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SONIAN INSTITUTION

bia? a Lat pany:
areas eee by

FORTY-FIFTH
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

BUREAU OF
AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

1927-1928

UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1930

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. - - - Price $2.35 (Paper Covers)

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LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BuREAU OF AMERICAN .ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., June 30, 1928.
Str: I have the honor to submit herewith the Forty-
fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology
for the fiseal year ended June 30, 1928.
With appreciation of your aid in the work under my
charge, I am,
Very respectfully yours,
H. W. Dorsey,
Chief Clerk, Smithsonian Institution.
Dr: ©. G. ABgor,
Acting Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
iit

rn Oe Bae
Vrarra arable eee

yet Ni Oe ive
Va ro Lot “ ; phy oat

COUN RL a aed

CONTENTS

REPORT OF THE CHIEF CLERK

Systematic researches
SIOSCIE! RAKSAIRO NES Ste eee SSeS ea
HaiiOn UewoLkandspublicatlonss=es =e eee a= eee a= Se eae ee
WTSI UT OY OSS a es at
UTS 1.) ee ee ee eee See ae en oe He eee oea So Se eee
Collections ae ee ee ee ee ee ee eee ea ack
IPNROY LENE es em hp I a Ne
Miscellaneous

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

The Salishan Tribes of the Western Plateaus, by James A. Teit, edited by
B27 02S Se ee a ee ee ee eee eee oe eT
Tattooing and Face and Body Painting of the Thompson Indians, British
Columbia, by James A. Teit, edited by Franz Boas_______-_---__-_-
The Ethnobotany of the Thompson Indians of British Columbia, by Elsie
Wiknuahh Shaaban. 5252s Se ee ee ee
The Osage Tribe: Rite of the Wa-xo’-be, by Francis La Flesch

eae

Hooters

FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
H. W. Dorsey, Chief Clerk

The operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology
during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1928, were conducted
in accordance with the act of Congress approved February
11, 1927, making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of
the Government, which act contains the following item:

American ethnology: For continuing ethnological researches among
the American Indians and the natives of Hawaii, the excavation
and preservation of archeologic remains under the direction of the
Smithsonian Institution, including necessary employees, the prepa-
ration of manuscripts, drawings, illustrations, the purchase of neces-
sary books and periodicals, and traveling expenses, $58,720, of which
amount not to exceed $48,000 may be expended for personal serv-
ices in the District of Columbia.

Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, chief of the bureau since March 1,
1918, continued to occupy that position until January 15,
1928, when he retired as chief but continued on the staff of
the bureau as associate anthropologist.

The general program of the bureau for the entire year has
been similar to that of the last fiscal year.

SYSTEMATIC RESEARCHES

Doctor Fewkes’s scientific work has been mainly devoted
to the preparation of a report on his excavations at Elden
Pueblo, Arizona, made during the summer of 1926.

Dr. John R. Swanton, ethnologist, completed the proof
reading of his papers on Social Organization and Social Usages
of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy, Religious Beliefs
and Medical Practices of the Creek Indians, Aboriginal

2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

Culture of the Southeast, and a paper by the late William
EK. Myer on Indian Trails of the Southeast, all of which
have appeared in the Forty-second Annual Report of the
bureau, and of a short paper on the Social and Religious
Usages of the Chickasaw Indians which is to appear in the
Forty-fourth Annual Report. He spent some time in con-
tinuing the preparation of a tribal map of aboriginal North
America north of Mexico and the accompanying text, and
assisted in the preparation for publication of James Mooney’s
paper on The Aboriginal Population of America North of
Mexico, which appeared as volume 80, No. 7, of the Smith-
sonian Miscellaneous Collections.

Work in connection with the Timucua dictionary, with the
help of Miss Tucker, was continued during most of the
year. In 1926, Miss Irene Wright, in the employ of the
Florida State Historical Society, discovered a letter in the
archives of the Indies at Sevilla written in the Timucua
language. Part of the work of preparing this material for
publication by the society has been done by Doctor Swanton,
and in the same volume an earlier letter, discovered and
published by Buckingham Smith, is to be included. AlI-
though this publication is being done outside, it will furnish
in more convenient and reliable form all of the known material
which we have not yet drawn upon for the dictionary, some
scattered words alone excepted. Doctor Swanton has been
called upon for an unusual amount of advisory and other
special work during the past year.

From July 1 to 22 Dr. Truman Michelson, ethnologist,
continued ethnological and linguistic work among the Sauk
and Fox of Iowa. From the latter part of July to the end of
August he was engaged in work on the Northern Arapaho,
devoting his time mainly to linguistics, and was able to un-
ravel a number of complex phonetic shifts whereby a larger
proportion of Algonquian elements in the language were
made more certain than hitherto suspected. He also took
physical measurements of a number of Arapaho and Sho-
shoni Indians. As far as the latter is concerned, the cephalic
index of his series agrees closely with that obtained under the
direction of Doctor Boas more than 20 years ago. After

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 3

his return to Washington, September 1, he corrected the
proofs of his Notes on the Buffalo-head Dance of the Thunder
Gens of the Fox Indians, which will appear as Bulletin 87 of
the bureau.

Doctor Michelson submitted for publication a work en-
titled ‘“‘Observations on the Thunder Dance of the Bear
Gens of the Fox Indians,” which is to be issued as Bulletin 89
of the bureau. He has also submitted a manuscript desig-
nated ‘‘Sketch of the Buffalo Dance of the Bear Gens of the
Fox Indians.”’ He worked out a complete translation of a
syllabic text supplementary to his paper in the Fortieth An-
nual Report. A number of technical papers have been pre-
pared by Doctor Michelson and published in various scientific
journals. Doctor Michelson from time to time has furnished
data to answer official correspondence.

Mr. J. P. Harrington, ethnologist, spent the year in a study
of the Mission Indians of the Santa Barbara region of Cali-
fornia and of the Taos tribe of north-central New Mexico.

Leaving for the field in the fall of 1927, Mr. Harrington
resumed his field studies at Santa Barbara with great suc-
cess, securing a mass of important linguistic information
from the last few aged survivors of the proud and highly
cultured people which only a few decades ago thickly popu-
lated the islands and mainland coasts of the Santa Barbara
region. The material covered the entire range of knowledge
of the informants and included difficult translations into
the Chumashan. These translations now include an almost
exhaustive study of the earlier period of Chumashan history,
The grammatical material was all perfectly heard and
reaches into every corner of phonetic phenomena and gram-
matical construction. The work contains a new and exhaus-
tive study of the early voyages, proving, among other points
that will have great popular interest, that Cabrillo was the ~
discoverer of Monterey. It also contains translations made
by Mr. Harrington of the diaries of the early land expedi-
tions, throwing new light on hitherto dark chapters of the
earliest history of Alta California, since this history is here
for the first time dealt with from the Indian viewpoint. In
this work, Mr. Harrington has cooperated with Fr. Zephyrin

4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

Engelhardt, custodian of the Santa Barbara Mission archives,
and with Dr. H. E. Bolton and other friends at the Bancroft
Library of the University of California. .

Returning to Washington in March, Mr. Harrington
elaborated his recent notes and prepared his Taos material
for publication. This consists of a thorough presentation
of the documents of Taos Indian history, all of them worked
through afresh and provided with new original translations
by Mr. Harrington, a presentation of Taos ethnology, and
a comprehensive vocabulary of the Taos language, which,
as Mr. Harrington has recently pointed out, has close genetic
relationship with the Kiowa language.

At the beginning of the fiscal year 1928 Mr. J. N. B.
Hewitt, ethnologist, undertook a detailed study and inter-
pretation of certain Onondaga Iroquoian texts recorded by
him in former years relating to the wind or air gods, who are
in fact disease gods of Iroquoian mythic thought. These
texts are Delphic in their brevity, and so are most difficult
to interpret and to correlate. They are only brief myths,
most of the details of which have been forgotten, and so
the mode of telling them has become oracular.

Mr. Hewitt read the galley proof of his paper in the Forty-
third Annual Report of the bureau, Iroquoian Cosmology,
Second Part. Severe illness during the early winter delayed
this work, but upon partial recovery he completed this task
and also the final reading in page proofs.

Mr. Hewitt also edited Mr. Edwin Thompson Denig’s
manuscript, Report on the Indian Tribes of the Upper
Missouri to the Hon. Isaac H. Stevens, Governor of Wash-
ington Territory. He added an introduction to the report,
with a brief biography of the author.

As the representative of the Smithsonian Institution on
the United States Geographic Board, Mr. Hewitt attended
the meetings of the board and of the executive committee
of that board, of which he is also a member.

As custodian of the bureau manuscripts, Mr. Hewitt re-
ports the continuation of the work of recataloguing the man-
uscript material and the phonograph music records belonging
to the archives. Miss M. W. Tucker typed the cards and

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 5

stored the material, and also catalogued 250 cylinders of the
Osage Indian songs and rituals. These were verified by
Doctor La Flesche with the use of the phonograph, and are
therefore authentic. Mr. Harrington has also turned over
his collection of 100 cylinders. Miss Densmore has, to
date, a total of 1,697 cylinders listed and filed.

There are now 3,079 manuscripts in the archives, and
about 626 phonograph records, in addition to those of Miss
Densmore.

On May 18, 1928, Mr. Hewitt left Washington to continue
his studies among the Iroquoian and Chippewa tribes in
Canada. He visited the Chippewa at Garden River to
revise certain cosmic texts acquired in 1900 from Mr. John
Miscogeon, of Bay View, Mich., and from Mr. George
Gabaoosa, of Garden River, in 1921. He visited the Huron
remnant at Loretteville, near the city of Quebec, Canada,
to ascertain whether any knowledge of an institution re-
sembling closely the League of the Five Iroquois Tribes
formerly extant among the Hurons then dwelling about
Lake Simcoe still existed among this remnant of the Hurons.
But no remembrance of it was found.

Mr. Hewitt visited the Caughnawaga Mohawk living near
Montreal, where information regarding the league and its
institutions was sought, but he found only a jumble of ideas
coming from the old religious thought of the natives, from
the so-called Handsome Lake reformation, and from the
hazy ideas instilled into them by the missionaries. Here he
also sought information tending to identify the so-called
Seven Nations of Canada, etc., who have recently become
a problem for the Canadian Department of Justice and of
the law department at Albany, N. Y.

Mr. Hewitt’s most fruitful field of research was among
the Six Nations of Iroquois living on the Grand River grant
not far from Brantford, Canada. Here he undertook the
free translation of the historical tradition of the founding
of the League of the Five Iroquois Tribes in the closing
decades of the sixteenth century, as related by the Mohawk
and the Onondaga, which embodies the farewell address of
Deganawide, the master mind in the work of establishing

6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

that institution. He revised the seven myths in native
Onondaga texts relating to the gods of the air and the wind
who control diseases.

He was fortunate enough to secure the emblem of official
authority of the fire keeper of the council of the league to
open and close the sessions of the council.

Mr. Hewitt, as usual, has devoted much time to providing,
through careful research, data for replies to the many corre-
spondents of the bureau.

During the fiscal year ended June 30, 1928, Dr. Francis
La Flesche, ethnologist, completed two manuscripts: Wa-
sha-be A-thi", containing 270 pages, and Wa-wa-tho", or
Pipe Ceremony, containing 110 pages. Another manuscript
is in the hands of the editor, entitled ‘‘The Child-naming
Ritual.”

He started a dictionary of the Omaha language, obtaining
about 7,000 words with both the Indian and the English
meaning and usage. In November he began the compilation
of a dictionary of the Osage language. About 20,000 words
with their full meanings and usage have been completed.

The month of July, 1927, and the first part of August were
spent by Dr. F. H. H. Roberts, jr., archeologist, in the Chaco
Canyon, New Mexico, completing the excavation of a late
Basket Maker site. It was discovered that the latter had
been a village consisting of 18 houses, a kiva or circular
ceremonial structure, 48 storage bins, and a court. Definite
knowledge of the house type was obtained during the progress
of these excavations, as well as other information of value
concerning one of the lesser known stages in the cultural de-
velopment of the sedentary agricultural Indians of the pre-
historic Southwest. The work in the Chaco added materially
to the information on southwestern archeology.

Two weeks of August were spent in southeastern Utah in a
reconnaissance along Montezuma Creek, one of the northern
tributaries of the San Juan. The purpose of this reconnais-
sance was to locate additional late Basket Maker sites which
might warrant intensive investigation. Despite heavy rains
and flooded conditions of the streams, he was able to make
his way up Montezuma Creek a distance of 40 miles. Several

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT “4

late Basket Maker sites were observed, but in every case the
remains were so eroded that it was not deemed advisable to
do any excavating. Several ruins were visited which were of
interest because they had been noted and described by W. H.
Jackson in the Hayden survey report for Colorado and
adjacent territory, 1876. Although unique from an archi-
tectural standpoint, the ruins belong to the late Mesa Verde
era, the period when the pottery characteristic of the large
Mesa Verde pueblos and cliff dwellings was in vogue.

At the end of August Doctor Roberts went to Pecos,
N. Mex., where he attended the conference of southwestern
archeologists and ethnologists held at the Pecos ruins, where
the Andover Academy expedition under Dr. A. V. Kidder
was completing its extensive investigations of that well-
known pueblo. While at the conference he assisted in the
drafting of a new outline of the sequence of cultural stages in
southwestern prehistoric and early historic development of
the sedentary Indian groups.

The first week in September found him at Folsom, N. Mex.,
where workmen of the Colorado Museum of Natural History,
Denver, had uncovered several projectile points in direct
association with the bones of an extinct species of bison,
Bison taylori. Several days were spent in investigating the
fossil bed and the surrounding territory. Doctor Roberts
was so impressed with the find that he sent for Dr. A. V.
Kidder, of the Andover Academy and the Carnegie Insti-
tution of Washington, and with him again went carefully
over the problem presented. At the conclusion of the inves-
tigations Doctor Roberts and Doctor Kidder were convinced ~
that the bones and the projectile points had been deposited
in the stratum contemporaneously. He returned to Wash-
ington early in October.

The winter was spent in the preparation of a manuscript
on the season’s work, entitled ‘“Shabik’eshchee Village, a
Late Basket Maker Site in the Chaco Canyon, New Mexico.”
Another manuscript on Certain Cave Sites Near El Paso,
Tex., was also completed.

In February Doctor Roberts went to Melbourne, Fla., to
view, in situ, a projectile point which Dr. J. W. Gidley, of

8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

the United States National Museum, had found in a stratum
from which he was removing the bones of extinct Pleisto-
cene animals. The projectile point and bones were from the
same stratum which in previous work had yielded the crushed
skull of a human being. It is around the latter that much
anthropological and paleontological discussion has centered
during the last two years. Doctor Roberts took advantage
of the trip to Melbourne to visit a number of shell heaps
and mounds left by some of the earlier Indian inhabitants
of the region.

In may, 1928, Doctor Roberts made a reconnaissance
along the San Juan River to a point about 10 miles south of
Rosa, N. Mex. Returning to Arboles, Colo., a short survey
and inspection was made of the ruins and ruin sites along
the Piedra River, one of the larger tributaries of the San
Juan. Asa result of the latter it was determined to excavate
a site located on a bluff 100 feet above the river on the east
side of the Piedra 15 miles north of Arboles.

The month of June was spent in an intensive investigation
of the above site, which proved to be a Pueblo I village. Of
the 24 houses excavated, 21 were single-room structures. Of
the remaining 3, 2 had been 2-room domiciles, while the third
had contained 3 cell-like rooms. It was found that the struc-
tures varied considerably in size, some of them being but 5
to 6 feet square, while others were 25 to 30 feet in length by
6 to 9 feet in width, but all had been constructed in the same
manner. In most cases there had been a slight excavation
measuring from 6 inches to 1 foot in depth. This pit portion
of the dwelling, if the slight excavation may be so called, was
roughly rectangular in shape. At an average distance of 10
inches from each corner a large post had been set in the floor.
These four posts appear to have carried at their tops a rec-
tangular framework, which formed the support for the roof
and walls. Both the roof and walls had had a framework of
small poles, which was covered with adobe plaster averaging
6 inches in thickness. The roof proper seems to have been
flat, while the walls had a slight slope due to the fact that the
poles which formed them had had their lower ends embedded
in the earth around the edges of the shallow pit, while their

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 9

upper ends leaned against the framework at the tops of the
large support posts. In most cases the rooms were entered
by means of a small doorway in the center of one of the side
walls. One or two of the structures gave the suggestion of
a roof entrance. In all cases the doorway seems to have had
a large stone slab for a cover.

There seems to have been a definite method of grouping
the houses, from four to eight or more of them being grouped
in a semicircle around a circular depression. Two of these
depressions were excavated and two more were trenched in
the hope that they might be found to contain kivas or cere-
monial rooms, but in all four cases they were found to be
nothing more than pits. It is quite possible that the earth
used in making the plaster to cover the wooden framework
of the structures was taken out of these pits; possibly the
plaster itself was mixed there, while the hole remained to
serve as a reservoir for the storing of water. In each case
the lower portions of the pits gave distinet evidence of having
been filled with water.

Refuse mounds containing burials were found in most
cases to lhe some distance south or southeast of the house
clusters. The burials were of the contracted form, the body
being placed in the shallow grave with the knees drawn up to
the breast and the lower limbs tightly flexed to the upper.
Accompanying each burial were two or three pottery vessels
as mortuary offerings.

A good collection of pottery and other specimens was
secured from the houses and graves.

An interesting sidelight on the village is that it was de-
stroyed by fire, presumably in the fall or early winter, as
practically every vessel found in the structures contained
corn, beans, wild cherries, or some other form of vegetal food.
It appears that very little of the harvest had been used when
through some mischance or other the village was devastated
by flames. Two of the inhabitants were trapped in the
houses, as the finding of the skeletons on the floor would
indicate. In both instances the remaining fragments of
bone showed clearly the marks of fire, and there was every

41383°—30

10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

evidence to show that the bodies had been ecnsumed in the

flames.
SPECIAL RESEARCHES |

Research in the music of the American Indians has been
carried forward during the past year by Miss Frances Dens-
more, a collaborator of the bureau. In October, 1927, Miss
Densmore visited the Winnebago in Wisconsin, recording
songs and interviewing many Indians within a radius of
about 20 miles around Black River Falls. Eighty-three songs
were recorded, with data concerning their origin and use,
and the singers and their environment were photographed.
The winter feast (also known as the war-bundle feast) and
the buffalo dance received special consideration, as these are
distinctively Winnebago ceremonies. Twenty-five winter
feast songs were recorded, including those of the night spirit,
morning star, sun, bear, and thunderbird bundles. The
songs were recorded and information given by men who
habitually attend this feast, given annually in Wisconsin and
Nebraska. The use of music in the treatment of the sick
was found to be similar to that of the Chippewa and, in some
respects, to that of other tribes. The principal informant on
this subject was John Henry, living at Trempeleau, who
recorded the songs used by his grandfather when treating the
sick. Additional old healing songs included those formerly
used by a Winnebago named Thunder and recorded by his
sons. Herb remedies were administered and songs sung to
make them effective.

Among the war songs is a group composed by members of
the tribe when serving in France with the United States Army
during the recent war. These express a high patriotism and
are interesting examples of songs composed by serveral per-
sons in collaboration. This is a phase of musical composition
which has been observed among the Sioux and Makah, as
well as among Indians of British Columbia. Other classes
of recorded Winnebago songs are those of the Heroka (bow
and arrow spirits), songs to calm the waves, songs received
in dreams, and songs of the moccasin game. |

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT Hak

One purpose of the work among the Winnebago was to
ascertain whether their songs resembled those of the neigh-
boring Chippewa or the related Sioux. The songs show a
distinct resemblance to the Chippewa and to the Menominee.
Each tribe has its own songs, and exceedingly old songs of
each tribe have been obtained, but there is a general resem-
blance in the melodic trend.

The study of material obtained at Neah Bay, Wash., and
in British Columbia in 1926, as well as Menominee mate-
rial obtained in 1925, was continued, together with the work
on Winnebago songs. Eight manuscripts were submitted
with the following titles: ‘‘Dance and dream songs of the
Makah and Clayoquot Indians’’; ‘‘ Miscellaneous Makah
and Clayoquot songs and Makah customs”’; “ Nitinat war
and dance songs and Menominee songs connected with
stories of Manabus, with catalogue numbers of 184 songs”’
“Songs of Nitinat medicine men and miscellaneous Nitinat
songs, with catalogue numbers of Nitinat songs”; ‘‘Songs
of Indians living on the Fraser and Thompson Rivers in
British Columbia”; ‘“‘Winnebago songs of the Winter
Feast’; ‘““Winnebago songs used in the treatment of the
sick’’; and _ Winnebago war songs, with catalogue numbers
of Winans songs.’

The paper on Makah customs includes a consideration of
such topics as the construction of houses and canoes, tools,
rope, clothing, fishing, cooking, tattooing, and wedding
customs, also methods of making observations of the sun,
and beliefs concerning petitions for supernatural help.

In addition to the preparation of original manuscript, Miss
* Densmore provided data for the labels of 520 songs and read
the galley and page proof of her book on ‘‘ Uses of Plants by
the Chippewa Indians”’ and the galley proof of her book on
“Chippewa Customs.’’ She also combined her several pa-
pers on Menominee music into the form necessary for their
publication, the material comprising more than 190 pages,
about two-thirds of which she retyped. The song records
obtained from Miss Densmore by the bureau are now pro-

2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

vided with catalogue numbers, except a small group of
British Columbia songs, which are held with field numbers
until the group is complete. The total number of records
transcribed is 1,695.

Early in June, 1928, Mr. H. Hughes, of Ono, Russell
County, Ky., advised the Smithsonian Institution of certain
Indian objects recently exhumed from a cave in the bluffs
bordering Wolf Creek, a branch of Cumberland River. To
examine these objects and the scene of their discovery, Mr.
Neil M. Judd, curator of American archeology, United States
National Museum, was directed to proceed to Ono.

Accompanied by Mr. Hughes, Mr. Judd called upon the
three gentlemen concerned with the discovery of the material
in question, examined the specimens, and later visited the
shallow cave from which they had been removed. The col-
lection included parts of three skeletons—two adults and an
adolescent—a fragment of a buckskin head band with fiber
ropes attached, fragments of an olivella shell necklace, a
covered basket, and portions of two others The basket,
certainly the most important of the several items, was woven
of split reeds; it is about 20 inches long, 8 inches wide, and
8 inches deep, and was provided with a cover of approxi-
mately equal size that fitted completely over the container.
The basket is doubtless of Cherokee origin; pottery frag-
ments found in the cave tend to confirm this deduction.

Owing to the fact that the site of discovery is only a
shallow shelter in a thick stratum of disintegrating shale, it
is truly remarkable that these textile fragments should have
been so well preserved. Layers of burned clay and ash
indicated frequent though intermittent use of *the shelter °
by Indian peoples. Fragments of corncobs, one small red
bean, gourd rind, and squash seeds were observed among the
shaly deposits covering the narrow floor space.

During the summer and early fall of 1927 archeological
investigations for the Bureau of American Ethnology were
continued by Mr. H. W. Kreiger, curator of ethnology,
United States National Museum, in the arid section of the
Columbia Basin and in the lower valley of Snake River.
During the preceding year the region extending from the

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 13

mouth of the Yakima River to the Canadian border was
explored. During the season of 1927 exploration of archeo-
logical sites was continued from the mouth of the Yakima
River to Mosier, Oreg., in the vicinity of The Dalles. At
this point an appreciable increase in rainfall and forest growth
marks the dividing line between the humid northwest coast
and the arid plateau of the interior.

In most essentials the early occupants of the upper plateau
possessed a remarkably uniform culture. It was found that
the subculture area of north-central Oregon appears to be
distinguished by the excellent chipping of weapon points and
tools from obsidian, jasper, agate, and chalcedony. The
subarea of The Dalles and Miller Island, the so-called ‘‘ Dalles
culture,” is characterized to a greater degree than is the sub-
area of north-central Oregon by realistically shaped animal
and human figurines executed in stone and wood and appear-
ing on wooden combs, stone pestle heads, stone bowls, and
as stone plaques. The subarea of The Dalles is also unique
in the possession of a lozenge or ovoid shape stone knife with
beveled lateral surfaces shaped by rubbing. This type of
knife was found in abundance at Lyle, Wash. In the Snake
River Valley a form of bone or horn knife supplants the knife
of chipped stone which prevails elsewhere in the Columbia
Basin, except in the areas mentioned.

Materials used as tools or as media on which to execute
art designs are characteristic of very restricted localities and
vary in many instances from village to village. The dis-
tinctions are the more clear cut the more ancient the site and
the more free the area from the influence of contiguous culture
areas.

At Page, Wash., on the Snake River, about 20 miles from
Paseo, were noted definite departures from the general type
of archeological remains characteristic of the sites along the
Columbia River. No copper ornaments or other objects of
metal were found; nor were any objects uncovered, other
than dentalium shell, that might indicate intercourse with
British Columbia or with the tribes of the lower Columbia.
Bone knives and scrapers here displaced those of chipped
stone; weaving implements and perforators were of antler

14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

or bone instead of rubbed stone as on the Columbia. Pairs
of sandstone arrow-shaft rasps; fine-grained, grooved stone
polishers; basketry fragments, showing types of false
embroidery, lattice weave, and simple coiling and twining;
ovoid stone culbs; and burials either with red paint or of the
usual cremation group type—all these characteristics indi-
cate a subculture area transitional between the Shoshoni on
the east and south and the Shahaptian tribes of the middle
Columbia Basin.

The type of early culture that existed within the arid
sections of the Columbia Basin has become definitely estab-
lished. Many of the connecting culture and trade relation-
ships are now known. The relationship with the Shoshoni
and with other cultures on the south, those of the Basket
Maker and the Pueblo, is not yet clearly defined. Further
research along the Snake River and its tributaries in south-
ern Idaho, northern Utah, and Nevada will no doubt bring
out additional evidence of relationships with the preagri-
cultural peoples of. the Southwest.

Mr. Henry B. Collins, jr., assistant curator of ethnology,
and Mr. T. Dale Stewart, of the division of physical anthro-
pology, United States National Museum, were detailed to
conduct field work along the coast of western Alaska, in-
cluding the island of Nunivak, for the purpose of observing
these people, their manner of life, and their physical type,
as well as to collect skeletal and cultural material from
inhabited and abandoned villages. From the standpoint of
the anthropologist, the section of Alaska from Bristol Bay
northward along the coast to the mouth of the Yukon is
one of much interest, for here dwell the most primitive
group of Eskimo to be found in all of Alaska. The work
was conducted under the auspices of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, the United States National Museum, the Ameri-
ean Association for the Advancement of Science, and the
American Council of Learned Societies.

Transportation to Nunivak Island was obtained on the
U.S. 8S. Boxer, through the courtesy of the Federal Bureau
of Edueation, which operates this boat in the interest of the
native schools it maintains throughout Alaska, The Boxer

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 15

stopped at Unalaska, Akutan, and Ugashik on the Aleutian
Islands and the Alaska Peninsula, and later at Kanakanak
on the upper part of Bristol Bay.

Leaving Bristol Bay, the journey was continued north-
ward along the coast, stopping at Kukukak, Togiak, Mum-
track, and Tanunuk. The Eskimo here live in small vil-
lages, usually along the coast near the mouth of a stream.
They subsist principally on fish, seal, and birds, together
with berries and a few other native plants. The most im-
portant item of their clothing is the parka, a long coatlike
garment made of feathers or fur. Their dwellings are semi-
subterranean, consisting of a square or octagonal excavation
from 1 to 3 feet deep, with walls and roof built up of suc-
cessive tiers of driftwood logs, for there is no timber any-
where along the coast north of Bristol Bay. The outside is
completely covered with sod.

