barbed, b].

(leneral shape.

IV. Peculiar Form.s [Irregular, I]

This division includes all forms not belonging to the other divi-
sions, and provides for those having peculiarities, or the specimens
of which are restricted in number and locality.

1. Beveled edges.

2. Serrated edges.

3. Bifurcated edges.

4. Long barbs, square at ends. Peculiar to England, Ireland, and
Georgia, United States.

5. Triangular in section.

6. Broadest at cutting end, trenchant transversal. Peculiar to
western Europe.

7. Polished slate.

8. Asymmetric.

9. Curious forms.

10. Perforators.

In our present collection the leaf-shaped points are the most nu-
merous; then follow the .stemmed varieties and a very few triangular

96 EXPLOKATION OF BUKTON MOUND (eth. axx. 44

arrowheads. As a fourth class we must regard the points that are
trianguhir in section, whicli are clearly to be distinguished from all
others and are chiefly of the coffee-colored material (see below).
With these triangular-sectioned points are probably to be grouped a
number of more irregular or poorly made specimens. A first guess
would be that the jjoints triangular in section are drills, but none of
them show triations or wear such as might be produced by actual use
in boring.

As regards nomenclature for the various kinds of rock employed in
making the chipped implements, it is convenient to adopt a descrip-
tive scheme based on color, classing all varieties of flaking stone
loosely as "flint," just as the Spanish Californians speak of them as
" pedernal." As regards the provenance of the stone, the Channel
region abounds in pedernal of various colors and qualities. It is
found scattered in fragments and in ledges or deposits. Even the
beach furnishes abundant specimens. We have therefore adopted
the following provisional scheme for classifying our chipped points.

1. Clear obsidian. Black volcanic glass with few or no bubbles,
quite translucent.

2. Bubbly obsidian. Black volcanic glass full of minute bubbles.

3. Blackish. Blackish opaque obsidian, of grayish black color,
never coal-black. Very few specimens have a pure texture, the
majority showing whitish flecks. In some specimens a slight banding
can be seen, but specimens at all noticeably banded have been as-
signed to separate classes.

4. Blackish, slightly banded. The same as subdivision ?> but
slightly banded with whitish or gray lines.

5. Blackish banded. The same as subdivision 3 but prominently
banded with whitish or gray lines, the light colored lines being as
prominent as the blackish lines. The whole at a little distance gives
a pleasing gray effect.

6. Blackish with whitish flecks. The same as subdivision 3 with
whitish or gray dots or flecks.

7. Gray. The same as subdivision 3 but moderately dark gray
color. Some specimens are banded or flecked.

8. Dark gray. The same as subdivision 7 but darker, approaching
the blackish type, but not so dark. Some specimens are banded or
flecked, or have a brownish cast.

9. Whitish gray." The same as subdivision 7 but vei-y light. Of
quite uniform texture.

10. Reddish gray. The same as subdivision 7 but reddish gray.
Distinct from the flesh-colored material. The color of some of the
specimens might be termed raw sienna.

11. Greenish gray. The same as subdivision 7 but greenish gi-ay.
Several specimens have traces of red banding.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 17

a-r. ARROWHEADS. DRILLS. KNIFE BLADES. .•.-(, REAMERS
OF SANDSTONE. -. FLINT IMPLEMENT WITH ONE EDGE
COARSELY TOOTHED

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 97

12. Coffee colored. Most specimens show whitish impurities in
layers or flecks. Some specimens are very translucent. This group
differs from the flesh colored only in being of a different shade. A
few specimens show impurities of blackish, pink, and especially whit-
ish color in blotches.

13. Flesh colored. There is considerable variation in color and the
impurities are in the form of blotches of whitish color. Evidently a
variety of the coffee-colored material. In some places the rock has
dark yellow streaks. In two specimens there is more white impurity
than flesh-colored body.

14. Flesh colored, banded with darker flesh color.

15. Dark j'ellow. A very yellow variety of the coffee colored or
flesh colored.

16. Red jasper. The red color tends in some specimens to be
brownish. Others have green or coffee colored mottlings. A few
specimens have white veins. In some specimens the red is quite
bright.

17. Green jasper. Some specimens have red or coffee colored
mottlings.

18. "Whitish, almost pure white.

19. Whitish but of a more gray cast.

20. Whitish but with traces of pinldsh hue.

21. Whitish with a bluish cast.

Entire arrowhead. Clear obsidian. Stemmed, straight, truncate base, shoul-
dered. Double convex in section. 25 mm. long. 15.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead or drill, iiossibly a mere flake. Flesh colored. Truncate
base. Triangular in section. -15 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick.
(PI. 17. n.)

Tip fragment of arrowhead. Coffee colored. Leaf-shaped, truncate base.
Double convex in section. 46 mm. long. 11 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick.

Apparently entire arrowhead. Red jasper. Leaf-shaped, truncate base.
Double convex in section. 41 mm. long. 10.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. (PI. 17. c. )

Base fragment consisting almost entirely of the stem of an arrowhead. Clear
obsidian. Stem contracting. Double convex in section. 19 nun. long, 15 mm.
wide, 7.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Dark gray. Irregular, truncate, apparently fractured,
base. Squarish in section. 39.5 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 11 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Green jasi)er. .Stemmed, contracting, shouldered. Double
convex in .section. 33 mm. long, 13 mm. wide. 7 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Coffee colored, with much gray impurity. Leaf-shaped,
truncate base. Double convex in section. 39 mm. long, 18 mm. wide, 9.5 mm.
thick.

Entire arrowhead. Dark gray. Leaf-shai)ed, truncate base. Crooked plane.
Double convex in section. 43 mm. long. 13 mm. wide. 6.5 mm. thick.

Entire an-owhead. Dark gray. Leaf-.-jhajjed. both ends nainded and having
equally sharp blade. Slightly twisting plane. Double convex in section. 30
mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick.

98 EXPIiOEATION OF BURTOX MOUND [eth. ann. 44

Tip fr.ignient of arrowhead. Dark gray witli blackish bandinss. One wige
finely serratwl. Double cimves in section. 32.5 nun. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 5.5
nim. thick.

Entire arrowhead, the butt of which may be a more recent fracture. Dark
gray, with many flecks. Leaf-shaped, truncate base. Double convex in section.
32.5 mm. long, IS mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of arrowhead. Clear obsidian. Double convex in section.
20 mm. l(mg, 12.5 mm. wide. 9 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of arrowhead or drill. Gray, with minute black particles
throughout. Triangular in section. 32.5 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 12 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Blackish banded, of purple cast. Stemmed, contracting,
shouldered. Double convex in section. 46 mm. long, 34 mm. wide, 7.5 mm. thick.
(I'l. n, k.)

Entire arrowhead. Dark gray. Leaf-shaped, convex base. All edges sharp
and finely serrated. 34 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of arrowhead. Flesh color, translucent. Apparently leaf-
shaped. Flat convex in section. 50 mm. long, 19.5 mm. wide, 8 mm. thick.

Tip fragment or possibly entire arrowhead : the base appears to be a more
recent fracture.- Whitish. Leaf-shai>etl, narrow type, truncate or fractured
base. Squarish in .section. 44 mm. long, 14.5 mm. wide. 6.5 mm. thick.

Entire an-owhead, except that the base appears to consist of three more re-
cent breaks. Blackish banded. Leaf-shaped, diagonal truncate or fractured
base. Double ctmvex in section. 57 mm. long, 24 mm. wide, 14 mm. thick.

Perfect and entire knife blade, with the asphalt for attaching it to the handle
still intact. Dark yellow color. Stemmed, contracting, rounding base, shoul-
dered. Double convex in section. Neatly made stem. Edges sharp. 54 mm.
long, 36 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick. The asphalt shows the imprint of the longi-
tudinal grain of the wood, and where the former end' of the handle came there
is a wide bulge of asphalt still adhering on both obverse and reverse surfaces.

Entire arrowhead. Gra.v. The two ends are much alike and it is impossible
to determine which is to be considered the tip. Triangular in section. Sym-
metrical. 65 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 10.5 mm. thick. (PI. 17, c.)

Entire arrowhead. Flesh colored. Stemmed, diamond shaped, slanting trun-
cate base. Tar extends 16.5 mm. up from the base. Symmetrical. Double
convex in section. 49 mm. long, 13 mm. wide. 6.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Whitish gray. Triangular, concave base. Symmetrical
and beautifully made. Double convex in .section. 20 mm. long, 13 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of arrowhead. Brownish gray. Narrow with straight
sides. Double convex in section. 28 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.

Entire arowhead. Black. Triangular, concave base. All edges sharp.
Double convex In section. 19 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. One of the
most neatly made of the arrowheads recovered.

Entire arrowhead or drill, neatly made. Coffee color. Pointed at both ends,
but one end slightly fractured. Triangular in section. 67.5 mm. long. 11 nun.
wide, 9 mm. thick. (PI. 17, d.)

Entire arrowhead. Somewhat lopsided. .'^temnled, straight, shouldered.
Blackish. Double convex in section. 47 mm. long, 19 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick,
stem 8.5 mm. wide.

Entire arrowhead. Stemmed, diamond-shaped, truncate base. Dark gray.
Double convex in section. Simie of the asphalt of the attachment still adheres
to the base. 34.5 mm. long. 16 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick.

HiKRiNGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 99

Central fragment of arrowhead. Blackish. Stemmed, diamond-shaped. Part
of stem and shoulders intact. Double convex iu section. 44 mm. long, 25 mm.
wide, 12 mm. thick. It appears that the tip has been broken off but this may
be the original condition.

Entire amiwhead. Flesh colored. Stemmed, contracting, truncate base,
slightly shouldered. Double convex in section. 58 mm. long, 26 mm. wide, 8.5
mm. thick. (PI. 17, p.)

Entire arrowhead. Stemmed, diamond-shaped. Dark gray. Double convex
in section. 21 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.

Base fragment of arrowhead. Stemmed, contracting, truncate base, shoul-
dered. Green jasper. Double convex in section. 55 mm. long. 21 mm. wide,
9 mm. thick, stem 6 mm. wide. Estimated length of original 7 mm. longer than
the present specimen.

Entire arrowhead. Blackish. Stemmed, contracting, truncate base, should-
ered. Double convex in section. 31 mm. long, 15 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick, stem
4 mm. wide. 1.5 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of arrowhead. Blackish. Stemmed with short stem, truncate,
apparently broken, base, shouldered. Double convex in .section. 33 mm. long,

28 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Greenish gray. Stemmed, diamond shaped, both points
much alike. Double convex in section. All edges sharp. 30 mm. long, 12 mm.
wide, 6 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of arrowhead. Blackish banded. Stemmed, contracting,
shouldered, almost barbed. Double convex in section. 33.5 mm. long, 20 mm.
wide. 6 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Red jasper. Leaf-shaped, concave base. Double convex
in section. 30 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. (PI. 17, h.)

Entire arrowhead. Flesh color. Triangular, concave base. Double convex
in section. 35 mm. long. 12.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Bubbly obsidian. Triangular, concave base. Double
convex in section. 30 mm. long. 10 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. (PI. 17, i.)

Base fragment of arrowhead. Dark gray. Apparently the stem of diamond-
shaped arrow-head, truncate base. Double convex in section. 24 mm. long, 19
mm. wide, 10 mm. thick. Stem 8 mm. wide.

Entire arrowhead. Red jasper. Stemmed, contracting, truncate base, shoul-
dered at one side. Double convex in secti(m. 51 mm. long, 19 mm. wide,
9 mm. thick, stem 8 mm. wide.

Tip fragment of arrowhead. Dark gray. Double convex in section. 9.5 mm.
long, 12 mm. wide. 4.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Green jasper. Triangular, concave base. Double convex
in section. 29 mm. long. 12 mm. wide. 3.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Blackish. Stemmed, diamond-shaped, truncate base.
Double convex in section. 47 mm. Jong, 20 mm. wide, 8 mm. thick, stem 6.5 ram.
wide.

Entire arrowhead. Flesh color. Stemmed, diamond-shaped, convex base.
Double convex in section. Entire edge sharp. 53 mm. long, 23 mm. wide, 7 mm.
thick, stem about 7 mm. wide. (PI. 17, q.)

Entire arrowhead. Stemmed, contracting, rounding base, shouldered. Clear
obsidian. Double convex in section. 82 mm. long, 31.5 mm. wide, 8.5 mm.
thick. (PI. 17, I.)

Entire arrowhead. Greenish gray. Leaf-shaped, convex base. Double con-
vex in section. All edges sharp. The plane twists almost an eighth turn.

29 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick.

100 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [kth. ann. h

Entire arrowhead. Greenish gray. Leaf-shaped, truncate base. Double con-
vex in section. All edges sharp. 28.5 mm. long. 11..5 mm. wide. 7 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Coffee color. Stemmed, diamond-shaped, truncate base,
symmetrical. Double convex in section. 60 mm. long, 24 mm. wide, 9 mm.
thick, stem 8 mm. wide. (PI. 17, tn.)

Base fragment of arrowhead. Flesh color. Stemmed, contracting, irregularly
shouldered. The stem seems to show a discoloration from tar or hafting.
Double convex in section. 49.5 mm. long, 32.5 mm. wide. 8.5 mm. thick, stem
15 mm. wide.

Entire arrowhead. Whitish. Triangular, concave base. Double convex in
section. All edges sharp. 19.5 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Blackish. Irregular shaped, sharpish at both ends.
Somewhat triangular in section. 68 mm. long. 20 mm. wide, 17 mm. thick.
(PI. 17, o.)

Entire arrowhead. Flesh colored. Leaf-shaped, convex base. Irregularly
double convex in section. 48 mm. long. 17 mm. wide, 12 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Gray. Leaf-shaped, truncate base. Double convex in
section. 32 mm. long, 11 mm. diameter. 6 mm. thick.

Entire an-owhead. Flesh colored. Leaf-shaped, convex base. Double con-
vex in section. 27 mm. long, 10 mm. wide. 4 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Green jasper. Leaf-shaped, convex base. Double convex
in section. 28 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Gray, somewhat bluish. Stemmed, diamond-shaped,
small fracture off each end. Double convex in section. 47 mm. long, 24 mm.
wide, 8 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Wliitish with pink cast. Leaf-shaped, truncate base.
Flat convex in section. 34 mm. long, 13 mm. wide. 5.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Flesh coloretL Tnuicate base. Triangular in section.
33.5 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Black. Stemmed, straight, truncate base, shouldered.
Double convex in section. 38.5 mm. long. 14 mm. wide. 6.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Whitish, milky quartz-like material. Triangular, con-
cave base. Double convex in section. 22.5 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick.

Entire arrowhead. Dark gray, practically dull black. Leaf-shaped, truncate
base. Double convex in section. 37 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Greenish gray. Triangular, concave base. Symmetrical.
Double convex in section. 18 mm. long, 11 mm. wide. 3 mm. thick. (PI. 17 g.)

Entire arrowhead. Bubbly obsidian. Stemmed, slightly contracting, truncate
base, shouldered. Double convex in section. 35 mm. long, 16 mm. wide, 5.5
mm. thick. (PI. 17, ;.)

Apparently entire arrowhead, with possible fracture off base. Dark gray.
Stemmed, straiglit, concave base, shouldered. Double convex in section. 28
mm. limg, 17 mm. wide. 6.5 mm. thick.

Base fragment of arrowhead. Gray, one side t.vpical whitish. Stemmed,
contracting diamond-shaped. Double convex in .sectiun. 34 mm. long. 17 mm.
wide, 5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of arrowhead or drill. Dark gray. Triangular in section,
with sharp edges. 35 mm. long, 14 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of knife blade. Greenish gray. Stommod. truncate fractured
base, shouldered, fracture off one shoulder. l)ouliI(> convex in section. The
shoulders are well formed and 18 mm. from the tip. 35.5 mm. long, 29 mm.
wide, 5 mm. thick.

HAKRiSGTONl DESCRIPTTOX OF THE ARTIFACTS 101

Entire arvdwhead or knife blade. Blackisli. Leaf-shaped, truncate base.
Symmetrical. Edses sharp with exception of the base, which is neatly
squared. 93 mm. long. 27 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. (PI. 17, a.)

Almost entire arrowhead or knife blade, the base being apparently a frac-
ture. Bubbly obsidian. Stemmed, truncate base, shouldered. Double convex
in section. 41 mm. long. 27 mm. wide. 7 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Red .iasi>er, of dark vermilliou color. Triangular, convex
ba.se. Double convex in section. Incurved butt. 23.5 mm. long, 12.5 mm. wide,
4 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Blackish. Lopsided or curved, truncate base. Blunt
ix)int. Double convex in se<4i(m. 27.5 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 7 mm. thii-k.

Entire knife blade. Blackish banded. Double convex in section. 64 mm.
long. 31 mm. wide, 8.5 mm. thick. (PI. 17. &.)

Entire arrowhead. Blackish banded. Leaf-shaped, convex base. All edges
sharp. Double convex in section. 34 nmi. long, 27 mm. wide, 12.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Flesh color and quite translucent. Stemmed, diamond-
shaped, truncate base, somewhat lopsided. 38 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 8 mm.
thick. (PI. 17. r.)

FLINT IMPLEMENT WITH ONE EDOE COARSELY TOOTHED

Just one specimen was recovered, but a typical one, of the imple-
ments coarsely toothed along one edge but having the other edge
rounding, such as are figured hy Wilson from San Miguel Island,
Plate 40, Nos. 8, 11. and 14. These implements resemble a leaf-
shaped arrowhead with a few roundish bits taken out of one side.
Our specimen is of the typical whitish flint (chert) of which many
of the arrowheads are made and comes from the screenings of Pit z.
It represents a definite type of artifact but of unknown application.
3.5 mm. long, 14 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. (PI. 17, u.)

SANDSTONE REAMERS

Two easily identified reamers were found, both of the well-known
type.

Reamer of coarse and gritty gray sandstone. 39 mm. long. 20 mm. diameter
II mm. diameter at point. The point is blunt and rounding, and its neck
shows abrasion from use as a reamer for enlarging bored holes. (PI. 17, s.)

Reamer of coarse gray sandstone. 40 mm. long. IG mm. diameter. S mm. diame-
ter at the tip. The neck shows abrasion from use as a reamer. (PI. 17, t.)

SLATE riilNTS

Slender and carefully .shaped points of the rather fragile grayish
slate rock that occurs in the region may have been used as arrow-
heads. The specimens vary in size and in having bases either
rounded or squared.

Entire slate point. Gray. 42 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Beth
ends shai'ii.

Entire slate point. Gray. 45 mm. lung, II mm. wide. mm. thick. Truncate
base.

102 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. Ann. 4*

Entire slate point. Gni.v. 133 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide. 5 mm. thiik. The base
is bluntly rounded. (IM. 21, o.)

Entire slate point. Gray. 68 mm. long. 12 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Both
ends bluntly rounded. (PI. 21, p.)

Base fragment of slate point. Gra.v. 34 mm. long, S mm. wide, 5 mzn. thick.

Base fragment of slate point. Gray. GO mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
Truncate lia.se.

Entire slate point. Gray. 36 mm. long. 7 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Truncate
base.

Entire slate point. Gray. 54 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Base
bluntly rounded.

PAINTS

Indian pigments yielded up by the excavations consist of cakes
or fragments of cakes of rather bright red hematite (Fe.,0.,), frag-
ments of cakes and also natural fragments of clirome yellow limon-
ite (P>(0H)3), and pieces of white earth or chalk (kaolin). The
sources of all these substances occur in the vicnitj'. The cakes nearly
enough intact to judge their former shape resemble the oblong cakes
iigured by Putnam."*'' The paints, red, yellow, and white, were
used both for body painting and for painting the surfaces of
wood, shell, and rock. As far as is known, the white earth was never
made into cakes. The principal finds are listed below\ There were
aLso irregular masses and stains of hematite in several of the graves.

Lump of bright red hematite, 18 mm. long. This lump appears to be a frag-
ment of a larger cake.

Half a cake of bright red hematite, 65 mm. maximum diameter. The old
surface is smooth and neatly rounded.

Lump of darker colored, coarser, and somewhat hard-textured- red hematite.
Tills lump has a maximum diameter of 58 mm. and its surface presents irregular
cleavages everywhere.

Half of a cake of very bright red hematite paint. Maximum diameter 61.5
mm. About half the original cake is intact.

Almost entire cake of the darker colored red hematite paint, unusually gritty.
A molded cake the original surface of which is still intact except where the
ends are broken off. .Sipiarish in section, the cake in its original form was
largest in the middle and tajjered toward the ends. 102.5 nmi. long, 45 mm.
diameter. When moistened it stains a profuse brownish red color. (I'l. 16. i.)

Half of a cake of very bright red hematite paint, 51 mm. maximum diameter.

Fragment of a cake of very brownish red hematite paint which has a burnt
aiipearance. Part of the original surface of the lump can be traced. 51.5 mm.
maximum diameter.

Lump of red hematite paint, of burnt appearance; 30 mm. long. A small
part of the original surface is Intact.

Lump of hard red hematite paint, irregular in shape and dark in api)earance;
59 mm. long. When wet it makes a very red stain.

Fragment of the darker red hematite paint, 54 mm. greatest diameter. It
shows considerable of the former surface of the cake from which it has been
broken.

»*» rutnam, op. cit., p. 261.

HAUKIXGTOX] DESCRIPTIOX OF THE ARTIFACTS 103

Kragmont of a cake of brijjlit red hematite paiut, 36.5 mm. greatest diameter.
The curvature of the old surface i.s still intact.

Fra.sment of hard bright red hematitle paint not showiug any of the former
surface of a calse, 43 nun. long.

Lump of bright red hematite paint, 32 mm. maximum diameter, there being
no proof that it is part of a molded cake.

Lump of chrome yellow limonite, 53 mm. long, about half the surface of the
specimen being the old surface of the cake.

Piece of yellowish stone identified as limonite marl or clay, very impure : 34.9
mm. long.

Lump of yellow limonite. Part of its surface is possibly the former surface
of a cake.

Lump of not very yellow, rather buff-colored paint. Soft. The surface
shows small scratches as if it had been rubbed. 45 mm. long.

Lump of chrome yellow limonite paint. Xot a molded lump but apparently
a natural rock. The pigment has a somewhat dirty yellow color but shows up
well on the skin. 79 mm. maximum diameter.

Lumps of white earth, evidently used as paint.

PENDANTS OF STONE

Fragmentary pendant of slightly greenish gray and very hard stone, round
in section. 42.5 mm. long. 13 mm. diameter at the larger and fractured end :
10 mm. diameter at the smaller end. Hole 5 mm. diameter 3 mm. from tlie
smaller end. (PI. 23. (/.)

Pendant of smooth light-grav stone, very symmetrical and neatly made, round
in section, 54 mm. long. 11 mm. diameter. Hole 4 mm. diameter. (PI. 23, c.)

BEADS OF STONE
Ste.\titb Disk Beads

Very few specimens of dark gray or blackish disk beads of steatite,
neatly made, were found, and may be described as follows: An
example is shown in Plate 26, a.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 5 mm. diameter, 1.75 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. BlackLsh. 5.5 mm. diameter, 1.5 mm. thick. Hole 2
mm. diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 9 mm. diameter, 1.5 mm. thick. Hole 2.5 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 5 mm. diameter, 1 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 4.5 mm. diameter, 1 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 4 mm. diameter. 2 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Black. mm. diameter. 1.5 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Black. G mm. diameter. 1 mm. thick. Hole 2.5 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Black. 6.5 mm. diameter, 1 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

104 EXPLORATION OF BT'RTON MOUND [eth. ANN. «

Steatite Disks

These are distinguished from the steatite disk beads by their larger
size.

Disk of gray steatite, 15.5 mm. diameter, 3 mm. tliicls. Hole 1 mm. diameter,
not exactly at the center.

('urions flat disk of si'ay. almost flesh-colored steatite; 12 mm. diameter, 1
mm. thick. Uubored.

Cylindeical Beads of Steatite

Steatite beads of cylindrical shape which would not come imder
the above classes are:

Bead of blackish steatite, 11 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Bead of blacki.sh steatite, 11.5 mm. lung, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Bead of gray steatitie, 11.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Twelve beads of gray steatite, very neat in luiiform. One measures 9.5 mm.
long. 4 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Bead of slate-colored steatite, 17 mm. long. 6.25 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm.
diameter.

Lopsided bead of dark gray steatite, 17 mm. long, 31 mm. diameter. Hole
7.5 mm. diameter.

Blank of black steatite for bead. Fini.shed except that the boring is not com-
pleted. 15 mm. long, 11 mm. diameter.

Bead of gray steatite of excellent workman.ship, 34 mm. lung, 13 mm. diam-
eter. Hole 9 mm. diameter.

Fragment of gray steatite bead. 7 mm. long, 12 mm. diameter.

Bead of gray steatite, 10 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Belads of Amethyst

Several beads made of amethyst were also found.

Amethyst bead, 16 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter.
Amethyst bead, 7 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter.
Ameth.vst bead, 14.75 mm. long, 13 mm. diameter.
Amethyst tjead, 7.5 mm. lon,g, 9 mm. diameter.

Miscellaneous Stone Beads

Cylindrical bead of sandstone. Gray. 36.5 mm. long. 12 mm. diameter. One
end seems to be a recent lireak.

Bead of reddish stone, almost like steatite. IS mm. long, 18 mm. diam. The
boring is from both ends and consists of two concavities of conical shape which
barely meet together at the center of the bead.

Bead of gray smooth textured stone. 37 mm. long, 22 mm. diameter.

Bead of dark gray stone, 10.5 mm. long, 14 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diam-
eter. Ends squared.

Curious long bead or two of yellowish marly stone. Tlie ends are nicel.v
squared, the outer surface is chipited off in irregular faces. 70.5 mm. long, 15.5
muL diameter. The wall varies greatly in thickness, measuring at the ends
from 2 mm. to 3.5 mm.

HAREINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE AKTIFACTS 105

Bead of reddish very fine textured sandstone, giobular in form ; 9.5 mm. diam-
eter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Bead of brownish stone, 2.25 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter.

Objects of Asphalt

These consisted of molded cakes, api3arentl_v made and set aside
so as to have always ready a supply of adhesive bitumen, and of
small fragments brolcen from pluggings and cementings and the like ;
also of fragments apparently broken from the coating of a basketry
water jug, and many apparently natural pieces. The beach was
strewn with pieces of soft asphalt, and La Brea canyon, east of El
Toro, the asphalt mine at the Lucian Higgings ranch at Carpintcria,
More's Landing, and the asphalt mine at Goleta Point offered fur-
ther sources of supjaly.

Asphalt was also found adhering to the bases of arrowheads and
knife blades.

Asphalt was also found as a ring on the rim of hopper mortars,
as an adhesive for mending broken pestles, on the tarred stones, as an
adhesive for stemming pipes with mouthpieces of bone, at the bases
of arrowheads, knife blades, and bone points, as the setting for inlay
of various kinds, and as a filling for incisions or scratchings so as to
bring out incised designs in black.

LUMPS OF ASPHALT

The collection of molded lumps of asphalt is the largest that has
ever been taken from a Channel site. Most of these have the shape
of a spheroid or of an elongated spheroid, but there are many irregu-
larities of shape.

Lump of asphalt, carefully molded. The surface is. checked with minute
cracks. 11.1 mm. long, 85.7 mm. wide, 38.1 mm. thick. (PI. 18, 6.)

Lump of asphult, 98.4 mm. long, 88.!1 mm. wide. 41.2 mm. thick.

Lump of asphalt. 95.2 mm. long, 60.8 mm. wide, 44.4 mm. thick. One end lias
been broken awa.v a little.

Lump of asphalt of somewhat triangular shape, 84.1 mm. long, 6G.G mm. wide,
31.7 mm. tliick.

Lump of asphalt, a perfect spheroid of carefully molded asphalt. 5().s mm.
long, 47.6 mm. wide, 31.7 mm. thick. (PI. 18, n.)

Lump of asphalt, 149.2 mm. long. 123.8 mm. wide, 38.1 mm. thick. The surface
is much checked and somewhat rougli. (PI. 18, c.)

Lump of asphalt, 104.7 mm. long, !)5.2 mm. wide. 28.5 mm. thick. Surface
rather rough.

Lump of asphalt, 133.3 mm. long. 127 mm. wide, 57.1 mm. thick.

Lump of asphalt, 108 mm. long. 95.2 mm. wide. 41.2 mm. thick.

Lump of asphalt, probably in fragmentary condition, the edges consisting of
one rounded edge and two cleavages. 76.2 mm. long, 41.2 mm. wide, 34.9 mm.
thick.

55231°— 28 8

106 EXPLORATION OF Bt'RTON MOUND [oth. ann. 44

Lump of asphalt. The edges are fractured a little. The rever.se side shows
a large bubble. t)2 mm. long, 79.3 mm. wide, 4-1.4 mm. thick.

Lump of asphalt, 114.3 mm. long, 92 mm. wide, 57.1 mm. thiclv.

Lump of asplialt, 82.5 mm. long, G9.8 mm. wide, 53.9 mm. thiclc. This lump
has serpula holes in it and is beach \\orii.

ASPHALT FRAGMENTS WITH TWINED BASKETRY IMPRINT

The twined water bottles of the Indians were frequently coated
with asphalt. Two fragments of such asphalt coating were
recovered. The basket to which they adhered may have rotted in the
ground.

Piece of asphalt with imprint of twined basketry, possibly that of an Indian
water bottle. 25 mm. long. 17 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick.

Piece of asphalt with imprint very similar to thut of the fragment described
above, 26 mm. long. 25 mm. wide. 4 mm. thick.

UNEXPLAINED OBJECTS OF ASPHALT

Object of black asphalt. 40.5 mm. long. 9.5 mm. wide. 7 mm. thick. The tip
is bluntly rounded. The butt has a hole in it which runs in 16 mm. The
asphalt is soft and crumbly from long contact with the earth. The hole does
not have the appearance of having an irregular surface.

A second specimen of black asphalt object similar to the last described, but
only half the length. 22 mm. long. 9 mm. wide. 7.5 mm. thick. Entire and
unbroken, the tip sharper than any other specimen, the hole in the butt extend-
ing into the specimen 12 mm, and showing no sign of the former insertion of
a shaft.

Objects of Bone or Antler

These have been our most difficult objects for the following rea-
sons: (1) We have not yet been able to get them identified zoolog-
ically; (2) many of the specimens consist of base, tip, or central
fragments; (3) we can not be sure of the use of but few of the
specimens — aside from a few obvious needles, baskptry awls, and
points of com250site fisldiooks. we have before us a collection of
question marks, and it does little good to refer to these objects as
many authors do by a large miscellany of names unless the objects
can be checked with direct knowledge as to use.

The bone and antler material found was most of it in a peculiarly
fragmentary and distintegrated condition.

ENTIRE BONE AWLS

Probably entire bone awl. diverse outside. 113 mm. long. 16 mm. wide. 5
mm. thick. Entirely unworked except the tip. the left edge being ground off
for 14 mm. from the tip. the right edge for 16 mm., the reverse for 14 mm., the
obver.se not at all. This primitive awl is apparently in its original condition,
the edges and butt .having always consisted of fractures. (PI. 19, a, 1.)

Probably entire bone awl of the same type as the last specimen described.
Obverse outside. 94 mm. long, 15.5 mm. wide. 5 mm. thick. Entirely unworked
except the tip, the left edge being ground off for 33 mm. from the tip. the right

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 18

LUMPS OF ASPHALT

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 19

a. a', BONE AWLS. b. SEA-LION RIB IMPLEMENTS; SEA-LION RADIUS

UARBIXGTONi

DESCRIPTIOX OF THE ARTIFACTS 107

edge for 35 mm., the obverse nnd reverse sides sciireely at all. There is no
reason to suppose that we do nut have the entire artifact. (PI. 19, a, 2.)

Entire bone awl or pin. Obverse outside. 164 mm. long. 15 mm. wide, 7 mm.
thiok. Fresh and strong bone. The edges are worked throughout, being well
rounded, the left edge much thinner than the right. The butt is a recent frac-
ture but the natural end of the bone evidently extended only a few millimeters
lioyond it. The obverse and reverse begin to taper only 14 mm. from the tip.
The extreme tiii is broken off. There is also an irregular fracture off the leftl
edge near the tip. (PI. 19. a, 3.)

Butt fragment of bone awl or pin. Obverse outside. 94 mm. long, 16..5 mm.
wide. 3 mm. thick. The original butt is partly intact but a large flake is
broken off its central portion <in the obverse side. The edges are nicely rounded
and perfectly straight, but start to taper more abruptly in the inmiediate
vicinity of the tip fracture. The specimen was evidently very similar to the one
last described, but more neatly made. (PI. 19, a, 4.)

Entire bone awl with asphalt handle still intact. Made of tubular long bone.
55.5 mm. long, 23 mm. wide. 18.5 mm. thick. The asphalt handle extends from
the butt for 24.5 mm. A little of the end of tlie bone sticks through the asphalt
at the butt. The asphalt is black and smnoth surfaced. The beveling com-
mences 27 mm. from the tip. The taper of the left edge commences 25 mm.
from the tip. The edges are straight, the tip sharp. This and the other awls
shown in Plate 19 are such as were used in basket making. (PI. 19, a\ 1.)

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 72.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
The shaft and butt are entirely unworked and the butt Is the joint end of a
long bone. The tip tapers from all sides beginning 17 mm. back and Is sliarp
and s.vmmetrical. The specimen is somewhat triangular in section, the rever.se
consisting of the interior trough of the bone. (PI. 19. «', 2.)

Entire bone awl exeejjt that perhaps 3 mm. of the tip is missing. Obverse
outside. 94 mm. long. 23 mm, wide, 11 mm. thick. The butt is the old joint
end of the bone. The tip starts to taper from all sides commencing 40 mm. back,
almost half tlie length of the specimen. The extreme tip is round in section.
(PI. 19, a'. 3.)

Entire bune awl. Obverse outside. 72.5 mm. long, 16 mm. wide, 11 mm.
thick. The butt is formed by the old joint end. The beveling of the tip begins
12 mm. back. There are some transverse hackings on the lower part of the
obverse. The extreme tip is broken off, perhaps a couple of millimeters being
lacking. (PI. 19, a'. 4.)

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 75 mm. long, 12.5 mm. wide, 5.5 mm.
thick. The reverse consists of a prominent furrow. The tip is beveled from
all sides from 30 to 35 mm. Extreme tip broken off. (PI. 19, a', 5.)

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 58 mm. hmg. 15 mm. wide, 11 mm. thick.
The extreme two or three millimeters of the tip are broken off. The left edge
is quite sharp in its central iK)rtion. The entire specimen tapers toward the
point but the sharper taper of the edges sets in only 15 mm. back.
(PI. 19. a' 6.)

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 4S mm. long, 11.5 mm. wide, 5 mm.
thick. The butt is the old articulation. The reverse surface shows much
sponginess The beveling to the tip starts 17 mm. back. Extreme tip broken
off. (PI. 19, a'. 7.)

Entire bone awl. Obver.se outside. 83 mm. long, 20.5 mm. wide, 10 mm.
thick. The butt is the old joint. The tip tapers more sharply, starting 15
mm. back. The rever.se consists of a single furrow from the old inside of
the long bone. Tip intact. (PI. 19, a', 8.)

108 EXPLORATION OF BURTOlSr MOUND [eth. ann. 44

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. Made of light and porous bone. Extreme
tip broken off. 42 mm. long, 14 mm. wide, 11 mm. thick. The butt fracture
extends almost half way up the obverse side.

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 72.5 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 5 mm.
thick. The butt is an old break but is undoubtedly the original condition. The
edges tajx'r from about 45 mm. more sharply from about 12 mm. The extreme
tip is broken off. The reverse side in the vicinity of the butt end is spongy.

SEA-LION Rin IMPLEMENTS

Of similar implements Heye says : ^^ " Still other curved bone imple-
ments are exhibited in PI. L, all made from the ribs of deer or sea-
lion. The butt end has been left in its natural state, while the other
end, in the examples shown in a and </, is ground to a point. The
smaller ends of h and c, although blunt, likewise show evidence of
working. These latter two objects would have made ideal tools for
chipping stone, the natural curve of the rib fitting the hand in such
a way as to afford a firm grip."

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, mellowed color, quite brown. 35.5
mm. long. 11.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The end is beveled to the flat side of
the ril) from about 10 mm. from the tip. The extreme tip is broken off, as
if it had not been cut whull.v through at the time of making.

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 23 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 8 mm.
thick. The tip is beveled to the flat side from 5 mm. back from the tip. The
beveled surface shows an outcropping of the spongy interior of the bone near
the extremity. The specimen may have been through Are. (PI. 19, 6, 1.)

Entire sea-lion rib implement, showing the original form. 98 mm. long,
10 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. The beveling to the flat side starts 10 mm. from
the extremity. This beveling di.sclo.ses no hole or sponginess. The butt is
unbroken, but is concave and rough surfaced, being the natural articulation of
the rib. The specimen is flesh colored, lighter than that of most of these rib
implements. (PI. 19, 6, 2.)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 37 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 10 mm.
thick. The beveling to the flat side starts 9 mm. from the tip. The rib is
solid. (PI. 19, 6, 3.)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 39 mm. long. 12 mm. wide. 10 mm.
thick. The beveling to the flat side tapers from only 7 mm. from the extremity.
Tlie beveling exposes sponginess of the interior of the rib. The obverse sur-
face has a transverse notch 13 mm. below the tip. ( PI. 19, 6, 4. )

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 28 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 7 mm.
thick. Beveled to the flat side from 7 mm. from the tip. (PI. 19, 6, 5.)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 48 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 6.75 mm.
thick. The beveling to the flat side starts 8 mm. from tlie tip. (Pi. 19, 6, 6.)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 38.5 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 9 mm.
thick. The point is beveled off to the flat side from 8 mm. back from the tip.
(PI. 19, 6, 7.)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, but possibly representing the origi-
nal condition of the specimen, although the butt end is broken off. 91.5 mm.
long. 10 mm. wide, 7 nun. thick. This specimen is more curved than the others.

"Heye, op. cit., pp. 81-82.

HAHRrxGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 109

The heveling to the flat side starts S mm. from the end. Only part of the
specimen is shown in llie plate. (PI. 19. h. 8.)

Tip frai;mont of sea-lion rib implement, 48 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 7 mm.
thick. The bevdins to the flat side starts mm. from the tip and exposes the
interior hollow of the rib, which is very straight.

.SEA -LION RADII

Altogether nine of these bones were found in the fjraves, all but
one tip fragments, and none of them showing signs of having been
used. The sturdiness of the bone and the hardness of the point
would suggest that they would make good flakers for chipping flint.
A sea-lion radius is figured by Putnam.^"

Entire unworked California sea-lion radius bone possibly used as an imple-
ment. 131 mm. long, 36 mm. wide, 23 mm. thick. The only entire specimen
obtained. (PI. 19, &, 9.)

BROAD BONE POINTS, WEDGE-SHAPED BONE IBIPLEMENTS

Tip fragment of bone point, 47 ram. long. 9 mm. wide. 4 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Inside surface has a deep furrow in its lower lialf. The extreme
tip is lirciken off.

Central fragment of bone point, 44 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
inside surface is nmch troughed. Edges rounded. The tip is broken off, leaving
a stub 3.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of bone point, 3.5 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Inside
surface much trougheti. Edges rounded. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point, 37.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick.
White all through, though the surface is whiter. Edges rounded.

Central fragment of lione point. 49 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
Left edge rounded, right edge squared. Stout enough to have been an awl.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside surface consists of a deep furrow, the
only place worked being the edges of this furrow and the extreme tip ; 52
mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick. Very strong. Can be classed as an awl
fragment.

Tip fragment of bone point, possibly to be regarded as entire bone awl, the
butt of which was originally a fracture. Inside surface furrowed, 65 mm.
long, 2 mm. wiile, 4 mm. thick. Edges squared but become quite right rounding
20 mm. from the tip, while the awl becomes round in section 10 mm. from
the tip.

Tip fragment of bone point, 36 mm. long. 9 mm. wide. 3.75 mm. thick. The
inside surface has a large furrow. Edges rounded. A fracture extends 12 mm.
up the right edge.

Central fragment of bone point, 43 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Edges
rounded. The specimen has no taper.

Til) fragment of hone point. 28 mm. long, 9 mm. wide. 5 mm. tliick. The
surface of the inside is somewhat spongy. Edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point, 24 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Extreme
tip broken off. The inside surface consists largely of the natural furrow.

=» Putnam, op. cit., PI. XI, 23.

110 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. anx. 44

Tip fragment of bone point, 36.5 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
Edges roundetl, tlie left edge forming quite a stiarp corner with the obverse.
The inside .'iurface consists largely of a furrow. The tip bends to the right.
The extreme tip is lirolten off.

Tip fragment of bone point. 44 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide. 3 mm. tliiek. This
is a splinter of a bone ixiint, only the original tip renuiining intact. All other
surfaces except the outside are fractures.

Central fragment of bone point, 55 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick.
Perhaps a half inch of the tip is missing.

Tip fragment of bone point, 34 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick.
Tliore is a slanting flake off the inside surface of the point.

Entire bone point or awl. 67 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 2.75 mm. thick. The
butt end is worked somewhat rounding and a browner color extends about
a third of the way up the inside surface. The specimen is very strong. Tlie
extreme tip is broken off.

Apparently butt fragment of bone point, 63 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 6.5 mm.
thick. Both edges are old breaks worn smooth by use but not worked. The
lower third of the specimen is quite black. The tapers on tlie inside from
15 mm., on the inside surface from 25 mm.

Tip fragment of or i>erhaps entire bone point. Inside surface flat and
shows longitudinal corrugations. 64.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
Both edges are squai'ed. The butt is a fracture but is considerabl.v worn.
There are flecks of coquina material stuck on the surface near the butt.

Tip fragment of bone point, 18 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
surface is blackened in places. The inside surface consists of a furrow. The
outside is beveled from 4 mm., the inside hardly at all. Edges rounded. A
mere tip fragment.

Central fragment of bone point. Inside surface shows longitudinal groove.
33 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Ed,ges rounded, the left edge being
thicker than tlie right. The beveling off the tip starts about 7 mm. from the
tip fracture.

Tip fragment of bone point, 28 mm. l<mg, 10 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The
inside surface is spongy and irregularly bulging and seems like a fracture.
The left edge is quite sharp, the right rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point, 54 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick. The
extreme tip has been broken off. The left edge is the original surface of the
bone. The specimen starts to taper 23 mm. from the tip.

Central fragment of bone point, 38.5 mm. lon.g, 6 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
The outside consists of a single fracture. The right edge is also fortned of the
old inside surface of the bone. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point, 55 mm. long, 12.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick.
Dark coffee color. Tip chaiTed. Tip tapers from 13 mm. on obverse and
reverse sides. Butt broken diagonally.

Tip fragment of bone point, 24 mm. long, 29 mm. wide. 4.5 nun. thick. Out-
side consists of a shallow furrow. Tip is ground off square, leaving a stub
3 mm. wide and 1.75 mm. thick. Though the edges are somewhat rounded, a
section of the specimen is rectangular.

Tip fragment of bone point. 37 nun. long. 9 nun. wide, 4 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of bone point, 37 mm. long, 13 mm. wide. 9.5 mm. thick. The
butt consists of a natural articulation (if the bone, bnt has been somewhat
ground off. The edges have been workeil rounding. Evidently a fragment of
an awl.

HAURiXGTON] DESCRIPTION' OF THE ARTIFACTS 111

Tip frafniient of bone puiiit. Inside furrowed. 52 niui. long. 14 mm. wide,
3..') mm. tliii-k. (Hiverse tapers from 4 mm., outside from 5.5 mm. Tip intnct.
Worlvin? of tlie left edge near tlie tip is espeeiallj- noticealile.

Tip fragment of bone point. 36 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Inside
is spongy, but shows no hollow. Broken-ofC stub of tip 3 mm. wide, 2 mm.
tliick. Edges rounded.

Central fragment of bone point. Inside has longitudinal furrow. 62.5 mm.
long. 10 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The entire obverse left and right edges show
diagonal rasping. Edges nicely rounded. A central section of a well-made
hairpin or the like.

Tip fragment of bone point. 36 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The outside is not as flat as the inside. Tip intact. Outside tapers
from 2 mm., inside from 5 mm. Some eai'thy material is stuck to the lower
part of the obver.se.

Tip fragment of bone point, 36 mm. lung, 10 mm. wide. 4 mm. thick. Ellipti-
cal in section. Right edge is sharj>er than left e<lge. The in.side shows two
furrows. The extreme tip is broken off diagonally.

Tip fragment of bone point, 28 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The
fragment shows signs of being burnt and is also coated somewhat with earthy
material. The tip is quite sharp. The outside and inside are beveled only from
5 mm. Edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone ix]int, 36 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The tip Ijeuds a trifle to the right. The out.side tapers from 16 mm.
The lower part of the specimen is coated over with sandy asphalt.

Tip fragiTient of bone iwint, 27 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Tip
intact. The fragment is much calcined.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside surface consists largel.v of the furrow.
39 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded and start to taper
from the middle of the sriecimen. Extreme tip broken off. Some ashlike mate-
rial adheres to the inside surface.

Central fragment of bone point, 31 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick.
Edges rounded and start to taper about 15 mm. from the tip. Tip bends to
right. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone iwint. Edges squared. 41 mm. long. 6.5 mm. wide, 3
mm. thick. Very glassy and mellowed color. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point, 45 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
edges are square fractures. The only working of this specimen is the beveling
off of the outside from 7 mm. and the working of the right edge for a distance
of 16 mm. from the tip.

Tip fragment of bone point, 43 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 3.5 mm, thick. All
edges are fractures except about 13 mm. near the tip.

Tip fragment of bone point, 29 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. A
sharper taper of the right edge starts 10 mm. from the butt fracture. The
fragment is roundish in section near the tip. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point, 34 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The
edges are squared. The left edge makes a .log 9.5 mm. from the tip as if an
original point had been broken and the splintered stub sharpened. The slender
point is round in section.

Tip fragment of bone jwint. The specimen is unique in the collection, since
it consists of a tubular long bone the end of which is lieveled off slanting. 43.5
mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. The bone is mellowed in color but hard and strong.

112 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [EiH. a.nn. 44

The edges are rounctel ami at the extreme tip the wall of the hone is heveled a
little on the outside and inside surfaces. (PI. 20, a, 1.)

Tip fragment of bone point, 40 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. AH
edges are fractures, yet were probably purposely broken so as to shape the
implement. The tip is the full thickness of the si)ecimen, the edges only taper-
ing in to form the iwint. (PI. 20, a, 2.)

Tip fragment of bone implement made of the cannon bone of the deer, 78 mm.
long, 21.5 mm. wide. The wall of the bone averages perhaps G mm. in thick-
ness. The only working is the beveling of the bone to a point, which continues
thrcmghout the fragment. The entire specimen was presumably similar In
shape to the next specimen described below. The butt is an old fracture. The
implement was evidently large and strong. The extreme tip is beveled a little
from both sides. (PI. 20, o, 3.)

Entire bone implement made of the cannon bone of the deer, 104 mm. long.
29 mm. wide, 14 mm. thick. The wall of the bone averages perhaps 6 mm. in
diameter. The beveling starts 45 mm. from the tip but there is a fracture off
both edges so as to make the tip narrower than it originally was. (PI. 20, a, 4.)

MISCELLANEOUS BONE POINTS

Tip fragment of bone point, .S2 mm. limg, 5.5 mm. diameter. The entire inside
is a fracture. This is a splinter from the edge or corner of a worked bone
implement. There are transverse raspings all along the left half of the obverse
surface.

Tip fragment of bone point, 29 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The butt
is a fracture. The tip is blunt and there is an adjacent fracture on the left
edge. The specimen is made of the wall of the large long bone. The left edge
consists largely of a fracture. The point was originally sharper and it is
evidently a fragment of a bone awl or like implement.

Fragment of a b(me implement, 24 mm. long, 5 mm. wide. 2 mm. thick. All
surfaces except the outside are fractures.

Central fragment of bone implement, probably a bone point, 48 mm. long,
10.5 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. Inside has some white discoloration.

Central fragment of bone implement, 27 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
Perhaps a section of a bone point. The specimen has so little taper that one
can not be certain which was the former tip end. The obverse has a natural
groove running down its center.

Tip fragment of bone point, 43.5 mm. long. 9.5 mm. diameter. The reverse
is flattish. The outside and one edge are the former surface of the bone. The
other surfaces are very rough, abraided and dirty. The .si>ecimen is somewhat
triangular in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 36.5 mm. long,
15 mm. wide, 11 mm. thick. A most curious fragment, different from anything
else in the collection. The bone is solid and hard and has been thought by some
to be that of some fossilized animal. The surface shows tine che<ks or faults
that run in irregular direction. One surface is flat, but is not a former outside
surface of bone. The point is blunt and shows no sign of use. The reverse
surface has some larger transverse faults near the butt fracture. The specimen
was determined by Mr. Earl V. Shannon, of the Division of Geology, U. S.
National Museum, to be bone.

Central fragment of bone point ; outside ciin not be detennined. 29.5 mm.
long, 3 mm. wide. 2 mm. thick. Almost round in section. Evidentl.v a fragment
of a bone pin or like implement.

HABBINQTON]

DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 113

Central fragment of bone implement. Reverse consists of the former insiilo
surface. 43 mm. lonsr. 14.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. tliiek. The edges are squared.
Outside and inside surfaces are aiiparently unworlied.

Tip fragTueut of lioue point, 24 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Elliptical
in section. Edges rounded. The lower part of the left edge is broken away.
Tip abraided but evidently extended no farther formerly. Inside shows a
natural furrow. Tip bends to the left.

Tip fragment of bone point. Out.^ide can not be determined. 15 mm. long.
5 mm. diameter. Jet black in color. Tip taiJer starts 7.5 mm. back and tapers
equally from all sides. Elliptical in section. Butt broken off diagonally.

Fragment of bone implement, 42 mm. long, 6 mm, wide, 5 mm. thick. The
right edge is a fracture, the left edge is natural surface.

Tip fragment of bone ixiint. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long,

4 mm. wide. 3.5 mm. thick. The point bends to the right and twists in clockwise
direction. The obverse is flat, the reverse has two faces, making the specimen
triangular in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined, since obverse
and reverse surfaces are fractures. 30 mm. long. 5 mm. wide. 4.5 mm. thick.
The upper end is worked to a tip in the usual manner. The breaks are old and
the color of the bone is mellowed.

Central fragment of bone implement, 44 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick.
Rather fresh lookin.g. Triangular in section. Cracked longitudinally. There
are several transverse scorings on the right half of the upper inside.

Central fragment of bone implement, 32.5 mm. long, 15 mm. wide. 2.5 mm.
thick. Both edges are square fractures, as if by chance. The top is broken
off. A transverse groove has been cut in the specimen and the tip fracture is
just beyond this groove.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long,

5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Black and glassy, one of the most mineralizetl of
the specimens. The butt fracture reveals a spongy interior. The point Is
shai)ed very blunt, taper starting only two or three millimeters from the end.
The specimen is nearly round in section and its surface presents several longi-
tudinal grooves.

Tip fragment of b<me point. Outside can not be determined. 37.5 mm. long,
8.5 mm. wide. 2 mm. thick. The extreme thinness and tlie flatness of the
obverse make this specimen unique. The edges are rounded, and there is a
w-ell-made eibow in the left edge 10 mm. from the butt fracture. The thinness
of the specimen would preclude its use for any purpose for which strength ig
required.

Tip fragment of bone ix)int. Outside can nt>t be determined. Zi mm. long.
5.5 mm. wide. 2.5 mm. thick. Dark mellowed color. Flatfish In section.

Central fragment f>f bone implement. Outside can not be determined. 53 mm.
long, 5.5 mm. diameter. The siiecimen is somewhat crooked and twisted.

Central fragment of bone implement. Outside can not be determined and a
little of the original surface is left. 35 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. 2 mm. thick.
Both ends are sharp as the result of old fractures. Mellowed color, glassy.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 38 mm.
long, 6 mm. diameter. Round in section. Ashy gray color, verging toward
flesh color. Made of spongy bone.

Tip fragment of bone implement. 27 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
outside consists of a fracture. Dark earth-colored substance is stuck on more
or less all over the specimen. Both edges tend to be quite sharp.

114 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. ANN. 44

Tip fragment of bone point. 31 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Darli mel-
lowed, glassy. The inside consists of three fractures. Left e<lge sharp. The
tip is beveled from 7 mm. with a straight bevel.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 24 mm. long,

4 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. TJie obverse and right edge is the former surface
of an artifact ; all other surfaces are fractures and exhibit five different cleav-
ages. The tip is formed by these cleavages and shows no vForkings. A mere
splinter off a bone artifact.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 31 mm. long,
3 mm. diameter. The lower end is square, as if rubbed to this shape. Kound in
section. Old mellowed color, blackened except at the tip.

Butt fragment of bone implement, 33.5 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 8.5 mm. thick.
The smaller end is evidently the butt and is neatly squared. Elliptical in sec-
tion. The other end is broken with an old fracture. Coffee color, of more or
less mineralized appearance.

Central fragment of bone implement. Outside can not be determined. 50 mm.
long, 9 mm. wide. S nmi. thick. On the obverse surface at the tip there is a flat
beveling which extends two-thirds of the way through the specimen. The lower
part of the observe surface is broken away. Mellowed color, glassy.

Tip fragment of bone point, 23 mm. long, 10 mm. wide. 2.5 mm. thick. The
left edge is rounded. Outside and inside are original surfaces. The upper
right edge which forms the point is a fracture, but was probably made
intentionally.

Tip fragment of bone point, 47.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick.
Eeverse has broad longitudinal furrow. All edges nicely rounded. The upper
right edge slants to form the tip, presenting a straight edge 18.5 mm.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside shows a furrow. 24 mm. long, 5 mm.
wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Squarish in section. Crudely made of the wall of a long
bone.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long,

5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The surfaces consist mostly of fractures, which
makes the specimen triangular in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 31 mm. long,
3.5 mm. diameter. Round in section. The left edge is the old surface of the
artifact, all other surfaces are fractures.

Central fragment of bone point, 32.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
The reverse has a wide furrow. Both edges are fractures. Outside and inside
surfaces taper from 8 mm. The point consists of a broad rounding edge.

Central fragment of bone point, 34.5 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide. mm. thick.
A furrow is seen in the lower half of the inside surface. Blackish color.

Central fragment of bone implement. Outside can not be determined. 35
mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. All surfaces are smootli. Obverse and
reverse are natural surfaces and the left edge is the unworked corner between
them. The right edge has two worked corners with a wide furrow, making
the specimen triangular in section.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 38 mm.
long, 7 mm. diameter. The right edge is a fracture except for a section 4 mm.
In the central portion of the specimen. Blackish and glassy.

Central fragment of bone point, 53 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Very
irregular shaix^ owing to surface fractures. The right edge is rounded and
shows hair like transverse raspings throughout its length. The reverse is a
n.'itural inside surface of the bone. The left edge consists of two fractures,
the upper one of which hits the top of the specimen, taking the original tip

UARRIXGTO.N] DESCRIPTION OF THE ABTIFACTS 115

with it. Tlie lower central jiart of the outside surface shows a blood vessel
foramen.

Tip fraKineut of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 32 mm. long.
5 mm. wide. 4.75 mm. thick. Shape somewhat like a tooth but artiticially
worked. Elliptical in section. The size increased from the l)roken butt up to
7 mm. from the tip, where it starts to taper to the jwint, tapering most abruptly
on the right edge. The lower part of the butt curves to the right.

Tip fragment of bone iwint. Outside can not be determined. 29 mm. long,
S.5 mm. diameter. The surface is discolored white in the region about the tip.
The inside is porous but has no hole. Elliptical in section. The tip is bluntly
rounded and tapers from all sides l>eginuing about 10 mm. back.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. .39 mm.
long, C mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The edges are almost square but nicely worked.
The specimen shows no taper, but is evidently a section of a bone point.

Curious object of bone, apparently unfinished : 52.5 mm. long, 11 mm. wide,

7 mm. thick. Whitish flesh color. Has working only at the two ends, which
are beveled from all sides, commencing about 5 mm. from the end. This
beveling does not come to a point, but was whittled to neck about 4 mm. in
diameter, which was then broken.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 48 mm. long,

8 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Elli])tical in section. The surface shows many longi-
tudinal ridges due to disintegration in the ground. The specimen has a well-
defined neck 5.5 mm. wide, commencing 10 mm. from the tip, extending com-
pletely around the specimen. The tip is sharp. There are also two large
irregular hackings below the neck on the obverse surface.

Butt fragment of bone i>oint. Obverse can not be determined. 72.5 mm.
long, 6.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The butt and shaft of a neatly made bone
point, highly poli-shed. The butt is rounded, with several faces. The reverse
presents a furr<jw which can be traced entire length of the specimen and
which renders it somewhat crescent shaiie in section. Very dark coffee, almo.st
black, with glas.sy fracture.

FRAGMENTARY BONE POINTS

Tip fragment of bone point. Obverse inside. 25 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4 mm.
thick. Edges rounded. Edge taper starts 20 mm. from tip. Obverse and re-
verse taper starts 10 mm. from tip. The extreme tip is broken. Dark mello\\ed
color.

Central fragment of l)one point. The inside has a natiyal furrow which
extends the whole length of the fragment. 25 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 7 mm.
thick. The left edge consists of a straight taper. Evidently a fragment of a
point of considerable size. Dark mellowed color.

Tip fragment of rather fresh looking bone point. 39 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick. The taper is gradual and extends throughout the specimen.
The inside is flat toward the butt. The tip is intact and sharp. The butt
fracture has two cleavages meeting in the middle.

Tip fragment of bone point. The inside has a narrow natural longitudinal
groove from the old inner surface of the bone. Black and glossy. Diamond
shape in section. The tip was probably longer originally but is reduced by a
chip off the reverse surface. 21 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of bone point. The outside can not be determined. 21.5 mm.
long, 4 mm. wide, 2.25 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. Extreme tip broken
off slanting, leaving a fracture 1.5 mm. wide, and .75 mm. thick.

116 F.XPLORATTON OF BTTRTON MOUND [eith. ann.44

Tip fragment of hone point. Iiisidp is an old furrow. 56 mm. long. 5 mm.
wide, ;i.5 mm. thick. The reverse is the former outside and is flat. Ed.i;es nicely
rounded. Mellowed color. Well made and sharp. Obverse and reverse taper
from 8 mm.

Central fragment of bone point. Inside ha.s a narrow furrow. 30.5 mm. long.
6 mm. wide. 4 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The tip scarcely begins to taper
before it is broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point. One surface is flat and may be the former
inside of the bone wall. 43 mm. long. 8 mm. wide, 6.5 nmi. thick. Tlie out-
side and inside bevelings begin about 8 mm. from tlie tip. The butt is broken
and a sliver is off the right edge for 16 mm. from the butt. The tip is intact,
blunt, and strong.

Tip fragment of bone point, 23 mm. long, 5.5 nun. wide. 3 nun. thick. Sides
somewliat flat, edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 27 mm. long,
4 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Rounded in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Dull white chalk color. 23.5 mm. long, 8 mm.
wide, 4 mm. thick. The edges are well rounded, the tip quite sharp.

Tip fragment of bone point, 36 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick. The
specimen tapers throughout. A long splinter has broken off the right side.
There are two transverse hackings on the outside near the tip.

Tip fragment of bone jioint, 36 mm. long. 5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
surface is grayish but the interior black. The tip has been broken off somewhat.

Tip fragment of bone point, elliptical in section. Blotches of grayish sub-
stance .stuck to its surface. Extreme tip broken off outside can not be deter-
mined since none of the original surfaces are left. The edges are nicely
rounded. 29 mm. long. 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 22.5 mm.
long, 3.5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. Only the mere tip is missing from the small
end. Elliptical in section. The reverse has a trace of a longitudinal furrow.

Tip fragment of charred bone point. Outside can not be determined. 24 mm.
long. 7 mm. wide. 4.5 mm. thick. The bone is soft and friable and is spongy
throughout. Elliptical in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. 31 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Edges taper from 12 mm.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside cau not be determined. 21.5 nun. long,
3.5 mm. diameter. White. Round in section.

Tip fragment of bone point, is nun. long. 5.5 mm. wide. 4 mm. thick. The
inside is flat and fts surface is the former inside wall of the bone.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 17 mm. long,

4 mm. diameter. White throughout. Round in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. 28 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Round in section.
The more acute taper starts about midway of the specimen. The butt break
seems recent.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be (letermine<l. 23.5 mm. long,

5 mm. diameter. Glas.sy fracture. Round in section. The reverse especially
has charred surface blotches. The extreme tip is broken off.

Tip fragment of lione point. Inside has a trace of a furrow. 20 mm. long,
5 mm. diameter. Irregularly roundish in section. The outside is chipped off
somewhat.

Tip fragment of bone point. IS mm. long. 5 mm. diameter. The edges are
sharp. The outside is intact; most of the reverse is splintered off. The tip la
neatly double convex in section.

HARttlXGTOX ]

DESCRIPTION OF THE .AiiTIFACTS 117

Til) fragment oi bono pniut. Outside can not be determined. 10 mm. long,
3.5 nmi. diameter. Practically round in section. A mere tip.

Tip fragment of bone point. V.i mm. long. 4 mm. wide. 3 mm. thick. Ellip-
tical iu section. Mellowed and glass.v. Reverse has a natural furrow.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 25.5 mm. long,
C.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Bluish gray color. Edges rounded. Obverse and
reverse fiat. Tapers from all sides.

Tip fragment of Ixme point. Reverse is a fracture. 26 mm. long, 6.5 mm.
wide. 5 mm. thick. The outside and one edge are old surfaces and form a
sharp corner where they join. The tip of this specimen is not the old point,
liut may be from near it.

Tip fragment of bone point. The inside has a narrow furrow. 26.5 mm. long,
5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. A splinter IT mm. long is broken off the right edge.
Obverse tapers from 5 mm., reverse from 9 mm.

Tip fragment of bone point, 39.5 mm. long, 6.75 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
Very dark, rich color. Elliptical in section. The tip is beveled equally from
all sides.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long,
4 mm. diameter. Quite round in section. Tliere is a slight longitudinal natural
furrow in the left edge.

Tip fragment of bone point. 22.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. 5 mm. thick. The
left edge is a fracture. Although a break at the upiier right reaches the tip,
the tip evidently originally extended no farther.

Tip fragment of bone iKiint. 27 mm. long, (5 mm. wide. 5 mm. thick. The sur-
face is white but the interior black. Extreme tip broken off. Elliptical in
section. The limit of the l)evellng is hard to judge.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined with certainty.
K5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. White but has blackish core. Round in sec-
tion. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone ix)int. Outside can not be determined. 29 mm. long,

8 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Dark gra.v color. Butt break shows solid texture of
the bone.

Tip fragment of bone point. Out.side can not be determined. 27 mm. long,
4 mm. diameter. Round in section. The specimen shows some minute diagonal
raspings on its surface at various places. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 25 mm. long,

4 mm. diameter. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long,

5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Almost round in section. The tip is chipped off a
little at the left edge.

Tip fragment of bone point, 21 mm. long. 5 mm. diameter. There is a splinter

9 mm. long off one edge at the point. The furrow near the butt fracture in-
dicates the former inside wall.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 15 mm. long.
3 mm. diameter. Round in section. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 18 mm. long,
6.5 mm. wide. 4 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. Reverse flatfish. Tip in-
tact.

Tip fragment of bone point, 17.5 mm. long. 6.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
obver.<e is Jlat. almost troughed. The inside has a natural furrow. The edges
are rounded. The tip bends to the left.

118 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. ANN. 44

Tip fragment of bone point. Itut.side is flat. ii'A mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
5.0 mm. tliiclv. The inside has a natural furrow which extends nearl.v to the
tip. Edges rounded. The obverse tapers starting 9.5 mm. from the top.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 19.5 mm.
long, 7 mm. diameter. Light gra.vish color with blackish blotches on obverse
surface. Round in .section. Point bluutl.v rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside has a lengthwise furrow. 40 mm. long,
7.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Triangular in .section. The right edge and obverse
are natural surfaces and form a right-angled corner. The tip is formed by
beveling the right and left corners of the obverse from 15 mm. back, the outside
and inside are not doubled at all. Old bone color, almost blackish.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined and no former
surface is intact. 22 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Elliptical in
section.

Tip fragment of bone jMint. Outside can not be determined. 16 mm. long,

6 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. Tip curves to the left.
Central fragment of bone point. Inside consists of a furrow. 33 mm. long,

7 mm. wide. 4 mm. thick. White throughout. Edges rounded. Tip and butt
broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 24.5 mm. long,
5 mm. diameter. Whitish surface but blacki-sh inside. Round in section. Tip
curves slightl.v to the reverse. A longitudinal crack does not extend through
the specimen.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 38 mm. long,
7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. Dark brown color. The en-
tire specimen, including the butt fracture, is gummed over with gray colored
material, with exception of the tip which is bare and smooth. The extreme tip
is broken off and the butt fracture extends 11 mm. up the right edge.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 22 mm. long,
33 mm. diameter. Round in section, evidently the end of a slender implement.
Tip intact and sharp.

Tip fragment of bone point, 29 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 4 niln. thick. Point
intact and very sharp. There is a fracture in two cleavages off the inside sur-
face extending to 11.5 mm. from the tip. Color almost black.

Tip fragment of bone point. Former outside surface of the bone extends
down the center. 40.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. One edge tapers
pronouncedly, starting 6 mm. from the tip. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. Elliptical in
section. 25.5 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 3.25 mm. thick. Tip intact. Tip curves
to the right.

Central fragment of bone point, 33 mm. long, 5 mm. wide. 3.5 mm. thick. The
outside has a slender natural groove running around lengthwise. Edges
rounded. The upper end is slenderer and was evidently near the former tip.

Tip fragment of bone point, 41.5 mm. long, S mm. wide. 6 mm. thick. Inside
tapers for 21 mm. from ti]!. outside tapers 15 mm. from tip. The tip is blacker
than the rest of the specimen, having a charred appearance. The edges are
rounded and show several faces.

Tip fragment of bone point. 17 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. 3 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can nut lie determined. 22.5 mm. long,
4 mm, diameter. Rather square in section but with rounding corners. Tip
intact.

HAEEIXGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 119

Central fragment of bone point, (lutside can not be determined. 19.5 mm.
Ions. 5 mm. wide. 4 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. A little tar adheres
to the surface of the corner of one edge.

Tip fragment of bone point, IS.r) mm. long. 7 mm. wide. 3.5 mm. thick. Dark
mellowed color, glassy. Edges rounded. Inside convex, outside somewhat
concave.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 25 mm.
long. 4.5 mm. diameter. Blackish and .ulassy. Round in section.

Tip fragment of bone ])oint. Natural furrow extends to within 10 mm. from
the tip of the inside. 29 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point. (Uitside can not be determined. 15 mm. long,

4.5 mm. diameter. Dark mellowed color with more or less of a whitish thin
coating on the surface. A section of the tapering portion of a somewhat stout
bone point.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 26 mm.
long, 4 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Practically round in section. Tar stains on
the lower half of the left edge and on the reverse side. The bone is rather soft
and friable.

Central fragment of bone point. 35 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. 4.5 mm. thick.
One edge is the former surface. The inside consists of a single fracture which
extends to the tip. A mere fragment. The butt is an old cut, not a split or
break.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 22 mm. long,

3 .6 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Obverse and reverse absolutely flat. Edges rounded
with several faces, somewhat squarely. Extreme tip broken off. Dark flesh
color.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside is somewhat troughed. 14 mm. long, 9.5
mm. wide. S mm. thick. The obverse tapers from 7 mm. Edges rounded,
elliptical in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 26 mm. long,
6 mm. diameter. The specimen tapers equally from all sides. Round in sec-
tion. Tip Intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. 19 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Inside flatish and grooved. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Obverse can not be determined. 24 mm. long,
4.5 mm. wide. 3.5 mm. thick. Dark mellowed color, almost blackish. Elliptical
in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside has furrow. 42 mm. long. 9 mm. wide,
4 mm. thick. Outside and inside have tip tapered from 7 mm. There is more
or less asphalt still adhering, showing that there was formerly asphalt over the
entire surface of the specimen. Edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point. 32 mm. long, S mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. A large furrow occui)ies most of the inside surface. The surface
has blacki.sh blotches. Dark mellowed color and glassy.

Tip fragment of bone point. 28.5 mm. long. 6.5 mm. wide. 4.5 mm. thick. Ellip-
tical in section with a little depression in the inside surface. The tip is intact
and is peculiarly blunt.

Tip fragment of bone point, 26 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. The observe
shows traces of a furrow. There are fractures off both edges, but the tip is
intact. Inside and outside taper from about 8 mm.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside has a natural furrow extending its
whole length. .36 mm. long. 9 mm. wide. 6 mm. thick. The tip has been broken
off. but is an old break, showing worn surfaces. The butt break is newer. It
appears that the original tip was broken off and reshariiened.

120 EXPLOKATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. ann. j4

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 15..^ mm. long.
4 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thicli. Botli sides flat. The obverse side is smooth, the
reverse side rough with diagonal raspings. Edges squared. Tip quite sharp.

Tip fragment of bone point. 18 mm. long. 5 mm. diameter. Round in section.
Spongiuess extends to the very tip, which is intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 1(5 mm. long.
4.5 mm. diameter. Extreme tip is broken off diagonally. The whole fragment
tapers.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 39 mm. long.
5.5 mm. wide. 4 nun. thick. Round in .section. The beveling starts 12 mm. from
the tip on the obverse. 10 mm. from the tip on the reverse side.

Tip fragment of bone point, 28 mm. long, 5.5 ram. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
specimen is charred, especially at the butt. Outside surface and one edge are
intact. The edge is squared. The present tip is formed by a fracture off the
left edge.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long,
8.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Blackish color. The surfac-e is gummed over with
dirt. The left e<lge is sliarper than the right. The extreme tip is l>roken off.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long,
3.5 mm. diameter. Black, charred, especially at the tip. Round in section.
Glassy. Obverse starts to taper 7 mm. from the tip.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. IS mm. long,
4.5 mm. wide, 2.75 mm. thick. The reverse surface is hard and flatfish. The
obverse surface is spongy, indicating tliat it may be the inside of the bone.
Elliptical in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 32.5 mm.
long, 4 mm. diameter. Round in section. All sides tai^er steadily. A little
tar-like material adheres to the reverse side near tlie butt.

Tip fragment of bone point, 16 mm. long. 6.4 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick.
Elliptical in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm, long,
9 mm. wide, S mm. thick. Perfectly elliptical in section. Solid hard bone of
mellowed color, blackish at the core. Probably has been through fire.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 18.5 mm.
long, 5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Extreme tip broken off. Elliptical in
section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 27 mm. long.
5.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Obverse and rever.se flat, edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside has a furrow its entire length. 18 mm.
long, 4.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Edges i-ounded. Outside tapers from 4.5 mm.
inside scarcely at all. Patches of the surface are lighter owing to the darker
discoloration being worn off in places.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside furrowed. 23 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick. Edges rounded. There is a chip off the inside near the point.
The outside tapers from 3.5 mm. from the tip, producing a tip of the brt>ad
type. Mellowed color, glassy.

Central fragment of bone point. Blackish color. Surface stuck with ashlike
material. 18.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide. 3 mm. thick. The outside and inside
are flatfish, edges squarish. Round in section at the tip lireak.

Tip fragment of bone point, 27 mm. Umg. 4 mm. wide. 3.5 mm. thick. White
outside, dark mellowed color at the core, the white layer being only about 0.75
mm. thick. Round in section. The inside has a narrow natural groove. Out-
.side and inside taper from about 10 mm. Tip very sharp.

UARRINOTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 121

Central fragment of bcnic iioiiit. Outside i-an not he determined. 21 mm.
lou.2, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Blaclvish.

Tip fragment of bone ptiint. Outside can not be determined. 18 mm. long,
6 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Elliptical in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not he determined. 15 mm. long,
."J mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Tip intact. Elliptical in .section. The reverse is
flattish.

Tip fragment of bone point. 3.5 mm. long. mm. wide. 4 mm. thick. Ellipti-
cal in section. The inside has a natural furrow. The edges taper from 20 mm.,
the outside from 2 mm., the inside from 5 mm. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 24.5 mm. long,
4.5 mm. wide. 3.5 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. The specimen tapers equally
from all sides. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 24.5 mm. long,
4.5 mm. wide. 3.5 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. Extreme tip broken off.
The tip bends a little to the reverse. The right edge starts to taper pro-
nouncedly from 14 mm. Round in section toward the tip.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long,
3.5 mm. diameter. Round in section. The tip is more slender than it originally
was because of a slanting fracture 5.5 mm. long off the right edge.