For winter travel the Eskimo use sleds and dog teams,
while in summer most of their journeys are made in the
kayak, the ingeniously made skin boat so typical of the
Eskimo everywhere.

On June 21 Mr. Collins and Mr. Stewart landed at Nash
Harbor on the northwestern end of Nunivak Island, 48 days
after leaving Seattle. Here at the small native village of
Kligachimiuny is located the school of the Bureau of Educa-
tion. Nunivak Island is 70 miles long and about 45 miles
wide, but there are no dependable charts of its shores except
for two restricted localities.

While very little was definitely known of them, the Nuni-
vak Eskimo have long been regarded as the most primitive
in this remote region. This was found to be true. Women
were found still wearing the lip, ear, and nose ornaments of
beads and walrus ivory that were given up years ago by the
other Eskimo of western Alaska. The elaborate observances
and ceremonies relating to the hunting of the seal, and their
social and religious life in general, furnish additional evidence
of the extreme conservatism of these people.

The first work accomplished at Nash Harbor was the taking
of measurements and physiological observations on the
natives. Much of the western end of the island was explored

16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

on foot, bones and ethnological material being collected from
several deserted villages and finally from the village at Nash
Harbor. After completion of the work on the western end of
the island, camp was removed to Amolowikimiut, a native
village at Camp Etolin, some 30 miles to the east.

In August the party left Nunivak Island, Mr. Stewart
going to St. Michael with the trader from Tanunuk village,
Nelson Island, while Mr. Collins stopped at Hooper Bay, an
Eskimo village on the mainland between Nunivak and the
Yukon, where additional collections were secured. From St.
Michael the outward trip was made up the Yukon to Nenana,
and thence to the coast to Seward, affording an opportunity
to observe the Eskimo along the lower Yukon and later the
Tinné Indians farther up the river.

EDITORIAL WORK AND PUBLICATIONS

The editing of the publications of the bureau was con-
tinued through the year by Mr. Stanley Searles, editor,
assisted by Mrs. Frances 8. Nichols, editorial assistant. The
status of the publications is presented in the following

summary :
PUBLICATIONS ISSUED

Forty-second Annual Report. Accompanying papers: Social Organi-
zation and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy
(Swanton); Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the Creek
Indians (Swanton); Aboriginal Culture of the Southeast (Swanton) ;
Indian Trails of the Southeast (Myer). 900 pp. 17 pls. 108 figs.

Bulletin 85. Contributions to Fox Ethnology (Michelson). 168 pp.

PUBLICATIONS IN PRESS

Forty-first Annual Report. Aecompanying papers: Coiled Basketry
in British Columbia and Surrounding Region (Boas, assisted by
Haeberlin, Roberts, and Teit); Two Prehistoric Villages in Middle
Tennessee (Myer).

Forty-third Annual Report. Accompanying papers: The Osage
Tribe: Two Versions of the Child-naming Rite (La Flesche);
Wawenock Myth Texts from Maine (Speck): Native Tribes and
Dialects of Connecticut (Speck); Picuris Children’s Stories, with
Texts and Songs (Harrington); Iroquoian Cosmology, Part II
(Hewitt).

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT Ley

Forty-fourth Annual Report. Accompanying papers: Excavation of
the Burton Mound at Santa Barbara, Calif. (Harrington); Social
and Religious Usages of the Chickasaw Indians (Swanton); Uses
of Plants by the Chippewa Indians (Densmore); Archeological
Investigations—II (Fowke).

Bulletin 84. Vocabulary of the Kiowa Language (Harrington).

Bulletin 86. Chippewa Customs (Densmore).

Bulletin 87. Notes on the Buffalo-head Dance of the Thunder
Gens of the Fox Indians (Michelson).

Bulletin 88. Myths and Tales of the Southeastern Indians (Swanton).

Bulletin 89. Observations on the Thunder Dance of the Bear Gens
of the Fox Indians (Michelson).

Bulletin 90. Papago Music (Densmore).

DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLICATIONS

The distribution of the publications of the bureau has been
continued under the charge of Miss Helen Munroe, assisted
by Miss Emma B. Powers. Publications were distributed as
follows:

enonunolumesrandsseparates=ss2 2222-222 eee et 1, 450
Bulletinssandiseparatess es ssi") Mal soe Seo 6, 870
Contributions to North American Ethnology_____________- 7 23
INiiscellaneoustpulblications= 2a. 2 22. 783

iG bal] Cnn a Serre A i ee eS 9, 126

There was a decrease of 788 publications distributed, due
to the fact that 1 less publication was distributed to the
mailing list than in the previous year. The mailing list,
after revision during the year, now stands at 1,713 addresses.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Following is a summary of work accomplished in the illus-
tration branch of the bureau under the supervision of Mr.
De Lancey Gill, illustrator:

Drawings made (maps, diagrammatic and graphic illustra-

JID
Photographs retouched, lettered, and made ready for engraving 598
Mnemavedepro ois (Criticized 4-2 Be ee 582
Color prints examined at Government Printing Office_______ 3, 660
Illustrations catalogued for outside publications________--_- 350
IBhotosraphicenegatives: =. 2 ee ooo 96

18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

iPhotographic.prmts: _3)4) 32 ee eee 367
Holargements: =". ee ee 2 ee eee eee pape ae 2
Development’ (films) 205 ss Poe 2 aoe Se ee eee figs 12
Color prints) <1 2 _ 2) SE ee ae 1

The development and printing of all photographic work
was done in the laboratory of the United States National
Museum by Dr. A. J. Olmsted in cooperation with the
bureau in exchange for work done by Mr. Gill for other
branches of the Institution. This arrangement, as in the
previous year, has proved eminently satisfactory.

LIBRARY

The reference library has continued under the care of
Miss Ella Leary, librarian, assisted by Mr. Thomas Black-
well. The library consists of 27,921 volumes, about 16,177
pamphlets, and several thousand unbound periodicals.
During the year 780 books were accessioned, of which 115
were acquired by purchase and 665 by gift and exchange;
also 3,980 serials, chiefly the publications of learned societies,
were received and recorded, of which only 108 were obtained
by purchase, the remainder being received through exchange.
A considerable amount of time was given to preparing
bibliographic lists for correspondents. Requisition was made
on the Library of Congress during the year for an aggregate
of 325 volumes for official use. An increasing number of
students not connected with the Smithsonian Institution
found the library of service in consulting volumes not
obtainable in other libraries.

COLLECTIONS

99366. Archeological and human skeletal material collected in Florida
by Henry B. Collins, jr., during January and February, 1928.
(133 specimens. )

99553. Lots of potsherds collected on the surface of mounds in the
vicinity of Greenville, S. C., during the spring of 1927 by Dr. J.
Walter Fewkes.

99554. Small archeological collection purchased by the bureau from
R. W. Owen, Philadelphia, Pa. (16 specimens.)

99953. Archeological and human skeletal material collected by H. W.
Krieger during the late summer of 1927 in the Columbia and Snake
River Valleys. (190 specimens.)

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 19

101146. Small collection of archeological specimens from Tennessee
secured in the spring of 1928 by Henry B. Collins, jr. (6 speci-
mens. )

101340. Archeological material from two sites in Chaco Canyon,
N. Mex., collected during 1927 by Dr. F. H. H. Roberts, jr. (199
specimens. )

101524. Potsherds, stone, and shell objects from a shell mound near
Melbourne, Fla., collected by Dr. F. H. H. Roberts, jr. (4 speci-
mens. )

101525. Atlatl, spearshafts, sandals, netting, etc., from a cave about
20 miles northeast of El Paso, Tex., collected in May, 1927, by
Dr. F. H. H. Roberts, jr. (26 specimens. )

PROPERTY

Office equipment was purchased to the amount of $656.89.
MISCELLANEOUS

Clerical.—The correspondence and other clerical work of
the office has been conducted by Miss May 8. Clark, clerk
to the chief, assisted by Mr. Anthony W. Wilding, stenog-
rapher. Miss Mae W. Tucker, stenographer, continued to
assist Dr. John R. Swanton in compiling a Timucua die-
tionary. She also classified and catalogued 2,323 musical
records in the possession of the bureau. Mrs. Frances S.
Nichols assisted the editor.

Personnel.—Dr. J. Walter Fewkes retired as chief of the
bureau January 15, 1928, but continued on the staff of the
bureau as associate anthropologist.

Respectfully submitted.

H. W. Dorsey,
Chief Clerk, Smithsonian Institution.
Dr. C. G. ABBot,
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution.

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ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

THE SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE
WESTERN PLATEAUS
JAMES A. TEIT

EDITED BY

FRANZ BOAS

PREFACE

The following papers contain descriptions of the Salishan tribes of
the interior, excepting the Middle Columbia tribe.'

The material presented here was collected by Mr. James A. Teit
in 1904, 1908, and 1909 while he was traveling over British Columbia
and the States of Washington and Montana for the purpose of de-
termining the distribution of Salishan dialects and the general move-
ments of tribes so far as these could be ascertained by tradition.

This investigation was made possible by the generosity of Mr.
Homer Io. Sargent, of Pasadena, Calif., who for many years defrayed
all the very considerable expenses of Mr. Teit’s work.

Mr. Teit was thoroughly conversant with the Thompson Indians,
among whom he lived for a great many years. This facilitated his
investigations considerably. It will be understood that the informa-
tion given here is almost entirely based upon questioning of the
Indians. The ancient customs have disappeared to such an extent
that direct observation is impossible. The historical data contained
in the following account must also be considered in this light. They
are the records of oral tradition among the Indians and not based on
documentary evidence.

On account of Mr. Teit’s intimate knowledge of the Thompson
tribe, it is natural that his inquiries were very largely guided by what
he knew about the customs of that tribe. It is not unlikely that this
may have colored, to a certain extent, the descriptions. { doubt
particularly whether the negative statements contained in his report
can always be taken as conclusive, because the question whether a
certain custom is in vogue may be misunderstood and similar customs
may have existed. Mr. Teit’s statements of opinion must be taken
as those of his informants, not his own, unless expressly so qualified.

The material here presented has been edited from a manuscript
written by Mr. Teit and from notes scattered over many years of
correspondence,

Mr. Teit’s spelling of native words is not quite certain; particularly
the distinction between k and q; hw, «© and x, tl and ¢ is uncertain.

Washington, vol. 11, No, 4,

41383°—30——3 25

26 PREFACE

The following is an explanation of the symbols used:
Vowels have their continental values.

é open e, as in “fell.”

6 open o, nearly as in German “voll.”

Er obscure vowel, as e in “flower.”

tl affricative.

£ voiceless l.

q_ velar k.

ce English sh.

x medial palatal continuant, corresponding in position to k.
x velar continuant, corresponding in position to 4.
glottal stop.

Special attention is called to the use of « and x which has been
changed from earlier usage to conform with the system now generally
employed.

Mr. Teit uses the period (.) to indicate in some cases a glottal stop,
in others strong voicing.

Dr. Gladys Reichard had the kindness to revise with native inform-
ants all Indian words in the chapter on the Coeur d’Aléne. She
was able to identify most of the terms. The spelling of Indian
words in this chapter is, therefore, reliable, except in the case of a
few words that could not be identified and which are marked with a
query.

Franz Boas.

CONTENTS

Tue Corur D’ALENE

Page

Ne IsuoLnicalsandsscoptaphicals=osa- ssa ssao- =. eee 37
Hlaipitabean deb Oundarics == ass seer eee oe oe eke 37
DIVISIONS MO ANS sev AS Couey ee ee ee ete 38

Op ULat One ses = tere ae re Se = eet Rae Se ee hae oe. Se iat 39
UNITED EER KP NS sk Fc cl Sy te . 40
Intercourse and intermarriage______________- Ooh 5 ee = 40

; Mentalgandaplysicalawralts=e - =e oe 2 oe ce 40
levis itactunes asm eee ee ee ee ae ae re eS 40
WOGKSINeStOne sya mittee acre ee Oo ae SE SE 40
Wiorkinuboneswoodsantler ses. .222 40 2 eee eee 42
letnbass hevel CHAS = ee ee =k sat Ae each fee a 43
RrepatavloumOlgs Kilts Sri eaniao ne one ee = ek ee 44
STOR a pe a a es hve a a rs 46

DME RAS ae a te eR is eg a Se 47
Wiovrengbapsteens sn nano eS Bore Seo) tips ee EE 47
Skinghbacsrandspouchesse mae ces =e ee ee 49
Reawbidelbacsrand parhecheses 2-250 2... .-2s esse oe 50
lexiblepoaskets memes eee oe tes ee ee eee ee A 51
@penworktbasketseees = ossceeas) = eS ee bz
IBIRCh=DaLkeb aSke lsat See = ae oe eee ee 52
@edarzbarkubasketgas sees at ee ete = Bl So ee 52
@oiledRbasketryeeeee een se A Se Fa oe en ee 54
ING LS Sereree ere ete Sere atone ho eke 55
Mesionsronubagssandubaskelse. sees e = eee 55
DEesionsnonenlathwalletsae=s ee we eee A eS Oe ee 56
Designs on beaded bags___--_----------- Aya ena gee si
Designs on rawhide bags and parfléches___________________- 57
Desionssonubarksbasketsem = sess eie nse e eos a eae 58

timp tousevandshousehold se 222806525) 62 oe ee ee ke 58
@onicalema tel ode emeem ewe t= make ye RS 58
Skinelodg Cueet serene fe eR SN Soc tok Se 58
On 2810 2c eeeenerers ete ee ee ea et EM oe 58
Barkalod £6 we sey eee ne eens a ee Oe 61
IBGUSHeOd Peseta rete Ne See tee eat a ae 62
Wiomenissandecinls lod ees a. = ese ee en ae eee ae 62
Undercroundsandsothemlodress = = ee ee 62
PSNWASYEND, aX ONUESTSSS fy cate 2g Rt nc 62
Scaioldseereem eee een eee SS NG ee a See oe 63
@aches¥andicellarssas = 92s eer ee ee eee ee Fee 63
Housesmurnishings and utensils=—— __ 3-2 =-- === __:2__ 63

iver Glovhinevandiomaments= 28. sees e—=- 85-0220. 65
ODES arse ea ae ee ee ee Se ch De SE ee 65
Menisiclothes#shirtssae=e tae- 24 oe ee Soe 66
INeEcCkawra Ds mbeltse:sm: pe me ane eS eee ee 69

GCC oIN Come ey et ee gee ee eee BSS 69
IBreechcloutstanGsaplonsse en eae ae = 69

28 CONTENTS

TV. Clothing and ornaments—Continued. Page
Women’s clothes) dressess22 = = ae ee a re ee oe 70
Bodices 5.6 22 = = a is Fen te yay lf Se are eer Al
heppings cia. 2f ciao) Bee Ne ene eee ree ay ae a
Children’s::clothes'. 3.2515. 5 AS re aE ee ee 72
IMOCCASING2 2h Use BS Ee ER ee ne are ee es Oe 72
Socks: 3.s2ne/2 2 SR Sos ee eee ne 73
Mittens... svi b225228 22222 amet) 2 eee Oe Pee 73
Mensicapsyanditheadbands = 245 == = 5s eee eee 73
Women's:caps:.. {25255-22222 262 e oe Se ee eee ee 76
Woven ponchos, raim-cloaks--+- == ="2222 222 ite Te
Ornamentation and designs on clothing. __________________- tal
Modern: clothing} = 2.25-2:5 3.2 ot Soe Ne ENE Ee 80
Ornaments 232 S8e S55 6 sd Se ee es Epa es 81
INose-ornaments!= S43) 2 2 ae se ee i et ee ee 82
Harcornaments.- =e = hE oe eB eee eee 82
Hair ornaments = 324-2 aes ale ee ee 82
ATM TINGS 24 Sos Se Seat ea eh Ss 83
Combsicea st eas a ee cee ae 83
Tweezers: 2): 222 sane Ses Sse ee ea ee 83
Hairdressing: 22 oss 22252 eee ee es Se 83
Perfulmes(=2 32. SS ess Se etn OL aS ee Sew Be eee ee 86
Kacevand body (painting= 9255 39> Se ose ss ee 86.
pearification “es «22 = 25 Cee esa) eae ey eee eee 87
Tattoomg..2+2- 22222 sess 224225 Jee eho Le ee ee ee 87
WV. Subsistence. - S522 2252.25.22 Se on ee ee eee oe ee de 88
WOO 2) =" Ue Se woe ve See ois Sie 5 cere re cee es pn Oe Tare 88
Moolstand, methods: of HaGviestin Gee se wee ee ea ee 91
Preservation of vegetal foods, cooking, dishes____________--- 92
Preservation of animal foods, cooking. _____-.-._-+ -=...__--_- 94
Seasons s.= 22s. fo2e esse ee ee eee ee ee ee 95
Gamejand hunting.<.- = Set 2 ee ee eee 96
Weapons of theichasé——bows= -242-s00 222 25st es eee 97
ATTOWS=. 2252 322 uee Ll ee eee whet ee ee ree 99
Quivers: S28 ss 2 8 = oe apne ee Pe ee 100
GUuMNS'; 2222502222 e es ee See Se Se eee 101
Methods of hunting and trapping] = 22-2222 = 101
Fishing hooks: 22222. 52= 3 Se) es = oo ee ee 105
Spearsiocie%e Js ahs ee ee eae ee ee Me ete 105
TrapsSsole-22 so 5so5e2 Sores sie ose Sas ae ea ae 106
Nets. 223< cece cose feet eee See sat a ee eee 107

Vil, Travel, transportation, and trade.) 222 226 sie en on ns ee 108
Canoess2 2-2 =02 2. 2a S2a ee ee SE ee eae eee 108
Tump, linés: $2222 2<22225--=22452 525250 Sse eee 108
Snowshoes s2s2 25725 8 tye oe Oke a eee a Le 108
Wopsissss sche e2= ates: eee ae ee ee ee 109
Hiorsés:- == ice 52 sae 2a Sa EO Ie ee es oe ee 109
Horseséquipment:. =< 322. 4-48 22 ssn 3s ee eee re 110
Tad G2 2 Un a echoes oe BS Se a re, meta emer rE Bey en 112
MEE. Warfare: 2222623 256 3 2 ee SS eee a edie oh 115
Wied ponsece 220 2 She eee ag a a en a ned a Sa 115
ATMO. 26-222 Sets Oe ees BS Be ee a ee eae eee 117
Forts and: defenses: 245. 2.o5.- 220 se ae Ne See 7,

War dress________-_- ae apne eS Soa pS ee fee ee pce 118

CONTENTS 29

VII. Warfare—Continued. Page
NYCI S BS mo lo 2 5 IS Se Py OP aes) el oy 119
Wars withethe;spokanses 5... 9 — Soles 2 dee 119
Wiarsswathutherkalispelis 2s 4 sere ak Tae Se Scere 121
Warsswithythesbend d?@reilles# 5-2 22-22 _ eee = 121
Warsswithgiheshutenaies=- = 2220 na. = epee Eee 124
WarstwithythesNez) bercésrese ian hale eas 125

Wars with the Blackfoot and other tribes east of the
VOC Keyae VIO UI GAINS 6 aetna ee Ses ee eae 125
Wiarsawathetheswhites! sees see 2 te See he tg 128
IMternalsiigh ts oeen eee ee ete cies 22. EP 129
Wile GamestandepastimesSaae so-so ep 130
Dicerandseuessing.sames= ee eee See Sees 130
HOOD ROusriINo; OAM CS eee ee ee man Ne eee 131
ATLOWFfaMes= 288 ee ae ijt ee aed et ea, ha ee 132
BallGgam Cs sewer wees ae a ee oe SS ed eA Te 133
SPO LL See ae Me NRren n ser aire ogre ee oe ON ee 134
OX@B Signalang uae et kee sate ee ec ee 135
SIG 11s ane ett Mate eR a. ee ee ek 136
Tribal names in the sign langtiage__________________-_-~_--- 144
Countinoweneeting wsionals 22-52 -e oe 148
Nee Social organization and festivals_____--____._________.___---1-. 150
DOcIaIsOTeaAniz 2 b10 eee ee ee ee ee ee ee 150
(OR SUN SB ee ee ae ere a we a ind Fe a ee ee 152
(Coun Gil s eer ee Se ee 154
(Opinnis Girdles oe ee ee ee 155
iribaleresulations= a-see1 en eee se eto Sek See eee 155
IWS Il Chis Sak ele ne Shae eee ee Ee RS he I ee 155
Companies seats eee re wp De ae oe td 156
PENCE 7 es a cp eS 158
ersonalenam ests wnerne cyte Foes 2 Mo ae oe Se ee 159
VES) BYEY Ey A ea PR 161
Hes tiv alse =m mm enw melee SIE aac ee Oe eee 163
Miursicaileinstruiments=s==5 === =e ee 164
pipes Same eter meee te meee oee Bese FS ee eee 165
XI. Birth, childhood, puberty, marriage, death_.________________.__- 166
MSS eee eee enna eee ces ee ke 166
Wanricrstolucrad este Senne oe ne Seen peo oe aks See 166
Feadidelormationess==—--.1 409 eee ee 167
Whip pin prorcded meee = tee oe ee 1 OP oe ee 168
Rube rye ae ees tee <a ea SAN eee oe ot Se oe 2 168
Hat tOOln Caen ere ae ne ee Ae se OS 169
Scaritica tig ne sees an ereea yt: te kee a Se a es 169
IMU air 8 Cae ae epee a Rents Sa Se a ESN es oe Ee Pee LSS 170
Motheran-lawataboOesas 2-8. 5) ee 172
BU, 2) ee eee ieee eer eee nr ie Se iy ee ee ee 172
xXeiifemReligionvand. ceremonies_-- -—__-_- --_-_...--_ == 4- ne 176
Wonceptiontofathe worlds. 92222 te ee 176
1D) 2k s eee eae, Pern Senate yey ME ee erent We yrs ee wee Se 180
preesine Nicaea tas eens St ee a es ee Ee 180
(Cisne nee ae oes Mt ewe ee en Wt eS Ns ee 181
mandbandewatermlysteries sees == 22222 ae 181
YABNOE) GSO A eae 183

iPbraverspandsopSehvianCese=== =e ee ee eee 183

30 CONTENTS

XII. Religion and ceremonies—Continued. Page
Dances and ceremonies, first-fruits ceremony, or harvest dance_ 185
Praying dancee oe sae re eee ee 185
Sunidancesand! sunsworshipes— sae te ee ee 186
Horse dance, thanksgiving ceremony_._........_..-_-_._._-- 186
Medicinetdance oe es Ss ee ee ea Ae are 186
War dances and wariceremonicss=5- ae oa ee ee 187
Scalp.dancet ist: <2 Sl ee ee ee 189
Csuwilsitdance= es 2 SSeS 2 ve ee ea rere eee oe eee 191
Muibalvandsintertribaliswarsdan cess. 191
Marrying: dances 225. 0 a BeBe een teed ore ee a 191
Hestivaleorm cift dances == 15 = ae aa eee ne een rege eee 192
Wioman?’s dancevorround dancese sees ae er ae eee eee 192
Weather dances’ 22 = 2 cs sey aaa memunanee te Boe tg eae mee Ben 192
Gaitie. dancegh 2 S55 ee See ee ee eeepc yee 192
Guardiantspiritso2s 322 2225 4a Se ere ree ree 192
Rock:paintingst = 22 = 2 eae Sam cee eee eee eee 194
Tama ees Of SUSKGIAT ES i bse ae 194
Shamanism:=— = - oa SS oe eS ee ere ae ee 195
Ethicalconcepts:.2 tec San a ee es 196
Clianmsi and belieise2=25 << = fest ae ee ee ee ee 196
Medicines’ 2-2 2252 le ee. 2 eee eae ee oe eee 197

THE OKANAGON

L. idistoricaltand’ seoprap ical ss eee eee ee ere ec are ere eer 198
‘Lribes:ofthe-oroup: = So 2 2 ee ee 198
Tribal: Mamesis. ose ee ee ee re ere ere eee 198
Names given to the Okanagon tribes by other tribes___-----~- 199
Names given to other tribes by the Okanagon______--------- 202
Dialects 8 Coe ee A eS Se ae nee Creer 2038
ETS DIGSt AN GubOUNG ST CSa sate = ae eae en ee 2038
Divisions, bands, villages, place-names-_-____-_.+------------ 203
POPs tone sa Se I en ce: Cee ae Ee ee Pra
Misrations and movements of tribes_ 2-2 = _ _ 22 ee 2138
Intercoursevsndantermamiaee sao ee ee ee ee ee 215
If.. Manutfsctutes 2234: 52 ee ee re ees 217
Works Instone) bone se tGsa= <= ae ee eee eee ene 217
Paints ands dyes. cc sss ec ee ee 218
Dressing ofskins= 2-2 22.2 Es ec See ee Ren SRE 218
Mats2. 2. 22 Soc Si ee Se ee oe ee 218
Weeivinio 2.05226 2 ee ee ee ee he ee 219
Woven bags 2225 225% Sere ie oe ee 219
Pist) bags-o82 ss 2502S see a er 220
Distr Dags= == = 32 eS Sh SE Bee a eee 221
Rawlide bagsiand parlléches::=-- esac e tee. ee 221
Barks basketry 2-52 f= 2 Soe oes ane re ene ee 222
Coiled ibasketry {2.3 3nc 2s Secs ee Se eee 223
FROPESs SOHO ECl ear em © Usa oe eee 225
Woven cloths: “2-25... 22 5 eee ae Ce ee eee 225
Designs:on: bags: 5-22.25 .6 2A ee ee ene eee 226
Designsionibasketsoe ces. = ae 5 ee ee ee ee ee 226

TUT. PHLOUSE: ANG ROUSE INO] Cs = ee at eee ee 226
Underground) lodees.=*2— = S252 ee ee ee 226
Conicalilodge sae See ae Oe eee ee ee 227
Square or squsre-topped lodees =. ees s ee ee 227
Longylodven ase 2 e fe Oe ee ee > Sree ee eee eres 227

Bark andtotherlodgess =." s=2- as a2 = ere ee eee 2238

NTENTS

III. House and household—Continued.

IR@seS Anael (eho Oe eS Se ee ee ee

Men’s clothing___________
Women’s clothing. _______

DPROKON IR SEES ope i Sr

Overclothesteewere nas) see se eee a eee eee ce ec enwcus

Ornamentation of clothing

RersonaleadornmMentee = eo a. eo) ee oes eee oe
Wen SUDSISten Cesare 5 oats eT eee ee eae eo ee seeee

EU Ya Glin Pewney vee eee eee EN ene a, I OR
BEGLS Th Gee ete Mesa ere oe Say oe fares a oa rs
SEAS OLS MOOR rts terse fl tee DRE a SBI 5 pe ao AS

VI.

iitavel) transportation, tradesss s2— 2-22-5222). ee eee

(OPE aoe Sp AS Rg a Lo ica RD
COP ofa aegis ae Se ns es ne ee oe eee
ISDLOWS OCS mapper pate seeen Menu anaes oe eye es ee
IEIOT SCS enone ee Se a fee 2 ae RS ek Pee eae ek
Horse equipment___________________-_-_- a eee
dbradinovandi trade routes sees sees eee eee eee eee

VII. Warfare

PeCrAMe sean PASIMESS ) me ee ee eee ee ee
MOI enbl anol ce we a ees en eae
o Soatall epee = ee OE ee eee eee

Onepraninie see Se oe eee

ERO) OTS) CaS a ae
Wes tive seein =< Saas Ge ee ana
Musical instruments._..........._...-.-.-_..-._---.-----
PIPCStanGEsINOkKING Sew ae see ase eee ene ee ane eee

. Birth, childhood, puberty, marriage, death____________________-

Preonian CVee eee Wace ee ee ee Ree ae eee one as so eoe

Heads elon atloOne= == 2 2 eee es See a oe So
Hosterinoeolec ill dene see eee eg eee ee
INU CALIO MEM eee ate ee eee ee es oases Se
TEXT SYN eR eA =e ce pen Del ne cm ee ea
Maia ¢ Sea Sa ee ee ee cee t=

Customs regarding women

MeCathivanGebUrinlewen ewe Seo ce eee ee ee

32 CONTENTS

Page
Al. Religion. =< 2.u2 22 Shee seen eee = eee ee ee 289
Concept of thetworld 222 oe en ee ee 289
Mythologys 2s 2 = so a ee fe an ee 290
Various supernatural eli is = ee ee er yee ee eee ee 290
Prayersvand! ODServanCeSe 2.2 tment lye ae re = eae 290
Pheysoull ele ae ee eS eee Nea ne 292
Guardian ‘spirits! 7222. 22 ee Bn ee ee 292
Shamans.20 20. oe 2 Ao otis oe ye ee ee 292 -
Dances aos le See ae o Se ee ee 292
cL. “Medicinesiandscurrentubelieis® 225 — — 325 oe ee ee 293
Medicines= 222s oo 22 55 Se ee eee ee 293
C@urrentebeliciss=220 ose 22 eee nD eg A ape ee 294
Tue FLATHEAD GROUP
i Historical and ‘ceo grap inicals me mapas aa em eee fe meee ey orc va 295
‘Tribes Of the groupe aac Cee ee eee nee eR 295
Origin‘of«tribal namess>. a8 see Se ee es 295
Names! for: themselvess=. 22 = 322 ee ree ee 296
Names by which known to other tribes; names given to them
by: Salishtribesi 255222 = x scam eee rere ere ee eee ee 297
Names given to them by non-Salish tribes_____..__.._.._.__._.. 298
Names given by them to other tribes________________-_-__-_ 300
Dialects: i. 2c sees Se ee ne 303
Habitat and! bound aries #2 = see eae eee oe eee ee 303
Physicalicharacteristics of the country= = eee ee 309
Divisions, bands, and headquarters=se= 55s =. tae eee 309
Population c<2 822 202 So ee ee a ee eer Leena Sch
Migrations. and movements of tribess2_ == 22 = 316
Intercourseand-intermarriages = ye. ee ee 322
Mental and physical traits! of tribessses == = ee 325
To Manufactures: 22525 22 2 er ee ee 326
Materialsculture ine gener alla nee ae te ee eee ee 326
Work inistones wood set Ce = sey eee ee ee ee ne ee en 326
Paintingand idyeligon ==. = 2a ae ee ere tee ee ee 326
Dressing of skins =2222 ee ee ee ee ee OG
Rawhide work 52.222 oe ee ne ee 327
Woven/and otherbagss seo. an a4 se eee ee eee 327
Woven mists. 226 2 eo ee ri ee ern ee re ee 327
Wovensclothing >.< 2222 2% oe a ee ee 328
TRwine; 6002. Soe. Shee ee ee ee ee ee ee 328
Woven: basketiy* 25.08 2 ee ee ee ee 328
Bark basketry__-_---- uh nape thd tax Se Sb 328
Coiled basketry 2-2-2) 222 5===s=ss- ee a es Saale eee 329
IDesions On baskets; (bass, CuCes.= mae s 330
VISION Of (a DOr = oe | aoe See ee 330
Tes louse amd sh ousel ol cles eee eee a 331
Semmundensround lodge e 22. eae ee a ee eee ees 331
Ihonglodpes< 2-242 esac ose te aa eee ee ee ee 331
Conicalilodgevonbenti see = =e 23 eae = see ere eee 332
Barkslod genase ce eee oe rs ge pee en arr ie 332
Othetlod ges: 2. 2 sick eae es ee a ee 333
Householdtutetisils [22% os ee ee ea 333

CONTENTS BO

Page

ive Clothingyandiomamentssae == sss) 8 eee eee 33-4
Clothing Seemeparetc era ea i eh 8 ee eo 334
IMenisiclothin cae sean SO ae 335
Wiomensgsiclothing Spee ee an eee eee o_o eee 336
Ornamentation and designs on clothing ___________________ 337
RersonalgadOrnmMent! semen aa Se oe on cle ae 339
WeESUDSISLEN COM mene nen enn tee eee ee eS 341
Rootstandaberries= seeks a2 eee eso Se eck 341

FN OTIG ULC ULC Seen eee ee aie tec a elite ee eS mya 344

ELIT Li) ¢ een ee ERM rotate we Rr eh be Se 344

IKiShin Cae ee es eee eee ED! NE A 348
Witeelravelatransportation, and) trade-_- 22-2 - = 3-0 ee 349
Canoes eee ee a emai sy abe eB Eee ee 349

IDO gS eee ee eae eee ae te Oe aoe ceca nce 5 350

TE OS SYST i hae RS 350
Transportation and horse equipment.._______________-_---- 352

SHO WSDOCS eae eee ee eats See Slo s eos seeS 355

pire sae enerreee ete Nate eee en ea eee BA 355

VARA Varia resent siemens seme eelere erro. © cat ee oe oe 359
Weapons of offense and defense_______________-__--------- 359

WHE Senne teeSe tesa eo 359

Nillitee Sicntlancuages saan meen ere meee e eS et ak eka. 373
IXeE Socialborsanizations ss (eee eee = ee ee eee 373
(Chichs Ban areata Sore ee ES eee 376

INA CS eee ne ners See Se a ee eS ae 379

SIS V Gly ae ee ee ae Soe ee Se ae 380

SVAN SHAY a ca a 380

X. Birth, childhood, puberty, marriage, and death____________-___-- 381
TO NS ps a a 381

Ba byaCarllers sameeren SE eee 381
iHeaddeformationeeere ee ba oe kee Soe etek os 381

DEAD OYE BLT Se cal a ee 382
ISTE. 2 Coane ee ee ee eee en RO a ee RS 382
Miotherain=|awitab 00s = tee se eS eee 382

Customs regarding women_2>_-=-._-----------_----------= 382

VEREE IEE H | Sigg Ea a a ee ee 382

le Roligion and! ceremonies--_.....--.----<e----=-------------.- 383
Rel lon bem aetee ae eRe mm See Boe a LSS a eee 383

(Gisantsad wattsetCeeene os So ers eens eo ce en eae re 383
Guardiantspiritsetatar sso eee ae ase ee ee = 384

Berd aches Sense cy eas ee ye ee eee 384
Shas See ee ee ee eee eee Se 384

IVMESS1ONS Eee Se eee ee ee eee ee eee eee 385
@eremonicsran dud an Cesta seam t= ae ee eee eee 386
Currentibelictss charms; etc--2=--==_-— == === 2---=-- 394
AUIUMOLILIeSECLLCO me meme aon meter ce ese eee Sle Lee aac 396

Bm wh Re

BPODONDNOMRWNHEH

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

. Chisel of elk horn. Thompson River Salish___..__._.______-__-____
mBirech-parksbasketss Interior ealish..2-.-..-=-.--+-<2------____-
ae Dresses ae wintenlOnmmaliste eee. nee ee
ae DrescwmanlaLheaGetribe sar stam aa an ee oe ee ek ae

PLC eSvoremat tin See een eae em Sone ere ot ee Se eS ee
mellem pPOLaLyapALkyDaskeusry)=22ee sane ao Se ee os SIS oe
Method of cutting bark for basket2s=—_--- =2--_=_--.-.-__--___-=.-
ee Designspiromewovens wallets: = -2 == 22 =) een 8 a ee
me Desionsiiromebeaded bagsee= -= 6 see=. os soe ee eee ee
aeoketcbmllustratineycut of moccasin= |. 2.25-.5--2-.2-2-25-- 5 _=_-
. Designs in quillwork and beadwork on clothing__________________-
we Desionssirompheadbands= =) 2525422228220) 2225) 2-228
: Sketch illustrating cut of modern coat___......._.-_.-..--______=
MAVWitistmoaltooingsecm corte: kor ma De ntet a, A eo See Seas
. Sketches illustrating the use of a hide for a bag in which meat is

CALTIC Cements SE ne arm enh i sega TOS ce sot Tah Se

. Birch-bark basket_____-__-_- Berea) en See eee Mn Se I eee Ee
. Sketch illustrating cut of modern clothing. _________________-_-__-
MP SULUCCUTe HOMO yIn fam calms mates 2 2 ee oe ee ee
mCradlenbontd eperent ee ae eA tee ee oe ae ee enews
MECOC Ka a1 U1N OS meee eee cee 2 Ailes Ree Ie et eye ee
. Rock paintings, Similkameen Valley_____-___-___-_--------------
. Rock paintings on a cliff near Teutcawi’xa, Similkameen Valley__-__-
Rock pAMtINesinearbrinCelONees = 2-222 2528-2 2a 5 eee eee
PEP LVOG Kapp cul 1a Glin Os ae ei were ern Mere a en Ga Saad bok oe ee
MEL OUTeSpIncISedminNOALKROlULCeSs = ape ee ee ee ee
mOrnnamentaleedsevotarm awe aes wee eee PR eee
RBNVIOCCASING BODO Ka nines genes aoe eee ew Te ees
Se Vioccasinetrallers sass set = eae ee eee Se eee eS
Re DesionsrONwIMOccasinsse= == een see eee eles) een ee cone
MDMesionsronmrontor womens legrings=— —— = === == 2225-22 se eee
My Desionsonesides/ of men sileprings. —2=--2-- 4-2-2 = 4 2 ee
= Designs on lower part-of men’s leggings: = _--~--_-__!___=_----=-

. Beaded flaps for stirrups for women’s saddles____------------------
PeBcadedmlapspomhorsercollarsess2 == 2-2 — 22222 aoe ee ee
MEV VOMen sad dlebagsmere ter soe nee ee Seca
Me Designsilustratingedances==s— = —— sae ano ae oe Oe eB

338

393

THE SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE WESTERN
PLATEAUS

By James A. TEIT
Edited by Franz Boas

THE COEUR D’ALENE?
I. HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL

Hasitat AnD Bounparites.—The country occupied by the Coeur
d’Aléne was almost entirely within what is now the State of Idaho.
A small part extended into Washington. They held all the head-
waters of Spokane River from a little above Spokane Falls to the
sources, including Coeur d’Aléne Lake and all its tributaries. To the
southeast their territory extended across the head of the Clearwater,
a tributary of the Snake River. Their eastern boundaries were the
Coeur d’Aléne and Bitter Root Mountains. Generally speaking,
their country is mountainous and more or less heavily forested, with
more rain and snowfall than the territories of the surrounding tribes.
The western part, around De Smet, Hangman’s Creek, Tekoa, Farm-
ington, and toward Spokane Falls, is drier and comparatively flat,
open, and well grassed. In the central part are many navigable
waterways.

On three sides tribes of the Flathead group were neighbors of the
Coeur d’Aléne—the Spokane to the west, the Kalispel to the north,
and the Pend d’Oreilles to the east. On the south their neighbors
were the Nez Percé and Palous; but, as the latter are considered
comparatively new arrivals, in olden times probably they bordered
only on the Nez Percé. It seems likely that there was a narrow strip
of neutral country between the two tribes, used to some extent by
both in times of peace. For many years the tribe has been on the
Coeur d’Aléne Reservation in Idaho, which is located near the
southeastern border of their former territory.

a The native names in this section were revised with the help of natives by
Dr. Gladys Reichard. A few words that could not be identified are marked
with a question mark. Mr. Teit’s remarks on the Coeur d’Aléne refer to the

year 1904.
37

38 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN, 45

Divisions, Banps, VitLtacrEs.—The grouping of the Coeur d’Aléne
into divisions and bands is fairly clear. To judge from the number
of chiefs and by information obtained from various individuals, the
bands were grouped into three, possibly four, units corresponding to
divisions of the tribe. These were—

1. Coeur d’Aléne Lake and Spokane River (possibly Spokane
River may have been a separate unit).

2. Coeur d’Aléne River.

3. San Joe (or St. Joseph) River.

It seems that the foot of Coeur d’Aléne Lake, where the head
chief lived, was the headquarters of the tribe; but this is not quite
sure. Some informants, however, consider it the old, traditional
seat. I obtained the following list of villages, which were the per-
manent wintering places of the tribe immediately before the time
when they became regular buffalo hunters, or at least before they
were first decimated by smallpox. Some camps are said to have had
few lodges (perhaps three or four families), and others had many.
The largest camps are credited with a winter population of about
300. The population of the various camps fluctuated a little in
different winters: The number of camps belonging to each band is
not quite certain. In most cases the band lived in a single camp,
forming a single village community; but in some cases it had besides
the main camp one or two small outlying ones, as among the Thomp-
son Indians and other tribes of this region.

Villages of St. Joe River division

Location

1 Asit’ qtiakucen: (@)as22 2-222" Near the mouth of St. Joe River, on the river,
or near by on the lake.

De IL CELIMCLOCEC ET) ee nen Probably on the lake, near the last named, on

the north or east side, not far from the mouth
of the river.

Su SlOISEtGMDES a eee On St. Joe River, at the place now called Fish
Trap by the whites.

A ical Ow COlgst= see. sees On St. Joe River a little above the preceding.

5. ntcdé’mtsen(‘‘confluence’’).._ At the confluence of the St. Joe and St. Maries
Rivers.

Gp ta/c OLS s(t) =e ee ee On upper Hangman’s River, at a spring near

the foot of the hill just south of De Smet.

There were no permanent villages or winter camps on St. Maries
(or St. Mary’s) River, none at tca’tkolat (Chatcolet of the whites),
and none at nlpo’srentsen (Tekoa of the whites). These places were
all summer camps. The Indians had a large fish trap near Tekoa
long ago.

pert] THE COEUR D’ALENE 39

. gwa'lit (probably eae

Coeur d’ Aléne River Division

Location

MEL CLOALCOL Ce ee ee On Coeur d’Aléne Lake, close to the mouth of

Coeur d’Aléne River.

; ~ Near the lake and close to Harrison.
pines’’).

SeRCLO UCI Ley ee are oe At Harrison.

AME TLCLQLST OA UStE Naas foe On Coeur d’Aléne River a little above the pre-
ceding.

ME TUCS UCN LUG SER eta ee At Black Lake, at a tributary river and lake
here.

ce HOLM OTS Glace Seana little above No. 5.

Pinus contorta).

Co COORD) aoe At Medimont.

B, OSTA en he LE On Coeur d’Aléne River, a little above No. 7.

OMSENCG LE MANtS=\ ae a A little above No. 8.

ORE Olstgd tow iHy=- os. 2-2 = A little above No. 9.

NIPRRScLUdOnee = aes At old mission.

A band of Indians also made their headquarters near Wardner.

Coeur d’ Aléne Lake and Spokane River Division

Location
The, OUR HOIAG | 12 i eee Hayden Lake, north of Coeur d’A‘éne Lake
DRELCCLOMLCHUULCHIN ET 22 ae ae oe Halfway down Coeur d’Aléne Lake, on the east
side.

? Ay r

Bo Re aie eh eee ig Coeur d’Aléne City.
head’’).

AMES TIVEVELCLTG et eaters -Near No. 3, on the same side.
UMC TROBE TCLUD EIN = =n Very near No. 4, on the same side.
OME COMRE Dien ne ees eet A little below No. 4.
RS ECOLIGWUC Um ntere hapa eels A little below No. 6
8. qdmi'len : C‘throat, VA Post Falls:

“gorge’’). J
OMINSAQie LDENS= a2 = sa a= About 1 mile above the Spokane bridge.
lOsenermwascalgs=-=4. == a2 = — A little below No. 9.
11. ntsetsakwolsa’ko (?)_---___- On Tamarack Creek, toward the mountains.
IN CSLIVOMC WEN se eee Li On the river, a little below the last two.
IR, AO CW eee A little below No. 12.
aevtcanokwa hum (?)-2 222-2 = A little below No. 13.
15. mu'le (soley THC BTiS Cate. ar ares.

“eottonwood”’). if
lGticatenwacretprm===—- == = A short distance below Green Acres, and about

20 miles above Spokane City.

No. 16 was the last village of the Coeur d’Aléne on Spokane River.
few miles below was the boundary between the Coeur d’Aléne

and the Spokane. The latter, however, did not reach much above
Spokane Falls (or City).

PopuLtation.—The Coeur d’Aléne claim to have been very numer-

ous before the first appearance of smallpox among them; but they
have no definite idea of their numbers, which they place at from 2,000
to 5,000. Judging from the number of their winter camps or villages,

40 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN, 45

the population may have been between 3,000 and 4,000. Smallpox
twice attacked the tribe—first, it is said, about 1831 or 1832; and
again about 1850. Toll was taken of every camp, and some camps
were almost completely wiped out. The report of the United States
Indian Department for 1905 gives the number of Coeur d’Aléne as
494, all on the Coeur d’Aléne Reservation. There were also 91
Upper and Middle Spokan with them on the reserve.

Miarations.—There is no record of any migrations. According
to tradition, the tribe has always been in its recent habitat.

INTERCOURSE AND INTERMARRIAGE.—Intercourse was chiefly with
the Spokan, and to a less extent with the Pend d’Oreilles and Nez
Percé. The Coeur d’Aléne claim that long ago they seldom inter-
married with other tribes, and what little intermarriage occurred was
with Spokan, Pend d’Oreilles, and Nez Percé. They say the first
intermarriage with Kalispel was not before 1840. After the tribe
began to make annual journeys to the Flathead country for buffalo
hunting intermarriage became more frequent with Pend d’ Oreilles,
and some took place also with Flathead and Kalispel. In later
times there were a few intermarriages with Colville, Sanpoil, and
Palous, but none at any time with Columbia, Wallawalla, Cayuse,
Shoshoni (excepting slave marriages), Kutenai, and other tribes.
The introduction of the horse facilitated intermarriage with Salish
tribes to the west, north, and east. Since the tribe has been on their
reservation intercourse has been almost entirely with the Spokan.
Intermarriage with whites was never very common, and none occurred
with Negroes and Chinese. There are probably fewer mixed-bloods
among the Coeur d’Aléne than among the surrounding tribes. Long
ago there were a few slave women in the tribe, chiefly Shoshoni from
the south; but it is not likely that much foreign blood has been
introduced from this source.

Mentau AND Puystcat Trarts.—The Coeur d’Aléne differ some-
what in appearance from the surrounding tribes. They are of fair
stature, the men probably averaging about 169 centimeters, few
being very tall or very short. They appear to be more heavily
built than the Spokan and Okanagon, and to have rather large
heads and heavy faces. In disposition they seem to be more serious
and reserved than some of the neighboring tribes. They pay much
attention to religious practices, and have been considered since early
times as a tribe possessing a rather high standard of morals.

Il. MANUFACTURES

Work IN Stonze.—Stone of many kinds, intended for tools, was cut
with quartz crystals. Arrow smoothers, generally made of sand-
stone or other coarse-grained stone, were also cut with crystals.
Sandstone was used for grinding and sharpening bone, antler, and

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 4]

stone, and also for cutting some of the finer-grained stones. Adze
blades and chisel blades were made of fine-grained hard stones of
several colors, and were cut and sharpened with quartz crystals and
erit stone. They were all, or nearly all, of short type. However,
stone adzes and chisels were not much used. It seems that no long
celts, like those of the Lillooet, Thompson, and Columbia, were
made or used. Adzes were hafted in the same way as among the
Upper Thompson ! and other tribes. It seems that adzes and chisels
were more commonly made of antler. Stone hand hammers and
pestles were made of river bowlders selected for size and shape to
save labor. They were worked down by pecking with the edges of
hard unworked stones or river bowlders selected for hardness and
for handiness of shape and weight. The pecking was first done in
rings” parallel to one another or in spirals, and then the intervening
ridges were battered down, the process being repeated until the desired
size and shape were attained. They were finished by smoothing
with grit stone.

Pestles were conoid in shape. They had a rather small and almost
flat base, and tapered gradually to the head which was often more or
less pointed. A few had heads carved to represent animals, or had
simple rim enlargements at the head. They were of two sizes—short
ones, about 12 or 15 em. in length, for use in one hand ;* and long ones,
up to double that length, for use in both hands.*

Hand hammers were of about the same length as the short pestles,
but varied in size and shape. They were round, and usually had
wide, deep striking heads and well-defined tops, like some of those
used by the Thompson Indians and Nez Percé.’ Most tops were
flat; but some were pointed or rounded, and others hat shaped.

Stone mauls were made, some of which were of the type figured by
Wissler for the Blackfoot. Others were shaped somewhat like stone
hammers; but they had deeper, narrower bases, more or less square
or flattened, and the handles were longer and thinner than hammer
handles. Some of them may have resembled the flat-sided hammer
of the Nez Percé,’ but were not so short and thick, while others may
have more nearly resembled wooden mauls or some stone clubs of
the Thompson Indians.* In these mauls the side of the base was the
striking surface, instead of the bottom, as in hammers. Both ham-

1 a, fig. 128.
2 See Yakima, 7, fig. 25.
3 See Nez Percé, 6b, pl. 8, No. 8; compare Yakima, 1, fig. 21, 22.
4 See Nez Percé, b, pl. 8, Nos. 6, 7; compare Yakima, 7, figs. 29-36.
5 a, fig. 120; Nez Percé, 6, pl. 8, No. 10; Yakima, 7, fig. 27.
OG nits Ale
7b, pl. 8, No. 9.
8 a, fig. 250.
41383°—30——4

42 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

mers and mauls were employed in driving wedges and stakes. A
heavier maul wielded with both hands was in use. It consisted of a
bowlder fastened with withes or twine to a short wooden handle, and
was used for driving larger stakes, as in fish weirs. Possibly some of
the stones were grooved; others had hide shrunk over the handles,
These may have resembled Blackfoot mauls,’ but some seem to have
been heavier and differently hafted.

It seems that no stone mortars were made or used, excepting per-
haps a few small shallow ones, resembling dishes, for paint. They
were made of steatite and other soft stone, and it seems were not at
all common.

Files of fine-grained stone were used in smoothing and polishing
bone, antler, and wood. Arrowheads, spearpoints, knife and other
blades, borers or perforators and skin grainers were flaked with
flakers of deer and elk bone. The small tines of antlers were rarely
used as flakers. The process of flaking was the same as that described
for the Thompson and Nez Percé.’° Stones for arrowheads and other
fiaked instruments were procured near tca’tkola’t and in other parts
of the country. The common colors were black, white, and yellow;
but some stones were reddish, mottled, and other colors. Pipes
were of soapstone. The stone was cut with quartz crystals, arrow-
stones or animal’s teeth, filed into shape with knives and files, and
drilled with perforators.'' Flaked stone knives with crooked points
were in use, and seem to have been similar to those of the Thompson.”
Flat stones were used as anvils. Small flaked and notched stones
were used as rasps and planers for smoothing arrowshafts and raw-
hide thongs. (See fig. 15, p. 218.)

Work in Bone, Woop, AntLER.—Wedges for splitting wood
were made of deer and elk antler and of hard wood. The wood was
bound around the top with bark or twine to prevent fraying and
splitting. Chisels for felling trees and cutting wood were made of
the basal parts of the antler. The points of some were rounded, and
of others nearly square. All were filed to a sharp edge on one side.'*
Nearly all sharpening and smoothing of bone and antler were done
with grit stone of different textures of grain. Stone knives and
chisels were hafted with antler and wood. Arrow flakers have
already been mentioned. Wooden mallets, of square cross section of
striking head, like some of those made of stone, but longer and
thicker, were sometimes used for driving stakes or wedges,” but

OC Cx tl Oe lcs

10 gq, p. 182; Nez Percé, b, p. 184.

11 See Thompson, h, fig. 352, e, f, g; Nez Percé, b, pl. 7, Nos. 23-25.

12 q, figs. 125, 126; h, fig. 352 d.

13 Nez Percé, b, pl. 7, No. 34.

144 Thompson, a, fig. 119; Nez Percé, b, fig. 5, No. 7; Yakima, 7, fig. 39.
1 Wield Museum 111957.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 43

stone hand hammers were probably more frequently used for this
purpose. Some mallets were made of the basal parts of elk antlers,
a tine serving as a handle.’® Beaver-tooth knives were used for
incising on antler, bone, wood, and soft stone; and stone ’ knives,
generally with crooked points, for incising on antler, bone, and wood.
Both kinds of knives were used for cutting hide and dressed skin.
Flensing knives had leaf-shaped blades of arrowstone.’* <A few
knives and spear points of bone and antler were used. Bark was
cut with knives and antler chisels. Peelers of antler and wood were
employed for removing bark from trees,'* and some bone sap scrapers
were in use. Mortars, it is said, were not used as much as among
some tribes. A few were made of wood, and hide was sometimes
shrunk over them. It seems they were of two shapes, circular and
oblong, the former being the older type. The latter kind was prob-
ably similar to some used by the Nez Percé.22 No mortars with
handles were used. Horn spoons were made and shaped on molds of
wood. Wooden spoons and wooden pestles were also made.

Paints aND Dyrs.—Paints of many colors were used, most of,
them made of minerals procured within the tribal territory. White
consisted of a kind of white earth, and was used both dry and mixed
with water. As among the Thompson, a gray paint was made by
burning and pulverizing large bones of animals. The’ powder was
mixed with water or grease. It was not much used. Red, yellow,
and blue of various shades were obtained from earths in the Coeur
d’Aléne country, and in later days also in the buffalo country east
of the Rocky Mountains. They were used dry, and also mixed with
grease or oil, water, and occasionally with thin glue. Black was
made from a black earth resembling coal dust. Another black
paint was powdered charcoal, used dry or mixed with grease or gum.
This was applied to arrows, and was then generally mixed with gum
or glue. Soot in its natural state was also used as a black paint.
Another black paint, described as shiny, may have been plumbago.

Berry stains of various kinds were used as coloring material. The
juices of some kinds of berries were also used as dyes. A light-blue
paint was obtained by crushing and rubbing on the fresh flowers of
the larkspur (Delphinium sp.). Algae growing in stagnant pools
were rubbed on fresh and provided a green paint. One of the two
best kinds of red paint obtainable was secured by buffalo-hunting
parties from a cave underneath a cliff near Helena in the Flathead
country. This was a famous place named adpl yu'tsamen (“possessing
red paint”). The paint from this place was very bright. The other

16 See Lillooet, k, fig. 64.6, p. 203.

7 Wield Museum 111741.

18 Yakima, 2, fig. 6; Blackfoot, c, fig. 5, b; also Thompson, h, fig. 333 b.
19 See Shuswap, e, fig. 2385 a, b.

20 6, pl. 6, No. 14.

44 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

paint was procured at a place about 10 miles below Rockford, and
consisted of a red mud which was collected and kneaded into balls.
When dry, it was heated over a fire. When cooked, it became brittle
and on the slightest pressure turned into a fine powder. Nearly all
kinds of mineral earths used as paints were also used as dyes, different
shades of red, yellow, blue, and black being obtained from them.
Some materials, such as grass and bark, were dyed black by being
buried for a time in wet black loam. A common yellow dye was
obtained by boiling the roots of the Oregon grape (Berberis sp.) and
a common yellow or lemon colored dye was obtained by boiling
wolf-moss (Evernia vulpina). This lichen was also used as a paint.
It was dipped into cold water or applied to adamp surface. <A red-
dish dye was obtained by boiling alder bark (Alnus rubra); and a green
dye, from the leaves of the snowberry (Symphoricarpus racemosus
Michx.).