Central fragment of bone point, 18.5 mm. l<mg, 4.5 mm. wide. 3.5 mm. thick.
Mellowed color and glassy, .somewhat lilackened toward the tip. Elliptical in
section, except that the outside is very flat.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 43 mm. long,
11 mm. wide. 9 mm. thick. The fracture of the butt is straight and glassy.
The right edge is sharp, the left edge flat. The tapering is from all sides.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 37 mm. long,
3 mm. diameter. The reverse has a large furrow. A splinter 20 mm. long is
broken off the right edge. Obverse and reverse taper from about 9 mm.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 28.5 mm.
long. 2.5 mm. diameter. There is a large chip off the base of t.he reverse.
Edges rounded. The obverse tapers from 5 mm., the reverse frtpm 4 mm. The
extreme tip curves a little to the left.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long,
3 mm. diameter. Almost round in section. Point intact and neatly made.
Specimen bulges to the left.

Butt fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 27 mm. long,
5 mm. diameter. Round in section. The butt is somewhat squared off at the
end. Very s.vmmetrieal and neatly made.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 37 mm. long.
3 mm. diameter. The diameter is greatest two-thirds of the distance back from
the point. The upper portion is black as if from fire. A little asphalt is stuck
on the left edge. The tip bends to the right.

Central fragment of bone iKiint. Outside can not be determined. 28.5 mm.
long, 2.5 mm. diameter. Beautifully made of solid wall of bone, perfectly round
in section. The butt end is just a little larger than the tip.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 20 mm.
bing. 3 mm. diameter. Round in sectitJii. Blackish and glassy.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 35.7 mm. long,
2.5 mm. diameter. Round in section. The extreme tip is broken off a little
on the left side. The butt end is a little larger than the tip. Blackish.

Entire bone point. 33.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick. A shallow
groove 5 mm. broad lies across the obverse surface, cutting well into the edges
55231°— 28 9

122 EXPLOEATION OF BURTON MOTTND [etii. ann. 44

Init not extending to the inside surfaee. Tlie butt is neatly squared. Tlie tip
is bluntly pointed, tapering from about 7 mm. from all sides except the inside.
The ix)int is evidently made for a definite purpose.

A larger specimen of entire bone point of the same iiind as the preceding,
37 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. The transverse groove is 6 mm. broad
and 15 mm. from the tip. The butt is neatly squared, the tip bluntly pointed
and tapers from 7 mm. In neither of tliese specimen.* is there any trace of
grooving of tar. The use remains problematical.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside consists of the foi-mer flattisli surface
of the inside of the bone. 25.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The tip
curves to the right and is very blunt.

Central fragment of bone point, 37 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The
tip curves markedly to the right as in the preceding .specimen. The left edge
has an elbow 5 mm. from the butt fracture. The use of these two specimens
is problematical.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 25.5 mm.
long, 4 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The edges are more or less squared. The
specimen is too small to judge from what artifact it is derived.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 18 mm.
long., 3.5 mm. wide, 1.5 mm. thick. Both edges squared neatly. Sides flat.
A mere fragment.

COMPOSITE FISHHOOK POINTS

^i.slihooks were made of two worked bones, known technically as
the shank and the point, lashed together so as to form an acute
angle. Such hooks are described by Stephen Bowers as follows : -^
" The true fishhook of what may be termed the Santa Barbara
Indians, has never, to my knowledge, been figured. . . . These hooks
were made of two slightly curved pieces of bone pointed at each end,
and firmly tied together at the lower end and cemented with
asphaltum."' Although no complete specimen with shank and point
lashed together was found, we obtained abundant specimens of the
bone points of this kind of hook, some sliowing the imprint in the
asphaltum from the former apparently sinew lashing that held the
hoolc together. Some of these points have squared base, some sharp
or rounded base. They varied in size even more than the one-piece
fishhooks of bone or abalone.

Entire Composite Fishhook Points with Squared or Blunt B.\ses

Entire point, 55.5 mm. long. 6.5 mm. wide. 3.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
The left edge has an elbow 20 mm. from the butt. The right edge has several
transverse grooves for wrapping in the vicinity of the butt. The extreme
bottom end shows erosion. Tip curves to the left.

Entire point, 36.5 mm. long. 9 mm. wide. 5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The
left edge has an elbow 23 mm. from the butt. The lower part of the right edge
has asphalt stuck ou and three transverse depressions in it from the old
wrapping. The obverse has a natural furrow. The butt is a rounded point.
The tip curves to the left.

=' Bowers, Stpplipn, Fislihooks from SoutluTn California. In Science, Tol. 1, Cambridge,
Mass.. 18S3, p. 575.

HAKKiNGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 123

Entire point. Obverse outside. 38 mm. long, 9 mm. wide. 6 mm. thick. The
edges are roumied. The left edge has an elbow 23 mm. from the butt. The
ri.!;ht edge has transverse scorings for wrapping from its central portion to the
butt. The butt is neatly scjuared. The tip curves to the left. (I'l. 20, b, 1.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 22 nnn. long, mm. w'ide, 3 mm thick. The
left edge is somewhat squared, the right sharpened. The butt is rounded.
Close examination shows that this specimen is to be classed with the barbs and
illustrated extreme variation in form. (PI. 20, b, 2.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 35 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
White in color throughout, but strong bone. Edges squared toward the butt,
r<iunded toward the tip. The left edge has a shoulder 7 mm. from tlie butt.
There are faint transverse scorings for wrapping on the lower part of the right
edge at its greatest incurving. Tip curves to the left. (PI. 20, 6, 3.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 37 mm. long, 4 nun. diameter. Edges rounded.
Butt rounded. Xo trace of tar wrapping. Tip curves to right. The specimen
has no shoulder. (PI. 20, 6, 4.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 41.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
Edges rounded. The left edge has a shoulder 16 mm. from the butt. The right
has no asphalt or grooving. Tip bends to the left. Butt rounded. (PI. 20, b, 5.)

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 33 mm. long, 7 mm. wide.
5 nmi. thick. White colored and somewhat soft bone with blackish blotchings
on the obverse side. Edges rounded. There is no shoulder. P.utt squared, but
onl.v 2.5 mm. diameter. Point blunt, but ma.v have been sharper. ( PI. 20, 6, 6. )

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 50 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4
mm. thick. Edges rounded. The left edge has a shoulder or bend 35 mm.
from the butt. Butt squared and 2 mm. diameter. Tip bends to the right.
(PI. 20. 6, 7.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 53.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
The general shai)e resembles that of tlie last-de.scribed specimen. Edges
rounded. The butt is bluntly rounded. No trace of scoring or asphalt. The
tip turns gracefully to the right. (PI. 20, 6, 8.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 52.5 mm. long. 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.
Edges rounded. The butt is squared and 2 mm. diameter. The butt and the
adjacent ba.se of the .specimen are covered with asphalt, but no trace of wrap-
ping depressions can be detected. The tip curves to the right. (PI. 20, &, 9.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 58 nun. k)ng. 6 mm. wide, 4 mm. tliick.
Edges rounded. The left edge has a shoulder S nun. from the butt. The left
edge has a number of transverse scorings .iust aliove this shoulder, although
one would expect to find them on the right edge opposite, judging from analogy
with the other specimens. A fleck of asphalt adheres to the specimen on th»
reverse side 15 mm. from the butt ; this fleck is 9 mm. long and nearly as wide.
The tip curves to the left. Butt squared and 2 mm. diameter. (PI. 20, 6, 10.)

Entire point, 61 mm. lon.g, 7 mm. diameter. Round in section. Butt nicely
squared and 5 mm. diameter. Point rather blunt but intact. Tip curves to
I lie right. No shoulder. No trace of asiihalt or grooving.

Entire point. 45 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Round in section. Butt squared
and 2 mm. diameter. The surface is not smoothly rounded but consists of
long narrow faces, as if produced by scraping. Tip curves slightly to the
right.

Entire point, 34.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
Butt sqnare<l and 4 mm. diameter. Tiji Iiends slightly to the left.

Entire iK)int. Obverse outside. 46 mm. long, 10 mm. wide. 8.5 mm. thick. A
nicely made specimen. Butt very square and 10 mm. diameter. The lower half

124 EXPI.OTlATIOlSr OF BFRTON ]\rnT'XD [eth. anx. 44

(if the ripht edjro has a numlier of hairliki' tiaiisverso siorings for tlie wrap-
liing. The left edae has its shariiest beiul 20 mm. from the butt. Tlie tip curves
to the left with a peculiarly sliarp bend. (PI. 20. 6. 11.)

Entire point. Obverse in.side and the porousness can be seen in the picture.
28 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Edges rounded. The bend of the left edge is
about 12 mm. from the butt. Butt squared and 5 mm. diameter. The tip curves
slightly to the left. ( PI. 20, 6, 12.)

Entire ixiinl. Obverse outside. 66 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide. 6.75 mm. thick.
Edges neatly rounded. Butt 4 mm. diameter and intended to be squared,
though slightly liulging. The tip swings to the left from about 15 mm. The
specimen is jet black, beautifully made and very strong. The left edge has a
shoulder 10 mm. from the butt and between the shoulder and the butt exhibits
four transverse scratchings. Whether these were holding the original wrapping
is doubtful, since .iudging from the other specimens we would exi>ect the scorings
higher up and on the opiwsite edge. (PI. 20, ft, 13.)

Entire iwint. Obverse outside. 49.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide. 5.5 mm. thick.
Edges rounded. The lower two-tliirds of the specimen is covered with strong
black asphalt and the riglit edge in its central portion shows twenty or more
depressions from the wrapping. Butt squared and 3 mm. diameter. The
maximum diameter of the specimen is 25 mm. from the butt. Tlie tip curves
slightly to the right. (PI. 20, h. 14.)

Entire jxiint. Obverse outside. 39 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide. 4.5 mm. thick.
Whitisli gray color. Edges rounded. A tliin coating of asphalt adheres to the
lower half of the specimen. The left edge has its greatest bend IS mm. from
the butt. The right edge shows a number of transverse impressions from the
wrapping from 5 to 10 mm. from the butt. Butt squared and 5 mm. diameter.
The tip bends to the left. (PI. 20, 6, 15.)

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 31 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter.
Edges rounded. Obverse fiat, reverse is more rounded. Extreme bend of left
edge is 8 mm. frcmi the butt. The right edge has a number of transverse scor-
ings and minute specks of asphalt extending from almost at the butt for a
space of 10 mm. up the edge. On the left edge also are minute specks of asphalt.
Butt squared and 4 mm. diameter. The tip bends slightly to the left. (PI.
20, 6, 16.)

Entire point. Observe outside. 40 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Edges
rounded, making the specimen almost rowid in section. Butt squared and 2.75
mm. diameter. The left edge shows a number of fine transverse groovings
commencing 10 mm. from the butt and extending up the edge for 8 mm. The
maximum diameter is approximately at the middle of the specimen. The speci-
men bulges slightly to the left, making the point swing to the right. (PI. 20,
6, 17.)

Entire point. Obverse inside and the entire obverse surface is spongy. Edges
rounded. The maximum diameter of the specimen is 10 mm. from the butt, the
left edge forming a soit of shoulder. Butt squared and 4 mm. diameter. The
right edge has a number of we 1-niade transverse grooves, which can be seen
in the photograph, beginning 4 mm. from the Initt and extending 13 mm. The
tip bends very slightly to the right. (PI. 20, h. 18.)

Entire point. Obseiwe outside. 53 mm. long. 6 mm. wide. 4.5 mm. thick.
Edges rounded. The right edge has a peculiar shoulder 16 mm. from the butt.
The butt is rounded and 3.5 mm. diameter. The specimen exhibits several
dark blotches on its surface, evidently from asphalt, but there are no scorings
on the right edge. (PI. 20, 6, 19.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 20

a. BROAD BONE POINTS. WEDGE-SHAPED BONE IMPLEMENTS.
b. COMPOSITE FISHHOOK PARTS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 21

a. COMPOSITE FISHHOOK PART. 6. c, BIRD BONE WHISTLES,
rf. WOODEN AWL. e, *.-, AWL-SHAPED ARTIFACTS OF BIRD
BONE. f-h. TUBULAR BEADS OF DEER BONE. /. J. NEEDLES
OF THE SPLINT BONES OF THE CALIFORNIA MULE DEER.
I. m. n, WEDGES OF DEER ANTLER, o, p. SLATE POINTS

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTIOX OF THE AKTIFACTS 125

Entire point. Obverse ontside. 33.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Edges
rounde<I. Clmlk-white color thniughoiit. Practically round in section. The
butt is intended to be .squared but is in reality a blunt point. The maximum
diameter of the specimen is 15 mm. from the butt. The tip bends slightly to
the right. (PI. 20, ft, 20.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 33 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Edges
rounded. Butt squared and 2 mm. diameter. There is no trace of asphalt or
grooving. The left edge makes an abrupt bend 6 mm. from the tiji. The tip
bends to the right and is blunt. There is a tiny splinter off the observe side
of the tip extending down the side 3.5 mm. (PI. 20. h, 21.)

Entire point. 72.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The
maximum diameter is 30 mm. from the butt. Traces of asphalt are gummed
especially to the inside surface from the butt extending up the specimen 17 mm.,
but no trace of wrapping depressions can be detected on the right edge. The
specimen twists almost a quarter turn in clockwise direction. The inside is
troughed to within 30 mm. of the tip. The butt is squared and is 2.5 mm.
diam. The tip curves to the right. A strong and well-made specimen.

Entire point, 55.5 mm. long. 12 mm. maximum diameter, curve of tip 7 mm.
Perfectly shaijed and symmetrical. Dark in color. The iwrous interior of the
bone shows at two places on the inside surface. The tip seems to be some-
what charred. The butt is rounded, the tip quite sharp. No trace of asphalt
adhering at the base. (PI. 21, a^)

Entibe Composite Fishhook Points, Sharp at Both Ends

Entire point 73.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide. 5.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
The butt consists of a rather sharp jxiint, tai)ering from 20 mm. There is a
natural foramen 13 mm. from the butt on the inside. No truce of asphalt or
grooving.

Entire point, 42.5 mm. long. 4.5 mm. wide. 3.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
Butt tapers to a sharp point from only about 3 mm. Tip curves to right. Ex-
treme tip broken off. The tip also twists considerably toward the obverse.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long, 5 mm. wide. 4
mm. thick. Edges rounded. The butt is sharp and tapers from 10 mm. Ex-
treme tip broken off.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 29.5 mm. long. 4 mm. wide, 2.5
mm. thick. The butt is as .sharp and slender as the tlii. the maximum diameter
of the specimen being in the middle. Elliptical in section. The barb bulges
toward the left edge.

Entire jxiint. Outside can not be determined. 5G mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide,
4.5 mm. thick. The butt is as sharp as the tip, tapering from about 17 mm.
Edges rounded. Tlie tip tapers steadily from 35 mm., bending to the right.

Entire ix)int, 35.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Elliptical in section.
There is considerable spongy surface on the inside. There are irregular shaped
blotches of luspbalt on the central and lower portions of the .specimen, but no
trace of wrapping. The tip bends slightly to the right.

Entire point. 63.5 mm. long. 8.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The edges rounded.
The butt is as sharp as the tip and tapers from 25 mm. Tip straight.

Entire point, 35 mm. long. 6 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Porous-
ness of the bone crops out along the upper left edge. The lower right edge
has about fifteen transverse grooviugs of threadlike thickness. The greatest
diameter is at the center of the specimen.

126 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [wra. ann. 44

Entire point. Outside can not lie dcterminwl. ."58.5 mm. lonfc, 5 mm. wide,
4 mm. thlcli. Edges rounded. The butt consists of a blunt point. Maximum
diameter at the middle of the specimen. Tip straight and darker than the rest
of the bai'b.

Entire point, 43.5 mm. long. 5.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
The butt is .sharp but much blunter than the point. Both the left and right
edges have transverse gi'oovings beginning about 3 mm. from the butt and
extending for about 5 mm. It is usual in such specimens to find the grooving
only on the lower right edge. The upiier jiart of the inside has a natural
furrow. The tip curves rather sharply to the right.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 40 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diam-
eter. Edges rounded. The butt is even shari)er than the tip, but this is caused
by a small splinter off the lower left edge.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 30.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,

4 mm. thick. The obverse surface consists of four fractures. The reverse
surface is also largely a fracture. The right edge is somewhat squared. Tip
intact.

Entire point, 48.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 4 mhi. thick. The butt is as
sharj) as the tip, and the two ends were doubtless used indifferently in .such a
specimen. The maximum diameter is at the center of the sijecimen.

Entire jwint. Outside can not be determined. 39 mm. long, 5 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The ends are equally sharp.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 35.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,

5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The ends are equally sharp. The tip bends to
the right.

Entire point, 37 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The
ends are equally sharp. The specimen has a few black flecks on its surface a.s
if from asphalt.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 22.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide
3.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Ends equally sharp.

Entire point, 65 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The ends are equally
sharp. One edge forms an elbow 40 mm. from the butt. There are traces of
asphalt at tlie center of the specimen extending 33 mm. on the outside and
20 mm. on the inside. The left edge has depressions from wrapping extend-
ing from 12 mm. at its greatest incurve. The tip bends to the right.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 41 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter.
Round in section. Equally sharp at both ends. The entire central portion
is gummed over with a thick coating of asphalt and there are depressions of
wrapping extending for 4 mm. at the center of the right edge.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 57 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,

5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The ends are equally sharp and equally
curved to the right. The central part of the specimen, extending from 28
mm., is covered with asphalt which bulges to the left, making a prominent
elbow 28 mm. from the butt. The asphalt Is 6 mm. thick at the elbow.
Extending along the right edge tov a space of 22 nun. at the center of the
specimen are transverse depressions from the former wrapping. The speci-
men and the adhering asphalt are unusually well preserved.

Composite Fishhook Points with Flattened Inner Wall of Ixcubve,
Anomalous Points. Awl-Like Points

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 55 mm. long. 8 mm. wide,

6 mm. thick. The left edge has a shoulder 17 mm. from the butt. Beyond
the shoulder the edge is neatly squared, while the right edge is nicely rnundei)

HAREINGTON] DESCRIPTIOlSr OF THE AETIFACTS 127

tliroughout its extent. From the butt to a little beyond tlie vicinity of tlie
shoulder the specimen is coated with black asphalt which Is especially thick
at the slioulder and presents a rounded bulging surface. The right edge of
this asphalt shows depres.sions from former wrapping extending for a distance
of 13 mm. along the edge, commencing almost flush with the butt. The butt
is neatly squared and is 8 mm. diameter. The tip curves to the left.

Entire point Outside can not be determined. 38 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
5.5 mm. thick. The left edge has a shoulder 22 mm. from the butt. Beyond
the shoulder tlie left edge is squared. The lower left etlge and entire right
edge are rounded. The lower right edge has depressions from wrapping
starting 3 mm. from the butt and extending 15 mm. The butt is squared and
7 mm. diameter. Tip curves to the left.

Entire point, 47 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The left edge has a
shoulder 26 mm. from the butt. Beyond the shoulder the left edge is squared.
The lower part of one edge and entire other edge are rounded. The edge has
depressions of wrapping starting 5 mm. from the butt and extending 17 mm.
The butt is rounded and 5 mm. diameter. The tip curves sidewise.

Entire point, 54.5 mm. long. S mm. wide. 4.5 mm. thick. The left edge has a
shoulder 20 mm. from the butt and is squared beyond the shoulder. One lower
edge and entire other are rounded. The lower edge has no trace of wrapping.
The butt is rounded and 5.5 mm. diameter. The tip curves to the left.

Entire point, 39 mm. long. 8.5 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. The left edge has a
shoulder 23 mm. from the butt and is squared beyond the shoulder. One lower
edge and entire other edge are rounded. Edge has transverse scorings for
wrappings starting practically at the butt and extending 22 mm. The butt is
7 mm. diameter and nicely squared. The tip curves sidewise.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 44.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
4 mm. thick. The left edge has a shoulder 24 mm. from the butt and is squared
beyond the shoulder. One lower edge and entire other edge are rounded.
There is a splinter 17 mm. long off the upper central portion of rounded edge.
The butt is bluntly rounded. The tip is straight and its extreme portion is
round in section.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 33.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide,
4 mm. thick. White color but strong. The maximum diameter is at the middle
of the specimen. Both edges rounded. The upper central portion of the speci-
men is coated with asphalt for a di.stance of 18 mm. The right edge has two
transverse grooves for wrapping. 2.5 mm. broad and about 1 mm. deep. The
center of the first of these grooves is 10 mm. from the butt, that of the second
groove is 15 mm. from the butt. The butt is squared and is 3 mm. diameter.
The tip is rather blunt and straight.

Entire point, 84 mm. long. 7 mm. diameter. Edges rounded. Neatly cut from
the wall of a long bone. The reverse surface consists of a long furrow and
shows considerable sponginess. Edges rounded. The butt forms a blunt point
and there are two transverse hackings on the outside just above the butt end.
The tip starts to taper from 25 mm. and forms a sharp point, one edge being
broken off a little at the extreme tip.

Entire p<nnt, 71.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide. 5 mm. thick. Strongly made. Edges
rounded. Asphalt adheres to the specimen starting 5 mm. from the butt and
extending 25 mm. One edge shows depressions in asphalt from wraiiping for
a distance of 21) mm. The butt is a fracture but that is very likely the original
condition of the .specimen. The tip cui"ves gracefully to the left. The bone is
of unusually clean and fresh appearance. The inside shows a narrow longi-

128 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. ann. 44

tii(liii:il furrow in the lower half of the siiccimen. This point is evidently n
barb.

Entire poiut. r>!>.5 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges nmnded.
Both outside and inside have longitudinal furrows extending from the butt to
beyond the central portion of the si)eeimen. The butt consists of a diagonal
cut. The tip is straight. There is no asphalt or grooving. The bone has a
fresh appearance.

Entire point. GO mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The
butt is a fracture, but is probabl.v the original condition. There is a chip off
the inside extending 18 mm. from the butt. One edge tapers from 26 mm., the
other edge from 10 mm. The extreme tip is br^jken off. A splinter projectsi
into the left edge just above where it starts to taijer.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 51 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide,
3.5 mm. tJiiek. Edges rounded. The butt consists of two fractures. There is
a sort of transverse hacking on the left edge 15 mm. from the butt. The tip
tapers from 12 mm. There is no trace of asphalt or grooving.

Entire p'lint. Obverse out.side. 53.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
Eoges roundetl. The butt is a fracture, but probably the original condition.
One edge tapers from 22 mm., the other edge from 30 mm. The extreme tip is
broken off. The outside is the inside surface of the bone and has a furrow in
its center. The bone has a bleached appearance.

Entire point, 05 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Edges rounded. A
splinter extends 44 mm. up tlie right edge. The butt i.s a fracture. Tip intact.

Entire point, 79 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, mm. thick. Triangular in section.
The butt is a fracture. The tii) tapers from 40 mm. The upper portion of the
tip has a much abraded surface and the extreme tip is broken off.

Entire point, 85.5 mm. long. Edges rounded. Butt squared and 2 mm. diam-
eter. One edge tapers to tip from 30 mm., the other edge from 20 mm.
Grooves in lower edges are accidental.

Entire point. 00 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The
outside has two surfaces from the former inside wall of the bone. Butt
rounded irregularly and 7 mm. diameter. Extreme tip broken off a little.

Fragmentary Composite Fishhook Points

Almost entire point. Obverse can not be determined. 31.5 mm. long. 5 mm.
diameter. »Round in section. The butt is bluntly rounded. Extreme tip broken
off. Tip bends to right.

Almost entire point, 36 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. The inside consists of
two fractures which almost meet at the center of the specimen. The lower of
these fractures splits the butt of the specimen in half. It is therefore impos-
sible to determine whether the butt was pointed or squared, but it appears
from the general contour of the specimen to have been of the pointed variety.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long. 5.5
mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Dark mellowed color, glassy. Tip intact, curves to
the right.

Tip fragment of point, 38 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The butt is
broken off diagonally. The extreme tip is also broken off.

Butt fragment of point, 31.5 mm. long. 5.5 mm. wide. 4 mm. thick. The in-
side has a longitudinal furrow commencing 5 mm. from the butt. The butt Is
squared and 2 mm. diameter. The specimen is broken off in its central portion.

Tip fragment of point, 28 mm. long. 6 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The inside
consists of a broad furrow. The tip curves to the right.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 129

Almost entire point. Outside can not be determined. 33 mm. long, 4..5 mm.
wide. 4 mm. thick. Almost round in section. The butt is bluntly rounded.
The thickest portion of the specimen is 14 mm. from the butt, giving the point
a toothlike shape. The tip bends to the right and its extreme point is l)roken
off.

Tip fragment of point, 45 nmi. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick. Edges
nicel.v rounded. The inside has a broad furrow. Tip curves to right.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 31 mm. long, 5 mm.
diameter. Round in section. The maximum diameter is 17 mm. from the tip
and was evidently about the middle of the entire .specimen. The butt is broken
off diagonally and analogy with other specimens would indicate that it was of
the sharp variety. The tip curves slightly to the right.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 36.5 mm. long, 5.5
mm. wide. 3 mm. thick. Whitish, with dark gray mottlings on the surface.
The left edge forms an elbow 20 mm. from the tip. The butt is broken off but
was probably of the sharp variety.

Till fragment of point. Inside shows furi'ow in its lower half. 25 mm. long,
7 mm. wide. 4.5 mm. thick. Tip bends to right.

Tip fragment of jx)int. 36 mm. long. 7 mm. vs-ide, 4 mm. thick. The left edge
has grnovings extending from the butt for a distance of 12 mm., indicating the
former presence of wrapping. The butt is a square fracture. The tip bends to
the right.

Butt fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long, 6.5
mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Tip starts to curve to the right before
it is broken off. Perhaps 5 mm. of the former tip is missing. The butt fracture
is very straight.

Tip fragment of point. Inside shows a broad furrow. 59.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm.
wide. 5 mm. thick. Edges nicely rounded. Butt broken oft' diagonally.

Tip fragment of point. 33.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide. 4 mm. tliick. The entire
outside is a fracture. The tip curves a little to the right.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 27 mm. long, 4 mm.
wide, 3 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The surface is light ash-gray color but
dirty gray color inside. Tip straight and rather blunt.

Central fragment of point. 26.5 mm. long. 5.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Maximum width 14 mm. from the tij) fracture. Both butt and tip are
broken off. The specimen may have been bipointed.

Tip fragment of point. 25.5 mm. long. 6 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The butt fracture runs up the obverse for 12 mm. Tip bends to the
right. A few small flecks of asphalt still adhere to the left edge.

Tip fragment of iwint. 37 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Edges nicely
rounded. Tip curves gracefully to the right.

Tip fragment of jwint. probably a barb. Inside consists of a shallow furrow
which extends to 6 mm. from the tip. 37.5 mm. long. 7 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick.
A fracture extends 14 mm. up one edge. Tip curves sidewise.

Tip fragment of point. Inside sho\\s somewhat spongy surface with traces
of a longitudinal furrow. 40.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Edges
nicely rounded. JIaximum diameter is at the center of the specimen.

Almost entire point, probably a barb of the bipointed type. All surfaces
are so worked that it is impossible to determine which is the former outside of
the bone. 37.5 mm. long. 6 mm. wide. 5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Maximum
diiinieter at the center of the specimen. The butt is a sharp point. The ex-
treme tip is broken off.

130 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. 4NN. 44

Tip frasment of point, evidently n mere tip fragraent of a point of consider-
able size. Outside can not be detemiined. 27 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 4 mm.
tliick. Edges rounded. A few flecks of asljy material adheres to the obverse
and reverse sides.

Almost entire point of unusually slender type. Outside can not be deter-
mined. 37.5 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Almost round in section.
Maximum diameter at the middle of the spe<inieM. Butt broken otf. leaving
a stub of 1.5 mm. diameter, but evidently originally tapered to as sharp a ix>int
as the tip. No trace of asphalt or grooving. Blackish color, somewhat lighter
toward the butt end.

Tip fragment of point, probably of composite hook. Outside can not be de-
termined. 33 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Left edge
forms a shoulder 12 mm. from the butt fracture. Tip curves to the left.

Almost entire barb, 39.5 mm. long. 8 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. One edge
forms a shoulder 18 mm. from the butt. The butt is a blunt point. All edges
rounded, but the left edge becomes a little squarish in the vicinity of the
shoulder. The tip is broken off. leaving a fracture 3.25 mm. diameter. There
is no trace of asphalt or wrapping.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 22 mm. long, 4.5 mm.
diameter. The surface is much disintegrated but the obverse surface is so
spongy as to suggest that it is the old inside of the bone. Edges rounded. The
tip bends somewhat to the right.

Tip fragment of point, 45.5 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The surface
is whitened in places but the interior is tlesh colored. Edges nicely rounded.
The maximum width is at about the center of the specimen. The point leans
to the right.

Central fragment of iwint. Outside can not be determined. 20 mm. long,
3.5 mm. diameter. Round in section. Tip curves to right. The right edge has
a little stain of red paint near its center .

Central fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 20 mm. long,
3.5 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Almost round insection. Very similar to the
fragment last described, but white as chalk throughout. The butt fracture
extends half way up one face.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long, 4.5 mm.
diameter. Round in section. White as chalk throughout. The tip is rather
blunt and tapers only 5 mm. The tip bends to recurve to the left.

Tip fragment of point. Outside very flat. 27.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide. 4
mm. thick. Edges rounded. The inside shows a furrow in its lower half.
Tip sliarp and strong.

Central fragment <>f point. 16 mm. long. 4.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The tip curves sidewise.

Central fragment of point. 21.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide. 2.5 mm. thick. Edges
I'ounded. White as chalk throughout. Tip curves sidewise.

Tip fragment of point, 49 mm. long. 6 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
Tip curves to right. The obverse is discolored, evidently from asphalt, but
there is no trace of wrapping. A little ashy material adheres near the center
of the obverse side.

Tip fragment of point. 19.5 mm. long. 7 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. A mere tip fragment of a point of considerable size. Tip curves side-
wise.

Almost entire point. Outside can not be determined 42 mm. long, 8 mm. wide,
6 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The butt is a fracture which runs up both oh-

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTTOX OF THE -ARTIFACTS 131

verse and reverse surfaces. There is alsd a splinter off the central part of one
edge and another splinter off the same edge near the point.

Tip fragment of point. 52 mm. long. 9 mm. wide. 5.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
The tip is charred and there is a blood vessel opening on the obverse side 10
mm. from the tip. The extreme tip Is broken off.

Tip fragment of point. 49 mm. long. 7.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The right edge has transverse grooving beginning at the butt frac-
ture and extending 12 mm. The outside shows two small flecks of asphalt
near the butt fracture. The inside consists almost entirel.v of the f(jrmer
furrov,- of the bone. The tip curves sidewise and starts to taper from 15 mm.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determinetl. 26 mm. long, 5 mm.
diameter. White as chalk throughout. Edges rounded. The tip starts to taper
from 20 mm. and curves to the right.

Tip fragment of point, 41.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Inside consists almost entirel.v of a shallow furrow.

Almost entire [Kiint, evidently a barb. Inside surface ver.v .spongy. 34.5 mm.
hmg. 6 mm. wide. 5 mm. thick. The butt is squared and 3 mm. diameter. There
is a fracture off the lower portion of the outside. The tip extends to the right.
Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 32 mm. long, 4.5 mm.
wide, 3 mm, thick. The tip curves to the left and the taper extends through-
out the specimen.

Almost entire point, 36 mm. long, 3 mm. wide. 3.25 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
The butt is as sharp as the tip. The maximum diameter of the specimen is
about one-third of the distance from the butt. The extreme tip is broken off.

Butt fragment of point. 56 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm, thick. Edges
rounded. The butt is squared and is 3.5 mm. wide. A diagonal fracture has
carried away the tip part of the siaecimen, leaving a butt fragment perhaps
half the length of the original. There is some discoloring of the surface near
the butt, as if from asphalt, but no trace of wrapping.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 35 mm. long, 3,5
mm, diameter, Kound in section. The maximum diameter is at the center of
the specimen. The tip starts to taper from 10 mm., curves to the right, and is
(juite blunt, A splinter 6 mm. long is off the reverse side of the tip but the
obverse half of the tip is intact.

Almost entire point, evidently a bipointed barb. Outside can not be deter-
mined. 38 mm. long, 5,5 mm, diameter. Round in section. White as chalk
throughout. Both tips are broken off a little and were probably .sharp. The
specimen bulges to the left and its greatest diameter is at the center.

Butt fragment of point, 43.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 5.5 mm, thick. Edges
rounded. The outside consists of tlie furrow of the bone. Butt scjuared and
3 mm. diameter. The tip is broken off a little beyond the center of the specimen,
leaving a stub 6 mm. wide.

Tip fragment of barb, 34 mm. long, 7,5 mm. wide, 6 mm, thick. Edges
rounded. The left edge forms a shoulder 19 mm, from the butt fracture. Tip
bends to left.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 40.5 mm. long, 4.5
mm, wide, 4 mm. thick. Roundish in section. The tip bends a little sidewise.

Tip fragment of point, 45 mm. long, 7 mm, wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Tip bends sidewise.

Tip fragment of point, 44.5 mm. long. G mm. wide, 5 mm, thick. Edges
rounded. A furrow extends 15 mm. from the buit fracture up the obverse side.
Extreme tip broken off.

132 EXPI/)I!ATION OF BURTON MOUND [E-in. ANN. 44

Tip friiKinent of point. 44 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Edges
rouiidod. Uon.sidi'iidilc asli.v material adheres to the inside near the butt.
Tip curves to left.

Tip fragment of point, prol)nbl,v a fishhook part. 45 mm. long, 8 mm. wide,
6 mm. thick. Edges rounded. A natural furrow extends two-thirds of the
way up the rever.se .side. Ashy material adheres to the obverse near the butt.
Tip bends to left.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 34.5 mm. long, 5 mm.
■wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Practically round in section. White as chalk throughout.
The butt is a recent break.

Almost entire point, 28 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Round in section.
Greatest diameter at the center of the specimen. Butt squared and 2 mm.
diameter.

Almost entire point. Outside can not be determined. 32 mm. long, 4 mm.
wide, 2 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. The butt has crumbled off and leaves
a fracture consisting of two planes. Greatest diameter at the center of the
specimen. The tip curves somewhat to the right. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of point. 34 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The tip is somewhat blunt, owing to the abrasion of its extreme
portion.

Practically entire point, 43.5 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The greatest width is at the center of the specimen. The butt con-
sists mostly of a slanting fracture but a bit of the original squared butt 3.5
mm. by 2 mm. is still intact at the right-hand side. The left edge has seven
transverse grooves starting 8 mm. from the bvitt and extending 10 mm. One
edge has sixteen transverse grooves beginning 3 mm. from the butt and
extending 15 ram. The tip is strong and deflects somewhat sidewise.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 40 mm. long, 5 mm.
diameter. Round in section. The tip tapers from 30 mm. The specimen is
coated with asphalt extending 15 mm. from the butt. The right edge shows
transverse depressions from wrapping throughout the extent of the asphalt.
The tip is sharp.

Tip fragment of point, 82 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Elliptical in
section. There is a fracture off the left etlge extending 29 mm. from the butt.

Tip fragment of point, 09.5 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide. 7 mm. thick. Elliptical
in section. There is a splinter off the left edge extending 4."> mm. fromi the
butt. The t^iper is more abrupt than in the specimen last described, while
otherwise very similar.

Tip fragment of point. Tubular bone with hollow interior. 67 mm. long,
11.5 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Elliptical in secti<in. The tip tapers commencing
30 mm. back. The interior hoUow of the bone is exposed at one edge near the
tip. The tip and evidently the bone from which the specimen was made curves.

Tip fragment of point. Tnlnilar heme with hollow interior. 07 mm. long.
11 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. The interior hollow of the
bone is exposed for a space of 19.5 mm. at the right edge adjacent to the tip.
This specimen is very similar to the last one described above : they are evidently
made of ribs.

Tip fragment of point, 54.5 mm. long, 11.5 mm. wide. 5..T mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Tip starts to taper from about 23 mm. A quantity of ashy material
adheres below the center of the oljverse. A fracture 28 mm. long runs from the
butt up the right edge.

Tip fragment of point. 43 mm. long. 11 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The greatest
width is ut the center of the specimen. Edges rounded. The butt is a fracture

HAnRiNGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 133

which extends 17 mm. up the right edRi'. Asplialt adheres in irregular p.itclifs
to the upiier outside and inside surfaces, but tliere Is no trace of wrapping.

Entire iK)int. 47 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The
lower half of the specimen was originally covered with asphalt, which has
been broken off, leaving the bare surface of the bone. No trace of wrapping.
The butt is not a fracture hut is ground off diagonally.

Entire ixiint. 47 mm. long. 9 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Tlie
lower half of the siiecimen was originally coated with asphalt, but this has
broken away, leaving only irregular patches. The butt is squared and is
5 mm. in width. The tip is unusually rounding.

ONE-PIECE FISHHOOKS OF BONE

These have the same shapes as the one-piece shell fishhooks and
are inchided among- them (p. 139).

BIKD BONE WHISTLES

The bird bone Avhistles were of the familiar type.

Entire and intact bone wliistle. made from tlie slender long bone of n bird.
57 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The notch starts 29 mm. from the
mouth end, which is carefully squared. Asphalt traces are vi.sible in this
notch, it having been partly filled with asphalt. The lower end is closed with
a piece of asphalt which forms a knob-like protuberance beyond the bone and
runs back into the whistle 6.5 mm. (PI. 21, 6.)

Bird bone whistle, intact except for the loss of the a.sphalt 60.5 mm. long.
9 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. The hole in the side is unusually large, being 13.5
mm. long and so deep as to cut through nearly two-thirds of the boue. This
hole starts onl.v 14 mm. from the mouth end of the whistle. (PI. 21, c.)

Fragment of bird bone whistle. 27 mm. long, 6.25 mm. wide. 5 mm. thick. The
slanting side of the side notch of the whistle is intact, the fracture occurring Just
beyond it. This notch commences 23.5 mm. from the squared butt end of the
whistle.

AWL-SHAPED ARTIFACTS OF BIRD BONE

Butt fragment of awl-shaped artifact of bird bone with asphalt knob intact.
60 mm. long, diameter of shaft 6 mm., length of head 18 mm., diameter of head
17 mm. (PI. 21, e.)

Entire awl-shaped artifact of bird bone. 170 mm. long, diameter of shaft 6
mm., diameter of head 8 mm. This consists of the former articulation of the
bone. The working of the tip commences 10 mm. back. (PI. 21, fc. )

SPLINT-BONE NEEDLES FROM THE MULE DEER

The California mule deer carries in what corresponds to our palm
two splint bones which need only to be supplied with eyes and per-
haps sharpened a little to make them into needles. These are the
two lateral metacarpals and lie. point upward, behind the lower end
of the cannon bones. The splint bones of the hind leg of the mule
deer are too short to be used for this purjjose.

Splint-bone needle. 34 mm. long, 5 mm. wide. 3 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter. L'nworked except the head and the tip. A bit of the extreme tip is
broken off. The concave side is obverse.

134 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [Erm. Ann. 44

Tip fraKiiicut of .sidint-lioiH' newUe, .'57 mm. Umii. 4.5 mm. wide. 2.5 mm. thick.
The tip appears to be unworlied, but ma.v liave been rubbed a little to make it
.shai'ijer. The surfaces are about equally convex. The specimen bulges toward
the r-everse.

Splint-bone needle, the largest in the collection. 01 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
r> mm. thick. The hole is only 1 mm. in diameter .smaller tlian in any other
sijecimen. The he;id and 10 mm. of the tip have l)een worked, but the rest of
the specimen has the original shape. The middle of the specimen bulges to the
reverse.

Splint-bone needle, 49 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick, with eye a little
moi'e than 1 mm. diameter. The head is worked, also the tip, the grinding off
extending 16 mm. up the left edge. 24 mm. up right edge. The specimen bulges
toward the reverse. All edges are rounded ; toward the tip they are sharper.
(PI. 21, j.)

Splint-bone needle. 51 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter. Only the head of this specimen appears to be worked. The tip is
lopsided and as far as can be detected seems to be natural. The specimen
bulges toward the reverse. (PI. 21, i.)

Butt fragment of splint-bone needle. The break is recent but the tip portion
could not be found. 32.5 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The hole is
1.5 mm. diameter. The obverse surface has .several transverse hackings, which
are of recent origin. The siiecimen bulges toward the reverse.

WHALEBONE SLABS USED FOR LINING GRAVES

The present specimens consist of worked ribs and unworked scap-
ulae. The crosscuts of tlie rib specimens are trimmed smooth and
straifrht with native tools. These specimens are considered very
unique by Mr. George G. Heye.

In addition to the specimens listed below, there are many fragments
of similar slabs and scapula? which could not be pieced together to
make slabs. The nature of the fragments was, however, evident from
(he working on the edges.

Whalebone slab with neatly squared ends. 51.3 cm. long, 31.1 cm. wide, 2.5
cm. thick. The side edges are rounded and thin. (PI. 22, a.)

Whalebone slab with neatly squareil ends, 6S.5 cm. hmg, 22.8 cm. wide, 3.1
cm. thick. (PI. 22, 6.)

AVhalebone slab with neatly squared ends, 87.6 cm. long, 2.7 cm. wide, 3.8
cm. thick. This is the longest slab.

Fragmentary whalebone slab with neatly squared end, 35.5 cm. long, 33.3
cm. wide, 4.1 cm. thick.

B^agmentary whalelione slab with neatly squared end and sides, 33.3 cm.
long, 30.4 cm. wide, 2.5 cm. thick.

Entire scapula of whale. 104.1 cm. h)ng. 62.8 cm. wide. The articulation is
31.7 cm. long, 10.1 cm. wide.

Entire scapula of whale, 139.7 cm. long, 7.S cm. wide. The articulation is
38.7 cm. long, 14.6 cm. wide. This is the largest "whale scapula recovered.
(PI. 22, o.) Mr. C. E. A.sher is shown standing beside it.

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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 23

a, PENDANT OF SEA-LION TOOTH, h, TUBULAR BEAD OF DEER
BONE. c.d. PENDANTS OF STONE. <■-/,, BONES REMAINING
FROM BIRD CLAW PENDANTS, i-', ONE-PIECE FISHHOOKS

HAURINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 135

WEDGES OF DEER ANTLER

Only three deer antler wedges were found, all of them in a fair
state of preservation. The burr of the antler forms the head of the
wedge. The bevel has been ground so as to leave a rounding point.

Wedge of deer aiitlor. old and with disintegrated surface ; 104..5 mm. long,
32 mm. diameter. The bevel start.? 50 mm. back from the point. The knob
at the butt of the wedge is formed b.v the proximal bulge of the antler. (PI.
21, /.)

Wedge of deer antler. 87 mm. long, 2!) mm. diameter. The bevel starts 50 mm.
back from the tip, exactly the same distance as in the specimen just described
above. The butt of the sijecimen is rounded. There is a curious shallow
groove 12 mm. wide around the shaft of the specimen, 36 mm. from the butt
end, the use of which can not be easily eon.lectured. (PI. 21. w.)

Wedge of deer antler, the tip of whiih has been broken off somewhat ; 81 mm.
long, 26 mm. wide. 23 mm. diameter at the butt. The bevel starts 4S mm. from
the tip fracture and cuts into the porous inside of the antler, which has pro-
duced a depression. The spur seen to the left in the photograph is from a
natural bend of the surface of the antler. (PI. 21, n.)

FRAGMENTS OF DEER ANTLER

Tip fragment of deer antler, not hollow but has a spongy core ; 28 mm. long.

Tip fragment of deer antler with spongy interior. 32 mm. long.

Tip fragment of deer antler, solid ; .39 mm. long.

Tip fragment of deer antler, interior spongy, round in section. 30.5 mm.
long,

Large tip fragment of deer antler of rather recent appearance. The reverse
side has a number of transverse scorings, evidently made by the Indians, pos-
sibly accidentally in trying to sever the horn from the head. Apparently a
young horn and not a tine. Interior is hollow. 64 mm. long.

f'entral fragment of deer antler, round in section. 32.5 mm. long.

Tip fragment of deer antler. 32 mm. long.

Tip fragment of deer antler which has an almost charred appearance. The
hollow extended to the butt fracture of this fragment. 30 mm. long.

FISHBONES

"With the exception of a large shark vertebra the natural concavity
of which had been used as a paint cup (p. 13G). the numerous tishbones
collected are apparently all unworked and unused. They have been
studied in part by Mr. E. D. Reid. of the National Museum's division
of fi.shes, and will be reported on at a later date. Although fishbones
were used as perforators and awls by the Indians, we found no such
specimens. Nor do the tooth plates of the eagle-ray, figured by
Heye,-^ of which we took many s]jecimens. sliow any sign of use, nor

=^ Heye, op. cit., p. 111.

136 KXPTAIRATION OF BTTRTON MOT'KD [eth. ann. 44

the large tip fra<j;niciit of the swonlfish. Noi' had any of the numer-
ous fish vertbne been (hilled, althnuirh some in their present condi-
tion showed natural lon<i;i(udinal perforations.

Shark Vertebra Paint Cup

Paint cup made of a large shark vertebra. The vertebra was broken in two
in the middle, the fracture forming the rough base of the cup. A fragment is
broki'n out of the rim. .54 mm. diameter, 42 mm. deep. The inside surface is
entirely coated with bright red paint made from hematite.

EXCBESCENCES FROM THE SCAPULA OF THE HORSE MACKEREL

Thick bony masses from the anterior lower end of the scapula of the Caranjp
hippos or horse mackerel (Span, caballo). At least this is the tentative iden-
tification made by Mr. Barton A. Bean and Mr. E. D. Reid of the division of
fishes of the United States National Museum, who have spared no pains in
trying to determine the provenance of these curious excrescences found in the
Indian graves and clearly from some local fish s-pecies. The specimens are six
in number and are triangular in section. The two smaller surfaces were evi-
dently articulated to the .scapula of the horse mackerel if the identification is
correct. The larger surface is bulging. The interior is very porous and all
of the specimens are of a dark-brown color and somewhat mineralized appear-
ance. The measurements of the specimens are as follows: 33.5 mm. long, 13
mm. wide, 10 mm. thick: 28 mm. long. 9 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick; 2.")..5 mm. long,
8 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick ; 36 mm. long, 14 mm. wide, 11 mm. thick ; 3.5 mm.
long, 12 mm. wide, 9.5 mm. thick ; 2(» mm. long. 10 mm. wide, S mm. thick.

BOXE PENDANTS
Bones Remaining from Bird-Claw Pendants

It is well known that the Channel Indians used on their necklaces
the transversely perforated claws of eagles and various hawks as well
as of the bear, etc. None of them showed traces of the claw or of
asphalt coating at the drilled end. Putnam --" shows a specimen
with claw still intact ; Hcye --" shows a specimen with asphalt still
adhering to the butt. The unperforated claw bones obtained resem-
ble the perforated ones, except that they lack the drilling.

Bird-claw pendant, 63 mm. long. 28 mm, wide. 16.5 mm. thick. Round hole
drilled from both sides runs transversely through the butt, about 5 mm. from
the base. (PI. 23, g.)

Bird-claw pendant, 25 mm. long. 11 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. A hole 1.25 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 37 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Perforated at butt.

Bird-claw pendant. 25.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide. 4.5 mm. thick. Hole 3 mm.
diameter through butt.

Bird-claw pendant. 23 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, '.15 mm thick. Perforated at
butt,

-" Putnam, op. dt, PI. XI. -'' Heyo, op. eit., fig. 14.

HAimiNGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 137

Bird-daw pendant, 32 mm. hmg, 7.5 mm. wide. 5.5 mm. thick. Perforated at
butt.

Bird-elaw pendant, the extreme lip of wliicli is broken off ; 31 mm. long. Hole
3 mm. diameter through the bult. (PI. 23, r. )

Bird-claw pendant, 23 mm. long. Hole 2.25 mm. diumeter through the butt.
(PI. 23, f.)

Bird-claw pendant, 24 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 2,"} mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw i^endant. 26 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw i)endant, 57 mm. long, 24 mm. wide, 14.5 mm. thick. Hole 13 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 25 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 50 mm. long. 22.5 nun. wide, 16.5 mm. thick. Hole 3.5 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant. 51 mm. long, 19.5 mm. wide, 15 mm. thick. Hole 3.5 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 37 mm. long (the tip is broken off), 19 mm. wide, 16 mm.
thick. Hole 3.5 mm. diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 41 mm. long (the tip is broken off), 26.5 mm. wide, 15 mm.
thick. Hole 3.5 mm. diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 31 mm. long, 22 mm. wide, 14 mm. thick. Hole 3.5 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw bone, 26 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Unperf orated.

Bird-claw bone, 47 mm. long, 19 mm. wide, 11 mm. thick. Unperforated.
(PI. 23, h.)

Bird-claw pendant, 24.5 mm. long, 14 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter 1.5 mm. from the base.

Bird-claw bone, 23 mm. long, 13.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Unperforated.

Bird-claw pendant, 27 mm. long. 16 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Perforated at
base.

Pendant of Sea-lion Tooth

Curved ivory pendant of sea-lion tooth, 63 mm. long, 11 mm. diameter. A
neatly drilled hole 3 mm. diameter i.-^ located 2 mm. from the butt end. (PL
23, a.)

BONE BEADS

Tubular Beads of Deer Bone

Bone tubes, plain, pitted, incised or inlaid, and frequently with a
groove cut around near each end, or reamed out at the ends, were
apparently used as beads. Of seven specimens recovered, three have
inlay, adhering only in j^art, and four had apparently always been
imdecorated. Similar tubes to those found are figured by Heye.^^
Similar tubes were made of steatite and of other stone.

Inlaid bone bead, a tubular section of a long bone, 88 mm. long, 21 nun.
diameter. Ends nicely squared, the wall of the bone being about 4 mm. thick.

"Heye, op. cit, PI. LXXII, h :iud e.
55231°— 28 10

138 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [bth. ann. 44

A patch of inlay still remains at cme iilaee (in the surface. The inlay consists
of olivella disk beads neatly arianwd in iiarallel rows, imbedded in a very
thin layer of blaelj asphalt so that the beads rest on the surface of the bone.
Some of the beads are discolored, others whiter, in the present condition with
the specimen. The patch intact is 34 mm. long, 11 mm. wide. The remainder
of the surface of the bone is free from asphalt, but was apparently covered with
inlay over its entire surface. This specimen has no grooves near the ends.
(PI. 21, f.)

Median fragment of inlaid bone bead, a tubular section of a long bone, 76.5
mm. long, 19.5 nmi. diameter. Ends squared. A groove runs around 3 mm.
back from the ends. The thickness of the wall of the bone is about 4 mm.
The median half of this bone is broken away, but this does not show in the
illustration. Portions of the original inlay, executed in the same manner as
that of the specimen above described, remain intact at two places on the sur-
face, the beads being arranged in neat rows. (PI. 21. g.)

Median fragment of inlaid bone bead, tubular section of a long bone, 44.5
mm. long. 22 mm. diameter. Ends nicely squared, the wall of the bone being
about 5 mm. thick. A groove runs around 4 mm. from the ends. The inlay
was tlie same as in the two other specimens from this pit and adheres in one
locality only. (PI. 21, k.)

Bead of deer bone, 41.5 mm. long, 14 mm. diameter, walls 2.5 mm. thick.
(PI. 23, 6.)

Median half of a thin-walled tubular bead of deer bone. 38 mm. long. 8 mm.
diameter, wall 2.5 mm. thick.

Bead of deer bone, 40 mm. long, 15 mm. diameter, walls 1.5 mm. thick.

Bead of deer bone, 42.5 mm. long, 21. ."i mm. diameter, walls 2.5 mm. diameter.

TuBULAE Beads of Bird Bone

In addition to the inlaid deer-bone tubes just described, a number
of bird-bone beads were found. They consisted of sections cut from
tlie long bones of birds. One of these has asphalt adhering to the
outside surface which may have borne an inlay. Some of these beads
may be listed as follows:

Bead of bird bone with neatly squared ends. 17.5 ram. long, 4 mm. diameter.
Bead of bird bone, 14 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter.
Bead of bird bone, 13 mm. long. 4 mm. diameter.
Bead uf bird bone, 11 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter.

Objects of Shell,
one-piece fishhooks

The Channel Indian fishhook is as effective as it is curious in
appearance. In making a hook the Indian took a shell or the wall
of a long bone of the deer or some such mammal. First the outline
was cut and ground true, and then perforation was drilled and en-
lai'ged to have the form of a narrow-mouthed opening, even in some
of the larger specimens less than 5 mm. across.-^

^ Compaii-, e. g., the specimen iUustrated by Putnam, op. cit., PI. XI, 3.

HAKEINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE .VETIFACTS 139

There are two principal ]iatterns of butts: (1) Knobbed with a
groove around it ; in many specimens the Imob is elongated to form
a straight shank around which the gi'oove passes longitudinally."
(2) Knobless butt having a scries of distinct notches.-''' There are also
intermediate types, and some specimens have adhesive still adher-
ing to the butt. There are two patterns of point, the barbed and the
iinbarbed. Some points describe the arc of a circle, others are con-
siderably incurved.

The material of the one-piece hooks of our present collection is
the shell of the black abalone. red abalone, or mussel, and apparently
deer bone. There are in Polynesia one-piece fishhooks of shell, bone,
and stone, but none of the last-named substance have been found in
southern California.

Entire Fishhooks

Entire flslihonks of black abalone. Obverse dorsal. 34 mm. Ions, 20 mm.
wide; shaft 6 mm. wide. 2Xy mm. tliick. The outer edse at the butt contains
two notches with centers .3 nun. and 7.5 mm. from the butt. (PI. 23, i.)

Entire fishhook of red abalone. Obverse ventral. 36 mm. long, 32 mm. wide,
shaft 11 mm. wide. 3 mm. thick. Shank 30 mm. long. The ends of the shank
are grooved but the groove does not extend along the sides of the shank.

Entire fishhook of black abalone, 2S mm. long, 26 mm. wide, shaft, 7 mm.
wide. 3.5 mm. thick. Shank 24 mm. long, with well-made groove extending
entirely around it. (PI. 23, k.)

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse ventral. 29 mm. long, 22.5 mm.
wide, shaft 8 mm. wide. 2.5 mm. thick. Shank 22 mm. long. A rather poorly
made groove runs completely around the .shank. The extereme tip is broken off.

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse dorsal. 38 mm. long, 26 mm. wide,
shaft 8 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Shank 30 mm. long. A groove passes entirely
around the shank.

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse dorsal. 35 mm. long, 20 mm. wide,
shaft 9 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Shank 8 mm. long. A narrow groove runs
around the shank.

Entire fishhook of bone. Obverse outside. 42 mm. long, 28 mm. wide, shaft
9 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Shank 31 mm. long, with well-made groove passing
entirely around it.

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse dorsal. 27 mm. long, 22 mm. wide,
shaft 6 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. Shank 24 mm. long. A well-made groove
pa.sses entirely around the shank. (PI. 23, /. )

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse dorsal. 28 mm. long, 20 mm. wide,
shaft 7 mm. wide. Shank 22 mm. long. A narrow groove runs entirely around
the shank.

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse outside. 16 mm. long, 11 mm. wide,
shaft 2.5 mm. wide, 1.75 mm. thick. Shank 7.5 mm long. A well-made groove
runs neatly around the shank. (PI. 23. ;. )

Fishhook Feagments

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 29 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick. Outer edge at butt contains three notches with center 1 mm., 3.5 mm.,
and 7 mm. from end of butt. Strong and well made. Dark slate color.

== E. g., Putnam, op. cit., PI. XXIII, ;, k, 1. » E. g., ibid., PI, XXIII, i.

140 EXPLORATION OF BUKTON MOUND [eth. ann. 44

Butt frafonent of black abalone fishhook, having 8 mm. of nicely Krooved
shank intact. 24 mm. loiiR, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Inner edge neatly
squared.

Central fragment of red abalone fi.slihook, 21..5 nun. long, 7..5 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick, but it appcMrs tliat it was originally thicker and that lamina liave peeled
off of both surfaces. Originally a large and strong hook.

Butt fragment of black alialone flshhook. Obverse ventnil. 35 mm. long, 6.5
mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Outer ed.ge at butt contains three notche.s with center
1.5 mm., 6 mm., and 11 mm. from butt end. Inner edge somewhat squared.

Butt fra,!;ment of fishhook. Flesh colored but from a black abalone .shell.
Dor.sal surface can not be determined. 13 mm. long, 2 mm. wide. 2.25 mm.
thick. The shank is 6 mm. long, and its groove extends along obverse and
reverse surfaces only, but does not pass around the ends of the shank. This
was one of the more delicate hooks, used for flsh as small as the smelt and the
like.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, gray in color and having en-
crusted surface. 19 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The fragment con-
sists of the portion of the hook toward the butt end.

Butt fragment of bl.-ick abalone fishhook, 24 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick. Outer edge at butt contains three notches, their centers being 3.5 mm.,
6 mm., and 8 mm. from the butt end. respectively. The fishhook shows
blotches of mother of pearl from the inside surface of the shell on its obverse
face. The inside edge is somewhat squared.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 22.5 mm. long, 5 nun. wide, 3
mm. thick. Evidently very little is missing from the butt extremity.

Central fragment of black abalone fishliook, 12 mm. long, 2 mm. wide, 1 mm.
thick. A small fragment, the curve of which shows it to be from near the tip
of the hook, evidently from one of the slenderer hooks.

Tip fragment of black abalone flshhook, 17 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick. The outer edge is neatly rounded, the inner edge squared. The tip is
very sharp. Perhaps about two-thirds of the hook is present. The fragment
Is blackish gray colored throughout.

Fragment of what is possibly a flshhook of black abalone in the process of
making. The unbroken edges are neatly cut and rounded and the hole, 15 mm.
diam., has been left as it was when first bored, not having been enlarged
so as to conform to the outer edge of the hook as is done in the finished
hook. Maximum length of fragment, 30.5 mm. hmg, 35 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
The inside surface has flecks of mother of pearl.

Central fragment of a black abalone fisldiook, 12 mm. long, 2 mm. wide,
1.5 mm. thick. The fragment is from a slender hook of the smallest size and
comes from the middle portion of the hook.

Central fragment of a very large black abalone fishhook showing purpli.sh and
yellowish flesh color tint. The fragment conies from the middle of the hook
and shows an unusually sharp elbo\v, '2Ci mm. long, 8 mm. wide. 2.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. The fragment comes from the
middle part of the hook and shows a rather sharp shoulder formed by the outer
edge. 16 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone flshhook. The fra.gment comes from the
part of the hook adjacent to the butt, and ma.y in fact be regarded as a butt
fragment. The elbow is quite pronounced and more than half the hook is
present.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, strong and well made, the point
being very sharp and slender and exhibiting a natural furrow near the outer

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 141

edjre of this surface in the vicinity of the butt. 33 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3.5
mm. thick. The hook must have been l;irge to show so gentle a curve.

Central fragment of black abalone fl.shhook, 17 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 4 mm.
thick. The middle portion of a medium sized hook.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, 20 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, _ mm,
Ihick,

Central frasmcnt of lilack abalone fishhook, only the extreme butt and tip
being missing. 21 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 2 nmi. thick. The outer edge in the
vicinity of the butt may have originally hud three notches, as is the case in
certain other hooks of similar shape. The hook shows only a tendency to
an elbow.

Butt fragment of a black abalone fishhook important for its extreme slender-
ness and small size. It is impossible to determine the dorsal surface. The
specimen is very black in color and carefuU.v made. There is a .single notch
in the outer edge near the butt end, which terminates without the formation of
a head. Such a hook was used for catching smelts and smaller flsh.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 24.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide.

2 mm. thick. Perhaps about a third of the shank is intact and has a neatly
made gKiove for the attachment of the cord.

Central fragment of a curious but apparently finished black abalone fishhook
with unusually pronounced and wide shank, apparently a butt fragment. This
specimen probably belongs to a distinct type of fishhook. Obverse dorsal.
35 mm. long, 13.5 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. All edges are squared. Only the
extreme point is mis.sing from the butt end.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. Obver.se dorsal. Inside squared.
22 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of red abalone fi.shhook. The ventral side is orange, the
dorsal white. Inner edge is squared, apparently from the original boring, the
perforation not having been enlarged or altered. The specimen exhibits an
elbow and comes from the middle portion of the original hook. 14 mm. long,
5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. Possibly a reject of a hook that was spoiled in the
I)rocess of manufacture.

Butt fragment <if abalone fishhook showing the characteristic three notches
in the outer edge, which are respectively 4 mm.. 7 mm., and 11 mm. from the
butt end. The outer edge is unusually thin. The fragment is 22 mm. long,
5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of bone fishhook. The butt tapers to a sharp point. The
elbow almost forms a rectangle. The inside edge is neatly squared, the outer
edge is rounded. 28 mm. long, 4,5 mm, wide, 3 mm. thick. The specimen is
more or less coated with a dark sticky .substance.

Central fragment of an unfinished black abalone fishhook which looks as if it
has been through fire. 28.5 mm. long. 10 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. The hole is
9 mm. in diameter.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. Only lae most extreme tip is
missing. The hook was very round in type. 20 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm.
tliick.

Central fra.gment of black abalone fishhook, 20.5 mm. long, 4 mm. wide,

3 mm. thick. Evidently from the butt section of tlie hook.

Almost entire* black abalone fishhook, only some 3 mm, of the tip having
been broken off. The ventral side has considerable nacre adhering to its
surface. 24 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. The shank is 22.5 mm.
long, and on the obverse side the groove extends only two-thirds of the way
across, while on the reverse side it extends entirely across the shank. The
specimen is neatly made and must have had a very narrow opening.

142 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [hth. anx. 4i

CentrnI frafriiK'iit of lilnik almloiie fishhook, fouiul with and simihir to the
one last described. This s|ieciiiien lias perhaps a third of the shuiik hi-oken
off and also the greater part of the tip is missing. It was originally a stout
hook. Obverse ventral and wholly covered with brig! t nacre. The reverse
surface is quite black. 29.5 mm. long, !) mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The innet*
is squared, the outer edge rounded. The portion of the shank which is still
extant is 15 nun. long. The shank has no trace of a groove on its obverse
surface, while a well-made groove extends across the reverse.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook showing well-made elbow.
Very black, evidently a fragment of a large hook. 21 mm. long, 10 mm. wide,
at the elbow. 5 mm, thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. The si>ecimen is of a grayish
color and yet is probably from the black abalone. 18 mm. long, 5 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick. Inner edge squared. Only a little of the tip is missing.

Tip fragment of red abalone fishhook, yellowish in color. 26 mm. long,
7 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. The point is undamaged, the inner edge somewhat
squared, the outer edge rounded. Evidently about half the fishhook is
present.

I'.utt fragment of black abalone fishhook, slender iind well made, with nicely
grooved shank. About a third of the fishhook is missing. The specimen is very
black in color. 18.5 mm. long. 3 unn. wide, 2 mm. thick. The shank is 7 mm.
long, and the groove extends completely around it. The inner edge is more or
less squared.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, only the tip third being missing;
21.5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. wide, 1.5 mm. thick. The outer edge has six or more
minute transverse scorings extending from 2 mm. from the butt end to 7.5 mm.
from that end.

Butt fragment of probably red abalone fishhook, now bleached to whitish
color. There are flesh-colored patches on the surface. The specimen is in
friable condition. 14 mm. long. 3 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The inner edge is
squared ; the outer end is rounded. The shank is 6 mm. long, and a neatly cut
groove extends entirely around it.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 14 mm. long, 1.5 mm. wide, 2 mm,
thick. The butt has a knolilike shank 4 mm. long, with a depression running
around it for the attachment of the cord.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. 22 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick. The gentle curve would indicate that this was a specimen of some size.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, 13 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 17 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick. The fragment comes from the middle section of the hook.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, grayish in color and showing
well-made shoulder ; V- mm. long, 3.5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook. 24 mm. long. 6 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick. The curve shows it to have been a specimen of medium size.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 19 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 2.5
mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook showing round boring unaltered
and veiT prominent elbow ; evidently a fragment of an mifinished specimen.
17 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, at the elbow, 2 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of black alnilone fishhook, dark gray color. Obverse and re-
verse sides are worn off somewhat by rubbing as if by action of sand or wear
so that they have a purplsh slate-gray color while the rest of the specimen is

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 143

blackish. 27 mm. Ions. 5 mm. wide. 4 mm. thicli. The shank is 9 mm. Ions, and
has a groove extending completely around it. All edges are rounded and the
curve at the elbow is quite pronounced.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, cream colored, purplish on the
obverse side : 2!) mm. long. 8 mm. wide. 3 mm. thick. The specimen con.sists
ch'efly of the shank, which had a well-made groove extending completely around
it, hut the upper end of it is broken off.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. 19 mm. long. 4.5 mm. wide. :'. mm.
thick. The inner edge is apparently the original boring.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. 21..5 mm. long, 6.75 mm. wide,

4 mm. thick. The inner ed.ge is somewhat squared.

Butt fragment of black abalone fi.shhook, only the tip being missing. This
specimen has a purple color almost like that of the beads made from the hinge
of the rock oyster. Ventral surface shows blotches of nacre. 23 mm. long,

5 mm. wide. 3 mm. thick. The in.side edge is .square and the outside edge is
rounded. The shank is 16.5 mm. long, and a groove runs completely around
it except for a small distance at the middle of the obverse side.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook. The ventral surface shows flecks
of nacre. 22 mm. long, 4 nun. wide, 3 mm. thick. The inside edge is squared,
the outside edge rounded. Only the tip is missing from the specimen. The
shank is only 9 mm. long, and a well-made groove runs completely around it.

Butt fra.gment of an interesting black abalone fishhook, slender and well
made, quite purplish in color. 16 mm. long. 3 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The
shank consists of a round knob 3 mm. diameter around which runs a broad and
symmetrical groove.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, the surface of which is con-
siderably encrusted with calcareous deposits from the earth. Obverse ventral.
19 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. What remains of the shank is 6 mm.
long, and neatly grooved ; perhaps half of it is broken away.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, slate gray color : 17 mm. long,
4 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The inner edge is squared, the outer edge somewhat
rounded.

Butt fragment of black abalone flslihook. 32 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm.
thick. There is a single smooth notch in the outer edge 10 mm. from the butt
fracture. Probably only a little of the butt end is broken off.

Butt fragment of black abalone fi.shhook of the .slender and small variety.
Nacre adheres in two places to the ventral surface. 15 mm. long, 2 mm. wide,
2 mm. thick. The shank is 5.5 mm. long, and the groove extends entirely
around it. The inner is squared, the outer edge rounded.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, consisting of the greater part
of the butt of a hook larger than medium size. The elbow or bend is quite
sharp.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 18 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide. 2.75
mm. thick. Inner edge squared, outer edge rounded.

Central fragment of probably red abalone fishhook, but now whitish : 21 mm.
long, 6 mm. wide. 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of red abalone fishhook. The specimen is yellowish gray
in color. 19 mm. long. 5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, somewhat translucent in places;
21.5 mm. long. 6.5 mm. wide. 2 mm. thick. The specimen shows an almost
right-angled elbow.

Central fragment of an unfinished red abalone fishhook. Ventral surface is
coated with nacre and shows considerable concavity. 24 mm. long, 15 mm.

144 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. ann. 41

wide, 2 mm. thick. The outside ed.se is sn'ound off and the hole, wliich was
bored, is 8.5 mm. diameter.

Tip frasnient of red ahaloiie fishhook, somewhat disintegrated ; 28 mm. long,
!) mm. wide, 3 mm. tliiek.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 14 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick.

Central fi'agment of black abah)ne fishhook, 13.5 mm. lung, 7 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick. Elbow can be dl.stingulshed.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 13.5 mm. hmg. 3 mm. wide, 2.5
mm. thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook. 35.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 1.5 mm.
thick. The butt end is intact and the outer edge has no grooves. The inner
edge is squared, the outer edge rounded. The elbow is fairl.v .sharp.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, dark slate gray color. Ventral
surface is quite concave. 27 mm. h)ng, 9.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The speci-
men is broken olif just at the elbow.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook. 17 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of bone fishhook, 21 mm. long. 8.25 mm. wide, 6 mm. tliiek.
The inner edge is neatl.v squared off, the outer edge rounded.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 17 mm. long. 7 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fi.shhook, 28 mm. long, 5 mm. wide. 2.25 thick.
The .shank is 9 mm. long and its butt is broken off somewhat. A groove extends
around the shank. The inner edge is squared.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. 12 mm. long, 3.5 mm. wide,
2 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook. 25 mm. long. 5 mm wide. 2.75 mm.
thick. There is a single notch less than 1 mm. deep, having a center 5 mm.
from the butt end.

Butt fragment of red abalone fishhook, 28 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
The shank is 13 mm. long and a considerable part of its extremity is broken
off. The groove is only on the obver.se side, there being no trace of a groove on
the reverse surface of the shank. The specimen is flesh colored but has been
identified as coming from the red abalone.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. 24 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. 3 mm.
thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 31 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm.
thick. The inner edge is squared, the outer edge quite .sharp. A notch 1 mm.
deep begins 1.5 mm. from the butt end and extends along the outer edge about
4 mm. The extreme butt end appears to have been broken off a little.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. The edges are more or less
beveled and rounded, and the elbow is distinguishable. 20.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm.
wide. 2.5 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, 22.5 mm. long. 6 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, evidently an unfinished hook or
one unusuall.v wide for the size of the boring. (Ibverse ventral. 21 nmi. long,
9 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 30 mm. long, s mm. wide. 3 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. 10 mm. long, 7.5 wide, 2 mm.
thick. From near the tip of the hook.

HARRINT.TON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 145

Central fragment of bl;iik abalone flshbdnk, ](! mm. lung, 6.5 mm. wide. 2.5
mm. thick.

Tip fragment of bliick abalone fishhook. Slender nnd well made. 12 mm.
long, 2.5 mm. wide. 2.5 mm. thlfk.

Central fragment of black abalone flsjahook, 18 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick.

Butt fragment of Ijlack abalone fishhook, 28.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 5 mm.
thick. The shank is 11 mm. long, and its extremity has been broken off. A neat
groove rnns around the shank. The inner edge is square, the outer edge
rounded. Note the unsual thickness of the specimen.

Central fragment of black abalone fl.shhook, 17 mm. long, 6 mm, wide, 4 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone flshliook. 20 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 3
mm, thick.

Central fragment of black abalone flsbliook. Dorsal surface can not bi' de-
termined. 15 mm. long, 3.5 mm. wide, 1.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 13 mm. long. 3 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick.

Butt frament of black abalone fislihook, 20 mm. long, 3 mm, wide, 2.5 mm.
thick. The inside edge is squared, the outside edge more or less rounded.
The elbow is well pronounced and only the tip is lacking from the specimen.
The butt has no grooves.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook similar in type to the one last
described and found with it ; 13.5 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The tip
is slender and beautifully formed. The siiecimen is very black in color. The
elbow is prcrminent, the inner edge sriuared, the outer edge roinided.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 20 mm. long, 8 mm. wule, 2 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 13 mm. long, 2 mm. wide, 1.5
mm, thick.

Central fr.-igment of black abalone fishhook, 23.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide,
3.5 mm, thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 12 mm, long, 2 mm. wide, 1.5 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, slate colored ; 24 mm. long, 8.5
mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 32.5 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick. The middle portion of a very large and strong hook.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. Obver.>ie dorsal. Fragments of
nacre adhere to the rever.se surface. 15 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 1 mm. thick.
A mere fragment of the shank remains. The hook is unusually thin, yet
well made.

Central fragment of black abalone fi.shhook, the surface of which is much
encrusted ; 16.5 mm, long, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. Obverse ventral, 14 mm. long,
3,5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of red abalone fishhook, lil mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3.5 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 21 mm. long. 7 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 34 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 4 mm.
thick. The lower part of the inside edge is somewhat squared. The hook has
a well-defined elbow. There is no trace of grooving at the butt.