PREPARATION OF Skrns.—The processes of dressing skins were
similar to those practiced by the Thompson Indians.*! Of old (also
employed at the present day) the common method, especially for
medium-sized skins, was to soak the skin in water for several days.
It was then placed on a smooth log resting against a tree, as among
the Thompson, and the flesh side scraped clean. It was then re-
versed, and the hair scraped off, along with the outer cuticle of the
skin. Some people scraped the hair side first. The scrapers or
fleshers used were the ulna of the deer and the rib bone of elk or
horse.” The skin was again soaked for a short time, and then wrung
by twisting with a short stick, as among the Thompson. It was
then stretched on a frame of four poles with lacing, and pushed and
rubbed with a long-handled grainer with a stone head, like those of
the Thompson,” until dry and soft.

If to be smoked (and most skins were smoked), two methods were
used. One was identical with the process of smoking among the
Thompson Indians, the skin being spread over a framework of sticks
above the smoke hole.** The other method was to fold the skin in
the form of a conical bag, closed at the top. The edges were pinned
together. A crossbar was placed inside near the closed end and a
rope was tied to it for suspension. The skin was kept in shape by
means of a number of braces and hoops placed inside. The small
end was hung to the branch of a tree, beam, pole, or tripod over-
head.* The lower edges of the skin touched the ground around the
hole in which a fire was made. They were kept in place by small

21 a, pp. 184-186.

22 See Thompson, a, figs. 128, 129.

3 q, fig. 127.

2 See Blackfoot, c, p. 65; Thompson, a, p. 185.
25 See Northern Shoshone, j, p. 176 and fig. 3.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 45

pegs—like a small tent. Sometimes, to prevent the escape of smoke,
the skin, or part of it, was covered with a piece of canvas, blanket,
or other old material. This process of smoking in time almost en-
tirely superseded the former, and is used at the present day. In
either method the skin was usually reversed, and the opposite side
also smoked. However, many skins were smoked only on the inside.
The materials used in smoking skins consisted of rotten wood of
the cottonwood tree, and of cones of yellow pine (Pinus ponderosa).

Skins to be cured with oil were cleaned and dried, then soaked for
several days in a basket with brains and water. They were then
wrung and grained in the same way as already described. Occasion-
ally, instead of soaking, the skin was smeared several times with brains
or with oil until saturated, and then rubbed. At the present day
skins are nearly all soaked in soap and water, as among the Thompson.
When the hair was to be retained, only the inside of the skin was
dressed. Animals’ brains and salmon oil were much used for prepar-
ing skins, especially for those dressed in the hair, which were nearly
always oil cured. As among the Thompson Indians, skins were
occasionally treated by leaving them in water until the hair pulled
out, or by burying them in ashes.” Some grainers or scrapers with
short handles of wood or antler and with small stone heads, and a few
of a single piece of bone with one end sharpened” but not serrated,
were used for softening the skins of small mammals. This was
done over the knee. These grainers were similar in shape of blade
and handle to the large straight grainers, but only about 15 em. in
length.** Some small stone scrapers without handles, some of them
like rounded knife blades or grainers,” were also used. Usually
only large skins of deer and medium and small skins of elk and buffalo
were stretched on frames and rubbed with long-handled grainers.
Small deer skins and antelope skins were held down by the feet and
worked by pulling over the knees and toward the body,* at the same
time being rubbed with a short grainer held in one hand. Only
rarely were they stretched and laced on frames.

Another method of treating these skins was to draw them back
and forth over a stick implanted in the ground and provided with a
stone head. Large, heavy hides, especially of buffalo, in a dry state,
were pegged to the ground, and treated, it seems, as described by
Wissler for the Blackfoot.*! Adze-shaped scrapers, with blades of
stone and iron, and handles generally of wood with hide shrunk over

25 See Northern Shoshone, Jj, p. 177.

27 See Thompson specimen, Field Mus. 111742.

23 See Thompson, h, fig. 352 b, c; Ottawa Mus. Nos. 161, 164.
29 Similar to Blackfoot, c, fig. 5 a.

30 See Nez Percé, b, p. 215.

31 See Blackfoot, c, pp. 63-70.

46 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

them, were used in cleaning all large, heavy hides. As long ago the
Coeur d’Aléne did not hunt buffalo or dress buffalo skins, the methods
of treating large buffalo hides and the adze-shaped or crooked scraper
were adopted from the Flathead and Pend d’Oreilles. After iron
became common, iron scrapers replaced those of stone; but a few
people always preferred those made of stone.

It was considered best, whenever possible, to flesh and clean skins
as soon as an animal was killed. The skins were then folded while
still shghtly damp, kept in place by tying or with weights, and dried.
In this state they were much lighter and easier to handle and carry.
No decoction of birch leaves was used for soaking skins. Entire
skins were sometimes dyed in a decoction of alder bark. Before
undergoing this process, they were soaked in water and dried.*
Instead of alder bark, decoctions made of wolf-moss or of red, yellow,
blue, and black mineral paints or earths were used. Sometimes
entire dressed (finished) skins were painted by moistening them with
water, and then rubbing them over until dry again, with wolf-moss
or with different colors of dry paints. For this purpose they were
often stretched or pegged. The dressing of skins was entirely the
work of women.

Skins and skin clothes which had become soiled or dirty were
whitened and cleaned with a white earth mixed with water. The
skin was then worked with the hands until the dirt came off and it
was left clean and soft. Sometimes the skin was first beaten with
a stick, and then worked with the hands in the same way as clothes
are washed.

Sewina.—Thread was made of Indian hemp (Apocynum can-
nabinum) and of sinew from the backs of deer, elk, and other animals.
Twine and rope were also made of Indian hemp, which grew plenti-
fully on the St. Joe River and in some other places. Needles were
made from the small bones of bear’s feet and ankles. They were
cleaned, scraped, sharpened, and smoothed with grit stone and then
bored. Some needles were also made of syringa and other wood
of which combs were made. Some awls and pins for clothes were also
made of syringa and other hard woods. Long thorns were also
occasionally used as pins. Most awls were made of deer and bear
bones, and in shape were like those of the Thompson and Shuswap.**
Thong of dressed skin was much used for the coarser kinds of sewing
and stitching; but as a rule the best clothes were sewed with fine
thread of sinew or Indian hemp. Embroidery, before the advent
of trade beads, was done almost entirely with porcupine quills,

32 See Blackfoot, c, fig. 833 a, b; Nez Percé, b, fig. 5, No. 6.

33 The Shuswap formerly used this method a good deal, and the Thompson to
a less extent.

34 g, figs. 72-74; h, fig. 857 b, c; Yakima, 1, figs. 56, 57.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 47

usually dyed two colors. <A little quillwork was still done not long
ago. Beadwork embroidery was very common until recently, and
a little embroidery with silk thread has been done of late years.
Seldom is embroidery of any kind now done, since the Indians ceased
making decorated bags and fancy clothes for dances.

Mars.—Mats were formerly much used and were made in at least
three kinds of weaving. All the best mats were of rushes (probably
Typha latifolia) and tule (Scirpus sp., probably lacustre) woven with
Indian-hemp twine. Long mats of rushes and young tule were used
in the lodges as floor covers and for couches and seats. They were
woven in the same manner as the floor or bed mats of the Thompson.°*°
Another common mat used for spreading food on, or for wrapping,
was of bulrushes woven in the same manner as the food or table
mat of the Thompson.* Some coarser mats woven in the same style *
were made of bark stripped from dead trees, generally willow. A
few coarse mats of cedar bark were made long ago, and used for
wrapping. They were like the cedar-bark mats of the Lower Thomp-
son, but coarser.** Lodge mats were of tule sewed with Indian-hemp
twine, and appear to have been like those used by the Thompson.”
It is uncertain whether the tule or woof element of any sewed mats
was twisted.” Tule would probably not be twisted. Berries were
often spread on lodge mats. <A special berry mat was made, although
probably used for some other purposes as well. It was small, woven
of the large leaves of an unidentified plant called q’wa’sq’wes, which
grows near lakes. Mats were hardly ever ornamented. A few,
however, had the natural colors of the rushes grouped so as to form
light and dark bands, as among the Thompson. <A few had the loose
ends cut in several styles, as among the Kalispel. (Fig. 1.)

Woven Baas.—A great variety of bags were formerly made.
Oblong bags of matting doubled over, and the ends inclosed in
buckskin, were common.» As among the Thompson, bags of similar
shape and with inclosed ends were woven of Indian-hemp twine * in
twined weave. These bags were used for holding roots and other
things. Round bags of Indian-hemp twine, some of them with
narrow mouths,‘ were also made in the same weaves as the oblong
bags. Both round and oblong bags woven of rushes on an Indian-

35 q, fig. 131 d.

36 g, fig. 131 f.

37 q, figs. 131 e, f.

38 a, fig. 133.

39 @, fig. 1381 c; Yakima, 2, fig. 70.

40 See Yakima, 7, fig. 71.

41 See Ottawa Mus. VI, M, 75, 77, 88.

4 See Thompson, a, fig. 149.

43 See Thompson, a, fig. 131 h.

44 See Thompson, a, fig. 150; Ottawa Mus. VI, M, 81.

48 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

hemp string foundation were used for holding and drying berries.
Some bags, generally in plain twined weave, were made of swamp-
grass or of a fine rush. Others were woven of the bark of dead trees,
generally willow, and of the bark of an unidentified bush called
somxone'lp(?), which grows in the mountains. Some coarse bags of
various sizes were made of cedar bark. The coarsest ones were often
made in square or checker weave; and for the finest ones the best inner
bark of the cedar was used, twined

allbnrrarrind | Raga linen - with Indian-hemp bark either un-
twisted or twisted into twine.

The inside bark of the cedar was

used in the same manner and for the

nN HAM | same purposes as the bark of Elaeag-

a nus argentea among the Thompson.

It seems that this bush was scarce

or did not grow in the Coeur

nnjtigo d’Aléne country. The finer kinds

of woven bags were sometimes

ornamented with stripes of the same

material as the bags, dyed, or by

[oaltenlton tno ton in, introducing other material of a
different natural color. The edges of

many bags were bound with buck-

skin, while others had rims woven

| | in different ways to prevent fraying.
Flatwallets or soft bags of Indian-

hemp twine tightly woven were

made in great numbers and of va-

anal NM nacnallll ll Mannan rious sizes. They were of the same
weave as those made by neighboring
Salishan and Shahaptian tribes.
The process of ornamentation was by what is known as ‘‘false em-
broidery,”’ the material and designs appearing only on the outside of
the bag.“* Some bags had the entire outside covered with false
embroidery in grass, while others were covered only in places where
designs were introduced. Grass was usually employed as a field for
the designs, which were often in other material. Formerly the Indians
used two or three unidentified varieties of coarse, glossy-stemmed
grasses growing in the mountains. According to some informants
Zerophyllum tenax was employed most extensively. Grasses were
used in their natural green, yellow, and white shades and were also
dyed yellow, green, and red. Black was rarely used. Porcupine

FIGURE 1.—Edges of matting

45 See Ottawa Mus. VI, M, 80.
46 See Nez Percé, b, fig. 3; pp. 191, 192, pl. 6, No. 17; Shuswap, e, fig. 219.

ret] THE COEUR D’ALENE 49

quills, dyed and undyed, served to a considerable extent as design
material, and sometimes also the inside bark of the cedar. In later
days, corn husk largely took the place of grass and bark. After the
advent of the whites, the material most in use was yarn, obtained by
tearing up old or worn-out woolen blankets of various colors. Some-
times the edges of new ones were also unraveled. The favorite color
of yarn used as a background for the designs was yellow. Some bags
were almost entirely covered with it, the designs themselves being
wrought in blue, red, and other colors. Some bags, both in early and
later times, had ornamentation on one side only; but most of them
had designs on both sides. A few wallets were quite devoid of orna-
mentation, as among the Thompson and some other Salishan tribes.

Another kind of bag, made of Indian-hemp twine closely woven,
is said to have been round, or at least of a shape rounder than that of
the wallets. They were of different sizes, none of them very large,
and were in plain twined weave. As arule, they were unornamented,
although in rare cases there was a short buckskin fringe around the
mouth.

No closely woven bags of Indian hemp with hide bottoms, like the
Thompson ‘‘mortar bags,’’ were used; but a kind of winnowing bag
made of Indian-hemp twine woven rather open was used for cleaning
pv'wia roots. The mouth was tied, and the bag of roots either struck
against a smooth rock or beaten with a short stick until the roots were
cleaned.

Skin Baas anp Poucurs.—Soft bags, pouches, or wallets of many
sizes and several shapes were made of dressed hide of deer and elk,
and occasionally of antelope, moose, or caribou. The common shape
for ordinary purposes was the same as the flat wallets of Indian hemp.
Some bags, used more or less for carrying purposes, were of a squarer
shape. The smaller hand bags of the ordinary form were often
elaborately ornamented with quillwork designs and fringes of cut
skin. The latter were often strung with dentalia, beads, and small
pendants, such as bone beads, teeth, fawn hoofs, copper beads, or
hair tassels. After the arrival of the fur traders, colored trade beads
supplanted most of the old materials for ornamentation. These
fancy bags were usually embroidered on one side only. Sometimes
the opposite side was also ornamented around the mouth. A large
number of bags were also made of the skins of buffalo, bear, and
other animals dressed in the hair. They varied in size and shape,
and many were ornamented with long buckskin fringes. Paint
pouches were of dressed skin, usually rather small; round or flat.
Many were quilled, beaded, and fringed. Some of them resembled
the paint pouches attached to belts among the Thompson. These
were also like those of the Blackfoot, but with straight-cut top.”

47 ¢, fig. 36.

50 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (ETH. ANN. 45

Tobacco bags were of skin, richly embroidered with quills or beads
on both sides, and fringed. In later days many were made of red
and blue cloth carrying beaded designs. Two or three shapes of
tobacco bags were in vogue. One common kind, worn with a strap
over the shoulder, was flat and rather large and square.*® Another
common kind, earried by a string over the arm, was smaller, rather
deep, and narrow, like that of the Blackfoot; * but it seems the top
was generally cut straight, and pinked. Both kinds had fringes, some-
times very long, at the bottom only. When cloth came into use
instead of skin for the square kind of tobacco bag, fringes were made
about an inch wide (as cloth could not be cut into small strings like
skin), and the edges of the fringes were sewed, or bound with ribbon,
to prevent fraying. Most cloth bags had eight of these fringes. The
outside of the fringes and the carrying strap were often embroidered
as well as one or both sides of the bag. The tobacco bags carried on
the arm were always embroidered on both sides. Smaller, deep, nar-
row tobacco pouches were also used, drawn under and over the belt
or attached to it. Some were plain, except for a fringe at the bottom,
and others were embroidered on both sides. Tobacco bags made of
the skins of marten, fisher, mink, otter, and fawn, dressed in the hair,
were very common; and it is said that long ago they were more in
vogue than those of skin without hair. Most of them were fringed
with skin, and some were further ornamented with pendants. A few
had quill embroidery around the edges.

RawuipveE Baas anp Parrificues.——Before the advent of the horse
some rawhide bags were in use for storing and carrying dried
meat and fat. They were made of the skins of deer and other large
animals, but I failed to learn much as to their shape and details of
construction. They were unornamented, except that sometimes the
tail with hair was retained. About the time of the introduction of
the horse, square and oblong bags of buffalo hide * were adopted from
the Flathead, and became quite common. They had long fringes of
dressed moose or buffalo hide, and were used as canteens or saddle-
bags by women when traveling, and hung up in the lodges as recep-
tacles for odds and ends, women’s tools, etc. About the same time,
or a little later, buffalo-hide parfléches came into use for carrying all
kinds of materials on pack horses. Every family had numbers of
these. Both the bags and parfléches were almost invariably painted
with designs in red, brown, yellow, and occasionally blue and other
colors. The paints used were various mineral earths powdered very
fine. Rawhide to be painted was thoroughly moistened. Then the
outlines of the designs were marked with the point of an awl or a

48 See Shuswap, e, pl. 13.
49'¢, fig. 35.
50 See Thompson, a, fig. 151; Shuswap, e, fig. 220.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 51

sharp stick. The paint was then applied with a flat narrow paint
stick, a small stiff hairbrush, or the finger, while the skin was still
quite damp. The paint was mixed with water to the consistency of
a thick paste, or was spread dry over the marked parts of the skin
and rubbed in with the paint stick, following the marks. The skin
was then allowed to dry slowly. After about two weeks, when
thoroughly dry and stiff, whatever paint remained loose and dry on
the surface was shaken or wiped off, and the pigment which had
entered the skin was smeared over with a heated beaver’s tail, the oil
from which entered the skin, made the paint more permanent, and
gave the whole surface a glossy appearance. The beaver tail was
often applied twice to the designs, and once all over the outside sur-
face. When buffalo hides became scarce, skins of cattle were sub-
stituted in the manufacture of hide bags and parfléches.

Designs were occasionally made on rawhide bags by scraping away
the outer layer of the skin, but this style was rare.

A bag of the same construction and shape as the square hide bags
was made before the introduction of the horse, but it was of heavy
hide, dressed fairly soft, and had short fringes. Bags of this kind
were sometimes painted along the edges, generally with red and yel-
low paint.

A pail-shaped mortar bag made of rawhide was often employed for
crushing berries. It is doubtful if it was used before the days of the
horse.

The making and ornamentation of all kinds of bags, wallets, par-
fléches, baskets, mats, including the gathering and preparation of the
materials, was the work of the women. The men generally skinned
the animals, made most of the tools, and collected some of the paint.

Fiex1sLte Basxets.—Flexible baskets of at least two kinds were
formerly made. They were closely woven, round, rather deep in
proportion to width, and of various sizes. It seems they were usually
flat bottomed. One kind was of Indian-hemp twine throughout.
The twine was heavier than that generally used in wallets and bags.
This kind of basket seems to have been of the same weave as the
basket caps, and, like them, was frequently ornamented with designs
in grass and bark. Probably it was the same kind of flexible basket
or bag as that made by the Nez Percé and neighboring tribes to the
south and west.*! The other kind differed from the former in being
usually of larger size and of coarser material. The foundation or
vertical elements were of cedar roots, generally split, and the horizon-
tal elements (or warp) were of Indian-hemp twine. The technique
of the weave is uncertain, but it is said to have been the same as in
some soft baskets made by neighboring tribes to the south and south-
west. None of the oldest people now living have seen any of these

51 6, pl. 6, No. 18 and fig. 4.

o2 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

baskets; but their parents saw them, and their grandparents made
them.

Openwork Baskrts.—Some openwork baskets or creels were made
long ago, and were used for holding fish, fishing materials, and for
other purposes. They were made of light rods or twigs, generally of
cedar; and the weave seems to have been a kind of open lattice,
according to some, while others claim that the technique was a twined
weave the same or nearly the same as the openwork creels used by
the Lower Thompson.”

Bircu-Bark Basxets.—Baskets made of birch bark were used con-
siderably and for various purposes, including berrying. They varied
much in size, but most of them were small. It seems that all of them
were cut like those of the Thompson and Shuswap.* The bot-
tom was flat and of the same diameter as the mouth; the sides were
vertical. The bark was nearly always arranged with the grain at
right angles to the rim, as was common among the Lake and very rare
among the Thompson and Shuswap. Sewing threads were of split
cedar root, like those used in coiled basketry. The mouth was
strengthened with one or two hoops of willow or other wood placed
generally, but not always, inside the rim. The stitching of the rims
was of split cedar root or the split small branches of the cedar. Some
had the stitches wide apart and not very regular, some had zigzag
stitching,*! and others had the stitches close together. The rims of
some were ornamented with a kind of beading made of strips of bark,
rarely of grass, in black and white colors drawn over and under the -
stitching, thus making an ornamentation of black and white spots on
the rim.® Flattened quills were also used for this purpose. Some
baskets were ornamented with scratched designs, both pictographic
and geometric. Painted and burnt-in designs, it seems, were never
used on these baskets.

Crpar-BARK Basxets.—Many baskets were made of cedar bark;
but usually they were for temporary use, and therefore roughly made.
Three shapes were in use. One kind was trough-shaped, consisting of
a single piece of bark gathered up and tied at the ends. To preserve
the shape, short pieces of wood were placed inside at right angles, to
keep the bark stretched until dry and set. If required for immediate
use, wooden pins were inserted through the bark and left there for a
time. These baskets were usually small, and appear to have been
exactly like those made of juniper bark by the Upper Thompson
(fig. 2) °° and used for holding melted fat, marrow, etc.

Another kind of cedar-bark basket was oblong. Two parallel slits
were cut in each end of a piece of bark of the required size and shape.

22 q, fig. 131, b, fig. 148.

53 See Thompson, a, fig. 147; Shuswap, e, fig. 203; Lillooet, k, fig. 82.
54 See Lake Baskets, Field Mus. Nos. 111859-111862.

55 Probably similar to Shuswap, e, fig. 202.

58 Ottawa Mus. VI, M, 72, Field Mus, 111718.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 3)

These slits were in length equal to the proposed height of the basket.
The bark was doubled up at the sides; and the middle end pieces,
being now continuations of the bottom, were also doubled up. The
other two cut pieces at each end became a continuation of the sides,
and were folded toward each other around the middle end piece. The
three cut pieces at each end were then sewed together. (Fig. 3.)
None of the bark was cut away, except for trimming the edges.
These baskets, according to their depths, were used for storage pur-
poses, as dye kettles, etc. Many of the shallower ones were used as
dishes and for catching fat
drippings.

The third kind of cedar-
bark basket was much used
for berrying, and, like the
other two, consisted of a single piece of bark. A rather long,
flat piece of bark was folded over in the middle, and the sides
were sewed up with splint. A round hoop was roughly stitched
inside the rim to shape the mouth and keep it open. The fold of the
bark formed the bottom of the basket. Sometimes the strip of bark
was cut narrow in the middle, which was to be the bottom, and
widened toward both ends. When folded over the basket became

narrow at the bottom,
wide at the mouth. A
carrying strap was often
attached to it.

A receptacle for hold-
ing fishing gear was used
in canoes. It consisted
of a single flat piece of

a bark folded over. One
end was drawn together
by being tied with a
string, and formed the
handle, while the other
b end remained flat. This
piece of bark was folded
over near the middle and
the flat end was bent back toward the handle, forming a cover for
the contents of the receptacle. It seems to have been the same kind
of receptacle as that used in canoes by the Shuswap.

Canoe bailers were also often made of bark, but I did not learn
exactly how they were made.

No wooden boxes or wooden dishes of any kind were made, and no
pottery of any kind, so far as I could learn.

After horses became plentiful, and the mode of life of the tribe
changed, owing to the annual buffalo hunting, all kinds of woven

FIGURE 2.—Temporary bark basket

F1GurRE 3.—Method of cutting bark for basket

54 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

baskets, bags, and mats rapidly went out of use, and the art of making
many of them soon became lost. The making of baskets was discon-
tinued first, and then gradually the making of mats and bags, until
only a few lodge mats and a few flat wallets continued to be made.
The latter were made until a late date, as they were handy in traveling
and there was considerable sale for them among the Flathead and
Plains tribes. Hide bags of various kinds continued to be made, and
the women turned to the making of rawhide bags and parfléches in
large numbers. At last, after buffalo hunting ceased and the tribe
finally settled down on the reserve, doing hardly any traveling, the
making of these was also gradually discontinued.

Cormep Basxetry.’—Closely woven baskets of coiled work were
at one time very common. Both foundation and sewing were of
split cedar roots and they seem to have differed but little from the
coiled basketry of other Salish tribes. They were of seven or more
different shapes and of many sizes. The kind used as burden baskets
and for general purposes was rather deep in proportion to width,
with two sides more or less flattened and wider than the other two.
The flattening of the sides was to prevent rolling when carried on
the back. They had no well-defined corners or angles, being nearly
circular or elliptical at the mouth. The bottoms were nearly cir-
cular or slightly oblong, the arrangement of the coil being of the
watch-spring type. They had some flare toward the mouth but
not a great deal. These baskets appear to have been of a type
common in early times to all the interior Salish tribes, including
the Thompson. A second kind of basket was entirely circular.
The mouth was considerably wider than the bottom and was con-
tracted for several coils at the rim. Some of them bulged in the
middle. (0, Pl. 14, d.) The large baskets of this kind were used for
holding water, for storage, and for boiling, etc. Some of them
were provided with a flat piece of bark as a lid. Baskets of the same
kind but having no contraction at the rim were also common (9, pl.
70, f) and were used for the same purposes as the others. However,
the use of a basket depended as much on its size as on its shape,
if not more so in most cases. <A fourth kind of basket was also cir-
cular, had a great deal of flare, and therefore was very wide mouthed.
(o, Pl. 21, ¢.) The larger ones were very much used for boiling food.
A fifth kind was somewhat pail-shaped. The bottom was circular
and flat and the walls almost vertical to the mouth, the latter being
very little wider than the bottom. (Similar to 0, Pl. 69,6.) They were
of various sizes. A sixth kind of basket occasionally made was low
and oblong with rounded corners. None of them was very large,
and most of them were contracted at the mouth. They were used
as storage baskets for valuables, feathers, and many things, and

> See o, pp. 140-142.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 55

also as work baskets. Some of them had lids attached with thongs.
They appear to have been similar to the small “trunk” or “‘stluq”’
baskets of the Thompson. (a, Fig. 143.) Small baskets, practically
the same as some of the ‘‘nut-shaped”’ baskets of the Thompson,
were made, but it appears they were called by the same name as the
larger circular baskets with constricted rims. Some of them had
lids and they were. used as work baskets, and for storing small odds
and ends. (a, Fig. 145.) Some of these baskets had handles of thongs
attached to the rims. Some of the oblong baskets had these thong
handles at the ends, and some of the wide-mouth kettle and water
baskets had thong handles fastened to rods somewhat the same as
the loops in parfléches. It seems no basketry handles were made to
baskets, nor feet or stands, nor necks or spouts. I did not learn
whether any basketry trays, dishes, and cups were made. Still an-
other kind of basket was the circular mortar or funnel basket, without
bottom, and with sides very much flared. They were pegged down
to a flat stone in the manner described for the Nez Percé (6, Pl.
VI, 18.) Roots and berries, and sometimes seeds, were crushed in
them. It seems a winnowing basket somewhat similar to that of
the Nez Percé (6, p. 194) was sometimes made, but winnowing bags
of cordage were chiefly used in cleaning of roots. (See p. 49.)
Most baskets were devoid of ornamentation, but some were imbri-
cated with a grass, Xerophyllum tenax, and possibly other kinds as
well; or with strips of the inside bark of the cedar. It is said that
no cherry or willow bark was used. The grass was applied nearly
always in its natural color, but the bark was almost invariably dyed.
Black was a common color, the bark being dyed a deep black by
burying it for some time in a kind of black mud. The other prin-
cipal colors were red and brown; occasionally yellow and some other
colors were used. Sometimes instead of the inside bark of the cedar,
twigs or small pliable branches of cedar were split and used with the
outside bark adhering. It seems beading as well as imbrication was
in vogue, narrow strips of dyed cedar bark being chiefly used in
this kind of ornamentation.