146 EXPLORATION OF BT-RTON MOUND [u-m, ann. 44

("eutral fragment of black abalone fishhook of the most sleiuU'i- variety, 11
mm. long, 2.5 mm. wide, 1 mm. thick. Very black color.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, dark slate color, well pre.served ;
25 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. The inner edge squared, the outer
edge rounded. The shank is 17 mm. long, and shows no trace of a gi'oove
either on the obverse or leverse side, merely ;i notch cut at each end. This is
the only example of this kind of shank in the collection.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 1.3 mm. long, 2 mm. wide, 1.5 mm.
thick. The shank is 5 mm. long, and a shallow groove runs completely around
it.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, dark yellowish color in places,
blackish in places; 25 mm. long, C mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The inner edge is
squared, the outer edge rounded. Perhaps about equal portions of butt and
tip are missing.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, dark slate color ; 25 mm. long, 7
mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. The inner edge is squared, but the specimen is
peculiar in having not only the outer edge but also the edge of the shank sharp.
The shank is 16 mm. long, and the groove is absent from the central part of
each surface.

Central fragment of bone fishhook, 14 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick.
The inner edge is square, the outer edge rounded.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. The surface is much encrusted,
the interior of a specimen is gray colored. 17 mm. long. 10 mm. wide, 5 mm.
thick. The inner edge is squared, the outer edge rounded.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook. This fragment consists of the
shank only, which is 10.5 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. A groove ex-
tends completely around the shank.

Central fragment of black alialone fishhook, 17 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick. The specimen has quite an ellx)w and a notch In the outer edge 2.5 mm.,
from the broken butt. Judging from the shape, it may originally have had
three notches.

Central section of red abalone fishhook. 12 mm. long, 2 mih. wide. 2.5 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone Hshhock. lu' nun. long, 0.5 nuu. wide. 2.5
mm. thick.

DISHES iW ABALONE SHELL

Dishes of abalone shell, of either tlie black or red variety, with the
siphonal openings neatly plugged with asplialt, were perhaps the
commonest small A'essel of the Indians. Some well-preserved speci-
mens were taken from the mound. Heye '" figures such a vessel,
calling it a haliotis shell scoop. '" Dish " would probably be a better
term, for they were primarily receptacles or containers, althougii
used also on occasion as scoops, dippers, bailers and spades.

Black abalone shell dish. Holes iilugged with asphalt. Only the hole near-
est the rim of the shell has the plug missing. The entire inside and outside
of the shell are smeared with red paint. 147.6 mm. long, 115.S mm. wide. 41.2
mm. high.

Black abalone shell of very greenish color, found half filled with fine-textured
a.siihalt. The shell is deformed, having no' siphonal openings. 03.6 mm. long,
C9.S mm. wide, 28.5 mm. high. (PI. 24. tl.i

"Heye, op. clt.. p. 118.

HiBRixGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 147

Black shell dish. The holes have a trace of former plugging seen on the back
of the shell. 190.5 mm. long.

Fragment of black abalone shell dish. Fragment 136.5 mm. long, and shows
four holes still plugged with asphalt and one from which the plugging has
dropped out.

Black abalone shell dish, 1G1.9 mm. long, 136.5 mm. wide, 47.6 mm. high.
Fifty-six transverse incisions have been cut as ornamentation along the rim.
Of the four holes occun-iiig in the shell in its present fragmentary condition,
only two still have the asphalt plugging intact. (PI. 24, 6.)

Fragmentary black abalone shell dish, 120.6 mm. long, 101.6 mm. wide, 44.4
mm. high. Seven holes occur in the specimen, only one of which is still plugged
with asphalt.

Fragmentary black abalone dish. Fragment 9S.4 mm. long, 52.3 ram. wide.
One hole plugged with asphalt occurs In the fragment.

Beautiful red abalone sheli dish, 225.4 mm. long, 187.3 mm. wide. 57.1 mm.
high. The back of the shell is partly ground off and shows pretty veining.
There are five holes. Tlie two nearest apex and rim are still plugge<l with
asphalt.

Black abalone shell dish. 114.3 mm. long, 88.9 mm. wide, 25.4 mm. high.
The plugging has fallen out of tlie siphonal holes.

SHELL.S USED AS PAINT CUPS

In addition to stone mortal's or bowls, limestone cups, ironstone
concretion.s, and fish vertebrae, the Indians emjjloyed shells of va-
rious kinds as containers for pigment. Tj^pical paint cups, the use
of which was unmistakable, may be listed as follows:

Rock oyster shell which was used as a paint cup. The central part of the
cupping shows a bright stain of red hematite. 88 mm. long, IS mm. diameler.

Owl limi)et shell found filled with red hematite paint : 79 mm. long, 57 mm.
wide. 16 mm. diameter. The paint varies in color from blackish gray to bright
red, and is fine textured and like asphalt in hardness. (PI. 24, c.)

BEADS, PENDANTS, AND ORNAMENTS

The favorite material for Indian jeweliy was shell, and among
the various shells employed the abalone, Pismo clam, olivella and
rock-oy.ster had, perhaps, the preference. These shells were treated
in almost every conceivable way in the manufacture of Indian finery.
No known substance is more handsome than mother-of-pearl, and the
Indian ornaments, when new and properly strung or otherwise at-
tached, made a beautiful and showy appearance.

European beads were introduced in quantities very early and at the
time of the American occupation were about the only ones worn by
the Mission Indians.

The small beads especially escaped being broken, and many of
them survived the action of the soil almcst perfectly. The method
of stringing, however, which is of ethnological importance, can never
be to any extent recovered. Bone and stone beads were also used in
surprising variety'.

148 EXPLOEATION OF BURTON MOUND [e-iu. ann. i4

Shells fob t^TRiNoiNo

Several species of shell were found perforated for strinfrin^ entire.
Conspicuous among these is the small species of olivella with spire
ground off by rubbing on a rock so that a string can be inserted.
(PI. 26, /'.) A few specimens of the large olivella were found pre-
pared in the same way. Cowrie shells were found with the back
broken througli, apparently for stringing.

The dcntalium is a natural tube and does not have to be per-
forated for stringing. It was rare on the Channel, occurring only
in the deeper waters, but was known to the Indians and a number
of specimens were taken. Sections of dentalium were used as bush-
ings for the ends of cylindrical and other types of beads.

Two specimens of clamshell were found which had been bored
near the hinge, apiaarently for the j^urpose of stringing. The holes
are about 3 mm. diameter. The maximum diameter of the shells is
about 43 mm.

BiM Pendants op Abalone

These are cut from the inner lip of the abalone sliell. from the red
abalone in the specimens obtained. An ornamentation of zigzag or
transverse incisions is found on some rim pendants.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 44 mm. long, S mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
Hole 2 mm. diameter, 2 mm. from butt end. The outside edge i.s ornamented
with transverse incisions cut about 1 mm. apart.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 36 mm. long, G mm. wide, 1..5 mm.
thick. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter bored 3 mm. from the butt end.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 47 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick.
Hole 1.5 mm. diameter bored 2 mm. from the butt end.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 52 mm. long, 14.5 mm. wide, 5 mm.
thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter 3 mm. from butt end.

Entire iibalone rim pendant, 125 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 2.75 mm. thick.
Hole 2 mm. diameter, 2.5 mm. from the butt end. From the butt extending to
13 mm. from the tip, the outer edge is ornamented with zigzag incisions.
(PI. 25, a.)

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 51 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick. The fragment contains no perforation. The outer edge has remains of
transverse incisions, 1.25 apart; these incisions have been partly worn off.

Entire abalone rim pendant. 41 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3.75 mm. thick. Hole
1.5 mm. diameter, 3 mm. from the butt.

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 52.5 mm. long. 7.5 nmi. wide. 3 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of abalone rim r)endant, 47.5 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide. 2 nun.
thick. In quite decayed condition.

Fragment of abalone rim pendant, 27.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide. 2 nmi. thick.
The entire outer edge is incised with transver.se scorings.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 76 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. 3.5 mm.
thick. The hole is 2 mm. diameter and the end of the specimen beyond the
hole has been broken away. Traces of transverse incisions are still visible
along the lower portion of the outer edge.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 24

". CACHE OF CLAMSHELL DISKS AND LONG BEADS IN AN
ABALONE DISH. 6, ABALONE DISH WITH TRANSVERSELY
INCISED RIM. c, OWL LIMPET SHELL USED AS A PAINT
CUP. d, ABALONE SHELL USED AS A PAINT CUP

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 25

a, ABALONE RIM PENDANT. 6, TRIANGULAR PENDANTS OF
ABALONE. c, COLUMELLA PENDANT, rf, f, a, OBLONG PEN-
DANTS OF ABALONE. c, LEAF-SHAPED PENDANT OF CLAM-
SHELL, /i, ', CIRCULAR PENDANTS OF ABALONE. J.k, DISKS
OF CLAMSHELL. '.SQUARE PENDANT OF ABALONE. m. LIM-
PET RING. ". RING-SHAPED ORNAMENT OF ABALONE.
o, ABALONE GORGET

HARKixc.TONl DESCRirTIOX OF THE ARTIFACTS 149

Uutt frasiiicnt of abalone rim pt'iulaut. 97 mm. long, 7 mm. wido, 5 mm. tliick.
IIoU> 2.5 mm. iliameti'r. Half the hole is extent, the end of the specimen bein.i;
broken off.

Tip fragment of abalone rim pendant. 85.5 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, o mm.
thick. Hole 1 mm. diameter, 0.75 mm. from the butt. The specimen is so disin-
tegrated that one can not be sure of any trace of incLsions on the outer edge.

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 38 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 1.5 mm.
thick. There are transverse incisions along the entire outer edge.

Tip fragment of abalone rim pendant. 4(i.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 1.5 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 62.5 mm. long, S mm. wide, 2 una.
thick. The entire outer edge has zigzag incisions.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 30.5 mm. long, 10 mm. wide. 3.5 mm.
thick. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter, 2 mm. from butt.

Ci'ntral fragment of abalone rim pendant. -10.5 mm. long. mm. wide. 3.5 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 4i; nun. long. 7 nun wide, 2 mm,
thick.

Tip fragment of abalone rim pendant, HI nun. long. 12..") mm. wide. G.5 mm.
thick.

Tip fragment of abalone rim pendant, 26 mm. long.. 6 mm. wide. 5 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of abalone rim pendant, 42 mm. long, 8 mm. wide. 2.5 mm. thick.

Oblong Pendants of Cl.\mshei.l

One of the specimens measures 22 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. A hole
0.75 mm. diameter is bored near one end. One edge is serrated. The serra-
tions appear to be artificial. It appears that the marginal region of one side
was transversely incised, giving a serrated edge, althongh it was thought at
first that the corrugated surface or serrated ventral margin of some bivalve
had been used to produce this effect. (PI. 26. m.)

Columella Pendants

Only three pendants made from columella with spiral groove
were obtained and they may be described as follows :

Butt fragment of columella pendant, 17.5 mm. long. 3.."i mm. diameter.
Hole 1 mm. diameter, 1 mm. from butt.

Columella pendant, 33.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter,
2 mm. from butt.

Columella jiendant, 39 mm. long. 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter, 1.5
mm. from butt, (PI, 25, c. )

Triangular Pendants of Abalone

Triangular abalone pendants have a variety of forms. The edge
of the pendant was frequently ornamented by incision and a single
hole was bored near one corner after the manner of the hole of a
comal. Typical specimens are shown. (PI. 25, b.)

Triangular pendant. 16.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm, wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Triangular pendant. 19 unn. long, 11.5 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter
at apex.

Triangular pend;iiit. 24.5 mm. long. 21 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter
at apex.

Triangular [lendant. 21 mm. long. 15 mm. wide. IIoIh 1,'_'5 mm. diameter.

150 EXTLOIIATION OF BURTON MOUND [Eiii, Ann. *+

Fragment of tri.iiiduliir iifiidant, 61.5 iiiiii. Idiij;, X;.r> mm. wide. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Fragment of Iriaii^ular iiendaiit. 22 mm. long. 8 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Triansular iiendant, 22 mm. long, 10 mm. wide. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
3 mm. from the edge of the middle of one of the sides.

Somewhat disintegrated triangular pendant, 18 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Triangular pendant, 17.5 mm. long, 21 mm. wide. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Triangular pendant, 21 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Beautifully preserved triangular pendant, 25.5 nun. long. 24 mm. wide. Hole
1 mm. diameter. Entire edge incised with crosswise scorings.

Butt fragment of triangular pendant, 17.5 mm. long, S mm. wide. Hole 3
mm. diameter. This fragment Is as thin as paper, being the last remnant.

Triangular pendant, 18.5 mm. long, 14 mm. wide. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Triangular pendant, 35.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide. Hole 1.75 mm. diameter.

Triangular pendant, 23 mm. long, 25 mm. wide. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Entire edge Incised with crosswise seoiitigs.

Triangular pendant, 17.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Triangular pendant, 38 mm. long, 16 mm. wide. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Triangular pendant, 33.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter at
the obtuse angle.

Triangular pendant, one corner of which is broken off. Original cominited to
have been 37 mm. long, 14 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Leaf-shaped Pendant.s of Clamshbix,

An example is shown in Plate 25, e.

Pendant of clamshell, 17 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Pendant of clamshell, 10 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Pendant of clamshell, 15 mm. long, 5 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Pendant of clamshell, 17 mm. long, 5 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Circular and Squarish Pendants of Abalone

These have one or two perforations. Specimens are shown in
Plate 25, h, i, and I.

Abalone pendant, 12 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 1.25 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 14 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Hole 1.75 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 14.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 17 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 12.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 13.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter not exactly at
the center.

Abalone pendant. 30 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter not exactly at the
center.

Abalone pendant, 8.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 nmi. diameter. A very thin
lamina.

Abah)ne pendant, 33 mm. diameter. Hole 4 ram. diameter at center. Edge
incised.

HAREINQTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 151

Abaloiie pendant. 12 mm. tliameler. Hnle 2..^ mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 13 nnu. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 13.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.75 mm. diameter.

Blank for squarish abalone pendant, 11.5 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Abalone pendant 26 mm. diameter. Two holes 3 mm. diameter. Edge in-
cised.

Abalone pendant. Square. 75 nun. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, S.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone ptudant. 13 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 2S.5 mm. diameter. Two holes 4 ram. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 27 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. 17 mm. diameter. Hole 5.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant. Square. 15 mm. diameter. Two holes 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 18 mm. diameter. Two holes 3 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. 8.5 mm. diameter. Two holes 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter at center. A mere
lamina.

Abalone pendant, 12 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter at center. Entire
edge incised.

Abalone pendant, 14.5 mm. diameter. Two holes 1.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter 1 mm. from the
edge.

Abalone pendant, 16 mm. diameter. Two holes 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter at
center.

Abalone pendant, 14 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter near center.

Abalone pendant, 19 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter near center.

Abalone pendant, 11 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Two holes 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone i)endant, 23 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter. Edge Incised.

Abalone pendant, 38.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 2 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 8.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1 mm. diameter. A mere
lamina.

Fragmentary abalime disk or gorget, 36 mm. diameter. Two holes, 3 mm.
diameter, 7.5 mm. apart.

Abalone pendant, 17 mm. diameter. Hole 1.75 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 20 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.75 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. 6.25 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Oblong. 13 mm. long, 8 mm. wide. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. 24.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 nmi. diameter at
c«mter.

Abalone pendant 16.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for abalone i^endant, 12 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Abalone pendant. 19.5 mm. diameter. Two holes. 1.5 diameter.

Abalone pendant, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter at center.

Blank for abalone pendant, 21.5 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 10.5 mm. diameter. Two boles, 1.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 15 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. 8 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2.75 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. 8 mm, diameter, Hole 2.25 mm. diameter.

152 EXPLOKATTON OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN. 44

Abaldiii' peiuliint. 17 mm. fliameter. Hole 1.25 mm. diameter.

Abnloiio peuiUint, 11 mm. cliamoler. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Abaloiie pendant. Oblong. It) mm. long, 0.75 mm. wide. Two holes. 1 mm.
diameter.

Abalone iieiulant. Oblong. 9.5 mm. long, mm. wide. Two holes, 1 mm.
diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. S mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. 8.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter. A mere lamina.

Abalone pendant. 14.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.25 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. 13 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.75 mm. diameter

Blank for abalone pendant, 15.5 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Abalone pendant. Oblong with bnlging sides. 10.5 mm. long, 5 mm. wide.
Hole 5 mm. diameter at center. Very thin.

Abalone ijendant. Oblong. 11 mm. long, 9 mm. wide. Two holes, 2 mm.
diameter.

Abalone pendant, 16 mm long. Hole 1 mm. diameter. To one side of center.

Blank for alialone pendant, 21.5 mm. long, 13 mm. wide. Unbored.

Blank for abalone pendant. 19 mm. long, 15 mm. wide. Unbored.

Fragment of abalone pendant. Repre.senting about half the original speci-
men. 23.5 mm. long, 12 mm. wide. Two holes, 2.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for abalone pendant, 9 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Blank for alialone pendant, 44 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Blank for alialone pendant, 44 mm. long, 1S.5 mm. wide. Unbored.

Abalone pendant, 19.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. 15 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 15 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 32 mm. diameter: Two holes, 3.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for abalone pendant. 15.5 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Blank for abalone pendant, 24.5 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Abalone Gorgets

Distinguished from the pendants just described only by size are
the gorgets of abalone shell, worn at the throat or on the breast of
the Indian. These were made of black or red abalone. The best
specimens are as follows. A specimen is shown in Plate 25, o.

Gorget made of young red abalone shell. One side partly broken off. 89 mm.
long. 108.5 mm. wide. The breathing holes do not go through the shell. Two
holes. 5.5 mm. diameter. The entire edge is ornamented with incisions about
1.5 mm. apart.

Gorget of abalone. 81 mm. long, 62 mm. wide. Two holes. 4 mm. diameter.
Part of the edge of the specimen is broken away.

Gorget of abalone, 78 mm. long. 67 mm. wide. Two hoU's, 3 mm. tliameter.
The entire edge was Incised.

Fragment of abalone gorget, 39 mm. diameter. The fragment shows one hole.
5 mm. diameter.

Fragment of abalone gorget, 59 mm. long. The fragment shows parts of two
holes which had a diameter of about 2.5 mm.

Abalone gorget. 62.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.5 mm. diameter. The entire
edge is incised, or rather toothed, with projections 2.5 mm. apart.

Abalone gorget, 49.D mm. diameter. Two holes, 5 mm. diameter somewhat
lopsldedly placed.

HABRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 153

Fragment of abalnne gorget. 59 mm. long. The fragment shows two holes
which were 5 mm. or moi'e in diameter, and Is unusually flat. The edge is
incised.

Abalone gorget in fragmentary condition, 58 mm. long. Two holes, 3 mm.
diameter. This gorget has two larger holes, which were some 14 mm. diameter;
these were plugged with asphalt, the surface of which was inlaid with shell
heads. The plugging of one hole is still intact and two shell beads adhere to the
outer surface, also two to the inner surface. The plugging of the other hole
has fallen out and the hole is partly broken away.

Fragment of abalone gorget, representing about half the original specimen,
44 mm. long. The specimen shows one hole 4 mm. diameter, but there were
doubtless two holes.

Disks of Clamshell

P^xamples of disks from the Pismo clamshell are shown. (PI. 25,
j and k.) Their size varies from that of a dime to that of a dollar.
A cache of these, together with cylindrical beads, is shown in Plate
24, a.

Disk of clamshell, 51.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell. 50.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 50.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 47 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell. 49 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter. Part of the
edges broken away.

Disk of clamshell. 46 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell. 37 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 36 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 35 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 41.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Oblonq Pendants of Abalone

Examples of oblong pendants of abalone are shown in Plate 25,
d, f, g.

Pendant of black abalone. 26 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide. A hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone, 34 mm. long, 4 mm. wide. A hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone, 19.5 mm. long, 8 mm. wide. A hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone. 17.5 mm. long, 5 mm wide. A hole at each end.
The holes are partly broken away.

Pendant of black abalone. Oblong but with rounded ends. 20.5 mm. long,
6 mm. wide. A hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone. A trace of a hole can still be seen at one end.
The other end seems to have been squared and to have had no hole. 25 mm.
long, 3.5 mm. wide.

Pendant of black abalone. The hole is intact at one end. The other end is
so crumbled away that one can ,not tell whether it also had a boring. 26.5
mm. Irmg, 7 mm. wide.

Pendant of black abalone. The hole at one end is partly broken away, 29
mm. long, 15.5 mm. wide.

Pendant of black abalone. Oblong with large curved notches out of each of
the longer sides. 25.5 mm. long. 18 mm. wide. Two holes at each end.
55231°— 28 11

154 EXPLORATION OP BURTON MOUND [eth. Ann. 44

Pendant of black abaloiie. There Is a lar^e curved iKitch out of the central
part of one side. The ornament is almost square. 25 mm. diameter.

Pendant of black abalone, 41 mm. long, 12 mm. wide. Hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone, 45.5 mm. Ions, 10 mm. wide. Hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone, 29 mm. lonj;, 6 mm. wide. Hole at each end.

I'endant of black abalone. This is iK)ssibly a fragment, having a hole in one
end only. 23.5 mm. l<ing, 9.5 mm. wide.

Pendant of black ab.ilone, 22 mm. long, 4 mm. wide. Hole in each end.

Pendant of black abalone. Wider in the middle and tapering toward the
ends. 33.5 mm. long, 5 mm. wide. Hole in each end.

Pendant of black abalone. This has no holes and is possibly a central frag-
ment. 25 mm. long. 4.75 mm. wide.

Pendant of black abalone, 22.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide. Hole in each end.

Pendant of black abalone, 24.5 mm. long. 4 mm. wide. Hole in each end.

Ring-shaped Ornament.s of Abalone

An example of the abalone ring pendants is shown in Plate 25, n.

Ring-shaped ornament from which a section 14 mm. in length has been
broken out, 35 mm. diameter, width of band 9.5 mm.

Fragment of ring-.shaped ornament. Outer edge decorated with incisions,
27.5 mm. long, width of band 8 mm.

Ring-.shaped ornament, 44 mm. diameter ; width of band 14 mm.

Fragment of I'ing-sliaped ornament. The outer decorated with incisions.
31.5 mm. long ; width of band 14.5 mm.

Ring-sliai)ed ornament. 16.5 mm. diameter width of band 6 mm.

Ornament consisting of a ring witli attached shaft. Diameter of ring 13.5
mm. ; width of band 5 mm. Length of entire ornament, 33 mm. There was
evidently a hole near the end of the shaft, but this has been mostly broken away.

Limpet Rings

The edge of the siphonal opening of the great keyhole-limpet was
made into an elongated ring by grinding away the rest of the shell.
Tlie ends of most of our specimens are squared. An example is
figured in Plate 25, m.

Limpet ring. 16 mm. long, 13 mm. wide.

Limpet ring. 7 mm. long, 5.5 wide. Ends not squared.

Extra wide banded limpet ring, 29 mm. long. 20 mm. wide, band 7 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 22 mm. long, 14.5 mm. wide.

Limpet ring. 22 mm. long, 15.5 wide.

Limpet ring, 22 mm. wide, 19 mm. wide.

Limpet ring. 19.5 mm. long, 14 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 18 mm. long, 14 mm. wide.

Limpet ring. Ends not squared. A curious projection, 2 mm. long, sticks
out from one end. 25.5 mm. long, 18 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 17 mm, long, 14 mm. wide.

Limpet ring. 19.5 mm. long, 14 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 30 mm. long, 21.5 mm. wide. Ends not squared. This is the
largest specimen in the collection.

Limpet ring, 12 mm. long, 10 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 26 mm. long, 14 mm. wide. Ends not squared.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 155

Limpet rinj;. 16 mm. lonp:. 10 mm. wide. Squaretl at one end only.

Limpet ring, 10 mm. long. S mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 18 mm. long, 10 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 10 mm. long, 6 mm. wi(]e.

Limpet ring, 24 mm. long, 16 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 19 mm. long, 10 mm. wide.

lont, beads
Cylindrical Beads

Wliito cylindrical beads were made from the thick part of the shell
of the Pismo clam. They diifer considerably in size and shape, also in
the diameter of the boring, which was made from both ends. Many
of the specimens taken have the surface much disintegrated. Typical
specimens are shown in Plate 26, y, k, and 7.

Blanks, broken and rubbed, from the Pismo clamshell, for making
these beads were also found.

End fragment of cylindrical bead, 16 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 5 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 44 mm. long, 20.5 mm. wide, 11 mm. thick.
Square in section.

Blank for cylindrical bead. 27 mm. long. 9 mm. wide. 7 mm. thick. Round in
section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 29 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead. 55 mm. long, IS mm. wide, 10.5 mm. thick. Squar-
ish in section.

Entire cylindrical bead. 25.5 mm. long. 5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead. 20 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead with flntings at each end. 28 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter.
Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead. 23 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 36.5 mm. long. 9.5 mm. diameter. Square in
section.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 44 mm. long, 8.5 mm. diameter. Square in section.

Entire cylindrical bead. 24 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 27 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter,
with bushings at each end.

Entire cylindrical bead. 24 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter, with bushings at each
end.

Entire cylindrical bead, 29.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diam-
eter, with bushings at each end.

Entire cylindrical bead, 31 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3.5 mm. diam-
eter. The bushings have fallen out. The walls at the ends of the bead are
very thin.

Entire cylindrical bead, 49 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diam-
eter, with bushings at the ends.

Entire cylindric-al bead, 30.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter,
with bu.-'hing.s.

156

EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND

[BTH. ANN. 44

Entii-e cylindrical bead, 36 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter,
witli bushings.

Entire cylindrical bead, 37.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter,
with bushing.s.

Entire cylindrical bead, 31 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 28.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 43 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Central fragment of unbored cylindrical bead, 22.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter.

End fragment of cylindrical bead, 29 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2.75
mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 24 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

mm. long.

5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm.
bead, 24 mm. long, 26 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.

bead, 67

Entire cylindrical bead, 24
diameter.

Entire cylindrical
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 66 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire fylindrical bead, 47 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead. 44 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 50.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 40 mm. long, 10 mm. diameter. Square in section.

Blank for cylindrical bead. 50.5 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Square in section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 33.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole less than
1 mm. diameter.

48.5 mm. long, 5 nun. diameter.

Entire cylindrical
diameter.

bead, 48.5 mm. long, 5 nun. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
ylindrical bead, 15.5 mm. long, 5.5 nmi. diameter. Hole 2 mm.

Hole 1.5 mm.

Hole 2 mm. diameter.
Hole 3 nun. diameter.
Oblong

Oblong

Hole 2 mm. di;i meter.

Entire
diameter.

Entire c.ylindrical bead, 30 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter,
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 27 mm. long, 5 nun. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead. 27.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, .39 mm. long, 13 mm. wide. 6 mm. thick,
in section.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 45 mm. long, 17 mm. wide. 9 mm. thick,
in section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 19.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical liead, .33 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 42 mm. long. mm. diameter. Stjuare in section.

A hole has been bored 1 mm. into one end and 2 mm. into the otlier end.
These holes are about 1 nun. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, much decompo.sed, 14 mm. long.

Entire c.vlindircal bead, 13.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 12 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter,
with black waniiium bushing in each end.

Entire c.ylindrical bead. 23.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. <liameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 36.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole less than
1 mm. diameter.

HAKKINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 157

Blank for cylindrical bead, 40 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 10 mm. thick. Squarish
in section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 48.5 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 24 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 49 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Round in section.

Entire cylindrical bead. 65 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 3.5 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 29 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

P^ntire cylindrical bead, 23.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 25 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Round in
section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 17.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 43 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead. 24.5 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Round in section.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 48.5 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Round in section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 30.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 36 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Round in section.
Entirely finished except that it lacks the boring.

Entire cylindrical bead, 36 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 34 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter,
with bushings at the ends.

Entire cylindrical bead, 29 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 41 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole less than 1 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 49 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead. 37 mm. long. 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 57 mm. long, 6,5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diam-
eter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 21.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter.Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 28.5 mm. long, 5.75 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 25 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 41 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 51.5 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 1.25 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 54 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 29.5 mm. long, 6.25 mm. diameter. Square in
section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 23 mm. long, 5. 5 mm. diameter. Hole less than 1 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 51 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Round in section.
Complete except for the boring.

Entire cylindrical bead, 23.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 34 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead. 27.5 mm. long, 5.25 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 21 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

158 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. ann. 44

End fraffment of cylindrical bead, 17 mm. loni;, fi mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 45.5 mm. long, 20 mm. wide, 10 mm. thick. Ob-
long in section. The .sides consist clearly of the original surfaces of a large
clamshell.

Entire c.vlindriciil be;ul, ISO mm. long, G mm. diameter. Hole 2.75 mm. diam-
eter, with bushing at both ends.

Entire cylindrical bead, 32 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

End fragment of cylindrical bead, 14 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole
0.75 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead. r>0 mm. long. 9 mm. diameter. Round in sec-
tion. Fini.shed except for the boi'ing.

Entire cylindrical bead, 17 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3.25 mm.
diameter, with bushings in the end.s.

Entire cylindrical bead, 37 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 45 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. Square
in section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 48.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 18.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 27.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 31 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

CoLUMEXLA Beads

Long, taperin<j white columella beads, with a spiral groove wind-
ing about the surface, were made in part from the columella of the
Top-shell, the large, straight-sided univalve that is still seen
occasionally tossed out on the beaches of the vicinity. Specimens
illustrating all stages of the process of manufacture were obtained.
Typical specimens are shown in Plate 26, 71 and o.

Butt fragment of columella bead, 53 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3.5
mm. diameter at butt.

Columella bead, 77 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 3.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for columella bead, 61 mm. long. 14.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for columella bead, finished except that it is unbored, 100 mm. long,
9.5 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 28 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5
mm. diameter. The hole is bored crooked, breaking a groove through the side
of the bead at the tip 6.5 mm. long.

Blank for columella bead, finished except that it is unbored, 62 mm. long,
7 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 71 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 70.5 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 50 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 61 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 30 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 67 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

HARBINQTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 159

Columella head, 03.5 mm. long, 7 mm. (liamcter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead. 3S) mm. long, mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 22.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2
mm. diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead, 61 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole
2.5 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 20 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Columella bead, 55 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Columella bead. 45 mm. long. 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 24 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead, 62 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 3
mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 20.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2
mm. diameter. •

Columella bead, 91.5 mm. long. 10 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 14 mm. long. 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter

Columella biad. 54 mm. long. S mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter, with a
bushing of white dentalium at the .small end.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 55 m. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Columella bead, 37 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter, with
hexagonal bushing at each end.

ColumeUa bead. 45.5 mm. long. 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead. 25 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Columella bead. 83.5 mm. long. 8.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead, 28 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5
mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 98.5 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 5 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 88 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 4 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 73 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 83 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 78.5 mm. long. 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 67 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 64.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead. 63 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead. 59 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5
mm. diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead. 41 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole
2.5 mm. diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead, 45 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5
mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 30 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead, 41 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 2
mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 82 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 4 mm. diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead, 51 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2
mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 67 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 70 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

160 EXPLORATION OF BTTTITON MOUND [eth. ann. «

(Vutral fragment of columella bead, 69.5 mm. Icing, 6 mm. diameter. Hole
3 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 30 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Columella bead, 44.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 42 mm. long. 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.25 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, S!).5 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 4.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for columella bead, finished except that it is unbored, 81 mm. long,

7 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 74.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.
Butt fragment of columella bead, 2!) mm. long, '9 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Blanli for columella bead, 65 mm. long, 18 mm. diameter.

Blanlj for columella bead. 04 mm. long, 1S.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for columella bead, 40 mm. long, 15 mm. diameter.

Blank for columella bead, 63 mm. long, 35 mm, diameter.

Blank for columella bead, 74 mm. long, 30 mm. diameter.

Blank for columella bead, 61 mm. long, 37 mm. diameter.

Blank for columbella bead, finished except that it is unbored. 57 mm. long,

8 mm. diameter.

Hinge Beads

The beads made from the straight edge of the hinge of the rock-
oyster shell can be recognized not only by their purple color but by
the transverse groove across the middle of the bead which remains
from the ligamental notch at the center of the hinge. These beads are
usually barrel-shaped. The size varies materially. A specimen with
profile of tlie natural center groove is shown in Plate 26, m. Typical
specimens may be listed as follows :

Hinge bead, 42 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 26 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 23 mm. long. 4 ram. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 20.5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 23 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 23.5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter .
Hinge bead, 25 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 25 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, .30.5 mm. long, 5.75 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 23.5 mm. long. 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 32 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 23.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, .36.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole less than 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 29 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 28 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 31 mm. long. 4.25 mm. diameter. Hole less than 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 21,5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 41 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead. 35,5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 38 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 32 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 25 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 18 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 161

Tip fragment of hinge bead, 29 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Rock-Oyster Cylindrical Beads

In addition to the hinge beads just described there is another
type of bead cut from the rock-oyster shell which does not have the
transverse notch, but which appears to imitate as nearly as possible
the white cylindrical bead, size and shape being of course restricted
by the comparative thinness of the rock-oyster shell in contradis-
tinction tc that of the Pismo clamshell. These beads have been
termed cylindrical beads of rock-oyster shell. Many of them have
an almost scarlet color and must have made handsome necklaces
when new.

End fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 21 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diam-
eter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 35 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 24 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 34.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 8.5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75
mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 21 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75
mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 15 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75
mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 14 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5
mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 34 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 17.5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75
mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with bushing at both ends ; 20.5 mm. long,
4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Central or possibly tip fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 19 mm.
long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 16 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead. 15 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 9 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 18.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 13 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 17.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1.25 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 20 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

162 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eth. Ann. 44

Roek-oyster cylindrical liead, 21.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

End fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 31 mm. long. 4.5 mm. diameter.
Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 20 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

KffCk-oyster cylindrical bead, 23 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 24.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole less than
1 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing at both ends ; 33 mm.
long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 34.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5
mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 15.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 37 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing at one end. The bush-
ing has probably fallen out of the other end. 26 mm. long, 4.75 mm. diameter.
Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing intact at both ends ;
14 mm. long. 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Central fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 12 mm. lung. 6.5 mm. diam-
eter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing intact at both ends ;
20 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing intact at both ends ;

23 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing intact at both ends ;

24 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 32 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Central fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 28 mm. long, 6 mm. diam-
eter. Hole 0.75 mm. diameter.

Rock-oy.ster cylindrical bead, 27.5 mm. long, 5 nun. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oy.ster cylindrical bead, 31 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 17 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 14.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Roek-oyster cylindrical bead, 18 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 18 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 nun.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 14 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 12.5 mm. long, 2.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 13 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

HABRiNGTON) DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 163

Rook-oyster cylindrical bead, 14.5 mm. long, S.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 12 mm. long, 8.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Mucb decomposed fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 17 mm. long, 5
mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Rock-oy.<ter cylindrical bead. 22.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing at both ends ; 30.5 mm.
long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

disk beads and other small beads

Olivella Disk Beads

The common olivella abalorio of the Channel was about 4 mm.
diameter, somewhat curved in plane, with edge trimmed round and a
central hole averaging perhaps 1,75 mm. diameter. These disks were
prepared from the shell of the olivella and were manufactured in
enoi-mous quantities. The specimens taken vary in size from 3 mm.
diameter up to 8 mm. diameter. (PI. 26, i.)

Olivella Lip Beads

These are made of the entire lip portion of the last whorl of the
olivella. They also vary greatly in size. (PI. 26, g.)

Minute Olivella Disk Beads

Ring-shaped olivella disk beads, with relatively large hole, because
of their size, and neatly trimmed outer edge, were also found widely
scattered. The diameter is only about 2 or 2.25 mm. (PI. 26, h.)

Pink Disk Beads

These resemble the common disk beads but are prepared from the
rock-oystef. They measure about 4.5 mm. diameter.

Black Disk Beads

Disk beads prepared from the mussel shell vary in diameter from
3 to 6 mm. They have the typical shape.

Abalone Disk Beads

Abalone disk beads 4.5 mm. diameter, resembling the ordinary disk
beads in every other way, were found very sparsely.

Thin Clamshell Disk Brvds

Disks of clamshell of button-like appearance were also a scarce
article in the diggings and screenings. These varied in diameter from
3.5 to 10 mm. An example is shown in Plate 26, a.

164 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [kth. Ann. 44

Thick Clamshell Disk Beads

Thick disks of white clamshell may be enumerated as follows.
Examples are shown in Plate 26, ft, c.

Blank for thick disk bead, 13 mm. diameter, 12.5 mm. tliick.
Thick disk bead, 9.5 mm. diameter, 2.5 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter.
Thick disk bead, 12 mm. diameter, 4.25 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Blank for thick disk bead, 12 mm. diameter, 7 mm. thick. Unbored.
Thick disc bead, 8.5 mm. diameter, 3 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter.
Thick disk bead, 9 mm. diameter, 5 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter.
Thick disk bead, 13 mm. diameter, 4 mm. thick. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.
Thick disk bead, 9.5 mm. diameter, 6 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Thick disk bead, 12 mm. diameter, 3 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter.
Thick di.sk bead, 9.5 mm. diameter, 4 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter.
Blank for thick disk bead, 11.5 mm. diameter, 7 mm. thick. Unbored.
Blank for thick disk bead, 11 mm. diameter, 6 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Thick disk bead, 6 mm. diameter, 6.5 mm. thick. Hole 3 mm. diameter.
Blank for thick disc bead, 14 mm. diameter, 11 mm. thick. Unbored.
Blank for thick disk bead, 10 mm. diameter, 9 mm. thick. Unbored.
Blank for thick disk bead, 12 mm. diameter, 8.5 mm. thick. Unbored.

Globular Beads of Clamshell

A few globular beads of white clamshell were found. They have

the shape of globular glass beads. An average specimen measures 6

mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter. An example is shown in

Plate 26, /.

Small Cylindeical Beads of Clamshbix

The average measurements of these white cylinders of clamshell
are 4 ram. diameter, 4 mm. long, hole 1 mm. diameter. Examples
are shown in Plate 26, g.

Square Beads of Abalonb

Square plates cut from abalone shell, about 6 mm. diameter and
with a hole at the center about 2 mm. diameter, were infrequently
met with. An example is shown in Plate 26, e.

Triangular Beads of Clamshell

A plate cut from clamshell and forming a neat triangle in outline
was found. It is the only bead of its kind and has a maximum
diameter of 10 mm. with a hole 2 mm. diameter at the center. (PI.
26, d.)

Abalone Buster Pearl Bead

The most valuable bead of the collection is one made from a large
blister pearl taken from an abalone. The pearl has taken on the
shape of an elongated sjiheroid and is quite symmetrical. The bead

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 26

fl, THIN CLAMSHELL DISK BEAD, b, c, THICK CLAMSHELL DISK
BEADS. <l, TRIANGULAR BEAD OF CLAMSHELL, p. SQUARE
BEAD OF ABALONE. /■, GLOBULAR BEAD OF CLAMSHELL.
e. SMALL CYLINDRICAL BEADS OF CLAMSHELL. /.. MINUTE
OLIVELLA DISK BEADS. ', COMMON OLIVELLA DISK BEADS.
./. A-.', CYLINDRICAL BEADS, m. OBLONG PENDANT OF CLAM-
SHELL. n,o. COLUMELLA BEADS. P, ABALONE BLISTER PEARL
BEAD. '/. OLIVELLA LIP BEADS, r, SPIRE-LOPPED SHELLS FOR
STRINGING. SMALLER SPECIES OF OLIVELLA

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 27

a, BASE OF CANDLESTICK OF BRASS, b, c, GLASS BOTTLES,
c/, SPANISH FLOOR TILE, f, MARLINE PIN

HAKBINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 165

is 13 mm. long, 9.5 mm. maximum diameter, 5.5 mm. minimum diam-
eter. The hole is 2 mm. diameter. There is a hexagonal dentalium
bushing in one end of the hole, but the other end of the hole never
had any bushing. (PI. 26, p.)

Objects of Vegetal Material

Although special care was taken in the excavation of the graves
for the detection of the remains of the stumps of grave posts which
no doubt originally existed at the cemetery site, no such traces were
discovered. The only wooden object recovered in the entire work
of the expedition was a wooden awl (pi. 21, d). The asphalt of
certain arrowiieads and that adhering to one of the flint laiives indi-
cate that the wooden portions were intact at the time of burial. For
evidence of twined basketry in asphalt imprint see page 106.

WOODEN AWL

Unique and alone in its class is a specimen of awl of a species of
wood not yet identified, which through a freak of fate survived in
the ground and was taken from the trench which followed the north
wall of the Burton adobe house. Such awls of wood are known to
have been used by the Indians and it was therefore gratifying to
recover this specimen.

The awl is entire and measures 82 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 8 mm.
thick. The tip is slender and sharp, the butt rounding, it being
largely formed by a diagonal cut. The side of the awl exhibits two
natural longitudinal grooves. Such awls were used in basketry in
much the same way as the bone awls of similar size and shape.
(PI. 21, d.)

Objects of Modern Manufactdre

We found many fragments of Spanish tile, apparently from the
floor and roof of the early adobe house, also some important Spanish
objects of brass, interesting lead bullets of an early type, two early
hand-blown greenish glass bottles, modern pottery fragments and
glass beads. The most typical of these articles are described below.

ePANISH FLOOR TILES

Almost entire Spanish floor tile, 51.8 cm. square, 47.6 mm. thick.
Many other fragments of floor tiles were recovered. The obverse is
the smoother surface and shows signs of wear. (PI. 27, d.)

fragmentary SPANISH ROOF TILES

A considerable quantity of fragments of roof tiles was recovered.

166 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [bth. ann. 44

SPANISH CANDLESTICK OF BRASS

Base of probably Spanish candlesticks of brass. 136.5 mm. diam-
eter. (PI. 27, a.)

IRON MARLINE PIN

Iron marline pin. 304.8 mm. long, 28.5 mm. diameter. Found at the Burton
house excavations. (PI. 27, e. )

GLASS BOTTLES

Bottle of hand-blown darli green glass. 277.8 mm. long, 101.6 mm. maximum
diameter. Concavity of bottom 31.7 mm. Mr. Coulter, who kindl.v examined
the bottles, believes that this bottle is from about 1830, perhaps earlier. (PI.
27, 6.)

Bottle of hand-blown dark green glass. 225.4 mm. long, 55.5 mm. maximum
diameter. Concavity of bottom 26.9 mm. Mr. Coulter places this bottle much
earlier than tlie other specimen, iwssibly from the beginning of the nineteenth
century. (PI. 27, c.)

BELL CLAPPER OP BRASS

Bell clapper of brass, probably of Spanish manufacture ; 30.1 mm. long.

THIMBLE OF BRASS

Thimble of brass, 17 mm. long, 15 mm. diameter. Apparently of the kind
made in Germany.

LEAD BULLETS

Lead bullet, 12 mm. diameter. This is a big buckshot, very crude and looks
as if it had been whittled out of a piece of lead.

Lead bullet, 5.5 mm. diameter. Spherical, of modern appearance.

Lead bullet, 16.5 mm. diameter. The surface is rough, and it has the appear-
ance of being a large and crude buckshot from early times.

SPANISH BRASS BUTTONS

Brass buttons of Spanish manufacture. Average dimensions ; 17.5 mm. diam-
eter, shank 8.5 mm. long. The buttons had evidently been strung together with
glass beads, probably as a necklace, a bit of the tliread remaining intact with
a bead each side of the hole of the shank of the button.

IRON BLADES

A much rusted iron blade of knife or sword. Fragment 228.6 mm. long,
22.2 mm. wide, 6.3 mm. thick.

A much rusted blade of iron, 88.9 mm. long, 33.3 mm. wide, 6.3 mm. thick.

PEWTER SPOON

Fragment of a pewteir spoon, much disintegrated, 78.5 mm. lung, 6 mm. thick.
Tlie handle had apparently a width of only 7 mm. The bowl of the spoon can
be estimated from what remains of it to have been about 20 mm. wide.

HABRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 167

BROOCHES

A little silver brooch of very modern apiieiirance. 24.5 mm. long.
Brooch of blacli euameleil metal witli raised figures of a bird and plant.
Elliptical in shape, 29 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide. Probably Japanese manufacture.

MEXICAN POTTERY FRAGMENTS

Fragments of Mexican pottery bowls and crocks were identified by
Mr. William L. Calver as follows :

Fragment of jirobably Mexican pottery, 49 mm. long, 5 mm. thick. The out-
side surface is coated with a black glaze.

Fragment of probably Mexican pottery. 32 mm. long, 7 mm. thick. Inside
surface dark buff, outside surface brick red.

Central fragment of pottery, of Mexican or possibly American manufacture,
18.5 mm. long, 7 mm. thick. The outside surface has a brown glaze.

Fragment of probably Mexican pottery, 35 mm. long, 6.5 mm. thick. Reddish
on both outside and inside surfaces, darker color in the interior.

Fragment of Mexican pottery. Surface not glazed. Reddish on outside and
inside surfaces, dark gray interior. 42 mm. long, 8 mm. thick.

Another fragment of the same vessel from which the piece last described w-as
taken, 34 mm. long. 8 mm. thick.

MODERN CHINAWARE AND PORCELAIN

The large number of modern chinaware and porcelain fragments
taken were mostly from the excavations in the vicinity of the Burton
adobe house, as might be expected. These fragments also were
studied by Mr. Calver, who found pieces dating as early as 1820
and as recent as from the liotel.

A chinaware pitcher bearing a " transfer " design is from 1850,
more probably from 1840. The fragment bearing the trade name
" Spode " is old. Spode quit making pottery some sixty years ago.
The piece marked '' Japan " is from 1850. The piece with the
"tapeworm" design is from 1840. The "tapeworm'' runs entirely
around the vessel. The fragments witli green leaves and red berries
are quite early, from the twenty's or thii-ty's of the past century.
The orange-colored fragments are probably American and not
Mexican ware.

GLASS BEADS

A very satisfactory group of glass-bead material was taken in the
excavations. It includes practically every kind of European bead
that has been reported from the Channel region.

One of the omnipresent types was the red bead with blackish
inside lining. These were found in several sizes, the most frequent
sizes being about 4 mm. diameter.

A few translucent red globular beads were found.

168 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [kth. ann. 44

We recovered 10 pink-colored fjlass beads, trianp;ular in section,
which had been much disintegrated while in contact with the damp
ground.

Barrel-shaped red glass beads.

Blue globular beads were found in several sizes and in three colors,
which can be distinguished as blue, indigo, and bluish black. The
last mentioned have an almost burnished appearance and show
gleams of metallic luster.

Green beads also occur in four or five sizes, the commonest being
about 3 mm. diameter. They are a light green color.

European beads of black color are rare but a few specimens were
found. They are globular and 4.5 mm. diameter.

A few globular European beads were found of a purple or maroon
color resembling that of grape jelly. One of these measures 3.75
mm. diameter, another 8.5 mm. diameter.

European beads of globular shape made of clear transparent glass
were also encountered, and in several diilerent sizes. They must
have reminded the Indians of their own quartz crystals.

Glass beads of a lemon yellow color were also represented in the
graves.

European beads of white color were among the commonest, per-
haps next in frequency after the red, blue, and green. The 4 mm.
diameter size was the commonest.

" Venetian " beads with dotted or striated surfaces were well rep-
resented. They occurred in globular and cylindrical form. One
cache had these the size of marbles, the interior being blue and the
surface ornamented with longitudinal white stripes.

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND
USAGES OF THE CHICKASAW INDIANS

By JOHN R. SWANTON

169

55231°— 28 12

CONTENTS

Page

Introduction 173

Origin legends 174

Terms of relationship 180

Birth relationships 180

Marriage relationships 182

Flirther notes on the terms used by a woman 183

Supplementary terms 183

Personal names 187

Social organization 190

Government 213

Property rights 216

Crime and punishment 216

Regulations regarding women 220

Childbirth and education of children 221

Marriage customs 225

Division of labor between the sexes 228

Burial customs 229

War customs 235

Hunting 240

Games 242

Measures and intercommunication ' — 245

Religious beliefs in general 247

The fate of souls 255

Dances 257

The Pishofa ceremony 258

Doctoring and medicines 263

Bibliography 273

Index 541

ILLUSTRATION

FiGUBB 3.^-Chickasaw camp square (from Speck) 194

171

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND USAGES
OF THE CHICKASAW INDIANS

By John R. Swanton

INTRODUCTION

In the Forty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology I treated the social, religious, and medical usages of the
Indians of the Creek Confederation, and the present paper is an
attempt to perform an identical service for the Chickasaw. The same
general system has been followed, but the tribe now under discussion
constituted a much smaller and much more homogeneous group,
occupied less territory, and attracted less attention from early writers.
Moreover, the publication of the Creek material has rendered un-
necessary an equally elaborate account of a tribe resembling the
Creeks as closely as did the Chickasaw.

The outstanding character of the work of the English trader James
Adair required the constant use of his narrative as a basis in con-
sidering Creek culture, but the greater part of his information ap-
plies more immediately to the Chickasaw, and hence, in the present
volume, it has been necessary to repeat much of the material fur-
nished by him. A short sketch of the early history of this tribe is
contained in Bulletin 73. Their later fortunes have been traced by
James H. Malone in '"The Chickasaw Nation," and in various articles
in the Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society. A rela-
tively recent paper by Prof. Frank G. Speck constitutes an invaluable
contribution to the subject. From living Indians I have been able
to add a certain amount of material, particularly on the side of
Chickasaw social organization, but there are surprisingly few who
can furnish reliable information. The material culture of all the
southeastern Indians was so much alike, and so few of the local
peculiarities, which undoubtedly did exist, have been preserved that
this subject is best considered for the region taken as a whole. Some-
thing has been said regarding it in my small paper on " The Culture
of the Southeast " in the Forty-second Annual Report, but an ade-
quate presentation of the subject is still awaited.

173

ORIGIN LEGENDS

Like other Muskhogean tribes, the Chickasaw had a •well-defined
legend of a former home somewhere in the west, beyond the Missis-
sippi River. The earliest versions of this are given by Adair, who
alludes to it several times. In one place he says, "they, and the
Choktah, and also the Chokchooma, who in process of time were
forced by war to settle between the two former nations, came to-
gether from the west as one family " ^ ; and in another, " the Indians
have on old tradition, that when they left their own native land,
they brought with them a sanctified rod by order of an oracle, which
they fixed every night in the ground ; and were to remove from place
to place on the continent towards the sim-rising, till it budded in
one night's time; that they obeyed the sacred mandate, and the mir-
acle took place after they arrived to this side of the Missisippi, on
the present land they possess." - It is added that Yaneka, " the most
southern old town," was the one which they first settled after reach-
ing the country later occupied by them." Again he remarks: "The
old waste towns of the Chikkasah lie to the west and southwest, from
where they have lived since the time we first opened a trade with
them; on which course they formerly went to war over the Missi-
sippi, because they knew it best, and had disputes with the natives
of those parts, when they first came from thence." * Some items re-
garding this migration, such as the fact that they brought horses
with them, and on the way desjjoiled a caravan laden with gold and
silver, may be dismissed as late embellishments by the Indians or by
Adair.

As among the Choctaw, however, we find along with tlie above
stories a tradition that the people had come out from under the earth,
and Adair cites the case of "one of their politicians," who per-
suaded them that the cave from which they had ascended was " in
the Nanne Hamgeh old town, inhabited by the Mississippi-Nachee
Indians, which is one of the most western parts of their old-inhab-
ited country." This seer undertook to reopen communication with
the brethren who had remained in their subterranean world, but
was shut in by the Indians so that he might be purified.^ It is a

■ Adair, Hist Am. Inds., p. 352. • Ibid., p. 196.

= Ibid., p. 162, note. ^ Ibid., pp. 195-196.

2 Ibid., p. 66.

174

SWANTON] ORIGIN LEGENDS 175

little surprising to find a place selected by this seer on the eastern
side of the Mississippi when the tradition points to some region
beyond it, but it happened to suit his own purposes, which were to
act as an intermediary between the imderworld and above- world
people with profit to himself.

Eomans (1771) says the Chickasaw "have a tradition that they
were a colony from another nation in the West, and that they first
set themselves down near the Ohio, but soon removed to their present
Site."«

The next migi'ation legend of the Chickasaw is recorded by School-
craft, who obtained it through the medium of the United States
Indian agent located among them after their removal west of the
Mississippi. It is said to have been obtained " fi-om the most au-
thentic sources," meaning, of course, the native informants supposed
to be best versed in tribal lore.

By tradition, they say they came from the West ; a part of their tribe
remained in the West When about to start eastward, tliey were provided with
a large dog as a guard, and a pole as a guide; the dog would give them notice
whenever an enemy was near at hand, and thus enable them to make their
arrangements to receive them. The pole they would plant in the ground
every night, and the next morning they would look at it, and go in the direc-
tion it leaned. They continued their journey in this way until they crossed
the great Mississippi River ; and, on the waters of the Alabama River, arrived
in the country about where Huntsville, Ala., now is. There the pole was
unsettled for several days, but finally it settled, and pointed in a southwest
direction. They then started on that course, planting the pole every night
until they got to what is called the Chickasaw Old Fields, where the pole
stood perfectly erect. All then came to the conclusion that that was the
" Promised Land," and there they accordingly remained until they emigrated
west of the State of Arkansas, in the years 1837 and 1838.

While the pole was in an unsettled situation, a part of their tribe moved on
East, and got with tlie Creek Indians, but as soon as the majorit.v of the tribe
settled at the Old Fields, they sent for the party that had gone on East, who
answered that they were very tired, and would rest where they were a while.
This clan was called Cush-eh-tah. They have never joined the parent tribe,
but they always remained as friends until they had intercourse with the
whites ; then they became a separate nation.

The great dog was lost in the Mississippi, and they always believed that the
dog had got into a large sink hole, and there remained ; the Chickasaws said
they could hear the dog howl just before the evening came. Whenever any of
their warriors get scalps, they give them to the boys to go and throw them into
the sink where the dog was. After throwing the scalps, tlie boys would run off
in great fright, and if one should fall, in running off, the Chickasaws were
certain he would be killed or taken prisoner by their enemies. Some of the
half-breeds, and nearly all of the full bloods, now believe it.

In travelling from the west to the east, they have no recollection of crossing
any large water-course except the Mississippi River. When they were travelling
from the West to the Promi.sed Land in the East, they had enemies on all sides,

» Romans,. E. and W. Fla., p. 69.

176 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ANN. 44

and had to fight their way through, but they can not give the names of the
people they fought with while travelling.

They were infornu'd, when they left the West, that they might look for whites ;
that they would come from the East ; and they were to be on their guard, and
to avoid the whites, lest they should bring all manner of vice among them.^

This is of course an accretion. It differs from the narratives quoted
by Adair in carrying the Chickasaw migration east of their later set-
tlements before their final location in Mississippi. Whatever truth
there may be in this there is every reason to believe that at one time
a considerable portion of the nation did live at the Chickasaw Old
Fields on the north bank of the Tennessee River in Madison County,
Ala. It is interesting to compare the way in which the Chickasaw
here express their friendship for the Kasihta with the way in which
in the migration legends of the Creeks the Kasihta express their
friendship for the Chickasaw. The Chickasaw represent the Kasihta
as an offshoot from themselves, while the Kasihta introduce the
Chickasaw as one of the original tribes from which the Creeks were
descended and associate them with three tribes which, so far as we
know, always have been Creek.

In a speech made by the Kasihta chief Tussekiah Mico in the
Coweta Square, October 28, 1797, he says that the Kasihta, Coweta,
and Chickasaw were all of one fire, and he calls the last mentioned
"younger brothers" of all the other Creeks, including the Abihka.^

Almost the only late versions of this legend are the ones given by
Warren and are as follows :

Molly Gunn, a Chickasaw woman, grandmother of Cyrus Harris, who became
Governor of the Chiekasaws, in the Indian Territory, related to him the
Chickasaw tradition of that tribe's journeying to Mississippi. Mr. Harris gave
the author a manuscript copy of this tradition, translated from the language
of Molly Gunn. He wrote that " .she talked all Chickasaw." It reads as follows :

" The Chiekasaws started east carrying with them a long pole, and at night
the pole was stuck in the ground, erect. Next morning the pole would be
found leaning towards the east, which they considered their guide, and would,
from day to day, follow, or travel in the direction that the pole lent. Each
morning this was continued until they reached the place that is known as the
' Chickasaw Old Fields." By some it was called ' Old Town." When they
reached that place, at night, as usual, the pole was stuck in the ground as erect
as they could possibly put it. On the following morning the leader of the
party rose early as usual (the Chiekasaws were early ri.^ers in those days). On
examining the pole he found it standing in the exact iwsition that it was left
[in] the night before. He proclaimed to the party that they had reached their
future home, and the party settled down and made that place their home.
After this, the Creek Indians occasionally made war against the Chiekasaws.
but were always repulsed and driven away. They were after this encroached
upon by the French, . . . and several battles were fought; but the Chiekasaws
had a very large war dog that always gave them warning when the enemy
was approaching, and, in the heat of battle kept ahead of the Chiekasaws, mak-

' Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, i, pp. 265-268. « Ga. Hist. Soc. Coll.s., vol. ix, p. 213.

S WANTON]

ORIGIN LEGENDS 177

ing heavy attacks on the enemy. By this assistance, the French generally got
the worst of the fight. . . . The Chickasaw Old Town, or ' Old Fields,' i.s
somewhere not far from Ripley or Tupelo. The road leading from Pontotoc to
Tuscumbia, Ala., fonnerly ran through those ' Old Fields.' . . ."

Rev. F. Piitton, who wrote some reminiscences of the Chickasaws and who
acted as amanuensis of Rev. T. C. Stewart, one of tlie early American teachers
to the Chickasaws, relates the tradition somewhat differently. Tradition says
that the Chickasaws and Choctaws were once one tribe and lived in the West,
where they had iwwerful enemies who kejit them in alarm. In a council they
determined to seek a land of life, as they termed it. They divided into two
parties, under the head of Chickasaw and Choctaw, two brothers. Tlie brothers,
after crossing the Mississippi River, separated, but settled in contiguous terri-
tory : the two parties (the Chickasaws and Choctaws) remained distinct, and
in time became hostile to each other. Before they commenced their journey,
they sought guidance of the Great Spirit. A pole was set up, and the war dance
danced till late at niglit. They then retired. Next morning they found that
the pole bent eastwardly. Tliey took this as a Divine sign, and journeyed in
the direction the pole leaned. As they marched on they observed a like ceremony
every night, and, with the same result. As they went over the country which
they afterwards inhabited, the pole appeared to be nearly erect ; but as it
was considered to be not exactly perpendicular, they continued to move east-
wardly. Two tales are told as to the end of their journe.v. one, that they took a
northwesterly course until they reached the Tennessee River and that there the
pole pointed in an opposite direction, [upon which] they retraced their steps
until they reached what was afterwards known as the " Chickasaw Old Fields "
(in Lee County [Miss.]) where the pole stood erect. They rested at that place,
built a town, cleared the forest, and cultivated maize. The " Old Fields "
became the metropolis of the Chickasaw Nation as well as its center. The
other tradition is that they followe<l a nxjre southern direction after crossing
the Mississippi, and reached the Alabama River. When the war dance was
renewed around the pole, and after they had reposed, they learned tliat their
course was westwardly. They left the Alabama River for the " Chickasaw
Oil Fields."'

Malone states that he has obtained a long version of the migration
legend from Hon. Charles D. Carter, but he gives only the closing
section of it, which runs thus ;

They camped for the night on the banks of the great river [Mississippi],
and since the leader's pole still leaned toward the east the young men began
to make rafts and canoes for crossing the river and proceeding on their journey.
When the crossing was finally attempted, the little white dog which had so
faithfully kept his course toward the rising sun was drowned, and upon reach-
ing the opposite bank of the river the sacred pole, after wobbling around and
pointing in many directions finally stood erect, and the medicine men inter-
preted this as an omen that the promised land had been reached.

Scouting expeditions were sent out by nearly all the clans in search of game
and other food and to ascertain the exact character of country to which the
Great Spirit had led them. Finally the headman of a certain clan, the members
of which were described as taller and of fairer skin than the rest of the tribe,
appeared before the general council and asserted that, according to his best
information and judgment, the promised land had not yet been reached ; that

» Warren In Pubs. Miss. Hist. Soc., vol. viii, pp. 546-348.

178 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

a imu-h bettor country, more productive iu soil, more liountiful in game, fruit,
and tlsli, lay somewhat to the north and still farther toward the rising sun.
After debating tlie question for many hours a vote was taken as to whether
the move should be made, and it was decided by a large majority that the
desired place had been reached and that no further move was necessary. Upon
hearing the vote, tlie leader of the taller and fairer clan rose up and, striding
majestically out of the council, dramatically uttered the following words :

"All those who believe the promised land is farther towards the rising sun
follow me."

His entire clan arose and went with him, but few others. Upon seeing this
the Choctaw warriors and some of their headmen grabbed their spears, toma-
hawks, and bows and arrows as if to restrain this clan by force. B.ut the old
head minko arose, extended his hand above his head, palm out. and exclaimed :

" Hamonockma, ikia ahnishke, chickasha ! " (Halt, follow them not; they are
rebels!)""

Thus the division of the Choctaws and Chickasaws into two separate tribes
came about, and on account of the old chief's reference to them as " rebels "
this taller and fairer tribe were ever thereafter known as " Chickasha." '"

Many of the living Chickasaw remember the story, but in a very
fragmentary form. Tlie name given to the mythic pole is simply
kohta " pole " or kohta f alaha, " long pole." By a few the dog is also
remembered. They believe that they started from the Rocky Moun-
tains and traveled east guided by this pole, as one Indian expressed it,
" in search of the center of the world." It stood upright after they
had crossed the Mississippi River (Sakti la"fa, "boundary bank"
river). As the place from which they started is sometimes called
" the navel of the world," it is interesting to note that the Chickasaw
called the large mounds in their country " navels." " They thought,"
says Schoolcraft's informant, " that the Mississippi was the center of
the earth, and those mounds were as the navel of a man in the center
of his body.""

Besides the above facts, I have one longer version written down
in Chickasaw by my interpreter, Mr. Zeno McCurtain, which, includ-
ing some necessary alterations and simplifications, may be rendered in
English as follows:

This is the story of how the Indian people came to this country. Their
earlier home was in the continent of Asia, but after a time they got tired of
living there and wanted to move to some place where they could live in com-
fort, have a country of their own, and be independent. They called a meeting
to decide what course to take, and it was determined to move. It was then that
their trials and hardships began.

They depended upon the Creator for their guidance, and it was revealed to
them that they must move toward the East; so they set out in that direction.
They had a dog who guarded their camp every night and kept the wild animals

"'' Hamonockma ikia ahnishke. ("Let no one think of going !") The supiwsed mean-
ing of " chicka.sha " I have been unable to estal)li.sh.

'" Malone. James H. : The Chickasaw Nation : A Short Sketch of a Noble People.
Louisville, Ky., John P. Morton & Co.. 1922, pp. 22-23.

»■ Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vol. i, p. 311.

SW-VNTON]

ORIGIN LEGENDS 179

away. During the nislit lie walked in advance to direct them. The name of
this dog was Pantl." He led tliem out of all difficulties and kept them from
getting into places from which they might not be able to extricate themselves.
If anyone fell sick, they would stop for several days and treat him by means
of an herb steeped in water. If one was bitten by a snake, the dog would lick the
place and the person would get well.

Tlie trilie kept moving eastward in this manner until they came to a big
botly of water which they called Ok-hata icto ("Big Ocean"), and the original
narrator of this story thought that the Okhot.sk Sea must have derived its name
from this term. When they could go no farther they camped on the shore of
this big water for several days. At that place they were able to see the land on
the other side. (The place was identified with Bering Strait by the story
teller.) So they determined to cross to the other side and held councils to work
out a plan by which the passage might be accomplished. Finally they decided
that they must construct a raft. They went to work at once, Imt after they had
finished it discovered that they could cross only at certain times when the
water moved back (i. e., when the tide elibed). At last they got safely to
North America, but it was so cold there that they started on again southward
until they came to the neighborhood of Montana, where they remained a long
time.

At the end of that period they held a council and some wanted to move on
again, while others preferred to remain. Therefore they divided. Those that
wished to emigrate took the dog Piuiti with them. They loved him dearly, tor
he was a great help to them. Moving on eastward they came to a prairie
country where were numerous wild animals, some of which Panti killed for
them to eat, while he drove the rest away. There were at that time plenty of
deer, prairie chickens, turkeys, squirrels, fish, and many other creatures good
to eat. There were also some dangerous animals, like panthers and wolves,
but they moved along cautiously so that these creatures could not get at them.
There were several kinds of poisonous snakes, and they also avoided them
carefuU.v. In case anyone did get bitten they had a good remedy to apply.

Whenever they wanted to move forward they began several days in advance
to prepare breadstuffs like blue or shuck bread (bimaha) and cold flour (tam-
bota). They put up so much of this that they had plenty to eat for several
days.

When they reached the Mississippi River they camped upon its banks for
some time, uncertain how they could get to the other side. Finally the.v de-
cided to construct another raft and they did so, but during the passage their
raft came to pieces and they lost their faithful dog.

After this sad event they did not at first know what to do. but finally they
decided to use a wooden p<:)le (kohta) as their guide. Every night, when they
made camp, they stuck this pole into the ground, and in the morning it would be
found leaning in a certain direction. This was the direction in which they were
to march. They kept on, guided thus, for many days, until finally the pole
was found standing perfectly erect, and they said " This must be the place for
which we are looking." So they began a settlement and continued there for
a long time, living by hunting and fi.shing.

This is all of the story that really concerns us, althoufrh the manu-
script devotes considerable additional space to detailing subsequent
relations between the Chickasaw and the whites.

" Panti means " cat-tail," at least In Choctaw.

180 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

Only dim memories are preserved of the numerous wars waged by
the ancestors of the present Chickasaw when they were livino; in Mis-
sissippi. There is a belief that they were then fighting all of the
surrounding peoples. They remember their last war with the Creeks,
which took place in the last decade of the eighteenth century and
resulted in a brilliant victory for the Chickasaw. The story has it
that about 100 Chickasaw beat off 2.000 hostile Creeks, and this is not
far from the truth, the Creeks having been seized by a panic. The
native story also states that the Cherokee had vainly endeavored to
dissuade the Creeks from entering upon this contest.

When they wei'e fighting another tribe, they were guarded by two
dogs, one white and one yellow, which were invisible to themselves
but visible to the enemy. These would run among the latter and
knock them over so that the Chickasaw could kill them more readily.
When the Chickasaw started out to fight, they could hear the noise
made by these dogs, which was like that of a thunderstorm, but they
could not see them. It is thought that they might have lived in the
ground.

On another occasion seven Chickasaw were surrounded in a small
cave by a large body of Osage (Wacaci). By some magic means the
latter were caused to fall asleep and the Chickasaw killed them all.

They say that they used to trade at a town of the whites called Bal-
bancha situated on a river which they would descend in bark canoes.
Balbancha appears to have been the old name of New Orleans; the
Mississippi River was known as Sakti la^fa okena (" Chickasaw bluff
watercourse"). It is improbable that they ever used bark canoes to
any extent ; they ordinarily employed dugouts.

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

The Chickasaw and Choctaw terms of relationship cover, for the
most part, the same categories as the corresponding terms in Mus-
kogee,^^ but there are some notable differences. In the following
discussion the Muskogee terms, as given in the Forty-second Annual
Report, are constantly referred to, but the application of the Chicka-
saw terms is sufficiently indicated in the two tables.

Birth Relationships

1. afo (grandfather) is very nearly equivalent in use to the Mus-
kogee potca. When applied to the father's sister's husband, how-
ever, and the husbands of his female descendants, it takes the
diminutive suffix -osi. Since Choctaw and Cliickasaw do not, like
Muskogee, categorize all of the father's sister's male and female
descendants together, the use of this term varies correspondingly.

" See 42d Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethu., pp. 80-86.

SW ANTON]

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP 181

A varying application is also found in that this term is used by a
woman in speaking to her father-in-law.

2. posi (Chickasaw), pokni (Choctaw) (grandmother) correspond
to Muskogee posi, and they are used in the same manner in their
primary applications to the grandmother, and the women of her
generation and preceding generations. However, in a manner anal-
ogous to the term preceding, they are bestowed by a woman upon
her husband's mother. The Chickasaw, like the Muskogee, employed
posi also for the father's sister, but bestowed it only upon those of
her female descendants connected through the females. The Choc-
taw, on the other hand, introduced a new term, hukni, used for the
father's sister and, as in Chickasaw, for her descendants through
females. It is probable that this word is etymologically connected
with pokni.

3. ki (father) and kosi (little father). These are equivalent in
nearly all particulars to Muskogee Iki, except that they are applied
mainly to the descendants of the father's sister through females.

4. cki (mother) and ckosi (little mother). Used like Muskogee
tcki, with the limitation on the fatliei''s side already several times
mentioned. There is also one striking difference in the fact that
thej^ are used for the maternal uncle's wife, and, j^resumably, for the
wives of all of those called by the same term as the maternal uncle.
The Choctaw, however, call the mother's brother's wife haiya (q. v.).

5. moci (maternal uncle). This seems to be absolutely identical
in use with Muskogee pawa.

6. tikba (Chickasaw), anni (Chottaw) (elder brother, m. sp. ; elder
sister, w. sp.). These apparently vary little from Muskogee laha.

7. nakfic (yoimger brother), almost identical in use with Muskogee
tcusi. However, the term is also applied, according to Morgan, to
some of the children of the men on the father's side called by the same
term as the father. Presumably this would also hold good for the
daughters when a woman is speaking.

8. tek (sister, m. sp.). The equivalent of Muskogee wanwa but
bestowed also upon daughters of those male relatives on the father's
side called by the same term as the father.

9 and 10. so (Chickasaw and Choctaw) (child, son, daughter),
tcipota (Chickasaw) (child), ala (Choctaw) (son). As used by a
man these are equivalent to the Muskogee terms kputci and ttcusti
taken together. The daughter is distinguished if necessary by the
addition of the feminine sign tek, as so tek, ala tek. The stepson
is called so toba. and the stepdaughter so tek toba or so tek pila.

11. baiyi (nepliew, or, more exactly, sister's son). The counterpart
of Muskogee hopwiwa.

12. bitek (niece). Corresponds to Muskogee hukpade, but is prob-
ablj' a contraction of baiyi plus the feminine sign tek.

182 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

13. pok (fjrandchilcl). The equivalent of Muskogee osuswa. Mas-
culine and feminine are differentiated by suffixing the male and fe-
male terms nakni and tek, but it is rather surprising that in Morgan's
lists it is the male who is normally distinguished from the female in
this manner and not the reverse. This would suggest that the original
term applied rather to women than to men. It has the same general
application as the Muskogee equivalent. One peculiar usage, however,
by both sexes, is to designate by it the son's wife, the sister's son's
wife, and the brother's son's wife. In tliis situation it takes the
feminine sign tek, which may perhaps account for the fact that this
does not ordinarily appear in its more general usage. Byington says
that the term was extended to the son-in-law. The application of
the terms for " son " and " daughter " and " brother " and " sister "
being so widely extended it was only natural that this one should
cover a still broader field. Thus Cushman very well says : " Every
grandson and granddaughter became the grandson and granddaugh-
ter of the whole tribe, since all the [paternal] uncles of a given person
were considered as his fathers also ; and all the mother's sisters were
mothers; the cousins, as brothers and sisters; the nieces [through
parents of the same sex as the speaker], as daughters; and the
nephews [under the same circumstances] as sons." ^*

Marriage Relationships

14. waya or iho (Chickasaw), taketci (Choctaw) (wife). Corre-
sponding to Muskogee hewa.

15 and 16. potci (father-in-law), potci ohoyo (mother-in-law).
These correspond to Muskogee mahe and hoktalwa, respectively,
diifering in that they are founded on one stem, and also in being
applied only by males. Like mahe and hoktalwa they are also ex-
tended to the brothers, sisters, and antecedents of the parents-in-law.

17. alok (brother-in-law). This was bestowed by a man or woman
upon the sister's husband. With the diminutive ending, in the form
alokosi, it was also used for the wife's or husband's brother, and, with
the feminine sign ohoyo, for the wife's or husband's sister. In Choc-
taw, however, a woman calls her husband's brotlier ombalaha. This
corresponds most closely to Muskogee kaputci, the functions of which
are, however, covered in part by haiya and kanohmi.

18. kanohmi, "my relative" (Chickasaw). Applied by a man to
his wife's sister's husband and his wife's brother's wife, and by a
woman to her husband's sister's husband and his brother's wife. I
have no examples of the use of this term in Choctaw. The nearest
Muskogee coiTespondents are hatcawa and ehiwa.