Ners.—In early times the Coeur d’Aléne were largely a lake and
river people, who depended as much on fishing as on hunting. They
had many nets, large and small, which were made of Indian-hemp
twine. Netting sticks of the same shape as those of the Thompson
were in use.” Several kinds of woven fish traps were also made.

Desians on Bags anp Basxets.—My information on this subject
is meager. The Coeur d’Aléne I interviewed had forgotten the
names of designs; and without specimens it was difficult to get accu-
rate information regarding design forms and groupings of elements.
Grass for decorating caps was gathered early in the season, while still

7 a, fig. 1384.

56 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

green, and the stems were cured. These retained their green color
to a considerable degree. Later in the season the dry grass was col-
lected. The stems were all sorted, the whitest ones being separated
from the yellow ones.

Desiens oN Fiat Watiets.—On woven wallets of the Nez Percé
type made by the Coeur d’Aléne the designs are said to have been of
exactly the same kind as are to be seen on wallets of the Nez Percé

Lom Lm
Lml mm

ZZ.

FIGURE 4.—Designs from woven wallets

(fig. 4)°° and neighboring Salishan tribes. Some designs had names
and others had none. All the designs were geometric, and each side
of a wallet generally bore a different set of designs. So much alike
were all the wallets of neighboring tribes, that a bag made by the
Coeur d’Aléne could rarely be told from one made by the Nez Percé
or some other tribe. I saw a few wallets among the Coeur d’Aléne,
but obtained very few explanations of any of the designs on them.

38 b, fig. 6.

TEIT| THE COEUR D’ALENE GY

Destans on Beapep Bacs.—Designs on beaded bags were mostly
geometric, and some of them resembled painted designs on rawhide
bags. Floral designs have-also been fairly common for a long time.
I saw a few of these bags with both geometric (fig. 5) and floral
designs, and obtained a few explanations.

Desitans on Rawuibek Bags anp Parriicurs.—Rawhide bags and
parfléches were adopted long ago from the Pend d’Oreilles and other
tribes of the Flathead group. The first ones made by the Coeur
d’Aléne were copies of those obtained from Flathead tribes, the
painted designs also being copied. As the designs did not originate
with the Coeur d’Aléne, the latter did not know the names or mean-
ings of them. In later times, although Coeur d’Aléne women were
constantly making and painting these bags and parfléches, on the
whole, they kept to the class of designs originally belonging to these
bags and common to all the neighboring tribes. As far as known, no
absolutely new designs were invented by any of the women; but in

a b

FiGuRE 5.—Designs from beaded bags

time many variations of details, of groupings, and of coloring were
introduced, according to the fancies and tastes of the women. So
much was this the case that every common design and design ele-
ment had a great many variations caused by modifications of their
shapes or forms, and of different methods of arrangement in the
field or of combining one design with another. Thus hardly two
bags or parfléches could be found painted exactly alike. Some of
the women must have learned or invented names for some of the
designs, as in later times there were general names for some of them.
Many, however, had no fixed names. They were merely described as
to form, etc. Some of the design names remembered are “tents,”
“earth,” “mountains,” “lakes,’”’ ‘creeks,’ ‘‘trails,”’ ‘‘trees,”’ and
“orass.”? No realistic designs were painted on any of these bags.
As most of the old women in the tribe formerly painted bags and
parfléches, it seems likely that a systematic inquiry would result in
obtaining explanations of many of the figures,
41383°—30——_5

58 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

Designs ON Bark Basxets.—The only designs remembered on
birch-bark baskets are “spots,” ‘‘arrowheads,” “straight lines,”
“zigzags,’’ possibly “trails,’’ and ‘“‘mountains.”’ Occasionally small
figures of men, women, horses, deer, elk, and buffalo were also
scratched on them.

III. HOUSE AND HOUSEHOLD

Conitcat Mar Loper.—The conical lodge or tent of poles covered
with mats made of sewed tules was the common family house of the
Coeur d’Aléne, summer and winter. In summer the lodge was pitched
on the surface of the leveled ground. Generally single layers of
mats were used. In winter it was pitched over an excavation a few
inches to a foot and a half in depth, and the excavated earth banked
up around the base. Dry grass, dry pine needles, or pieces of bark
were placed around the bottom of the mats to prevent decay. Double
and treble layers of mats were used in the wintertime. These
lodges varied in diameter from about 5 to upward of 10 meters. It
seems that the foundation was almost always made of three poles.
I did not hear of any particular method of tying the poles. In all
particulars these lodges appear to have been the same as the common
mat tent used by the Thompson and all interior Salish tribes. From
one to three related families occupied a lodge. Many were occupied
by single families.

Sxin Loper.—lIt seems that very long ago no skin lodges of any
land were used; but some of the Flathead, and possibly also Pend
d’Oreilles, are said to have used a few made of buffalo and elk hide,
as far back as tradition goes. After buffalo hunting was engaged in
by the Coeur d’Aléne, tents of buffalo skins, like those used by the
Flathead and neighboring Plains tribes, began to supersede all other
kinds of lodges, and soon became the only kind used in traveling.
When buffalo skins became scarce, light canvas tents were sub-
stituted for the skin tents. At the present day these and white
men’s tents are altogether used in camping. Some of the buffalo-
skin tents were ornamented with painted designs.

Lone Lopae.—The long communal lodge was also used, especially
at gatherings and at summer resorts, where many people congregated
temporarily. In fair weather the long lodge used was often a single
one-sided lean-to, with the fires built in the open along the front.
Sometimes windbreaks of mats or of brush were extended across one
or both ends. If the lodge was to be used for a number of weeks,
or if the weather was cold, and there was a good supply of mats on
hand, another similar lean-to was built facing the first, and the
spaces at the ends between the two were filled in, thus making a
double lean-to lodge. An exit or doorway was left at each end.
The long opening at the top was quite wide and served as an outlet

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 59

for the smoke. Sometimes, if people were camped in a single lean-to
and cold windy weather came on, half of the single lean-to was taken
down and pitched opposite the other half, and a double lean-to thus
made. However, in warm summer weather the airy single lean-to
seems to have been the customary type where there was a large
crowd. Usually single lean-tos were in a straight line, but some-
times they extended more or less in an are or half-moon shape.
This depended on the length of the lodge and the nature of the
ground. Some of them ranged in length from 30 to 50 meters.
The construction of these as well as of the double lean-to was the
same as among the Thompson,” Nez Perté,® and neighboring tribes.
Construction varied sometimes in details, depending on the care
with which the lodge was built, the length of time it was to be occu-
pied, and the number, length, and quality of the poles obtainable.
Some double lean-tos were from 18 to 35 meters in length, and, when
necessary, accommodated as many people as could lie in them from
end to end on both sides—from 75 to 100 or more. The people
inhabiting them lived at other times (or when at home) in mat
tents and other family lodges. These summer long lodges were not
excavated, and usually had only a single thatch or layer of mats,
and occasionally not even that. Some of the more rudely built ones
were roofed partly with mats; and when these were scarce brush
and boughs of trees, pieces of bark, skins, and old blankets were
substituted. A large, permanent long lodge of the double lean-to
type, constructed with great care, was erected at all the principal
villages as a gathering place or general meeting house for the people
of the village and as a winter dance house. It was also used for the
accommodation of visitors. When not otherwise in use, it served
as headquarters for young men engaged in training during the
wintertime and was inhabited by them. During most winter nights,
singing and dancing could be heard in this lodge; and at frequent
intervals most of the people congregated there, especially evenings,
to see the young men practicing their songs and medicine dances or
playing games. These winter long houses were excavated to a
depth of from 30 to 75 centimeters, and were made as snug as possible
with double or treble layers of tule mats, and by banking up the
earth around them. The mats were arranged horizontally and
overlapping, as in all mat lodges. The long aperture in the middle
of the roof, which served as smoke hole, was made as narrow as pos-
sible consistent with its purpose of serving as asmoke escape. These
winter houses were from 5 to 8 meters wide and from 13 to 25 meters

59 See a, fig. 142, but often or usually all the middle poles a were placed outside
of the horizontal poles c. The top horizontal pole c (or ridge pole) was of heavier
material and also the outside or corner poles a. The support poles 6 were also.
heavy.

60 See b, p. 196.

60 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45:

long. Six “lengths” (of poles) were considered a large house, and
very few were longer than this. A “length” was generally 4 meters
or more (about 2 fathoms), but varied a little. Upright poles or
posts supported the joiings of the “lengths,” and were considered
divisions for the fires and families; each ‘‘length” forming, as it
were, aroom on each side. Thus in a large house there were generally
six fires placed opposite the middle of each “length.” Each fire
served two opposite rooms occupied by two families. Occasionally
small partitions of mats were attached to the uprights, dividing off
the rooms; but few people cared for privacy. Mats were also
sometimes arranged inside ‘the house in different ways to prevent
or regulate draughts. Some of the largest villages had two or three
of these houses, but the Indians claim that none of them were ever
used exclusively as ordinary dwellings. At some of the old village
sites near Coeur d’Aléne Lake there are reported to be marks of the
sites of several of these houses, with cottonwood and other trees
almost a meter thick growing in the excavations. In conjunction
with all, or most of them, are circular depressions marking the sites
of conical lodges, which, to all appearances, were in use at the same
time as the long lodges, large trees growing in them also.*! According
to some informants, the village “long house’’ was under the super-
vision of the village chief. When not in use, the mats used as covering
were taken off and placed in a cache until the following winter, or
taken by the people if required; for it seems that in some cases the
mats were supplied by the several families, and were their property.
Young men, and sometimes others, kept the house clean when in use,
and gathered most of the firewood required.

When a long house was built, the poles were cut and hauled and
the excavation dug by all the people of the place at the request of the
chief or elders. However, there were no very strict rules regarding
the management of the work and the upkeep of the house. All this
was considered a community matter and a public duty. As a rule,
the orders or advice of the chief or elders were taken, and all the
people assisted more or less, according to their ability or inclination.
All mat lodges, especially if in windy places, were braced by poles
laid vertically against the outside here and there. The butt ends of
some of the poles were sharpened so as to catch in the ground; but
where stones were handy a fairly heavy stone was placed against the
butt of each pole, as among the Thompson and other tribes. Some
people used mats inside the lodges around the heads of their beds.
The mats were tied to the poles and were intended for protection
against draught at the base of the lodge, and also, it seems, as con-
ductors of the draught toward the smoke hole, thus helping to draw

51 See b, p. 180.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 61

the smoke out. Screens for these purposes were also used in skin
tents.

Bark Lopen.—Cedar-bark lodges were used at all seasons of the year
in places where good bark abounded. Both dry and green cedar bark
was used. These lodges varied in size and accommodated from one to
four families. They were short and oblong, constructed like the similar
lodges of the Thompson Indians, covered with mats, bark, or brush.®
When large, the horizontal side poles ** were further supported in the
middle by an additional set of cross poles ® and two fires were used
instead of one; or, as was more generally the case, one, two, or several
upright poles ® were placed at equal distances apart, or, where re-
quired, between the gable cross poles,® to hold up the ridge poles.®
At the same time the upper ends of other poles were placed under-
neath the horizontal side poles, as in some lodges of the Thompson.
In some of these lodges the gables slanted inward, as was common in
Thompson lodges.” The bark is said to have been laid on the poles
up and. down, overlapping sidewise; or, as was much more generally
the case, the strips were placed close together side by side and another
strip was laid above over each seam. The corners of the lodge were
often rounded, so that the gable ends were semicircular. The entrance
was through one of the gable ends, and in large lodges sometimes
there was an entrance at each gable end. In small lodges the strips
of bark were rarely placed horizontally, overlapping like mats, as
was common in some tribes, but this arrangement required longer
strips of bark and more poles—a number of poles slanting inward
being required to lay against the outside of the horizontal poles and
as many again on the outside of the bark to keep it in position and
preventit from curling. This arrangement, therefore, was not favored
because of the additional labor and weight. Only rarely in a very
few places (when deemed necessary) was any of the bark stitched or
fastened together or to the poles in any way by withes to hold it
in position. The bark was cut in lengths equal to the height of the
lodge and of as great width as the diameter of the tree allowed. These
strips, when placed on the lodge with other strips over the seams,
and a pole resting against the middle of the joint (on the outside)
remained in place without any kind of fastening. The upper and
lower full-width strips of bark were equivalent to a double thatch;
and when winter weather set in all cracks and knot holes were chinked
and covered and the house made quite snug. Bark was put with the
outer side out. Some tribes used it the opposite way. Usually there
was only a single central fire in these lodges.

In the summertime bark shelters of the single lean-to type were
used by small parties when in good bark country. They answered as

82 ¢, p. 106, where back walls are mentioned serving the same purposes.
8 g, fig. 137. 8a, fig. 137 a. Cua foul fe 69 q, fig. 142 a.
“ q, fig. 137 b. 6 q, fig. 142 b. 88 q, fig. 142. 70 a, fig. 188.

62 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

shades against the sun as well as shelters from rain and wind. Occa-
sionally single families used small bark lodges open on one side with |
the fire outside the entrance. The bark covering on these was often
placed horizontally, but this kind of lodge was not much used. It is
doubtful whether any tents or completely circular lodges of bark
were made, although some tribes, as the Lake, used them.

Brus opens. —Temporary rael lodges of poles and branches of
coniferous trees, chiefly fir and balsam, were used by hunting parties
and by people traveling in the mountains. Most of them were
slightly oblong, almost like the bark lodges. A few were conical. On
hunting grounds where good bark abounded, bark lodges were always
used as hunting lodges. The bark was renewed as required. Fami-
lies traveling short distances in the summer erected simple shades
or shelters of two or three mats arranged most conveniently. If they
had no mats they used simple shelters of brush or bark or slept in
the open under large trees.

Women’s anp Grrus’ Lopcrs.—Women’s lodges, used by women
during their isolation periods, and lodges of adolescent maidens,
were chiefly small tents or conical lodges placed at some distance
from other dwellings and covered with mats, bark, brush, or old skins.
Sometimes in the summer women used a mere shelter or shade of
mats or bark.

UNDERGROUND AND OtuEeR Lopcres.—No semi-subterranean earth-
covered lodges, like those of the Thompson, Columbia, and other
tribes, were used. These lodges are said to have been made only by
the western tribes along Columbia River. Underground sudatory
lodges for young men, and underground menstrual lodges for women,
such as were used by the Nez Percé,” were not in use. Lodges with
square framework and also those of circular shape with square smoke
hole were never used.

Sweat Hovusres.—Sweat houses were of the common dome-shaped
type, with a framework of bent willows, such as those used by al]
the plateau tribes. A hole was dug to one side of the entrance to
hold the stones.” The covering was of bark or grass, over which
was laid sod or earth to the depth of from 5 to 12 em. Temporary
sweat houses had the sticks farther apart, and were covered when in
use with robes, skins, or closely woven pliable mats in one or two
layers. After the introduction of canvas and woolen blankets very
few earth-covered sweat houses were made, blankets or tents being
used as covering whenever required. The floor of the sweat houses
was covered with soft brush or with grass. Most of them were small,
and could accommodate only one or two persons. <A very few were
made large enough for five or six people.

71 b, p. 198. 2a, pl. 17, figs. 2 and 3.

TENT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 63

Scarroutps.—Scaffolds of poles were erected near all the more per-
manent lodges for the storing of saddles, skins, and other goods, to
keep them out of the way of dogs. Anything of value was covered
with mats, which were often fastened down as a protection against
the wind. Spare baskets, mats, poles, and frames for stretching
skins were also often placed on these scaffolds. Pole scaffolds for
drying berries and meat were used at the fall berrying and hunting
camps. They were like those found among the Thompson and other
tribes.

CacHES AND CELLARS.—The common cache was a circular pit dug
in dry ground where the drainage was good. It was the same as that
used by the Thompson and other tribes. Dried fish, dried meat,
roots, and other kinds of food were stored in these. Mats, camping
outfit, skins, and sometimes food were cached on small platforms
built in the branches of large trees or suspended from large lower
limbs, to be out of the way of rats and mice. Box caches made of
poles or of bark, erected in trees or on posts or on platforms, were
not used by the tribe. The Coeur d’Aléne claim that box caches were
used only by neighboring tribes in places where snakes were abun-
dant. Poisonous snakes were not found in any part of their country.

House FurnisHines AND Utrensiis.—House furnishings, as among
other interior tribes, were very simple. The parts of the lodge where
people sat and slept were covered with “bed” or “floor”? mats: of
_Tushes. (See p. 47.) Some other coarser, squarer mats were used to
some extent as seats and food was placed on them, preparatory to
cooking. Often a layer of dry pine needles, or dry grass, or fine
boughs of fir, balsam, hemlock, or cedar, laid regularly, all the butts
one way, was spread all over the floor of the lodge. If these materials
were scarce they were spread where the people slept and the bed
mats were laid on top. No stools or benches were used. Often
blocks of wood, pieces of tree trunks or large branches, and slabs of
bark were used as seats at open fires outside of lodges in the mountains
or in the woods. No special back rests were made. People lounged
on the beds, using as back rests the rolled-up bedding, rolls of skins,
bundles of any kind, full bags or large stiff baskets placed mouth
down. Sometimes short pieces of plank, or slabs of stiff bark placed
on edge and properly supported, were used as temporary back rests.
Beds were made next to the walls of the house. The sleepers had, as
a rule, their heads toward the wall and their feet toward the fire.
If the lodge was very narrow beds were made sidewise along the fire.
Some people preferred this way when there was plenty of room.
Beds were made of skins spread over mats and grass or brush, or
sometimes of mats alone, or of skins alone spread over these materials.
Skins of buffalo, bear, goat, and elk with the hair on were much used
as bedding; also skins of deer, sheep, and old robes of any kind. For

64 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

bed coverings robes were used; possibly those of buffalo and elk were
most common. Pillows generally consisted of bunches of dry grass
tied loosely and covered with skin, also folded skins, leather, robes,
and pieces of robes, or rolls of matting. Often the head of the bed
was simply raised by heaping up grass or brush under the bedding.
Sacks of clothes and other soft materials were also used for this pur-
pose. No pillows of bulrush down were used, and very few of hair
or feathers. The spaces next to the door of the lodge were used for
keeping the cooking utensils and for storage. Some kinds of food
stored in sacks and baskets, dressed hide, and many other things were
placed out of the way in the spaces between the beds and the base of |
the lodge walls. As a rule, dressed skins, clothes, valuables, and odds
and ends were placed near the head or side of the bed. Some men
kept their medicine bags at the head of the bed or hidden under the
-pillow. Work bags, quivers, and clothes were hung up near the beds
or in convenient places. For this purpose cords and light poles were
often attached to the poles of the lodge. Moccasins were hung on
these or put under the foot of the bed. In some lodges small shelves,
consisting of racks of light poles, were tied to the poles. Meat and
other foods were dried and stored on them. Sometimes a framework
for smoking meat and fish and for drying clothing extended across
the lodge above the fire. Water, cooking utensils, and the larger
tools were kept just inside the door.

The various kinds of bags and baskets used for storage and many
of the tools have already been described. Circular baskets were
used as kettles for boiling food. Meat and other foods were roasted
on sticks before the fire or baked in hot ashes. Small bowls hollowed
cut of knots of trees and others made of bark and basketry were
only occasionally used. Probably some bark cups were used, but
no wooden dishes, or wooden kettles and cups. Occasionally the
cylindrical bark baskets (see p. 52) were used as food bowls, but
their proper use was to catch fat drippings before the fire and as
storage vessels for rendered fat and marrow. Food was served on
mats or eaten cut of basket kettles. Parties on short hunting and
traveling trips, having no mats and baskets with them, spread food
on twigs and the small ends of branches heaped together. They
also did boiling in paunches; but as a rule meat was roasted by them
on sticks before the fire. They carried no bedding, and slept
wrapped in their robes on a couch of fir boughs or similar material.

Some small bowls were made of mountain ram’s horn. Spoons
and ladles were of horn and wood. The largest ones were all of
mountain ram’s horn. Smaller ones were made of goat horn or
buffalo horn. A few may have been made of ewe horn. Large and
small wooden spoons were used, and most of them were made of
balsam poplar wood (Populus balsamifera), Spoons made from the

TEIT] | THE COEUR D’ALENE 65

skulleaps of deer and possibly those of other animals were fairly
common. Tongs and stirrers were made of wood and were similar
to those of the Thompson.” The handles were sometimes painted.

Fire was made with the common hand drill, like that of the
Thompson and other tribes. The hearth stick was of poplar, willow,
or various other kinds of wood. The top stick was generally made
of cedar. It seems that the two sticks were not called ‘‘man”’ and
“woman,” as among the Thompson and many other tribes.

Tinder consisted of very dry cedar bark shredded and teased very
fine. It was carried in a bag made for the purpose, and in wet or
damp weather was worn underneath the arm close to or within the
armpit. In places where cedar bark was scarce, bark of other trees,
dry grass, and other materials were used. In permanent camps
fires were banked, or otherwise attended to, and never allowed to
go out entirely. Fire was carried from one place to another by
means of cedar-bark slow matches like those of the Thompson.”

IV. CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS

Clothing was made of skins of deer, elk, antelope, and other
‘animals, with or without hair. It was of the same general type as
obtained among other interior Salishan tribes. The men wore moc-
casins, long leggings, belt, breechclout, shirt, and robe; and the
women, moccasins, short leggings, long dress, and robe. In warm
weather lighter robes were used. Some people used none at all
except for sleeping. Often leggings or shirts, or both, were discarded
by the men. On warm days some men wore only moccasins, breech-
clout, and headband. Many had the uncovered parts of the body
painted, but the paint was always washed off every day. In the
evening, if chilly, people put on a robe. When the people were
traveling on foot the robe was carried or worn; when mounted, it
was placed on the saddle; when hunting, unless the weather was
very cold, it was left in camp.

Rosrs.—Robes were tanned quite soft, and consisted chiefly of
the skins of elk, deer, fawn, buffalo, marmot, ground squirrel, beaver,
and sometimes coyote, lynx, aud other animals. The skins were
sewed together with sinew or bark thread, and occasionally were
fringed along all the seams. Fringes consisted chiefly of leather cut
into fine strings, and of narrow strips of animal skins with the hair
on. There were several methods of fringing and ornamenting robes,
according to the kinds of skin from which they were made. Ground-
squirrel robes consisted sometimes of as many as 80 skins sewed
together. Deerskin robes usually consisted of two skins, as among
the Thompson; and these and elk-skin robes sometimes had stripes
shorn into the hair for ornamentation.” Elk and buffalo robes often

3 a, figs. 159, 160. ™ a, fig. 161. % a, pl. 18.

66 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

consisted of single skins, but some were of two pieces. Many buffalo
robes consisted of the skin of a year-old buffalo entire; while others,
made from skins of larger animals, had the back cut out, because
it is too thick to be rendered pliable. The sides were sewed together,
making a two-piece robe.- All these robes were dressed in the hair.
All were worn hair side out, excepting some of those with painted
designs on the inside, which were occasionally worn inside out for
show. Some robes had crosswise bands of beaded or quilled designs.
Some of these seem to have been similar to the central bands used
on robes by the Blackfeet “® and may have been copied from eastern
tribes; but others, it seems, were of native invention, several bands
being used on the same robe. Robes woven of narrow twisted strips
of muskrat skins were quite common long ago. It seems that they
were woven on a rigid loom of four poles; and the weave, as far as
I could learn, was the same as that of some Thompson robes woven
of strips of rabbit skins.” This was the only kind of woven robe
used. Neither rabbit skins nor goat’s wool were used for robes.
Woven goat’s-wool robes were known to be made by tribes living
west in the Cascade Mountains, but not elsewhere. Some large
robes (the size of ordinary robes) and some small robes (the size of
large cloaks) were made of hide. They were usually painted with
designs on one side, and sometimes fringed and ornamented with
pendants. They were used chiefly in the summertime, and appear
to have resembled similar robes used by the Thompson.” Some
buffalo robes, most of them procured in trade, were used long before
the advent of the horse; but after the tribe became regular buffalo
hunters, buffalo robes became very cheap and common, and sup-
planted nearly all other kinds of robes.

Men’s Ciotues. Shirts—Men’s shirts were often short, reaching
to the hips or a little below. Usually the sleeve parts reached to the
elbow. A common kind of shirt was similar to a shirt used by the
Thompson Indians.” It consisted of a single buckskin folded
double, and a piece cut out for the head to pass through. It was
sewed up the sides and under the arms or simply at the sides. Some
had only stitches here and there under the arms, and others were
laced with a great many thongs along both sides and under the arms.
The thongs took the place of fringes. The sewed shirts usually had
long cut fringes at the sides, and a few very long strings of fringes near
the lower parts of the arms. These shirts were ornamented in
several ways, but probably the most common ornamentation was the
addition of another piece of skin, which passed over the shoulders
and hung down in the shape of a triangle at the front and back.
This piece of skin was stitched to the shoulders of the shirt here and
there with thongs. It seems to have been in imitation of a collar

7 ¢, p. 123 and fig. 74. (Oe hea Tole 8 a, fig. 301. 7 a, fig. 163.

rErT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 67

or small poncho, and, if not embroidered, was pinked, punctured, and
painted with red dots. Long pendants of skin were often attached
to the pointed ends and to the edges of the collar piece, both front and
back; and similar pendants were sometimes included here and there
with the cut fringes at the sides and arms, and occasionally some
were attached to the body of the shirt as well. These pendants were
usually pinked, punctured, and painted with red dots.

Another common shirt was made of two doeskins sewed together
heads up. The head and neck skins were cut off, and this part was
left open to allow the head to pass through. The sides were sewed
up, and also the parts of the skins covering the arms and shoulders.
The part underneath the arms was often only stitched with thongs
here and there. This shirt was usually a little longer than the
single-skin shirt, but appeared of about the same length, for the
bottom part was cut in a long fringe. As all the seams were also
fringed, there was fringing on the shirt all around—bottom, sides,
shoulders, over and under the arms, and sometimes even around the
neck as well. Frequently bands of quillwork followed the borders of
all the seams excepting under the arm. Occasionally other bands of
quillwork, in the form of stripes and triangles, were embroidered on
the breast and upper part of the back, forming a triangular field,
point down, similar to the corresponding fields in the clothing of the
Plains Indians.“

A third kind of shirt, also common, was made of two skins, like the
last; but it had no fringing along the seams, excepting sometimes at
the sides. Occasionally also the bottom and the lower ends of the
sleeves were cut in a fringe or pinked. The shirt was open under the
arms, or merely stitched here and there. If stitched, the skin was
sometimes fringed. A wide band of quillwork followed the seam of
the skins over the shoulders, from the neck down to the ends of the
sleeves, over shoulders and arms. For ornamentation a wide band
of quilled skin passed at right angles over each shoulder and hung
down in front and at the back to about the waist. Often these bands
were stitched or sewed to the shirt, usually at the shoulders, but the
ends hung loose. As in most shirts, large or small triangular areas
(apex down) on the breast and back of the neck were worked with
quills or otherwise embroidered. When there was no ornamentation
at the back of the neck a long piece of embroidered skin similar to
the front bands was sometimes attached there. It hung down the
middle of the back to the lower border of the shirt.

Other similar shirts had quilled or beaded bands, which crossed the
shoulders or connected with the shoulder bands, sewed down to the
shirt their full length. The deer’s tail was sometimes left on the
shirt behind. Probably these shirts were cut as described by Wissler,

80 d, pp. 47, 48, figs. 1, 2.

68 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN, 45

and the sewed-down bands covered the seams, but I did not obtain
exact information on this point.