"Cushman, Hist. Clioc, Chic, and Natchez Inds., p. 528.

SWANTON]

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP 183

19. haiya (sister-in-law). Applied by individuals of both sexes to
the brother's wife. It is the Choctaw term for the mother's brother's
wife. It corresponds in part to Muskogee tcukowaki.

20. _vup (son-in-law). Applied by persons of both sexes to the
daughter's husband and by derivation to the husbands of all those
whom the speaker calls " daughters " ; also by persons of both sexes
to the sister's daughter's husband and by a woman to her brother's
daughter's husband. It corresponds in part to Muskogee hatisi, but
while the latter is also used for the daughter-in-law, Chickasaw and
Choctaw, as stated above, cover the latter relation by the use of the
term for grandchild plus the feminine sign.

Further Notes on the Terms Used by a Woman

The terms used by a woman are the same as those employed by a
man except as already indicated and in the following additional
points. Mention has already been made of the employment of tikba
(or anni) and nakfic for the elder and younger brothers of a man and
tiie elder and younger sistei-s of a woman.

21. nakfi (brother) is applied by a woman to her brothers, and is
the equivalent of Muskogee tcitwa.

22. Differently from Muskogee, the terms used by a Chickasaw or
Choctaw woman for her child are identical with those which a man
employs.

Like Muskogee, a Chickasaw or Choctaw woman anciently called
her brother's children " grandsons " and " granddaughters," but in
later years these appellations seem to have given place to a descriptive
term, nakfi uci, " brother's child."

23. hatak, "man," or laueli, "the one who leads" (husband).
These are the Chickasaw and Choctaw equivalents of Muskogee he.

Supplementary Terms

24. itibapicili, " those who suck together," corresponds in a way to
Muskogee itetcaketa. It appears to have been used on occasion by
persons of either sex for their brothers or sisters collectively, but inas-
much as men had another coUecti^'e term for their sisters and women
one for their brothers it would naturally be an especially convenient
word for a man to employ when he wished to speak of all of his
brothers or for a woman when she wished to speak of all of her
sisters. Otherwise they would be obliged to say " my elder brothers
and my yoimger brothers," or " my elder sisters and my younger
sisters." This is perhaps why Morgan's three authorities unite in
giving itibapicili as the term which a man applied to his brothers

184 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

collectively, and his Chickasaw informant and one Choctaw informant
<rive it as tlie term which a woman applied to her sisters collectively,
while substitute terms appear in three cases when it is a question of
the use of a collective term by a man for his sisters and a woman for
her brothers. In the more extended applications we find a still
greater tendency to employ itibapicili for persons of the same sex.
According to this the term was used by a Chickasaw man for the
father's brother's sons (older or younger), the mother's sister's sons,
the father's sister's sons's sons, and the elder of the father's father's
brother's son's sons, and by a Chickasaw woman for the father's
brother's daughters (older or younger), the mother's sister's daugh-
ters, and the father's sister's son's daughters. If we are to trust the
same list the employment of this term was not so general in Choctaw,
since it was not used for the mother's sister's children by individuals
of either sex, nor for the father's father's brother's sons's sons, or the
father's sister's son's sons, while but one of Morgan's Choctaw in-
formants gives it for the father's brother's children and the father's
sister's son's daughters.

apopik is said to have been an old Choctaw term aj^plied by a
woman to her husband's brothers, uncles, and nephews.

haloka, "sacred," "beloved," was used in Choctaw for the son-in-
law, father-in-law, and mother-in-law.

kamassa, " strong," " ripe in years," was a name given by a man or
woman to his or her father-in-law and mother-in-law. They would
call their son-in-law topaca, or. if he had children, tcipota inki,
" the children's father," while they called their daughter-in-law
sapok tek, "my granddaughter." Parents-in-law and cliildren-in-
law would never jest with each other. Sons-in-law and daughters-
in-law would not even enter a house in which sat a parent of the
wife or husband. If it was necessary for them to get anything out
of that house, they would throw into it a stick of wood or a corncob,
whereupon the tabooed persons would go out and give them a chance
to enter. All of the other relatives could jest freely together,
especially brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law.

Following is a tabulation of the Chickasaw system; the Choctaw
variants can readily be introduced by the reader.

SWANTON]

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

185

°— 2&

186

BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW

[ETH. ANN. 44

3S '^

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i-al£

^ C3J-'-'

i ^ tuDC

-.as §3

r— Sa a'Sn

~ ^ S 3 •?

W M 3>

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-"•

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+J M to t»^
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ri ^ tS O

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ot3 r, u, -.

c; a dj oj3

O t/1 O "5 c3

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= §■«

swiXTON] PERSONAL NAMES 187

PERSONAL XAMES

Adair's remarks on the iiamin<; system of the Chickasaw have
been quoted in my report on the social organization of tlie Creeks,
but it will be best to reinsert them, along with some supplementary
material gathered from other parts of his work.

" They give their children names expressive of their tempers, outward appear-
ances, and other various circumstances : a male child they will call C7ioo?o.
•the fox"; and a female Pakalde, 'the blossom or tlower.' The father and
mother of the former are called ChooUingge and ChooUUhke, " the father and
mother of the fox " : in like manner those of the latter, Pdkahlingge and
I'nkahlixhke, for Inggr si,i,Tiifles the father and Ishke the mother. In private
life they are so termed till that child dies, but after that periwl they are called
by the name of their next surviving child, or, if they have none, by their own
name ; and it is not known that they ever mention the name of the child that
is extinct. They only faintly allude to it, saying ' the one that is dead,' to
prevent new ciMef. as they had before mourned the aiipointed time. They who
have no children of their own adopt others and assume their names in the
manner already mentioned." '^

•' When the Indians dLstinguisIi themselves in war their names are always
compounded — drawn from certain roots suitable to their intention and ex-
pressive of the characters of the persons, so that their names, joined together,
often convey a clear and distinct idea of several — as of the time and place,
where the battle was fought, of the number and rank of their captives, and
the slain. The following is a si)ecimen : One initiating in war titles is called
Tu)inip-Abe'" 'a killer of the enemy': he who kills a person carrying a kettle
is crowned Soo>wk-Abe-Ti(i<ka :^' the first word signifies a kettle and the last a
warrior: ilinggi'iithia'be^'' signities 'one who killed a very great chieftain,'
comixjunded of Mingo, Ash, and Aie. Pac-ildshtaie" is one in the way of war
gradation or below the highest in rank, Pae signifying ' far off.' Tishu
Mashtabe'° is the name of a warrior who kills the war chieftain's waiter carry-
ing the beloved ark." "

Adair adds a wrong analysis of the name HhulaghniiiiHusttihe^' "Red shoe
killer." known t" the wliites as Red-shoes. He gives also the names Chetehkabe
or Clietehkabeshiii,-' "You are weary killer," or "You are very weary killer";
Koahe" " one who kills a rambling enemy " ; Pas'i)haraiibe,''° " a killer of a long-
haired person," i. e., of a Choctaw ; and Yanasabe,'" " the buffalo-killer." given
to one who has killed a distinguished enemy.^' He says that the name of the
turtle dove (i. e.. the mourning dove) was also applied to a female child.*'

'= Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 191.
'» Tanap, " enemy " ; abl, " to kUI."

" Asonak, " kettle " ; abi, " to kill " ; tacka, " warrior."
»-•* Mi°ko, " chief " ; n"«ha. '" to have " " to keep *' ; t, " and " ; :ibi, '" to kill."
••* Pae from Creek bopai or Cliiekasaw liopaki, see p. 249; ima^sha, "to have or keep
something " ; t, " and " ; abl, " to kill."

=* Tishu, " the war-chiers waiter " ; mashtahe as above.

=" Adair, op. cit., p. 19.3.

=" Culuc, ** shoe " : humma, "red"; (ma)stabe = mashtabe.

^Tcl-, ".you"; tikabi, "weary"; icto, "bit'," "very."

"* Nowa, ■' to walk," " to ramble " ; abi, " to kill."

»= Pa''ei, " hair of bead " ; fala.va, " long " ; abl, " to kill."

" Yanasa, " buffalo " ; al)i, " to kill."

" Adjiir, op. cit., pp. 192-193.

'^ Ibid., p. 26.

188 BELIEFS AND VISAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ixx. «

Speck has the following regarding the bestowal of names:

On the third day after birth tlie father p< insults among his clansmen for a
nauii' for the child. When .someone has sugscsted one from mcnmry of former
name.s in the clan, he reiiorts it to his wife, and slie puts a liandkerchief, ribbon,
or heiids about tlie child's neck in token of it.™

From this it seems probable that the custom was the same as among
the Creeks, when the men of a clan selected names for the children
born to the clan, children who themselves necessarily belonged to
other clans. In later life these gave way to, or were supplemented by,
Avar titles, as we know from Adair. The kinds of names were very
similar to those in use among the Choctaw.

According to information obtained b}' myself, any boy was called
kabi and any girl kiu'6 until their families were ready to name them.
At that time boys were said to be named after their grandfathers or
fathers and girls after their grandmothers, great-grandmothers, or
other female antecedents. There was no naming ceremony at this
time; none until war names were bestowed. The mention of the
bestowal of the father's name upon a boy is probably incorrect, or.
at least, it is probable that the word is intended in the sense of male
ancestor.

The following personal names were obtained by the writer from
tv/o informants, Atchison Anowatabi and George AVilson:

Male War Names

Abinitahi, "he sat b.v and killed." A.vahotabi. "he searched for him and

Abitiuita. " he killed and lived." killed him."

Abito"liika, " he stood on after killing." A,vaka°bi. ( '.').

Ahetankabi, "he killed him on the A.vakatabi, " he (?) anil kilU'd."

other side, out of sight." Binilabi. (?).

Ahotinabi. "he counted and killed." Falamictabi, "he called 1dm back and
Aiapi'habi, " he went along with and killed him."

killed." Filltatahi, " he turned imnul and
Alpa'tabi, "he .shook hands and killed."

killed." Hagalflntabi. "he (?) and killed."

Aitfintiibi, "he went and killed." Haitutabi, "lying close to (but not
Anhitabi, "he (?) and killed." touching) he killed."

Anowatabi, "he came and killed." Ilaiyfictitihi, (?).

Anfdvtcitabi, "he (?) and killed." Hrikalotcabi, (?).

Apatantiibi, "he went by his side and Ilallatlitabi, "he held and killed."

killed." Ilikabi. " the one he killed stood up."

Apatantiibi, "he (?) and killed." Hikatiibi, " he stond up ;inii killed."

Apilatabi, "he (?) and killed." Hikiyabi, "he killed him standing."

Acalfitabi, "he crawled up and killed." Ilimrmairctabi. "he killed him imme-
Atcakata°bi. (?). diately."

Atcakantabi, "he killed him over." Ilopak'ictabi. "he took him far off and
Atc.'inatiibi, "he (?) and killed." killed him."

Ayaliokatabi. "he (?) and killed.' Hopaitaln. " he prophesied a'.id killed."

"> Speck, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xx. p. 57.

SWAXTOX]

PERSONAL NAMES

189

lbrihotri"l>i. (?).

IlialiOyatabi, "he had to find liiiii in

kill him."
Ilirnnihi'ibi. (?).
Ibaoiiatiil)!. "he went with liini and

killed."
Ibata"bi, "lie (?) and kilU'd."
Ikaiyflkamoktabi, " he did not go far

to kill."
Ikaiyflkamotabl, "he killed without

jroinf: far."
Ilahotabi, "he hunted for and kille<l

him."
Ilapabi. (?).

Ilfiix">nabi. "he killed by himself."
Ilaiiutabi, "he killetl him himself."
Ilati"batabi, "he killed him fii-st."
Ilomatabl, "he hid from the enemy

and killed him."
Imaiya'nitabi, "he (V) and killed."
Imalpistabl, "he (?) and killed."
Imilatabi, "he (?) and killed."
Imitcabi, " somethini; having been

taken away, he killed him."
Imohotaidji, (?).
Imolasabi, " he let his enemy come

close and killed him."
Imo'nabi, " an enemy came to his

house and he killed him."
Impatabi, " he whooped and killed."
Icpatabi. "he (?) and killed."
Ioti''faIamatabi. " he went back and

killed."
Ictikaiyokitabl, (?).
Icto'nabi, (?).
Itihfitabi, "several got together and

killed."
Itilawitabi, "he evened (accounts) by

killing."
Kaisatabi, "he (?) and killed."
KanahOtabi, "hunting someone to

kill."
Kanantcitabi. (?).
Lonihetalii. "he hid the em'my and

killed."
I.akofintabi, "he got away (from the

same person or another) and kille I

him."
I.io'htabi. "he ran after him and

killed him.
Mihrui°tabi. " the same man killed."

Micatcitabi. "he was some distance

from the enemy and kil.ed him."
Micontambi", " he will go over yonder

and kill."
Micflntabi, "he (?) and killed."
Nagauitcabi, ( ?).
Nibatcukwatabi, "he went in on him

and killed him."
Ninakrrbi. " he killed him in the

night."
Nilkwayikcugitabi, " he had courage

and killed."
Okayambi. " among them he killed. '
Okola'nanabi, (?).
Okolohactabi. "he (?) and killinl."
Oktca°tabi, " he killed him alive."
Okuuriiabi, "he (?) and killed."
Olaiitci', (?).

Onnahiibi, " he killed after daylight."
Onnahintabi, " he killed his enemy

early in the morning."
Onahotcabi, (?).
Onatiibi. (?)
Ontciyabi, (?)

Ontiatabi, " he passed and killed him."
Ontikanotabi. "he (?) and killed."
Opiasabi, " late in the evening he killed

him."
Opiyactabi, "it was evening and he

killed."
Oca°bi, (?).
Pisahotabi, "he saw him and killed

him."
Pisa'magentabi, " he killetl him as

soon as he saw him."
ri.samontalii, "he killed bini at first

sight."
Pisatabi, " he saw and killed."
Pistflktca°bi, "he (?) and killed"

( oktca = " awake " ) .
Pistilktca°tabi, "he (?) and killed."
Sakitabi, " he followed, overtook, and

killed."
S.'ikabi. {■:)■

Tcafatabi. " he killed one of them."
Tcakata°bi, (?).

Tcali, the English word Charlie.
Tahiyabi, "he (?) and killed."
Tayactabi, "he (?) and killed."
Tukoluetabi. " he killed two men."
I'uta'yabi, (?).

190

BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW

[ETH. ANN. 44

These names are thought to have Aaiied in accordance with the
house group, but in few cases did my informants remember to what
house group the owner of a name belonged. Ilati"batabi, Aituntabi,
Aipa'tabi, and Fahaniictiibi were brothers belonging to one of the
house groups called Intiliho, and Anowatabi belonged to the I"]iolihta
lipa. Ibamihal)i, Ilapabi, Imohotaidji, Tcali, and Ikaiyukamotabi
belonged to Tcukillissa and Olaiitci' and Imilatabi to Tcuka falaha,
but I do not know the house groups. For some reason one of my
informants remembered the names of the house groups to which
female names belonged better than the allocation of male names, but
the signification of almost all such feminine names seems to have been
lost.

Women's Names

Name Housp group

Akoyuke Impitca tcaha.

Atcayi'

Finuye Imntole.

Homaho'ti"

Homaiyietca"

Ictahoyali" I°saktika.

Ictfipaiye' Takasa.

letapaiyThtca

Icticahoye' Intiliho (Skunk).

letimake'tca

Ilal Intaboka.

Itca' Intcnka batca.

Koihke Impitca ttalia.

Koyaiili'

Kciyoke'

Latehtca Intiliho (Skunk).

Mahoma'ti' Imokakinafa'.

Nacki'

Nanfikpani

Onahaye'

Obaiki

Name

Poye

Cfillca'

CanOya

Capayope'

Capihoyi'

Catilo'ke'

Cimhoyi'

Ciniahaye'

Cimouati

Cimpalihtca'

Citaye

Coci' (English

Susie)

Comaliyu'

Comhohke

Tconeya'

Tackay6ki__

TohkT

Wietonaye

Yulaiike

House group
Intcufak.

Imatonoha.
Impitca tcaha.

Iiuaboha icto.
Iiitnfala.

Int:okaIba.

lyalkaca.

Intiliho (Wildcat).
Intiliho (Skunk).

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

The ancient social organization of the Chickasaw is now so com-
pletely discarded that practically all of the younger people know
nothing about it, and even the older ones can furnish only frag-
mentary information on the subject. If a careful study of this
organization could have been made when it was in its prime it
would have been of the greatest value to all students of primitive
society. However, enough has been preserved to give us a fair idea
of its general character and its probable position among the social
systems of the Southeast.

SWANTON I

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 191

Our earlier data regardinji; the moiety and clan divisions consists
of a short but important sketch prepared for Henry R. School-
craft by a United States Indian agent from information obtained
from several old Chickasaw chiefs shortly after the period of their
emigration from Mississippi,^" a list of Chickasaw clans and
phratries collected by the Rev. Charles C. Copeland, missionary
among the Chickasaw, incorporated into Lewis H. Morgan's Ancient
Societjf,'*^ and a second contained in a manuscript note to George
Gibbs's Chickasaw vocabulary, collected for the Bureau of American
Ethnology. This last, along with a reproduction of Morgan's list,
was published by Dr. A. S. Gatschet in his Migration Legend of
the Creek Indians. ''-

Tlie most important modern contribution to this subject has been
made by Prof. Frank G. Speck in a short article entitled " Notes on
Chickasaw Ethnology and Folk-Lore," published in the Journal of
American Folk-Lore.'*^ This embraces information obtained prin-
cipally from a Chickasaw named Ca'bitci encountered by Professor
Speck while engaged in ethnological work among the Yuchi in 1904
and 190.5. It contains valuable material which it seems impossible to
duplicate out of the memories of the Chickasaw now living.

As it will be necessary to piece together all of this data and that
which I collected myself in 1915, 1919, and 1924, it will be best to
incorporate these original narratives entire so that they may be
constantly before the reader for consultation.

Following is the account furnished by Schoolcraft's informant:

The government of the Chickasaws, until they moved to the west of the
Mississippi, had a king, whom they called Aliiiko, and there Is a clan or family
by that name, tliat the king is taken from. The king Is hereditary through
the female side. The.? then had clilefs out of different families or clans.

The liighest clan next to the Mlnko is the Sho-iva. The next chief to the
king Is out of their clan. The next Is Co-ishrto, second chief out of this clan.
The next Is Oush^peh-^ne. The next is Mitirne; and the lowest clan is called
Eus-con-na. Runners and waiters are taken from this family. When the
chiefs thought it necessary to hold a council, they went to the king, and
requested him to call a council. He would tlien send one of his runners out
to inform the people that a council would be held at such a time and place.
When they convened tlie king would take his seat. The runners then placed
each chief in his proper place. All the talking and business was done by the
chiefs. If they passed a law they Informed the king of it. If he consented
to it it was a law ; if he refused, the chiefs could make it a law if every chief
was in favor of it. If one chief refused to give his consent the law was lost.

3» Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vol. i, p. .111.
" Ancient Society, New Yor», 1878. p. 163.
= I'hiladelphia, 1S84. vol. i. p. 97.
" Jour. .\m. Folk-Loi-e, vol. xx, pp. 50-58.

192 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [kth. ann. 44

'I'lii' tiible of phratries and clans furnished Morgan by Copeland

is as follows:

I. Panther Phratry (Koi) "'

]. Wildcat 2. Bird 3. Fish 4. Deer

(Ko-in-cliush) (Ha-tak-fu-shi) (Nun-ni) (Is-si)

II. Spanish Phratry (I.sh-pan-be)

1. Raccoon 2. Siianish :i. Royal 4. Hush-ko-ni

( Sliii-u-ee ) ( Ish-pii n-ee ) ( Ming-ko )

5. Squirrel G. Alligator 7. Wolf S. Blackbird

(Tuii-ni) (Ho-ehon- (Na-sho-lu) (Cliuh-hlii)

chab-ba)

Next conies Gibbs's list, as copied by Gatschet. and verified by the
writer :

Spilne or Spanish gens ; mingos or chiefs could be chosen from this gens
only, and were hereditary in the female line : sha-e or raccoon gens ; second
chiefs or headmen were selected from it ; kuishto or tiffer gens ; ko-intchusli
or catamount gens; nflni or ^sfe gens; Issi or deer gens; haloba or ? geus;
foshe or bird gens ; hu°shkone or skunk gens, the least respected of them all.

Dr. Speck's treatment of Chickasaw social organization is naturally
more elaborate. He says:

Clans are arranged in two groups, each of which has its own religious
ceremony of a shamanistic nature. The tribe is thus broken up into two
distinct parts with quite different interests.

The groups are named Imosaktca'^, "their hickory chopping," and Intcuk-
waLipa, "Their worn-out place." The former is the superior group, as its men
were warriors inhabiting substantial lodges, while the latter were known as
inferior people who lived mostly under trees in the woods. From the leading
clan of each group u shaman, or prophet (hopuye), was chosen for life, who
held communion with the gods in its behalf. In connection with sickness, war,
or migration his services were required before action was tal^en. He was also
consulted before the celebration of the Picofa ceremony.

This prophet, in former times exercising his powerful leadership, is said to
have followed the Milky Way (oflt^dxube ihinna), and other supernatural
manifestations such as the direction in which an upright pole leaned at certain
times, or the direction indicated by the shape of some bear's excrement.

Facial painting indicated the i;ri>ui> of the wearer, but was only use<l on
occasion of war. The Imosaktca" group painted across and above the cheek
bones, while the Intcukwaiipa decorated only below the cheek bones.

When the tribe was called to assemble, the various clans had assigned places
of encampment on each side of an imaginary line running north and south,
forming altogether a square which corresponded in general to the camp circle
of the prairie tribes.

The clans of the ImosaktcA"^ group, with the remarks of informants, are as
follows :

(1) InsaktaLd^fa, "their bank of the river boundafy." It is the highest clan
of this group, from which the prophet is chosen. They are said to be the

^ The Chickjisaw equivalents are given separately in a footnote in the oripinal. Ha-tiik.
man, is properly no part of the name of the Bird clan ; it is employed to desisnate
so-and-so as a member of the clan in question. Tun-ni is evidently a misprint for I'^ii-ni
and Na-sho-la for Na-sho-ba.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 193

brightest and bravest of the Chickasaw. Their name refers to the Mississippi
River, which is called sakfahl"fa. In the tribal camp their place is at the centre
of the north side, east of the dividing lino between the groups.

(2) Imosaktca", " their hickory chopping." This elan stands in very high
esteem, the men being known as great tighters. They are said to have walked
from Mississippi to Indian Territory during the removal.

(3) Inkobukci', "their hump," referring to the hump of a large game animal.
They are great hunters.

(4) HataqananV, " fish person." They are expert fishernnen and trade in
fish.

(5) Intcukapdta, "their neighborhood."

Incaktcakufa, " they are crawfish." They are very briglit and active people.
Inpitca"hatcuhn, " their corncrib high." They are signally industrious in
agriculture.

The clans of the Intcukwalipa group are as follows :

(1) Inkuni, "they are skunks." They are the leading clan of this group,
having the position opposite the Insaktala°fa at tlie north side of the camp
square. They are hunters and eat skunks.

(2) I^'y&Lkaca^, "they are dung people." From this clan the prophet of the
group is chosen.

(3) Intcicawaya, "their post oak bends." They were known by their habit
of living under the trees.

JntciikakoUjfa, " their house cut off," meaning that they lived only in broken
houses or parts of houses.

Intciskilikkob(ifa, "their blackjack (oak) broken off," meaning that they
dwelt under blackjack oak.s.

InictlkwaLipa, " their house worn out." These last three are the meanest of all.

The accompanying sketch [fig. 3] shows arrangement of camp square.

. . . The list given above does not assume to be complete, nor is the order
of precedence very strictly recognized to-day, after the first three names in each
group. Matters of this .sort are rapidly disintegrating among the Chickasaw.
The clans of each group are in close alliance with each other, being, however,
exogamic without regard to their group.

The agreements and disagreements in these lists are largely ex-
plained by the fact that three different sorts of associations existed
in Chickasaw society: (1) A dual division, (2) totemic subdivisions
or clans, and (3) a great number of cantonal or local groups, usually
bearing names descriptive of some natural obiect or feature. Tlie
towns were distinct from all of these.

The dual division is recognized by Copeland and Speck, but School-
craft's informant and Gibbs seem to have missed it. It is clearly
remembered by some of the living Chickasaw, however, and there can
be no question regarding it. It is a curious fact that Copeland,
Speck, and the writer each obtained a different set of names for tlie
two moieties. The terms used by Copeland, " Pantlier Phratry "
and " Spanish Phratry," are derived from clans on the respective
sides; those obtained by Speck (Imosaktca" and IntcukwaLi'pa) are
taken in a similar manner from local or house gioujDs; while those
which I secured, Tcukilissa, " empty or abandoned house," and Tcuka

194

BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. anx. h

GROUP

IntcukwaHpa

GROUP
Imosaktca"

1. Inkijni

2. I^yalkaci'

3. Intcicawiya
IntciskilfkkobMa
Intcukakolbfa
iDtcukwaHpa

1. Insaktaj^nfa

2. Imosaktc^Q

3. Inkobukcl

4. Hataqanani'

5. Intcukapita
Incaktcakdfa
Impitc^°hatcdiu

Fig. 3. — Chickasaw cami> square. (From SiK'ck.)

swAXTOx] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 195

falaha.^'' " lono; house," prove to be names of two of the ancient
Chickasaw towns. If each moiety was exogamous, as has usually
been assumed, a town could not have been occupied exclusively by
representatives of eitlier of them and we should have to suggest tliat
one moiety was particularly ])rominent in one town and the other
in the second. However, more recent investigations, to which refer-
ence will be made presently, render it evident that these moieties were
prevailingly endogamous like the town moieties of the Ci'eeks. The
uncertainty and diversity in naming these groups strengthens their
resemblance to the Creek moieties and at the same time differentiates
them from those of the Choctaw which seem to have borne distinct,
universally understood titles. As members of these moieties were
probably opposed in the ball games, they perhajjs ordinarily used
such terms as " own side " and " opposite side " and required nothing
further, the name of a house group, clan, or town prominently asso-
ciated with each being a mere temporary designation. The moieties
resembled those of the Creeks once more in the attitude of suspicion
which they maintained toward each other. Thus Speck says that
malevolent conjuration resulting in sickness was " believed, with a
certain degree of hostility, to come from the opposite group." ^"^ And
again : " It is considered a grave offense, frequently punishable by
death, for a member of one group to be present at the Picofa of the
other group, as his presence would nullify the good effect of the
ceremony." ''

Chickasaw moieties disagree with those of the Creeks in the fact
that, for the most part, clans (as well as house groups) were divided
by moiety lines. However, there are said to have been some excep-
tions. The Raccoon clan, in particular, is said to have married
indifferently into both moieties, while there was a house group on
each side called Intiliho. which may have had a common origin.

Tile little that I learned of the supposed peculiarities of the moieties
is in agreement with Speck's data. Thus I was told that the Tcuka
falaha were warlike and lived on a flat or prairie country, while the
Tcukilissa were peaceful people living in the timber.

Mr. Zeno McCurtain, my interpreter, recorded, from the mouths
of some of the older men, the following beliefs regarding a Chickasaw
people, who were in the habit of living in timbered country. As
there is no house group in my list bearing a similar name, it i.s
probable that these were the Tcukilissa.

"= One of my informants called this moiety. " Taslilia." " warrior." hut this seems to
have been due to a supposed association of the side in question with warlilte occupations.
"^ Specli. lYanlj G.. .Toiirn. .\m. Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 54.
«Ibld., p. 56.

196 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

THE TIMBER PEOPLE

These p(>ople had ways of their own but it is difficult to tell in what these
consisted. They lived in forested country, niiniled their own business, and did
not bother others. What they liked best was to hunt and feast on wild game.
That was why they were fond of forests. They made dwellings out of logs and
wore skins of wild animals such as bear, deer, fox. skunk, raccoon, and panther.
They tanned the hides of these jinimals and made clothing out of some while
they exchanged others for the clothing used by whites. They loved one an-
other and when one of them got into trouble of any kind, the others would
help him out. But if they found that he had been stealing or committing some
other depredation outside of their group they would not assist him. If it was
proven that such an one, whether a man or a woman, was guilty, that person
would have to suffer the death jienalty. That was how they got rid of vicilators
of law among them. Sometimes a person would be accused of something and
it would be proved that he was innocent. The accusing witness would then be
branded as a liar and iieople would never believe him afterwards. When a
member of this group was found guilty of something not worthy of death, he
was whipped and then liberated.

One may doubt wliether the superiority of one particular moiety
was unanimously admitted by members of both as stated by Speck's
informant. He himself belonired to that which he asserted to be su-
I^erior. But there appears to be no doubt that certain local o;roups
were considered inferior to the rest. I have no information regard-
ing the camp square other than that which Speck gives. In any
case the cu.stom must have applied rather to certain sections of the
Nation than to the entire people, who could have been accommodated
with difficuity in a temporary camping place. The tradition of such
a custom possibly reflects some memory of the grouiDing of towns in
the old country which formed three sides of a hollow square.

The clan was called iksa, and the names of 15 iksa have been re-
corded: Minko (Chief), Sfani or Spani (Spanish), Cawi (Raccoon),
Ko icto (Panther), Ko intcus (Wildcat), Nani (Fish), Isi (Deer),
Foci (Bird), Koni or Hockoni (Skimk), Fani (Squirrel), Hatciin-
tcuba (Alligator), Nacoba (Wolf), Tcala (or Oktcala) (Blackbird),
Fox (Tcula) or Red Fox (Tcula homa), Haloba (?).^» Haloba is
given by Gibbs alnne, while the Alligator. Wolf, and Blackbird ap-
pear only in the list collected for Morgan. It is possible that the
word for squirrel (fani) has been confounded with that meaning
Spanish (Sfani or Spani), although one of my informants claimed to
know of a Squirrel clan. I have no explanation of the others which
may have become extinct. It is unfortunate, however, that their ex-
istence is vouched for by but one authority. I learned of the Fox

^ .\dair (Hist. Am. Inds., p. 31) seems to imply the existence of Eaprle and Buffalo
clans, but he probably had in mind clans among the Creek Indians. He also speaks of a
Chicka.saw war leader called " the T'orrepine Chieftain " or " the leader of the land-
tortoise family," implyins; that there was a clan of that name, but I think his deduction
was erroneous. (Adair- p. 290.)

SWANTON]

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

197

or Red Fox clan myself anil all that is known about it is given
below.^' The others are mentioned by at least two authorities and
must have had an actual existence. The Spanish, Raccoon, and
Skunk clans are mentioned by all three and are known to living In-
dians.''" If, as appears certain, " Min-ne " in Schoolcraft is a mis-
print for Nun-ne the Fish clan also appears in all lists. The Panther
and Wildcat are also known to living Indians, but they seem to have
been classed together or sometimes confounded, and this will explain
the fact that Schoolcraft mentions only the Panther, while Copeland
gives the Panther as the name of a "phratry" and "Wildcat as the
name of a clan under that phratry. The Bird and Deer appear in the
lists of Gibbs and Copeland and are well known to living Indians
but are wanting from the statement in Schoolcraft. Finally, the
IMinko or Chief clan occupies a distinct place in Schoolcraft and
Copeland but by Gibbs appears to be combined with the Spanish clan.
My own inquiries elicited no information whatever regarding the
former existence of such a clan, and it may have been merged into
the Spanish clan in later times just as the Panther seems to have dis-
appeared in the Wildcat. Doctor Speck, or his informant, con-
founded local groups and clans, so that only one of the latter is men-
tioned, the Hataqanani^, from hatak, man, and nani, fish. The " In-
kiini " just below, although called by the name of their totem animal,
are properly a house group.

The gradation in rank which Speck attributes to the house groups
applied also to the clans as appears from Schoolcraft and Gibbs.
The following comparison of the lists furnished by them shows that
such a gradation actually existed and that the relative order of some
clans was maintained over a considerable period, though with others
changes seem to have taken jjlace.

Schoolcraft

Gibhs

Chief (Minlco).. ._ _

Spanish.

Raccoon.

Panther.

Wildcat.

Fish.

Deer.

Haloba.

Bird.

Skunk.

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9

Pantlier

Spanish

Fish (given as Min-ne)

Skunk . -

In both lists the Raccoon is second, the Panther third, the Fish
fifth, and the Skunk last. Since the Panther and Wildcat were con-

"'Pp. 201-202.

'"The first, " Sphfini," is uii-ntloned by -Adair. (Op. cit.)

198 BELIEFS AT^TD ITSAGES Op CHICKASAW [eth. axn. 44

stantly counted tojfether, tlie only discrepancies between these lists
are in the apparent elevation of the Spanish clan to the first position
in Gibbs"s time and the insertion by him of three clans between the
Fish and Skunk. From the wording of the description of clans in
Schoolcraft, however, it is not certain that his informant pretends
to give a complete clan list.

Speck says that those clans which had totemic names had no taboo
against eating the flesh of the animal after which they were named,
and this is indicated also by the statement of his informant that the
men of the Hataqananie " are expert fishermen, and trade in fish." ""^
He also says: "The totemic clans assign a mythical origin to them-
selves from the animal whose name they bear, such as fish, skunk,
and crawfish,'" and he cites as " a good instance " the origin story
of the " cognate Choctaw crawfish clan." *- This, however, is not a
good instance because the supposed crawfish clan is in reality an
incorporated tribe. Were the data preserved. I believe we should
find that, as in the case of the Creek Indians, while descent from the
totem animal is frequently asserted in general terms, specific stories
bearing upon the subject accounted for the totemic name by some
early association of individuals of the clan and the clan animal not
involving blood relationship between the two. Speck is on firmer
ground in .stating that " the totem of the clan is also the guardian
spirit of the men of that clan, who hold their totem animal and his
earthly representatives as guides, kinsmen, and spiritual overseers."
" Hence," he adds, " it was and is customary for them to maintain
jealou.sly the honor of their totemic animal. Numerous tales, de-
scriptive of his wonderful exploits, are told by each clan. Also
myth elements from negro sources have been introduced, where such
fall in well with the character of the exploit and cast credit upon
some particular totem."*' The fact is that, again as in the case of
the Creeks, the association of an animal name with a body of people
has brought about an association of everything connected with that
animal and the aforesaid body. The honor of the group is in some
way bound up with due respect to the animal whose name the group
bears, and a kind of proprietary right is extended over tales in
which the totem animal is conspicuous, although it is probable that
very few of these were composed or repeated primarily as " clan
tales."

Stories about the Eaccoon, Panther, Wildcat, Bird, and Red Fox
clans were written down for me by a native Chickasaw, but these
consist of bits of gossip and the relation of certain customs and habits
which may not have been peculiar to them. Some of these clans ai'e
represented as endogamous. Proljablv, however, in the l)reakdown

" Journ. .Vm. Folk-Lore. vol. xx, p. 52. *= Ibid. " Ibid. p. 54.

S WANTON]

SOCIAT, ORGANIZATION 199

of Chickasaw institutions, there has been a confusion between clan
and moiety endofiamy, each clan having been endogamous merely as
regards some of the other clans. In the case of the Raccoon it is said
that it would not intermarry with other clans, yet I was told specifi-
cally that it was exceptional in that it married into both moieties.
It seems pretty clear that clans and house groups were ordinarily
exogamous and moieties endogamous. It is also clear that marriage
with blood relations was studiously avoided. Certain of my inform-
ants likened the clan institution to masonry, .something for mutual
aid. The antiquity of certain of the beliefs regarding clans given in
these stories is questionable, but they at least furnish an interesting
study in the association of ideas. With sundry unessential parts
eliminated, the stories are as follows :

STORY OP THE RACCOON CLAN (CAWI IKSAI

The.se people dressed different l.v from others but in mo-st of their customs
the.v were similar. The.v had a certain habit, however, in which they were
unique and that was that they would kill one another. Their taste in the matter
of food was also peculiar. They liked to dance as well as any other people and
would rather dance the Raccoon dance than eat. When tliey were Roins to
have a dance tliey would send out a messenger to announce the fact, and after-
ward the old men and old women would ilanee all night. When they were
preparing for a dance they would boil certain roots to make a kind of tea which
they considered stimulating. They could dance all night without feeling any
ill etfects. The foods of which they were fondest were fish and all kinds of
fruits such as grapes. When fnjit was plentiful they liked that best which
ripens early in the winter. In the spring they ate every kind of thing that was
eatable. In the fall they hung bunches of grapes up to dry and then stored
them away for winter's use. In summer they dried green corn for the winter.
Some made shuck (or blue) bread, some made cold tiour. and some laid away
meal out of which porridge is made. Such foods would last as long as they
desired.

These people were very cunning. They knew just what to do and how to do
it and could not be cheated by others, except for the younger people, who were
easily deceived. They would not undertake anything of which they were not
.sure in advance. They would not let other clans intermarry witla theirs.

The.v had clever ways of finding out what they wanted to know, and the.v
depended very much upon a conjurer (apulonia'). who could excel in the game
of hiding-the-bullet. in horse racing, and in tlie ball game. Sometimes the
conjurer was called a wizard (icta holo'). They had great faith in him and
he was not afraid of undertaking any task assigned to him, yet he was not as
good as a doctor (alektci). He could imitate any sort of animal or bird, but
he could work only among his own people, or near his own side, fearing lest
the opponents would kill him. The others did not know what he might do.
Whatever the conjurer chose to do was considered right, but some conjurers
were afraid to do as the.v ought by their own side lest the opponents should
injure them afterwards. The conjurer foretold what was going to happen to
the ball players and those that heeded his advice did not get into trouble,
but some would forget and suffer injuries and be sorry that they had not been

200 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. Ann. a

obedient. When the people heeded the conjurer's warning they usually won.
i. e., if their conjurer was better than that on the side of the opponents [ !].

These people bad great faith in their leaders and most of them would heed
their advice, but there were a few who would not listen to the advice of the
older people, and through these in course of time all went to the bad. Some
would not visit the sick or have anything to do with them though they were
under oath to assist them. They were too proud. They became utterly incom-
petent because they would listen neither to the conjurer nor the old people.
Sometimes, too, the conjurer told them lies and they found it out and for that
reason would not listen to him.

STOET OF THE PANTHER CLAN (KOI ICTO IKSA)

The people of this clan knew how to make use of the terror inspired by the
name of their totem animal to accomplish their desires.

The Wildcat and Panther clans appear to have been related to each other
but, owing to a certain law, they were not allowed to intermarry. In those
days people were law-abiding and stuck to their old customs. If one wanted to
do a thing he asked advice of the old people.

These people lived principally on wild animals and would not touch anything
unless it were clean. They lived usually in the hills and mountains, not far
from water but not too close to it because they were afraid of it. They had
plenty of horses and other property. They were quick to learn.

Once they made a feast and invited all of the neighboring people to come to
it. They had a great celebration but in the course of it .'■ome began quarreling
and a fight followed in which many persons were killed. [This last episode is
probably introduced to show that they shared the bellicose characteristics of
their totem animal.]

STORY OF THE WILDCAT CLAN

This clan differs from other clans principally in what its members eat. They
seldom go out in the daytime but roam about at night in search of food. They
do not, however, try to steal. They are swift of foot and when an accident
happens to them they depend on their swiftness to escape. They care very
little about women, but when they want anything they generally get It. They
think more of their feet than of any other parts of their bodies and their eyes
are so keen that they can see anyone before he detects them. When one of
them wants a wife he gets his parents to obtain one. They do not select any
kind of woman but are careful in choosing. The younger always get a woman
first. These generally sleep in the daytime. If they do not have good luck at
night their rest is disturbed but if they have good luck they sleep through most
of the day.

Once a number of men belonging to this clan went hunting and camped a
considerable distance from home. Afterward the.v scattered to see what they
could find but remained within call of one another, having made an agreement
that if anything happended to one of them he should shout for help. But one
of them ventured further than he was aware and got a long distance off. Pres-
ently he got tired and sat down to rest, but while he was there a lo°fa " came
up and said, " What are you doing here? You are intruding upon my land
and had better get up and return to your own place." But the Indian believed
himself to be strong enough for any situation, so he sat still without siieaking.
Presently the }o°fa ordered him off again and added, " If you do not get up
and go away I will tie you up and carry you to my place." " Tou may do so

" I.o°fa means " skinned." The being was thought to have long hair like an animal.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 201

if jou can," the man replied, and upon tliis the fo°fa seized him. At first it
seemed as if the man were the stronger of the two and he was able to throw
the lo°fa down, but the latter smelled so bad that it was too much for his
antagonist, and the }o°fa overcame him, hung him up in a tree and went awa.v.
The man hung there all night, and when he did not make his appearance at
camp the other hunters began a search for him and, when they found him. cut
the grapevine by which he was fastened so that he fell to the ground. They
askid him what had treated him in this manner but he would not speak and they
thought he might have seen a ghost or something of that sort. Some time
later, however, he came to himself and related what had happened. After-
ward, although he was very fond of hunting and knew that he would be suc-
cessful, he would not venture out unless someone were with him.

STORY OF THE raRI> CLAN

This clan was not very numerous. Their origin was not known for some
time, but finally it was discovered. There were .some peojile living im two
neighboring hills, but for a long time it was not thought that these had inhab-
itants because other people did not see how they could get down from them to
hunt. When they found that they actually were inhabited they thought that
the occupants must have wings, and so they called them Birds. They were
I)eoi)le who were up and off before day. They did not have many peculiar
customs. They were like real birds in that they would not bother anybody.
They usually had many wives, and they had a good custom of not marrying
anyone out.side of their clan or those belonging to another house group. A
woman might belong to the very same clan as a man, but if her house name
was different from his he would not marry her. The reason was that the.v
did not want to mix their blood with that of other people. They kept to the
ways of their ancestors without disturbing anyone else. They were satisfied
with what had been handed down to them. The people of this clan have
different sorts of minds, just as there are different species of birds. Some
have the minds of woodpeckers, others of crcjws. others of pigeons, eagles,
chicken hawks, horned owls, common owls, buzzard.s, screech owls, day hawks,
prairie hawks, field larks, red-tailed hawks, red birds, wrens, humming-birds,
si>eckled woodpeckers, cranes, bluebirds, blackbirds, turkeys, chickens, quails,
tcowe°'eak (birds found only in winter and hioking like martins), yellow
hammers, whip-poor-wills, and like all other kinds of birds. Some have homes
and some have not, as is the case with liirds. It seems as though the best
peorile of the Bird clan were wiser than any others. They do not work at all,
but have an easy time going through life and go anywhere they w-ant to.
They have many offspring, as birds have. They do whatever they desire, and
when anything haijpens to tliem they depend on persons of their own house
group without calling in strangers. This is the end of the story of the Birds,
although much more might be written about them.

STORY OF THE RED FOX CLAN

Red Fox (Tcula)"" was once found in a cave asleep by a hunter. The hunter
cref)t up to him and saw that it was Tenia. As he lay there asleep he looke<l
red all over, and in consequence the hunter called him Red Fox. From that
time on his descendants have been known as the Red Fox clan.

Some time after this Red Fox took up with a woman belonging to the Wildcat
clan. Their descendants were known as Tcula homa iksa, and they lived only

*" Tcula simply means " fox," but this is the way it was given.
55231°— 2.S 14

202 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. u

in tlie woods. They made a living by stealinf? from other people, and that
■.vns why they wanted to live in the timber continually. If this clan had
been handed down through the women, it would have been numerous to-day :
but since it depended on the father's side it did not last lonj;. They kept on
stealing until about LS^SO, when the other jieople i;i)t tired of them and killed
nearly all, so that there are now only a few remaining among the Choctaw
and Chickasaw."

A ijerson of the Red Fox clan did whatever he liked. Once a man of this
clan went hunting. He did not return that day nor on the day after. In
fact he was gone for several days, and presently the jjeople thought something
had happened to him and chose three men to send in search of him. These
men at length reached a place where they expected to find him. but when they
got close to it he was not there. They discovered that he had taken up with
a woman of the Bird clan; that was why he had not returned home. When
they at length came to the place where he was living, he told them that he
did not think it was harmful to take any woman, whether she was of the same
clan or not. Therefore, when he met this woman and found that he liked her
and that she liked him. they lived together. The men told him that it was
against the will of his people and contrary to their customs, but he could not
be persuaded and after a while they left him. Before he left his people he
had already been married. Afterwards he wanted to go back to live with
them as he had before, but they would not listen to him.

It was the belief of the people of the Red Fox clan that one should not
marry outside, and it was their law that if one did so they would not have
anything to do with him. They would not help him in any way. but he who
obeyed their customs was held in respect among them. They believed that
things moved on as was intended by the Creator, but some people did not have
any regard for this and did not care what happended to them.

The customs and habits of the Red Fox clan are different from those of any
other, and the same was true of those of the Double Mountain people. An.vone
who wanted to learn their ways must marry one of their women [which, judg-
ing by what was said in the last paragraph in the case of the Red Foxes, would
seem to have been difficult].

When winter was approaching and these people wanted to go on a hunt, they
began their preparations a considerable time in advance. Some of them would
get together and decide how many were to go and how long they would be
gone. Then these i^ersons would fast for four days and meanwhile the women
would cook food for them to take, enough to last for the time determined upon.
They made sacks into which to put cold flour (banaha). While the men were
fasting they would not sleep with their wives, for if one did he thought that
luck would abandon him and he would kill no deer. Some would not observe
these rules and in consequence they were usually excluded from the jiarty.
It such a person were permitted to go. the deer would see him first and run
off. But those whf) obeyed the regulations would have good luck and kill many
deer and bear to bring home-. When they killed a deer they dried the meat
to last them through the winter. When they went after bear they hunted
ab(mt until they discovered his lair and then one of the hunters went into it
bearing a pine torch.

"The descendants of a Wildcat woman would ordinarily have been reckoned as of the
Wildcat clan. If an exception had been made in the first instance and the children had
been called " Red Fox clan " the clan could have been perpetuated through the female
children alone. An attempt to perpetuate it by reversing the ordlnaiy Chickasaw laws
of descent would undoubt'Cdly have faihd. Therefon this story can not be taken seriously.
Still there was a clan of this name which has almost died out.

swiXTON! SOCIAL OEGAlSriZATION 203

The following story refers to a clan, or supposed clan, of which
I have absolutel_y no other information. It may have been in reality
a house group, but the word iksa is ordinai-ily bestowed upon a clan
or larger division. Perhaps this may refer to some low-caste, wan-
dering element in the population similar to one mentioned in an old
French narrative dealing with the Clioctaw."

STORY OF THE WANDERING IKSA (NO HOME IKSA)

People used to wonder about tlie oiiiiin of thl.s iksa and how they got their
name. They were witli the Chickasaw and Choctaw when they came to this
country. They were shiftless iieople who did not want to own anything, hut
wandered from one place to another, and so were called Wandering Iksa.
There are still such people among the Indians. They are rightly named, for
they do not do anything for themselves, nor do they want to do anything for
anyone else. Some pitied them and some did not, but it appeared that they
were satisfied with the way they lived. They are healthy looking, strong
people, for they did not do anything to ran themselves down, but they did
not move about like others. They moved very slowly, except about something
that concerned their own welfare, when they were quick enough. They thought
they were going to live forever. They did not care how they dressed or ap-
peared. Their women did not take care of their hair like women of other
elans, but let it hang down uncombed. Though some of the women were good
lo(Jking they would not make good wives. Sometimes they wore dirty dresses.
They wanted people to give them food for nothing, and when they could not
get anyone to do so they would work, but they would not do any hard work.

The local groups or "house names" (intcuka hotcifo'), as the
Chickasaw called them, were very numerous. I have about 50 in
my lists, and the Indians believe that, during the smallpox epidemics.
many were entirely wiped out. The interests of a man or woman
centered more in the local group than in the larger divisions already
mentioned. Indeed, one of my informants asserted emphatically
that the totems were of importance only in international relations, as
in dealings with the Creeks, when they determined the position in
which visiting Chickasaw and Creeks stood to one another. Those
belonging to totemic groups having the same animal names then con-
sidered themselves relatives, and hospitalities were exchanged. Each
local group had its own set of personal names, which appear to have
been passed down from one generation to another much as was the
custom among the Creek Indians. According to native tradition the
house names were established just after the Chickasaw had crossed
the Mississippi from the west and occupied their historic seats. The
prophet under whose guidance they had conducted their joiu'ney
then visited the diiferent camps and named each from some peculiar-
ity he observed connected with the camp or its surroundings. Until
then they had been fighting with all of their neighbors, and so they
were given their war names at the same time. Of course this is

•

** Memoirs Am. Antfarop, Asso., vol. V, pt. 2, p. 72.

204

BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW

[ETH. ANS. 44

merely an attempt to simplify and represent by one concrete story
a process that covered a lonj:: period and probably continued even
after white contact, new groups being introduced and older ones
dying out. It was an old saying among the Chickasaw that each
person must know his own house name and his own clan name.

In the following table are contained all of the names of these local
groups of whiish I have been able to learn, classified as far as pos-
sible under the'proper dual and totemic divisions:

TCUKA FALAHA

(This embraced the Fish, Deer, Bird,
Panther, and Wildcat clans.)

"Anecheir" (Fish clan), so given in

writing by one informant.
Imaieksaka.
Imaboha icto', or Imabo icto' (Bird

clan ) , " big house."
Imbihi wa icto' (Bird clan), "big ripe

mulberry."
Imitakcic (Deer clan), "a root barely

projecting above the ground" (or

"a tree lying down").
Immabolia (Wildcat clan), "their

house."
Immokakina'fa' (Fish clan), "hole

dug for clay in plastering a

house." "
Imok'waca' (Deer clan) (waea' means

"to sift").
Imosaktca'a' (Fish clan), "hickory

tree chopped to pieces." ■"
Impitca tcaha (Bird clan), "high

eorncrib."
Inkafalteaba' (Wildcat clan), "sassa-
fras footlog."""
Inkobukce, "their hump" (from

Sp.'ek).'°
Innanih tclya' (Bird clan), "double

hill."
Insakti la°fa, " their bank of the river

boundary" (from Speck).
Intciskilik koba"fa' (Deer clan),

" broken blackjack." "
Intcica koba'fa' (Deer clan), "broken

post oak."
Intcica waya' (Deer clan), "their post

oak bends over."
Intcufak' (Wildcat clan), " having a

fork in a tree."

Intcuka abatca' (Bird clan), "to learn

sometliing new " or " to practice

something at home."
Intcuka homa' (Panther clan), having

a " red house."
Intcuka' patha (Wildcat clan?), "wide

house."
Intcuka takassa' (Wildcat clan),

" house with a flat roof." "
Intaboka.
Intiliho (part) (Wildcat clan), name

of a kind of weed."
Intofoka (Bird elan).
I°hina kotca.
I°holihta lipa' (Bird clan), "a rotten

rail fence."
I°krisbikco (or I'kasbi ikco) (Wildcat

clan), "having no yard."
I'liaetaca', " liaving fleas."
I°koa'aca' (Wildcat clanl, "cat

place." "
I"caktci akafa' (Fisli clan), "craw-
fish dragged along."
I°cintuk (Fish clan), "a little round

hillock."
I°yalkaca (Wildcat clan), "having

dung about it,"
K6 icto (Panther clan), "panther."

TCUKn-ISSA

(This embraced the Raccoon, Span-
ish, and skunk clans : perhaps an-
ciently also the .Squirrel and a clan
called Mi°ko.)
Ibaltcoka (or I°haltcoka).
Imata'po', a kind of tent.
Imoktakali (Spanish clan).
Imiti kobo'pa'. "a hollow tree" (Iteaten

on as a kind of drum)."'
Imosak api (Skunk clan).
Imotak tcalaka.5'

Pootnotes .Tro on p.ige 20.j.

swANTON] SOCIAL, ORGANIZATION 205

Intcuka kolofa (or Intcuka istoko- Intokalba' (Raccoon clan) ," old waste

lofa) (Raccoon clan), "house cut flekl," or " a lot of weeds in thecmp."

off" or "low house." Intonink koba'fa' (Spanish dan), hav-

Intcuka lipa, " their house worn out " ins " broken posts."

(siven by Speck). I^haci kotca'ka' (Spanish clan), "sun-

Intabanu (Raccoon clan). rise," "east.""

Intakon lahpa (Raccoon clan), "a I°hacok tcuka (Skunk clan), having

number (of people) eating peaches." a "grass house."

Intanak coha. I"koni' (Skunk clan), " skunk."

Inta°hici^ (Spanish clan), "cornhusks.'' I'nkonoma", or I°koni homa (Skunk

lutiliho (part) (Skunk clan), name clan), " red skunk."'*

of a kind of weed." I°oinuk tcaha (tcaha=" hijih ").

The following local groups remain unclassified :
Iniatoli. "ball ground."
Imatonuha', " rolling " people.
Imbihi toma'. "under the mulberry tree."
Imiti kcilofa. "a block cut out of a tree," or "a bucket."
Imoktak tcalaca, name of a kind of weed (oktak, "prairie").
Imomboha falaha, "their house long."
Imontcaba icto', " big hill."
Imosa foloma', (meaning ?).
Impasaktcala^, "button snakeroot."
Impitca" kolofa', " low corncrib." "'
ImusatuTa, any species of climbing vine.""

Inogota, a word used when a thing is carried along and put into the water.
Intciea kano°ka, " small jKist oaks."
Intcuka ali. "his own hduse."
Intcuka tcaha, " tall house." ''
Intcukutci, " little house."
Intiacaka-, " behind a tree."
Iiitofala', " a grown-over field," " an old field."

I°bickfln. a plant used as medicine which grew in little patches near camping
places.

I°sakti falaha, "long bank."

" By one informant pl.iced in tlip TcukilLssa moiety.

*» Tliese are said to have been people of wealth. One of my informants assigned this
group to the Spanish clan, but Speck confirms the classification here made.

<" The name is said to jiave been derived from the circumstance that a family of this
group formerly lived on both sides of a creek spanned by a footlog of sassafras.

'*' According to one informant,, inste-ad of fai'mins like other bouse pn'oups, the male
portion of this community hunted and fished while the women collected wild fruits and
roots. They are said to have been the first Chickasaw to play the game of " hiding the
bullet." i. e., " the moccasin game."

''' According to the stoi-j-. a i-unaway woman was found under a brokeji blackjack tree
and from that circumstance the name was given to her and her descendants.

'■= It is said that a man of this ci-oup was too lazy to build a good house and so his
wives were obliged to put up a low. flat-roofed house of some nondescript pattern.

'■■" It is not known whether the two house groups called Intiliho had entirely independ-
ent origins or whether they ripresentrd one house group which brcame separated in
course of time. One informant placed the Intiliho belonging to the Tcukilissa moiety in
the Spanish clan instead of the Skunk elan.

" Said by another informant to have belonged to the Skunk clan,

■^One infomiimt thought that this belonged to the Panther clan, in which ctise it
should be in the other moiety.

^ riaced by one informant in the Bird clan and hence in the Tcuka falaha moiety.

•'" By others this is said to have belonged to the Skunk clan.

"' .Vnother intorm.ant thought that this belonged to the Spanish clan.

^ Given by but one informant.

""This is probably identical with the " Emi.sha taluyah " which Cushman gives as the
name of the house group to which Governor t'yrus Harris belonged.

20G BELIEFS AND tTSAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. u

Fsiiktikii. ■■ having a fork in tbe croek."
I"sa"koiia, (meiiiiliig ?).

I'yakni chula (original orthography Ayaknee chuelah), "Fox land," said
by the native who furnished this name to belong to the Fox clan.""'
Calakiilak, "geese."
Oa\viha"ka', "shouting to the racoon." (?).

The reader should be on his guard atrainst assuminp that this list
represents an absolutely accurate classification. While most »f my in-
formants agreed among themselves, there were, as indicated in the
footnotes, discrepancies in their testimony. More important are the
discrepancies between my list and that of Doctor Speck. It is true
that the side that he calls Imosaktca" agrees in its make up, so far as
material is available, with that I have called Tcuka falaha, but three
of the clans listed by him on the opposite side were placed by my
informants among the Tcuka falaha also — the I^yalkaca, from which
the prophet of the side is said to have been taken, the Intcica waya',
and the Intciskilik kolja'fa'. Only the I"koni, Intcuka kolofa, and
perhaps the Intcuka lipa are with the Tcukilissa where we should
expect to find them. The rapid fading of native Ivnowledge regard-
ing such things sufficiently accounts for the discrepancies, although
the occurrence of two branches of the Intiliho on opposite sides in-
dicates that the position of many of the local groups may not have
been as rigid as would at first be supposed. The following items
regai'ding house group usages are taken from a native text :

If any accident befell a man married into a house group from outside oi*
adopted in any other manner, the people of that group would care for him
as if he were one of themselves, but if they found a man among them for
some other purpose they would send him away. Sometimes people of suspicious
character came to live anions them lint then the.v would aot have anything to
do with them or help them in any manner and not infrequently such persons
died in con-sequence. But if one of tlieir own people fell ill the members of
the group cared for him faithfully.

These people usually trusted in their prophets, doctors, and leading men,
followed their advice, and were themselves respected in consequence, but the
ignorant among them did not have any respect for the law or themselves and
would move about from one place to another thinking to better their condition.
They could not find any place to suit them, however, because others distrusted
them and they suffered accordingly. Some of these people had families. At
times such a person would go to an Indian whom he believed to be a friend and
stay with hira for a while but the latter would soon get tired of him, and he
would have to move away. If they had been properly brought up they would
have managed differently, but they did not know how to behave, would take
things that did not belong to them, and finally ceased to care what they did.
After the others had stood this for a while they generally took them out and
whipped them. If they did not then move out of the way. they would whip
them again, and if they slill hung about they would kill them. After a man
had been whipped once he was an outcast and was not allowed to take part
in any collective undertakings. He could not be restored to favor among his own
people but he might go to some other group where he was not know-n, and if

"°" Information from a single informant.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 207

he now lived as he ousht he would lie accepted as a respectable man. But if
it was found that he had been whipijed once or twice, they would treat him
as his first neighbors had. After they had been whipped some of these people
reformed but others did still worse until they provoked their neighbors to kill
them.

The following stories regarding several of the house groups are
from the same source as the clan stories already given and of the
same general character. Similar allowances must be made for the
assertions of endogamy.

CUSTOMS OF THE DOUBLE MOt'NT.\IN HOUSE GROUP (iNNANIH TCIYA')

It was the endeavor of these people to raise their children in the right way so
that they would not depart from it after the.v were grown up. In order to
make their boys strong and healthy the.v comnelled them to dive into the water
four times for four mornings, once every month, throughout the winter. If
they were brought up this way they would be early risers and strong and would
not be lazy. Whatever they set out to do they worked at with all their
might. But anyone could tell those who had not been well brought up by their
appearance.

A girl was taught liow to cook, sew, patch clothing, and iwund up corn.
This training was continued until she was grown ui) when, if she married, she
knew how to keep house. She would be a respectable woman who loved her
husband and children and of whom everyone was fond.

STORY OF THE BEXDING-POST-OAK HOUSE GROUP (INTCICA WATA')

These people were not numerous. They received their name from the fact
that they usually lived in the woods near some liending-post-oak tree. When
they got tired of one place they moved to another and they seemed to seek
a place to camp where there was a bending-jxist-oak. They were not very
energetic, but they loved to dance. It is natural for people to look sad when
anything serious happens, but it was particularly conspicuous in the case of
these people. They often met to discuss what they would do in case they should
lose their hunting grounds. They taught their children that, whatever hai>
pened. they must not abandon their customs but keep tliem up carefully. They
were not people of foresight, however, and deiiended much on others for advice.
They were early risers. They made many mistakes, but usually through
ignorance. They did not care much whom the.v married, whether outside of
the group or not — at least this was the case with the men ; but the women were
different. The women would marry no one unless he were a good hunter, and
if a man were not it was hard for him to get one of these women. One time a
poor hunter wanted to get a woman of this house group, so he got another man
to kill a deer for him and carried the same deer past the woman's house several
day.s in succession, in fact until it spoiled. And after all he was unsuccessful.

STORY OF THE HIGH CORXCRIB HOUSE GROUP (IMPITCA TCAHA)

These people were not much esteemed by others but they thought a great deal
of themselves. They were very industrious and raised big crops every year,
for which they put up high corncribs. When other people saw what they were
doing and how high their corncribs were they called them the High Corncrib
people. They did not hunt much and therefore bartered corn for venison,
bear fat, or bear meat. In this way they made their living and so they were
a very wise people. They were people of one mind and would not let any of

208 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

thi'ir members marry outside if tliey could prevent it. They were truthful
people, and they knew a great deal about the weather. They could tell what
sort of weather was to be expected when the bear liuntinR season arrived.
They could tell whether it would be wet or dry, and therefore they would wait
for dry weather before going on a hunt.

Their beliefs were like those of other people. They thought that God was
ruling somewhere in the universe, but they did not know where He lived.
Some worshipped Him but others did not believe there was any God. Some did
not care what others thought of them ; some did not care how they lived.
They loved horse races, to dance, play ball, and play the game of hide-the-bul-
let. After a time they knew that they must give up their peculiar customs and
habits and began to jilan how they should live among others. . . .

These peirple of the High Corucrib will live until the end of time.

STORY OF THE RED SKUNK HOUSE GROUP (INKONI HOMA)

The Red Skunk people had ways different from others. They lived in dugouts
underground and hence seldom saw the sun rise. They fitted up these holes on
the inside so that thej' were suitable as habitations, but they seldom permitted
others to come to live with them. The underground dwellings varied in size
in accorilance with the size of the family, and they were arranged in such a
manner that their enemies could not get at them. They lived on a low flat at
one time, and while they were there were nearly destroyed by a flood, upon
which the survivors moved away and lived in the mountains.

One winter a man went off hunting. He travelled every da.v, camping at
night, until he came to Smoky Mountain (onteaba coboll). He did not know
anything about this mountain, but camped near it intending to hunt
for several days. He hunted morning after morning until he had
accumulated a quantity of venison and bear meat, when he began to
think of returning. On the very morning of his departure the mountain began
to smoke. He started off but after a time returned to the spot he had left and
this happened rei^eatedly. He continued his attempts for several days. At
last he la.\- down to sleep. Before sleep came to him, however, a creature look-
ing like a human being approached, but he did not speak to it nor did
the strange being address him. Finally it went awa.v. Then the dog he had
brought along told him that if he remained there all that night he would surely
die. He debated how he might escape from the creature he had seen which
he already suspected was not a human being and he asked his dog what he
should do. " If you follow my instructions implicitly, you will e.scape," said the
dog, and the man agreed to do so. Then the dog said, "When that l>eing comes
back you mu.st rise, take your bow and arrows, and shoot an arrow a great
distance away. The being will pursue it and while he is gone get up and
run off and be ready for him when he returns." As the dog had said, the
strange being jiresentl.v returned. Then the man shot an arrow to a distance
and while the creature was in pursuit of it he and the dog began to run.
After the being had gotten the arrow, he pursued them and when he came up
the man .shot off another arrow. After he had discharged his last arrow, the
dog said, " Let us enter this hollow tree." The.v did so and afterwards the
dog licked at the oiK^ning with his tongue until he had licked it together.
When the being returned he could not get in to them and presently went off,
and next morning the dog began licking at the hole until it w.is again open.

The dog and his master crawled out and started toward home, but just
before they reached it the dog said, " Your wife will have the soup ready.
You must let me eat some first and then you can eat." They found it to be
as the dog had said and the dog's master allowed him to eat of the soup

SWANivTj] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 209

first, wiiereupon lio walked out to the .yard, lay down, and died. This in-oved
how imich the dog loved his master hecause, if the man had eaten first, he
would have been the one to perish. After the people learned what had hap-
pened to this hunter, they selected certain men to investigate and they went
to the place where the man had camped, but could learn nothing.

Another time two men made arrangements to go on a hunting trip. They
set out and travelled for several days before making a permanent oamj). After
the.v had been there for some time the actions of one of them excited sus-
Iiicions iu the other. He would go out hunting and not come back until late
at night and sometimes he would not return until next day. At last his com-
panion inquired of him the reason for this but, getting no satisfactory reply,
he meditated how he should discover what was wrong. So one morning, when
his companion started out, he followed him stealthily and saw him enter a cave
in the side of a mountain. He followed him through this and discovered that
beyond it, under a water hole near some rocks, lived two young women, with
one of whom the first liunter had taken up. The second hunter wanted to
speak to the other woman but could not get a chjince and therefore returned
to his camp. When the first man returned, the other asked liini a second time
about his doings, and now the man related everything because he knew what
his friend had learned. He also told him he could get the second girl if lie
wanted her. The man answered that he would do anything to accomplish it.
and so his comrade directed him to go into the cave and wait there. Several
terrible creatures would come toward him. but he must not run away. The
man obeyed these instructions and stood his ground against the fearsome be-
ings who presented tliemselves until something which seemed to be Thunder
came when he became terrified and ran out. If he had remained, the woman
would have come last of all. In this way he lost his chance of getting Iter and
after a time wishetl to return home. His companion, however, was unwilling to
leave his wife, so the two stayed on together for a longer period. Indeed for
about a year. At the end of that time the tmmarried Indian said. " I am going
home to my own countrj'," but still the other would not consent to leave and
the first man remained with him. At last some of their relatives set out to
search for them and came to the place where they were living. They asked
why the hunters liad not returned and were told that it was because one of
them had laken a certain woman. They would not believe the story at first
until they had been shown the woman living under the water-hole by the
rocks, after which they returned home.

STORY OF THE ROLIiNG PEOPLE I IM.\TO.n6ha" )

There was a peculiar people whose house name was Imatonoha' ("to them
rolling"). They were a peculiar people, indeed, different from all others.
Their customs and habits were such that they did not ordinarily want others
to know anything about them, but when their property was in danger they
did not care, so the other people thought they would see what would happen
if they were molested.

These ix'ople had a prophet on whom they depended for advice, and they be-
lieved, if they took it, their proi^erty would be protected from their enemies,
while those who were disobedient would lose it. When they were first told
that plans were being made to get rid of them, they forgot about their prophet
and began to make preparations for their safety without regard to him. But
I)resently one among them remembered the prophet and they sent for him. He
understood what they wanted to know and informed them, and they were saved
by taking his advice. But some would not believe him and had their property
destroyed.

210 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth.anx.44

When their enemies wanted to get rid of them tliey thouglit they would have
uo trouble for they lived in holes in their yards, out of which they thought
these people could not emerge without being shot. Their prophet, however,
knowing when the enemies would come, told them to remain in their houses
until some time iifterward. They were careful about showing themselves f<ir
several da.vs. Those who would not take tlieir prophet's advice, kept going out
as usual and were killed.

When these peojile got their minds set upon auytliing, it was not easy to
change them. They were wise managers and were able to get along with com-
paratively little work. They reared their girls and boys in accordance with
their own ideas, and on account of this training their boys had little difficulty
in earning a living after they had grown up. Such a person also had no diffi-
culty in getting a wife, because it had been arranged b.v his parents. The boys
were obedient to their parents while the.v were growing up and afterwards to
the end of their lives, and they were well thought of by others. People also
observed that they were of a peaceable disposition.

They would not marry or have dealings with any except their own clan and
house relations. A boy would not marry a woman belonging to other peoples.
The parents of the .youth, who understood who were and who were not of the
same clan and house group, would arrange this marriage with the parents of
the girl, and when the couple were old enough they were married. They had
been so carefully brought up that they knew exactly how to make a living and
went to keeping house at once. But some of the same people brought tlieir
children up in such a way that they did not know anything and had a hard
time getting along.

They brought up their girls in the same careful manner, though they were
not as hard upon them. Sometimes a girl committed adultery, and when that
happened they considered her an outcast. But occasionally a man outside of
her clan would take a fancy to her and ask her parents to let him have her.
and if they were willing he would marry her. This is tlie way these people
brought up their children.

They found that their manner of life worked satisfactorily and were very
much pleased with itj from time to time they changed it slightly when they
found such changes w-ere for the better. By and by, however, they added a
new element, but this did not work as they had expected and was the begin-
ning of their ruin. This consisted in permitting certain doctors to practice
witchcraft. The.se persons were proud of their abilities, but the people ob-
served that something was threatening the ruin of the tribe, and they set them-
selves to find out the cause. They again thought of their prophet and sent for
him. Then the prophet told them that things would run smoothly as before
if they would do away with all of those who indulged in witchcraft. He said
that those who had practiced it must repent of their own accord or suffer the
consequences. Some wizards did not hear about the order and kept on as they
had been doing, and the people had pity on them because they did not know
the order: but there were others who knew of the order and, without saying
anything, continued their practices. The people, having determined to put the
order against wizardry into effect, sent spies about to find who was guilty of it,
and they discovered that many had been overawed by them. But when the
wizards discovered that they had been doing wrong they offered to bear the
blame, for when i)ersons of this clan got into difficulties all would come to-
gether and adjust it because they all loved one another.

There are a few members of this house group still in existence, but ntithing
til compare with the numbers of their ancestors. Their ways were so iieculiar
that unless one were a member of the house group or married into it he could

SWiNTON]

SOCIAL ORGAXIZATION

211

know nothing about it. Those people love more to think of their house sroup
and to talk about it than anything else. They would not practice their regu-
lations merely from choice but it was a law among them. A few of them
married their own near relatives.

The ijeople of this house group had beliefs distinct from those of others.
They believed there was a Creator of all things but did not know what it was.
They did not know whether it was tlie Sun or the Moon or anything in this
world. Though they did not worship the Sun or the Moon like some people,
they believed there was something that had a right to do what was best for
tlie people of this world. For that reason they were afraid to do anything
wrong. They loved to talk about their beliefs. Whenever anything went wrong
they relied for help more on this heavenly being, whatever it was. than they
formerly had on their prophet. When they found out that would benefit them
they were glad. They thought they were wiser and stronger than any other
l)eople and therefore they were proud of themselves. They all occupied the
.same territory.

Just before their downfall began the people ceased to live as they had for-
merly, i. e., they ceased to love one another. They lost confidence in one
another, and thought of their old ways too late to save themselves. Some had
no respect for others besides themselves and, not having been brought up right,
were distinguished from the rest by the way in which they dres.sed.

The working of this rather complicated social system would be much
plainer if the ancient marriatre regulations had been preserved, but
to-day the marriages shed comparatively little light on the question
and, in fact, few of the young people know to what clan or what house
group they belong.

The following marriages between local groups are known to have
occurred. The numbers indicate the moiety where that is known.

Husband

Wife

Imitakcic (Deer) (!)___.__ _-

I°eintuk (Fish) (1).

Intiliho (Wildcat or Skunk) (1 or 2)

Intcuka' patha (Wildcat?) (1)

Intcuka abatca' (Bird) (1)

Intofala'.

Intofoka (Bird) (1).

Imitakcic (Deer) (1).

I°caktci' akafa' (Fish) (1) .

Imosaktca'a' (Fish) (1).

I°holihta lipa' (Bird) (1)

Inkafaltcaba' (Wildcat) (1).

Imusatuia

I°kniioma' (Skunk) (2) ... .

Calakalak.

IntiUho (Wildcat or Skunk) (1 or 2).

Imal)0 ictu' (Bird) (1)

Intcuka' patha (Wildcat?) (1)

Intcuka' patha (Wildcat?) (1) .*

lokonoma' (Skunk) (2)

Intcuka ali.

Intiacaka^.

I-koni' (Skunk) (2).

Okla falava (Choctaw tribe).

I°konoma' (Skunk) (2)

Impitca tcaha (Bird) (1).

Of the above ca.ses there are only two, or perhaps three, in which
marriage occurred between groups of opposite sides, and at least four
in which they were of the same side, while in one case the individuals
even belonged to the same totemic clan.

212

BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW

[ETII. ANN. 41

Cushmiin speaks of three Chickasaw districts in existence in Missis-
sippi before the removal, but tliese must have represented either a
late reflection of the tribal division of tlie Choctaw or a transitory
condition. He says:

Up to the time the Chiekasaws moved west . . . their country was divided
into three districts, viz; Tishomiugo, Sealy, and McGilvery. At the time
ol their exodus west to their present places of abode, Tisliomingo (properly
Tishu niiko, chief ofBcer or guard of the king) was the chief of the Tishu Miko
district ; Samuel Sealy, of the Sealy district, and William McGilvery, of the
McGilvery district."'

Five lists of Chickasaw towns are known, two from English and
three from French sources, made within about 70 years of each other.
These agree in part, and it is probable that in certain of the remaining
cases the same town is indicated luider different names, though there
is now no way of identifying these. These lists are given in the
following table with the more probable identifications :

Iberville > (1702)

Adair ^ (1720)

De Batz » (1737)

French Memoir *
(1755)

Romans « (1771)

Chatata

Shatara

Tchitchatala

Ay§heguiya

Hykehah

Mkya.

jEcquina

Hikihaw.

Tascaouilo

Tuskawillao

Phalaeheho

Chookka Pharaah,
Amalahta

Taskaouilo

Falatchao

Tchoukafala

Amalata

Tasca oiillou

Falatche

Coucqua fala

Melattaw

Sebafone (?)

Apeony

Apeonn^

Achoukouma

Ogoula-Tchetoka--

Achouque ouma.,

Goulatchitou ..

Outanquatle

Coiii loussa.-

Apile faplimengo

Thanholo

lage).
Alaoute

OiiPf^hflt.n

Chinica

1 "Documents concernant rhistoire des Indiens de la Region orientale de la Louisiane," par le Baron
Marc dc ViUiers. (Journal de la Sociftfi des Amf ricanistes de Paris, n. s., vol. xiv, pp. 13S-140.)

' Hist. .\m. Inds., pp. 352-354. Tbe date is that to which Adair's information applies, not the d:ile
of writing.

s Note sur deus Cartes dessinfes par les Chicliachas en 1737, par le Baron Marc de VilUers. (Journal de
la SociM6 des .\m(?ricanistes de Paris, n. $., vol. xm, 1921, Plate I.)

* Anonymous French M^moire. (Ayer Library of American Ethnology and Archaeology, m Newberry
Library, Chicago, 111.)

• A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida, p. 63.

■" Hist, of the Choc, Chick., and Natchez Inds., p. 496.

SWAXTOXl

GnvEr.x:\rEXT 213

Tlie placin<r of some of these names, such as Ayarraca, Thouealipfa,
Tolatcliao, Thoiiquoa fola, Sebafone. Coiicqua fala, and Goulatchitou.
assumes mistakes in copying or printing. Adair gives an interpreta-
tion of only one of them, the seventh, which is plainly enough " the
long house," and by derivation " the long town " as Romans has it.
Romans says that Chatelaw signifies " copper town," but the word
probably applied to some ornament or object made of copper. The
word cliuka appears again in Chucalissa, which Romans interprets
" great house." Ishto is the word for " great," however, and the
second part of this compound would rather appear to be ilissa, " to
abandon, surrender, or give up," the whole meaning " abandoned
house." The name of the fourth town is correctly interpreted by
Romans " stand still," from the native word hikia. He is also plainly
right in his translation of the name of the tenth as " red grass "
(hashuk, "grass;" homa, "red"). Tuckahaw he gives as the
name of " a certain weed," and Melattaw " hat and feather." but I
can not certify as to the correctness of these. The name of the
eleventh town means "big people" if De Batz's spelling is correct;
and that of the thirteenth " black panther." From the use of the
word " mengo " in the name of a town given by Iberville it would
seem that it was named from some chief. Gouytola appears to mean
" the place of the panther," perhajjs referring rather to the clan than
the animal. Possibly the name given as Oucthambolo by Iberville
may be OkVhampuli, " sweet water." From the use of Choctaw
chito for Giickasaw ishto, "big," and Choctaw falaya, instead of
Chickasaw falaha, " long," it would seem that all of these lists except
that of Adair, and possibly that of Iberville, were taken down in
Choctaw or the Mobilian trade language.

GOVERXIMENT

The best, indeed almost the only, account of the ancient govern-
ment of the Chickasaw tribe is that printed by Schoolcraft and
already quoted, which has, as we have seen, been partially confirmed
by Gibbs. From this it appears that each totemic iksa or clan had
a chief and that they differed in rank in accordance with a differ-
ence in the ranking of the clans. The leader of the clan highest in
rank was chief or "king" of the entire Chickasaw nation. To com-
plete our knowledge of this subject we ought to be informed in what
manner the chiefs of the totemic iksas were selected, whether these
chieftainships were prerogatives of certain local groups, with or
without the suli'rages of the others having the same totem, and

214 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. anx. h

wlicdioi' tlio local proups themselves had chiefs. A little li<;ht is
shed upon these ([uestions by Speck, who says:

Each clan was under the leadership of a chief (miriko). chosen by the council
of elan elders for life in the old days, but at present only for a term of years.
He was sometimes called by the name of oapitani. A clan could take the
warpath under the leadership of the WM)7fco.°"

The " present " to which he refers is already past, and the unfor-
tunate confusion in Speck's material between the totemic iksa and
the local groups prevents us from knowing with certainty to which
kind of group the above information applies. However, it is a
probable inference that each local group w^as organized something
like the various local bodies of Creek clans, the " uncle " who was
esteemed to combine years and wisdom in the highest degree being
recognized as leader, common protector, and general advisor to the
youth of the clan. It may be inferred that one of these was selected
to represent the totemic iksa, but how this choice was effected it
would now be impossible even to guess.

Cushman says :

The Chickasaw ruler was styled king instead of chief; and his chief oflBcer
was called Tishu Miko.

Ishtehotohpih was the reigning king at the time they left their ancient
places of abode east of the Mississippi River for those west. He died in
1840. He was the last of the Chickasaw rulers who bore the title, king.
After his death the monarchial form of government, which was hereditary,
as I was informed by Gov. Cyrus Harris, was abolished, and the form of
republicanism adopted. The power of their kings was very circumscribed,
being only about equal to that of their present governor. The king's wife
was called queen, but clothed with no authority whatever, and regarded only
as other Chickasaw women.

[That] Tishu Miko was a wise counselor and brave warrior among the
Chickasaws is about all that has escai>ed oblivion, as little has been preserved
of his life by tradition or otherwise. He was the acting Tishu Miko of
Ishtehotohpih at the time of the removal of his people to the west. He died
in 1839, the year before his royal master. He was ai)pointed during life as
one of the chief counselors to Ishtehotohpih ; and when he advised the king
upon any mooted question, so great was his influence over the other coun-
selors, as Governor Harris stated, that they at once unanimously acquiesced
to his propositions, but invariably with the reiterated exclamation, " That's
just what I thought ! That's just what I thought ! " while the king said but
little, but generally adopted the suggestions of Tishu Miko."''

Whether one translates the word Mi"ko "chief" or "king" and
calls his wife "chief's wife" or "queen" is a matter of indifference
if the connotation of the terms is not suffered to mislead. As Cush-
man himself says, the power of their kings was very closely circum-
scribed. The constitution put in force in 1840 was more democratic
than the older unwritten laws of the tribe, not so much in taking

""■ Jour. Amer. lfolk-r,i>ro, vol. xx, pp. 52, 54.
"Cushman, Hist. Choc, Chick., and Natchez Inds., p. 496.

SWA.NTON] GOVERNMENT 215

away power from the Mi"ko as in taking it from the whole bodj^
of chiefs and in making them all elective. When the Chickasaw first
moved west they agreed to come under the Choctaw laws in accord-
ance with which a chief was elected every four years and captains
every two years, tlie judges being elected by tlie general council."'* In
1856 the Chickasaw were separated from the Choctaw and established
an independent government on the same model.

Romans introchices the following connnentary regarding qualifi-
cations for chieftainship under the ancient system and the ^Ji'eroga-
tives which went with it:

Their grand chief is called Opaya Mataha, and it is said he has killed his
mau upwards of forty times, for which great feats he has been raised to this
nominal dignity, which by all savages is as much regarded, as among us
a titular nobleman would be if he should be obliged to be a journeyman
taylor for his maintenance."*

Of course regard for the above-mentioned "journeyman taylor,"
or his equivalent, is considerably greater in our time than in the time
of Romans. He wrote just previous to the American Revolution.

In what Cushman says of the Tishu Mi"ko he has woven together
statements applying to an institution and statements applicable only
to a particular bearer of the title Tishu Mi°ko. This functionaiy,
'• the servant chief," or " assistant chief," was evidently the same as
the Tishu Mi°ko of the Choctaw, and almost the same as the Yatika,
or " interpreter," of the Creeks, who combined the functions of
speaker for the chief with that of chairman of the committee of ar-
rangements when any ceremony took place.

According to Speck each moiety had one leading prophet
{kopiUje)^^ who attended to its si^iritual interests (see p. 192), but one
of these evidently had precedence of the other and acted for the tribe
on occasion. So, at least, we must interpret Adair's words when he
says, " The title of the old 'beloved tnen^ or arcJd-magi^ is still heredi-
tary in the panther, or tyger family.""" The "panther or tyger
family " would be the Ko icto. The prophet of one of Speck's two
moieties came from the Pyalkaca of the Wildcat totem group which
was closely associated with the Panther, and it is possible that the
Insakti la"fa. from wliom the other prophet was taken, was also
Panther or Wildcat, since my informants place both of these on the
same side. From Adair's narrative it is evident that this tribal
prophet corresponded very clo.sely to the Hilis ha°ya or "medicine
maker " with whom every Creek town big enough to conduct a busk
was provided.

" Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, i, p. 312.
"Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 64.

"* Hopa.vc is also a name used for a war leader, so tbat tbero ma.v be some confusion
here.

"Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. .31.

216 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN. 44

The general interest in their governmental affairs on the part of
the mass of Chickasaw people is vouched for by Adair, who says:
" AVhen any national affair is in debate, you may hear every father
of a family speakino; in his house on the subject, with rapid, bold
language, and the utmost freedom that a people can use. Their
voices, to a man, Iiave due weight in every iDublic affair, as it concerns
their welfare alike.'''

PROPERTY RIGHTS

As with the Creeks, the lands of the Chickasaw appear to have
been held in common except for the use ownership of those who
built houses or cleared fields in certain places. The town gardens
^vere also cultivated in much the same manner as those of the Creeks,
but — partly owing to their wars — they did not produce as much of
their own food as did the Choctaw, to whom Romans says they
applied annually for corn and beans.*''*

Such of the personal property of the deceased as was not de-
stroyed or buried with the body went to the brotliers, sisters, or
sisters' children, that is, it was inherited in the clan.''^

CRIME AND PUXISHMEXT

This subject may best be introduced by (juoting some passages from
my report on the Creek Indians, including several paragraphs from
Adair :

The word haksi was used by Chickasaw of Aihilr's time " to conve.v tlie idea
of a per.sou's being a criminal in any thing wliatsoever," and '■' such unfortunate
persons as are mad, deaf, dumb, or blind, are called by no other name." '" The
original meaning of this word is "deaf," but it has come to signify drunken,
roguish, wicked, sinful, etc.

Institutional killing will be treated under its proper head. It was based on
the principle of retaliation, or, as more popularly expressed, "getting even," and
was considered necessary in order to placate the souls of the departed. I have
already remarked that the victim was sometimes devoted to death in advance,
and Bartram mentions a case [among the Creeks] in which he was selected by
lot. The following quotation from Adair shows what happened when murder
was committed within the tribe, as well as the Indian attitude toward man
killing generally :

"[Tlie Indians] transmit from father to son the memory of the loss of their
relation, or of one of their own tribe or family, though it were an old woman,
if she was either killed by the enem.v or b.v an.v of their own people. If, indeed,
the murder be committed by a kinsman, the eldest can redeem ; however, if the
circumstances attending the facts be peculiar and shocking to nature, the mur-

«'Adah-, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 428.
« Romans, Xat. Hi.'it. E. and W. Fla., p. 02.

°" Pubfj. Mis.*. Hist. Soc. vol. viii, p. ,152; Cushmaii. Hist. Choc, Chick., and Natchez
Inds., p. 4fi3.

™ Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 157, footnote.

SWANTON] CRIME AND PUNISHMENT 217

(lerer is condemned to die tlie deafli of a sinner. ' without anyone to mourn for
liim," as in the case of suicide, contrary to their usage toward tlie rest of their
dead. . . .

" There never was any set of pooyle wlio pursued the Mosaic law of rctaUtUion-
with such a flxt eagerness as these Americans. They are so determined in
this point that formerly a little boy shooting birds in the high and thick corn-
fields unfortunately chanced slightly to wound another with his childish
arrow ; the young vindictive fox was excited by custom to watch his ways with
the utmost earnestness till the wound was returned in as equal a manner as
could be expected. Then ' all was straight,' according to their phrase. Their
hearts were at rest by having executed that strong law of nature, and thi^y
sported together as before. . . . They forgive all crimes at the annual atone-
ment of sins, except murder, which is always punished with death. The
Indians constantly upbraid us in their bacchanals for inattention to this
maxim of theirs ; they say that all nations of people who are not utterly sunk
in cowardice take revenge of blood before they can have rest, cost what it will.
The Indian Americans are more eager to revenge blood than any other people
on tlie whole face of the earth. . . .

" I have known the Indians to ,go a thousand miles for the jiurpose of revenge,
in pathless woods, over hills and mountains, through large cane swamps full
of graijevines and briars, over broad lakes, raijid rivers, and deep creeks ; and
all the way endangered by poisonous snakes, if not with the rambling and lurk-
ing enemy, while at the same time they were exposed to the extremities of heat
and cold, the vicissitude of the seas(ms, to hunger and thirst, both by chance
and their religious .scanty method of living when at war, to fatigues, and other
ditficulties. Such is their overboiling revengeful temper that they utterly con-
demn all those things as imaginary trifles, if they are so happy as to get the
scalp of the murderer or enemy to satisfy the supposed craving ghosts of
their deceased relations. Though they imagine the report of guns will send
off the ghosts of their kindred that died at home to their quiet place, yet they
firmly believe that the spirits of those who are killed by the enemy, without
equal revenge of blood, find no rest, and at night haunt the hou.ses of the tribe
to which they belonged ; but when that kindred duty of retaliation is justly
executed they immediately get ease and power to fly away. This opinion, and
their method of burying and mourning for the dead, of which we shall speak
presently, occasion them to retaliate in .so earnest and fierce a manner. . . .
When any casual thing draws them into a war it grows every year more spite-
ful, till it advances to a bitter enmity so as to excite them to an implacable
hatred to one another's very national names. Tlien they must go abroad to
spill the enemy's blood and to revenge crying blood. We must also consider
it is by scalps they get all their war titles which distinguish them among the
brave ; and these they hold in as high esteem as the must ambitious Roman
general ever did a great triumph." "

The law of retaliation in cases of murder is thus concisely stated
by Warren on the authority of Cyrus Harris :

If a man or woman killed another, he or she was killed by the relatives of
the slain. If the murderer could not be found, it was lawful to put to death
the brother of the one who had done the killing, which made an end of the
difliculty."

"' Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 148-151. '= Pubs. Miss. Hist. Soc, vol. viii, pp. 552-553.
55231°— 28 15

218 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. axn. 44

Ciishnmn, wlio seems to depend on the same source of information,
states that a man was killed for a man and a woman for a woman.
His account is much longer and runs as follows :

The law of luurdi'i- . . . placed the slayer wholly and exclusively in the hands
(if the oldest brother of the slain, who never failed to execute the law whose
claims were thus entrusted to his care and keeping, the standard verdict of
which was "An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth " — death. In case the
deceased had no brother or brothers, then one of the next nearest and oldest
male relatives became the self-appointed executioner of the violated law
. . . Nor did anyone, not even the nearest relations of the slayer, interfere
In the matter in any way whatever — either to assist or oppose. If the slayer
fled, which was very seldom if ever the case, his oldest brother, and if lie had
no brother, then the next nearest and oldest relative in the male line was
slain in his place : after which he could return in safety and without fear
of molestation, but to be ostracized and forever stigmatized as a coward
wherever he went, a punishment more to be dreaded by all North American
Indians than a hundred deaths. In all such eases a woman w-as never slain
in the place of a man. On account of this rigid and inexorable custom of
dealing with him who had slain his fellomnan, murders were very few and
far between, as the slayer well knew the inevitable consequence that would
follow unless he fled to parts unknown, which would be attended with eternal
disgrace to himself, family, and kindred, at the sacrifice also of his brother's
life or next nearest male relative.'^

A suspected witch or wizard was usually killed with the greatest
promptitude.

Adair thus describes the Chickasaw punishment for adultery:

The middle aged people of a place, which lies about halfway to Mobille and
the Illinois [from Carolina], assure us that they remember when adultery was
punished among them with death, by .shooting the offender with barbed ar-
rows, as there are no stones there. But that with the losses of their people at
war with the French and their savage confederates, and the constitutional wan-
tonness of their young men and women, they have through a political desire of
continuing, or increasing their numbers, moderated the severity of that law, and
reduced it to the present standard of punishment, which is in the following
manner : If a married woman is detected in adultery by one person, the evi-
dence is deemed good in judgment against her ; the evidence of a well-grown
boy or girl they even reckon sufficient, because of the heinousness of the crime
and the difficulty of discovering it in their thick forests. . . . When the
crime is proved against the woman, the enraged husband, accompanied by some
of his relations, surprises and beats her most barbarously, and then cuts off her
hair and nose, or one of her lips. There are many of that sort of disfigured
females among the Chikkasah, and they are commonly the best featured, and
the most tempting of any of their countrywomen, which exposed them to the
snares of young men. But their fellow criminals, who probably first tempted
them, are partially exempted from any kind of corporal punishment."' . . .

The.v observe, however, a graduation of puni.shinent, according to the crimi-
nality of the adulteress. For the first breach of the marriage faith they crop

" Cushm.in, Hist. Choc, Chick., and Natchez Inds., p. 405.

'' .\t this point .\dair introduces an account of the custom among the Creoles and
returns to discuss Chickasaw u.sases so abruptly that It Is only by the context that it is
evident that he has that tribe principally in mind.

SWANTON] CRIME AND PUNISHMENT 219

her ears and hair, if the husband is spiteful; either of thos'e badges prooliiim
her to be a whore, or Hakse Kaiiclui, . . . for the hair of tlieir head is their
ornament ; when loose it completely reaches below their back and when tied
it stands below the crown of the head, about 4 inches long, and 2 broad. As
the offender cuts a comical figure among the rest of the women, by being
trimmed so sharp, she always keeps her dark winter hot house, till by keeping
the hair moistened with grea.se, it grows so long as to bear tying. Then she
accustoms herself to the light by degrees; and .soon some worthless fellow,
according to their standard, buys her for his AnA; which term hath been already
explained.

The adulterer's ears are flashed ofC close to his head, for the first act of
adultery, because he is the chief in fault."" If the criminal repeat the crime
with any other married persons, their noses and upper lips are cut off. But
the third crime of the like nature, is attended with more danger ; for the law
says, that for public heinous crimes, satisfaction should be made visible to the
people, and adequate to the injuries of the virtuous — to set their aggrieved
hearts at ease, and prevent others from following such a dangerous crooked
copy. As they will not comply with their mitigated law of adultery nor be
terrified, nor shamed from their ill course of life ; that the one may not frighten
;ind abuse their wives, nor the other seduce their husbands and be a lasting
plague and shame to the whole society, they are ordered by their ruling magi
and war chieftains, to be shot to death, which is accordingly executed ; but
this seldom happens.

When I asked the Chikkasah the reason of the inequality of their marriage
law, in punishing the weaker passive party, and exempting the stronger, con-
trary to reason and justice, they told mo, it had been so a considerable time —
because their land being a continual seat of war, and the lurking enemy for-
ever pelting them without, and the women decoying them within, if they put
such old cross laws of marriage in force, all their beloved brisk warriors would
soon be spoiled, and their habitations turned to a wild waste." . . .

Romans say.s :

This [Chickasaw] nation is the most imperious in their carriage towards
their women, of any I have met with ; they are very jealous of their wives,
and adultery in them is punished by the loss of the tip of the nose, which they
sometimes cut, but more generally bite off. but this does not deter them, for they
are a very salacious race and the mark is pretty general.™

The .same writer adds :

They are horribly given to sodimiy. committing that crime even on the dead
bodies of their enemies, thereby (as they say) degrading them into women."

The punishment for minor offenses, such as horse stealing, vpas
whipping. Cushman says that afterward " the culprit was reinstated
to favor without any disgrace being attached to his name for his
offense or punishment. He liad violated the law, but had paid the
penalty thereunto attached. The claims of the law were satisfied and
therefore it was a thing of the past, to be mentioned no more, and

"» The punishment of the adulterer is to I)0 understood as enforced only by tho Creeks.

"Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 142-143, 144-1 4r).

'« Romans. Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 64.

"Ibid., p. 70.

™ Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez, p. 49-5.

220 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth.ann.44

While, in its application to young people, this was an old punish-
ment it is doubtful to what extent it was employed against adult
offenders until a comparatively late period."

Adair expresses a high opinion of this tribe, but Romans, perhaps
owing to one particularly unhappy experience with them, held them
in slight esteem. He says :

The morals of this nation are more corrupt than those of any of their neigli-
bours ; the Clioctaws are said to be tJiieves, but I can assure the reader that
the Cliickasaws are a thousand times more so ; I have had ample proof of it by
losing incomparably more in one day at the Chickasaw town than I did in two
months going through seventy-four Choctaw towns, not\^'ithst!mding I had been
warned, and was on my guard against the Chickasaws ; my razors and a case of
instruments, and other trifles of no real use to them, besides every horse I had
with me, vanished in one day among these deceitful people. Their discourse is
really intolerable, nothing but fllth is heard from them."

Adair speaks of the nonobservance of the separation of a woman
during her menstrual periods as a crime on a j^ar with murder and
adultery. " Should any of the Indian women violate this law of
purity," he says, " they would be censured, and suffer for any sudden
sickness, or death that might happen among the people." *^

Adair, again, is the only writer to say anything about oaths used in
adjuring a witness to give true evidence. The Chickasaw and Choc-
taw oath he gives as Ghickloosha ke-e-u Chim,^- which he interprets
" Do not you lie ? Do you not, of a certain truth ? " And the answer
is AMooska Ke-e-u-que-Ho, "I do not lie; I do not, of a certain
truth." *^ Regarding epithets he says, "the sharpest and most last-
ing affront, the most opprobrious, indelible epithet, with which one
Indian can possibly brand another, is to call him in public company,
Hoobuk ~Washe, Eunucluis, jjraeputio detecto." *'

REGULATIONS REGARDING WOMEN

Adair has the following to say on this subject:

. . . They oblige their women in their linwr retreats, to build small huts, at
as considerable a distance from their dwelling-houses, as they imagine may be
out of the enemies reach ; where, during the space of that period, they are
obliged to stay at the risque of their lives. Should they be known to violate
that ancient law, they must answer for every misfortune that befalls any of
the people, as a certain effect of the divine fire; though the lurking enemy
sometimes kills them in tlieir religious retirement. Notwithstanding they
reckon it conveys a most horrid and dangerous pollution to those who touch

'I See Speck in Jour. .\m. Folk-tjoro, vol, xs, p. 54.
» Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 61-62.
"Adair. Hist. .\m. Inds., p. 124.

^ Lushka is a Chickasaw word meaning "to lie"; chikluahko signifies "you do not
lie " ; kc-e-u (or keyu) is the negaUve. The form used here is a strengthened one.
^ Ad.iir, Hi.-it. Am. luds., p. 51. See also p. 221 following.
»'Ibid., p. 136.

SWANTON] CHILDBIRTH AND EDUCATION OF CHLLDEEN 221

or go near tbcm. or walk anywhere within the circle of their retreats; and are
in fear of thereby spoiling the supposed purity and power of their holy ark,
which they always carry to war; yet the enemy believe they can so cleanse
themselves with the consecrated herbs, roots, etc., which the chieftain carries in
the beloved war-ark. as to secure them in this point from bodily danger, because
it was done against their enemies.

The nonobservance of this separation, a breach of the marriage law, and
murder, they esteem the most capital crimes. When the time of the women's
separation is ended, they always purify themselves in deep running water, return
home, dress, and anoint themselves. They ascribe these monthly periods to the
female structure, not to the anger of IshtohooUo AbaJ^

Romans has the following :

These savages are the only ones I ever heard of who make their females
observe a separation at the time of their menses (some ancient almost extirpated
tribes to the northward only excepted, and these used to avoid their own dwell-
ing houses). The women then retire into a small hut set apart for that purpose,
of which there are from two to six round each habitation, and by them called
" moon houses." '°

Romans is correct as to the custom, but, of course, in error in
considering it so nearly confined to the Chickasaw. It was, as has
been abundantly proved elsewhere, a custom common to both the
Creeks and the Choctaw.

A young girl's first menstrual experiences (hiil^be) [says Speck] are not
accompanied by any ceremony or shamanistic rites, but she is not allowed to
ride a horse or come in contact with any male children."

Regarding the subsequent menstrual periods, he says:

During her periods of menstruation the Chickasaw woman is strictly segre-
gated from her family, remaining for three days in a brush shelter near the
house. Her husband also refrains from mingling freely with his friends at these
times, in the hunt or in social gatherings."

My own informants stated that, at the time of their monthly
periods, women were confined in small houses apart and could not
leave them until their clothes had been thoroughly washed. This
purification took about a week. In the meantime men would not
go anywhere near them lest they suffer misfortune in hunting, war,
and so on. The procedure at the time of the first menstrual period
was in no way different from that on subsequent occasions.

CHILDBIRTH AND EDUCATION OF CHILDREN

Our earliest authority is, as usual, Adair, who gives the following

details :

Correspondent to the Mosaic law of women's purification after travail, the
Indian women absent themselves from their husbands and all public company

<» Adair. Hist. Am. Inds.. pp. 123-124.

«• Romans, Nat. Uist. E. and W. Fla., p. 64.

«' Speck in .Tour. .\m. Folk-Lore Soc.,. vol. xi, p. 57.

esibld., pp. 56-57.

222 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. Ann. a

fiir a consifleralile time — Tlio MiiakOhfie womeu are separate for three moons,
exclusive of that moou in which they are delivered. . . .

Should any of the Indian women violate this law of purity, they would be
censured and suffer for any sudden sickness or death that might happen among
the people, as the necessary effect of the divine anger for their polluting sin,
contrary to their old traditional law of female purity. Like the greater part
of the Israelites, it is the fear of the temporal evils and the prospect of temporal
good that makes them so tenacious and observant of their laws. At the stated
period the Indian women's impurity is flnisheil by ablution and they are again
admitted to social and holy privileges.™

At the birth of a child [says Speck] the mother must be kept from public
view for the space of two months, generally residing in tlie menstrual lodge.
She eats no fresh meat. The father is not allowed to engage in work for
about a month, and he is looked upon by his townsmen as an luidesirable com-
panion on the hunt and elsewhere. The navel cord is first corded, and after a
ahovt time is clipped and placed in a secret place until the prophet of the
child's group can examine it to determine the future prospects of the infant.

Similarly to the Choctaw, Natchez, and other tribes of the southeastern area,
(he Chickasaw practiced head flattening of both sexes by artificial compression.
The custom, however, lias been obsolete for many generations. Soon after
birth, and every night for six months, a wooden block thickly padded with
buckskin was placed upon the infant's frontal bone and bound in place. The
process was continued during later childhood by hand pressure. Deformation
of this sort was believed to develop the most admirable qualities and was a sign
cf high social rank.

Twin children are considered as supernatural manifestations and are brought
before the prophet to have their futures foretold also. Should one of them be
a boy, he is likely to become the minko of his clan, being called Itapdtka,
" double." °°

The following note by the same writer should be added in this
connection :

They never allowed children to make use of anything that was double for
food, such as double strawberries, fruit, or chicken gizzard, and when a young
man killed his first game of any sort he did not eat it himself, but distributed
the meat among his clansfolk."'

If this last regulation were not observed it was thought that the
youth would not kill any more game.

Adair has the following to say regarding the sympathetic magic
practiced on Chickasaw babies in order to insure them good fortune :

Their male children they chuse to raise on the skins of panthers, ou ac-
count of the communicative principle, which they reckon all nature is possessed
of. in conveying qualities according to the regimen that is followed : and as
the panther is endued with many qualities be.vond any of his fellow animals
in the American woods, as smelling, strength, cunning, and a prodigious spring,
they reckon such a bed is the first rudiments of war. But it is worthy of
notice they change the regimen in nurturing theii young females; these they
lay (m the skins of fawns or buffalo calves because they are shy ami timorous;

«= Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 124. "Ibid., p. 54.

»> Speck iu Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 57.

swANTON] CHILDBIRTH AND EDUCATION OF CHILDREN 223

aud if tlie iiiolhcr be iiulisposed by sickness, lier nearest female relation suckles
the child, but only until she recovers."

Accordinjr to my own notes, when a woman was about to be con-
fined, she entered a special house of a more permanent character than
the one used by menstruant women. This house, called ammkct,
seems, from the description, to have been identical with the ancient
winter house. It is described as " like an Indian potato house," made
of logs and daubed inside and out with clay. It was larger than the
common dwelling house and was often used for dances. The door
was the only opening and a fire in the center kept it warm day and
night. During the woman's confinement she was waited upon by
women, not even her husband being allowed to approach her. The
men mei-ely brought firewood as far as the door. The woman could
eat only venison, chicken, and bacon, but no vegetables. She could
not leave this house until she had been purified, about a month after
her child was born.

Children were nursed for a verj^ long time. They would not let
them sleep with old people; probably from the same fear as that
experienced by the Creeks that they would be bewitched.

Cushman enlarges as follows on the education of Chickasaw
children :

The greatest care was bestowed upon their children by the Chickasaw
mothers, whom they never allowed to be jdaced upon their feet before the
strength of their limbs would safely permit ; and the child had free access to
the maternal breast as long as it desired, unless the mother's health forbade its
continuance. Children were never whipped by the parents, but, if guilty of any
misdemeanor, were sent to their uncle for punishment (the same as the
Choctaws), who only inflicted a severe rebuke or imposed uijon them some
little iienance, or, wliat was more frequent, made appeals to their feelings of
honor or shame. When the boys arrived at the age of proper discrimination — so
considered when arrived at the age of 12 or 15 years — they were committed to
the instructions of the old and wise men of the village, who, at various inter-
vals, instructed them in all the neces.sary knowledge and desired qualifications
to constitute them successful hunters and accomplished warriors. As introduc-
tory lessons they were instructed in the arts of swimming, running, jumping,
wrestling, using the bow and arrow : also, receiving from these venerable tutors
those iirecepts of morality which should regulate their conduct when arrived at
manhood. The most profound respect (a noted characteristic of the North
AmeriiMn Indians) was paid everywhere to the oldest person in every family,
whether male or female, whose decisions upon all disputed points were
supreme and final, and were received with cheerful and implicit obedience. No
matter how distant their blood relations might be, all the members of a family
addressed its head as father or mother, as tlie case might be; and whenever
they meant to speak of him (their natural father), they said, " My real father,"
in contradistinction to that of father applied to the chief or head of the family."

In this narrative the paternal and maternal uncles have been con-
founded. The leading man of a person's own clan was called uncle,

« Adair. Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 420-421.

« Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natcliez Inds., pp. 488-489.

224 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

never fatlier, and the term used was restricted to males related
through his mother. It was he who lectured and advised the way-
ward. The leading man of the father's clan was no doubt held in
high honor, but he would offer no advice regarding children of
another clan unless especially asked to do so. The following quota-
tion from Adair shows that correction sometimes went beyond mere
reproof :

It ousht to be remarked that they are careful of their youth and fail not to
punish them when they transgress. Anno 1766, I saw an old head man, called the
Dou-Kiiuj (from the nature of his office), correct several young persons — some
for supposed faults and others by way of prevention. He began with a lusty
young fellow who was charged with being more effeminate than became a
warrior and with acting contrary to their old religious rites and customs, par-
ticularly because he lived nearer than any of the rest to an opulent and help-
less German, by whom they supposed he might have been corrupted. He bas-
tinadoed the .young sinner severely with a thick whip about a foot and a half
long composed of plaited silk grass and the fibres of the button snake-root
stalks, tapering to the point, which was secured with a knot. He reasoned
with him as he corrected him ; he told him that he was Cheliakse Kaniha-He
[tcihaksi kania be], literally, "you are as one who is wicked, and almost
lost." . . . The grey-hair'd corrector said, he entreated him in that manner
according to ancient custom, through an effect of love, to induce him to shun
vice, and to imitate the virtues of his illustrious forefathers, which he endeav-
oured to enumerate largely ; when the young sinner had received his supposed
due he went off seemingly well pleased.

This Indian correction lessens gradually in its severity according to the age
of the pupils. While the Dotj-Kiny was catechising the little ones, he said CTie
Hakftinna [tcihaksina], "do not become vicious." And when they wept, he
said Che-Ahela Aica [tciabila awa], "I shall not kill you.""

In another place the same writer remarks that in his time children
who killed the pigs and poultry of the traders were merely given
" ill names " by their parents, whereas " the mischievous and thievish
were formerly sure to be dry-scratched." ^^

Probably the " Dog-King " was the maternal uncle of the children
he was correcting, though the reference to Ids title indicates a possi-
bility that he had some more general function.

In order to make boj's strong they gave them herbs and afterwards
made them plunge into water, no matter what time of the year it
happened to be. This bath was taken before day each morning and
was continued through life. They were more careful to take it in
winter than in summer, and esjiecially on cold frosty mornings, and
they believed it would help them to withstand cold weather, give
(hem health, and enable them to live to a good old age. Adair says
of this :

However, they practice it (bathing) as a religious duty, unless in very hot
weather, which they iind by experience to be prejudicial to their health, when
they observe the law of mercy, rather than that of sacrifice. In the coldest

<" Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 156-157. "^ Ibid., p. 413.

SWANTON]

MARRIAGE CUSTOMS 225

weather, and when the grownrl is covered with snow, against their bodily ease
and pleasure, men and women turn out of their warm houses or stoves, reeking
with sweat, singing their usual sacred notes, Yo, Yo, etc., at the dawn of day . . .
Hnd thus they skip along, echoing praises, till they get to the river, when they
instantaneously plunge into it. If the water is frozen, they break the ice with
a religious impatience : After bathing, they return home, rejoicing as they run
for having so well performed their religious duty, and thus purged away the
Impurities of the preceding day by ablution. The neglect of this bath hath been
deemed so heinous a crime that they have raked the legs and arms of the
delinquent with snake's teeth, not allowing warm water to relax the stiffened
skin. "

He adds that the women were less rigid in the performance of this
duty, " for they only purify themselves as their discretion directs
them."«'

Boys were more desired than girls and were more carefully edu-
cated. They were not allowed to run about freely as they do to-day,
and it is claimed that they were not permitted to marry until they
were about 30, though this is certainly a considerable exaggeration.
Nevertheless they were usually affianced in childhood. Children of
opposite sexes were not allowed to play together after they had at-
tained the age of three or four years, and a girl could not go any-
where by herself until after she was married.

MARRIAGE CUSTOMS

As in the case of so many other customs, we can not introduce
this subject better than by inserting what Adair has to say
regarding it :

It is usual for an elderly man to take a girl, or sometimes a child to be his
wife. l)ecause she is capable of receiving good impressions in that tender state:
frequently, a moon elapses after the contract is made, and the value received,
before the bridegroom sleeps with the bride, and on the marriage day, he does
not appear before her till night introduces him, and then without tapers . . .

The Indians also are so fond of variety, that they ridicule the white people,
as a tribe of narrow-hearted, and dull constitutioned animals, for having only
one wife at a time; and being bound to live with and support her, though num-
berless circumstances might require a contrary conduct. When a young warrior
can not dress a la nioie America, he strikes up one of those matches for a few
moons, which they term Toopsa Tdwah," " a make haste marriage," because it
wants the usual ceremonies, and duration of their other kind of marriages. . . .

When an Indian malies his first address to the young woman he intends to
marry, she is obliged by ancient custom to sit by him till he hath done eating
and drinking, whether she likes or dislikes him ; but afterward, she is at
her own choice whether to sta.v or retire. When the bridegroom marries the
bride, after the usual prelude, he takes a choice ear of corn, and divides it
in two before witnesses, gives her one half in her hand, and keeps the other

»« Adair. Hist. Am. Inds., p. 120.

« Ibid., p. 121.

"This should be tushpa itauaya, from tushpa, in haste, and itauaya, to marry.

226 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

half to himself : or otherwise, he gives her a deer's foot, as an emblem of
the readiness with which she ought to serve him ; in return, she presents him
with some cakes of bread, thereby declaring her domestic care and gratitude in
return for the offals ; for the men feast by themselves and the women eat the
remains. When this short ceremony is ended, they go to bed like an honest
couple.

Formerly, this was an universal custom among the native Americans ; but this,
like every other usage of theirs, is wearing out apace. The West Floridans, in
order to keep their women subject to the law of adultery, bring some venison or
buffalo's flesh to the house of their nominal wives, at the end of every winter's
hunt : that is reckoned a sufficient annual tye of their fonner marriages,
although the husbands do not cohabit with them. The Muskolige men, if newly
married, are obliged by ancient custom, to get their own relations to hoe out
the cornfields of each of their wives, that their marriages may be conflrmetl,
and tlie more jealous repeat the custom every year to make their wives subject
to the laws against adultery. But the Indians in general reckon that before
the bridegroom can presume to any legal power over the bride, he is, after the
former ceremonies, or others something similar, obliged to go into the woods to
kill a deer, bring home the carcass of venison, and lay it down at her house
wrapt up in its skin, and if she opens the pack, carries it into the house, and
then dresses and gives him some of it to eat with cakes before witnesses, she
becomes his lawful wife, and obnoxious to all the penalties of an adul-
teress. . . .

When the Indians would express a proper marriage, they have a word adapted
according to their various dialects, to give them a suitable idea of it ; but when
they are speaking of their sensual marriage bargains, they always term it
"buying a woman"; for example, they say with regard to the former, Che-
Aivalas, "I shall marry you," . . . Che-Awala Aica. " I sliall not marry you."
But the name of their market marriages is OtooJpha.^ [They say] Elio
Achumbdras, S(wokcli('i(i,^ "in the spring I shall buy a woman, if I am alive."
Or Eho Acliunihdra Awa^ "I shall not buy a woman," Saliasa toogat,^ "for in-
deed I am poor." ...

They sometimes marry by deputation or proxy. The intended bridegroom
sends so much in value to the nearest relations of the intended bride, as he
thinks she is worth : if they are accepted, it is a good sign that her relations
approve of the match, but she is not bound by their contract alone: her consent
must likewise be obtained, but persuasions most commonly prevail with them.
However, if the price is reckoned too small, or the goods too few. the law obliges
them to return the whole, either to himself, or some of his nearest kindred. If
they love the goods, as they term it . . . the loving couple may in a sliort
time bed together upon trial, and continue or discontinue their love according
as their fancy directs them. If they like each other, they become an honest
married couple when the nuptial ceremony is performed, as already described.
When one of their chieftains is married, several of his kinsmen help to kill deer
and buffalos, to make a rejoicing marriage feast, to which their relations and
neighbors are invited : there the young warriors sing with their two chief
musicians, who beat on their wet deer skin tied over the mouth of a large clay
pot, and raise their voices, singing Yo Yo, etc. When they are tired with feast-

"° Probably from itola, " to lie down "

^ Oho.vo, " woman " ; atcumpalas, " I buy " ; saoktcaha, " I boo up laud."

- Oboyo atcumpjUa awa.

« Sailbasba, " 1 am poor " ; tuk, sign of recent past time ; at, demonstrative article.

SWAN-TON) MARRIAGE CUSTOMS 227

ing. dancing, auil singing tlie Epitlialamiuni, tliey depart with friendly glad
hearts, from tlie house of praise.*

The following account was obtained by Warren in the year 1881
from Cyrus Harris, at one time governor of the Chickasaw Nation.

When a man found a girl that suited his fancy, he would send his mother or
sister with perhaps calico enough to make one or more dresses, tied up in a
shawl or liandlcerchief. with instructions to asli the father and mother of the girl
to give their approval of the intention of the sender. If they gave their consent,
the bundle was handed to the girl. If she took the bundle, it was considered
a bargain made. The mother or sister brings back news of her errand.
The man then hunts up his clothes and dresses himself from head to foot, paints
his face with vermilion and other paints, and starts for the residence of his
intended. On reaching the place he is invited to take a seat on a cowhide or
the hide of any " varmint " generally used for seats in those days. After the
general topics of the day are talked over, supper is announced. The visitor
and the intended father-in-law, in the absence of any other visitor, take supi^er,
unaccompanied by the intended wife or her mother. Some time after supper,
a bed commonly occupied by the girl is prepared for their accommodation, the
girl getting in bed first, previous to the man's entering the bedroom. The man
comes in and occupies the front side of the bed. This makes them man and
wife, and at any time, either one of them getting dissatisfied with the other, by
jealousy or otherwise, they separate mutually. This, sir, was ancient marriage
ceremony among the Chickasaws.s

Cushman was personally acquainted with Cyrus Harris and may
have derived part of his information from the same source. As
usual his description is unnecessarily embellished ; it runs as follows :

The ancient manner of Chickasaw courtship was not very taxing upon
the sensitiveness of the bashful, prospective groom ; since, when he wished to
make known to any young lady of his tribe the emotions of his heart in regard
to her, he had but to send a small bundle of clothing carefully tied up in a large
cotton handkerchief (similar in dimensions to a medium-sized table cloth, very
common in those primitive days of ignorant bliss, when fashion and folly were
unknown) by his mother or sister to the girl he desired to make his wife. This
treasure of acknowledged love was immediately taken possession of by the
mother of the wished-for bride and kept for a few days before presenting it to
her daughter ; and when presented, if accepted, it was a bona fide acknowledg-
ment on her part of her willingness to accept him as her husband, of which
confession he was at once duly notified ; if otherwise, the subject was there
and then forever dropped, and the disappointed and disconsolate swain found
consolation in the privilege extended to all such cases, that of presenting an-
other bundle of clothes wrapped in a similar mantle of cotton to some other
forest beauty in which his counti'y so profusely abounded. Best of all, the
swain, whether bold or timid, was always spared that fearful and dreadful
ordeal of soliciting the " yes " of the " old folks," as his mother took that
imperative and obnoxious duty upon herself, and was almost always successful
in the accomplishment of the desired object. The coast being clear of all
breakers, the elated lover painted his face in exact conformity to the latest
and most approved style, donned his best suit, and .sought the home of his

•Adair. Hist. .\m. Inds.. pp. 138-141. ^ pubg. Miss. Hist. Soc, vol. viii, p. 551.

228 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

betrothed with fluttering heart, who, strictly on the looliout, met him a few
rods from tlie door and proudly and heroically escorted him into the house,
where they themselves, in the presence of filcnds and relatives, performed the
marriage ceremony by tlie man presenting the woman with a ham of venison
or a part of some other eatable animal of the chase, she at the same time pre-
senting him with an car of corn or sack of potatoes, all of which betokened the
man should provide the household with meat and the woman with bread. Thus
they were made man and wife and so considered by all.°

Speck says :

There is no regular m.'irriage ceremony recognized by the Chickasaw. When
a man has made a choice of a maiden he tells his best friend about it, who
communicates with her parents. He may choose one or more from the same
family, the family of the girl naming the price, usually in horses. The man,
before he can marry, must be a good hunter and own a log house. A person
may marry in any band but his own, but becomes subject to the regulations of
his wife's clan. He still, however, retains his original clan identity.'

As lias been remarked elsewhere, my own informants stated that
children were betrothed when they were very young. When they
were old enough to marry a day was fixed upon and the relatives of
each of the contracting parties brought the bridegroom or bride as
the case might be to the place agreed to. The pair would shake hands
and afterwards they would live together for a time with the parents
of one or the other before acquiring a house of their own.

DIVISION OF LABOR BETWEEN THE SEXES

Romans has the following passages bearing on this subject :

The vanity of being accounted great hunters and warriors has the better of
every consideration, and rather than condescend to cultivate tlie earth I which
they think beneath them) they sit and toy with their women; or if they send
them to labour, they play on an awkward kind of flute made of a cane,
lolling thus their time away with great indifference, which obliges them yearly
to apply for corn and pulse to the Choctaws.'

These [women] labour vastly hard, either in the field for cultivation of corn,
or fetching nuts, firewood and water, which tliey chiefly carry on their backs ;
the two first articles generally two or three miles, and the last often a mile.
Their burthens would amaze a stranger, being rather fit for asses than women
to carry."

But as Romans entertained no love for this particular tribe, it is
probable that he has not presented their usages in the most favorable
light. While there is evidence that the constant warfare of the
Chickasaw reacted unfavorably on the social position of women, it
probably differed little from their position among the Creeks, where
the cultivation of the town fields was a male as well as a female obli-

" Cushnian, Hist. Choc. Chick., and Natchez, p. 498.
■^ Speck in Jour. Am. Folk-Ijore,. vol. xx, p. D7.
' Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 62.
"Ibid., p. 64.

S WANTON]

BURIAL CUSTOMS 229

gation. The men also seem to have had most to do with house build-
ing and the making of implements for war, the chase, and games,
and practicality entire charge of hunting, war, and the ball game.
Women again had a relatively small part in ceremonies. In the busk
described by Adair only four old women had parts of consequence,
and, indeed, Adair says that in their own town houses the women
were separated from the warriors, and were merely allowed to sit at
each side of the entrance " as if they were only casual spectators." ^*

BURIAL CUSTOMS

After stating that the bones of those who had died at a distance
from home were gathered and brought back and that in burying
they separated them carefully from the remains of other people —
by which he probably means not only other tribes but other clans of
the same tribe — Adair continues to enlarge on this subject as follows:

When any of them die at a distance, if the company be not driven and pur-
sued by the enemy they place the corpse on a scaffold, covered with notched
logs to secure it from being torn by wild beasts or fowl of prey ; when they
imagine the flesh is consumed and the bones are thoroughly dried they return
to the place, bring them home, and inter them in a very solemn manner. They
will not associate with us when we are burying any of our people who die in
their laud, and they are unwilling we should join them while they are per-
forming this kindred duty to theirs. Upon which account, though I have lived
among them in the raging time of the smallpox, even of the confluent sort, I
never saw but one buried, who was a great favorite of the English, and chief-
tain of Ooeaaa as formerly described.

The Indians use the same ceremonies to the bones of their dead as if they
were covered with their former skin, flesh, and ligaments. It is but a few days
since I saw some return with the bones of nine of their people who had been
two months before killed by the enemy. They were tied in white deer skins,
separately, and when carried by the door of one of the houses of their family
they were laid down opposite to it till the female relations convened, with
flowing hair, and wept over them about half an hour. Then they carried them
home to their friendly magazines of mortality, wept over them again, and then
buried them with the usual solemnities, putting their valuable effects and, as
I am informed, other convenient things in along with them, to be of service to
them in the nest state. The chieftain carried 12 short sticks tied together in
the form of a quadrangle, so that each square consisted of 3. The sticks were
only peeled, without any paintings, but there were swans' feathers tied to each
corner, and they called that frame Tereekpe toheli,^ " a white circle," and
placed it over the door, while the women were weeping over the bones. . . . "*

When a warrior dies a natural death (which seldom happens) the war drums,
musical instruments, and all other kinds of diversion, are laid aside for the
space of three days and nights."" . . . (And whether the deceased is a warrior
or not] they wash aind anoint the corpse, and soon bring it out of doors for

""Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 121.

"Byington give.s tilikpi as an ancient word meaning "shield" and distinct from the
word circle. TohH is " white."
"•.Vdair, op. cit., p. 180.
■"■Ibid., p. 18.

230 BELIEFS AND USAGES OP CHICKASAW [eth. ANN. 44

fear of pollution; tlion thoy place it opposite to the floor, on the skins of wild
beasts, in a sitting posture, as looking into the door of the winter house, west-
ward, sufficiently supported with all his movable goods ; after a short eulogium,
and space of mourning, they carry him three times around the house in which
he is to be interred, stopping half a minute each time, at the place where they
began the circle, while the religious man of the deceased person's family, who
goes before the hearse, says each time. Yah, short with a bass voice, and then
invokes in a tenor key, Yo, which at the same time is likewise sung by all the
procession, as long as one breath allows. Again, he strikes up, on a sharp
treble key, the foemiuine note. He, which in like manner, is taken up and con-
tinued by the rest : then all of them suddenly strike off the solemn chorus and
sacred invocation by saying in a low key, Wdh. . . . This Is the method in
which they performed the funeral rites of the chieftain before referred to ;
during which time, a great many of the traders were present, as our company
was agreeable at the interment of our declared patron and friend. . . .

When they celebrated these funeral rites of the above chieftain they laid the
corpse in his tomb, in a sitting posture, with his face towards the east," his
head anointed with bear's oil, and his face painted red, but not streaked with
black, because that is a constant emblem of war and death ; he was drest in
his finest apparel, having his gun and pouch, and trasty hiccoi-y bow, with a
.voung panther's skin, full of arrow.s, alongside of him, and every other useful
thing he had been jiossessed of — that when he rises again they may serve him
in that tract of laud which pleased him best before he went to take his long
sleep. His tomb was firm and clean inside. They covered it with thick logs,
so as to bear several tiers of cypress bark, and such a quantity of clay as would
confine the putrid smell and be on a level with the rest of the floor. They often
sleep over those tombs ; which, with the loud wailing of the women at the dusk
of the evening, and dawn of the day, on benches close by the tombs, must awake
the memory of their relations very often : and if they were killed by an enemy,
it helps to irritate and set on such revengeful tempers to retaliate blood for
blood. . . .

These rude Americans . . . imagine if any of us were buried in the domestic
tombs of their kindred, without being adopted, it would be very criminal in
them to allow it ; and that our spirits would haunt the eaves of the houses at
night and cause several misfortunes to their family. . . .

To pei-petuate the memory of any remarkable warriors killed in the woods, I
must here observe that every Indian traveler as he passes that way throws a
stone on the place, according as he likes or dislikes the occasion, or manner of
the death of the deceased.

In the woods we often see innumerable heaps of small stones in those places,
where, according to tradition, some of their distinguished people were either
killed or buried, till the bones could he gathered ; there they add Pelion to
Ossa, still increasing each heap, as a lasting monument, and honor to them,
and an incentive to great actions. . . .

The Indians place those heaps of stones where there are no dividinss of the
roads, nor the least trace of any road. And they then observe lio kind of
religious ceremony, but raise those heaps merely to do honor to their dead, and
incite the living to the pursuit of virtue. . . .'■"

To prevent pollution, when the sick person is past hope of recovery, they
dig a grave, prepare the tomb, anoint his hair, and paint his face ; and when

1= In later times, when the body was buried at full length on the back, the head was
consequently toward tlio west. This seems to have been the custom of most of the
Southeastern Indians in later times.

1" Adair, op. eit., pp. 1S1-1S5.

s WANTON] BXJBIAL CUSTOMS 231

his breath ceases they hasten the remaining funeral preparations, and soon
bury the corpse. One of a different family will never, or very rarely, pollute
himself for a stranger ; though, when living, he would cheerfully hazard his
life for his .safety : the relations, who become unclean b.v perf<irniing the funeral
duties, must live apart from the clean for several days, and be cleansed by
some of their religious order, who chiefl.v apply the button snakeroot for their
purification, as formerly described, when they purify themselves by ablution.
After three days the funeral assistants may convene at the tbwnhouse and fol-
low their usual diversions. But the relations live recluse for a long time
mourning tlie dead. . . . "^^

The modern Indians bury all their removable riches, according to the custom
of the ancient Peruvians and Mexicans, in so much that the grave is heir
of all. . . .

Notwithstauding . . . they never give them the least disturbance ; even a
blood-thirsty enem.v will not despoil nor disturb the dead. The graves prove
an asylum and a sure place of rest to the sleeping person, till, at some time,
according to their opinion, he rises again to inherit his favorite place — unless
the covetous or curious hand of some foreigner should break through his sacred
bounds."^

Adair cites an instance of reform, however, in the case of Malahche,
chief of Coweta, and a long-standin<; friend of the whites, who left
all of his 25roperty to his relations instead of allowing it to be buried
with his corpse.^*

In another place Adair says that — "When any of their relations
die, they immediately fire off several guns, by one, two, and three at
a time, for fear of being plagued with the last troublesome neighbors
[the souls of the departed] ; all the adjacent towns also on the oc-
casion whoop and halloo at night; for they reckon this offensive
noise sends off the ghosts to their proper fixed place till they return
at some certain time to repossess their beloved tract of land and
enjoy their terrestrial paradise." ^^

In still another place he notes that when a person had died the
father or a brother of the deceased took a live firebrand, brandished
it two or three times about his head with lamenting words, dipped it
into the water with his right hand, and let it sink down.^"

Besides the above we have items of information on this subject
from several other sources. Romans says :

They bury their dead almost the moment the breath is out of the body in the
very spot under the couch on which l^e deceased died, and the nearest relations
mourn over it. but the men do it in silence, taking great care not to be seen
any more than heard at this business ; the mourning continues about a year,
which they know by counting the moons : they are every morning and evening,
at first throughout the day at different times, employed in the exercise of this
last duty."

"" Adair, Hist Am. Inds., pp. 125-12G. »= Ibid., p. 36.

" Ibid., p. 178. " Ibid., p. 40.i.

"Ibid., p. 178. "Homans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla.. p. 71.

232 BELIEFS AND USAGES OP CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 4i

The following is from Cushman :

The ancient Chic-kasaws. unlike the Choctaws, buried their dead soon after
life became extinct: placing in the grave with the corpse, if a man, his clothes,
war, and hunting iniph'uients, pipe and toliacco. and a few provisions ; if a
woman or cliild, the clothes and other little articles the deceased may have
prized in life and a few provisions. A Chickasaw widow mourned 12 full moons
for her deceased husband, while the other relatives i)rolonged their mourning
only three, at the close of which a special cry was appointed at night, which was
kept up until the break of day ; then the end of the hair of the mourners was
cliiiped and a string handed to them, with which they tied up their hair, which
had been permitted to hang loose over their shoulders from the death of their
kindred to the end of the three moons, the appointed time for mourning.

Suicide was sometimes committed by the ancient Chickasaws, but very seldom.
When it was it was invariably done with their favorite instrument of death,
the rifle.*'

The ancient Chickasaws, like the Choctaws, had their specified cries over the
graves of their dead. At the day appointed, the relatives, friends, and neighbors
assembled and one little group after another took their seats on the ground in
a circle around the grave, then drew their shawls and blankets over their heads
and commenced their doleful lamentatiims. which must be seen and heard to
form any just idea of the scene. The " cry " continued for several days and
nights, then terminated with a feast ; after which tlie name of the deceased was
pronounced no more. The dead are with the past ; for them how fruitless our
despair, was their final and just conclusion.'"

While Cushman says nothing about burials in the house, Romans's
statement to that effect is confirmed by the personal experience of
Hodgson, which he narrates as follows:

I was told that they bury their dead in their houses. While getting a cup of
coffee at Amubee's, a full-blooded Chickasaw, a little negro girl, the only person
about the house who could speak English, said, "Master's wife. is lying behind
you." On looking round I saw nothing but a bed ; when the little girl told me
to look under it. When she observed that I was disappointed on perceiving
nothing, she said : " Mistress is buried there ; but don't speak loud, or master will
ciy." ="

To this may be added the experience of another traveler. One
day in the year 1834, while journeying through the Chickasaw Nation
Edwin G. Thomas heard a wailing noise about sundown in a south-
easterly direction. " None of the crowd [who accompanied himj
knew what it was, but a negro told us it was the Indians mourning
for their dead. Tlie Indians algo came in [to] the house and
mourned. We were told that they were buried in the house." -^

The memory of this form of burial was preserved down to modern
times. Doctor Speck was told by his informants that —

At the death of a member of the tribe all personal belongings were burled
with the body beneath the floor of the house, the family continuing to live there.

" Cushman, Hist. Choc, Chick., and Natchez Inds., pp. 496-407.
•»Ibid., p. 502.

=° Hodgson, Jour, through N. A., p. 284.

" Narrative of Edwin C!. Thomas, May 10. ISSO, as quoted by Harry Warren in Tuhls.
Miss. Hist. Soc, vol. VIII, p. 552.

swi.NTON] BURIAL CUSTOMS 233

Husband and wife were interred together, A chief was honored at death by a
salute of guns, and a horse, saddU><l and l>ridled, was shot above his grave.
The women of the village ennie to the bereaved household, stopping before it to
cry for about half an hour before they ofCered any words of consolation or
praise of the deceased. Relatives visit the graves every day to cry for an
hour or so. Lug structures are erected over the spot in most cases, at the
present day, since burial beneath the floor has been discontinued.^

Schoolcraft's Chickasaw informants said only:

When one of the Chickasaw dies tliey put the finest clothing they have on him ;
also all their jewelry, beads, etc. : this, they say, is to make a good appearance
so soon as they die. The sick are frequently dressed before they die.'''

Like the writers who have been quoted, I learned that the body of
a dead person was formerly buried inside of the house in which his
family lived. The head was always placed toward the west, for
otherwise it was thoiiizht the soul would lose its way. If one died
during the night, a gmi was discharged four times as a signal to the
relatives, all of whom would then as.semble to attend to the interment.
The fire was also extinguished, all the ashes removed from the house,
and a new fire .started.-*

After the loss of husband or wife the survivor wept over the grave
morning and evening for a month, just before sunup and sundown.
A widow stayed in a part of the house separated from the rest for
a month, was waited upon by others, allowed her hair to go un-
combed, and ate no food containing salt. They also cut off a little of
her hair in front. At the end of that time her relatives combed her
hair and dressed her up and she was allowed to go about as before.
A widower was treated in the same way, except that he wore a belt
of a peculiar pattern jjlaited out of a kind of wool; they also cut his
hair a little in front.

According to one informant a widow had to eat apart fi'om the
rest of the family for an entire month, but a widower only until
the moon changed, and meanwhile either had to abstain from food
containing salt. A widow had to remain single for from two to three
years while a widower could remarry as soon as he desired.

On this subject I will again quote from Adair:

All the Indian widows, by an established strict penal law, mourn for the
loss of their deceased husbands; and among some tribes for the space of three
or four years. . . .

The Muskohge widows are obliged to' live a chaste, single life for the tedious
space of four years ; and the Chikkasah women for the term of three, at the

— SpecJc in .lour. .\m. Folk-Lore. vol. XX, pp. 57-58.

^Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, i, p. .310.

" But without any death having taken place, it was customary to put out the Are and
start a new one every four days. The base stick employed in Are making was taken
from a large vine found hanging to trees and called cohlio'lp ; the other was of a soft
white wood called loktobaape', perhaps what Is called " matchwood " by the whites. A
kind of tree fungus was used as punk. They also made Are by means of a flint and a
piece of iron called kasaltci, articles always carried in their bags.

55231°— 28 16

234 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. Ann. 44

risque of the law of adultery being executed against the recusants. Every
evening, and at the very dawn of day, for the lirst year of lier widowhood,
she is obliged, througli the fear of shame, to lament her loss in very intense
audible strains. . . .

Their law compels the widow, through the long term of her weeds, to refrain
all public company and diversions at the iK'nalty of an adulteress ; and like-
wise to go with flowing hair, without the privilege of oil to anoint it. The
nearest kinsmen of the deceased husband keep a very watchful eye over her
conduct in this resiiect. The place of interment is also calculated to wake
the widow's grief, for he is intombed in the house under her bed. And, if he
was a war leader, she is obliged for the first moon to sit in the day-time under
his mourning war-pole,^' which is decked with all his martial trophies, and
must be heard to cry with bewailing notes. But none of them are fond of
that month's supposed religious duty ; it chills or sweats and wastes them so
exceedingly, for they are allowed no shade or shelter. This sharp, rigid custom
excites the women to honour the marriage-state, and keeps them obliging to
their husbands by anticipating the visible, sharp difficulties which they mijst
undergo for so great a loss. The three or four years monastic life which she
lives after his death makes it her interest to strive by every means to keep
In his lamp of life, be it ever so dull and worthless ; if she is able to shed
tears on such an occasion, they often proceed from self-love. We can generally
distinguish between the widow's natural mourning voice and her tuneful,
laboured strain. She doth not so much bewail his death as her own recluse
life and hateful state of celibacy, which to many of them is as uneligible as
it was to the Hebrew ladies. . . .

The Choktah Indians hire mourners to magnif.v the merit and loss of their
dead, and if their tears can not be seen to flow their shrill voices will be
heard to ci"y, which answers the solemn chorus a great deal better. However,
they are no way churlish of their tears, for I have seen them on the occasion
pour them out like fountains of water; but after having thus tired themselves,
they might with equal propriety have asked bystanders in the matter of the
native Irish, Ara ci fuar bass — "And who is dead?"

They formerly dressed their head with black moss on those solemn occasieais,
and the ground adjacent to the iilace of interment they now beat with laurel
bushes, the women having their hair disheveled. . . .

The [Chickasaw] Indian women mourn three moons for the death of any
female of their own family or tribe. During that time the.y are not to anoint
or tie up their hair; neither is the husband of the deceased allowed, when the
offices of nature do not call him, to go out of the house, much less to join any
company ; and in that time of mourning he often lies among the ashes. The
time being expired, the female mourners meet in the evening of the beginning
of the fourth moon, at the house where their female relation is intombed, and
stay there till mornin.g, when the nearest surviving old kinswoman crops their
forelocks pretty short. This they call Elu'i Intiimhih."' " the women have
mourned the appointed time." . . . When they have eaten and drank
together, they return home by sunrise, and thus finish their solemn Yah-ah.

Although a widow is bound, by a strict penal law, to mourn the death of her
husband for the space of three or four years ; yet, if she be known to lament

^ The war-pole is a small peeled tree painted red, the top and boughs cut otf short ; it
is fixt in the ground opposite to his door, and all his implements of war are hung on the
short bough.'; of it till they rot. — Adair.

The use of this waa'-pole was not shared hy the Indians of the Creek confederacy,
'" Eho — olwyo, "woman"; intaniiah, probably from tani, "to rise up from a prostrate
position."

SWANTOXl

WAR CUSTOMS 235

her loss with a sincere heart, for the space of a year, and her circumstances
of living are so strait as to need a change of her station — and the elder brother
of her deceased husband lies with her — she is thereby exempted from the law
of mourning, has a liberty to tie up her hair, anoint and paint herself. . . .
The warm-constitutioned young widows keep their eye so intent on this mild
beneficent law, that they frequently treat their elder brother-in-law with
spirituous liquors till they intoxicate them, and thereby decoy them to make
free, and so put themselves out of the reach of the mortifying law. If they
are disappointed, as it sometimes happens, they fall on the men, calling tliem
Eoohulc Wfffc.se, or SkfmbtUe. Hass^ kroopha, " Eunuchus praeputio detecto, et
pene brevi " ; the most degrading of epithets."

WAR CUSTOMS

The best account of war customs amonoj the southeastern Indians
is that of Adair, which is reprinted in the Forty-second Annual Re-
port of this Bureau. ""^ It is so extensive that I will not repeat it here
in its entirety but give only Adair's description of the ceremonies
actually witnessed by him after the return of a Chickasaw war party
from the Illinois territory.

In the year 1765, when the Chikkasah returned with two French scalps, from
the Illinois (while the British troops were on the Mississippi, about 170 leagues
below the Illinois), as my trading house was near the Chikkasah leader, I had
a good opportunity of observing his conduct, as far as it was exposed to public
view.

Within a day's march of home, he sent a runner ahead with the glad tidings —
and to order his dark winter house to be swept out very clean, for fear of
pollution. By ancient custom, when the outstanding party set off for war,
the women are so afraid of the power of their holy things, and of prophaning
them, that they sweep the house and earth quite clean, i^lace the sweepings
in a heap behind the door, leaving it there undisturbed till Opde, who carries
the ark, orders them by a faithful messenger to remove it. He likewise orders
them to carry out every utensil which the women had used during his absence
for fear of incurring evil by pollution. The party appeared next day painted
red and black, their heads covered all over with swan-down, and a tuft of long
white feathers flxt to the crown of their heads. Thus they approached, carry-
ing each of the scalps on a branch of the ever-green pine, singing the awful
death song, with a solemn striking air. and sometimes Yo He Wah : now and
then sounding the shrill death Wli/io Whoop Whoop. When they arrived, the
leader went ahead of his company, round his winter hothouse contrary to the
course of the sun, singing the monosyllable Yo, for about the space of five
seconds on a tenor key ; again. He He short, on a bass key ; then Wah Wah,
three times, gutturally on the treble, very shrill, but not 'so short as the bass
note. In this manner they repeated those sacred '" notes, Yo, He He, Wah Wah,
three times, while they were finishing the circle, . . .

The leader's Betisnu, or " waiter." placed a couple of new blocks of wood
near the war pole, opposite to the door of the circular hothouse in the middle of

=" Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 186-190.

-'"' Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amor. Rtlin.. pp. 407—424.

=8 Ad.nir calls tliem " sacred " liocause lie believed the Indian.s to be descended from the
Hebrews and these meaningless syllables to be an attempt at the name Jehovah.

236 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. Ann. 44

which tlie fireplace stood, and on these blocks he rested the supposed sacred
ark, so that it and tlie holy fire faced each other. The party were silent a
considerable time. At length the chieftain bade them sit down, and then
enquired whether his house was prepared for the solemn occasion, according
to his order the day before; being answered in the affirmative, they soon rose
up. sounded the death whoop, and walked roimd the war pole, during which they
invoked and sung three times Yo, He, He, Wah, Wah, in the manner already
described. Then they went with their holy things in regular order into the
hothouse, wliere tliey continued, exclusive of the first bmken day, three days
and niglits apart from the rest of the people, purifying themselves with warm
lotions and aspersions of the emblematical button-snakeroot, without any other
subsistence between the rising and the setting of the sun.

During the other part of the time the female relations of each of the company,
after having bathed, anointed, and dressed themselves in their finest, stood
in two rows, one on each side of the door, facing eacli other, from the evening
till the morning, singing Ha Ha, Ha He, with a soft shrill voice and a solemn
moving air for more than a minute, and then paused about ten minutes, liefore
they renewed their triumphal song. While they sung they gave their legs a
small motion by the strong working of their muscles, without seeming to bend
tlieir joints. When they had no occasion to retire, they have stood erect in the
same place, a long, frosty night, and except when singing observed a most pro-
found silence the whole time. During that period they have no Intercourse
with tlieir husbands, and they avoid several other supposed pollutions, as not to
eat or touch salt, and the like.

The leader, once in two or three hours, came out at the head of his com-
pany and, raising the death whoop, made one circle round the red-painted war
pole, holding up in their right hands the small boughs of pine with the scalps
fixed to them, singing as above, waving them to and fro, and then returned
again. This religious order they strictly observed the whole time they were
purifying themselves, and singing the song of safety and victory to the goodness
and power of the divine essence. When the time of their purification and
thanksgiving expired, tlie men and women went and bathed tliemselves, re-
turned in the same manner, and anointed again, according to their usual custom.

They joined soon after in a solemn procession, to fix the scalps on the tops
of the liouses of their relations who had been killed without revenge of blood.
The war chieftain went first — his religious attendant followed him ; the war-
riors next, according to their rising merit : and the songstresses brought up the
rear. In this order they went round tlie leader's winter house from tlie east to
the north, tlie men striking up tlie death whoop and singing the death song :
and then To, He He, Wah Wah, as described, the women also warbling Ha Ha,
Ha He, so that one might have said, according to the sacred text, " great was
the company of the women, who sung the song of triumph." '" Then they fixed
on the top of the house a twig of the pine they had brought with them, with
a small piece of one of the scalps fastened to it, and this order the.y observed
from house to house,'till in their opinion they had appeased the ghosts of their
dead. They went and bathed again, and thus ended their purification and
triumphal solemnit.v — only the leader and his religious waiter kept aijart three
days longer, purifying themselves. I afterward asked the reason of this;
they replied they were IshtuhooUo.^

^ Last year I heard the Choktah women, in those towns which lie next to New Orleans,
sing a regular anthem and dirge. In the dusk of the evenings, while their kinsmen were
gone to war against the Muskohge. — Note by Adair.

™ Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 164-167.

SWANTOK]

WAR CUSTOMS 237

In other words, these men were temporarily of the same dass as the
priests, of whom he saj's elsewhere :

The Indian Jshtohoollo "holy men" [ishto, "great'" holo, "holy"] are by
their function absolutely forbidden to slay, notwithstanding thi'ir propensity
thereto even for small injuries. They will not allow the gl-eatest warrior to
officiate when the yearly grand sacrifice of expiation is ofEered up, or on
any other religious occasion, except the leader. All must be performed by their
beloved men who are clean of every stain of blood and have their foreheads
circled with streaks of white clay."

The following information maj' be added. Says Romans :

In their war parties they have generally one who has done most mischief to
the enemy for their leader ; but he is so far from having a command that an
attempt to do more than proposing whether such or such an undertaking would
not be most advisable, or at most persuading them to it, would at least be
followed by a total desertion.

They are very ceremonious in their preparations for war, and their fondness
for witchcraft makes them look for omens of futurity.

They and all other savages have the greatest share of patience imaginable ;
when a scalp or prisoner is in question they will travel hundreds of miles in
the deserts with amazing precaution, enduring hunger, and often thirst, at a
great rate ; nay, if their provisions fail before they strike the blow, they have
been known to return to hunt for more in some safe place, and, without going
home, to make a second or third attempt

They make war by stratagem, surprise, or ambush, despising us as fools for
exposing ourselves to be shot at like marks. A man's valour with them con-
sists in their cunning, and he is deemed the greatest hero who employs most
art in surprising his enemy : they never strike a blow unless they think them-
selves sure of a retreat, and the loss of many men is an infamous crime laid
to the charge of the party.'^

Cushman's account runs thus:

When preparing for war the Chickasaws, like their entire race, of whom I have
read or personally known, painted tlieir faces in such a manner (known only
to the North American Indians) as to give the face an expression of fierceness
tliat must be seen to be justly comprehended. A few days before going upon
the warpath a day was soleninly appointed for a great feast, consisting of all
the varieties of food that could be obtained ; but every night previous to the
day of the feast those contemplating going upon the warpath engaged in the
war dance during the greater part of the nights, dressed in all tlie parapher-
nalia of Indian warfare. The warriors also came to the prepared feast fully
equipfjed with every necessary apiiertaining to the warpath, but with no super-
fluous articles whatever that might have a tendency to impede their actions.
Before they partook of the waiting repast some celebrated old chief or noted
old warrior, with the war pipe in his hand, who from the decrepitude of age
had been placed upon the " retired list " among the seers and prophets of the
nation, delivered a speech to the war-going comjiany, in which he rehearsed his
own exploits, not in the spirit of self-adulation but as an honest exhortation
to them to emulate his deeds of heroic valor ; then encouraged them to go in
trusting confidence ; to be great in manly courage and strong in heart : to be

^'.\dair, Hi.st. Am. Inds.. p. 152. ^ Romans. Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 70.

238 BELIEFS AND trSAGES OF CHICKASAW [bth. ann. 44

watchful, keen in sight, and fleet in foot ; to be attentive in ear and unfailing
in endurance ; to be cunning as the fox, sleepless as the wolf, and agile as the
panther ; not to be eager beyond prudence ; and when wisdom so dictates to
flee as the swift antelope, as your lives are of great worth to your nation, and
even one life necessarily or unnecessarily sacritieed will bring sorrow to the
hearts of your people. But to (he appreciation of which no outward manifesta-
tion whatever was made, as an Indian warrior is ever silent upon any and all
emotions of his heart, yet the aged orator plainly read its significance in each
silent and attentive face and was satisfied. Then he filled the war pipe with
prepared sumac leaves and tobacco, lighted it, drew a few whiffs, then passed
it to the \\ar chief, the leader of the forthgoing war party, who also drew a
few puffs, and from him it went the rounds of the entire party, each in pro-
found silence drawing a whiff or two and then passing it to the next in turn.
After this impressive ceremony they turned to the prepared feast and did ample
justice thereto, after which the " war post," painted red, was set up, at which
the chief of the war party rushed and struck v?ith his tomahawk with all his
strength, as if one of the enemy. Then followed his warriors in regular order,
each doing the same.

Then followed again tlie war dance, (he finale of the war ceremonies, which
continued two or three consecutive nights, during the intervening days of which
their relatives and friends observed a strict fast and engaged in solemn and
supplicating pra.ver to the Great Spirit for their success against their enemies
and their safe return."''

At night, whether on a war expedition or traveling for any other
purpose, they guided themselves by means of " the seven stars " (the
Great Dipper). I was told by an old woman who had seen the war
dances of both the Chickasaw and Choctaw at the time of the Civil
War that they were entirely different from each other and that the
songs differed also.