Scalp shirts ornamented with fringes of hair were also in common
use. Sometimes the bodies of these were painted in two or three
colors arranged in fields. For instance, the upper part of the shirt,
including the sleeves, might be red, and the lower part yellow.
Yellow, red, brown, blue, black, and green colors were used. Some-
times, instead of hair or scalp locks, ermine skins were used as fringes.
The plan of decoration was the same as in the style just described.
In some tribes the hair of slaves was used for making fringes on
shirts, but it is not certain that the Coeur d’Aléne did so.

Some shirts of light-weight skin, used in the summertime, were
covered with small punctures, painted with dots, and ornamented
with painted or dyed fringes in the style of the type first described.

Some entirely sleeveless shirts of buffalo or other skins, dressed
with or without hair, were in use. They reached to the hips and
were laced at the sides. They were made of a single piece of skin
folded over, with aslit cut for the head to pass through, like a poncho.
Some were fringed at the sides.”

A few sleeveless shirts were also made of two skins of coyote or
other small animals. The head part adjoined the neck. The tail
remained attached and hung down in front and on the back. The
skins were joined by pieces of skin at the shoulders and sides. They
were laced or tied at the sides.™

Similar shirts were made of two pieces of skin of large animals in
the hair.**

A fairly common shirt was made of buffalo-calf skin dressed in the
hair. Most of these had long sleeves. Long ago only a few shirts
had full-length closed sleeves, made of separate skins, and sewed to
the body at the shoulders. A few were sewed to the body of the
shirt at the elbow; the lower part of the sleeve was sewed up to the
elbow. The upper arm was formed by part of the skin of which
the shirt was cut, as in the specimens previously described, and.
was open or merely laced.

Most shirts opened only at the neck, where there was an opening
left for the head, or a slit cut in the skin to allow the head to pass
through. The opening was closed by pulling a lacing or with tie
strings on each side of the neck, as in women’s dresses. Some shirts
had a piece of skin cut away to allow the head to pass through. This
usually made the neck of the shirt lower both at the back and front,
or sometimes only in front, according to the way the hole was cut.

82 See a, fig. 162, but without collar.

8% Thompson specimen, Ottawa, VI, M. 400, and Thompson photograph,
Ottawa, No. 30985.

8: Thompson specimen, Ottawa, VI, M. 398.

TIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 69

Few shirts had slits in the front; the slits were always short. No
collars or cuffs were sewed to shirts. No coats, jumpers, or vests were
used long ago; they came into vogue after the arrival of the fur
traders.

Neck wraps, belts—Many men, especially in winter, wore small
ponchos over their shirts. Usually they consisted of single skins of
wolf, coyote, or otter. The head was passed through a slit at about
the middle of the skin. The tail hung down the back and the head
skin hung over the breast.*° Sometimes pendants were attached to
the head, tail, and sides of the skin. Some consisted of two skins,
or parts of two skins, sewed together so that a tail hung down in
front and behind, or more rarely at the sides.*° Neck wraps of long
pieces of fur doubled over and sewed together were in use.*’ They
were fastened with tie strings at the throat and were used by both
sexes. Armiets of skin ornamented with quillwork and feathers
were used by some men. Belts made of leather were used to hold
up the leggings. Some belts were wern outside the shirt and others
inside. Many wide embroidered belts were used, some of them in
addition to the belt for holding up the leggings. They were worn
outside the shirt. Some belts were made of skin dressed in the hair
and ornamented with pendent eagle feathers and other decorations.

Leggings —Men’s leggings were of skin, and reached to the thighs.
They were fastened to the belt with tie strings, or with loops for the
belt to pass through. Some were made rather tight fitting and
others loose. All were fringed along the outer seams. The fringes
of some increased in length below the knee. Some leggings were
made wider below the knee, and others narrower near the ankle.
Most of them, however, were about of an even width throughout.
Many leggings had bands of beadwork or quillwork bordering the
fringes. When cloth leggings came into use the fringes could not
be cut, and extended as double flaps along the outside of the legs.
Skin leggings also sometimes had uncut flaps embroidered with beads
or quills, or painted. Garters were much used, and generally passed
through slits in the outside of the leggings, so that they could be
tightened without. disturbing the fringes. No trousers were used
long ago.

Breechclouts and aprons.—Breechclouts were seldom sewed. Most
of them consisted of a loose strip of soft skin cut square at each end,
and passed between the thighs under the belt. The ends (some-
times short and sometimes long) hung down over the belt in front
and behind. Some of the same shape had the front and back flaps
stitched down to the centerpiece, so as to make a place for the belt
to pass through like a draw string. Some breechclouts had the ends

Gis Tolle Sy.
86 6, p. 217 otter-skin collars.
87 Thompson specimen, Peabody Museum, No. 275.

70 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS. [ere. ANN. 45

cut in fringes. In olden times some of the old men wore simple
aprons of buffalo skin. They were oblong in shape, and fastened to
a belt, or tied with strings around the waist. Some were double, one
piece hanging in front and another behind. Another kind of apron
used by old men consisted of two wolf skins. Most of the sides of
the skins were cut off, leaving the backs, heads, and tails. These
were sewed, heads up, to a belt tied in front. The eyeholes were
painted red and the tails hung down outside of each leg, almost
reaching the ground. There was sometimes fringing in the spaces
between the skins.

Women’s Ciorurs. Dresses—The common woman’s dress of
the Coeur d’Aléne seems to have been exactly like that described by
Spinden for the Nez Percé.* About three entire large deerskins
were required; two formed the body of the dress, the other being
used for filling, to make the skirt even at the bottom, and to increase
the flare and length, if necessary. The upper parts of the skins were
folded down on the outside of the dress, forming a kind of false yoke
at back and front. They were sewed to the body of the dress through-
out, or stitched here and there with thongs. Pendants and tassels
were often attached to the edges of the fold. The hair of the tail-
piece was clipped in lines, and the end of the tail generally, but not
always, cut off. Usually the sleeve parts were left open underneath,
but sometimes they were stitched or tied here and there with thongs.
Generally three rows of inserted fringe or thongs extended around
the skirt below the waist. Single rows were also placed on the back
and front of the dress below the yoke, but only rarely. Beads and
shells of various kinds were sometimes strung on these thongs. Often
all or the lower part of the yoke piece was beaded or quilled in lines
following the contour of the edge of the yoke, or the dress itself was
beaded immediately below the yoke. Some women’s dresses had no
folded piece or false yoke, and therefore no tailpiece; but imitations
of the yoke and tailpiece were made in beading. Almost all dresses
had fringes along the sides, bottom, and ends of the arms. Most
dresses reached to the ankles, but some to about halfway between
the knees and ankles. The sleeve parts of nearly all reached to the
elbow, and occasionally ‘almost to the wrist. Dresses were some-
times quilled or beaded with bands bordering the seams and fringes,
and often with one or two additional bands or lines around the
skirt near the bottom. Some had several lines of quillwork across
the breast and back of the body and many had long fringes follow-
ing the edge of the yoke.

Another kind of woman’s dress was also of three skins; but in
this case two skins formed the skirt, the third one being folded and
sewed across the tops of the other two skins. A slit was cut in the

88 See b, pp. 219, 220; also d, fig. 18, Yakima.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 71

middle for the head to pass through. This kind had draw strings
which pulled the dress tight around the neck; ** or the corners of
the opening were tied together with strings, as in most dresses. These
dresses were also ornamented with fringes, quilled lines, and rows of
thongs. Horizontal lines and triangular and semicircular pieces of
embroidery were made on the yoke or upper skin. This kind of
dress had fringes like others, and some dresses were painted.

A common dress used in the winter was also of three pieces. The
upper part was made of a year-old deerskin dressed in the hair; and
the skirt of two pieces of dressed skin joined to the body of the dress
at the waist and to each other at the sides. 1t was fringed like all
other dresses and was worn hair side out. A few had two pieces in
front, the upper part with the hair, and the back of a single piece of
dressed deerskin, with or without hair. Sometimes the back was a
duplicate of the rout

Almost all women’s dresses were made of dressed skins a deer,
elk, and antelope.

Many women wore belts over their dresses. Some of these were
richly quilled. Many wore small paint pouches attached to the
belt.°° These generally were quilled on the outside and had a fringe
at the bottom. Other kinds of light bags were also sometimes
attached to the belt or sewed to the skirt of the dress.*' Some
served the purpose of pockets.

Bodices—Ilt seems that no bodices,” or short skirts with long
fringes, were used by women. These were only used by tribes Bone
Columbia River, especially near The Dalles. It is said, however,
that long ago some old women of poor families, who had not enough
skin to make dresses, wore aprons of skin with long fringes. These
were tied around the waist. Over this they wore only a robe. This
may have been the same as the bodice used along Columbia River,
or it may have been somewhat different.

Leggings.—All women wore leather leggings. They reached to
the knee and were fringed along the outer sides. A few extended a
little above the knee. Some leggings were closed and had to be
pulled up over the feet. They were fastened below the knee with
garters or with a draw string. Others were open on the outside of
the leg and were fastened with tie strings. Many had beaded
designs, especially on the lower part; others had cross fringes, one
above the other, for ornament.”

89 See Thompson specimen, Ottawa photographs Nos. 35409, 35408.

99 See Ottawa Mus., No. VI, M. 386.

% See Thompson specimens with small bags sewed to the dress. Peabody
Mus., 316, 341, 347; and Ottawa photographs, 27093, 27075.

2 See Thompson, a, fig. 185; and Ottawa Mus., No. 139. °

>,»

9 See Thompson specimen with cross fringes, Peabody Mus. No. 351.

72 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH, ANN. 45

CHILDREN’s CLotHns—Children generally went bareheaded in good
weather and also.often barefooted except when traveling. Some wore
long skirts and dresses without leggings, and others small robes. Leg-
gings were used by somein conjunction with aprons or with breechclouts.
Many boys went almost nude in warm weather. Ponchos of spotted
fawn skin were much used by boys. They were worn loose or confined
with a belt around the waist. Sleeveless poncho shirts of skins
dressed in the hair, like some used by men, and tied or laced at the
sides, were also in use. Usually they consisted of single skins or
parts of larger skins. A common dress of girls consisted of two fawn
skins sewed together. Some were sewed only on the shoulders and
laced or stitched here and there at the sides. They were worn with
the hair side out. All children’s clothes
were dressed quite soft. Lads and young
women dressed almost like adults.

Moccasins.—Moccasins were generally
made of dressed buckskin and were of five
main kinds:

1. A single-piece moccasin, with seam
around the outside of the foot. This style
was common to all the interior Salishan
tribes, to the Nez Percé, and to some other
tribes.

2. A two-piece moccasin, with short
tongue, seam down the front of the foot,
and a short crosscut at the toe. This style
ee oe Tees ie cut of is used by some of the interior Salishan and

5 many Athapascan tribes, but among the
latter the cross seam at the toe is generally longer than among the
Salish.

3a. A two-piece moccasin like No. 2, with short tongue, and a
seam down the front of the foot from tongue to toe. The seam ends
in a small gathering at the toe and also at the bottom of the heel, so
there is no trailer. This kind was also used by the Thompson.”

36. A moccasin (which seems to have been often called by the
same name as the last) differing from 3 a@ in the form of the tongue,
which consists of a long triangular piece placed in the middle and
ending in a sharp point at the toe.” Itwasnotverycommon. (Fig. 6.)

4. A two-piece moccasin with long tongue and round toe, like
some eastern moccasins.

5. A two-piece moccasin, the sole being a separate piece, like
many moccasins used by Plains tribes.”

% See Thompson Indians, a, fig. 169; Nez Percé; b, pp. 216, 217; ¢, fig. 78.
% See Thompson Indians, a, fig. 171.

NON tio lites 98 See Thompson Indians, fig. 170.

” Also c, fig. 88. ; 9 See c, fig. 79.

TeIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 73

Types Nos. 1, 2, and 3 are said to have been the only kinds used
long ago, and of these probably No. 1 was the most common. No. 5
came into use after the introduction of the horse, and was probably
copied from styles of moccasins used by tribes farther east. No. 4
came in at a later date with the fur traders and was less used than any
oftheother kinds. The Coeur d’Aléne named it ‘‘white man’s mocca-
sin’? and ‘“‘Chippewa moccasin.” Most moccasins had trailers of
various styles. All moccasins had uppers or gaiters of skin, folded
around the ankle and tied with the ends of the moccasin strings.
Both sexes wore the same styles. Long ago most of the moccasins
were devoid of ornamentation, but later on some were painted or
embroidered, especially on the tongue; others were embroidered with
quills or beads over the entire front and on the sides as well. Summer
moccasins were made to fit the foot much move snugly than winter
moccasins. Some winter moccasins were made of skin of buffalo,
deer, and elk, with the hair inside. They were of the same cuts as
others. In early times board lasts similar to those used by the
Shuswap were in common use.

Socxks.—No woven socks or inside shoes of cedar, sage, or any other
bark were made. Sage does not grow in the Coeur d*Aléne country.
In wintertime pieces of dressed deerskin or buffalo skin, with the
hair on, were wrapped around the foot or roughly shaped to the foot
by sewing up the front, the heel part being left open. Usually they
were long enough to reach up over the back of the heel. Otherwise
dry grass was used inside of moccasins. In summer no filling of the
moccasin was used.

Mrirrens.—No gloves were made long ago, but mittens made of
various kinds of skin dressed in the hair were commonly used in cold
weather, worn hair side out. Some were short, but most of them
were long. Many were made of coyote skin. Almost a whole skin
was used for each long mitten, as they reached almost to the shoulders,
and were fastened with a string around the neck. Long mittens of
coyote and lynx skins were considered the warmest to wear when
paddling.

Men’s Cars ann Heapsanps.—In cold weather men generally
wore round, rather high caps of fisher, fox, coyote, and other furs.
The tail of the animal hung down behind. Some were made of
cased skins, the hair being both outside and in. In mild weather
headbands of various kinds were worn. Feather headdresses were
used only at gatherings, dances, when going buffalo hunting, and on
war expeditions, and were seldom or never worn when traveling in
the woods or when hunting. A great many different kinds of head-
bands set with feathers were in use. For these the tail feathers of
the golden eagle were most frequently used; but tail feathers of other

41383°—30——6

74 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

eagles and of hawks and occasionally of flickers and other birds were
fairly common. The headband itself generally consisted of a wide
band of skin, often embroidered with designs in quill and bead work.
Pendants of beaded strings, feathers, animals’ tails, ermine skins,
and twisted strips of otter and other fur-bearing animals were at-
tached to the sides, and sometimes also to the backs, of many kinds of
headbands. Some of the most common styles of headdresses were
as follows:

1. Headband with a single eagle feather erect at the back.

2. Headband with two eagle feathers erect at the back.

3. Headband with a single eagle feather or two hawk’s feathers
erect at each side. This was considered a hunter’s style, as among
the Thompson.'”

4. Headband with a single eagle feather erect in front.

5. Headband with two eagle feathers erect in front.

6. Headband with two eagle feathers in front slanting away from
each other, or rarely having their butts crossed.! This was a
shaman’s style among the Thompson, but it seems it was not par-
ticularly so considered by the Coeur d’Aléne.

7. Headband set with eagle, hawk, or other feathers all round.
The feathers were placed erect in some and slanting slightly back-
ward in others. Each was attached independently and some dis-
tance from the next one.

8. Headband set with eagle feathers close together all round.
They were placed erect and, like No. 7, attached separately. Some-
times they were made to slant slightly outward by use of a light
hoop. Generally from 20 to 30 feathers were used. This style was
called a ‘‘chief’s bonnet”’ by many of the Thompson.!”

9. Headband set with eagle feathers all round, erect, and so close
together that they overlap. The butts only were attached to
the lower part of the headband individually; the upper parts of the
feathers were connected with a string so as to form a crown. This
was the war bonnet or common headdress of the plains. It was
claimed to be the best for windy weather and for riding. It became
the common headdress after the advent of the horse, superseding
entirely many of the others.

10. A feathered headband with streamers or feather ‘‘tails.’”’ The
“tails” with feathers set horizontally were used only with No. 9.
Those with pendent feathers, like a Thompson style,!” were used
with No. 8 and others. The tails were easily detachable, and in
many cases merely an adjunct to the bonnet.

11. An eagle feather headband or bonnet with ermine skins
pendent close together all round the sides and back. Ermine-skin
ornamentation of this kind was used with bonnets like Nos. 6, 7, 8,

100 q, fig. 180. 1022 Peabody Museum, No. 272.
101 See Thompson, a, fig, 183, and Field Mus., 111767, 108 q, fig, 182,

TIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE iD

and 9. Usually with the last named the ermine was put only at the
sides.

12. A headband of twisted otter fur, about 2 inches wide, and often
provided with from two to four long “‘tails’’ of the same animal.

Headbands like Nos. 1, 2, 4, and 5 very likely had some special
significance, and probably were not used by everybody, but I did
not clear up this point.

It seems that the headdress of the plains type became common
after the Coeur d’Aléne became buffalo hunters. It appears to have
been first copied from the Flathead tribes. Later some alterations
of details took place from time to time through the influence of one
tribe on another. In later days the Crow style was thought to be the
handsomest and best, and all the tribes copied it. In still later days
the Sioux style came into vogue, and many men of all the buffalo-
hunting tribes copied it. It seems that the ‘‘tails” to bonnets with
feathers laid horizontally (in pieces of skin or cloth) sticking out
behind, or double, the feathers in the latter case sticking out to
both sides, were adopted from eastern tribes. The thick ends of
the quills were held in place by a thong which was passed up
and down crosswise through a long piece of hide, so that a short
stitch held down the butt end of the quill. A thin thread was also
passed through the quills and they were often sewed down to the
margin of the strip of skin. The feathers were attached either to
one side or to both sides. ‘‘Tails”’ like these were generally used
only on dress occasions and in dances.

Headdresses of animals’ skins set with horns were common.
Buffalo, antelope, 2-year-old buck deer, mountain ewe, etc., were
used. The tips of the horns were sometimes pierced, and small
tufts of hair of natural color or dyed were attached to them.’ In
later days red cloth, colored yarn, and ribbon were sometimes used.
The sides of these headdresses, and sometimes also the backs, were
set with fringes or pendants of skin, hair, strips of fur, feathers, or
ermine skins. The last named were most frequently used, the entire
skins being attached. Sometimes only the backs with the heads
and tails were used, and sometimes the skins were twisted into strings.
The long, twisted strips of otter, fisher, or other fur attached to
some were wrapped here and there with fur of a different color, or
with beaded strings, hair tassels, or feathers. Headdresses made of
head skins of buffalo or grizzly bear were also used. The eyeholes
were sometimes painted red or had a large bead set in each. Some
headbands or caps made of the head skins of black-tailed deer,
mule deer, white-tailed deer, and elk, were used by hunters. They
retained the ears, which stood erect. Other caps were made of head
skins of animals like coyote or wolf. The animal’s tail was some- _

04 See Thompson specimen, Field Museum, 111956.
105 See Thompson, a, fig. 178.

76 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45:

times attached behind. Small feathers in their natural color or dyed
and small tufts of hair were often wrapped around the small ends of
large feathers used in headdresses. Colored feathers were also
attached to the ends of strings and fringes of skin.

A few headbands of rawhide, made like the brim of a cowboy’s hat
and painted with designs, were sometimes used as eye shades in sunny
weather. Another kind of headband fairly common was made of
parts of a buffalo hide having stiff hair, and other similar ones were
made of the skin of a horse’s tail split lengthwise, and the hair clipped
to within about 10 centimeters of the skin. In these headbands
the stiff hair stuck out all around the head, and acted as an eye shade,
although they were not always specially used as such.

Some boy’s caps and headbands were ornamented with the tails
of hawks, flickers, grouse, ete., spread out like a fan, and attached to
the front or to both the front and back of the cap.

Women’s Caps.—Headbands of skin embroidered with quills,
beads, or shells were used by some young women; but most women,
when fully dressed, wore caps. It seems that the kind in most fre-
quent use was the basket cap, common also to the Nez Percé 1”
and other tribes. It was fez-shaped, and ornamented at the crown
with a small fringe of loose strings (or sometimes loops) of skin on
which were often strung beads and shells. The weave is said to
have been exactly the same as that employed by the Nez Percé '* and
other neighboring Shahaptian and Salishan tribes. Among the
Coeur d’Aléne they were made of fine twine of Indian hemp which
was covered on the outside of the cap with grass (probably Xero-
phyllum tenax) excepting generally the crown or the middle of the
crown. In most cases grass in its natural yellowish-white color
formed the background for the designs, which were made of dyed
grass, yellow and green being the colors most used. (See p. 55.)
Sometimes designs were made entirely in natural colors. When put
on the cap, as a rule the white stems were used as the field color,
green ones for the designs, and yellow ones as borders to the designs.1
In later days colored yarn, respun from shredded woolen blankets,
was often substituted for the native materials.

Skin caps were also used by some women. They were all more or
less conical or pointed at the top; but some were rounded and low,
somewhat like skulleaps. Some were ornamented with fringes, and
many had a fringe or tassel at the crown, like the basket caps. Beads
and shells were sometimes strung on the tassel. Nearly all skin caps
were further ornamented with beaded or quilled lines and zigzags.
Zigzag designs were also common on basket caps. The skin caps

106 See Nez Percé, b, fig. 5, No. 4.

107 6, Pl. VI, Nos. 15, 16.

108 b, fig. 4.

109 See o, pl. 66.

peEIT! THE COEUR D’ALENE 77

appear to have been of the same kind in every way as those used by
women of the Thompson '° and other Salishan tribes.

Woven Poncuos, Rain Cioaxs.—No woven-bark clothes were
made or used, except a few ponchos and cloaks that were worn
long ago by some people in rainy weather. Both kinds reached to
the hips and were worn over the ordinary clothes. Most of them
were made of dry bark of willow trees which had been burned (?),
and they were woven in the same way as mats sometimes used for
serving food on. (See p. 47.) Others were made of cedar bark
and a very few of rushes. In shape the ponchos seem to have
been like those of sage bark made by the Thompson.''! None of
the oldest people now living have seen any of these garments. It is
said that they were used only by a few poor people who had few
robes or blankets. Others, in rainy weather, if they were temporarily
without robes, or if they did not wish to wet their robes, covered
themselves over the shoulders, or sometimes over the head and
shoulders, with ordinary mats, which they fastened with a wooden
pin at the breast.

Fans were made of tails of birds, like the eagle or hawk. Some of
them had the butt ena inclosed in skin, and embroidered or otherwise
ornamented.

ORNAMENTATION AND DEsIGNs ON CLotHinGc.—Most garments had
more or less embroidery made with quills. Porcupine quills were
chiefly used, and were arranged to display their natural black and
white colors. They were also dyed; and most quillwork was made in
three colors—white, red, and yellow. I did not learn with certainty
the exact methods of applying the quills but it is said that there
were several ways. They were twisted and wrapped, braided, or
sewed to the skin. The quills were sewed on straight, with a simple
stitch, as in the technique No. 3, mentioned by Wissler for the Black-
foot; 1? or they were put on obliquely with the same kind of stitch,
probably as in the Blackfoot technique No. 5." In still other cases
they crossed each other, probably as in the Blackfoot technique
No. 6.1% The twisted quillwork appears to have been like the Black-
foot technique No. 10.'° Fringes were occasionally decorated by
being wrapped with quills, but I did not obtain a very clear idea of
the method employed. It seems, however, to have been similar to
Blackfoot technique No. 12.1%

Quill flatteners made of wood, antler, and bone were used. In
later days the back of an iron knife was often employed. Both

110 q, fig. 191.

111 q, fig. 194.

12 ¢, fig. 15 and p. 56.

NS ¢, fig. 18 and pp. 56, 57.

i14ac; ie LOfand sp. ov.

15 ¢, fig. 23 and p. 59; also specimens Peabody Mus., No. 166, and Field Mus.,
111755.

118 ¢, fig, 25 and p. 60.

78 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [wrH. ANN. 45

unsplit and split quills were in use. It seems porcupine quills were
generally used unsplit.

In later days beadwork largely supplanted quillwork. Much
beadwork consisted of designs distributed so that the skin formed
the background, but solid beadwork covering the whole surface was
also common. White was the usual color for the background; light
blue was fairly common; and red and yellow were used occasionally.
Beads were usually sewed down so as to make a rigid, flat, uniform
surface. Rather frequently, however, the beads were sewed down
at regular intervals, giving the surface a ridged appearance.’ Designs
in both quillwork and beadwork were mostly geometric (fig. 7); but
floral designs were also used long ago and in later days became most
common, though never as common as among the Nez Percé.

Some clothes were painted with designs, generally in red; but
brown, yellow, blue, and black were sometimes also used. Occasion-

PoP

Ficure 7.—Designs in quillwork and beadwork on clothing

ally the outlines of designs were edged with narrow lines in another
color. Sometimes on women’s dresses and men’s shirts rather large
round circles were painted in red or blue, or occasionally in yellow
edged with red. These circles were made on the breasts of shirts,
and sometimes also on the upper arms and other places. Sometimes
a large circle was painted in the middle of the breast and two
smaller ones a little lower down to the sides, about over the nipples.
Occasionally two circles were painted on the back of the shoulders.
The meaning of these designs seems to be unknown. The same
painted ornamentation was in vogue among the Thompson."
Dresses were sometimes painted with horizontal lines and zigzags
near the bottom of the skirt. Quilled and beaded lines on yokes
of women’s dresses, or below and following the lines of the yoke,
were often parallel, about an inch apart. The lines or bands were

117 See Coeur d’Aléne bag, Peabody Mus., Coeur d’Aléne, No. 1.
18 See a, fig. 191, also Thompson specimens Ottawa, VI, M. 401, Peabody
Mus., 320, 342, Field Mus., 111784.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 79

about an inch wide, or sometimes more, and were composed of
oblongs and squares alternating in different colors. Sometimes all
the lines were placed close together, so that the whole formed a field
of solid beadwork. Horizontal meandering and zigzag beaded lines
were also fairly common on the upper parts of women’s dresses.
Generally there were two or several of these at equal distances, one
above another. Another ornamentation on dresses consisted of a
fairly wide beaded line following the tops of the shoulders, and
another following the edge of the yoke. Narrower vertical lines
about 5 to 7 cm. apart connected the two all around. Beaded
lines, one to four in number, composed of checks and oblongs, were
often embroidered on the skirts of dresses.'’ The lines were 5 or 7
centimeters apart or more, following the bottom of the dress. On
some men’s shirts and women’s dresses there was an embroidered
or painted triangular line on the front and back. The end pointed
downward, reaching almost to the waist. Inside the area inclosed
by the line there were often small detached designs of dots, crosses,
or triangles; and on painted shirts, sometimes realistic figures of men,
weapons, animals, moon, etc. Sometimes the whole area was in solid
beadwork. Some men’s shirts were almost entirely covered with tiny
spots of red paint, which, according to some, represented blood.
Robes were painted with straight and zigzag lines and other
geometric figures, as well as with pictographs of mountains, lakes,
people, and animals. Some pictographs represented incidents in
dreams, incidents and feats in war and the chase; and some were
representations of the guardian spirit and of objects connected
with it. After hunting began on the Plains the old styles of picto-
graphs fell into disuse to some extent and paintings on robes became
for the most part pictures, made as realistic as possible, of personal
encounters, battles, etc., after the style of the Crow Indians. Long
ago designs were also made on robes by scratching off the outer layer
of skin with a sharp bone.” As a rule, they consisted chiefly of
small triangles and straight lines, made in various forms and com-
binations. Sometimes long lines were made, with short lines radiat-
ing from them; triangles, diamond-shaped figures, and squares. Lines
of triangles, called ‘arrowheads,’ were also made, and stepped
triangles called ‘‘mountains.” It is said that no designs were made
on robes or clothes by searing. Elk and deer skin robes very often
had the hair cut in parallel, horizontal, vertical, or diagonal stripes
about 5 cm. in width. The hair in the lines was either uniformly
clipped halfway down to the roots, or it was clipped in steps.) A

119 See Pend d’Oreille (Flathead) specimen, Field Mus., 111909.

120 See designs made on buffalo-skin pouch of Thompson; a, fig. 300; also f,
palg2.

121 See Thompson, a, pl. 18, and Thompson specimen Field Mus., 111915.

SO SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [wrn. ANN, 45

few had small spaces of bare skin between the steps which were
painted red.