Adair gives two accounts of ceremonies gone through in reestab-
lishing peace. The first is as follows :

When two nations of Indians are making or renewing peace with each other,
the ceremonies and solemnities they use, carry the face of great antiquity, and
are very striking to a curious si)ectator, which I shall here relate, so far as it
suits the present subject. When strangers of note arrive near the place where
they design to contract new friendship or confirm their old amity, they send a
messenger ahead to inform the people of their amicable intention. He carries
a swan's wing in his hand, painted all over with streaks of white clay, as an
expressive emblem of their eniliassy. The next day, when they have made their
friendly parade, with firing off their guns and whooping, and have entered the
beloved .■square, their chieftain, who is ahead of the rest, is met by one of the
old beloved men, or magi, of the place. He and the visitant approach one
another, in a bowing posture. The former says, Yd, i»h la chu Anggdnna? "* . . .
The other replies. Yah — Arahre-0, Angoiina."^ The magus then grasps the stranger
with both hands, around the wrist of his right hand, whicli holds some green
branches — again, about the elbow — then around the arm, close to his shoulder,
as a near api>roach to the heart. Then his immediately waving the eagle tails
over the head of the stranger is the strongest pledge of good faith.'"

s^Cushmau, Hist. Choo., Chick., and Natchez Inds.. pp. 492-493.

^Yo, imp.; isMa, thou hast come; cho, sign of interrogation; Wkunu. my friend.

^Yau, yes; alali. I am come; O. strengthening particle; a"kana. my friend.

=» Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. GO.

S WANTON]

WAR CUSTOMS 239

The later statement runs thus:

I can not, however, conclude this argument without a few remarks concerning
the Indian methods of making peace and of renewing their old friendship. Tliey
first smoke out of the friend pipe and eat together ; then they drink of the
Cussena, using such Invocations as have been mentioned, and proceed to wave
their large fans of eagles' tails, concluding with a dance. The persons visited
appoint half a dozen of their most active and expert young warriors to perform
their religious duty, who have had their own temples adorned with the swan-
feather cap. They paint their bodies with white clay and cover their heads
with swan down ; then approaching the chief representative of the strangers,
who by way of honour and strong assurance of friendship is seated on the
central white or holy seat, "the beloved cabin" (which is about 9 feet long
and 7 feet broad), they wave the eagles' tails backward and forward over his
head.^' Immediately they begin the solemn song with an awful air ; and pres-
ently they dance in a bowing posture ; then they raise themselves so erect that
their faces look partly upwards, waving the eagles' tails with the right hand
toward heaven, sometimes with a slow, at others with a quick motion ; at the
same time they touch their breast with their small calabash and pebbles fas-
tened to a stick about a foot long which they hold in their left hand, keeping
time with the motion of the eagles' tails: during the dance they repeat the
usual divine notes, Yo, etc., and wave the eagles' tails now and then over the
stranger's head, not moving above two yards backward or forward before him.
They are so surprisingly expert in their supposed religious office and observe
time so exactly with their particular gestures and notes that there is not the
least discernible discord. . . .

The Indians can not show greater honor to the greatest potentate on earth
than to place him in the white seat — invoke Yo He Wah while he is drinking the
Cussena and dance before him with the eagles' tails. When two chieftains are
renewing or perpetuating friendship with each other they are treated with the
same ceremonies. And in their circular friendly dances, when they honour
their guests and pledge themselves to keep good faith with them, they some-
times sing their divine notes with a very awful air, pointing their right hand
towai'ds the sky. Some years ago I saw the Koosahte Indians (200 miles up
Mobile River) perform this rite with much solemnity, as if invoking the deity
with their notes and gestures, to enable them to show good will to their
fellow creatures, and to bear witness of their faithful vows and conduct.'*

A peace-making ambassador, besides carrying the swans' wings,
■was provided with eagles' tails, white beads, white pipes, and
tobacco.^" When Adair visited the Choctaw for the purpose of con-
cluding peace with them, they tied strings of beads about his neck,
arms, and legs, and in return he presented to them silver arm plates,
gorgets, wrist plates, earbobs, and so on.^"

" When they are disaffected, or intend to declare war, they wiU not allow any of the
party against whom they have hostile views, to approach the white seat ; as their holy
men, and holy places, are considered firmly bound to keep good faith and give sure
refuge. — .\dair.

» Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 167-169.

" These things are numerated by Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 269-270, and 316,

"Ibid., p. 331.

240 BELIEFS AND USAGES OP CHICKASAW [eth. ann.44

HUNTING

In contradistinction to tlie Choctaw, who were more inclined
toward a<i;ricultnre, the Chickasaw were very fond of liunting. In
this particular they resembled the Creeks, and both tribes had very
wide hunting grounds, those of the Chickasaw extending to the Ten-
nessee River and as far down that stream as its junction with the
Ohio. On the south the Oktibbeha separated their territories from
those of the Choctaw, but Romans states that " these two nations are
by no means jealous of each other in this respect, and hunt in each
others' grounds without let or hindrance from either side." He adds
that " although their country abounds in beaver, they kill none, leav-
ing that to the white men ; they think this kind of hunting beneath
them, saying anybody can kill beaver, but men only deer; this is
exactlj' the reverse of the northern Indians." He then proceeds to
describe the well-known method of stalking deer by the use of a
prepared deer's head.'*^ Unlike most of the Choctaw, this author
reports that they were all good swimmers, "notwithstanding they
live so far from waters, but they learn [ ! ] their children to swim in
clay holes, that are filled in wet seasons by rain." ^-

Romans has the following to say about their skill as trackers :

They are the most expert of any perhaps in America in tracking what they
are in pursuit of, and they will follow their flying enemy on a long gallop over
any kind of ground without mistaking.

Since I am on this subject, I can not forbear taking notice of one thing related
by many writers on America, which is the knowledge the savages have by the
track of what kind of iieople they pursue. This is very true, and this sagacious
particuhir deserved admiration, but the wonder nmst cease when I tell my
reader that I have found in it much of a juggle, for instead of knowing it by
the footsteps (which they laretend to measure very ceremoniously with their
hands) they know it by the strokes of the hatchets in the trees and branches
as they go along, which no two savage nations agree in, be it in the height
from the ground or in the sloi)e of the cut. They can also distinguish the
different ways of making camps and fires : for instance, a Choctaw war camp
is circular, with a fire in the center, and each man has a erutched branch at his
head to hang his powder and shot upon and to set bis gun against, and the feet
of all to the Are ; a Cherokee war camp is a long line of fire, against which they
also lay their feet ; a Choctaw makes his camp in traveling in form of a siigar
loaf; a Chickasaw makes it in form of our arbors; a Creek like to our sheds,
or piazzas, to a timber house. In this manner every nation has some distin-
guishing way."

I was told personally that when a party intended to go hunting
they camped by themselves and took medicine for four days under
the supervision of a doctor, who also went with them. The medicine
■was made by this doctor and after they had taken it. he made them

" Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla„ p, 66.
" Uiid., pp. 64-65.
"Ibid., p. 65.

SWAN-TON] HUNTING 241

jump into the water and throw up all they had swallowed. Ked
willow (hahtok). the miko hoyanidja of the Creeks, was sometimes
used for this purpose. Some Indians carried along a certain root
with which to charm the game. It was used solely by hunters and
bears an Indian name meaning " deer tail." The plant from which
these roots come bears a white flower and grows in the territory of
the old Chickasaw Nation in Oklahoma. The medicine was carried
in a pocket or pouch on the right side, supported by a strap over
the left shoulder.

When they camped they laid their fire logs north and south and
none of them was allowed to sit on the ends of these. Sometimes
hunters took their families along to do the cooking, and in such cases
the man got up long before day, awoke the rest, and would not allow
any of them to lie down again, claiming it would spoil the luck
if they did so. If there was a stump or prostrate log near the fire,
no one could sit upon it. If the hunter were a good one and there
happened to be plenty of game near his camp, he would frequently
go to a distance after large deer, leaving the smaller ones about his
camp to grow up. The large deer were more in demand for the
manufacture of moccasins, leggings, and other articles of clothing.
Trousers made from deer hides would not wear out, but they threw
them away from time to time to replace them with new ones. When
the soles of their moccasins wore out they replaced them with hog
slrin. At an earlier day it may be suspected that bison hide was used
for this purpose. Adair and his contemporaries say practically
nothing about the hunting of bison and the small niunber of refer-
ences to this animal in the Gulf region during this period lends
color to an assertion by Claiborne that they left the country early
in the eighteenth century, owing to an excessive drought. Even in
De Soto's time, however, they do not appear to have been common,
though the explorers obtained a " cow-hide " from some place north
of the Tennessee River and horns, undoubtedly those of bison,
adorned the heads of warriors whom he encountei'ed in the " Prov-
ince of Alibamo," west of the Chickasaw country, while "shields of
raw cow-hide" were found in a town just beyond the Mississippi
River.

The following data regarding bear hunting were written down
for me by Zeno McCurtain from native informants :

Bear hunters would wait until toward the middle of winter before .starting
out. When the bear hide it is usuaUy in some cave, and experienced bear
hunters were needed to find them. Before they set out they took medicines
and fasted four days. Some hunters would also remain away from their wives.
They had to provide themselves with torches, and when they set out they would
seek the highest mountains. After they had found the bear cave, they selected
certain persons to go inside with torches. When these saw the shining eyes of

242 BELIEFS AND USAGES OP CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

the bear they -would kill liiiii. Sometimes the bear would start out toward
them before they were ready to shoot, whereupon they would lie down on their
bellies and let the bear walk over them out of the cave, when the men left there
would dispatch him. If he did not try to go out, those inside killed him and
dragged his body uutside.

GAMES

The men's ball game (toll) was plaj-ed in the same manner as by
the neighboring tribes. It is said that the Choctaw doctor employed
to conjure for a game had a big loggerhead turtle (alligator turtle?)
brought to him and he made a ball out of that. Scratching was not
performed on the Chickasaw and Choctaw players as on the Creeks
but they danced nearlj^ imtil day the night before.

Following is Adair's description of the game as played in his time :

The Indians are much addicted to gaming and will often stake everything
they possess. Ballplaying is their chief and most favourite game and is such
severe exercise as to sliow it was originally calculated for a hardy and expert
race of i>eople like themselves and the ancient Spartans. The ball is made of a
piece of scraped deerskin, moistened and stuffed hard with deer's hair and
strongly sewed with deer's sinews. The ball sticks are about 2 feet long, the
lower end somewhat resembling the palm of a hand, and which are worked with
deerskin thongs. Between these they catch the ball and throw it a great dis-
tance when not prevented by some of the opposite party, who fly to intercept
them. The goal is about 500 yards in length ; at each end of it they fix two long,
bending poles into the groimd 3 yards apart below, but slanting a considerable
way outward. The party that happens to throw the ball over these counts one ;
but if it be thrown underneath, it is cast back and played for as usual. The game-
sters are equal in number on each side, and at the beginning of every course of
the ball they throw it up high in the center of the ground and. in a direct line
between the two goals. When the crowd of players prevents the one whocatched
the ball from throwing it off with a long direction, he commonly sends it .the
right course by an artful sharp twirl. They are so exceedingly expert in this
manly exercise that between the goals the ball is mostly flying the different
ways, by the force of the playing sticks, without falling to the ground, for they
are not allowed to catch it with their hands. It is surprising to see how
swiftly they fly when closely chased by a nimble-footed pursuer; when they are
intercepted by one of the opposite party, his fear of being cut by the ball sticks
commimly gives them an opportunity of throwing it perhaps 100 yards: but
the antagonist sometimes runs up behind and by a sudden stroke dashes down
the ball. It is a very unusual thing to see them act spitefully in any sort of
game, not even in this severe and tempting exercise.

Once, indeed, I saw some break the legs and arms of their opponents by
hurling them down when on a descent and running at full speed. But I after-
wards understood there was a family dispute of long continuance between them :
that might have raised their spleen as much as the high Ijets they had then at
stake, which was almost all they were worth. The Choktah are exceedingly
addicted to gaming, and frequently on the slightest and most hazardous occa-
sions will lay their all and as much as their credit can procure.

By education, precept, and custom, as well as strong example, they have
learned to show an external acquiescence in every thing that befalls them,
either as to life or death. By this means, they reckon it a scandal to the char-

S WANTON] GAMES 243

acter of a steady warrior to let his temper be ruffled by any accidents — tlieir
virtue, tliey say, should prevent it. . . . To move the deity to enable them to
conquer the party they are to play against, they mortify themselves in a sur-
prising manner ; and, except a small intermission, their female relations dance
out of doors all the iireceding night, chanting religious notes with their shrill
voices, to move Yo He Wah ■'■' to be favorable to their kindred party on the
morrow. The men fast and wake from sunset, till the ball play is over the next
day, which is about 1 or 2 o'clock in the afternoon. During the whole night,
they are to forbear sleeping under the penalty of reproaches and shame; which
would sit very sharp upon thorn, if their party chanced to lose the game, as it
would be ascribed to that unmanly and vicious conduct. They turn out to the
ball ground in a long row, painted white, whooping, as if Pluto's prisoners were
all broke loose ; when that enthusiastic emotion is over, the leader of the com-
pany begins a religious invocation by saying Yah, short ; then Yo, long, which
the rest of the train repeat with a short accent and on a low key like the
leader; and thus they proceed with such acclamations and invocations, as have
been already noticed, on other occasions. Each party are desirous to gain the
twentieth ball, which they esteem a favourite divine gift. As it is in the time
of laying by the corn, iu the very heat of summer, they use this severe exercise,
a stranger would wonder to see them hold it so long at full speed, and under
the scorching sun, hungry also, and faint with the excessive use of such sharp
physic as the button snakeroot, the want of natural rest, and of every kind of
nourishment. But their constancy, which they gain by custom, and their love
of virtue, as the sure means of success, enable them to perform all their exer-
cises without failing in the least, be they ever so severe iu the pursuit."

The single-pole game is as old as the time of Adair, but there is no
length}' description of it dating from an early period.*''

Another ancient and popular game, yet one apparentfj' devoid of
the social significance of the two-goal ball game, was known to the
traders as the chunkey game. I again quote from Adair :

The warriors have another favorite game, called Chungkc; which, with pro-
priety of language, may be called " Running hard labor." They have near their
state house a square piece of ground well cleaned, and fine sand is carefully
strewed over it, when requisite, to promote a swifter motion to what they
throw along the surface. Only one or two on a side play at this ancient game.
They have a stone about two fingers broad at the edge and two spans round ;
each party has a pole of about 8 feet long, smooth, and tapering at each end,
the points flat. They set off abreast of each other at 6 yards from the end of
the playground ; then one of them hurls the stone on its edge, in as direct a
line as he can, a considerable distance toward the middle of the other end of the
square: when they have run a few yards each darts his pole anointed with bear's
oil, with a proper force, as near as he can guess in proportion to the motion of
the stone, that the end may lie close to the stone — when this is the case, the
person counts two of the game, and, in proportion to the nearness of the poles
to the mark, one is counted, unless by measuring, both are found to be at an
equal distance from the stone. In this manner, the players will keep running
most part of the day, at half speed, under the violent heat of the sun, staking
their silver ornaments, their nose, finger, and ear rings: their breast, arm, and
wrist plates, and even all their wearing apparel, except that which barely covers

" Adair Is reverting apain to his favorite tlicory that these meaningless syllables had
reference to the Jehovah of the Hebrews.
«=.\dair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 399-401.
«" Ibid., pp. 113-114 ; see also, p. 263 of this article.

244 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

their middle. All the American Indians are much addicted to this game, which
to us appears to be a task of stupid drudgery ; it seems, however, to be of early
origin, when their forefathers used diversions as simple as their manners. The
hurling stones tliey use at present were time immemorial rubbed smooth on
the rocks, and with prodigious labour; they are kept with the strictest religious
care, from one generation to another and are exempted from being l)uried with
the dead. They belong to the town where they are used and are carefully
preserved."

Akabatle was the name of a game in whicli the men and women
opposed each other. There was a goal on each side made of posts
about 3 feet tall and placed 2 feet apart. They used a ball about
the size of a baseball which they propelled along the ground by means
of bent sticks. They played for 12 points and the games continued
four days, after which they had a feast.

Towacto-coli, " carrying the big ball," was like the above, except
that the ball used was larger, something like a football, and no
sticks were used in driving it. The men kicked it and were not
allowed to use their hands, while the women could use both hands
and feet. As in the case of the other game, they played for 12
points, had a feast afterwards, and sometimes followed it with a
dance.. While the game w'as in progress there would be a man out
after venison, which would be cooked for the men while the women
were served another dish. Each, however, shared his or her dish
with members of the opposite sex.

The game' of hiding the bullet was played by men only, and not
very often even by them. A time was set for this in advance, some-
times during the day, but more often at night, and usually in winter.
They built a big fire for the occasion and wagered ' horses, cows,
saddles, guns, money, and all sorts of things. There were two sides
and one from each side played in turn. One of these would take a
bullet and try to hide it so skillfully under one of four socks or
gloves that his opponent could not guess where it was. He passed
his hand under all of them in the process of concealing it. The
socks and gloves were made of wool and woven by themselves. If
the one who was to guess found the bullet wlien he turned a sock
over, he struck his breast with his hand and his side scored four ; if
he found it on the second guess they scored two. If he then failed to
guess the location of the bullet, his opponent concealed it again and
a second man guessed. The one who found the bullet was the one
who hid it next. They decided in advance how many points should
constitute a game and used counters made of slivers of cane about
the size of a match, which passed from side to side as points were
won or lost. If one side won all of the property from the othei-, they
would give the latter a chance to recover it, and in this way they kept
the game going all day and all night.

"Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 401-402.

s WANTON] BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW 245

MEASURES AND INTERCOMMUNICATION

Adair says of the Chickasaw :

They count the day also by the three sensible differences of the sun, like the
Hebrews — sunrise they term Ilassc knotcha mecntc [h;'ici kutca minti], "the
sun's coming out"; noon, or midday, Taliookore [tabokoli] ; and sunset, Hassd
Oobra [had abia], literally, "the sun is dead"; likewi.se, Basse Ookka'tora
[had okatula] ; that is, "the sun is fallen into the water"; the last word Is
compounded of Ookka [okaj, water, and EtOra [itola], to fall; it signifies also
" to swim," as instinct would direct those to do who fell into the water. And
they call dark, OokkUUc [oklili], derived from Ookka [oka], water, and JVeh
[illi], dead;*' which shows their opinions of the sun's disappearance according
to the ancients, wlio said the sun slept every niglit in the western ocean. They
subdivide the day by any of the aforesaid three standards — as halfway between
the sun's coming out of the water, and in like manner by midnight or cock-
crowing, etc."

On the subject of seasons I will quote the following from an earlier
paper :

Adair says that the Indians divided the year into four seasons — spring, sum-
mer, autumn, and winter — and numbered the years by any one of them. He
gives the names of these i>eriods in the Cherokee and Chickasaw languages.
The last are " Otoolpha, Tome paUe, Ashtoramoona, Ashtora." ^° He derives
Otoolpha from ' oolpha, the name of a bud, or to shoot out,' but I am unable to
identify the word in Choctaw unle.ss it is alba, ' vegetation, herbs, plants,
weeds,' and it may be a Chickasaw term. Tome palle signifies ' bright and warm '
or ' warm brightness.' Palle, or palli, is a Chickasaw word, and it would seem
from Byington's dictionary" that it was later used by itself to signify ' summer.'
The next name would be in Choctaw hhctida hiinona or hdotulammoiia, 'the be-
ginning of winter,' and the last hactula. Hactula means ' winter ' in Choctaw as
well as Chickasaw, but autumn is hactulahpi, 'the beginning of winter,' the
significance being about the same. The Choctaw, however, use tofa for sum-
mer and tofahpl for spring.

Adair says of the Indians of his acquaintance : " They pay great regard
to the first appearance of every new moon, and, on the occasion, always rei^eat
some joyful sounds, and stretch out their hands toward her — but at such times
they offer no public sacrifice.^ And in another place he remarks that they
" annually observed their festivals ... at a prefixed time of a certain moon." "

The names of the months were probably nearly identical with
those used by the Choctaw. All that I know regarding the latter
has been given under the head of " hashi " in Byington's "Dictionary
of the Choctaw Language." ^*

In the eigliteentli century tliey figured out mercantile transactions
on the ground, calling this system " yaka-ne Tlapha," °° or " scoring on

" The etymology is probably altogether wrong.

" Adair, Hist. Am. Indg., p. 76.

=»Ibid., p. 74.

" Bun. 4(5, Bur, .\mer. Ethn.

" Adair, op. cit.. p. 76.

" Ibid., pp. 99-100.

"Bull. 46. Bur. Amer. Ethn.. pp. 146-147.

'^ Yalsnl lapa, " ground spread out."

246 r.ET.TEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [bth. ann. 4*

the firound." They made single straight marks for units and crosses
for tens, which Adair believed to have been adopted from the whites,
but this is by no means certain.-"'

As among the Creeks, the number of days which were to elapse
before a ceremonial or other community enterprise was registered by
means of bundles of small sticks, called "the broken days." The
person in charge of this bundle threw away one every morning and
when one was left all knew that the day agreed upon had arrived.
Adair tells us that, instead of bundles of sticks, they sometimes used
sticks with a definite number of notches in each, one of which was
cut out every day. But sometimes, especially when the anticipated
date was indefinite, notches were made daily.^' More interesting, on
account of its resemblance to the famous quipu of Peru, was the
emijloyment of knotted cords. The time of an event w^as sometimes
fixed by tying as many knots as there were days intervening, one to
be imtied for eacli period of daylight. Or days might be marked
by tying in knots. The important point for us, however, is con-
tained in the following statement of Adair : " They count certain
very remarkable things, by knots of various colours and malie. after
the manner of the South American Aborigines." ^* According to
Milfort, the Creeks had similar records composed of strings of
beads. '^^

The following from Adair contains nearly all that w-e know of a
shell currency :

Before we supplier! tbem with our European beads they had great qiiantities
(if wampum (the Bucciuum of the ancients) made out of conch-shell, by
rubbing them on hard stones, and so they form them according to their liking.
With these they bought and sold at a stated current rate, without the least
variation for circumstances either of time or place ; and now they will hear
nothing patiently of loss or gain, or allow us to heighten the price of our goods,
be our reasons ever so strong, or though the exigencies and changes of time
may require it. Formerly four deerskins was the price of a large coneh-shell
bead, about the length and thickness of a man's forefinger, which they fixed to
the crown of their head as an ornament — so greatly they valued them."

There is reason to believe that, although it had an aboriginal base,
the use of shell money was much stimulated by white contact.

Communication between tribes or bands was maintained by means
of runners, smoke signals, and by variously intoned whoops, such as
the death whoop, the whoop of the successful warrior wlien he
arrived within hearing of the village, the whoop of friendship, the
whoop of defiance, and the news whoop. "^ Judging by tiie following

™.\(iair. Hist. Am. Inds., p. 77.

" Ibid., p. 75.

=*Ibid., p. 75.

^ MUfort. Memoiie, pp. 47-4S.

"» Adair, op. cit.. p. 170. Cf. also Lawson, Hist. Car., pp. 31.''>-317.

■"Adair, op. cit.. pp. 105, 166, 234. 273. 276. 277. 301. 318, 323, 326.

SWAN-TON] RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN GENERAL 247

quotation from Adair there must liave been some sort of sign lan-
guage :

The present Amerioan alinrigines seem to be as skilful pantdininii as ever
were those of ancient Gree^> or Rome or the modern Turkish mutes, who
describe the meanest things siioken by gesture, action, and the passions of the
face. Two far-distant Indian nations, who iniderstand not a word of each
other's language, will intelliijlily converse together and contract engagements
without an interpreter in such a suri)rising manner as is scarcely credible."'

lie has the following on travel :

When the Indians are traveling in their own country they inquire for a house
of their own tribe [i. e., clan] : and if there be any, they go to it, and are
kindly received, though tliey never saw the persons before — they eat, drink, and
regale themselves with as much freedom as at tlieir own tables, which is the
solid ground covered with a bearskin. It is their usual custom to carry nothing
along with them in their journies but a looking-glass and red paint hung to
their back — their gun and shot pouch — or bow and quiver full of barlied arrows ;
and frequently botli gun and bow : for, as they are generally in a state of war
against each other, they are obliged as soon as able to carry tho.se arms of de-
fence. Every town has a state-house. or synedrion, as the Jewish sanliedriu
[i.e., the tcokofa] where almost every night the headmen convene about public
business or the town's-people to feast, sing, dance, and rejoice, ... as will fuU.v
be described hereafter. And if a stranger calls there, he is treated with the great-
est civility and hearty kindness — he is sure to find plenty of their simple home
fare and a large cane-bed covered with the softened skins of bears or buffaloes
to sleep on. But when his lineage is known to the people (by a stated custom
they are slow in greeting one another), his relation, if he has any there, ad-
dresses him in a familiar way, invites him home, and treats him as his
kinsman.""

The usual Chickasaw form of salutation when one person came to
visit another was as follows: The hou.sehokler would say Ida too?
("Are you come?") and the guest would reply Alali-o ("I am
come.").""

RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IX GENERAL

The Chickasaw have not even the tradition of a time when they
were without belief in one supi'eme being whom they call Ababinili,
" Sitting-above," or " Dwelling-above," a being who " guided them
and told them what to do." He is now spoken of at times as Aba-
inki. " Father-above," evidently under Christian influence, and under
the same influence human beings came to be named aba hatak,
" Men-f rom-above."

In spite of the Christian accretions, it seems fairly clear that there
was anciently belief in a supreme, but hardly a sole, deity associated
with the sky or sun. A nudtiplicity of celestial powers is suggested
by the Chickasaw who told John Wesley that they regarded " four

"= Adair, nist. Am. Inds., p. 79. »' Ibid., pp. 17-18. "Ibid., p. GO.

248 BELIEFS AND tTSAGES OF CHICKASAW [bth. ANN. 44

Beloved Thino;s above; the clouds, the sun, the clear sky, and He
that lives in the clear sky." "'^ Adair's references to Ababinili all
indicate solar or celestial associations. He calls him "Loak-Ishto-
hoollo-Aba," " the great holy fire above," and says that he " resides
(as they think) above the clouds, and on earth also with unpolluted
people. He is with them the sole author of warmth, light, and of
all animal and vegetable life.'""* In another place he remarks,
" they worship God, in a smoke and cloud, believing him to reside
above the clouds, and in the element of the, supposed, holy annual
fire."'"" And, again: "Though they believe the upper heavens to
be inhabited by IshtohooUo Aba, and a great multitude of inferior
good spirits, yet they are firmly persuaded that the divine omni-
present Spirit of fire and light resides on the earth, in their annual
sacred fire while it is unpolluted; and that he kindly accepts their
lawful offerings, if their own conduct is agreeable to the old divine
law, which was delivered to their forefathers." "*

To this point the excerpts merely suggest a solar deity, but else-
where the same author quotes a Chickasaw seer to the effect that " he
very well knew, the giver of virtue to nature resided on earth in the
unpolluted holy fire, and likewise above the clouds and the sun,
in the shape of a fine fiery substance, attended by a great many
beloved people." "'' Here the supreme being is differentiated from
the sun, and perhaps we are to understand by the " fine fiery sub-
stance " the shining, overarching sky. This view is strengthened
by the unimpressive idea of the solar body which the Chickasaw
high priest in Adair's time entertained. " It might jDossibly," he
said, " be as broad and round as his winter-house ; but he thought
it could not well exceed it." '"

In the absence of jjroof that the Chickasaw had a busk ceremonial
or anything corresponding to it, I hardly know how to interpret the
references to the ceremonial fire, though they have applicability in
the case of the Creeks.'^ Sacred fires were so common in the South-
east, however, that it is probable the Chickasaw kindled them at
times.

In one place Adair calls the supreme being " IshtohooUo Aba Eloa "
(the big holy one above who thunders),'- and he says that the power
of distributing rain at his jjleasure "• belonged only to the great be-
loved thundering Chieftain, who dwells far above the clouds, in the

"= Jones, Hist, of Savaunah, p. 85.

^ Adair, Hist. -Vm. Inds., p. 19.

"Ibid., p. 35.

»«Ibld.. p. 116.

«• Ibid., pp. 92-93.

" Ibid., p. 19.

■' See Forty-second Ann. Kept. Bur. .\mer. Ethn., pp. 33-74 ; 546-613.

" Adair, op. cit., p. 94.

sw-.XTONl RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN GENERAL 249

new year's unpolluted holy fire." '■' On this subject he enlarges
elsewhere as follows :

The Indians call tlic linlitnins and thunder FJohn [Hiloha is thunder],
and its ruml)lini; nuisf, Roiruh. . . . and tht^ Indians l)elieve . . . that Minggo
Islito Elohti Alkiiiiixto, "the sreat chieftain of the thunder, is very cross or
anury when it tliunders," and have heard them say, when it rained, thundered,
and hlew shari>, for a considerable time, that the beloved, or holy people, were
at war above the clouds. And they believe that the war at such times is
moderate, or hot, in proportion to the noise and violence of the storm.

I have seen them in these storms lire off their guns, pointed toward the sky :
some in contemi)t of heaven and others through religion — the former to show
that the.y were warriors and nut afraid to die in any sliape : much less afraid
of that threatening. tronhU'sonie noise, and the latter because their hearts
directed them to assLst Ishtohoolo Elohn.'*

From the above quotations we learn that the supreme spirit was
accompanied by a number of subordinate spirits. Adair states that
the Chicka.saw called these " Hottuk Ishtohoollo " [Hatak ishto hole,
holy great persons]," With them he contrasts the "Hottuk ook-
proose" [Hatak olqDulosi], or "Nana ookproose" [Nana okpulosi],
" very bad men," or " very bad people." who, he says, were supposed
to inhabit the dark regions of the west," Further on will be found
a reference to a Thunder being who seemingly had no connection
with the Sky God.

The respect entertained for fire in general is thus enlarged upon
by the same writer when he has occasion to describe native methods
of deadening the trees and clearing fields :

AVith these trees they always kept up their annual holy fire ; and thej' reckon
it unlawful, and productive of many temporal evils, to extinguish even the
culinary tire with water. lu the time of a storm, when I have dime it, the
kindly women were in pain for me, through fear of the ill consequences attend-
ing so criminal an act. I never saw them to damp the fire, onl.v when they
hung up a brand in the api>ointed place, with a twisted grape-vine, as a
threatening symbol of torture and death to the enemy; or when their kinsman
dies. In the last case, a father or brother of the deceased takes a firebrand,
and brandishing it two or three times round his head, with lamenting words,
he with his right hand dips it into the water and lets it sink down."

In the woods certain beings were supposed to live which had the
appearance of men 10 feet or more in height and with long arms but
.small heads. They carried off women, but most Indians thought
they seldom attacked men. However, one informant claimed that
they sometimes killed and flayed men, and from this circumstance
derived their name }o"fa, which means "to skin." They could run
very fast. Some were stronger than men ; some not so strong. The}'

'^Aaair. Hist. Am. Inds., p. 92. '^ jbid., p. 36.

'< Ibid., p. 6.5. " Ibid., p. 405.

.05231°— 28 17

250 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW tKTH. ANN. a

wt'i-o neen by doctors and sometimes by biinters, as elsewhere de-
scribed."

The iyajianasha ^* were little people, only about 3 feet tall. They
were also seen at times by doctors and hunters. They carried some
people off and made doctors of them, and they taught others how to
get deer, since they were experts in pursuing game. In this they
were quite different from the lo"fas, who would drive deer away
from the hunters and hide them. Still, the Chickasaw would soon
move away from a place if they thought there were iyaganasha
about. The following information regarding them was obtained for
me by Zeno McCurtain :

STOHY OF THE IX VISIBLE LITTLE PEOPLE (lYAGANACA)

These little iioople lived at a certain time, but everyone could not .see tliem.
They did not live in all phiees, but sometimes under high banks or along a
branch which had such high hanks. It was nece.ssary for their preservation
that most other i)eople should not be able to see them. They, on their part,
could see everybody, but they showed themselves to few. When they saw
a person whom they liked, a man in good health, dreaming good dreams, they
would make a doctor out of him. Having .selected him, they would lead him
off into the woods where others could not find him. People might be in search
of him and close to the place where he was, but they would not see him.
After a certain time, however, the little people would conduct him to a place
near his home and tell him to return to his famil,y. Sometimes, when a child
disappeared, the people knew that th(> little people had carried him off and
they would not trouble to look for him for several days, knowing who had him
and that they would bring him back.

When a person who had been carried off in this manner rettirned he would
not tell his friends where he had been or whom he had been with, for the
little people warned him against divulging anything. The little people told
him that if he related what he had seen, or told where he had been he would
fall sick, forget all he had learned, and never become a doctor, but otherwise
he would become whatever the little people had trained him for. He generally
In came a good doctor.

The little people were believed to be powerful, though some denied that
they had any existence. They had their own way of living, like other crea-
tures, bat no one could tell what it was except the persons who had been
made doctors by them. It was said that when they were travelling along
and came to the bank of a large creek they would jump across it as if it
were a small branch. If a human being happened to be with them, and found
that he was unable to cross, one of the little jieople would leap back, take
him by the arm. and swing him over. But when they came to a little branch
the little people ecmld not spring over and the man would assist them across
in the same way. The worst enemy of these pygmies was the wasp. When
they found a wasp's nest anywhere they made elaborate preparations to
attack it. If a wasp stung one of them he would surely die. A human being

" See pp. 200-201.

" This word seems to be compounded of yakui, " eartb," and a°ca, " to sit," or " to
dwell."

s WANTON] RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN GENERAL 251

who might be with them would go to the nest and knock it down with a stick,
and the little people would then thinlv that he could perform miracles.

Whenever they took n man away in order to instruct him, they would first
test him to see whether he would divulge anything. If they found that he
was easily excited and would let things slip out, they would not teach him
anything, but if they discovered that he was strong minded they would teach
him becau.se that was the kind of man they wanted. One way they had of
testing a man was to leave him all alone in the evening when they camped and
then send some one back to attempt to scare him. If he withstood all such
tests he was selected as one who could be trusted.

If a person had been made a doctor by the little people, the fact was lK>trayed
by his actions, but if one who had been with them told anything about them
he would become of little use to himself or anybody else, because the power
that they had given him would be taken away.

When a person got lost and these little people found him, they usually led
him along to a place which was familiar to him. When they took a child away
and instructed him. the child would not begin to follow their instructions until
he had grown up.

Some doctors like to talk about the little people and describe their doings,
but those are not good doctors. Wljen a doctor was not careful about what he
had been taught, talked of what he could do, and tried to do it, he was some-
times looked upon as a wizard and sometimes they wanted to kill him. Witch
doctors owe their origin to the little people, and at times many innocent people
suffer because of them. They are in the habit of lying in order to increase
their pay while real doctors generally tell what is true.

A third being of the forest was called tiboli. It was about the size
of a man and had an arm shaped like a club, with which it pounded
on trees. These creatures did so only in winter, and my informant
claimed to have heard the noise made by them very often.

A horned snake called sint-holo ("sacred snake") lived alonp; big
creeks or in caves. Xot all persons could see these STiakes, but some-
times a boy would get near one of them or even see him, and when
this happened people said the snake would cause him to be wiser
than other people. These snakes often moved from one stream to
another, and it was claimed that they would make it rain in order to
raise the rivers so that they could leave their hiding places with more
facility. Such snakes harmed neither people nor cattle. The sint-
holo is said to have made a noise like thiuuler. Once a himter dis-
covei-ed a sint-holo fighting with the Thunder. Each of the con-
testants begged for help, and finally he decided in favor of the
Thunder and shot the snake. The Thunder told him to run as soon
as he had done this, and as he did so he heard thunder behind him and
saw lightning flashing about. He climbed a hill, when water from
the creek rushed after him and nearly caught him. but he e.scaped.
My informants knew nothing about the thunder-bird, nor any story
bearing on the rainbow. The galaxy was called ofi' to'bi ihina,
" the white dog's road," but no story about it was remembered.

252 BELIEFS AXn ITSAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

Another big snake was called nickin-fitcik ("eye-star") because it
had a sinj^le (>ye in the middle of its forehead. If anything passed in
front of its lair the snake would catch it, but none have been seen in
the western country.

There were formerly many tie-snakes, some with bodies half a foot
through. If one of these came upon the trail of a hunter, it followed
him, making a great noise. If a person were caught, as happened
in at least one instance, the snake would wrap itself about his body
and crush him to death ; but one could escape from this snake by run-
ning a short distance and turning back on the same track, running
on and repeating the operation, meantime shouting for the othei
hunters to assemble and dispatch his pursuer.

My informants had not heard of the water panther or the sharp-
breasted snake, beings which figure in Creek mythology.

When an Indian killed a snake he would say, " Well, I helped you
all I could, but the One-above (or Father-above) has come and killed
you and I throw you away." Anciently fear of snakes seems to have
been very nuich greater. Adair remarking that misfortune was pre-
dicted because he once killed a rattlesnake.^"

When Chickasaw Indians heard the screech owl they thought that
witches were about, and they went quickly to the doorway and laid
their moccasins there turned upside down.

The use of charms in the Southeast was so general that it extended
to many of the white traders. Adair says that he " took the foot of a
guinea deer " out of the shot pouch of one of these men " and another
from my own partner, which they had very safely sewed in the corner
of each of their otter-skin-pouches, to enable them, according to the
Indian creed, to kill deer, bear, buffaloe, beaver, and other wild beasts
in plenty.""" He also tells us that a beaded string of bulfalo hair
was tied by the women around their legs as "a great ornament, as
well as a jireservative against miscarriages, hard labor, and other
evils." ^^

Sacrifices and taboos were very much interwoven, and the following
observances partake of both :

Tliey saprifiee in tlic wdnds. the milt, or a larjre fat piece of tlie first Inifk
Ihey kill, both in their summer and winter hunt ; and frequently the whole
carcass. This they offer up, either as a thanksgiving for the recovery of health
and for their former success in hunting : or that the divine care and go<idness
may be still continued to them. . . . Formerly, every hunter observed the very
same religious economy, but now it is practiced only by those who are tlie
mo.st retentive of their old religious mysteries. . . .

The common .sort of Indians, in these corrupt times, only sacrifice a small
piece of unsalted fat meat, when they are rejoicing in their divine presence,

™ Ad.nir. Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 272-273. «» Ibid., p. 169.

soibid.. p. 239.

swANTONl RETAGTOUS BELIEFS IX GENERAL, 253

singing To Yo, etc. for their success and safety [in case they have lost none
of their companions] : but . . . both the wai'-lender and his religious assistant
go into the woods as soon as they are puritied, and there sacriflee the first deer
they kill. . . .

They who sacrifice in the woods, do it only on the particular occasions now
mentioned : unless incited by a dream, which they esteem a monitory lesson of
the Deity."

Elsewhere he states that " when in the woods the Indians cut a
small piece out of the lower part of the thighs of the deer they kill,
lengthways and pretty deep. Among the great number of venison
hams they bring to our trading hou.ses. I do not remember to have
observed one without it." *^ Again, "• the Indian women always
throw a small piece of the fattest of the meat into the fire when they
are eating, and frequently before they begin to eat. Sometimes they
view it with a pleasing attention, and pretend to draw omens from
it They firmly believe such a method to be a great means of pro-
ducing temporal good things and of averting those that are evil."
He was informed by those whites who had become used to living in
the Indian manner " that the Indian men observe the daily sacrifice
both at home and in the woods with new-killed venison, but that
otherwise they decline it." ^*

The remainder of the material on this subject has already been
given in my report on the Creek Indians, but it is drawn entirely
from Adair and is at least as true of the Chickasaw as of the Creeks.
It may therefore be repeated :

They believe that nature is possessed of such a proiwrty as to transfuse into
men and animals the qualities either of the food they use or of those objects
that are presented to their senses. He who feeds on venison is, according to
their physical system, swifter and more sagacious than the man who lives on
the flesh of the clumsy hear or helpless dunghill fowls, the slow-footed tame
cattle, or the heavy wallowing swine. This is the reason that several of their
old men recommend and say that formerly their greatest chieftains observed a
constant rule in their diet and seldom ate of any animal of a gross quality or
heavy motion of body, fancying it conveyiMJ a dullness through the whole system
and disabled them from exerting themselves witli proper vigor in their martial,
civil, and religious duties.'^

A little farther on he tells us that it was eustomnry in all the Indian tribes
to e:it the heart of a slain enemy " in order to inspire them -with courage." He
had seen some of their warriors drink out of a human skull in order to " imbibe
the good qualities it formerly contained.""'

This idea is one of the cardinal principles on which their medicine is built
and was shared by every tribe In America that has been investigated. Adair
introduces it in order to draw a parallel between the taboos of the Israelites
and those of the Indians, but most of the Indian instances which he cites are
to be accounted for in the way explained by him abuve or because it was

«.\dair. Hist. Am. Inds.. pp. 117-119. » Ibid., p. 13,<i.

Mlbid., pp. 137-138. s«Ibid., p. 135.

" Ibid., p. 115.

254 BELIEFS AND rSAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. axn. h

believed thnt the animal in question would bring on a cortain disease, a matter
10 be elaliorated presently. Nevertheless it is wortli while to take note of the
things from which they abstained in his time, even though we fail to discover
in that traces of a Jewish origin. He says that they refused to eat all birds of
prey and birds of night, and a little further on he mentions specifically eagles,
ravens, crows, buzzards, swallows, bats, and every species of owl. He also adds
flies, mosquitoes, and gnats. They did not eat carnivorous animals or such as
lived on nasty food, as hogs, wolves, panthers, foxes, cats, mice, rats. All beasts
of prey except the bear were "unhallowed"; also all amphibious quadrupeds,
horses, fowls, moles, the opossum, and all kinds of reptiles." He says that the
old traders could remember when they first began to eat heaver.**

Hogs and domestic fowls were probably tabooed at first because strange to
the Indians and in the case of the hog because it is a heavy, awkward looking
animal and might communicate such properties to the eater.

" When swine were first brought among them, they deemed it such a horrid
abomination in any of their people to eat that filthy and impure food, that they
excluded the criminal from all religious communion in their circular town-
house, or in their quadrangular holy ground at the annual expiation of sins,
equally as if he had eaten unsanetified fruits. After the .vearly atonement was
made at the temple, he was indeed readmitted to his usual privileges." ''

From want of any independent information on this point this must be left
without comment. Of course, Adair is anxious to make the most of such a
taboo in his desire to establish a Hebrew origin for his red friends, and this Is
naturally extended to the opossum, after which the Indians named the hog.
Still, what he says may be true, that " several of the old Indians assure us,
they formerly reckoned it as filthy uneatable an animal, as a hog." °° The
instances which Adair gives in proof of the existence of these taboos all tend
to prove that they abstained from them generall,v for fear of some disease or
limitation which the animal might communicate. He sa.vs that they abstained
from swallowing flies, mosquitoes, or gnats because they believed that they
bred sickness or worms, "according to the qu;intity thnt goes into them.""'
Upon one occasion Adair shot a small fat hawk which he strongly importuned
an old woman to take and dress, but although there was no meat of any kind
in camp, " she, as earnestly refused it for fear of contracting iwUution, which
she called the ' accursed sickness,' supposing disease would be the necessary
effect of such an impurity." " Again he says that " they abhor moles so ex-
ceedingly that they will not allow their children even to touch them for fear
of hurting their eyesight : reckoning it contagious." "'

Other food taboos mentioned by Adair are against eating an animal that had
died of itself, a young animal newly weaned, and blood. The first of these
may be commended as a taboo of real medicinal value and the reason given by
themselves, that the animal might have died of a contagious disease, is just
as valid to-day. Adair has the following to say regarding this taboo.

" None of them will eat any animal whatsoever if they either know or suspect
that it died of itself. I lately asked one of the women the reason of throwing
a dung-hill fowl out of doors on the cornhouse ; she said that .she was afraid,
Oophe Abccka Haksct lUeh. 'it died with the distemper of the mad dogs." and
that if she had eaten it it would have affected her in the very same manner.
I said, if so, she did well to save herself from danger, but at the same time it
seemed she had forgotten the cats. She replied, ' that such Impure animals

" Adair, Hist. Am. Inds.. pp. 16, 130-134. »> Iliid.. p. 131.

™ Ibid., p. 132. »' Ibid., pp. 130-131.

"■Ibid., p. 133. "Ibid., p. 133.
"Ibid., p. 16.

SWAM'ON]

THE FATE OF SOULS 255

would not contract the accursed sickness on account of any evil thing they eat,
but that the pcoiile who ate of the flesh of the swine that fed on such polluting
food, would certainly become mad.' "

'• In the year 1766 a madness seized the wild beasts in the remote wofids of
West Florida, and about the same time the domestic dogs were attacked with
the like distemper ; the deiT were equally infected. The Indians in their win-
ter's hunt, found several lying dead, some in a helpless condition, and others
fierce and mad. But though they are all fond of increasing their number of
deerskins, both from emulation and for profit, yet none of them durst venture
to flay them, lest they should pollute themselves and thereby incur bodily evils.
The headman of the camp told me he cautioned one of the Eottiik Htikxc. who
had resided a h ng time at Savannah, from touching such deer, saying to him
Chelwksinna, " Do not become vicious and mad," for Inse Haknet IllchtAhah,
' the deer were mad and are dead ' ; adding that if he acted the part of
Hakse he would cause both himself and the rest of the hunting camp to be
spoiled ; nevertheless he shut his ears against his honest speech and brought
those dangerous deerskins to camp. But the people would not afterward asso-
ciate with him. and he soon paid dear for being Hakse by a sharp-splintered
root of a cane running almost through his foot, near the very place where he
first polluted himself; and he was afraid some worse ill was in wait for him.""

Adair is also very insistent regarding the blood taboo, and cites the case of
a woman who believed "she had Ahvcka Ookiiroo, 'the accursed sickness,' be-
cause she had eaten a great many fowls after the manner of the white people
with the Iggish Oohproo, ' accursed blood,' in them." Afterwards she would
never eat fowls unless they had been bled to death.'^ This must also be left
unverified. While there was probably truth in it, it is doubtful whether it had
the importance attributed to it by Adair, who is again anxious to make a point
for his Hebrew theory. The taboo against eating a newly weaned animal is
probably correct, since one kind of disease was traced to such an animal in
later times. . . Adair says that the old men not merely refrained from eating
it but thought " they would suffer damage even by the bare contact." "

He aLso cites instances of Indians refusing to eat with the traders for fear of
pollution," but this was less on account of the whites themselves than what
might be contained in their dishes. Taboos were so numerous with the old-time
Indians that parallels with the taboos of any other nation could be found
without a great deal of difiiculty.

An interesting statement was made to me in connection with
dreams. It was said that only those dreams were prophetic which
impressed the sleeper so profoundly that he did not forget them or
did not forget them readily; other dreams were of no consequence.

THE FATE OF SOULS

Creek and Chickasaw beliefs regarding a post-mortem state of
existence seem to have been practically the same, and therefore I
will again quote from the sections of my Creek report dealing with
this subject, the authorities there used liaving been equally familiar
with the usages of the two peoples.

".\flair. Hist. .\m. Inds.. pp. 131-132. ^IMA. p \m.

"Ibid., p. 135. '"Ibid., pp. 133-134.

256 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. Ann. 4i

Ailair is prnbably corri'ct iu attributing fatalistic beliefs to the southern
Indians as to the time when each man's life was to come to an end. He says
that tliey had a common proverb " Scetak Intdlmh [Ni'tak lutahaj, "The days
appointetl, or allowed him, were finished' [the days finished for him). And
this is tlieir firm belief; for they affirm, that there is a fixt time, and place,
when, and where, every one must die, without any possibility of averting it.
They frequently say, ' Such a one was weighed on the path, and made to be
light.' " "''

He also says that many believed marriages to be equally fated.""

We learn from Adair, in places already quoted, that the Chicksaw discharged
guns and whooped iu order to drive the ghost of a dead man to his fixed
abode, but that it was believed that if he had been slain in war his soul would
haunt the eaves of the house until e(iual blood had been shed for him,^ All
accounts agree that after the soul had been induced to leave the neighborhood
of his living relatives he traveled westward, passe<l under the sky and pro-
ceeded upward upon it to the land of The One Above or the Breath Holder.
The name " spirits' road " given to the milky way shows that this was regarded
as the trail upon which souls ascended.

The last-mentioned writer sa.vs that the good spirits of the world above attend
and favor the virtuous while the bad spirits in the west accompany and have
power over the vicious,'' but this probably gives a somewhat distorted view of
the actual native belief. It is probable that the good spirits of which he
speaks included most of those who became human helpers, whether in the sky
or in other parts of the universe, while the bad spirits were the ghosts of the
dead, or at any rate spirits associated with the western world, through which
the soul first passed. This is suggested by what he tells us immediately after-
wards. "On which account, when any of their relations die, they immediately
fire off several guns, by one, two, and three at a time, for fear of being plagued
with the last troublesome neighbors [i. e.. the evil spirits of the west] : all
the adjacent towns also on the occasion, wh(K)p and halloo at night : for they
reckon this offensive noise sends off the ghosts to their proper fixed places till
they return at some certain time, to repossess their beloved tract of land, and
enjoy their terrestrial paradise.' The good spirits could be attached to indi-
viduals somewhat like the personal manitous of the Aigonkian Tribes. This
is made evident in the case of the Chickasaw by Adair, who says : " Several
warriors have told me that their Narui Ishtohoollo, ' concomitant holy spirits,'
or angels, have forewarned them, as by intuition, of a dangerous ambuscade,
which must have been attended with certain death, when they were alone, and
seemingly out of danger ; and by virtue of the impulse they inunediately darted
off, and with extreme difficulty escaped the crafty pursuing enemy."*

Adair is our only early authority for the expected ultimate return of souls
to earth," but there apepars to be no good reason to doubt that such an idea
prevailed with certain Indians, and he is confirmed by the Chickasaw inter-
viewed on Schoolcraft's behalf during the middle of last century. "They
believe," he says, " that the spirits of all the Chickasaws will go back to
Mississippi and join the spirits of those that have died there ; and then all
the spirits will return to the west before the world is destroyed by fire." °

"s Adair, Hist. .\m. Inds., p. 33. » Ibid.

M Ibid., p. 26. ' Ibid., p. 3T.

' Schoiilcraft, Ind. Tribes, vol. 1, p. 310. ^ Ibid., pp. 178. 182. 397.

= Adair, op. eit., p. 36. « Schoolcraft, op. cit., p. 310.

swANTON] BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW 257

DANCES

The following dances are remembered :

Akaiika hHa', " chicken dance," having four songs.
Bala' hila', " bean dance," with five songs.
Fala hila', "crow dance," with four songs.
Fdtco hila", " duck dance," with four songs.
Hatcflntcflba' hHa', " alligator dance," with three songs.
Ickobo tokolo' hHa', " double-headed dance," with one song.
Iso°c homa hUa', " red ant dance," with three songs.

Iti''sanali hila', " dance in which they danced against each other," with four
songs.

Kofe hHa", "quail dance." with four songs.

Lfiksi hUa', " turtle dance." with five songs.

Nani kalo hila', "garfish dance," with three songs.

Nitak coboli hila', "beating-on-a-bearskin-hide dance," with six songs.

Nita hUa', " bear dance." '

Ofe' hila', " dog dance," with five songs.

Okaicko' hHa', " drunken man's dance." with ten songs.

Sinti' hHa', " snake dance," with three songs.

Sip<~ikni hHa'. " old dance." witli one song.

Soba hlta", " hor.'se dance," with fonr songs.

Catani hlta', "tick dance," with eight songs repeated four times.

Cawi hHa'. " raccoon dance." with four songs.

Tcalok'loka' hita'. "turkey dance," with three songs.

Tcukfl hHa", " rabbit dance." '

Takha hila', "catfish dance," with three songs.

Tantci hila', "corn dance," with three songs.

Yanac hila', "buffalo dance," with four songs.

The dancing was usually at night, and they began with the
" drunken man's dance " and ended with the " old dance," which was
sometimes gone through after sunup. In the first the men and women
would form two opposing lines. The women would then dance forward
until close to the men and dance back, the men following, and they
would alternately m6ve forward and back as long as the dance lasted.
The men and women sang together in this dance and the women also
sang in the chicken, tick, and bean dances, but not in the others.
Like the Creek women, they wore terrapin-shell rattles on their
calves, but no other rattles are said to have been used at their dances,
though there was alwaj's a drum.

In the corn dance men and women were in two opposing lines and
when the lines approached the M-omen were privileged to snatch
handkerchiefs, or other objects from the men or to pull their hair,
and no resistance could be offered. When they danced in a circle,
they usually went sinistrally. In the snake dance they went round
first in sinistral circuit and tlien in dextral circuit. The bean dance

' Mentioned by Speck in Jour. Am. FoIkLore, vol. xx, p. 55.

258 BELIEFS AND ITSAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ANN. 44

was one of those in which they passed entirely round the fire and the
house. These three dances and the hison dance were among the ones
used in the Pishofa. The Pishofa dances alone were kept up in later
years, the others having been abandoned about 1882, except for some
sporadic attempts to revive them by some of the young people, who,
however, did not know how to execute them properly.

THE PISHOFA CEREMONY

The most important ceremony known to the Chickasaw, in later
times at least, was the Pishofa dance.* The earliest mention of this
is in the following excerpt from Schoolcraft :

When they are sick they send for a doctor (they have several among them) ;
after looking at the sick awhile, the family leave him and the sick alone. H(^
then commences singing and shaking a gourd over the patient. This is done,
not to cure, but to find out what is the matter, or disease ; as the doctor sings
several songs he vratches closely the patient, and finds out which song pleased ;
tlu'u he determines what the disease is ; he then uses herbs, roots, steaming,
and conjuring; the doctor frequently recommends to have a large feast (which
they call Toiisli-pa-shoo^ithah) ; if the Indian is tolerably well off, and Is sick
for two or three weeks, they may have two or three Tonsh-pa-shoo-phahs. They
eat, dance, and sing at a great rate at these feasts ; the doctors say that it
raises the spirits of the sick and weakens the evil spirit."

The doctor who presided at a Pishofa dance is said by Speck to
have been chosen by the prophet of the sick man's moiety.^" The
ceremony proper did not begin until the last day of the treatment,
which is rei^orted sometimes to have been the third day and some-
times the fourth.

It took place ordinarily in the j'ard of the patient, which, like
every other Chickasaw house yard, was kejDt clear of grass, weeds,
and similar small growths. The door of the house normally faced
east, and if it happened to be directed toward any other quai'ter the
ceremon}' took jilace elsewhere in a house with eastern outlook. Dur-
ing the entire time of the ceremony, until the evening of the last
day, a fire was kept burning in front of the door, usually at the
edge of the yard, but nearer if the doctor so ordered. One informant
spoke as if it were occasionally in the nortlieastern corner of the
yard, and instead of occupying one spot it was sometimes extended
along a line parallel with the front of the house. Again there might
be two fires, one in the northeastern corner of the yard and one in
the southeastern corner. The fire was kept supplied' with fuel by
the doctor's tishu or assistant.

' The name is abbreviated from T.n°ci at picofa, " the corn is hulled." Speck (Jour.
Am. Follf-Lore, vol. xx. p. 34) is thus in error in translating it "a fast"; in fact, there
was no fasting. It was a feast and dance.

' Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vol. i. p. 310.

»" Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 54.

SWANTONl

THE PISHOFA CEREMONY 259

lU't woon tlie tloor and the fires, by the direction of the doctor, certain
objects were placed, supposed to be of great assistance in combating
the disease. These were usually wands of prescribed number, size,
pattern, and disposition, and there were infinite varieties, dependinj^
on the system of the doctor who had been employed and the nature
of the sickness. At times the wands appear to have been halfway
between the door and the fire, but more often they were about the
fire — or about the fires in case there were two. The wands were
usually painted, sometimes all over, sometimes only at the upper
ends, and ribbons were frequently attached to the tops. One in-
formant mentioned two wands painted red at the tips, one having
a red ribbon tied to it at the upper end and one a black ribbon.
Another saw three wands in use, a longer pole close to the fire, capped
with eagle feathers, and in the line marked out by this pole, the
fire, and the door, two shorter wands. At the top of the one nearest
the long pole was tied a blue ribbon and a feather; at the top of the
other a blue ribbon and a red ribbon. In certain sicknesses they
23Ut up four poles, about 4 feet in length, painted in different colors,
and ornamented with variously colored ribbons. Again they might
erect a single tall pole in the very center of the open space. Instead
of ribbons, the wings of owls were at times fastened to the poles,
and the species of trees from which the wands were taken also varied.
The single tall pole, as employed on one occasion at least, was willow.
The shorter wands might be of willow, cedar, persimmon, or other
wood. At times a human figure about 6 inches long, carved out of
wood and with the face painted red and black, was substituted for
the poles. Four men, called tishu, were appointed guardians of the
j'ard, to see that no human being, themselves excepted, or any animal
passed between the fire and the liouse door.

The patient was seated just inside the door facing out and the
doctor took his station immediately behind him. The medicine,
consisting of various roots and barks steeped in water, was in an
earthen bowl close at hand. The doctor blew into this through a
reed, sang the song which went with that particular remedy, and then
drew some of the medicine into his mouth and blew it upon the
patient. This was repeated four times, and afterwards, Speck states,
the dregs were heaped upon the sufferer's head." Speck also says
that one of the doctor's helpers stood near the medicine armed with
a small bow and arrows which latter he discharged into the medicine
at intervals, whenever he suspected that unfavorable spirits were near
who might detract from its power.'^ He also says that an emetic
was administered before giving the medicine proper.^'' In treating
the " hot sickness "' the doctor accompanied his song with a gourd
rattle.

"Op. cit., p. 55. >-Ibid. "Ibid.

260 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

A treatment was given early in tlie morning and it was repeated
later in the forenoon and twice in the afternoon. Four is the magic
nunilier throughout most of the Southeast and therefore there were
probably but four treatments in all, though one of my informants
thought there might be six. Four treatments were also given on the
second day and four on the third.

At noon on the last day of the ceremony those who were to take
part in the dance — according to Speck, those who belonged to the
clan, oi- I'ather the house group, of the patient's moiety — assembled
and feasted until night. The food was usually prepared by two
women, especially appointed for the purpose, at a second fire near
the southeast corner of the yard and directly south of the ceremonial
fire. The feasters sat in two rows, one on each side of the line be-
tween the fire and the door, the women on one side and the men on the
other. A split log was laid down for each and the food was placed
on the ground in front of them. At sundown the fire was built up
higher and the dance began, continuing all night. The fire was not
maintained all night, however, unless the weather was cold; other-
wise they let it die out and continued dancing by the light of the
moon. In the middle of the open space or by the fire sat a man with
a drum made of a keg with a deerskin stretched over the open end.
The women seldom sang but they wore on their calves rattles made
of terrapin shells containing pebbles and covered with bison hide.
The dance leader was called tikba heka. Some doctors specified
that the dance must begin in the middle of the open space; otliera
had it start at the door, the women coming round from one side
and the men from the other. Dancing was confined for the most part
to the space between the house and the fire, but as the night wore on
the participants would vary it by completely encircling the fire and
even the house, as in the bean dance.

Speck has the following to say regarding these dances :

The order is single file, with the leader at the head, all the rest stepping in
unison with their budies inclined forward. The leader wears a feather or
some symbol to indicate the animal to which the dance is addressed. He sing.s
the song of that dance, for the most part comiwsed of meaningless syllables, a
sort of chorus being taken up by the other dancers in response to the first
trophy. The dances are propitiatory and are also performed as prayers to the
variims animal deities and totems for the relief of the afflicted person. The
first dance of the Piaifa is named from the animal that is believed to be
resiKmsible for the patient's trouble. This is to strengthen the medicine. . . .
Dancers paint their cheeks and forehead red; the chief shaman, however, is
usually unadorned.

The dancing is continued until sunrise, then the .shaman's assistant and
three or four others take an emetic, but must have finished with it before tlie
sun appears. They then take a bath, and the ceremony is concluded. It is
considered a grave offense, fre(iucntly punishable by death, for a member of

KWA.NTOXl THE PISHOFA CEREMONY 261

(iiio Kivmi) [or moiety] to be prest'ut at the Piii/fu of the other group, as liis
presence would nullify the good effect of the ceremony."

The vigorous actions of the dancers were supposed to coniniiini-
cate strength to their kinsman, and every effort was made to liave
him sit up so as to receive the full benefit of it and assist it by the
exertion of his own powers. When the dancers scattered at the end
of the ceremony it was believed that the disease would tend to become
scattered also, each jjarticipant taking a part of it with him. It is
furthermore said that the doctor sometimes transferred the disease
to a piece of meat in the stew served to the feasters, this meat being
taken from the bird whose feathers were used on the wands, and
that whoever got that piece would carry the disease off with him.
When the dance broke up, or, according to some, after the fourth
dance, the doctor's waiters (tishu) ran to the wands or other sacred
objects about the fire and seized them. They then ran with them to
the ceremonial fire, jumped over it, and carried them 20 or 30 paces
beyond it or as much farther as the doctor had directed, and there
threw them away. This action was also supposed to remove tiie
disease from the patient. For three days after this dance the sick
man must not expose himself to the public gaze.

Evidentl}' the doctors had regard to possible fatal consequences;
for themselves should the patient die, for it is said tliat if he were
very low no one coidd be gotten to treat him.

Some say that the Clioctaw formerly had dances like these, but I
think their own ancient ceremonies differed, though they may some-
times have imitated Chickasaw rites.

Adair thus records a dance supposed to be efficacious in keeping
away evil spirits and wizards :

In the summer season of the year 174() I chanced to see the Indians playlng^
at a house of the former Mis.sisippi-Nachee, on one of their old sacred musical
iustrument.s. It pretty much resembled the Negroe-Banger in shape but far
exceeded it in dimension.?, for it was aljout five feet long and a foot wide on
the head-part of the board, with eight strings made out of the sinews of a
large buffalo. But they were so unskillful in acting the part of the Lyricli
that the Loachc. or prophet, who held the instrument between his feet and
alongside of his chin, took one end of the Ikjw, whilst a lusty fellow held the
other; by sweating labour they scraped out such harsh, jarring sounds as
might have been reasonably expected by a soft ear to have been sufficient to
drive out the devil if he lay anywhere hid in the house. When I afterward
asked him the name and the reason of such a strange method of diversion, he
told me the dance was calietl Keetla Txhto Hoollo. "a dance to or before the
great holy one " : "' that it kept off evil spirits, witches, and wizards from the
red iieoi)le and enabled them to ordain eldorl.v men to otliciate in holy things,
as the exigenc.v of the times required.

" Speck, op. clt., pp. 55-56.

'5 Hita ishto holo, "dance of the spirit or spirits"; hila, "dunce"; islito, "big"; liolo,
what is " holy," " sacred,", or " supernatural."'

262 BKLIKFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW 1 kth. ANN. 44

He who danced to it kept his plate and iKisiure in a very exact luanuer, with-
out tlie least perceivable variation, yet hy the prodigious working of his muscles
and nerves he in alK)ut half an hour fdanied in a very extraordinary nuinner,
and discontinued it proportionally till he recovered himself."

Under the heading of ceremonies Speck gives the following :

Another ceremony of a less formal nature is cognate to the elaborate town
ceremonies of the Creek and Xuchi held in connection with harvesting the first
green corn of the season. When the Chickasaw community is ready to gather
the first corn, broken sticks are sent throughout the region to each family,
indicating the number of da.vs to pass before the ceremony is to occxir. Each
morning a .stick is thrown away until only one remains. This is the day of
the event. On this day every one fasts tnitii high noon. Then each member of
the household drinks an emetic made of the red root {hukcie lii'iiiinui, root I'ed),
concluding with a feast of the fresh roasting ears.

At certain times during the summer comnuinities gather together to secure
quantities of fish, which they do b.v throwing vegetable poisons into the water
and shooting the stupefied fish with bows and arrows. Such gatherings are
frequently the occasions of dancing and gaming."

To what extent the Creek busk was adopted by the Chickasaw is a
difficult question. Certainly Adair gives a description of a busk
ceremony which seems to have been quite elaborate, and as the native
words he cites in connection with this are Chickasaw, the natural
inference i.s that he is describing a Chickasaw ceremony.'** However,
it is strange that there is no otlier mention of such a ceremony except
the brief note by Speck. The ceremony described by Adair may
have been in that Chickasaw town which was established among the
Upper Creeks in the eighteenth century. It would seem as if the
ceremony must have been adopted from the Creeks and subseqtiently
dropped.

Adair also describes the ceremony of the black drink as if it were
in vogue among the Chickasaw.'^ In another place he refers to social
dances similar to tho.se noted among the Creeks, though he places
them in the spring of the year. He says:

Every .spring season, one town or more of the Missisippi Floridians, keep a
great solemn feast of love, to renew their old friendship. They call this annual
feast, Hottuk Ainipa, Heettla, TanAa [hatak aiimpa, hila, tanaa], "the jjeople
eat. dance, and walk as twined together." ^° The short name of their yearly
feast of love is Hottuk Impanaa, "eating by a strong religious, or social
lirinciple." . . ."

Tliey assemble three nights previous to their annual feast of love; on the
fourth night they eat together. During the intermediate space, the young men
and women dance in circles from the evening till morning. The men masque

" Adair, Hist. Am. Imls., p. 175.

'"Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 5Ct.

1*^ Adair, op. cit., pp. 90—111; copied in Fort.v-second Ann. Rept. lUir. .\mor. Ethn..
p|). 590-601, ()06-60T.

'"Adair, op. fit., pp. 46-48; copied in Fort.v-second Ann. Rept. Unr .\mer. Ktlm.,
pp. 5:^9-540.

™Tana means to knit, weave, or plait.

2' Tliere seems to be no special relitrious connotation in these words.

swANTON] DOCTOKING AND MEDICINES 263

their faws with larse pieces nf gouitls of different shapes and hieroslyphic
paintings. Some of them fix a pair of youiis liuffiilo horns to their liead : others
the tail, behind. When the dance and their time is expired, the men tuni out a
hunting, and bring in a suflieient quantity of venison, for the feast of renewing
their love, and confirming their friendship with each other. The women dress it,
and bring the best they have along with it ; which a few springs past, was only a
variety of Esau's small red acorn pottage, as their crops had failed. When
they have eaten together, they fix in the ground a large pole witli a bush tied
at the top. over which they throw a ball. Till the corn is in, they meet there
almost every da.v. and play for venison and cakes, the men against the women ;
which the old people say they have observed for time out of mind.^

DOCTORING AND MEDICINES

The doctors mentioned in connection with the Pishofa ceremony
seem to have had official positions in the clan or house group similar
to that enjoyed by the priestly class amonfr the Creeks. This is
plainly indicated by the subjoined quotation from Adair :

Iihtohoollo is the name of all their priestly order, and their pontifical office
descends by inheritance to the eldest: those friend-towns, which are firmly con-
federated in their exercises and pla.^s, never have more than one Archi-iiiagii-s
at a time. . . . They, who have the least knowledge of Indian affairs, know,
that the martial virtues of the sava.ges, <ibtains them titles of distinction; but
yet their old men, who could scarcely correct their transgressing wives, mucli
less go to war. and perform those difficult exercises, that are esentially needful
in an active warrior, are often promoted to the pontifical dignity, and have great
power over the people, by the pretended sanctity of the office."'

Elsewhere he speaks of a national high priest. "The title of the
old heloce<I men, or archimai/i. is still liereditary in the jianther or
ttjger family.'''' -''^ It would seem that these priests were forced to
undergo a special fast and purification before taking their jDosts.

The Indian priests and prophets are initiated by unction. The Chikkasah
some time ago set apart some of their old men of the religious order. They first
obliged them to sweat themselves for the space of three da.vs and nights, in a
small green hut. made on purpose, at a considerable distance from any dwell-
ing; through a scrupulous fear of contracting pollution by contact, or from the
efllnvia of polluted people — and a strong desire of seireting their religious
mysteries. During that interval, they are allowed to eat nothing but green
tobacco, nor to drink anything except warm water, highly imbittered with the
button suakeroot, to cleanse their bodies, and prepare them to serve in their
holy, or beloved office, before the divine essence, whom during this iireparation
they constantly inv<ike by his essential name, as before described. After which,
their priestly garments and ornaments, mentioned under a former argument,
page S4, are put on, and then bear's oil is poured upon their head."

Regarding the practice of Chickasaw doctors in general, the same
writer says :

When the Indian physicians visit their supposed irreli.gious patients they
ai>proach them in a bending posture, with their rattling calabash, preferring

= Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 113-114. -'Ibid., p. 31.

=^Ibid.. p. 81. ^Ibid.. p. 122.

264 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. an-n.44

that sort to the North Amerioau simnls : and in that bentl posture of body they
run two or three times roiiud the sick [lersou, contrary to the course of tlie sun,
invoking God as already exprest. Tlien they invoke the raven, and mimic his
croaking voice. . . . They also place a ha.sin of cold water with some pebbles in
it on the ground near the patient ; then they invoke the fish, because of its cool
element, to cool the heat of the fever. Again, they invoke the eagle (Ooole) ;
they solicit him, as he soars in the heavens, to bring down refreshing things for
their sick and not to <le!a,v them, as he can dart down upon the wing quick as
a flash of lightning. They are so tedious on this subject that it would be a task
to repeat it : however, it may be needful to observe that they chuse the eagle
because of its supposed communicative virtues ; and that it is according to its
Indian name, a cherubimical emblem, and the king of birds, of prodigious
strength, swiftness of wing, majestic stature, and loving its young ones so
tenderly as to carry them on its back and teach them to fly."'

Adair furnishes us with some further information on medical treat-
ment .showinsr a mixture of the practical and the superstitious in
methods of approach. It was natural that the former should pre-
dominate in disturbances of such obvious origination as wounds.
Adair thus describes the procedure :

The Indians . . . build a small hut at a considerable distance from the houses
of the village for every one of their waiTiors wounded in war and confine them
there . . . for the space of four moons, including that moon in which, they
were wounded, as in the case of their women after travail ; and tliey keep
them strictly separate, lest the impurity of the one should prevent the cure
of the other. The reputed prophet, or divine physician, daily pays them a due
attendance, always invoking To He Wah to bless the means they apply on the
sad occasion, which is chiefly mountain allum and medicinal herbs, always
injoyning a very abstemious life, prohibiting them women and salt in particu-
lar during the time of the cure, or sanctifying the reputed sinners. Like the
Israelites, they firmly believe that safet.v or wounds, etc.. imniefliately proceed
from the pleased or angry deity for their virtuous or vicious conduct in observ-
ing or violating the divine law.

In this long space of purification each patient is allowed only a superannuated
woman to attend him, who is past the temptations of sinning with men, lest
the introduction of a young one should either seduce him to folly ; or she, having
committed it with others — or b.v not observing her appointed time of living
apart from the rest, might thereliy defile the place and totally prevent the cure.
But what is yet more surprising in their physical, or rather theological regi-
men, is that the physician is so religiously cautious of not admitting polluted
persons to visit any of his patients, lest the defilement .should retard the cure
or spoil the warriors, that before he introduc-es any man. even any of their
priests, who are married according to the law, he obliges him to assert either by
a double affirmative or by two negatives that he has not known even his own
wife in the space of the last natural da.y."

The native method of treating bites of venomous serpents also
attracted his attention.

I do not remember to have seen or heard of an Indian d.ving b.v the bite of a
snake when out at war or a hunting, although they are often bitten by the most
dangerous snakes; everyone carres in his shot pouch a piice of the best snako-

M Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 1T3-174. =Mbid.. pp. 124-125.

SWAXTOXI DOCTORING AND MEDICINES 265

root, sucli as the Senecka, or fern snakeroot, or tlie wild horeliounil, wild
plantain, St. Andrew's cross, and a variety of otlier herbs and roots, wliich are
plenty and well known to those who range the American woods and are exposed
t>i such dangers, and will effect a thorough and speedy cure if timuly applied.
TV'hen an Indian ptrceives he is struck by a snake he immi'tliately chews some
of the root, and, having swallowed a sufficient quantity of it, he applies some to
the wound, which lie reiieats as occasion requires and in proportion to the
poison the snake has infused into the wound. For a short sjjace of time there
is a terrible conflict through all the body by the jarring qualities of the burning;
poison and the strong antidote, but the poison is soon repelled through the same
channels it entered, and the patient is cured.'*

Elsewhere he says that the button-snakeroot was used as a remedy ="
and upon one occasion he " saw the Chikkasah Archi-magus chew
some snakeroot, blow it on his hands, and then take up a rattlesnake
without damage," though it is not clear whether this medicine was
identical with one of the remedies used in cases of actual bites or had
purely magical efficacy.

He speaks of an aquatic plant, probably a species of yellow-flowered
water lily {Nymphaea), the seeds of which were used as food, and
adds: "It is . . . reckoned a speedy cure for burning maladies,
either outward or inward — for the former, by an outward application
of the leaf, and for the latter by a decoction of it drank plentifully." ^^

Ginseng, mentioned by him as employed on religious occasions,^^
was also a valued remedy. He speaks of the old year's fire as " a
most dangerous polution," ^- and the north wind as " very evil and
accursed,""^ though it does not appear in the case of the latter
whether it was because it brought cold weather or some sort of disease.