Headbands often had painted or embroidered zigzag and triangular
(“arrowhead’’) designs. Stepped designs also were used. Nearly
all the women’s basket-caps had zigzag designs. A three-pointed

zigzag was most common, Stepped and

a oO Oo Oy, checkered designs also occurred.
Quilled, beaded, or painted zigzag designs
Ya aa were also common on skin caps. Both
b sharp-pointed and round-pointed zigzags
were common; square-pointed zigzag also

cer Aaa occurred. The spaces between the points

HauRn 8.—Designs from headbands Of the zigzags were sometimes filled in with

small designs, such as dots, circles, triangles,

ete.’ (Hig. 8.) Straight lines, generally horizontal, but not infre-
quently vertical, and occasionally diagonal; zigzags and triangles
with both plain and stepped edges; figures composed of small checks,
diamond-shaped figures, and crosses of various kinds, some of them
called “stars,’’ were all common designs on nearly all kinds of clothing.
ringing, pinking, and punc-
turing were all common meth-
ods of ornamenting seams, edges,
and = flaps.!?8
also often painted on seams.
Moprrn Croruine.—After
the advent of the fur traders
the tribe began to use cloth for

Red lines were

making leggings and some other
parts of clothing, and woolen
blankets took the place of robes.
New garments were also intro-
duced, such as gloves, coats,

vests, and trousers. (Hig. 9.)
eee LALA
These new forms of clothing

were made by the Indians them-
selves out of dressed skin as
well as of blankets and cloth.'*
Styles of cutting and ornamenting the new kinds of garments were

. 5 5 D5

evolved, and new styles of cutting and ornamenting men’s skin shirts
and women’s dresses came into vogue. A great variety of clothes were
now worn—clothes of old style in cut and ornamentation, those of the
new style, and all degrees of variations between them, resulting from

Fiaure 9.—Sketch illustrating cut of modern coat

2 See Thompson, a, fig. 191.

8 Wor puncturing of garments, see Thompson, a, 168, 184; Lillooet, k, p. 220;
also f, p. 192.

4 See Thompson blanket, poncho, or shirt, Field Mus., No. 111914.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 81

modifications of the old-style clothes and of the new styles copied from
the whites. However, much of the old-style clothing continued to be
used up to the end of the buffalo hunting. After permanent settle-
ment on the reserve, when the Indians took up farming, the change
became very rapid, especially as the surrounding country was becom-
ing settled. Many stores sprang up, where the Indians could get
supplies of ready-made clothing. Old-style clothes continued to be
worn only at dances and on special occasions. Some few years ago
the dances were given up under the influence of the priests; and now,
it seems, no Indian clothing is used at all, the tribe dressing in every
way much as do the neighboring whites. Moccasins, however, are
still used a good deal.

OrNAMENTS.—Throat necklaces and breast necklaces were used by
both sexes. Most of the former were of the type used by the Thomp-
son.’ They were of soft skin padded with sweet-grass, beaver castor,
hair, etc., and covered with solid beadwork on the outside. They were
tied at the back of the neck. Another kind, wider, flatter, and stiffer
(more like a collar), and covered with shells set horizontally, was used
by some men. These were like the necklaces worn by many of the
Flathead, Kutenai, and other tribes farther east.

The breast necklaces were single or multiple. The former consisted
of beads or shells strung on a thong or on a string of sinew or Indian
hemp, which passed around the neck. They were of various lengths,
and were generally provided with a pendant of large shell or copper
suspended from the bight of the necklace in front. Sometimes several
of these necklaces were worn at the same time. One kind of beaded
necklace used by women reached to the navel.

The multiple necklace was worn more by men, and consisted of a
series of thin necklaces of increasing length attached, one below the
other, to a heavier one. The highest was near the neck; the lowest,
reached down to the waist. There were different ways of making and
arranging these.’ Breastplates of long polished bone beads were
used by men.’” They were like the breastplates used by the Flathead
and Plains tribes, and were first adopted by the Coeur d’Aléne about
the beginning of the nineteenth century. According to some infor-
mants, the bones were polished buffalo bones made by the tribes east
of the Coeur d’Aléne; while others claim that they were introauced
by the fur traders and were quite unknown to all Indian tribes long
ago. The materials strung for necklaces before traders’ beads came
into vogue were dentalium shells (and possibly a larger shell like it);
flat, disk-shaped beads of bone and shell; hoofs of fawn, entire or cut
in small triangle-shaped pieces, with notched edges; tubular beads of
copper formed by rolling and beating sheets or beads of copper over

125 q, fig. 200. 127 See Nez Percé, b, p. 217, and pl. 10, No. 1.
128 See Nez Percé, b, pp. 217, 218.

82 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

slender round sticks; feathers; quills; certain small round bones of
animals (and possibly fish); teeth of elk, horse, and wolf (horse and
wolf teeth were generally used by men); and claws of bear and other
animals (also used by men only). Necklaces of grizzly bear’s claws,
generally set on a band of skin or fur, were used only by men, especially
warriors. Some of the most common pendants to necklaces were
abalone shells (procured in trade), certain fresh-water shells, flat pieces
of copper cut in various shapes, and small, flat polished stones.
Charms of various kinds were often attached to necklaces.

Nose OrnameENts.—Nose pins were used by many women and by
some men. They were of three kinds: (1) A single large dentalium
shell, or two shells fitting into each other.’ (2) A bird’s quill scraped
thin and transparent and stuffed with down, which was sometimes
dyed. (3) A rod of bone (some of them nearly a finger-length long)
ornamented with incised designs, and usually polished.’ Many of
these nose pins had tufts of bright-colored feathers glued into the ends,
the bone pins being hollowed out for the purpose. The scalp of the
red-headed woodpecker was the kind most used. No nose rings or
crescent-shaped ornaments were used in the nose; and labrets were
also unknown. After the tribe began to go to the Plains for buffalo
hunting nose pins rapidly went out of style. The Nez Percé and the
tribes to the south used them, but none of the tribes to the east.

Ear OrNAMENTS.—Ear ornaments were much worn by both sexes.
They consisted chiefly of pendants of fresh-water shells, natural color
and painted, pieces of abalone shell, and dentalium shells. The latter
often had tufts of the red-headed woodpecker scalp drawn with a string
into the wide ends, or glued there. Various kinds of beads, and small,
square, oblong, or triangular pieces of copper, were also used as ear
ornaments. From one to four holes were bored in the ear from the
lobe around the helix, and as many pendants might be worn as there
were holes. Slender rods of wood (mztsemetsé’elp) Spiraea? (sp.)
were worn 1n the ears by children. Pendants were attached to the ear
with strings. No earrings of any kind were used.

Hair OrNAMENTS.—Some men used long strips of otter skin and
ermine skin to wrap around or to braid into the cues of the hair.
Strings of beads or shells, or of both mixed, were also tied to the hair
or braided into it. These were used by both sexes, but chiefly by
women. Pendants of twisted fur were attached to the hair by men;
and pendent hair ribbons of long narrow pieces of skin, quilled or
beaded,” were worn by both sexes. Similar ribbons of embroidered
skin were also used for wrapping round the hair or binding it. In
later days silk ribbons, colored braid, and strips of red and blue cloth
took the place of most of these. Women wore hair ribbons of short
pieces of skin embroidered on one side with quill or bead work.

128 See Thompson, a, fig. 197. 130 See Thompson, a, fig. 177.
29 See Thompson, a, fig, 198.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 83

They were provided with strings for tying around the braids of the
hair. Some had oblong flaps of skin about 15 centimeters in length,
covered with quill or bead work, and fringed at the lower end. To the
fringe were often attached beads, shells, or elk’s teeth. The hair
ribbons hung down on the outside of the cues and were fastened
around the hair with tie strings. Generally they were attached to
the hair near the ears."! It seems that long ago some of the young
men also wore similar hair ribbons; but they were ornamented some-
what differently, and sometimes had feathers attached to them.’
It also appears that scalp locks and strings of false hair were some-
times attached to the hair of men.

Arm Rines.—Bracelets consisting of strings of shells and native
beads were used long ago. Later bracelets were made of glass beads,
and still later of metal (generally copper or brass) procured from the
traders. Strings of deer and fawn hoofs were worn on the legs in
dancing. Most of them were worn around the knees and ankles of
dancers; but some were used as belts or armlets, while others were
held in the hands. Armlets, wristlets, cuffs, and garters of embroid-
ered skin have already been mentioned.

Comss.—Combs were all of the fan-shaped type, made of syringa
(Philadelphus lewisii) like those of the Thompson.'* According to
Spinden, Nez Percé combs were also of this type."

TweerzEers.—Depilation was practiced by both sexes. The men
eradicated their beards and mustaches and the women narrowed the
hair of the eyebrows and straightened the hair line of the brow by
pulling out all irregular and straggling hairs. <A well-defined hair
line was admired. It seems that eradication of the pubic hair and
of hair on other parts of the body was not practiced. Tweezers were
used for pulling out hair. They were made of wood and horn, and
appear to have been of the same kinds as those used by the Thomp-
son.’ In later days all of them were made of metal. None of the
oldest living Indians have seen any tweezers excepting those of metal.

Hatrpressinc.—The hair was dressed in a great many different
ways, there being special names for most or all the styles. At least
20 different styles were described to me:

1. Worn loose and full length excepting in front, where it was cut
in bangs across the forehead from temple to temple. If the hair was
very long, it was gathered behind and tied at the back of the neck.
This was the common style for children.

2. Gathered at the back of the neck and tied in a knot there. This
was the common style used by lads at puberty.'

181 See Thompson specimens, Peabody Mus., 394, 395, etc.
182 See Shuswap, e, fig. 231.
133 q, fig. 201, 202, 203. 135 q, fig. 210.
184°5 p. 221. 136 See Thompson, a, fig. 209.

84 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

3. Gathered to the sides and tied in a knot near each ear. This
was the common style of girls at puberty.'”

4. Cut square across the back of the neck, or sometimes lower
down, about on a line with the tops of the shoulders. This was the
style of widows and all people in mourning.

5. Gathered at the sides and braided full length in a single cue at
each side. This was a common style for both men and women; but
the women always parted their hair in the middle, while many men
parted theirs slightly to one side.

6. The same as No. 5, but the ends of the cues were tied together
and worn on the back. This was a common style for women, but
was never used by men. For women it is said to have come into use
in the early part of the nineteenth century. Many people say that
long ago braids of hair were tied together and hung down on the back.

7. The same as No. 5, but each cue braided for only from half to
three-quarters of its length, where it was tied, and the ends allowed
to hang loose. This was a woman’s style.

8. Gathered at the sides and simply tied at each side on a line with
the neck. This also was a common style for women.

9. Part of the side hair braided on each side (the lower part next to

the face and ears) or rolled in wads, more and more hair being caught

in the braid, until at the back all the hair was in one braid or the
other. The braids were then untied and folded upward to the back
of the neck and tied. This was a woman’s style less common than
the others, and used chiefly by young women.

10. Braided in two plaits on each side. A man’s style, used by a few.

11. Gathered at the sides in two cues, the same as No. 5, and
strips of otter skin interbraided with the hair or wrapped about it.
A man’s style.

12. Gathered together loosely at each side (without braiding),
and tied rather close to the head. This seems to have been called
the same name as No. 11, probably because of the similar attach-
ments to the hair. Hair ribbons of several kinds, beaded strings,
strips of otter skin and ermine skins, braids of scalp locks, scalps,
etc., were attached to the hair. A man’s style.

13. Simply combed back and tied behind. This style was chiefly
used by men.

14. (a) Divided into three parts and gathered at each side and at
the back, where it was tied close to the head.

(b) Sometimes the hair at the sides was braided and the hair at
the back left loose. The hair was full length, not doubled up. A
man’s style.

15. (a) The front hair was done up in two small braids, one at
each temple; and strings of beads or shells were interwoven in the

1837 See Thompson, a, fig. 208.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 85

braids or attached to them. Usually the rest of the hair was loose
or merely tied at the back of the neck.

(b) Sometimes the front hair was divided into three parts. If the
person had a cut forelock it hung down in the middle above the nose
and the small braids lay just back of the eyes over the temples.
This was a fairly common man’s style of hairdressing.

16. (a) The side hair was cut on a level with the neck or shoulders
and tied at each side. Rarely was it left loose. The back hair was
left full length and tied close to the head. To it was attached the
entire head, back, and tail of an otter. Sometimes, instead, hair
ribbons and beaded strings of various kinds were attached to the
back hair. This was a common style for men.

(b) Instead of being merely tied, both the side hair and the back
hair were braided in cues, three in all. Ornaments were attached to
the braids. This style of hairdressing was rare.

17. Forelocks were used by many men. Usually the lock was
narrow and cut even with the top of the.-nose. Sometimes it was
combed down flat over the middle of the brow, but more generally
it was crimped, so that the end curled up. Occasionally the short
crimping-rod was worn in the hair. Hairdressing with forelock had
a special name. Rarely was the forelock braided. The rest of the
hair might be done up in any fashion. It seems that women never
had forelocks, at least not like those of the men.

18. The top hair combed back from the brow, then brought for-
ward and tied in a bunch above the brow or on the top of the head,'®
but not braided or stiffened with clay. The rest of the hair was
fixed in different ways—tied together at the sides, made into a braid
at each side, or made into small braids at the temples, the rest being
tied behind the neck or left to hang loose. This was a man’s style.

19. All the hair gathered on the top of the head, and tied there,
with the loose end upward and protruding or hanging forward.
Occasionally the knot was pointed, and stiffened with red mud or
paint. This was a warrior’s style.

20. Much the same way as No. 19, but the hair rose in a high
point above the top of the head. A bunch of dry tules tied together
was set on end on the top of the head to form a support for the hair,
which was bound all round it. The ends of the tules protruded
above the hair. The crown of the head, and all the lower hair next
to the head, were well saturated with water. A woman then lighted
the ends of the tules, which burned down with the upright haif until
the whole point or “horn”? became flat and the fire went out in the
wet hair next the head. This style was used by some men when
dancing the scalp dance.

88 See Thompson, a, fig. 207, but without braiding

86 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

Sometimes the hair was painted red or white by men, all over or in
parts. Down was sometimes put in the hair. Almost all people of
both sexes painted the partings of the hair red. The red lines fol-
lowed the bare skin exposed by the parting. Many people oiled their
hair regularly with pieces of hard fine tallow or with bear’s grease.
A hair parter of wood was used for parting the hair evenly. The
points of combs were also used. Loose untied. hair was often
crimped.'° Rods of an unidentified reddish wood were used for the
purpose. The wood was heated, and the lock rolled around it. At
the present day nearly all the men have their hair close cut, like the
whites. A few of the old men wear it long or cut across the neck.
Most of the women wear their hair in two braids tied at the back or
hanging loose at the sides.

PERFUMES.—Scents were much used by both sexes, and especially
by young people. Sweet grass (Hierochla odorata) and other strong-
smelling grasses and leaves were used. Small rolls of these were made
up and often inclosed in skin. They were used as pads inclosed in
knots or folds of the hair, or simply attached to it. Sometimes tiny
bags of these scents were made up for attachment to the hair and
clothing, or to be placed in workbags, workbaskets, and clothes bags,
to perfume the contents. Sometimes the bags were sewed on to
wearing apparel permanently. The fragrant leaves from which the
scent was made were often dried, then powdered fine and poured into
sacks, which were sewed up like tiny cushions. They were used in
the same way as the rolls and small bags with strings attached.
Powdered scents were frequently rubbed on necklaces, hair ornaments,
clothes, the skin of the body, and the hair. A small skin bag about
4 by 3 centimeters in size, entirely covered on the outside with quill
or bead work and provided with strings, was filled with scent and
attached to the back of the hair as an ornament. Slender rolls of
sweet grass without any covering were often wrapped in the hair.
Besides vegetable scents, beaver castor was much used. Some people
also used parings from the hard, strong-smelling gland inside of horses’
legs. The parings were crushed fine and inclosed in skin bags.

Facer anp Bopy Patntine.—The face and body were painted in
various ways, but I did not find time to go into this matter in detail.
Painting was in solid masses and in designs. Some of the latter are
said to have had no known significance, being merely for ornament,
while other designs were connected with dreams and the guardian
spirit. Some designs were considered protective in battle, while
others were more for good luck. However, some styles of painting
were mere fashions; and, according to some, this was the prevailing
motive for their selection. The most common paint was red, but

89 Many Shoshoni and Bannock are said to have worn their hair loose and
crimped.

wert] THE COEUR D’ALENE 87

yellow was also used frequently; also white, black, and blue. The
hair on the crown of the head was frequently painted red, yellow, or
white with dry paint.

Paints were applied dry, mixed with water, mixed with grease or
oil, and occasionally mixed with gum. Pencils of hard fat dipped in
paint were used, as among the Thompson. Painting was also done
with small sticks, brushes, and the finger tips. People helped each
other much in painting each other’s faces and combing and arranging
each other’s hair. As among the Thompson, the jaw of a deer with
the teeth adhering was used for scraping parallel lines in face paint.
Stamps were also employed; or the design was first painted on the
palm, and then pressed against the face. Many women painted their
eyebrows red. A round spot on each cheek, and sometimes also
one on the brow, was a common pattern used by women.

A circle of charcoal or red paint
mixed with gum was made around
each eye to aid the sight when there
was a bright glare of sun on snow,
sand, or water. It was also used
for weak eyes. Sometimes a line
or half circle above the eyes was |->==>=
made instead of a complete circle.

Sears on any exposed parts of the
body were painted red, as among AN
the Thompson and other tribes. RN. | LIVI

ScARIFICATION.—Scarification was
practiced chiefly by young men.'”° Ficure 10.—Wrist tattooing

Tarroorna.—It seems that tattooing was common long ago, and
was practiced by both sexes. Most marks were made on the forearms
and wrists. They consisted of both geometric and realistic figures.
The former were chiefly long horizontal lines (generally from -one to
four); short horizontal lines with spaces between them, or sometimes
placed one above the other; zigzag lines, with either sharp or rounded
points; triangles of various kinds; and dots (usually from one to
four). (Fig. 10.) Sometimes the lines completely surrounded the
wrist, but usually they were made on the back of the wrist only.
The realistic figures were chiefly representations of bear, elk, deer,
snakes, mountains, arrows, and the like. The legs were often also
tattooed, the principal figures being lines and dots. A line was often
made around or on the outside of the leg just above the ankles. A
dot was often tattooed on the instep. Men sometimes also tattooed
figures of animals on the legs. Tattooing on the body was done only

140 See p. 169.

88 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

by men, and was not common, Long lines were sometimes made
following the ribs, and small figures of animals were also sometimes
made on different parts of the body.

Face tattooing was fairly common among women long ago, but was
rare among men. The figures were all geometric. Women used short
single or double lines extending downward from the corners of the
mouth, two or three vertical lines on the upper lip below the nostrils,
a dot or a small circle on each cheek, and rarely a similar mark on
the brow. Men used a line of dots along the top of the brow. From
one to five radiating or sometimes vertical lines on the chin formed a
fairly common tattoo; but my notes do not make it clear whether this
mark was used by men or women, or by both. All tattoo marks had
names, but now these are nearly all forgotten. Although the figures
all had names, it is said that most of the geometric designs had no
significance. It was just fashion to make the marks that way; and
they were merely considered decorative in the same way as certain
face paintings and other designs were used for decoration only, and
followed certain customary forms or outlines. Most of the triangles
in tattooing were called ‘arrow-heads’’; the vertical lines on the chin
were called ‘‘tail feathers’’; and the radiating lines on the chin,
“eagle’s tail.”” Realistic designs were often connected with the per-
son’s dreams or guardian.! Itseems that most tattooing was done by
pricking with a sharp bone or a sharp pin or needle of hard wood.
Powdered charcoal was rubbed into the wound. Some men preferred
cutting the skin, especially for making lines. Powdered charcoal,
red ochre, and white earth were rubbed into the wounds by men. After
the Coeur d’Aléne began to go to the plains to hunt buffalo, tattooing
eradually fell into disuse, as it was not fashionable among most tribes
living to the east. A few women have continued the practice in a
modified way until recently.

V. SUBSISTENCE

Foop.—As among other inland tribes, the food of the Coeur
d’Aléne consisted of the flesh of animals, birds, and fishes, and of veg-
etable products which were much depended on; but meat and fish
were of chief importance. No agriculture was practiced. The prin-
cipal vegetal foods used by the tribe are given below.

Roots
Latin name Cocur d’Aléne name
1. Camassia esculenta Tendl___._._---_-_-- sza’’ulutxwa (Thompson ski’an
raw, étewa camas) (camas in
the raw state), e’trwa (camas
when cooked).
2. Lewista redwviva Pursh__.___..-.--.-_---- sp'it’Em.

141 See p. 192.

TEIT]

15.
16.

. (Probably Lomatium kaus Wats. ? or (Peu-

. Root of an unidentified plant said to have a

THE COEUR D’ALENE 89

He
IL WIA.
cedanum cous Watson). h

. Root of an unidentified plant said to have

a yellow flower and a round and rather ;p’dx”p’ Ex”.
y L L

flat root.
. Root of an unidentified plant said to have | anes
a white flower and a small round root. | ~~
. Allium sp., possibly geyert__....------_- siste.
. Allium sp., probably cernuwm___-------- qwelti’wile (Thompson kold'wa,
kala’wa).
. Root of an unidentified plant said to havea] _,_,
tall white flower and a small round root. js aes
MPropablyeDaucus pusilluss=e ase mo! smeEn.
MEGLOYLONUaS peel me a aes el SE squd'tEm.

white flower and a small flat root. Ja TE:

mErobably Lnitwllania pudvca=——— 2225. — tc’'a’wex (Thompson tc@’/wezx):
Lilium columbianum.

oi UEIROLOEN SY i? MOON ONIN T eT Re pe md'tsemets.

. Root of an unidentified plant said to have a

white flower and a large long root, and |sqeigzts (Thompson: Opuntia
just one leaf which grows on top of the| s’qzqu’*z).

water.
Probably Cnicus undulatus Gray_____-__- maré’ opa.
Root of an unidentified plant__________- pitcelu’ sa.

My informants claimed that the roots of Balsamorrhiza sagittata
and Balsamorrhiza hookerii were not eaten, although one or both of
these were used by the Flathead. Also they said that the roots of
Lilium columbianum (Hanson) were not eaten, although this root is
much used as a food by the Thompson, Shuswap, Okanagon, and
others. Lewisia rediviva did not grow in the Coeur d’Aléne country,
but was plentiful in Spokan territory, where Coeur d’Aléne parties
went to digit.” The pitcelasa grew only on the borders of the Nez Percé
territory, and parties went there to gather it. Some of the unidenti-
fied species used by the Coeur d’Aléne may be the same as some of
those used by the Nez Percé.

CONIA rib ow

BERRIES
Latin name. Coeur d’Aléne name
. Amelanchier sp. (service berry or mee
sta’q.

berry).
. Prunus demissa Walpers (chokecherry or hate pee

black wild cherry). Shits
WRMinis spy redawild.cherhy)) 224222 5- 555 t’ecile’ pa.
woambucusisps (elderberry) ae eee ee stsd’qeq (Thompson: tsé’ kuk)

Crategus sp. (black hawberry)___________ szo’’ nate.

. Cratzgus sp. (red hawberry)-_-_________- kwdla.
. Cornus pubescens Nutt. (red willow berry)_ séztctsx¥.
MP UUOUSESD a (TASPDCLLY) sees ee en eee nzala'tsé (Thompson: currant

tad’ za, xlad’ za).

2b pp. 203, 204.

41383°—30——7.

90 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

9. Rubus sp. (probably thimble berry) (or]_ ,
possibly salmonberry). ANS Tee

10. Rubus lewcodermis Dougl. (blackberry Poe (Thompson: = mé’.tcuk,
black raspberry). mé'tcak).

Weak SMe IO TON Oe sees °bi'tet lume (Thompson: t'tzl.am.

bramble).
12. Ribes sp. (red gooseberry) -_-_--_--------- nt’r't’émél ps.
13. Ribes sp. (black gooseberry)_-__--_------ ya'rtcEn.
14. Reibes sp. (wild currant) _._.-.-.-.-------- isé’rus (Thompson: Oregon grape

tsa@’'l.za, Okanagon .stsé’res)
15. Shepherdia canadensis Nutt. (soapberry or nee (Thompson: sxz0/szEm,
buffaloberry). sho.’zEm).
16. Fragaria californica C. and 8. ean (Thompson: — service

berry). berry .stsa’gum, .sts’6’gom).
17. Vaccinium membranaceum (huckleberry or Pa ie
stdcd’ (stk).

* whortleberry).

18. Vaccinium sp. (white huckleberry) ------ (sBn) paqpaqa’rEn.

19. Vaccinium sp. (small blueberry) -------- std’ qtn.

20. Berberis sp. (Oregon grape) __---------- squa’yu (Thompson: berry of
mountain ash .skd’u, roseberry
s. kékwa'u).

21. Arctostaphylus uva-ursi (bearberry)------- alte (Thompson d'ik, dv’ ek; rasp-
berry .sditsku, .sev’tck).

22. OSG SDs (GOSCO CLT) a ae =e ate tsExwtsExwsxworye’ pa .

The berries of Prunus emarginata were eaten only occasionally.
Shepherdia (or soapberry), it is said, does not grow in the Coeur
d’Aléne country, and, according to some, is not found east of the
Colville country. It was procured in trade.

The following berries were not eaten:

Latin name Coeur d’ Aléne name
Sorbus sambricifolia E. and 8. (mountain ash poate
wa’ xe’ étp.
berry).
TSONUCEnG VV OlUCh OL .sa’mpaqEn.

Juniperus, two sp. (juniper berry).

Symphoricarpus racemosus Mich. (snowberry)- st’emst’emne’’ (tzEn) (‘dead peo-
ple’s berry” or ‘‘dead head’’).

tdteptétp (“black plant’’)
(Thompson: sta’ptapt, black;
stétépuiza Ribes, sp.).

A blackberry growing in the high mountains,
possibly the heath berry.

Srreps, Nuts, AND OTHER VEGETAL Foops

Latin name Coeur d’ Aléne name
Nuts of the hazel tree. Hazel did not grow in
the Coeur d@’Aléne country, and the nuts
were procured from the Colville through
the Spokan.¢
Nutlets of the yellow pine (Pinus ponderosa). stsetcé’tcs’ (Thompson: .ststkk).
Nutlets of the silver-barked pine (Pinus albi-| *
: sow’ sttc.
caulis). J
Seeds of Balsamorrhiza, one or two sp., pos-
sibly also seeds of Helianthus sp.

k’e’puxwa (Thompson: .gapuz).

jr’ teto (Thompson: mv’kto).