The black drink {Hex vamifoi'ia) is often mentioned by Adair, but
it is difficult to tell to what extent he is referring to Chickasaw usages
and to what extent to those of the Creeks.^*

Adair gives us also an account of the origin and naming of a new
disease. He says :

In 1767 the Indians were struck with a disease which they were unacquainted
with before. It began with sharp pains in the head at the lower part of each of
the ears, and swelled the face and throat in a very extraordinary manner, and also
the testicles. It continued about a fortnight, and in the like space of time went
off gradually, without any dangerous consequence or use of outward or inward
remedies: they called it Wahka Abeeka, "the cattle's distemper" or sickness.
Some of their young men had by stealth killed and eaten a few of the cattle
which the traders had brought up. and they imagined they had thus polluted
themselves and were smitten in that strange manner, by having their heads,
necks, etc., magnified like the same parts of a sick bull. They first concluded
cither to kill all the cattle or send them immediately off their land, to prevent
the like mischief or greater ills from befalling the beloved people — for their

361.

=8 Adair, Hist. Am.

Inds.,

pp.

23.5-2.36.

'-' Ibid.,

"Ibid., p. 10.3.

■^ Ibid.

"Ibid., p. 410.

3< Il)id.,

"Ibid., p. 362.

552.31°— 28 18

266 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW Ietii. anx. 44

cunning old physicijiiis or inophets would not unilcrtiiko to ture them, in order
to inflame the people to execute the former resolution ; being jealous of
encroaehments and afraid the cattle would spoil their open eornfields ; upon
which account, the traders' arguments had no weight with these red Hebrew
philosophers. But fortunately one of their he;id warriors had a few cattle soon
presented to him to lieep off the wolf ; and his reasoning proved so weighty as
to alter their resolution and produce in them a contrary belief. '°

My principal informant on the subject of medicine, himself a
doctor, was acquainted with the following diseases and the remedies
used for them:

Sinti aibeka, " snake sickiaess." Symptoms : The patient's stomach
is out of order, he has fever, and his legs are unusually warm up as
far as the knees. Remedy: There was a single herb used in curing
this disease, and it was effective with no other, but my informant
knew no name for it in Chickasaw or English.

Ofe ahcka, "dog disease." Symptoms: The patient vomits con-
tinually, is unable to keep anything on his stomach. Remedy : An
herb growing on the prairie having a yellow flower, for which the
doctor knew no name.

Isi cibeka, "deer disease." Symptoms: The jaws and adjacent
parts of the face swell up and sometimes there is toothache. Rem-
edy : A third herb with unknown name, or failing that, a certain
bush.

Sinti hovm aieka, " red snake disease." Symptoms : The legs,
arms, or other parts of the body draw up, sometimes to the extent
of breaking the back. Remedy : "A vine called sarsaparilla,"
growing along creeks and having yellow flowers.

lyaganacd (d>eka, "Little people's disease." Symptoms: The
patient is out of his head, talks incoherently, and sometimes falls to
the ground like an epileptic. Remedy : The root of the huckleberry
(osik'olrtci).

Holabi abcka, " head sickness." ^'^ Symptoms : Headache and some-
times nosebleed. Remedy: The roots of the red willow (liahtok), and
if that can not be found, the roots of the black locust (kate Ifisa).

Nacoba abcka, "wolf di-sease." Symptoms: A pain on the left
side which moves upward into the chest and causes the ]3atient to
vomit. Remedy: A weed called Nita nacoba (bear-wolf) which
grows on the prairie.

Nita abeka, " bear sickness." Symptoms : Pains in the abdomen,
sometimes extending through the entire body, and loose bowels.
Remedy: The bark of a tree called foshapa ("which birds eat'').
While there are a few of these trees near Red River, there are not
many in the Chickasaw Xation as a whole, but it is plentiful in tlio
Choctaw Nation.

"= Adair, Hist. .\m. Inds., p. 132.

Son fhoro soenis to have beon some mistnkt' hcri'. [lulatii mt'aiis "to lie," or "a lie";
head is iiushkobo.

SWANTON] DOCTOniNG AXD MEDICINES 267

Koni abeka, '' skunk sickness/" Symptoms : Tlie bowels move con-
tinually as in dysentery, and may ultimately cause piles. Remedy:
Tlie bark of a tree called iti koni (skunk tree).

Cokha. icto abeka, " bifj lio<>' sickness." Symptoms : There is a
pain in the breast, the bowels move too fi-eely, and the patient can
scarcely stand erect. Specific: The roots of a plant about 3 feet
liiiih. iiiowing alonji' the hanks of streams and bearing numerous
white flowers. It is called hici' lipa (leaves worn out).

Fdni hoina. abeka, "red scjuirrel disease."' Symptoms: Toothache
or swollen jaws and sometimes nosebleed. Specific: Fani cakha
(squirrel's flag), which is mistletoe.

Fani. uhvka, "squirrel sickness."" Symptoms: Cramp in the neck
which is drawn together, j^ains being felt all over it. Remedy:
Rotted leaves in the drift on a creek. Anothei' remedy for this
disease was yarrow.

Pale'' aheka. " heat sickness." Sj'mptoms : Continuous fever, espe-
cially at night. The Pishhofa dance, described elsewhere, is resorted
to in sickness of this kind. The medicine used consisted of the fol-
lowing plants: Colop tileli (ghost driver), sinti i°liolonksa ' (" snake
wind," so called from its disagreeable odor), hakcic falakto " (forked
root — which is sweet anise), pusaktcala", or in English "flag," and
young Cottonwood trees (acomala). These are placed in a pot
with cold water and the whole warmed. When the doctor sang the
song belonging with this remedy he accompanied himself with a
gourd rattle.

Klnta'' airka. " beaver sickness." Symptoms : Dysentery. Remedy :
Acomala hakcic (cottonwood root) and tanaco (willow (root)) boiled
together and taken internally.

Ocitn abi'kn, "otter sickness."" Symptoms: Pain in the breast and
through the back, causing the patient to vomit bile : water passed by
him is yellow. This disease is apparently jaundice. Remedy : Ocan
ithi"c (otter medicine), which, from a specimen shown, appears to
be common dock. This was the only remedy for this disease of which
my informant knew.

Yi'ifki'/n ahrka, " mole disease."' Symptoms : Pain in the lower ])art
of the abdomen and some blood passed with the urine. Remedy:
Black watermelon seeds mashed up. boiled, and taken internally.

0''si' aheka. " eagle disease." Symptoms : A severe headache which
prevents the patient from exerting himself in any manner; the eyes
are affected and there is a cramp in the back of the head and neck.
Ucniedy: The ends of cedar limbs (tcowri"hala') and the elder
(bato"ktci), warmed together in water and placed upon the patient's
head.

268 BELIEFS AND TTSAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

Opn ahrka, "owl disease." Symptoms: The eyes are affected and
the patient feels sleepy lonfi; before noon. Remedy: Roots of a bush
called oaktci imiti' (crawfish tree), in En<!;lish "willow button,"
w armed and placed on the head. Tliey also used colop tikeli, a plant
of the mint family resemblinc: Oswego tea.

Sinti hnoma ahPkii, "ground rattlesnake disease." Symptoms:
The joints in the hands and feet swell up and there are very acute
pains there. Remedy : A plant bearing only one leaf, and henoe called
hici tcafa (one leaf).

Shiti ol-tcamale'' ahclia, "blue snake disease." Symptoms: Itching
which gets worse and is followed by sores when the place is scratched.
Remedy : Take an old rotten corncob lying about in a pen where hogs
are being fattened, burn it, and hold the affected part over the smoke.

Colop andntitoi abeka, " burning ghost disease." Symptoms : The
feet swell up and big blisters develop upon them. Remedy : Take dirt
from the top of an old grave and heat it in a pan over the fire until
it is absolutely dry. Then apply this dirt to the sores.

OfonJo aheka, " screech owl disease." Symptoms : The eyes water,
l)reventing one from seeing well, and they also itch. Remedy : Colop
tileli iskano " little ghost driver," which is pennyroyal, is allowed to
soak in water for a while and is then placed on the forehead.

When not otherwise specified it is to be understood that the part
of the medicinal plant used was the roots which were heated in water.
The doctor also sang a song each time he treated a person. There was
a different song for each disease and the songs of the doctors them-
selves differed from one another.

The red willow, the famous miko hoyanidja of the Creeks, is loiown
to the Chickasaw as hrditok. It was generally taken toward morning,
after a dance, and then vomited out in order to make one feel strong
and healthy.

The only story of the origin of medicines is that they were believed
to have been given by The One Above in very ancient times.

Regarding rain makers I may as well quote from what I said on
this subject in my report on the Creeks : •'"

Some interesting particulars regarding rsiin makers nic also given ns by Ailair.
Aeeording to him, these jjersons obtained rain by interceding through their eon-
jurations with " the bountiful holy Spirit of Fire," by wliich he supposes they
refer to the supreme deity of the southern Indians, although in fact it may
have been the particular being presiding over thunder.'' This power of inter-
cession had been established in amient times and was not exercised merely at
the option of its possessor, but was a duty which he owed to the community
and which tlie community could demand from him. If he failed he was likely
to be shot dead, because it was supposed that he really had the power but
refused to exercise it and was thus an enemy to the state. However, he fre-

■•» Fortv-spcond Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.. pp. 630-631.
" Adair, riist. Am. Inds., p. S5.

SWAN-TON] DOCTORING AND MEDICINES 269

queutly saved himself by laying the blame upon lay infractions of the sacred
rejrulations or taboos — among: them the i>ayments which they owed to him —
which rendered his best endeavors unavailing. If the drought were prolonged
as much as two years, a council wa.« held at which they did not fail to discover
that the trouble was due to i>ersistent violations of the taboos by certain indi-
viduals, who were then promptly dispatched. Too much rain might work as
much to the harm of the rain maker as too little, Adair Instancing a case of a
Creek rain maker who was shot Isecause the river overflowed their fields to a
great height in the middle of August."" These men had a transparent stone " of
supposed great power in assisting to bring down tlie rain when it is put in a
basin of water." and this power was supposed to have been passed down to this
one from a stone to which the jxiwer had originally been committed. As usual,
this stone could not be exposed to the gaze of the vulgar without losing mightily
iu eflicaey.™ The control of the rain maker extendefl only to the summer rains
and not to those which fell iu winter, and it was believeil that this was also of
supernatural ordination. The summer rain had to be sought for ; the winter
rain was given unsought. If the seasons were good, the rain maker was paid a
certain proportion of each kind of food. It is amusing to note that, like the
aiKilogist for obsolescent institutions at the present day. the Chickasaw rain
maker with whom Adair conver.sed took the gi'ound " that though the former
beloved speech had a long time subsided, it was very reasonable that they
should still continue this their old beloved custom; especially as it was both
profitable in supjiorting many of their helpless old beloved men, and very pro-
ductive of virtue, by awing their young people from violating the ancient laws." "

Adair thus comments upon the belief in witchcraft among the
Chickasaw of his period:

There are no greater bigots in Euroi)e. nor persons more superstitiims, than
the Indians (especially the women), concerning the power of witches, wizards,
and evil spirits. It is the chief feature of their idle winter nights' chat ; and
both they, and several of our traders, report very incredible and shocking stories.
They will affirm that they have seen, and distinctly, most surprising appari-
tions, and heard horrid shrieking noises."

He has preserved for us the following interesting account of an
exorcism to protect the house from evil influences :

In the year 1765, an old physician, or prophet, almost drunk with spirituous
liquors, came to pay me a friendly visit; his situation made him more com-
municative than he would have been if quite sober. When he came to the door,
he bowed himself half bent, with his arms extended north and south, com-
tinuing so perhaps for the space of a minute. Then raising himself erect, with
his arms in the same position, he looked in a wild frightful manner, from the
southwest toward the north, and sung on a low bass key To Yo Yo Yo, almost
a minute, then He He He He, for perhaps the same space of time, and Wa Wa
Wa Wa, in like manner ; and then transposed and accented those sacred notes
several different ways, in a most rapid guttural manner. Now and then he
looked upwards, with his head considerably bent backward ; his song continued
about a quarter of an hour. As my door which was then opened stood east,
his face of course looked toward the west ; but whether the natives thus usually
invoke the deity, I can not determine ; yet as all their winter houses have their

»s Adair, Hist. Am. Inda., pp. 85-86. ■"Ibid., pp. 84-94.

=»Ibid., pp. S6-8T. "Ibid., p. 36.

270 BEI.IEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. anx.44

(Idors Inward the east, had lie >ised the like solemn invncatiims there, his face
would have coiiseqitently looked the same way. contrary to the usage of the
heathens. After his song, he steiiped in. I saluted him, saying, "Are you come
my beloved old friend?" He reiJlied, Arahrc-0, " I am come in the name of
Oea." I told him I was glad to see, that in this mad age, he still retained the
old Chikkasah virtues. He said, that as he came with a glad heart to see
me his old friend, he imagined he could not do me a more kind service than
to secure my house from the power of the evil spirits of the north, south, ami
west — and from witches and wizards who go about in dark nights in the shape
of bears, hogs, and wolves, to sijoil ijeople. " The very month before," added
he, " we killed an old witch for having used destructive charms." Because a
child was suddenly taken i.l and died, on the physician's false evidence, the
father went to the jxior helpless old woman who was sitting innocent and un-
suspecting, and sunk his tomohawk into her head without the least fear of being
called to an account. They call witches and wizards, IsMahe, and Uoolnhr.
" man-kilUrs." and "spoilers of things sacred."*^ My prophetic friend desired
me to think myself secure from those dangerous enemies of darkness, for (said
he) Tarooa IshtohooUo-Antarooare, " I have sung the song of the great holy
one."" The Indians are so tenacious of concealing their religious mysteries,
that I never before observed such an invocation on the like occasion — adjuring
evil spirits, witches, etc. by the awful name of the deity."

This exorcism probably gives a clue to one of the rea.son.s why the
doors of the winter houses opened eastward.

The following material on this subject is a translation of some in-
formation originally written down in Chickasaw by a native infor-
mant, Zeno McCurtain:

The procedures of the conjurer and the wizard were slightly different, but
the ignorant did not know in what this difference consisted. The conjuror had
to employ his arts in liorse races, in shooting at corn stalks, and in the game of
akabatle, between men and women. This was not an easy .tiling for him,
because when a game was to be played he had to begin his preparations several
days ahead. He had to fast for a certain number of days and drink medi-
cine made out of particular herbs, nor was he allowed to sleep during a con-
siderable period. When his side won, he was always well paid, but if it lost
he received nothing and if he was suspected of helping the opponents he would
be killed. Whenever the people played, their conjurer — for each house gi'oup
generally employed the same one all of the time — had to work faithfully for
them. After the game was over he usually felt sick or indisposed for several
days on account of the sleep he had lost and the medicines he had taken.
The players also had to take some of this medicine, which was supposed to
clear out their systems and make them feel light and fit.

There was another kind of wizard whose methods were somewhat different
He had magic power to injure or kill persons at a distance, but he could do
nothing else and so was not a true wizard. Yet he was called by the same
name. (One of the functions of a doctor was to suck the witch arrow from
a patient.) These wizards sometimes killed children. It is claimed that a
well-educated Choctaw at Antlers, a minister in the Cumberland Presbyterian
Church named Solomon Hotenia, killed two children by witchcraft and was

" Ishto, big ; abi. to kill ; holo, what Is sacred ; abl, to kill.

"Taloa, song; ishto. big; holo, sacred: oiitaloall, or intaloali. I have sung to thpm.

"Adair, Uist. Am. Inds., pp. 176-177.

swANTONl DOCTORING AXD MEDICINES 271

iu coiisequeuce shot by their father. The doctor is supposed to hold himself
entirely apart from either conjurers or wizards. The wizards claimed that
there were certain times in the year when they were obliged to practice. A
lizard worked iu the bodies of each, putting him into a state of intense misery
until he killed some one. He might exercise his evil genius at other times by
choice, but at these special seasons the deed was practically forced uiH)n him.
When it was learned that anyone was practicing witchcraft, people went to
him and ordered him to desist, and if he refused to listen they killed him.
That sort of wizard claimed he could turn himself into a dog, a bird, or any
creature he chose when he went to carry out his evil intentions. Usually he
cho.se the form of a night hawk, an owl, or some other creature that goes about
after dark and to which not much attention is paid. It was said that, before
making the transformation, he would go to some secluded spot, take out his
stomach and other internal organs, and leave a knife, a pair of .shoes, or some
object to guard them. Usually the wizard left after all had gone to sleep, and
he planned to get back before daylight. Sometimes while he was off exercising
his arts, an animal would come along and eat his entrails, thus killing him.

When a man heard that a wizard was operating against him, he would often
go to him and pay him to stop. If this were the time of the year when the
wizard was under comi)ulsi<m, the reward might have no effect ; otherwise it was
usuall.v sufficient.

There was another sort of wizard called Yucpakuuia or juggler, whose spe-
cialty was sleight-of-hand performances. Jugglers and conjurers were alike
afraid of the true wizards ; doctors were the only persons who were not
Doctors claimed that they continually took some sort of medicine which pre-
vented the devices of the wizards frcim having any effect upon them.

At times a person who had a grudge against another would go to a wizard
and pay him a good price to injure his enemy. Certain persons claimed to be
wizards, but were not. That caused much trouble among the Indians, for the
object was usually to extort money, and if such an one were found out he was
killed. Some claimed that they could do things in violation of the law and
escape punishment by the u.se of medicines. My interpreter once met such a
man, who gave him a little piece of the root which he chewed for this purpose.
When chewed in a court room, for instance, the scent would penetrate all parts
of it like a perfume and alter the mind of judge and jury toward the prisoners.

These wizards, conjurers, doctors, etc., were watched closely all the time,
and if they did not boast overmuch they were left alone ; but if they became
too -boastful they were killed, but not until people felt sure that they were
doing wrong.

Wizards would not disclose the specific things they could do, for they claimed
that this would cause them to lose their ix)wer. It was easier to bewitch
human beings than cattle and easier to work upon the aged and children than
upon others.

It was claimed that wizards shot peo])le with salt, sugar, or hair, and when
a doctor was called in he professed to be afraid of the wizards and would not
help unless he received a <-onsiderable reward, fixed in accordance with the
known resources of the patient. At that time the people were not civilized,
and when they became civilized they did away with most of these practices,
finding that they were all superstitions, yet many still believe in and practice
them.

In ancient times the Indians thought more of their children than of the
adults, and when they fell ill would do almost anything to effect their cure.

272 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [eth. ann. 44

They would have a doctor for three days and hold a I'ishofii dance. If the
first treatment proved ineffective, they would try a second ; and, if the case
proved obstinate, a third ; but they stopped there. The third time, owl, buzzard,
or eagle feathers were hung on sticks near the fire, each doctor nialiing use of
but one kind of bird, and it is claimed that he would put a little piece of the
flesh of that bird into the Pishofa food and that whoever ate that would take
the sick person's disease In his stead."

Even in oldeu times .some people did not believe in wizards. One such per-
son was so worked ui)on by them \\ ith salt and sugar as to be entirely eon-
vertetl. If one discovered that a wizard had been operating against him and
consulted a doctor before the salt and sugar had melted, the doctor could
remove it and effect a cure ; but if it had had time to melt into his system he
would l)e in danger of death.

When anyone died and it was thought a certain wizard had killed him, the
relatives of the decea.sed were sure to destro.y that person. Knowing this the
Indian doctor fre(inentl.v refused to tell who was causing the sickness. But,
as in the case of wizards, there were some doctors who were only quacks, and
these caused the death of many innocent people by falsely accu.sing them of
witchcraft. Most Indians believed in witchcraft, but some did not, and these
saved many persons from punishment. Sometimes they interfered to prevent
them from being burned to death, an ancient means of punishing wizards.

In early times the Chickasaw were of one mind and purpose, and hence
other tribes could not make head against them, but when the.v began to practice
abuses such as witchcraft it was the beginning of their downfall.

When I [i. e., McCurtain] was about 14 or 15 a woman died of some slcknes.s
and a man named John Brown, generally believed to be a wizard, was thought
to have caused her death. So 8 or 10 people went to his house, set his chimney
on fire," so as to induce him to come out. and then shot him.

One evening an Indian named Wall Cass, on his way home from a hunting
trip, .saw a bear standing beside the road, in a region where no bears were
supposed to live. He shot at the animal and the latter grunted and ran off
into the woods. Next morning news came that a woman who had gone to bed
perfectly well the night before had been found dead. Now, it was believed
that however badl.v a witch or wizard had been wounded she or he would
return home before dying. The man who had shot the bear therefore resolved
to go to look at the woman, and when he returned he said, " I told you I
thought it was that woman. She had been .shot through the side, and I
believe she was the bear at which I fired." This is a " true story," and the
events happened when I was a boy.

Sometimes a light was seen floating through the air toward a house imtil
it got within 150 or 200 yards of the place, when it disappeared. It was thought
that a wizard was the cause of it.

« Seo pp. 208-261.

" A chimney made of cros.se(l stick.s anil daubed with clay on the inside. Tlie outside
of such a chimney was inflammable.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Adair, James. The History of the American Indians. London, 1775.
(Anonymous French Memoir.) Ms. in Ayer Library of American Ethnology

and Archaeology, Newberry Library, Chicago, 111.
Claiborne, J. F. H. Mississippi as a Province, Territory, and State; vol. i

(only volume printed). Jackson, 1880.
CusHMAN, H. B. History of the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Natchez Indians.

Greenville, Tex., 1899.
De Villiers, Le Baeon Marc. Documents concernant I'histoire des Indiens de

la region orientale de la Louisiane. Journal de la Societe des Americanistes

de Paris, n. s., vol. xiv, pp. 127-140, [Paris] 1922.

Note sur deux cartes dessin^es par les Chikachas en 1737. Ibid., vol.

XIII, pp. 7-9, 1921.

Gatschet, Albert S. A migration legend of the Creek Indians ; vol. i, Phila.,

1884 (Brinton's Library of Aboriginal American Literature, no. 4) ; vol. ii,

St. Louis, 1888 (Trans. Acad. Sci., St. Louis, vol. v, nos. 1 and 2).
Hawkins, Benjamin. Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 1796-1806. Georgia Hist.

Soc. Colls., vol. in, Savannah, 1848.
Hodgson, Adam. Remarks during a journey through North America in the

years 1819, 1820, and 1821. New York, 1823.
Jones, Chas. C. History of Savannah. Ga., from its settlement to the close of

the Eighteenth Century. Syracuse, N. Y., 1890.
Malone, James H. The Chickasaw Indians. Louisville, 1922.
Mississippi Historical Society. Publications. Oxford, Miss.
Morgan, Lewis H. Ancient society or researches in the lines of human progress

from savagery through barbarism to civilization. New York, 1877.
Romans, Bernard. A conci.se natural history of East and West Florida, vol.

I (vol. II unpublished). New York, 1775.
Schoolcraft, Henry A. Historical and statistical information, respecting the

history, condition, and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States.

Parts i-vi. Phila., 1851-1S57.
Speck, Frank G. Notes on Chickasaw Ethnology and Folk-Lore. Journal of

Ameiican Folk-Lore, vol. xx, pp. 50-58, Boston and New York, 1907.
Swanton, John R. An early account of the Choctaw Indians. Memoirs of the

American Anthropological Association, vol. v, no. 2, pp. 51-72, Lancaster, Pa..

1918.

Social organization and social usages of the Indians of the Creek

Confederacy. Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.

Religious beliefs and medical practices of the Creek Indians. Forty-

second Ann. Eept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.

273

USES OF PLANTS BY THE
CHIPPEWA INDIANS

By FRANCES DENSMORE

CONTEXTS

Page

Foreword -^^

Informants 282

riionetics 284

Introduction 285

List of plants arranged according to iiotanical name 286

List of plants arranged according to common name 295

List of plants arranged according to native name 297

Medicinal properties of plants used by tlie Chippewa 299

Principal active medicinal constituents of plants used by the Chippewa— 303

Plants as food 306

List of plants used as food 307

Making maple sugar 308

Gathering wild rice 313

Beverages 317

Seasonings 318

Cereals 318

Vegetables 319

Fruits and berries 321

Plants as medicine 322

Treatment by means of plants 322

Substances otlier than vegetable used as remedies 330

Medical appliances 331

Surgical treatment and appliances 332

Dental surgery 335

Classification of diseases and injuries 335

List of medical plants and their uses 336

Works containing lists of plants used medicinally 368

Plants used in dyes , 369

Process of dyeing 369

List of plants used in dyes 369

Mineral substances used in dyes 370

Formulae for dyes 370

Plants used as charms 375

List of plants used in charms 376

Plants used in useful and decorative arts 377

List of plants 377

Manner of use 378

Legend of Winabojo and the birch tree 381

Legend of Winabojn and tlie cedar tree 384

Cathering birch bark and cedar bark 386

Articles made of birch bark 387

Index 541

277

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

Page

2S. Group of bircli trees, White Earth, Mum 284

29. a. Pine and balsam trees, White Earth, Minn. ; b. Trees at Cass Lake ;

c, Norway pines at Cass Lake 284

30. o, Cass Lake, Minn. ; 6, Stream, White Earth, Minn 308

31. Frame of lodge in which maple sap was boiled, and storage lodge for

utensils (closed) 308

32. a. Storage lodge (open); 6, I51rch-bark containers; c. Birch-bark

cone, dish, and spoons 308

33. a. Boiling maple sap ; 6, Maple trees tapped 308

34. Granulating trough, stirring paddle, granulating ladles, and makuk

of granulated maple sugar 314

35. a. Cakes of maple sugar and makuk filled with same ; 6, Stacked

di.shes and empty cones, the latter to be filled with sugar 314

36. a, Waist worn when tying rice (back view) ; h. Woman In boat,

tying rice 314

37. Tieil rice, and rice hoop 314

38. Process of tying rice 314

39. Tied rice, showing stages of preparation 314

40. o, Rice field ; 6, Poling boat through rice ; c, Harvesting rice 314

41. a, Rice spread to dry ; b, Parching rice ; c. Mortar fm-merly used

In pounding rice 314

42. a. Winnowing rice; &, Pounding rice; e. Treading rice . 314

43. o, Prepared medicinal substances tied in cloth ; 6, Packet wrapped In

thin birch bark; c, Packets of leaves and twigs, ready for use; d,

Packets of bark, ready for use 314

44. a, Jlrs. Brunett; b, Mrs. Gagewin ; c, Mrs. Louisa Martin 324

45. Bag in which medicines have been kept 324

46. Surgical appliances 332

47. a. Taking basswood bark from water; h. Coils of basswood fiber 380

48. a, Rush mat in frame ; 6, Woman carrying pack of birch bark ; c.

Storage shed, open 380

49. Sweet grass and materials smoked in pipe in natural and prepared

forms 380

50. a. Headbands of leaves and birch bark; 6, Doll made of leaves 380

51. o. Toys made of cat-tails ; 6, Dolls made of pine needles 380

52. a, " Coaster " made of slippery elm bark ; 6, Birch bark showing

" picture of thunderbird " ; c. Figures cut from birch bark 380

53. a. Cutting birch bark preparatory to removing ; 6, Removing birch

bark from tree; c. Making a container from birch bark 390

54. Meat bag, open and closed 390

.55. Fans made of birch bark and feather.? 390

56. Figures cut from birch bark 390

57. Patterns cut from birch bark 390

58. Leaves in which patterns have been bitten 390

59. Cinh-bark transparencies 394

60. Birch-bark transparencies 394

61. Birch-bark transparencies 394

62. Birch-bark transparencies 394

C3. Birch-bark transparencies 394

279

FOEEWORD

The varied uses of plants by the Chippewa indicate the large extent
to which they understood and utilized the natural resources of their
environment. The present study is related, in two of its phases, to
the study of Chippewa music which preceded it.^ Herbs were used
in the treatment of the sick and in the working of charms, and songs
were sung to make the treatment and the charms effective. Songs of
these classes having been recorded, the Indians were willing to bring
specimens of the herbs and to explain the manner of their use. A ma-
jorit}- of the informants on this subject were women and they became
interested in describing the former methods of preparing vegetable
foods. Both men and women related the uses of plants in medicine,
economic life, and the useful and decorative arts. Plants and data
were obtained on the AVhite Earth, Red Lake, Cass Lake, Leech Lake,
and Mille Lac Reservations in Minnesota, the Lac Court Oreilles
Reservation in "Wisconsin, and the Manitou Rapids Reserve in
Ontario, Canada, the work continuing until 192.5.

The writer gratefully acknowledges the assistance of those who
have contributed to tlie result of the present undertaking. The
specimens of plants were identified and their common names supplied
by Mr. Paul C. Standley, of the LTnited States National Museum.
The reports on the recognized medicinal properties of the plants used
by the Chippewa and on their active medical constituents were pre-
pared by Dr. W. W. Stockberger, physiologist in charge of drug,
poisonous, and oil plant investigations, Bureau of Plant Industry.
United States Department of Agriculture, and valuable assistance in
the classification of disea.ses and injuries treated by the Chippewa was
given by Dr. D. S. Lamb, who at the time was pathologist at the
Army Medical Museum, Washington, D. C. Assistance has also
been received from members of the staff of the Bureau of American
Ethnology and the United States National Museum in their special
fields of research.

The work on the Manitou Eapids Reserve in Ontario was made
possible by the courtesy of John P. Wright, Indian agent of the
Canadian Govei-nment at Fort Frances, Ontario.

The collection of the material herewith presented would have been
impossible without the coojjeration of members of the Chippewa
tribe. Their assistance is gratefully acknowledged, especially that of
the principal interpreter, Mrs. Maiy Warren English, of White
Earth, Minn., which began in 19U7 and continued about 15 years.

Frances Densmore.

'Chippewa Music, Bull. 4.5, 1910, and Cliipppwa Music II, Bull. 5.'i, P.ui-. Amer. Etliii.,
1013.

55231°— 2S 19 281

INFORMANTS ^

WHITE EARTH, MINN.

Mrs. Mary Razer Papa'gine'. (Grasshopper.)

Mrs. Louisa Martin A'jawac'. (Wafted across.)

No'dingns' Little wind.

Gage'wln^ Everlasting mist.

Mrs. Gage'wJn Ni.s6d'nagan'ob. (Nised, corruption of the

French Lizett, or Elizabeth; Naganob, name
of her father, who was chief at Fond du Lac,
Minn.)

Mrs. Wa'wiekdm'Ig' Na'waji'bigo'kwe. (Central rock woman.)

Mrs. Star Bad Boy Nenaka'wflbi'kwe. (Woman who is sitting

with every other one.)

Wase'ya ■• Light.

Mrs. Brunett ' Cai'yagose'. (Shaken loose.)

Mrs. Annie Davis Ca'yabwiib'. (Sitting through.)

Mrs. Sharrett ' Ca'nod6ns. (Diminutive of Charlotte by

slightly changing word and adding ens.)

Mrs. Sophia Agness Memacka'wanamo'kwe. (Woman with a

powerful respiration.)

Mrs. Margaret White.

Mrs. Roy.

Mrs. Mary Warren English.'

Mrs. Julia Warren Spears.'

Mrs. Sophia Warren.

Mrs. Charles Mee.

Albert Little Wolf* Maiq'gans.

O'dlni'gftn Shoulder.

En'dflsogi'jig " Every day.

Rev. Clement H. Beaulieu " Ka'wa6ns (diminutive of his father's name

Ka wa, which was the Chippewa mispronun-
ciation of Clement).

PONSFORD, MINN. (WHITE EARTH RESERVATION)

Mrs. Fineday.

Mr. Rock 12 A'slnl'okAm'ig. (Stony ground.)

Ne'yaji Point of land.

Dl'kgns Diminutive of English ''Dick."

Weza'waijge Yellow wing.

1 The purpose of this list is to identify the persons who chiefly contributed to the material herewith
presented. The name given first is therefore the name by which the person is generally known.
' Died October 23, 1919. * Died June 21, 1925.

> Died September 16, 1923. » Died -\pril 6, 1927.

' Died April 4, 1921. '" Died October 24, 1926.

> Died April 29, 1920. " Died July 4, 1926.

» Died April 14, 1925. " Died January 21, 1920.

' Died August 15, 1925.

282

INFORMANTS 283

RED LAKE, MINN.

Mrs. Defoe Mcya'wigobiwlk'. (Standing .strongly.)

Mrs. Ward Ni'gida'wananik'.

Mrs. Joker Bewa'becodenislk' .

Mrs. Roy Zo'z6d (corruption of Josette).

Mrs. Roy (daughter of above).. Ma'gidlns (diminutive of Margaret).

Mrs. LawTence.

Mrs. Gurneau.

Mrs. John Enghsh.

Mrs. Ca'wanok<im'igIsklln' Gi'wita'wisfek'. (Walking around.)

.MILLE LAC, MINN.

Tom Skinaway Manido'bijiki. (Spirit buffalo, or cattle.)

Mrs. Tom Skinaway Na'cine'kwe.

CASS LAKE, MINN.

William M. Rogers Bin'dlgegi'jig. (In the sky.)

Mrs. William M. Rogers BIn'dige'ose'kwe. (Walking woman.)

LAC COURT OREILLES, WIS.

Mrs. John Quaderer Ogima'blnfisi'kwe. (Chief bird woman.)

MANITOn RAPIDS RESERVE, ONTARIO, CANADA

Mrs. Wilson.
Mrs. Lewis.

PHONETICS

ALPHABET

The vowels and consonants employed in this work do not repre-
sent every sound tliat occurs in tlie Chippewa language. Thus an
obscure sound resembling A in the English alphabet sometimes occurs
in the middle of a word and is not indicated. No attempt has been
made to indicate a slight nasal sound tliat frequently occurs at the end
of a word. Prolonged vowels are also not indicated. The following
letters are used :

Vowels. — a, pronounced as in father,' e, as in they^ e as in 'met; i
as in marine; ^, as in mint; o, as in 7iote; u, as in rule; u, as in but;
w, as in wan; y, as in yet. If two consecutive vowels are jjronounced
separately, two dots are placed above the second vowel.

Diphthong. — ai pronounced as in aisle.

Consonants. — &, d^ f. k, ?n, n, p, s, t, v, have the ordinary English
sounds, s is always pronounced as in sense, g as in get., and z as in
zinc, c represents the sound of sh. j the sound of sh, tc the sound of
te in watch., and dj the sound of j in judge.
284

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 28

GROUP OF BIRCH TREES, WHITE EARTH, MINN.

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

By Frances Densmorb

INTRODUCTION

A majority of the plants to be described in this paper were ob-
tained on the White Earth Reservation in Minnesota. Specimens
were also collected on the Red Lake, Cass Lake, Leech Lake, and
Mille Lac Reservations in Minnesota, the Lac Court Oreilles Reser-
vation in Wisconsin, and the Manitou Rapids Reserve in Ontario,
Canada. Many of these were duplicates of plants obtained at White
Earth but others were peculiar to the locality in which they were
obtained.

The White Earth Reservation is located somewhat west of north-
central Minnesota, on the border of the prairie that extends west-
ward and forms part of the Great Plains. It also contains the lakes
and pine forests that characterize northern Minnesota and extend
into Canada. This produces an unusual variety of vegetation, so
that the Chippewa living on other reservations are accustomed to
go or send to White Earth for many of their medicinal herbs. Birch
trees are found in abundance, either standing in groups (pi. 28),
covering a hillside, or bordering a quiet lake. There are large tracts
of sugar maples and forests of pine, cedar, balsam, and spruce. (PI.
29.) Man}' of the lakes contain rice fields, and there are pretty,
l)ebbly streams winding their way among overhanging trees. (PI.
30.) Toward the west the prairie is dotted with little lakes or
ponds, shining like mirrors. In June the air is sweet with wild roses
and in midsummer the fields are beautiful with red lilies, bluebells,
and a marvelous variety of color. In autumn the sumac flings its
scarlet across the landscape and in winter there are miles of white,
untrodden snow. The northern woodland is a beautiful country,
and knowing it in all its changing seasons, one can not wonder at the
poetry that is so inherent a part of Chippewa thought.

• 285

286

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ann. 44

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ENSMOBE]

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LIST OF PLANTS

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DENSHOBB]

LIST OF PLANTS

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290

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS Ieth. ann.44

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DENSMOBU]

LIST OF PLANTS

291

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USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ann. 44

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DEXSMOKE]

LIST OF PLANTS

293

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294

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [bth. anx. 44

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DKX.SM0HE1

LIST OF PLANTS

295

List

OF* Plants Arranged According to Common Name

Common name '

Botanical name

Common name

Botanical name

Alder

Alnus incana (L.) Moench.
Heuchera (species doubtful).
Heuchera hispida Pursh.
Thuja occidentalis L.

Helianthus tuberosus L.

Sagittaria latifolia Willd.
Viburnum acerifolium L.
Fraxinus species.
Fraxinus nigra Marsh.
Zanthoiylum americannm

MiU.
Populus tremuloides Michx.
Aster (species doubtful).
Aster nemoralis Ait.
Aster novae-angliae I-..
Aster puniceus L
Geum canadense Jacq.
Actaea rubra (Ait.) Willd.
Tilia americana L.
Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.)

Spreng.
Betula nigra L.
Betula pap>Tifera Marsh.
Celastrus scandens L.
Rubus frondosus Bigel. ('.*)
Lacinaria scariosa (L.)

Kuntze.
Sanguinaria canadensis L.
Campanula rotundifolia L.

Vaccinium angustifolium A it .
Iris versicolor L.
Andropogonfurcatus Muhl.
Eupatorium perfoliatum L.
Lycopus asper Greene.
Scirpus validus Vahl.
Cornus canadensis L.
Arctium minus Bernh.
Juglans cinerea L.
Acorus calamus L.
Smilax herbacea L.
Nepeta cataria L.
Typha latifolia L.
Juniperus virginiana L.*
Thuja occidentalis L.

Prunus serotina Ehrh.

Stellaria media (L.) Cyrill.

Prunus virginiana L.

Osmorrhiza claytoni Miclix.

Potentilla monspeliensis L.

Clintonia borealis Ait. (Ca-
nadian specimen).

Caulophylhum thalictroides
(L.) Michx.

Rudbeckia laciniata L.

Zea mays L.

Caltha palustris L.

Oxy coccus macrocarpus
(Ait.) Pers.*

Cranberry,highland.

Culver's-root

Cup- plant

Viburnum pauciflorum

Pylaie.
Leptandra virginica (L.)

Nutt.
Silphium perfoliatum L.
Ribes triste Pall.
Ribes species.
Ribes glandulosum Oauer,

Alum -root

Arborvitae (white
cedar).

Artichoke, Jerusalem

Currant, red

Currant, wild

Dandelion .-

Dock, bitter

Arrow wood

Ash

Ash, black

Rumex obtusifolius L

Dock, yellow

Dogbane

Rumei crispus L.
ApocynuK species.
Apocynum androsaemifoli-

Aster

Cornus alternifolia L. f.
Cornus rugosa Lam.
Cornus stolonifera Michx.
Ulmus fulva Michx.
Vagnera racemosa (L.) Mo-

Aster

Dogwood, red-osier..

Elm. slippery

False Solomonseal__

Baneberry, red

Bass wood

Bearberry

Athyrium filix-foemina (L.)
Roth.

Birch, black

Fern, rattlesnake

Birch, white...

Botrychium virgmianum
(L.) Sw.

Blackberry

Fireweed

Drymocallis arguta (Pursh)
Rydb.

Bloodroot

Fungus, shelf

Geranium, wild

Ginger, wild

Goldenrod

Bluebell, (Scotch

harebell).

Fomes applanatus.
Geranium maculatura L.
Asarum canadense L.

Euthamia graminifolia (L )

Blueflag

G oldenrod

Biuestem

Nutt.

Solidago altissima L.

Bugle-weed

Goldenrod

Solidagojuncea Ait.

Goldenrod

Solidago rigida L.

Goldenrod

Solidago rigidiuscula Porter.

Goldenrod

Solidago species.

Goldthread

Coptis trifolia (L.) Salisb.

Carrion-flower

Catnip

Grape

(L.) Mill.

Cat-tail

Vitis cordifolia Michx.

Oromwell, false

Ground-pine

Ground-plum

Harebell (Scotch

bluebell).
Hazel...

Hazel

Onosmodium hispidissimum

Cedar, white (arbor-
vitae).
Cherry, wild

Mackenzie.
Lycopodium obscurum L.
Astragalus crassicarpus

Nutt.

Chokecherry-

Cicely, sweet

Cinquefoil

Campanula rotundifolia L.

Corylus americana Walt.
Corylus rostrata Ait.
Stachys palustris L.
Tsuga canadensis (L ) Carr

Clintonia

Cohosh, blue

Hedge-nettle

Hemlock

Cone-flower

Hemlock, poison

Cicuta maculata L.
Hepatica americana Ker.
Hepatica triloba L.

Com..

Cowslip

Honeysuckle

Honeysuckle, bush..

Lonicera species.
DierviUalonicera Mill.

' Attention is directed to the fact that the common name of a plant frequently differs in ditlerent locali-
ties and that, in some instances, a plant is known by more than one common name. The list herewith
presented contains the names by which the plants are most widely known. •

• Plants are marked with an asterisk if specimens were not submitted.

296

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ann. 44

List of Plants Arranged According to Common Namei — Continued

Common name

Botanical name

Common name

Botanical name

Ostrya virginiana (Mill.)

Koch.
Monarda mollis L.
Erigeron canadensis L.
Agastache anethiodora

(Nutt.) Britton.
Ostrya virginiana (Mill.)

Koch.
Arisaema triphyllum (L.)

Torr.
Eupatorium maculatum L.
Amelancbier canadensis (L.)

Medic.
Juniperus communis L.
Cypripedium birsutum Mill.
Allium tricoccum Ait.
Lactuca canadensis L.
Lilium canadense L.
Castalia odor at a (Ait.)

Woodv. & Wood.
Phryma leptostachya L.
Acer saccbarum Marsh.
Potentillapalustris (L.) Scop.
Asclepias syriaca L.
Asclepias incarnata L.
Koellia virginiana (L.)MacM,
Dircapalustris L.
Artemisia dracunculoides

Pursh.
Artemisia gnaphalodes Nutt.
Erysimum chciranthoides L.
Urtica gracilis Ait.
XJrticastrum divaricatum

(L.) Kuntze.
Qucrcus species.
Querous macrocarpa Muhl.
Quercus rubra L.
Allium stellatum Ker.
Heliopsis scabra Dunal.
Castilleja coccinea (L.)

Spreng.
Heracleumlanatum Michx.
Thaspium barbinode

(Michx.) Nutt.
Pulsatilla hirsutissima

(Pursh.) Britton.
Lathyrus venosus Muhl.
Falcatacomosa (L.) Kuntze.
Anaphalis margaritacca (L.)

B.&H.
Pinus resinosa Ait.
Pinus strobus L.
Chimaphila umbellata (L.)

Nutt.
Sarracenia purpurea L.
Plantago major L.
Prunus americana Marsh.
Populus balsamifera L.
Petalostemon purpureus

(Vent.) Rydb.
Sieversia ciliata (Pursh)

Rydb.
Psoralea argophylla Pursh.

(iron wood).

PuffbaU

(Walt.) MacM.

Cucurbita pepo L.
Rubus occidentaUs L.
Rubus strigosus Mithx.
Prenanthcs alba L.

Hyssop, giant

Ironwood (hop

Raspberry, black

Raspberry, red

Rattlesnake-root

Reed

Rice, wild

Rose...

Joe Pye weed

Rose, wild

Rosa arkansana Porter

June berry (shad-

Sage, prairie

Artemisia frigida Willd.

bush).

Sarsaparilla, wild....

Scouring-rush

Selfheal

Aralia nudicaulis L.

Ladyslipper

Leek, wild

Equisetum praoaltura Raf.
Prunella vulgaris L.

Lettuce, wild

Shadbush

Amelancbier canadensis (L.)

Lily

Shepherd's-purse

Smart weed

Medic.

Lily, Whitewater...
Lopseed

Bursa bursa-pastoris (L.)

Britton.
Polygonum persicaria L.

Marshlocks

Milkweed, common.
MUkweed, swamp. _

Mint, mountain

Moosewood

Snakeroot, bur

Snakeroot, Seneca.. _
Snow berry

Sanicula canadensis L.
Polygala senega L.
Symphoricarpos albus (L.)

Snowberry, creep-
ing.
Solomonseal

Blake.
Chiogenes hispidula (L.) T.

Mugwort-.

&G.

Polygonatum commutatum.

Mug wort

Sphagnum _ ,

Sphagnum species.

Nettle.

Picea rubra (Du Roi) Dietr.

Nettle, false -

Spruce, white

Squash

Oak

S. P.
Cucurbita maxima Du-

Oak, bur . .

chesne.

Oak, red-.. . .

Strawberry, wild

chesne.

Parsnip, cow

Parsnip, meadow.. .

Sumac, staghorn

Rhus hirta (L.) Sudw.

Tansy

Pasque-flower

Pea, wild

Tea, Labrador

Tea, New Jersey

Thistle

Ledum groenlandicum

Oeder.
Ceanothus ovatus Desf.

Pearly everlasting...
Pine, red

Thornapple

Crataegus species.

Twisted-stalk

Umbrella-plant

Streptopus roscus Michx.
AHionia nyctacinea Michx.

Trillium grandiflorum

Pitcher-plant

Willow _.

(Michx.) Salisb.

Willow, spotted

Wintergreen

Plum, wild

Gaulthcria procumbens L.

Poplar, balsam

Prairie-clover

(L.) Greene.

Achillea millefolium L.

Psoralea

Yew

Taxus canadensis Marsh.

DENS more]

LIST OP PLANTS

297

There is no exact terminology of Chippewa plants, although there
are some generally accepted designations of common plants and trees.
In obtaining the names of plants it was found that the same name is
often given to several plants, and that one plant may have several
names. Individuals often had their own names- for the plants which
ihey used as remedies. It was also customary for a medicine man,
■when teaching the use of a plant, to show a specimen of the plant
without giving it any name. Thus the identity of the plant was
transmitted with more secrecy than would have been possible if a
name had been assigned to it. The names by which plants are desig-
nated by the Chippewa are usually compound nouns indicating the
appearance of the plant, the place where it grows, a characteristic
property of the plant, or its principal use. To this is often added a
termination indicating the part of the plant which is utilized, as
root or leaf.

Examples of these classes of plant names are as follows :

Name indicating appearance of the plant: Be'cigodji'bigClk (blue cohosh),
hecig, one; djlbUjuk^ root; the plant having a tap root.

Name indicating place where the plant grows: Mfi'ckigwa'tig (tamarack),
muekig, swamp; atig, termination indicating wood.

Name indicating a characteristic property of the plant : Dado'cabodji'bik
(dandelion), dodocaho, liquid, or milk; odjihik, root.

Name indicating characteristic use of plant: A'gimak' (ash), aglm, snow-
shoe; ak, termination signifying wood.

List of Plants ^ Akkanged According to Native Name

Native name

Abo'djigrun

A'djidamo'wano .

A'gimak'

Ago'bisowin

Agogg'osimlnun'.
Agwin'gusibug'..

Akun'damo

Ana'kun

Ande'gobug

Ande'gopln.

Anib'

Anih'icens'-

A'nibirain'

Anib'iminuga'wunj .

Anidji'mlnlbug'

A'ninandak'

A'nica'tlg

A'nimu'sid

Apuk'we

Asa'dl

Asa'kumlg

A'sawan

As'kibwan'

Common name

Reed.

Yarrow, squirrel - tail,
goldenrod.'

Ash.

Ladyslipper.

False Solomonseal.

Twisted-stalk.

Cup-plant.

Bulrush.

Hedge-nettle.

noneysuckle, bugle-
weed.

Arrowwood.

Goldenrod.

Cranberry.

Balsam fir.

Sugar maple.

Hepatica.

Cat-tail.

Aspen.

Wood-moss, sphagnum.

Lady fern.

Jerusalem artichoke.

» It will be noted that one name is frequently given to several plants and that one plant is frequently
called by several names.

Native name

Common name

A'slsuwe'mlnaga'wunj .
Aya'bldjidji'bikugi'sin .

Bagan'

Ba'sibuguk'.

Ba'sunukOk'

Beba'mokodjibika'gisin .
Be'cigodji'biguk

Be'dukadak'igisin

Bepadji'ckanakiz'it ma'-
zana'tig.

Bi'bigwe'wunuck

Bibi'gwunukuk'...

Bi'jikiwi'bugesan' _.

Bi'jikiwi'ginig

Bi'jikiw!n'guck-.

Bi'jikiwuck' _

Bima'kwud.

Bine'bug

Bu'gesana'tig

B ii'giso' win

Bugwudj'miskodi'slmln.

Busidji'bikuguk

Cabo'mlnaga'wunj

Chokecherry.
Spikenard.

Mugwort, prairie clover.
Mugwort.
Dogbane.

Blue cohosh, wild gera-
nium.
Umbrella plant.
Nettle.

Cow parsnip.
Horsemint.
Ground-plum.
Wild rose.
Prairie sage.
Seneca snakeroot.
Bittersweet.
Marsh locks.
Wild plum.

Mugwort, swamp milk-
weed, Joe Pye weed.
Hog peanut.
Meadow parsnip.
Gooseterry.

55231^—28-

-20

298 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ann. 44

List of Plants Arranged According to Native Name — Continued

Native name

Common name

Native name

Common name

Caca'gomin

Bunch berry.

Red currant.

Spruce.

Alum-root.

Rattlesnake-root, dande-
lion.

Moose wood.

Horse weed.

Hepatica.

Hemlock.

Juniper.

Pipsissewa.

Catnip.

Slippery elm, prickly ash.

Scouring rush.

Arbor vitfe.

Plantain.

Yellow dock.

Five-finger.

Ox-eye, psoralea, cone
flower.

Goldenrod.

Cone flower.

Pasque flower.

Shadbush.

Mugwort.

Shepherd's purse.

Wild cherry.

Common milkweed.

Wake-robin.

Red pine, white pine.

Mugwort.

Grape.

Snowberry.

Sumac.

Carrion flower.

Dogbane.

Hop hornbeam.

Balsam poplar.

Corn.

Woodbine.

Wild rice.

Nettle, thistle.

Joe-Pye-weed.

Wild currant.

False gromwell.

Blueberry.

Thornapple.

Wild pea.

Bloodroot.

Red-osier dogwood.

Red raspberry.

Red cedar.

Bur oak.

Oak.

Hickory.

Labrador tea.

Tamarack.

Muckode'cigaga'wunj-..
Muckode'kanes

Wild onion.

Cigagwa'ligon

Blues tem.

Clngob'

Mii'ckosija'bosigun

Dado'cabod ji'bik

Mukfide'widji'bik

Muse'odji'blk

Bur snake root.
Wormwood.

Djibe'gub

Ne'bagandag'

Yew.

Gababi'kwuna'tig

Na'bugogwis'simaiin' , . .

Squash.

rrngfi'piTTiii?

Name'gosibug'

Aster.

Ga'gige'biig . .

Name'wuckons . .

Mountain mint (also

Ne'baneya'nek wefig'

self heal).

Prairie smoke.

Gijib'iniiskon'

Gi'jikan'dug

White mugwort.

Tansy.

Blackberry (also black

raspberry).
Wild strawberry.
New Jersey tea.

Ginf'blgwuck

O'ckinigi'kweani'blc

Oda'tagago'minaga'wunj

Ode'iminldji'bik

Odiga'dimanido' ._

Odji'bikens

Gl'teiode'iminldji'bik...

Gi'zlso'mucki'ki

Gi'zuswe'bigwa'nis

Wild lettuce.

Guzigwa'kominaga'wunj

O'gima'wuck .

Mugwort.

I 'ck ode 'bug

Ogini'mlnaga'wunj

O'gite'bug

i'ckode'wadji'bik

Tkwp'mif

rose-berry) .

Pumpkin.

Inrniwin'dibige'gun

Oja'cidji'bik_ .

Fireweed.

Ojig'imin'

Smartweed.

J iQ'gwakwan'diJg

O'mukiki'bug

Plantain.

Jo'mlnaga'wunj

O'miikiki'wida'sun

O'miicko'zowa'no

O'saga'tigom

M airj'gamuna'tig

Pitcher-plant.
Elk tail.

Sweet cicely.

O'zawa'bigwun _

Worm seed, mustard,

Ma'kwona'gic ohji'bik . .
Ma'nanons'.

goldenrod.

Man'asa'dl

yellow dock.

Willow.

Manido'bima'kwud

Saga'komiri'agunj'

Bear berry.

Ma'zana'tlg,

Siga'gawunj'__

Wild leek.

Me'skwana'kuk. .

Wadub'

Alder.

Micidji'minaga'wunj

Wa'bigwun'

W^abino'wiick

MInaga'wunj

other plants).

Horsemint.

Mi'nisino' wuck

Mls'kodji'bik...

Wabos'odji'blk _.

Wild sarsaparilla (also

wild currant).

Mis'kominaga'wiJnj

Weza'wunuckwuk'

Wicko'bimucko'si

Wi'cosidji'blk

Giant hyssop.
Sweet grass.

Mitlgo'mic

Red baneberry.

Mi'tigwabak'

White birch.

Wiken'

Calamus.

Mu'ckigwa'tig

W^Inabojo'bikwuk'

Lily.

DEXSMOBE] MEDICINAL PROPERTIES OF PLANTS 299

List of Plants Arranged According to Native Name — Cuntiiiueil

Native name

Common name

Native name

Common name

Painted-cup.

Chickweed.

Wintergreen.

Aster.

Wi'sugibug'

Burdock.

wi'nizisun'.
Wi'nibldja'bibaga'no— -

Wi'sfigi'mltigo'mic

Bitter oak.

Ze'sub

False nettle.

Winl'slkens

Zi'glni'ce

Harebell.

An investigation was made to determine whether the plants used
medicinally by the Chippewa have a recognized use by the white
race. Two reports on this subject were courteously prepared by Dr.
W. W. Stockberger, physiologist in charge of drug, poisonous and
oil plant investigations, Bureau of Plant Industry. United States
Department of Agriculture. The first report shows the medicinal
properties of such plants and the second report shows the principal
active medicinal constituents of these plants.

MEDICINAL PROPERTIES OF PLANTS USED BY THE

CHIPPEWA

The following 69 plants used by the Chippewa are I'egarded as
medicinal by white people, although opinion as to their therapeutic
value varies greatly. The few species now officially recognized in
the latest editions of the LTnited States Pharmacopoeia and the Na-
tional Formulary are designated in the text by the abbreviations
U. S. P. IX and N. F. 4, respectively. Species recognized in the
eighth revision of the LTnited States Pharmacopoeia but no longer
official are indicated by U. S. P. VIII.

The remaining species, some of which were recognized in the
earlier Pharmacopoeias, have long been used either in medicine as
practiced by certain physicians or as domestic remedies.

Ahieg haUamca (L.) Mill. Balsam. Pinaceae. Pine family.

Canada balsam, a liquid oleoresin obtained from this tree, is stimulant,
diuretic, occasionall.v diaphoretic and externall.v rubefacient. U. S. P. VIII.
Achillea miUcfolhim L. Yarrow. Milfoil. Compositae. Composite famil.v.

The plant is slightly astringent and has been used as an alterative, diuretic,
and as a stimulant tonic. '

Acnrus calamus L. Sweetflag. calamus. Araceae. Arum family.

The rhizome has been eniplo.ved as an aromatic stimulant and tonic. 1'. S. P.
VIII.
Actaca ruVra (Ait.) Willd. Red baneberry. Randnculaceae. Crowfoot family.

The rhizome is said to be emeto-purgative and parasiticide.
AlnuH incana (L.) Moench. Speckled alder. Fagaceae. Beech family.

The bark is alterative, astringent, and emetic.

300 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. axn. 44

Apori/iiiim anilroxncmiftiUnm L. SpiViidiiiK dogbiUie. ArocYNACEAE. Dogbane
fjiiiiily.

The root is diuretic, sudorific, emetic, cnthiirtic, and anthelmintic. U. S. P.
VIII.
Aralia nudwaulis L. Wild sarsaparilla. Abaliaceab. Ginseng famil.v.

The roots have been used for their gently stimulant, diaithoretic, and alter-
ative action.
Aralia rnremosa L. Spikenard. Araliaceab. Ginseng family.

The root is alterative, stimulant, and diaphoretic.
Arctium miniix Bornh. Burdock. Compositae. Composite family.

The root is diuretic, diaphoretic, and alterative. U. S. P. VIII.
Arcto-itaithiilox uva-urxi (L. ) Spreng. Bearbervy. Ericaceae, Heath family.

The leaves have mild and slightly antiseptic diuretic properties. V. S. P. IX.
Arisaema tripliyllum (L.) Torr. Jack-in-the-pulplt. Araceae. Arum family.

Mentioned in unofHeial part of United States and King's Dispensatories.
Artrmixin (ihsintJiiiiiit L. Wormwood, ("ompositae. Composite family.

The leaves and flowering tops are tonic, stomachic, .stimulant, febrifuge, and
anthelmintic.
Artemisia dracuncnloides Pursh. Fuzzy-weed. Compositae. Composite family.

The plant acts as a topical irritant and diaphoretic.
Asarutn canadexse L. Wild ginger. Aristolochiaceae. Birthwort family.

The rhizome and roots are used as a carminative agent and flavor. N. F. 4.
Asclepias inearnata L. Swamp milkweed. Asclepiad.\ceae. Milkweed family.

The root is alterative, anthelmintic, cathartic, and emetic.
Asclepias syriaca L. Milkweed. Asclepiadaceae. Milkweed family.

The root is tonic, diuretic, alterative, emmenagogue, purgative, and emetic.
Athyrium filix-foeminn (L.) Rotli. Lady fern. Polypodiaceae. Fern family.

Reputed taenicide and formerly so used.
Bursa hursii-panforis fL.) Britton. Shepherd's Purse. Cruciferae. Mustard
family.

This plant was formerly thought to be antiscorbutic.
Caltha palustris L. Marsh marigold. Ranunculaceae. Crowfoot family.

The plant has been popularly used in the treatment of cougbs.
CaulophnUiim thalictroides (L. ) Michx. Blue Cohosh, BerbeSidaceae. Bar-
bery famil.v.

The rhizome and roots are said to be sedative, diuretic, and emmenagogue.
N. F. 4.
Celastriis srandots L. Bittersweet. Ce:lastracbae. Staff tree family.

The l)ark is said to be emetic, diaphoretic, and alterative.
Cirsiuni' sp. Compositae. Composite family.

The related species Cirsiuni ari^oixr is said to be tonic, diuretic, and astrin-
gent.

Cornus altrriiifolia L. f. Blue or purple dogwood. Cornaceae. Dogwocx)
family.

The bark of the mot of the related si)ecies. Cornus floriiin. is a feel)le, astrin-
gent t(mic,
Cypripediwn hirsutum Mill. Showy ladyslipiier. ORCiiinACEAE. Orclii-; family.

The rhizome and roots have been described as tonic, stimulant, and diapho-
retic. N. F. 4.

DENSMORB] MEDICINAL PROPERTIES OF PLANTS 301

Dircn paluftfris L. Wicopy. Thymelaeaceae. Mezercum family.

The berries are said to l)e narcotic and poisonous. Tlie bark is purgative and
emetic and when fresh vesicant.

Epilohiutn aiigiixtifoUiim L. Great willow-lierb. Onagraceae. Eveuinn prim-
rose family.

The plant is tonic, astringent, demulcent, and emollient.
Erigcron canadensis L. Horseweed. Compositae. Composite family.

The plant is diuretic, tonic, and astringent.
Eupatoriiim mnrulatum L. Spotted boneset. Compositae. Composite family.

The dried leaves and Howeriiig tops are used to prepare a domestic diapho-
retic tea. N. F. 4.
Fragaria virginiana Duchesne. Wild strawberry. Rosacej\e. Rose family.

The leaves are slightly astringent ; the roots diuretic.
Gaiiltheria procutnhcn,'^ L. Wintergreen, Checkerberry. Ericaceae. Heath
family.

The leaves are aromatic and astringent.
Oeranium niuculatum L. Cranesbill. Geraniaceae. Geranium family.

The rhizome is an absolute Intestinal astringent. N. F. 4.
Seraclemn lanatum Michx. Cow parsnip, beaver root. Umbeixiferab. Pars-
ley family.

The leaves and roots are rubefacient ; the root is said to be carminative and
stimulant.
KoelUa virginiana (L.) MacM. Virginia thyme. Labiatae. Mint family.

The plant is diaphoretic, carminative, and tonic.
Lactiica canadensis L. Wild lettuce. Compositae. Composite family.

The juice of the plant is said to be mildly narcotic.
Larix laricina (DuRoi) Koch. Tamarack. Pinace.\e. Pine family.

The bark is said to be laxative, tonic, diuretic, and alterative.
Ledum groenlandicum Oeder. Labrador tea. Ericaceae. Heath family.

The leaves are expectorant and tonic. They are said to have been employed
instead of tea leaves during the Revolutionary War.

Lepiandra I'irginica (L.) Nutt. Culver's-root. Schrophulariaceae. Figwort
family.

The rhizome and roots are alterative, cholagogue, and cathartic. N. P. 4.
Nepeta cataria L. Catnip. Labiatae. Mint family.

The leaves and flowering tops have long had a domestic use as a mild stimu-
lant and tonic and as an emmenagogue.

Nymphaea americana (Prov.) Miller & Standley. Pondlily. Nymph aeaceae.
Waterlily family.

The rhizome of the closely related species Nymphaea advena is astringent and
demulcent.

Osmorrhiza claytoni (Michx.) Clarke. Sweet cicely. Umbeixiferae. Parsley
family.
The root of the closely related Osmorrhizn lonffistylis is aromatic, c-armina-
tive, and stomachic.

Ostrpa virginiana (Mill.) Koch. American hop hornbeam. Betut,ace.\e. Birch
family.
The bark and inner wood are antiperiodic, tonic, and alterative.

302 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth.ann.41

Plantafio itmjor L. Lar.ite iilimtaiii. Pl.vntagin.\ceae. Plantain family.

The mot.* and leaves are alterative, diuretic, and antisejitic.
I'uttulux hultaaiiiifcra L. Balsam poplar. Saucaceiae. Willow family.

The leaf buds are resinous, aromatic, and expectorant.
Popiihis tremuloides Michx. American aspen. Salicaceae. Willow family.

Tbe liark is tonic and febrifuge,
Potentilla paliistris (L.) Scop. Marsh iive-fiuger. Rosaceae. Rose family.

The roots are bitter and astringent, but do not apjiear to have been used in
medicine.
Pruinis serotinn Elirh. Wild black cherry. Rosaceae. Rose family.

The dried bark is tonic, sedative, pectoral, and astringent. U, S, P. IX.
Prim IIS rirf/iiiiana L. Chokecherry. Rosaceae. Rose family.

The fruit is very astringent.
Psoralen, argophylla Pursh. Legt'minosae. Pea family.

The root and leaves of several species of Psoralea appear to possess the
properties of a mild, stimulating, bitter tonic.
Pulsatilla hirsiiti.ssima (I'ursh) Brittim. Pasque flower. Ranuncixaceae.

Crowfoot family.

The plant has been recommended as an alterative, sedative, and antispas-
modic. N. F. 4.
Quercus ruhra L. Red oak. Fagaceae. Beech family.

Oak bark is slightly tonic, powerfully astringent and antiseptic.
Rhus fflahra. L. Smooth sumac. Anacardiacbah. Cashew family.

The dried ripe fruits are astringent and refrigerant. N. F. i.
Rubiis strigosnx Michx. Wild red raspberry. Rosaceiae. Rose family.

The juice of the riiJe fruits is used for tlavoring. N. F. 4.
Rudbcckia laciiiiata L. Compositae. Composite family.

The herb is said to be diuretic, tonic, and balsamic.
Rutnex crispus L. Yellow dock. Poltgonaceae. Buckwheat family.

The root is astringent, slightly tonic and has been supposed to have alterative
properties. N. F. 4.
Sanffuinarm canadensis L. Bloodroot. Papaveraceae. Poppy family.

The rhizome and roots are irritant and narcotic, expectorant in small doses,
but in large doses nauseant and emetic. U. S. P. IX.
i<iinicula canadensis L. Black snakeroot. Umbelliferae. Parsley family.

The root is said to be astringent, antispasmodic, and antiperiodie.
SJilphiwn pei-folinfiim L. Cup-plant. Compositae. Composite family.

The plant is tonic, diaphoretic, and diuretic.
Solidago rigida L. Goldenrod. Compositae. Comiiosite family.

The herb is astringent and styptic.
Solidago rigidiuscula Porter. Goldenrod. Compositae. Composite family.

Supposed to have properties similar to the preceding species.
Stachi/s palustris L. Woundwort. Labiatae. Mint family.

The herb is said to be expectorant and vulnerary.
Stellaria media (L.) Cyrill. Comniou chickweed, Cakyophyllaceae. Pink

family.

The leaves appear to be a cooling demulcent.

DENSMOEE] MEDICINAL CONSTITUENTS OF PLANTS 303

Sjiiiililxtrirarpox nihiis (L. ) Blake. SiKiwlierry. Caprifoliaceae. Honeysuckle

fmiiily.

The root is alterative and tonic.
Tanaccfiim vuXgare L. Tansy. Compositae. Composite family.

The leaves and toixs are tonic, enimenagogue and diaphoretic.
Taraxacum officinale Weber. Dandelion. Compositae. Composite family.

The rhizome and roots are used as a bitter tonic and as a mild laxative.
U. S. P. IX.
Thuja occidrntaUs L. Arborvitae. Pinaceae. Pine family.

An extract pri'iiared from the leafy youns twigs has been recommended as a
febrifuge, expectorant, and anthelmintic. N. F. 4.

Trillium grandiflorum (Michx.) Salisb. Liliaceaex Lily family.

Tlie rhizome has been u.sed as an astringent and tonic expectorant.
Tsuc/a canadrn-sui (L.) Carr. Hemlock. Pinaceae. Pine family.

Canada pitch obtained from this tree is a gentle rubefacient.
Vrtica gracilis Ait. Nettle. Urticaceae. Nettle family.

Several related species of nettle have been used in medicine as local irritants
and as diuretics.
Vibunium arerifolium L. Arrow-wood. Caprifoliaceae. Honeysuckle family.

The bark was formerly used as an astringent.
Zantlu/jylum ainericanuin Mill. Prickly ash. Rutaceae. Rue family.

The bark is sialagogue, stimulant, alterative, and emetic. U. S. P. IX.

PRINCIPAL ACTIVE MEDICINAL CONSTITUENTS OF PLANTS USED

BY THE CHIPPEWA

Abieg halaamea. Constituents: A true turpentine consisting of 24 parts essen-
tial oil and 60 parts resin. By fractional distillation the oil has been resolved
into bornyl or terpinyl acetate, pinene, and a fragrant oil resembling oil of
lemon.

Achillea millefolium. Constituents: A blue volatile oil containing ciueol and a
bitter principle, achillein.

Acorns calamus. Constituents: The rhizome yields a volatile oil which has the
composition of a terpene.

Actaca rubra. Constituents: Two resins which h:ive a physiological action
resembling that of the active principles of Cimicifuya and Ilclleboru.s:

Ahius incana. Constituents: Tannin, volatile oil, and resins.

Apocjinum androsarmifolium. Constituents: Resins, caoutchouc, a volatile oil,
and a bitter principle consisting of the glucosides apocynamarin, apocynein,
androsin, and the glyceride androsterin.

Aralia mtdicaulis. Constituents: An acrid resin, and araliin, a yellowish
glucoside.

Aralia raccmosa. Constituents: Same as A. ttudicaulis.

Arctium minus. Constituents: Inulin, sugar, volatile oil, and a bitter glucoside.

Arctostaphjilos uva-ursi. Constituents: Tannic acid, gallic acid. gum. resin,
urson, arliulin, and ericolin.

Artemisia absinthium. Constituents: A vohitile oil and absintliin, a bitter
principle.

Artemisia dracunculoides. Constituents: (?)

Asarum canade)ise. Constituents : A phenol C»Hi;0=. pinene, a blue oil, a lactone,
palmitic acid, acetic acid, and a mixture of fatty acids and oleoresin.

304 USES OF PI.AXTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ANN. 44

Asclrj)i<i>i inrnrnata. CoMstitucnls : A volatili' nil, resins, iiiul the f;lucoside

asclepiadin.
Asclcpias sj/riaca. Constituents : Similar t<> tliose of A. incarnata and in addi-
tion asclepion.
Athijrlutn fllix-foemtna. Constituents : The active princiiile resembles filicic

acid.
Bursa hursa-pastoris. Constituents : A volatile oil identical veith that of

mustard, and the alkaloid bursine.
Ciiltha patustris. Constituents: Berberin and an allialoid similar to nicotine.
Caulophijllum thalictroidrx. Constituents: Resins, a substance similar to

saponin, and the glucoside leontin.
Celastrus scnndens. Constituents : A volatile oil and celastrin.
Cirsi'um arverise. Constituents : A volatile alkaloid and the glucoside cnicin.
Cornus alternifoHa. Constituents: Cornine.
C'ljpripedmm hirtiutnm. Constituents : A volatile oil and the glucosidal resinoid,

CYpripedin.
DierviUa lonicera. Constituents : Alkaloid believed to be narceine ; a glucoside

similar to fraxina in D. luiea.
Dirca palustris. Constituents: Undetermined.
EpUohium augustifoUum. Constituents : Undetermined.
Erigdon ciinadensis. Constituents : A volatile oil.
Eupntarium mrwulatum. Constituents: Undetermined.
Fragiiria virginiana. Constituents: The glucoside fragarianin.
Guultheria procumhens. Constituents : A volatile oil containing the terpene

gaultherilene and methyl salicylate.
Geranium maculatum. Constituents : Tannin.
Herucleum lanatum. Constituents : A volatile oil.
Kocllia rirginiuiia. Constituents: (?)
Lactuca ciinadensis. Constituents: The bitter principle lactucin, lactucie acid,

laetueoiiicrin, lactueerin, and a volatile oil.
Larix laricina. Constituents: A volatile oil which contains pinene, larixine, and

tlie ester bornylacetate.
Ledum groenlandicnm. Constituents : The glucoside ericolin.
Lcptdndra virginica. Constituents: Tlie glucoside leptandrin.
Nepeta cntaria. Constituents: A volatile oil.
Nijmphaea americnnn. Constituents: Undetermined.
Osmurrhixa cUiytoni. The related species O. longistylis yields a volatile oil

composed chiefly of anethol.
Ostnjii rirginiuiia. Constituents: Undetermined.
Plantago major. Constituents : Not well known.
Populus halsamifera. Constituents : Chrysin, tetrochrysin, salicin, populin,

resin and a volatile oil.
PopiiJus treiniiloides. Constituents: See P. ial.samifera.
Potcntilla palustris. Constituents: A bitter principle, mucilage and tannins.
Prunus serotina. Constituents: A glucoside.
Prunus virginiana. Constituents : A glucoside.
Psoralen arguphiilla. Constituents: (V)

Pulsatilla hirsutissima. Constituents : A volatile oil containing a camphor.
Quercus ruira. Constituents : Tannic acid, a terpene, resin and quercitrin.
Rhus glabra. Constituents: Tannic acid and gallic acid.
Ruhus strigosus. Constituents of fruit : Citric and malic acids.
Rudbeckia laciniata. Constituents: (?)

DEXSMOBB] MEDICINAL CONSTITUENTS OF PLANTS 305

Rui>i(\r criiptis. Constituents: Tannin, alliunien ami iron.

Sanguinarw cana4enMs. Constituents ; Tlie allialoid clu'lerythrine, sanguina-
rine, gamnia-homochelidouine and protopine.

Sanicula caiwdeii-fix. Constituent.s : A resin and an essential oil.

Silphiiim inrfoliatiim. Constituents: Tndetennined.

Solidaj/o rif/idn. Constituents: A volatile oil.

Solidngo riiiidiiiKcula. Constituents: A volatile oil.

Stacln/s iHiliixtri.i. Constituents: An aromatic substance and an alkaloid.

Stellaria mcdm. Constituents: Saponin.

i^imiphoricarpos alhim. Constituents: Invertin. a sjUicoside and eniulsin.

Tanacetum vulgarc. Constituents: The bitter principle tanacetln and a vola-
tile oil.

Taraxacum offieiiiale. Constituents : The bitter principles taraxicin taraxa-
cerin.

Thuja occidentals. Constituents: The coloring matter thujin, the glucoside,
penipicrin. and a volatile oil containing dutro-pineue, laevo-fenchone and
dextro-thu.ione.

Trillium yratidiflorum. Constituents : Undetermined.

Tsuga canadensis. Constituents : Resin and a volatile oil which contains laevo-
pinene and laevo-bornylacetate.

Vrtica gracili.i. Constituents : A volatile oil.

Vihuniinn acerifoUum. Constituents : Probabl.v vilnirnin and valerianic acid.

Zanthojjilum amrricunum. Constituents: Zauthoxylin and an alkaloid resem-
bling berberjne.

PLANTS AS FOOD

Tlie strength of the Chippewa in conquering the Sioux and estab-
lishing themselves in new territory indicates that they were well
nourished, that suitable food was available, and that it was prepared
in a proper manner. This was the work of the women, who were
very industrious and bestowed much care on the provisioning of
their households. A staple article of food was wild rice, which was
seasoned with maple sugar or combined with broth made from ducks
or venison. An important food value was obtained from maple
sugar. Fish were extensively used, as the Chippewa, lacking horses,
lived along the lakes and watercourses as much as possible. It is
said that they had squash and pumpkins before the coming of the
white man, and the country abounded in berries and wild fruit of
many varieties. Thus it is seen that the Chippewa were a people
subsisting chiefly on vegetable products and fish, though they secured
deer and other animals by hunting. The making of gardens was an
important phase of the industrial year, and a portion of the food
tiuis obtained was stored in caches for winter use.

While the present chapter concerns the use of vegetable foods it
may be added that fish were stored by drying and by freezing; and
that meat was dried, after which it usually was pounded and mixed
with tallow for storage. The Chippewa cooked and ate all trapped
animals except the marten. Rabbits were caught in snares and
formed a valuable food during the winter months. Deer and moose
were available, and bear meat was liked because it was so fat. The
bear was an especially useful animal, as all parts of it were either
eaten or utilized.
306

DENSMORB]

PLANTS AS FOOD
List of Pi^vnts Used as Food

307

Botanical name

Common name

Part of plant used

Acer saccharum Marsh

Amelanehier canadensis (L.) Medic
Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.) Spreng.

Asarum canadense L

Asclepias syriaca L

Aster species

Chiogenes hispidula (L.) T. & G

Cornus canadensis L

Corylus americana Walt

Crataegus species

Cucurbita maxima Duchesne

Cucurbita pepo L

Falcata comosa (L.) Kuntze

Maple

Juneberry

Bearberry

Wild ginger

Common milkweed..

Aster

Creeping snowberry. .

Fragaria virginiana Duchesne

Gaultheria procumbens L

Helianthus tul^erosus L

Koellia virginiana (L.) MacM

Ledum groenlandicum Oeder

Lycopus asper Greene

Oxyeoccus macrocarpus, (Ait.) Pers . .
Parthenocissus quinquefolia (L.)
Greene.

Populus tremuloides Michx

Prunus americana Marsh

Prunus serotina Ehrh

Prunus virginiana L

Quercus macrocarpa Muhl

Ribes triste Pall

Ribes species

Rubus frondosus Bigel. (?)

Rubus strigosus Michx

Sagittaria latifolia Vahl

Scirpus validus Vahl

Tilia americana L

Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr

Vaccinium angustifolium Ait__.
Viburnum pauciflorum Pylaie.

Vitis cordif olia Michx

Zca mays L

Zizania palustris L

Hazel

Thornapple

Squash

Pumpkin

Wild bean or "Hog

peanut. "

Strawlierry

Wintergreen

Jerusalem artichoke-
Mountain mint

Labrador tea

Bugleweed

Cranberry

Woodbine (Virginia

creeper) .

Poplar

Chokecherry

Wild cherry

Chokecherry

Bur oak

Red currant

Wild currant

Blackberry

Red raspberry

Arrowhead

Bulrush

Basswood

Hemlock

Blueberry

Highland cranberry

Grape

Corn

Indian rice

Sap.

Fruit.

Root.

Flowers.

Leaves.

Fruit.

Nut.

Fruit.

Root.

Fruit.

Leaves.

Root.

Flowers andbuds.

Leaves.

Root.

Fruit.

Stalk and sap

next the bark.
Sap.
Twigs.
Twigs.
Twigs.

Fruit (acorns).
Fruit.
Fruit.
Fruit.
Fruit.
Root.
Root.
Sap next the

bark.
Leaves.
Fruit.
Fruit.
Fruit.
Fruit.
Fruit.

308 USER OF ri.ANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS Ikth. ANN. 44

Making Maple Sugar =

The two most important vegetable foods were maple sufjar and
wild rioe. The obtainin";; of these commodities was attended with
much pleasure, thoufjjh the temporary camps were busy and there
was work for young and old. Each family or gi'oup of two or
three families had its own sugar bush, as it also had its o«ti part
of the rice field, and the people went there in the early spring to
make the year's supply of sugar. Two structures remained in the
sugar camp from year to year. These were the birch-bark lodge in
which the utensils were stored, and the frame of the lodge in which
the sugar was made. (PI. 31.) The former was generally round in
shajje, but the one visited by the writer was constructed with a
" ridge pole " to give more room at the top. The latter was made
in a substantial manner and consisted of a stout framework of
poles covered with sheets of elm or cedar bark. Rolls of birch bark
might, if desired, 1)e substituted for the heavier bark on the roof.
The size of the lodge varied with the number of families in the
camjj. The lodge visited by the writer was of average size, the
length being I8V2 feet, the width 19 feet 3 inches, and the height at
the eaves 10 feet. There was an entrance at each end and a plat-
form extended the entire length at each side. These platforms were
about 5 feet wide, 12 to 18 inches high, and might be on one or both
sides of the lodge. They were intended primarily for sleeping, but
the edge next the fire was used for sitting and eating, after the
bedding had been rolled and placed next to the walls of the lodge.
If possible, the platform on one side was reserved for the sugar-
making utensils. In a small lodge the platform might be on only
one side, the utensils being placed on the ground at the opposite
side of the lodge.

The fire space extended the length of the lodge beneath the ridge
of the roof, and a large log of green wood was placed at each side
of it. A .structure for holding the kettles was erected above the
fire space. This structure consisted of four heavy corner posts, 6 or
7 feet high, with crotches at the top. Between the crotches of the
posts, crosswise of the lodge, were laid stout poles, upon which were
poles laid lengthwise, and between these, over the fire, wore placed
the horizontal bars from which the kettles were suspended. Thus
it was possible by moving the horizontal bars to place a kettle over
any jiart of the fire. The largest kettles were hung in the center

' It is said that " the primitive Indian method of malting sugar before the introduction of
metal Itettles was to throw red-tiot stones in vessels of bark or wood, or asain, to freeze
the syrup repeatedly in shallow basins and throw off the ice." Dr. V. Havard, V, S. A..
" I)rinl< plants of the North .American Indians," Bulletin of the Torrey IJotaniial Club,
Lancaster, Pa., 1896, vol. 23, no. 2, pp. 42-43.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 30

a, CASS LAKE, MINN.

6. STREAM. WHITE EARTH. MINN.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 32

a, STORAGE LODGE OPEN)

6, BIRCH-BARK CONTAINERS

c, BIRCH-BARK CONE. DISH, AND SPOONS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 33

a, BOILING MAPLE SAP

h^.^

6. MAPLE TREES TAPPED

DENSMOBB] PLANTS AS FOOD 309

of the lo(l<rt'. Tlu'V were siisjiended liy strips of jrreen bark, later
by chains ami iron luioks made bv bhieksmiths. The smaller kettles
were placed over the ends of the tire, and usually were luinjr on
wooden hooks made of tree crotches, ironwood being frequently need
for this purpose.

To add to the comfort of the lodge, a double shelf was fastened to
the side of the framework for holding small articles. This was
placed near the door, where it could conveniently be reached by the
mistress of the lodge.

The capacity or size of a sugar bush was not estimated by the
nimiber of maple trees but by the number of "taps,'" as it was not
unusual to make two or three taps in a large tree. Nine hundred taps
was an average size. The number of taps was reckoned by hundreds,
the larger camps being mentioned as having 1.200 or 2,000 taps.

The season of sugar making began about the middle of March and
lasted about a month. It is said that the best sugar was made when
the early part of tlie winter had been open, allowing the ground to
freeze deeper than usual, this being followed by deep snow. The
first run of sap was considered the best. A storm usually followed
the first warm weather, and afterwards the sap began to flow again.
This sap, however, grained less easily than the first and had a slightly
different flavor. Rain produced a change in tlie taste and a thunder-
storm is said to have destroyed the characteristic flavor of the sugar.

The procedure of moving to the sugar camp depended somewhat
upon the condition of the lodge. If lepairs with sheets of heavy
bark were needed, it was customary for the men to go early to the
camp. The following account presupposes a lodge with birch-bark
rolls as its roof covering. If such a lodge were in use the women
went flrst to the camp, making their way on snowshoes through the
forest. On their baclcs they carried the rolls of birch bark for the
roof covering. These rolls were carried perpendicularly by a pack
strap across the forehead. They were not heavy, but towered high
above a woman's head.

Arriving at the camp, the women shoveled the snow away from
the sugar lodge and soon made themselves comfortable. A ladder of
tree branches was among the articles stored during the winter, and
placing this against the framework of the lodge they ascended and
spread their i-oUs of birch bark on the roof. On the platforms in
the interior of the lodge they spread cedar boughs, if such were avail-
able, and on these were laid rush mats, over wliich were spread
blankets and warm furs. The storehouse was opened, the great rolls
of birch bark being turned back, one at a time, until beneath the
weather-worn coverings were seen the heaps of bark dishes, makuks.
and buckets, white outside and warm yellow within, others a soft
gray or dulled by age to a rich mahogany color. (PI. 32, a.) Th'.'

310 ITRES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ANN. 44

odor of balsam and dry sweet birch bark came from the lod<>;e. There
was also a supply of birch bark for making new utensils (pi. 32,6, c),
if such were necessary. The material which the women brought
with them from the winter camps depended, of course, on their knowl-
edge of what liad been left in the storing lodge the previous season.

Having opened this lodge, the women examined the utensils. Tlie
bark dishes for gathering sap were tied in bundles of 10 and
placed upside down wlien stored. They were about 12 inches long.
There were the makuks in which the sugar was stored, and utensils
somewhat similar in shape, but provided with handles, thus resem-
bling buckets. In these the sap was carried to the sugar lodge. The
makuk varied in size from those holding a small quantity of sugar to
those holding 100 pounds or more. Although birch bark was plenti-
ful it was not wasted. Bark utensils were washed and dried at the
close of each sugar making, and with this care could be used 5 or
even 10 years. The women looked them over and mended with balsam
gum any that needed repairing. The color of the sugar depended on
the wliiteness and cleanness of the utensils. They also made new
utensils if necessary, using the supply of bark left in the lodge for
that purpose. In addition to the birch-bark utensils there were
troughs made of logs, basswood being commonly used for tliat pur-
pose. Outside one or both entrances to the sugar lodge there was
such a trougli, into which the sap was poured from buckets. Some of
these troughs would hold several barrels of sap. They were covered
with sheets of birch bark to keep out twigs and bits of moss. A
trough was also used in the process of granulating the sugar. Cer-
tain utensils were commonly made of maple, among these being the
large wooden spoons used in dipping the sap, the paddles with which
the sirup was stirred, and the granuhiting ladles with the back of
which the heavy sirup was worked into sugar.

When all arrangements were completed the women returned to
the camp and prepared for the removal of their families and house-
hold ecjuipment. These were carried on either toboggans or sleds,
drawn usually by dogs. Among the articles that were not stored
but carried each year to the camps were the large brass kettles for
boiling the sap. Small children or members of the family too feeble
to walk were placed comfortably on the sledges among the packs.
The women carried the smallest children on their backs, and the party
started for the annual sugar making.

On arriving at the sugar camp it was sometimes necessary to erect
a tipi for temporary use, while the men repaired the structure for
holding the kettles. Great care was taken to have this in perfect
condition, as the fall of a kettle would be a serious accident in a lodge.
The tapping of the trees was begun as soon as the people took up
their abode in the sugar lodge, provided the sap was running at that

DBNSMORE] PLANTS AS FOOD 311

time. Tapping was done only by those who were expert in tiie use
of an ax, though women as well as men engaged in the task. (Pi. 33,
b.) The trees were arranged in paths so that the collecting of the sap
could be conveniently done. A good worker could make 300 tappings
in a day. The tapping consisted in making a diagonal cut in a tree
about 31^ inches long and about 3 feet from the ground. Below the
lower end of this cut the bark was removed in a perpendicular line for
a distance of about 4 inches. A wooden spile was inserted below this
jjoint. The wooden spiles were commonly made of slippery elm and
were about 6 inches long, 2 inches wide, and curved on the under
surface. The distance of a spile below the cut in a maple tree
dejDended on the grain and hardness of the wood. If it were inserted
too near tlie cut there was danger that the wood might split. The
cut in which the spile was inserted could be made with an ax, or with
a tool resembling a curved chisel, which was pounded into the tree
and removed for the insertion of the wooden spile.

The sap dishes were distributed in the early morning, being placed
on the ground or the snow beneath the taps. If the weather were
cold the sap did not rim during the night, and accordingly in the
late afternoon when it stopped running the people began to gather it,
pouring from the dishes into bark pails carried by the women, or large
buckets carried by the men. In the very large camps it was some-
times necessary to have barrels stationed at a distance from the sugar
lodge, and to fill them and haul them on sleds. A shoulder yoke
enabling a man to carry two buckets was used among the Chippewa
to some extent, but it is said that the use of the yoke was learned from
the French, and did not represent a native custom.

When the sap was taken to the camp it was put into the kettles or
poured into the troughs at the doors. The large kettles were at first
filled only partially, the sap being heated in the smaller kettles near
the ends of the fire and emptied from these into the large kettles,
in M'hich the actual boiling was done. By this means the entire
quantity of sap was heated gradually. (PI. 33, a.)

All night the fires were kept burning and the kettles boiling, cer-
tain people taking turns in watching them. If a kettle boiled too
rapidly a branch of sijruce attached to a stick was dipped into the
froth. The motion was little more than a brushing of the froth with
the spruce, but the bubliling at once subsided. By early morning
the sirup was slightly thickened and ready to strain. In the old days
a mat woven of narrow strips of basswood bark was placed over an
extra kettle, and the sirup was strained through this mat, being
dipped from the kettle with large wooden spoons. In more recent
times the sirup is slowly strained through a burlap, and it is said
that a clean threadbare white blanket was occasionallv used for this

312 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [etu. an.\. «

purpose. Straining completed this stage of the process of sugar
making.

Tlie "sugaring oif " was postponed until a day when there was a
storm, or when the sap boiling was discontinued.

Before replacing the sap in the kettles they were thoroughly
cleaned, bunches of stitf rushes which commonly grow near sugar
bush being used, and the kettles polished with them. All the
utensils were washed and everything made ready for the final process,
which required special care. The sirup was replaced in the kettles
and slowly heated. When it became thick, small pieces of deer tallow
were put in it. This was said to make the sugar soft and not brittle.
A maple-wood paddle was used in stirring the sirup, and when it had
thickened to the proper consistency it was quickly transferred to the
granulating trough, Avhere it was again stirred with a paddle, and at
the proper time " rubbed or worked " with the back of the granulat-
ing ladle, or in some instances pulverized by hand. This had to
be done very rapidly before the sugar cooled too much. The stirring
of the thick sirup and the granulating was a heavy task, and it was
not unusual for men to assist in tlie work. From the granulating
trough the warm sugar was poured into makuks. (PI. 34.)

Granulated sugar, however, was not the onl^' form into which
maple sap was converted. When the reboiling for sugar was begun
it was customary to pour some of the thick sirup into small con-
tainers where it hardened solidly. (PI. 35.) Little cones were made
of birch bark and fastened together with strijDs of basswood bark so
that the group resembled a cluster of berries. These cones filled
with sugar were a favorite delicacy among the children. The upper
mandible of a duckbill was similarly filled, several of these being
fastened together in a row by a little stick. Little birch-bark dishes
of the shape commonly used for all purposes were also filled, and
sugar cakes were made in fancy shapes, the molds being cut from
soft wood and greased before the sirup was put into them so that
it could easily be taken out. These molds were in shape of various
animals, also of men, and of the moon and stars, originality of design
being sought. A product called gum sugar was highly prized. This
was a sticky substance and was kept in packets of birch bark tied
with basswood bark. In making the latter delicacy the sirup was
taken from the kettle just before it was ready to grain. It was then
poured on snow and not stirred. When cold it was placed in the
birch-bark wrapping.

As already stated, the last run of sap had a different taste than
the first and grained less easily. This was boiled as thickly as pos-
sible and placed in makuks. Sometimes these makuks were buried in
the ground and covered with bark and boughs to keep the contents

DBNSUOBB] PLANTS AS FOOD 313

cool durino; the summer so that it would neither become sour nor
freeze. Makuks of this substance were often placed in the storing
lodge of a sugar camp where the women could get them at any time.
If left an entire year, the women, on returning to the sugar camp,
found it as fresh as when placed in storage.

The uses of maple sugar were many and varied. It was used in
seasoning fruits, vegetables, cereals, and fish. It was dissolved in
water as a cooling summer drink and sometimes made into sirup in
which medicine was boiled for children. The granulated sugar and
the sugar cakes were commonly used as gifts, and a woman with a
goodly supply of maple sugar in its various forms was regarded as
a thrifty woman providing for the wants of her family.

A pleasing diversion of the young people was the making of birch-
bark transparencies, described on pages 390-396.

A Chippewa living in Canada where there are few maple trees
said that his people tap the white birch trees and boil the sap into
sirup. He said that the sap of these trees does not run as long as
maple sap.

Gatheeikg Wild Rice

Wild rice constitutes the chief cereal food of the Chippewa. It
abounds in certain lakes, ripening earliest in the shallow lakes fed by
streams and later in the lakes fed by springs. The soil of some lakes
seems to produce moi-e rice and larger kernels than that of other lakes.
By a wise provision of nature the seed of the rice is carried by wild
ducks, which also afford food for the people at the season when the
rice is ripe.

In the old days each family or small group of families had a por-
tion of a rice field, as it had a " sugar bush " for making its maple
sugar. The portion of a rice field was outlined by stakes, and a
woman established her claim to it by going to the field about 10 days
before the rice was ripe and tying portions of it in small sheaves.
Basswood fiber is used without twisting for the tying of rice. One
length is tied to another, malting a large hard ball that unwinds from
the middle. The ball is placed in a tray behind the woman as she
sits in the canoe. For this work she wears a special waist (pi. 3G. a),
which, with the care of Chippewa women, is reenforced on the shoul-
der where the basswood fiber passes through a little birch-bark ring.
This method of carrying the " twine " keeps it ready to her hand and
free from becoming tangled. (PI. 36, b.) She draws a little group of
rice stalks toward her with the " rice hoop " (pi. 37) and winds the
fiber around them, bending the tip of the sheaf or bundle down to
the stalks. The process in detail is shown in Plate 38. The rice is
left standing until ripe, when the sheaf is untied, the rice shaken out,
55231°— 28 21

314 USES OF PT.ANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ANN. 44

and kept separate from the rest of the crop. (PI. 39.) It has a
slightly different flavor than other rice and the kernels are said to be
heavier, recjuiring longer boiling.

When the time came for harvesting the rice a camp was established
on the shore of a lake -where rice was abundant. (PI. 40, a.)

In this, as in the making of maple sugar, the unit was the family
or group of immediate relatives, all of whom assisted in the process.
Three rice camps were visited and photographed by the author dur-
ing the harvest season. The equijiment for " rice-making " com-
prised a canoe or boat with a propelling pole and two rice-beating
sticks, one or more birch-bark rolls, the same size as for a wigwam
cover, a kettle or tub for parching rice, and a pecvdiar paddle used
for stirring the rice in the kettle ; also a barrel sunk in the ground for
the first pounding of the rice, and several pestles used for that pur-
pose, several " winnowing trays " made of birch bark, and a small
barrel sunk in the ground and having two bars beside it, this portion
of the equipment being for "treading out" the final chaff from the
rice. Receptacles for storing the rice were also j^rovided, these in
the older days being bags woven of cedar or basswood bark.

The manner of going through the rice field was by means of a
canoe or boat pushed along by a pole forked at the end. (PI. 40, b.)
This was a heavy task and was usually performed by a man while a
woman sat in the stern of the boat and harvested the rice. '

In the early morning the canoes started for the rice field and did
not return until about the middle of the afternoon, the time depend-
ing on the distance to be traveled. Sometimes the rice to be har-
vested was at the farther side of a lake, requiring considerable time
to reach the spot. A canoeful of rice was considered a day's gather-
ing. The harvesting of the " free rice " (that which had not been
tied) was done by knocking the kernels off the stalk and allowing
them to fall into the canoe. Two " rice-sticks " were used for this
purpose. The stalks were bent down with one of them, and a sweep-
ing but gentle stroke with the other stick liberated the kernels.
(PI. 40, c.) The rice at the right as well as the left of the boat was
harvested in this manner, a woman using one hand as easily as the
other in knocking off the kernels. It was considered a test of a good
rice gatherer to free the ripe rice kernels without dislodging those
which were unripe. Thus it was possible to go over the same part
of a rice field several times at intervals of a few days, allowing
time for more rice to ripen. It was not the intention, however, to
harvest all the rice, a portion being allowed to fall into the water,
or being sowed on the water as seed. The ideal weather for rice
gathering was warm and still, as wind or rain dislodged the kernels.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 35

a. CAKES OF MAPLE SUGAR AND MAKUK FILLED WITH SAME

fc, STACKED DISHES AND EMPTY CONES. THE LATTER TO
BE FILLED WITH SUGAR

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 35

a, WAIST WORN WHEN TYING RICE (BACK VIEW)

6, WOMAN IN BOAT, TYING RICE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 37

TIED RICE AND RICE HOOP

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 33

PROCESS OF TYING RICE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 39

TIED RICE, SHOWING STAGES OF PREPARATION

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 40

-4^

W' **»'

a, RICE FIELD

6. POLING BOAT THROUGH RICE

c. HARVESTING RICE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 41

«, RICE SPREAD TO DRY

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;.. -sm-

Pt V^H^B

K ;... M' wk Wk

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6, PARCHING RICE

c, MORTAR FORMERLY USED IN POUNDING RICE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 42

a, WINNOWING RICE

b, POUNDING RICE

c, TREADING RICE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 4 3

a, PREPARED MEDICINAL
SUBSTANCES TIED IN
CLOTH

b, PACKET WRAPPED IN
THIN BIRCH BARK

c, PACKETS OF LEAVES AND
TWIGS READY FOR USE

d, PACKETS OF BARK
READY FOR USE

DBNSMOHB] PLANTS AS FOOD 315

In some camps the parching and threshing of the rice was done in
the hite afternoon and evening, and those who gathered the rice
assisted in this portion of the work, but in a large camp this part
of the process was carried on simultaneously with the gathering,
those who remained in the camp parching and threshing while the
rest were gathering.

When the canoes arrived the loads of rice were carried to the camp
and spread on sheets of birch bark. (PI. 41, a.) These had been
placed where the sun would shine upon them, but not with such direct-
ness as to heat the rice, which was frequently stirred so it would be
evenly dried. This was important, as at the season of rice gathering
the nights are frequently cold with very hot sun in the middle of the
day. About 24 hours was usually allowed for this preliminary dry-
ing, after which the rice was either parched in a kettle or dried over a
slow fire. The first was the more common process, the rice being
placed in a large kettle, or a metal tub, which was propped in a slant-
ing position over the fire so that a woman seated beside it could stir
the rice with a paddle. (PI. 41, h.) The fire was carefully regulated
and considerable skill was required to parch the rice without burning
it. The quantity parched at a time was usually about a peck, and the
required time about an hour. This parching loosened the husk and
also imparted a flavor to the rice. The stirring paddle was slender
and different in shape from that used with a canoe. The second is
undoubtedly the oldest process, and produced what was known as
" hard rice." This was greenish black in color, much darker than
parched rice and requiring longer to cook. This rice could be kept
indefinitely, and could be used for seed. In preparing " hard rice," a
frame was made similar to that on which berries were dried. It was
covered by a layer of hay on which the rice, either on stalks or in the
husk, was spread to a depth of about 3 inches. A slow fire was kept
burning beneath the frame. In this manner the rice was dried as
vegetables or berries are dried.

The next process was the " pounding " of the rice. For this
process the rice is frequently put into a barrel, but the best container
for the purpose is a wooden mortar with sloping sides. (PI. 41, c.)
This was about the size of an ordinary barrel, and was made by the
Indians and kept for this purpose. With this were used wooden
pestles somewhat pointed at the end. In pounding the rice these
moved up and down near the edge of the mortar, the pointed ends
being adapted for this purpose. It is said these disturbed the kernels
with the least breaking of the kernels. (PI. 42, i.) Another form
of a pestle was blunt at the end, nearly resembling a mallet. Both
varieties were about 514 feet long and in the correct pounding of
the rice they were not heavily forced downward but allowed to drop

316 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [hth.ann.44

of their own \vei<>ht. This process was supposed to hjosen the husk
entirely without hreakinfj; the kerneh If the work was done carefully,
the rice kernel was entirely fi"eed from the husk.

The rice was then winnowed, either by tossing it in a tray or by
pouring it slowly from a tray to birch bark put on the ground.
The place chosen for this work was a place where the breeze would
assist the process by blowing away the chaff. (PI. 42, a.)

The final step in the process was the treading of the rice to dislodge
the last fragments of the husk. For this purpose a small wooden
receptacle, holding about a bushel, was partially sunk in the ground,
and on either side of it was placed a stout pole, one end of which
was fastened to a tree about 4 feet above the ground, the other
end resting on the ground. The treading was done by a man wear-
ing clean moccasins, and the poles were for him to rest his anms
upon during the process. (PI. 42, e.) Tlie sole of the foot was
peculiarly adapted to this work, as the husks having been removed,
the kernels would have been easily broken by wooden instruments.
In treading rice the action resembles that of dancing, the entire bod}'
being in action, with the weight not heavily placed on tlie feet.
Leaning on the poles, straightening to full height, or moving his
body with undulating, sinuous grace, tlie treader accomplished his
part of the task. It is said that in old times a hole was dug in the
ground and lined with deerskin, the rice being placed in tliis instead
of a barrel. The chaff from this treading was usually kept and
cooked similarly to the rice, having much the flavor of the rice, and
being considered somewhat of a delicacy.

The stored rice was sewn in bags of various sizes, which were some-
what similar in use to the makuks in which maple sugar was stored.
On top of the rice was laid straw, and the bags, like the malaiks, were
sewed across the top with basswood twine.

While rice making was an industry essential to the food supply,
it had, like the sugar camp, a pleasant social phase, which was ap-
preciated bj' old and young. Thus the writer in driving through
the rice country late one afternoon came upon a camp of three or four
tipis. The rice gatherers had returned from the fields, and the men
"were sitting on rush mats and smoking while the younger women
stirred two parching kettles and an older woman tossed a winnowing
tray. At a fire one woman was preparing the evening meal and at
a distance another was seen chopping wood. Dogs and little chil-
dren were running about, and the scene with its background of pines
and shining lake was one of pleasure and activity.

An important part of the camp was its provisioning. Indians did
not carry many supplies with them, and it is probable that in the
old days many carried no provisions to a rice camp except maple

DBNSMOHE] PLANTS AS FOOD 317

susrar. which was used for seasoning; all foods. At night the women
set their fish nets and in the morning they drew them in, thus
securing fish, some of which tliey dried. In one of the camps visited
bj^ the writer the top branches of a young Norway pine had been
broken, and it was said that fish had been dried on these branches,
the splinters forming a convenient frame. If ducks were available
the hunters went out in the morning, and occasionally a deer was
secured for the camp. The principal food, however, was the fresh
rice, which was eaten either parched or boiled.

Bev^erages

It is interesting to note that the Chippewa did not commonly drink
water encountered in traveling but boiled it, making some of the
following beverages from vegetable substances that were easily
available. Fresh leaves were tied in a packet with a thin strip of
basswood bark before being put in the water. (PI. 43, o, at left.)
Dried leaves could be used if fresh leaves were not available. The
quantity was usually about a heaping handful to a quart of water.
Beverages were usually sweetened with maple sugar and drunk while
hot. The botanical name, common name, and portion of plant used
are shown in the following list:

Ledum groenlandicum Oeder. Labrador tea. Leaves.

Chiogenes hispidiila (L. ) T. C. G. Creeping snowberry. Leaves.

GauJtheria procuniheiis L. Wintergreen. Leaves.

Tsiiga canadensis (L.) Carr. Hemlock. Leaves.

Picea ruhra (Dii Roi) Dletr. Spruce. Leaves.

Ruhus sfrigosn-f Jlichx. Red raspberry. Twigs.

Primus virgininnn L. Cliokecherry. Twigs.

Prumts serotina Elirh. Wild clierry. Twigs.

In preparing this last beverage the twigs of the chokecherry and
wild cherry were tied in a little bundle by a strip of bark long
enough to permit the lifting of the bundle and dropping it into hot
water without burning the hand. The bundle of twigs for one
infusion was about 4 inches long and each packet was pei'haps 1
inch in diameter. (PI. 43, c, at right.)

Maple sugar was dissolved in cold water and served as a drink in
hot weather. This was oifered to the writer and found to be
pleasantly refreshing.

A Cass Lake informant said that his wife gathered all kinds of
flowers and dried them in a wire basket, beginning with the first
flowers in the spring and putting in a few of each variety as it
appeared. He said that by the first of July she had more than
twenty varieties. In the fall she pulverized them and stoi'ed them.
A winter drink was made in the following manner : A quart of water
was allowed to come to a boil and in it were jilaced a spoonful of

318 USES OF rT.ANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth.ann. 44

the powdered flowers and a tiny bit of red pepper. The water was
tlien removed from the stove and the mixture allowed to steep a
short time.

Seasonings

KoelUa virginiana (L.) MacM. Mountain mint.

The flowers and buds were used to .season either meat or broth.
Arctoxtaphylos uva-iirsl (L.) Spreng. Bearberry.

The red berries of this plant were cooked with meat as a seasoning fof the
broth. The leaves were smoked (see p. 337).
Asarum canadense L. Wild ginger.

The root of this plant was regarded as an " appetizer," being put in any
food as it was being cooked. It was also used for indigestion (see p. 342).

The silk of corn (called " corn hair ") was dried before the fire and
put in broth to season it. The corn silk was said to thicken the broth
slightly as well as to impart a pleasing flavor.

Pumpkin blossoms were dried and used to thicken broth.

A Canadian Chippewa said that in old times his people had no
salt and that more maple sugar was used as seasoning than the quan-
tity of salt now used by white people. In the early days the Minne-
sota Chippewa had no salt and some of the older Indians have not
yet acquired a taste for it. In a treaty known as the " Salt Treaty," ^
concluded at Leech Lake, Augaist 21, 1847, with the Pillager Band
of Chippewa, there was a stipulation that the Indians should receive
5 barrels of salt annually for five years.

A sirup was sometimes made from the sap of the woodbine and
Avild rice was boiled in it to give an agreeable flavor.

Cereals

Zizania palustris L. Indian rice.

Wild rice was the principal cereal food of the Chippewa, being
cooked alone and also with meat or game. The manner of jirocuring
it and the first processes of its preparation have alreatly been de-
scribed. The following are among the ways in wiiich rice was cooked :

(a) Boiled in water and eaten with or witliout maple sugar.

(b) Boiled with meat.

(c) Grease was put in a kettle and the rice jjarched in the grease,
after which it was seasoned with maple sugar. Dried blueberries
were often combined with this, and the rice and berries stored for
use on journeys.

{(7) Rice (not parched) was stored with dried blueberries during
the winter and the two were cooked together in the spring.

» A compilation of all the treaties between the United States and the Indian tribes, now
in force as laws. Washington, 1873, p. ^12.

DBNSMOBB]

PLANTS AS FOOD 319

(e) Rice (parched when jrathered) was prepared as follows: Boil-
ing broth, either of meat or fitsli, was poured over parched rice, which
was then covered and allowed to " steam " for a time until softened.

(/) The chaff from the treadino; of the rice was cooked similarly
to the rice and was considered a delicacy.

Zea mays L. Corn.

Corn was cultivated in gardens by the Chippewa and prepared for
use as follows :

(a) Fresh ears were roasted in the husks.

(6) The corn was cut before it was fully ripe. It was then
shelled and dried by spreading it on sheets of birch bark. This was
boiled and seasoned with maple sugar.

(d) Corn was parched in a hot kettle, some of the kernels popping
open and others drying. The corn was then put in a leather bag,
laid on a flat stone, and pounded with another stone until it was like
meal. This was made into "■ parched corn soup," to which deer
tallow or deer meat, either fresh or dried, was added.

(e) Corn was made into "hominy." A lye was first made from
hardwood ashes. The corn was boiled in this, rinsed, and boiled in
clear water. Bones were sometimes boiled with it, and grease was
added as seasoning. In addition to using the corn, the water in
which it was boiled was considered very palatable.

Vegetables

Pumpkins and squashes were cultivated in gardens and either
eaten fresh or cut in pieces or in strips for drying. These were laid
on frames or were strung on long pieces of basswood cord and hung
above the fire where the drying was slowly accomplished. They were
stored in bags and sometimes kept for two years. Dried squash and
pumpkin were boiled with game, or boiled alone and seasoned with
maple sugar. The flowers of the latter were dried and used in broth
for seasoning and also for thickening.

Other vegetable foods were obtained without cultivation, among
them being the following :

Helianthits tuberosus L. (The orijjinal of the cultivated .Terusalem artichoke.)
The root of this plant was eaten raw like a radish.

Sagittaria latifolia Willd. Arrowhead.

This is commonly called the " wild potato," and grows in deep

mud. At the end of the tubular roots are the " potatoes " which are

320 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. axn. 44

gathered in the fall, strung, and hung overhead in tlic wigwam to
dry. Later they are boiled for use.

Lijcopus asper Greene. Bugleweed.

These were called " crow potatoes " and were dried and boiled.
Moss growing on white pine.

The moss was dried and stored. Wlien used it was " put in water
to freshen it up," and it was then boiled and put in fish or meat
broth. It was said to be very nourishing.

Asclepias syriaca L. Common millcweed.

The flowers were cut up and stewed, being eaten like preserves.
It is said tliat this plant was sometimes eaten before a feast, so that
a man could consume more food.
Partlienocissus quinquefolia (L.) Greene. Woodbine.

The stalk was cut in short lengths and boiled, then peeled. Be-
tween the outer bark and the wood there was a sweetish substance
which was eaten somewhat after the manner of eating corn from the
cob. The water in which the woodbine had been boiled was then
boiled down to a sirup. If sugar were lacking, wild rice was boiled
in this sirup to season it.

Falcata comosa (L) Kuutze. Wild liean and hog peanut.

The root of this plant was boiled and eaten. It also had a medici-
nal value (see p. 289).
Scvrpus validus Vahl. Bulrush.

On the root of these rushes there is a small bulb occurring at the
turn of the root. If the rushes are jDulled in midsummer this bulb
has a sweetish taste and may be eaten raw.

Aster (species doubtful). Aster.

This plant grows near Lake Superior. The leaves are boiled with
fish and eaten with the fish.
Popuhis trcmuloides Michx. Aspen.

If the bark of the poplar is cut and turned back from the tree in
the early summer there is found between the bark and the wood a
sweetish sirup which can be put in birch bark and kept for a short
time. This is especially liked by children and young people.

Quercns maerocarpa Muhl. Bur oak.

Sweet acorns (mitigo' minum) were frequently gathered in the late
fall and buried for use in the winter or spring, or they could be
used as soon as they were gathered. They were cooked in three ways :
(1) They were boiled, split open, and eaten like a vegetable; (2)
roasted in the ashes; (3) boiled, mashed, and eaten with grease. They
were said to be especially good with duck broth.

UENSMOREI PLANTS AS FOOD 321

Tilia anwricana L. Basswood.

The sap next the bark was used similarly to the woodbine sirup.

A Canadian Chippewa said that he peeled the outside bark from
the poplar and also the white birch, and scraped the inner bark,
obtaining a little sap which they put in a small malcuk. He said
that it had a sweetish taste and " would keep quite a while."

Fruits and Berries

Crataegus (species doubtful). Thornapple.

These were prepared by squeezinj^ them in the hands, after which
they were made into little cakes without cooking, dried on birch-
bark and stored to be cooked in winter.
Prunus virginiana L. Cliokecherry.

These were pounded, stones and all, between two stones, and dried
similarly to the thornapples.

Titis cordifolia, Michx. Grape.

Eaten raw.
Comus canadensis L. Bunchberry.

Berries eaten raw.
Fragaria virginiana. Duchesne. Strawberry.

Berries eaten raw.

All the following berries were eaten raw as well as dried for
winter use.

Prunvs serotina Ehrh. Wild clierry.
Ribes trisie Pall. Red currant.
Rihes species. Wild currant.
PriiniiK amcrieana. Marsh. Chokecherry.
Rubiis frondosus Bigel (?). Blackberry.
Riihits strigosus Michx. Red ra.spberry.

The berries were cooked without sugar, spread on birch bark in
little cakes and dried, the cakes then stored in a birch-bark makuk
for winter use.
Amelanchier canadensis (L.) Medic. Shadbush.

These are called " Juneberries " by the Chippewa and are found
abundantly in their country. They are considered the simplest form
of refreshment. " Take some Juneberries with you," is a common
saying among the Chippewa. A certain song contains the words
"Juneberries I would take to eat on my journey if I were a
son-in-law." *

Oxycoccus maerorarpus (Ait.) Pers. Cranberr.v. Cooked, probably with sugar.
Vaccinium angustifolium Ait. Blueberry.

« Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., song No. 169.

322 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ann. u

A Canadian Chippewa said that liis people combined dried blue-
berries with moose fat and deer tallow.

All dried berries were boiled when used, and either seasoned with
maple sugar or combined with other foods.

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

Treatment by Means of Plants

It must be conceded that the use of plants by the Indians was
based upon experiment and study. The Indians say that they " re-
ceived this knowledge in dreams," but the response of the physical
organism was the test of a plant as a remedy. As the physical or-
ganism is the same in both races it should not be a matter of surprise
that some of the remedies used by the Indians are found in the phar-
macopoeia of the white race. An observer of the Cree Indians
writes : '"Although the list of materia medica is a small one there is
remarkable judgment shown in the choice of remedies. Thus . . .
the bark of the junijjer and Canada balsam tree are doubtless as
good an application to wounds as a people unversed in antiseptic
application and ignorant of the existence of bacteria could devise.
The use of Lobelia as an emetic and of Iris versicolor as a cholagogue
and purgative approaches closely to the practice of more civilized
nations.^

Health and long life represented the highest good to the mind
of the Chippewa, and he who had knowledge conducive to that end
was most highly esteemed among them. He who treated the sick,
by whatever means, claimed that his knowledge came from manido
(spirits), and those who saw a sick man restored to healtli by that
knowledge readily accepted its origin as supernatural.

Two methods of treating the sick were in use among the Chip-
pewa.*^ Both methods depended upon what was termed " super-
natural aid," but material remedies were used in one and not in the
other. The " doctors " who used material remedies were usually
members of the Midewiwin, and their remedies were among the se-
crets of that organization. He who treated the sick without material
means was called a djasakid (commonly translated "juggler")'
His procedure included the apparent swallowing and regurgitating
of short tubular bones. (PI. 46, </.)

It is a teaching of the Midewiwin that every tree, bush, and plant
has a use. A country of such bountiful vegetation as that of the
Chippewa presents a gi-eat amount of this material. Although the

^Holmes, E. M. (F. L. S), "Medicinal plants used by the Creo Indians, Hudson's Bay
Territory," The Pharmaceutical Journal and Transactions, 3d ser. vol. 15, pp. 303-304.
London, 1884-85. See also Bur. Amer. Ethn. Bull. 61. p. 271.

«Cf. Bur, Amer. Ethn. Bull, 4o, pp, 92-125; Bull, 61, pp. 244-278; Bull. 75, pp, 127-
141.

' See Bur. Amer, Ethn. Bull. 45, pp. 119-125.

DENSMOREj

PLANTS AS MEDICINE 323

Midewiwin was a respository of knowledge of herbs it did not have
a ijliarmaco23oeia accessible to every member. The remedies are
individual, not general, and an individual when questioned invariably
replies, " I can tell you about my own medicines. I do not know
about other peoples' medicines nor their uses of the same plants."
Thus it is frequently found that different people have different
names and uses for the same plant. Members of the Midewiwin were
not taught many remedies at once, except at the time of their initi-
ation. Their instruction at that time comprised what might be
termed a " ground work in the practice of medicine," with the identifi-
cation and use of a number of plants. The same sort of instruction
accompanied their advancement from one degree to another, and was
made more extensive as they went into the higher degrees. Aside
from these times of special instruction a man learned one or two
remedies at a time as he felt inclined to go to the old men and buy
the knowledge. Among the Chippewa, as among other tribes studied
by the writer, it is not common for one man to treat a large number
of diseases. A Sioux said:

" In the old days the Indians had few diseases, and so there was
not a demand for a large variety of medicines. A medicine man
usually treated one special disease and treated it successfully. He did
this in accordance with his dream. A medicine man would not try
to dream of all herbs and treat all diseases, for then he could not
expect to succeed in all nor to fulfill properly the dream of any one
herb or animal. He would depend on too many and fail in all.
That is one reason why our medicine men lost their power when so
many diseases came among us with the advent of the white man." '*

"While many remarkable cures were said to have been wrought by
the Mide remedies, it was said that if no improvement were seen
in a reasonable time the treatment was usually discontinued, it being
said that the medicine evidently would not " take hold " in that
particular case. From this it seems possible that they i-ecognized a
self-limited, and also an incurable disease, and in such cases did not
wish to raise the hopes of the patient.

The men and women who at the present time (1918) treat the
sick by Mide remedies are well poised and keen eyed, with a manner
which indicates confidence in themselves, and which would inspire
confidence in the sick persons to whom they minister.

As already indicated, the medicinal use of herbs has been handed
down for many generations in the Midewiwin. It is said that mem-
bers of the Midewiwin " follow the bear path " in proceeding from
a lower to a higher degree in the society and that some of the
best Mide remedies were received from the bear. Thus one of the

'» Bull. 61, Bur. Aiiier. Bthn,. pp. 244-24.5.

324 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ANN. 4-1

strongest medicines in the iu-compan^ying series {Apocynum sj>.) is
known as a " bear medicine." The roots of the '* bear medicine "
were cut in pieces about 2 inches long and strung on a cord when
stoi'ed for use. Such a string of roots bore some resemblance to a
necklace of bear claws. In this connection we note that the bear was
highly esteemed by the Sioux medicine men, two of whom made
the following statements:

Two Shields said :

" The bear is the only animal which is dreamed of as offering to
give herbs for the healing of man. The bear is not afraid of either
animals or men and it is considered ill-tempered, and yet it is the
only animal which has shown us this kindness; therefore the medi-
cines received from the bear are supposed to be especially effective."

In somewhat similar manner Siyaka said :

"The bear is quick-tempered and is fierce in many ways, and yet
he pays attention to herbs which no other animal notices at all. The
bear digs these for his own use. The bear is the only animal which
eats roots from the earth and is also especially fond of acorns, June
berries, and cherries. These three are frequently compounded with
other herbs in making medicine, and if a person is fond of cherries
we say he is like a bear. We consider the bear as chief of all animals
in regard to herb medicine, and therefore it is understood that if a
man dreams of a bear he will be expert in tlie use of herbs for curing-
illness. The bear is regarded as an animal well acquainted with herbs
because no other animal has such good claws for digging roots." *

The material in the following cliapter was obtained from three
classes of informants: (1) Those who are active adherents of the
Mide but were willing to tell of its remedies in order that a record
of them might be preserved for posterity'; (2) those who have re-
nounced the Mide but continue to use its remedies either personally
or in treating sick persons; and (3) those who have never been mem-
bers of the Mide but have received a knowledge of its remedies from
relatives who wei'e members of the society. Among the principal
informants on this subject at White Earth were ISIrs. Brunett, ]\Irs.
(ragewin, and Mrs. Louisa Martin. (PI. 44.)

In the old days a person would not transmit any facts concerning
medicines to even a member of his own family without compensation,
one reason for this restriction seeming to be a fear that the informa-
tion would not be treated with proper respect. So great was the
secrecy surrounding these remedies that names were seldom given
to plants, the per.son imparting the information showing the fresh
plant. It was difficult, if not impossible, to recognize a root after
it had been dried and rubbed into shreds, but medicine men frequently

'Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 195.

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DENSM0UF.1 PLANTS AS MEDICINE 325

combined an aromatic herb with their medicines as a precaution
against their identification. The fact that persons were willing to
impart their knowledije of these ancient remedies for piibhcation
indicates that the attitude of the Chippewa toward their old customs
is passin^r away.

There seems to have been something symbolic in the appearance of
certain medicinal roots. The writer showed a certain root to a
medicine woman and asked her if she laiew what it was. She replied
that its use was familiar to her, but that she would have known it
was a medicinal root if she had never seen it before. On being ques-
tioned further she said it was evidently an old root which had sent
up a new stalk each year and had long i"oots extending downward.
The stalk and the small roots were gone, but the life remained in the
root itself, and this would be the part used for medicine. A class of
plants highly valued as medicines are those having a divided tap root
supposed to resemble the legs of a man. An example of this is
spikenard. The medicine woman already quoted brought the writer
a plant which she said she had hesitated a long time before showing.
Her affection and admiration for the plant itself were evident as she
caressed its straight stalk, delicate leaves, and fine white roots,
reluctant at the last to part with it.

In some instances the fertile and .sterile plants were considered
separately. It will be noted that a remedy for dysentery stipulates
that the flowering plant of Artemri^ia- dmcmncxdoides (mugwort) be
used, and that in a decoction for strengthening the hair it is stated
that a sterile plant of the same be used. The writer was informed
of a remedy in which both sorts of " rattlesnake root " were used,
but it was impossible at the time to secure specimens for identification.

Vegetable remedies were usually gathered in the late summer
or early fall, when the plants are fully developed. At that season
it was customary for the Chippewa to take journeys or to send to
other localities to obtain plants which grew in various soils.

An unfailing custom of the ^Mide in gathering jjlants for medicinal
use is to dig a little hole in the ground beside the plant and put
tobacco in the hole, speaking meanwhile to the plant. Gagewin,
who is a member of the Mide, said that when he dug a plant he spoke
somewhat thus : " You were allowed to grow here for the benefit of
mankind, and I give yavi this tobacco to remind you of this, so that
you will do the best you can for me." This, of course, is only rep-
resentative of part of such a speech. On one occasion the writer
saw the tobacco put beside a tree whose bark was to be used. The
medicine man was a member of the Otter Tail Band of Chipiiewa.
He said this was commanded by the mciniflo, who gave all knowl-
edge of plants to the Chippewa. He seemed to require no other
authority or reason.

326 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [bth.ann.44

Tlie part of the plant most commonly used was the root. In a ma-
joiity of instances the whole root was used, but in some plants the
healing power was supposed to be strongest in a certain portion of the
root. Thus in dogbane the part preferred was the elbow of the root,
the plant having a root which descends straight downward for 15
to 18 inches and then turns sharply to one side. In other instances
the part used was the fine white roots depending from the larger root.

If stalks, leaves, or flowers were to be used as remedies they were
dried by hanging them with the tojj downward and kept as clean as
possible. After being dried, each variety was tied or wrapped sepa-
rately for storage. Bark was gathered when the sap was in the tree
but roots intended for future medicinal use were gathered before the
sap started in the spring or after it had gone down in the fall. An
informant at Cass Lake said that roots were not washed, the dirt be-
ing carefully shaken from them, but informants at White Earth said
the roots were washed. After drying, they were tied in packets and
stored in bags unless it was desired to have some special root ready
for immediate use. Such a root was pulverized and stored in that
form. Certain roots, when used, were broken in short pieces and
boiled or steeped, but a majority were prepared for use either by
Ijounding until they were in shreds or by pulverizing them in the
hands, the latter being always done if the roots were small. The most
common method of pulverizing roots was to place them in the palm
of the left hand and then to rub them either with the thick portion
of the right hand below the thumb or with the fingers of the right
hand. Some Chippewa used a small round stone for this purpose,
the stone having a shallow depression in which the medicine was
mixed by rubbing with the thumb. If several sorts of roots were to
be used in combination they were usually "pounded together" be-
fore they were stored, in order that they might be fully blended.
Mrs. English said that she was once in a lodge where the medicine
men were pounding their medicines on a stone and putting them in
little bags. A stuffed owl was placed beside them. After leaving
the lodge she asked about the owl and the reply was, " They always
have to have someone watch to see that they do it right." ^

The detailed instructions given concerning medicines is shown by
the following example. An informant at Red Lake said that her
^reat-grandmother taught her the use of herbs. This informant de-
scribed one remedy for a certain injury and said that if it were not
effective she would use another plant which was about a foot high
and had no flowers. (A specimen was obtained but it was not perfect

» At a remote point north of Vermilion Lalte. Minnesota, ttie writer Tisited the house
of a medicine man and saw two owls (or owlskins) swinsins from the branches of trees.
suspended by a cord around their necks and drying. Several small animals were drying
In other trees.

DBNSMORB] PLANTS AS MEDICINE ■ 327

enoufili for identification.) She said. " The plant has a very lonp root
and the leaves eonie up from joints of the root, not from the knuckle
of the root which projects above the ground and is bare. I look for
the knuckle or knob of the root and then look about 3 or 4 inches away
for the leaves. The plant grows in soft ground, like that near a lake."

Medicinal barks were so generally available that they were usually
gatliered when they were needed. The barks of chokecherry and
wild cherry, in quantity for one decoction, are shown in Plate 43, d, as
they would be prepared for a patient.

As already stated, the roots and herbs were usually stored in bags.
Some men used the square bags woven of yarn ; others preferred bags
woven of the inner bark of cedar. One old medicine man had a bag
peculiarly adapted for holding medicinal roots. It was made of
leather and was smaller at the top than at the bottom to preclude
the possibility of dampness. The prepared pulverized roots could
be kept in either birch bark or leather, the latter being preferred.
A bag used for this purpose is shown in Plate 45. A packet of
medicine tied in cloth ready to be delivered to a sick person is
shown in Plate 43, a. This contains four vegetable substances
pounded together and was said to be a sufficient quantity to make
four liquid preparations of the remedy. This has no distinguishing
mark, the ingredients being known only to the medicine man who
prescribed the remedy. A medicine man, however, has various means
of marking his herbs. One man identifies his prepared herbs by the
knot in the string with which the packet is tied, the identification
and use of the herbs being laiown only to himself."^

The storing of roots in bags has already been noted and refers to
a man's supply of roots and herbs for an entire season. Apart from
this stored supply a member of the Mide usually carried a large
number of medicines in his Mide bag. Sometimes he carried a
small quantity of some particularly strong medicine in a buckskin
l)ag, which was placed in the skull of the animal which formed his
Mide bag. Poisons were not infrequently carried by the Mide, and
they were instructed in their use. An instance was related of an
aged man, a member of the Mide, who came to a lodge one winter
night tired and cold. He said, " Never mind, I have some medicine
which will soon warm me." He then took a packet from the skull
of his Mide bag, put a little of the contents in water and drank it.
A few moments later he said, "I have taken the wrong medicine; I
shall die." And in a few hours he was dead.

In addition to the vegetable substances believed to have an effect
when administered internally or exteraally there were herbs and
roots believed to act by their presence independent of actual contact.

•» See Bull. 86, Bur. Amer. Ethn., PI. 78, b.

328 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [ErH.ANN.44

These comprised substances which attracted (as love charms and the
hunting or fishing charms) ; also those which repelled (as those
which, carried on the person, were said to keep reptiles away) ; and
these which acted as an antidote to " bad medicine " carried by
another person. Among tlie latter- is a certain plant the smoke of
wliicli was supposed to counteract the effect of poison placed where
a person would step on it; also a combination of plants rubbed on
the limbs of a dancer to counteract the effect of medicine worn by
others witli the intention of " tiring liim out." Certain roots were
also chewed for the same purpose. In some instances it was said
that plants acted in both these ways, being worn as a protection, and
taken internally as a healing agency. Such were some of the medi-
cine's carried by warriors. Certain remedies were used exclusively
for horses, and some were used for botli men and horses.

In addition to the special knowledge of plants held by the Mide,
there was a general knowledge of the simpler remedies, each house-
hold having a supply of such herbs for common ailments. If these
failed and the illness appeared to be serious, they sent for the man
whom they believed to have the proper remedy.

The names of plants are of several sorts. Thus we note
(1) names which indicate the place where the plant grows, as
"prairie sturgeon plant"; (2) names which describe tlie appearance
of the plant, as "squirrel tail" or "plump root"; (3) names which
describe their taste, as "bitter root"; and (4) names indicating the
part of the jDlant to be used, as " crow leaf." The names of the uses
of a plant, or a designation of the remedy is sometimes given as the
name of the plant itself, as (1) names indicating the use,. as "head
medicine "; (2) names indicating the origin of the remedy, as "Wina-
bojo remedy"; and (3) names denoting the power of the remedy,
as " chief medicine," which is applied to several highly esteemed
plants. With such a system of nomenclature it is evident that plants
of different species will have the same name and that in many in-
stances a plant may be called by several different names. Thus the
purple mint was given three names by as many people-

The manner of preparing roots has already been described.
Stalks, leaves, and flowers were usually pulverized in a similar man-
ner, though in one remedy it was prescribed that eight stems be used
in 1 quart of water. If bark were to be used the outer skin was
removed and the " inner bark " scrai)ed or removed in long thin
strips which were boiled, either with or without pulverizing. An
informant said that the only regulation concerning the scraping
was that the root of alder must be scraped toward the plant.

Vegetable substances were further prepared for use by combining
them with water. Some were boiled a few moments, others were
allowed to come to a boil, tlien removed from the fire, and others

DE.vsMORE] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 329

wore scalded or steeped. Some rcjots were boiled in a thin sirup
made of maple sugar, to give a pleasant flavor. Poultices and com-
presses were made by moistening the pounded fresh or dry roots or
herbs. The strength of a decoction varied with the nature of the
root and the age of the jaatient. A common proportion was a " hand-
hollow-ful " of pulverized root to about a quart of water, but some
roots were exceedingly strong and required special direction. Thus
one root (calamus), although only about one-eighth of an inch in
diameter, was so strong that the quantity used was measured by the
length of tlie patient's index finger, whether an infant or an adult.

It was the author's intention to collect herbs which have medicinal
use when administered singly. This presented some difficulties, as
the Chii^pewa use combinations of herbs, sometimes as many as
20 A'egetable substances being combined in one remedy. One
medicine woman who practices medicine widely for money at the
present time called special attention to the value of herbs in combi-
nations. She appeared to attach more importance to combinations
than to specifics, excejit in instances of simple definite value. While
the tabulated lists (jDp. 336-367) contain some combinations it will be
noted that almost without exception each herb is considered effica-
cious if used alone. In some in.stances the combination of the herbs
shows an interesting and intelligent purpo.se.

The quantity for a decoction and the size of a dose were difficult
to determine with any degree of accuracy. One medicine woman who
was particularly careful in her statements brought the pail in which
she usually prepared her remedies, and it was found to hold about
a pint. It appeared that she prepared smaller quantities than other
persons, as a majority said they prepared their medicines in a lard
pail, filling it to within IVo or 2 inches of the top. In the tabulated
list of remedies the quantity of water is given as a quart, except
in remedies prepared by the above-mentioned woman, for whose
preparations a smaller amount is designated. Decoctions were
usually boiled five or ten minutes. In only two instances (see pp.
339, 365) was there anything partaking of a ceremonial character in
the prejiaring of liquid medicines, it being said that " the talking was
all done when the roots were dug.'' In one of these instances there
v.'as something resembling a divination, the doctor watching the
manner in which the powdered roots lay in the water and deciding
thereby whether the medicine would be effective. The person who
described this remedy was well versed in the ways of the Mide and
said she had never heard of this being done in the preparation of any
other remedy.

Liquid medicine M'as not measured when taken. A "large swal-
low " constituted an average dose, but a cupful was occasionally
55231°— 28 22

330 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ANN. 44

taken. The interval between tlie doses varied, as niig'ht be expected
among a people who in old times were without timepieces. If the
patient were in great suffering he was told to take the medicine
"at short intervals," understood to be about half an hour. In
what was probably a majority of cases the patient took the medicine
"at frequent intervals," or whenever he felt inclined. Sometimes
he was instructed to " drink it freely," or drink some after an attack
of coughing. These directions were given by the person who pre-
pared the medicine, and who gave various other instructions, such
as rest after taking the medicine, or abstinence from food. In
a majority of cases it was expected that improvement, though per-
haps slight, would be evident after three or four doses had been
taken.

Eemedies were administered externally in the following manner:

(1) Fresh roots or leaves were macerated and applied.

(2) Dried roots or leaves were pulverized, prepared in the form
of a decoction, and applied.

(3) Dried roots or leaves were pulverized, moistened, and applied
like a poultice.

(4) Dried roots or leaves were pulverized and strewn on hot
stones, the treatment being by the fumes.

(5) A decoction was sprinkled on hot stones, the treatment being
by steam.

(6) Herbs were boiled with grease for a salve.

(7) Dried and powdered roots were mixed with grease and used
as an emollient.

Eemedies were administered internally in the following manner :

(1) Dried powdered roots or leaves were either boiled or steeped
in water.

(2) Dried powdered roots were used as snuff, or prepared with
lukewarm water.

(3) Fresh roots or herbs were chewed.

(4) Slight incisions were made with a bit of sharp glass or
flint, and dried, powdered roots placed over the incisions.

(5) Remedies were "pricked into the skin" with a set of needles
used for that purpose.

(6) Pulverized roots were mixed with " red willow " or tobacco
and smoked in a pipe.

(7) A decoction of herbs was administered as an enema.

Substances Other Than Vegetable Used as Remedies

(1) Deer tallow and bear grease were used as emollients, either
alone or mixed with vegetable substances.

(2) Bear's gall, dried, was used in connection with cedar charcoal,
being "pricked into the skin" with needles. (See p. 333.)

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 331

(3) Bumblebees, dried, were used with the root of alder. (See
p. 359.)

(4) Red pipestone was used as a remedy for scrofulous neck and
was said to cause the swellino; to go down gradually without breaking
into an open sore. Tiie directions were : " Grate red pipestone to a
powder, take a teaspoonful dry, then drink water. Take it once a
day, two or three times a week."

(5) Clamshell was used as a remedy for ulcer, the directions being
as follows : " Burn a clamshell, powder it finely in the hand, mix it
with bear's grease or any soft grease,, using only enough to hold it
together. The mixing is usually done in a clamshell. Apply to the
sore or ulcer."

Medical Appliances

(1) The lodge in which a sweat bath was taken has been
described in connection with customs of the Midewiwin."'' The
same procedui'e was used if a person were suffering from a very bad
cold and was feverish. No medicine was put in the water which was
sprinkled on the stones. After the bath the person was thoroughly
rubbed, warmly wrajjped, and put to bed. This bath was taken by
hunters when they returned weary, or by anyone who wished to be
refreshed; also by those inclined to rheumatism.

(2) Another method of steaming was used chiefly for rheumatic
limbs, and with the water they put any sort of medicine which was
supposed to be good for that ailment. In giving tliis treatment a hole
was dug in the ground the size of the kettle containing the hot decoc-
tion. They put the kettle into this hole and the person sat beside it,
covering his limbs closely with a blanket. A medicine frequently
used in this connection was identified as willow (species doubtful).
The prepared root was put in hot water and allowed to boil a short
time. It was usually cooled before using.

(3) Di-y herbs were also jjlaced on heated stones and the fumes
were inhaled, this treatment being used chiefly for headache. The
stones were somewhat smaller than those used in the sweat lodge,
being " about the size of a small bowl." The patient covered his
head and shoulders with a blanket, inclosing the stones and inhaling
the fumes. A mixture of many varieties of flowers was said to be an
agreeable preparation for this use.

(4) A simple appliance was a strip of slippery elm bark which
was often used in place of an emetic, the soft inner bark being used
and inserted in the throat.

(5) Apparatus for enema. It is said that the early Chippewa
understood the administering of both nourishment and medicine by
means of enema. The apparatus for this consisted of a syringe, a
small birch-bark tray on which the syringe was laid, and two meas-

"> See Bull. 86, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 94.

332 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ann. 44

ures for the medicine, a larger one for adults and a smaller one for
children. The syringe was composed of the bladder of the deer.
The proper amount of medicine was put into this bladder, then a
short piece of clean hollow rush was tied in the opening by means of
a strip of wet slippery elm, the rnsh projecting about an inch. This
was used only once and then burned. The pirincipal medicines ad-
ministered in this manner were (a) the inner bark of the common
Avhite birch. This was scraped and about a hand-hollow steeped in
water; (b) the wood of a tree identified as Frmrhnis. A hand-
hollow of this was steeped in water. A small spatula for powdered
herbs and a measure for liquid medicine are shown in Plate 46,
a and h.

SuEGicAL Treatment and Appliances

(1) The letting of blood was a remedial measure frequently used
among the Chippewa and was resorted to for numerous causes. The
principal instrument used in this treatment was a small pointed
blade set in a handle about 3 or 4 inches long. (PI. 46.) By means
of this instrument blood was taken from the forearm or from the
ankle. In using this instrument the part to be cut was firmly stroked
downward, forcing the blood to the extremity; a bandage was then
ai^plied above the point at which the incision was to be made. In
making the incision the instrument was held close to the flesh and
lightly snapped with the thumb and finger of the right hand, thus
inflicting a slight incision of the vein. If too much force were
applied, the result might be fatal; thus an instance was related in
which the vein was entirely severed and the man died. It is said
that about " half a basin " of blood was usually taken. A medicine
to check the bleeding was then applied and the upper bandage
removed. The root commonly used for this purpose was identified
as Di-ymocalJis arguta (Pursh.) Rydb. The prepared root was either
used dry or was moistened with warm water, placed on soft duck
down, and laid over the incision. It was said by three informants
that this treatment was used especially for persons who had met with
an accident, as a fall or an injury to the back, and that the medicine
" prevented the blood from settling in one place." This treatment
was also used for " persons who seemed to have too much blood."

(2) A surgical treatment in common use consisted in cutting small
gashes from which a small amount of blood was removed. These
gashes were formerly made with a piece of sharp flint, but in later
times a piece of thick glass is carefidly broken so as to leave a sharp
splinter, which is used for this purpose. This is kept in a leather
shield or covering (pi. 46, <?,</), and is used as a lancet according to
the general use of that instrument. These cuts might be made in
various parts of the body. The writer saw a woman whose elbow had

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DENSMOBB] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 333

been cut with 15 or 20 gashes about a quarter of an inch long. This
treatment was given for a sprain, her elbow having swollen to twice
its natural size. The most common use of this treatment was for
headache, as described below, but it was used for any inflammation.
A remed_y for the bite of a snake was administered in this manner,
the plant being identified as Plantago ma.^or L.

(3) In connection with the incisions above described there was a
small horn (pi. 46, e) if the treatment was for headache. In this
treatment about six very short, deep incisions were made on the
temples with the flint or glass, after which the doctor placed the
larger end of the horn over the incisions and applied his mouth to
the smaller end. sucking until the blood came to the surface. He
then quickly removed his lips from the horn, placed his finger over
the small end of the horn and lowered it so that the blood would
run into it. When enough had been removed he wiped the skin and
applied a healing medicine, as noted above, or some remedy for
headache, or he might place a moist compress or " grease " over the
cuts. This cutting of the temples was also used for inflammation
of the eyes.

(4) An instrument for applying medicine beneath the skin consisted
of several needles fastened at the end of a wooden handle (pi. 46, /).
This was used in treating "dizzy headache," neuralgia, or rheuma-
tism in any part of the body. In giving the ti'eatment the medicine
was " worked in " with the needles. If only a small part were to be
"gone over " it was customary to hold a knife in the left hand and
to use the blade as a guide for the needles. These were " worked up
and down " close to the blade, " which kept the medicine from spread-
ing." The remedy used most often in this manner was made as
follows: Hazel stalks or cedar wood was burned to a charcoal and a
small quantity of the charcoal (or ash) was mixed with an equal
quantity of the dried gall of a bear. It was mixed well and placed
in a birch-bark dish. When used it was moistened a little with water
and stirred, after which a little was taken on the blade at the end
of the wooden instrument and laid on the affected part. It was then
" worked in " with the needles. The dark spots seen on the temples
of many Indians are left by the charcoal in this medicine. A remedy
for rheumatism was applied in a similar manner. The plant was
identified as Tnllhtm gramlifoi^uvi (Michx.) Salisb., and it was used
in the form of a decoction.

(5) The use of a knife in amputation was mentioned by Malq'gans,
whose limbs were amputated below the knee, the only instrument
used being a common knife. When he was a boy liis feet and limbs
were badly frozen and in a hopeless condition. The pain was so
intense that he begged a man to amputate them in this manner, and

334 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth. ANN. 44

he did so. This was followed by a dressing of pounded bark {Planus
serofina- Ehrh.) applied dry and renewed as often as it became
damj) — usually twice a day. Nothing else was used and the healing
was perfect.

(6) Another use of the knife in surgery was described by Weza-
waqge, who said he had treated a case in which this became necessary.
It was a gangrenous wound, and he used the knife, not to remove,
but to " loosen " the affected flesh, which was taken out by the
medicine he applied. He said that in a case of this sort everything
must be very clean, care being taken especially that the knife or
remedies did not come in contact with rust. In this treatment he
said that he used a medicine which had been handed down by the
Mide and was particularly valued. It consisted of the inner bark
of the white pine, the wild plum, and the wild cherry, it being
necessary to take the first two from young trees. The writer saw
him cut a young pine tree for this purpose and place tobacco in
the ground close to the root before doing so. In preparing the
medicine he said that the stalk of the pine was cut in short sections
and boiled with the green inner bark of the other two trees until
all the bark was soft. The water should be renewed when necessary,
and the last water saved for later use. The bark was then removed
from the j^ine stems and all the bark mashed with a heavy hammer
until it was a pulp. It was then dried, and when needed it was
moistened with the water which had been kept for that purpose. He
said this medicine was usually prepared when needed, as the materials
were so readily at hand. This wet pulp was applied to any wound
or to a fresh cut and was a healing remedy, but was especially used
for neglected wounds ^Yhicll had become gangrenous.

(7) Splints were placed on fractured limbs. The splints were
best when made of very thick birch bark similar to that used for
canoes. The birch bark was heated and bent to the projaer shape,
after which it was as rigid as plaster of Paris. Splints were also
made of thin cedar. Tying the splint with basswood twine added
greatly to its rigidity.

The treatment of a fractured arm was described as follows : " Wash
the arm with warm water and apply grease. Then apply a warm
poultice, cover with a cloth and bind with a thin cedar splint." The
roots used for the poultice Avere Asiwvmt ccmadense L. (wild ginger)
and AraJ'm racevwsa L. (sj^ikenard).

These two were dried and mashed together in equal parts. The
directions added " when poultice becomes dry it should be renewed,
or, if the arm is very tender, the poultice may be moistened with
warm water without removing it."

(8) Old women whose limbs or knees were weak often made sup-
ports by taking wide strips of fresh basswood bark and binding it

DENSMORG]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

335

around their limbs in n kind of splint. When dried it was very-
hard and supported their limbs so that they could travel.

(9) The splinters from a tree struck by lightning were always car-
ried by medicine men and used as lances, especially for lancing the
gums. If a man were suffering from toothache they cut the gum
with these splinters " so that the blood ran."

Dental Stjrgert

If a tooth were hollow the Chippewa sometimes heated an awl
or other metal instrument almost red hot and put it into the hollow
of the tooth.

If it were considered necessary to jjuU a tooth they struck it
forcibly to loosen it.

If a tooth were partly loosened they tied a sinew around the tooth,
close to the root, attached it to something solid and pulled the tooth
by jerking backward.

Classification of Diseases and Injuries '°

1. Nervous system :

Convulsions.
Headache.
" Craziness."

2. Circulatory system:

Heart.

In the blood.

3. Respiratory system :

Cold.
Cough.

Lung trouble.
Hemorrhage from lungs.

4. Digestive system :

Sore mouth.

Toothache.

Sore throat.

Indigestion.

Pain.

Colic.

Cramps.

Dysentery.

Physic (use of).

Emetics (use of).

Worms.

Cholera infantum.

5. Urinary system :

Kidney trouble.
Stoppage of urine.
Gravel.

6. Skin:

Inflammation.

Boils.

Sores.

Eruptions.

Warts.

Hair.

7. Wounds :

Incised.

Internal.

Bites of poisonous reptiles.

8. Bruises.

9. Bums.

10. Ulcers.

11. Fevers.

12. Scrofula.

13. Hemorrhages.

14. Diseases of women.

15. Diseases of the eye.

16. Diseases of the ear.

17. Diseases of the joints, including

rheumatism and sprains.

18. Baths.

19. Tonics and stimulants.

20. Enemas.

21. General remedies.

22. Diseases of the horse.

'" In determining this basis of classification tlie author received the valued assistance
of Dr. D. S. Lamb, who at the time was pathologist at the Army Medical Museum,
Washington, D. C.

336

USES OF PIANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eth, ann.44

System or part affected

Nervous system-

Do..

Do..
Do.

Do-

Symptoms

Convulsions.

-do.

.do

.do
.do

Headache.

Do..
Do..

Do..

Do.

.do.
.do.

.do.

Botanical name

Lathyrus venosus Muhl. (Wild
pea.)

Lathyrus venosus Muhl

Apocynum androsaemifolium L.f
(Dogbane.)

(He-

.do.

Hepalica americana Ker.
patica.)

Solidago juncea Ait. (Qoldenrod).

Polygala senega L. (Seneca snake-
root.)

Artemisia frigida Willd. (Prairie
sage.)

Astragalus crassicarpus Nutt.
(Ground plum.)

Rosa arkansana Porter, (WUd rose) .

Apocynum androsaemifolium L.t ] do,

(Dogbane.)

Part of plant used

Root'.

.do.
.do.

.do.

do....

Leaves.
do..

Root.

Achillea millefolium L.f (Yar-
row.)

Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.)
Spreng.t (Bearberry.)

Polygonatum commutatum. (R. &

S.) Dietr. (Solomonseal.)
Pulsatilla hirsutissima (Pursh)
Britton.t (Pasque flower.)
' Vnless otherwise stated, it is imderstood that roots, leaves, flowers, and stalks are dried and rubbed
into powder or shreds before using. (See p. 326.)

3 A decoction was boiled. Concerningthemannerofmakingdecoctionsand thedasageseep.329. Certain
remedies were steeped instead of boiled, a distinction being made between the two modes of preparation.

Leaves.

DSNSMOBB]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

337

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

Decoction * ---

Internally __ ___

*-f \^\^\/\^ liPBV^A -————■— — -—■----**- — --•-•-

If the convulsions were so

[DecoctiOD; the first-named root

severe that only a little

was so strong that the amount

of the decoction could be

1 used was measured from the

forced into the patient's

There were said to be 8 varieties of the

1 last joint to the tip of the little

mouth the decoction was

first plant which were equally good.

finger. The amount of the sec-

sprinkled on the chest and

See hemorrhages and tonics.

ond was about 1 foot of the root.

applied to the palms of
the hands and soles of the
feet.
Internally

Decoction; 1 root to 1 quart of
water.

Used chiefly for children.

do _

See Hemorrhages; tonics and charms

Decoction

(for the latter use the flrst-named

plant is used alone).

(I) Dried and pulverized..

4 pieces of dried root about

This herb was used not simply for a

the size of a pea were pul-

pain in the head but for a serious

verized and the dry pow-

affection of the nerves of which the

der snuffed up the nostrOs.

headache was the symptom. It was

(2) do -

The powdered root was put
on hot stones. Patient

given for "excessive nervousness as

when the mouth twitched, for dizzi-

covered his head and in-

ness, and with one herb added for in-

haled the fumes.

sanity." Asaninstanceofitssuccess-

(3) ....do.„_,

The powdered root was

ful use Gagawin said that a certain

moistened with lukewarm

woman said someone had threatened

water and applied to in-

to poison her. Gagawin told her to

cisions on the temples by

steep this root, keep it in a bottle and

means of soft duck down.

drink some occasionally, and if this

(See p. 332.)

did not have the desired effect, he
would give her something else to take
with it. This remedy, however, was
sufficient, and she did not return.

(4) Dried

Chewed___

See Nosebleed and charms.

(5) Decoction

Internally

Decoction

Sprinkled on hot stones and
fumes inhaled.

See Eruptions, tonics, and remedies for

the horse.

Dried and pulverized

Combined with tobacco or