¢ Any kind of nut.—N. Richard.

TeIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 91

Cambium layer of yellow pine (Pinus ponde-|
rosa).

Cambium layer of black pine (Pinus contorta
or murrayana).

Cambium layer of the poplar (Populus sp.)
was eaten occasionally.

Growing stalks of Balsamorrhiza_—---------- smo’ kwacem.

Growing stalks of Heracleum lanatum met ota.

(cow parsnip or wild rhubarb).

Growing stalks of Peucedanum sp. (wild celery)- pa’ gaz.
The black tree moss, Alectoria jubata L. Much|_.,, ,
teedilong aco. (Be tc Etct.

The Opuntia (sru’wéndtc) was known to many of the Coeur d’ Aléne,
but was not eaten. It did not grow in the Coeur d’Aléne country,
but in the arid country to the southwest and in some parts of the
plains region.

Toots anpD Meruops or Harvestinc.—The growing stalks of
Heracleum, Peucedanum, and Balsamorrhiza were merely plucked,
peeled, and eaten raw. Seeds of Balsamorrhiza were heated with
hot stones and crushed. Berries were picked by hand into baskets
of several kinds. Some varieties of berry, when very ripe, were
gathered by bending the twigs or branches over the mouth of the
basket and beating them with a short stick, thus making the berries
fall. Small blueberries were sometimes collected by combing them
into the basket.

Roots were dug with root diggers and gathered into baskets. When
most kinds of baskets had gone out of use, woven bags were generally
employed for gathering roots. Root diggers were of the same sizes
and shapes as those in use among the Thompson Indians.’ Some
were round, the wood being used in its natural form. Many others
were more or less square excepting near the point. The latter kind
had a better grip in the ground. The curve of the digging stick varied.
Those used in soft ground were wide and curved, while those used in
hard ground were rounded and almost straight. The points were
often hardened by charring. Root diggers were made of the wood of
service trees (Amelanchier), haw trees (Crataegus), or syringa (Phila-
delphus lewisi Pursh). The handles were of elk antler. None were
of sheep’s horn, and only a few were made of goat’s horn. Wooden
handles were hardly ever used. No stone handles like those described
by Spinden for the Nez Percé were used."* Long ago root diggers
were occasionally made, both handle and blade, of a single piece of
elk antler.

For gathering the cambium and sap of the black pine, sap scrapers
were used. They were made from the shoulder blades of various

stst’cwe (Thompson: stse’xwe).

—

|stetsa moxtse/nEmM.

U3 q, fig. 212.
445, p. 200, Pl. VII, 33.

92 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

animals, with little alteration.” No double-ended ones were used,
as among Athapascan tribes and the northern Shuswap.* Sap scrap-
ers were often drilled at the small end for the attachment of a carrying
string. Scrapers for collecting the cambium of the yellow pine were
knife-shaped and made from the rib bones of various animals, as among
the Thompson. For stripping the bark from yellow pine trées, bark
peelers of wood and antler were used. In the case of black pine trees,
after the cut had been made, the bark could generally be peeled by
hand. In this tree the cambium layer adheres to the trunk, and the
scrapers were pressed downward along the latter, removing the
cambium in narrow ribbons, which, if not eaten at once, were col-
lected, along with as much sap as possible, in large spoons or in small
bark cups or baskets. In the yellow pine the process is different, as
the bark is much thicker and stiffer, and the cambium layer adheres
to the bark, from which, after stripping, it is separated or cut and
pried off with a knife-like bone instrument.

PRESERVATION OF VEGETAL Foops, Cooxine, DisHrs.—The
manner of preparing berries and roots for winter use was much the
same as among the Thompson.’ Some roots were strung on strings
and dried. Others were dried by being spread out, and hung up in
sacks of rather open weave. Several kinds of roots were cooked in
earth ovens or pits, after the manner of the Thompson and Nez
Percé. “8 The pits were circular, and their width and depth depended
on the kind and quantity of roots to be cooked.

Mé’smen roots (p. 89, No. 9) were cooked as follows. Hot rocks
were placed in the bottom of the pit and a layer of mud or wet clay
spread over the top. The roots were put on top of the mud and
covered thickly with grass. The whole was then covered with earth.
An upright stick was left in the middle, the lower end being inserted
between the rocks at the bottom of the pit, while the upper end
protruded above the earth covering. This stick was pulled out, and
water poured down the hole to the hot rocks. The hole was then
plugged, and the roots allowed to steam until cooked.

Black moss (Alectoria), camas, onions, and some other kinds of
roots were cooked in the same kind of pit, but without steaming.
Hot stones were put in the bottom of the pit, then a layer of grass,
the roots, grass again, a layer of bark, and over all, earth. A fire
was built on top, and kept going sometimes for two days. Some
roots—such as Claytonia, ta’q’ dmx”, and Fritillaria—were simply
boiled. Camas and pi’wia roots (p. 89, No.3) were sometimes simply
boiled; but as a rule both kinds, after cooking, were crushed and made
into cakes, which were dried. Pi’wia was kneaded into flat cakes

145 See Kamloops, h, p. 411, fig. 339.

146 See Shuswap, e, fig. 235 c; Thompson, p. 233, fig. 214; Chilcotin, e, fig. O75.
147 g@, pp. 235-237.

148q, pp: 236, 237; 6, pp: 201, 202:

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 93

about an inch thick and of two sizes—a large size, from 1 to 2 feet in
length; and a small one, of about the size of the hand. Camas was
mashed and kneaded into cakes of various sizes, most of them large.
Alectoria, and sometimes also camas, was cooked in pits until it became
a paste, which, when cooled, was cut into bricks or cakes of various
sizes. As among the Thompson, bone knives were used for cutting
these cakes. Long ago Alectoria was generally cooked by itself;
but in later times it became the custom almost invariably to cook and
cake it with wild onions. As stated already, pi’wia roots were first
cleaned in bags, being beaten with sticks or struck against a flat rock
(p. 49). Large cakes of camas, etc., were dried on frames made of
slats or split pieces of wood, similar to those used by the Thompson
for drying cakes of berries on. The slats were woven together with
bark, or occasionally with thongs, or other kinds of string. Hazelnuts
and nutlets of the yellow pine were usually eaten raw. Nutlets of
Pinus albicaulis were cooked in hot ashes. Soups or thick gruels
were made by boiling root cakes or dried roots, either of a single
kind or of two or more kinds together. Service berries were generally
spread on mats (often tent mats were used for the purpose) and dried
in the sun. When cured, they were stored in bags. Often the fresh
berries were mashed in baskets with wooden pestles like those of the
Thompson,'” and made into cakes, which were dried on layers of
grass spread on frames elevated on scaffolds of poles. Fresh berries of
Crataegus were boiled in baskets and spread on thick layers of grass.
A thin layer of berries was spread first, and then juice poured over it.
When partially dry, the process was continued until the desired
thickness of cake was obtained or the contents of the basket used up.
Sometimes Crataegus and chokecherries were mashed with pestles in
mortars or on large flat stones, made into cakes, and dried, in the same
manner as service berries. Often stone pestles and stone mauls were
used instead of wooden ones, because of the large hard stones in these
berries. It seems a number of forms were used.’! Hand hammers
were also used. Berry cakes and berries were also spread on small
mats woven of the large leaves of a plant called k’wa’sk’wrs, which
grows near lakes. Chokecherries, huckleberries, bearberries, and
sometimes raspberries and currants, were simply dried without other
treatment. Service berries and huckleberries were sometimes boiled,
and then eaten; or, like fresh raspberries, strawberries, blackberries,
chokecherries, they were sometimes mashed and eaten without boiling.
All kinds of berries were also eaten fresh as gathered. At the present
day sugar is added to some of them, especially to fresh mashed berries.
Thick soups were made of dried berries and roots boiled together.

148 q, fig. 215.
150 Lillooet, k, fig. 64a.
451 Compare Blackfoot, c, fig. 1.

94 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (ETH. ANN. 45

PRESERVATION OF ANIMAL Foops, Cooxine.—Meat and fish, when
fresh, were roasted on spits or sticks in front of the fire. If the meat
was fat, bark dishes were placed underneath to catch the drippings.
Fresh meat and fish were also often boiled, and the brew drunk.
After the meat had been removed, roots might be put in the brew
and boiled, making a soup. Dried meat and fish were generally
boiled, but sometimes were roasted before the fire, or eaten raw.
Meat intended for winter use or to be carried a long way was iInvari-
ably dried either by the fire or in the sun, or both, assisted by wind
and smoke. If to be dried quickly, it was cut into thin slices which
were spread on a low framework somewhat similar to that of a large
sweat house. <A fire was built underneath, and the meat turned as
required. If there was no particular hurry, strips of meat were
spread on a large scaffold of poles about 2 meters above the ground
like those used by the Thompson and other tribes,'* and there allowed
to dry in the sun and wind. If rain threatened, the meat was covered
over with mats. At most times, and particularly in cloudy weather,
fires were built underneath. If flies were troublesome, the fires were
made smoky. Dried meat was frequently made into pemmican by
being pounded with pestles, mauls, and stone hammers in mortars, on
flat stones, and on rawhides—usually on a flat stone with amaul. A
large mat or skin was spread on the ground, and the flat stone placed
in the middle. The jerked meat was stored in sacks, and was gen-
erally eaten without further preparation. Sometimes it was made
into proper pemmican by mixing it with hot grease (fat or marrow)
and kneading it into balls or cakes. Bones were crushed on flat
stones with hand hammers and mauls in order to extract the marrow.
Sacks containing pemmican were often sealed if intended to be kept
for a long time. Tree gum was sometimes used for this purpose.
No berries were used in pemmican, as they were thought to make
the meat too sweet. Nearly all the bags used for storing and carrying
meat and fat were made of rawhide. Ordinary dried meat was
sometimes wrapped in mats. Fat and marrow were often stored in
bark vessels. Long ago meat was occasionally cooked in pits or
ovens like those used for cooking roots. Hunting parties of men
having no baskets or kettles roasted meat almost entirely on spits.
Occasionally they boiled meat in kettles made of paunches or of skins
which they did not intend to save. Blood soup was often made,
especially by hunters. The principal meats cured were those of deer,
elk, and buffalo. Horse flesh was not much used and dog flesh was
never eaten.

Fish were split, cleaned, and hung on poles to dry in the sun and
wind, If the weather were cloudy or rainy, the drying process was
hastened by fire and smoke. Cooked salmon flesh was sometimes

1% See Blackfoot, c, fig. 2.

TEIT] THE COBUR D’ALENE 95

pounded up, salmon oil was added, and the whole thoroughly kneaded.
This kind of pemmican was stored in salmon-skin bags, which were
sealed with gum or glue. Salmon oil was put up in small salmon-
skin bags or bottles, which were sealed in the same way.

Srasons.—The Coeur d’Aléne recognize five seasons—spring
(se’tqaps), summer (yalstk), early fall or autumn (stsaqg), late fall
(ste’e’rd), winter (sitsitk”).

Months and seasonal employments.—The moons are called by names
up to 10, the rest of the year being called by the seasonal name of
“fall.” The moons are also called by numbers, the first month
beginning, it seems, in the late fall (October or November). Proba-
bly all the members of the tribe did not agree on what constituted
the beginning of the year or the first month. I obtained the following
ancient names of months, with their characteristics; and the principal
occupations of the people in each.

1. ste’e’ed (‘real late fall month’’). Begins in October or No-
vember, according to the moon; approximately November month.
Warm weather is finished. People go hunting and also fix their
houses or camps for the winter.

2. sme’qun (“snow month’’). Most snow falls in this month.
Most people are away on lengthy hunting and trapping trips.

3. sqwa’sus, may mean “scorched” or ‘‘contracted,’’? because the
cold seems to scorch people. It is always cold this month. Most
people remain at home in their lodges.

4. ?éqwe'panex (February and March—meaning uncertain). There
is generally a good deal of cold this month also, and most people
remain at home.

5. sternd”’remen, named from a yellow flower (probably Ranunculus
sp.) which blooms at this time of year. Some people trap fish for
the first time.

6. se’tgaps (“spring month’’). Many warm winds blow in this
month, and all the people begin to gather food.

7. stoq’wa'iyot (“bark loose [on trees]’’) or .skwarkwaxrhelkwa (?)
(name of a flower which grows in the water at this season). About
May. Some kinds of roots are dug.

8. yaltsk (“summer month”). People dig camas.

9. sela’mp (meaning uncertain). Berries ripen. People are
chiefly engaged in berrying and fishing.

10. stsa’’aq’ (“early fall month’). It really means “red” or
“aglow,” and is so named because vegetation dries up and changes
color, putting on red and other bright hues. People fish for salmon.
The last of the camas and berry crops are gathered in. Toward the
end of the month salmon turn red and are poor. Horses are very
fat, and the buffalo hunters start for the plains,

96 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

The rest of the year is called by the seasonal name of “‘late fall.”
Most people were away traveling and hunting on lengthy trips,
getting meat and skins.

Game and Huntina.—The animals hunted for meat and skins
were chiefly deer, elk, and buffalo. Of less importance were moose,
goat, sheep, antelope, bear, beaver. Marmot, ground squirrel, otter,
muskrat, coyote, wolf, fox, and other small game were hunted and
snared chiefly for their pelts. Birds (such as grouse, ducks, geese)
were sought for food; and eagles, hawks, and woodpeckers for their
feathers... In olden times elk were-very abundant. Moose always
inhabited the Coeur d’Aléne country, but were nowhere very plentiful.
Goats were fairly numerous. Sheep did not occur, but parties
hunting beyond the tribal boundaries in the country of the Flathead
and on the confines of the Nez Percé got a few. They were also
obtained in the Rocky Mountains and in some parts of the buffalo
country farther east. - Caribou were sometimes seen and killed by
parties who occasionally hunted beyond their tribal boundaries to the
north. There were none of these animals in the Coeur d’Aléne
territory. Antelopes were very abundant until about 1820 in the
Spokan country, especially on Spokane Prairie; but they inhabited
only a small fringe of the Coeur d’Aléne country on the west, espe-
cially around Hangmans Creek, which was their eastern limit. The
last of them were killed off in this section about 1820; but they
continued plentiful farther west, in the countries of the Spokan and
Columbia, until much later. At one time buffalo were plentiful in
the Flathead country west of the Rockies, right up to the eastern
flanks of the Bitterroot Range, and many buffalo skulls could be seen
there. Only two buffaloes were ever known to be in the Coeur
d’Aléne country. These were killed by Indians on a hill near Tekoa
(eastern Washington) about 1815. Buffalo were sometimes hunted
before the introduction of the horse by small parties related by blood
or marriage to the Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead, or led by men
‘related to these tribes. They hunted in the Pend d’Oreilles and
Flathead country with their friends, and were generally absent about
nine months.

According to tradition, deer did not inhabit the Coeur d’Aléne
country at one time long ago, and many people did not know much
about them. The first deer seen was swimming a lake. A man
chased it in a canoe, and shot it with an arrow as it landed. Many
people came to see and examine the strange animal, and they wondered
at its small fine nose and its slender, neat legs. They thought the
animal was very pretty, but did not know what it was. They sent for
the oldest person in the tribe. This was a very aged woman, who was
completely blind and able to walk only by the aid of canes. They
asked her the name of the animal, She felt it over with her hands.

TEIT} THE COEUR D’ALENE 97

After feeling its nose and legs, she said, ‘“‘This is ts’zo’lezx”,? and is
very good to eat.’”’ This name was therefore applied to deer at first.
After a time deer became very plentiful and the common name
ts’1’i was applied to them.

Bear, beaver, and many other animals have always been fairly
abundant. At a time, before 1800, when the Coeur d’Aléne were
well supplied with horses, and the Blackfeet were often attacking the
Flathead, the latter extended invitations to the Coeur d’Aléne and
other western tribes, and welcomed them to hunt buffalo in their
territory. Then well-equipped and well-mounted parties of Coeur
d’Aléne went hunting on the plains, where they joined forces with the
Flathead and western tribes. Greater numbers went annually, until
at last nearly the entire tribe took part in these excursions. Women
and children went along with their husbands and other relatives.
Only the oldest people and a few others remained at home. The par-
ties left in August, after the harvesting of the principal root and berry
crops, and after the salmon had been put up. Most of them went by
a short trail over the Bitterroots, by Old Mission, returning in April
by Kalispel River where the snow goes off early in the spring, and grass
for horses is abundant. The Coeur d’Aléne claim that they began
going to the plains buffalo hunting some time before the Nez Percé
and that long ago the Nez Percé hardly ever went east of even the
Bitterroot Range, although buffalo were close to the range on the east
side. Flathead and Shoshoni bands hunted in the country east of the
Nez Percé.

WEAFONS OF THE CHASE—Bows.—Nearly all bows were sinew
backed, and only a few simple bows were used. Most bows were
made of a wood called atse’tecrnalrw® (“bowwood’’). This has not
been identified, but is said to be a reddish wood, similar to juniper,
which grows along creeks in the mountains. It is not cedar. The
Thompson Indians call yew (Tarus) ‘‘bowwood.” Juniper was
rarely used. A good many bows were made of mountain ram’s-horn
in a single piece.’ Only the largest horns were used for making
bows. They were split lengthwise and a central piece taken out
the full length. The horn was made pliable by boiling it or heating
it over the fire. Usually the outside of the horn formed the inside
of the bow. Most of the sinew used on bows was from the legs of
deer. The sinews were cut off as long as possible and dried. When
to be used they were thoroughly crushed with stone hammers and
mauls until they were quite pliable and torn into shreds. They were
then glued the entire length of the back of the bow with a glue made
from salmon skins. After the first layer of sinew was glued on, the
bow was wound with pa’tcten bark (probably bird-cherry [Prunus
emarginata]; compare Thompson pakla’n) and hung up to dry and

4A Kalispel term. ¢Atse’tcen the heartwood of fir.—G. R.
133 See Nez Percé, b, pp. 211, 212.

98 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

set. In a few hours it was taken down and another layer glued on.
It was thus treated until the sinew backing was considered sufficient—
from about 5 to 10 millimeters in thickness. From 20 to 30 leg

sinews of deer were required for the best bows. Each layer of sinew
as put on was cut partly through with a knife. The cuts were made
about 5 centimeters apart and at right angles to the length of the
bow stave. Care was taken not to make the cuts in one layer at the
same place as those made in the preceding layers. When dry, the
bow was painted all over, most frequently with red ochre. If more
than one color was used the colors were arranged in masses. Very
few designs, either geometric or realistic, were applied. The middle
of the bow, or hand grip, was generally wrapped with pa’tclen bark,'**
otter skin, or other hide. Occasionally the hand grip and some other
parts of bows were ornamented with quillwork. No snake skin was
used as coverings for bows, as among many tribes, as there were no
large snakes in the Coeur d’Aléne country. Many sinew-backed
bows were wrapped all over with strips of pa’tclen bark to prevent
their getting wet, as much rain or wet relaxed or loosened the sinew
backing.

Bowstrings were twisted from the shredded sinews of deer’s legs
(back sinews of animals were used almost exclusively for making
sewing-thread °°). Great care was taken in stretching the bow-
string; for, if this were not done properly, the string was of little
value. The common method of stretching was by tying it between
two trees or stakes and attaching to it weights of stone. Bowstrings
were not glued, waterproofed, or painted.

To make some of the best bows took nearly two weeks. This
included the work on the wood or horn, the work on the bowstring,
and a little ornamentation.

Boys’ bows were simply of wood, or rarely of a slip of ram’s-horn.
They were not so powerful as those of the men. Only a few of the
wooden ones had a little sinew backing. The horn ones generally
had no backing. Men’s horn bows always had sinew backing, like
the wooden ones, but not as much. Most boys’ bows were neatly
wrapped with strips of pa’tcten bark arranged very closely,'*’ and
glued with tamarack (Larix occidentalis) gum. Coeur d’Aléne wooden
bows were all of the flat, wide kind,’ the width averaging that of a
man’s hand spread flat (without the thumb), or about 10 centimeters.
They were about a meter long, or a little more. Horn bows were
narrower and shorter, averaging less than one meter. A few bows,
especially those used by boys, were about 70 centimeters long. No
bow points were used. Bows were held nearly horizontal when in
action, and the release seems to have been primary.

154 See Thompson, a, fig. 216; Shuswap, 156 See p. 19.
é, fig. 236. 157 Thompson, @, figs. 217, 219.
185 Thompson, a, figs. 217, 219.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 99

A very few men used double-curved bows procured from the Spokan,
but they were not preferred. Wrist guards were seldom used, ex-
cept with the double-curved bow. In shooting the flat bow they
were not required. The Coeur d’Aléne claim that the Flathead,
Pend d’Oreilles, and Kalispel used the double-curved bow entirely.
By far the greater number of the Spokan also used this type of bow.
A few Spokan, perhaps 1 in every 10, used a different kind of bow,
which was also employed to some extent by tribes west and north of
them. This bow was of ordinary length, thick and rounded in the
middle, and small, narrow, and rather flat at the ends. All the
Flathead tribes covered the backs of their bows with sinew and
snake skin.

Two shapes of bows were used by the Nez Percé long ago—one
kind was flat like that of the Coeur d’Aléne, but only about half the
width (2 finger widths); the other was thick in the middle and small
and thin at the ends, like that used by some Spokan. All the best
bows of the Nez Percé were also sinew-backed and covered with
snake skin. After they had begun going to the plains many of the
Nez Percé adopted the double-curve bow. The tribes on the plains
immediately east of the Flathead used double-curved bows altogether.

Arrows.—Arrows were rather long and slender, of about the same
length as the longest of those used by the Thompson, which were
nearly 1 meter long. Service wood (Amelanchier) was the principal
wood employed in making them. Wood of a white-flowered tree
like dogwood (probably a species of dogwood) was used occasionally.
Another wood used more frequently than the latter was mitsemitsé’ elp
(Spiraea sp.? Compare Thompson metmetstrelp, Spiraea discolor
Punk.), the largest sticks of which were split. Rosewood was not
used, and it is doubtful if Syringa was used, either. Arrow shafts
were straightened by the hand or the teeth, after being slightly
heated. They were also straightened and smoothed with arrow
smoothers of stone.’ Men’s arrows were usually feathered with
three tail feathers of a hawk, put on flat. Boys generally used tail
feathers of grouse, three or two, attached either flat or twisted.
Sometimes they used a single feather twisted around spirally. All
feathers were attached with fine sinew. Long ago many arrow
shafts were ornamented with notches and incised designs. Rows of
short or long notches were made, also incised lines parallel to the
shaft, incised spirals or zigzags. It seems that these lines and notches
were partly for ornament, and partly for facilitating the bleeding of
wounded game. Many different styles of painting arrows were in
vogue, and many colors of paint were used. The two most common

styles were a red band about 5 cm. wide around the nock, and a

158 See p. 42; Lytton, g, figs. 57, 58; Nez Percé, b, pl. 7, Nos. 32, 34.

100 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

sunilar band immediately below the feathering; and the feathered
part of the shaft painted red.

Arrowheads varied a good deal in size, but most of them were quite
small. Almost all the shapes figured by Spinden for the Nez Percé 1°°
were in use. Heads were placed on the shaft parallel with or at right
angles to the nock, according as they were intended for use against
game or people. Arrows with detachable foreshafts !° were used,
especially in war. Small game was hunted with headless arrows
with sharp points. Birds, especially the smaller kinds, were shot
with a three-pointed arrow, like those used by the Thompson.‘
A blunt-headed arrow, something like those of the Shuswap and
Chilcotin,’” was used only in some boys’ games. For shooting fish
a plain arrow with sharp point was used. Some of these were shorter
than ordinary arrows and unfeathered. No crosspieces were used
on the ends, as among the Thompson,'® for shooting at -the heads of
fish. No arrows with harpoon or detachable points '** were ever
employed, as far as remembered. Wooden arrows, with the points
of the shafts barbed or notched, were in use, as among the Thomp-
son.’ A special arrow was much used for hunting ducks and water-
fowl on lakes. It was made of cedar wood and tipped with a splinter
from an elk’s leg, about 12 cm. long, securely set in the shaft with
pitch. It was winged with goose-tail feathers attached with wrap-
pings of pa’tcten bark. When shot, it bobbed up, floating in the
water perpendicularly, and was easily seen and recovered. Most
of the stone for arrowheads was obtained near tcatkolet and certain
other places in the Coeur d’Aléne country. Some, however, was
obtained from mountains to the southwest, near the confines of the
Nez Percé. In later days iron was often used for making arrowheads.
Some of these were notched at the. sides. Very few bone points
were used.

I did not learn whether any beaver spears were used long ago.

Quivers —Quivers were made of entire skins of otter, fisher, .
cougar, coyote, wolf, deer, and occasionally other animals. The first
three were most used. No quivers woven of bark were in use,}®
and none of leather and rawhide. No caps or covers were used on
quivers.’ No double or divided quivers, like those of some eastern

159 6, Pl. 7, Nos. 3-22.

160 See Thompson, a, fig. 222 b; Field Mus. 111735.

161 Field Mus. 111731; Peabody Mus. 441.

162 Chilcotin, e, fig. 276 d.

163 Wield Mus. 111732; Peabody Mus. 440.

164 Thompson, a, fig. 222 g; Chilcotin, e, fig. 276 a; Field Mus. 111730; Pea-
body Mus. 442.

165 See Thompson, a, fig. 222 f; Chilcotin, e, fig. 276 c; Field Mus. 111729.

165 See Thompson, a, fig. 224.

167 See Thompson, a, fig. 225.

rEIT) THE COEUR D’ALENE 101

tribes, were used long ago. In later days some of these were found,
but they may have been procured in trade from the Crow, who made
very fine quivers of cougar and otter skin with two compartments,
one for the bow and the other for arrows. Many Coeur d’Aléne
quivers had a pocket or narrow compartment for holding the fire
drill, as among the Thompson.

Guns.—The Coeur d’Aléne were one of the last tribes to obtain
firearms. They were practically without guns until after the traders
came to their country, and were not well supplied until about 1830.
Even as late as 1850 to 1860 most of them, or at least many of them,
had only bows and arrows. They claim that all the surrounding
tribes were using guns before they did. The first guns came from
the north and east; the Flathead, Pend d’Oreilles, Kalispel, Colville,
and Okanagon obtained their first guns at about the same time.
Perhaps the Flathead had guns before any of the other Salishan
tribes; but the Blackfoot and other tribes north and east had guns
before the Flathead. Of all the tribes known to the Coeur d’Aléne,
the Chippewa had the first guns, and this at a date long before the
Blackfoot or any western tribes. After the introduction of guns,
shot pouches, cap holders, and powderhorns came into vogue. The
last named were always made of buffalo horn. No wooden ones were
made or used.

Metuops or Huntine anp Trappine.—Deer were run to bay or
to water with dogs in the same manner as among the Thompson.
As deer, when closely pursued, run to regular crossing places of lakes
and rivers, men waited on shore at these places in ambush or on the
water in canoes. Crossing places were also watched by men in canoes
in the seasons of rutting and migrating, even when the deer were not
driven. When a deer took to the water, it was chased and shot with
arrows, or overtaken and speared. Some men preferred to use a
moderately long stick with a crooked end, or with a hook at the end,
by which they caught the bucks by the antlers and other deer by
the neck, and pulled their heads under water. When people who
were fishing and unprovided with weapons unexpectedly sighted a
deer swimming, they gave chase, and clubbed it on the head, or
caught it by the antlers and thrust its head under water until it
was drowned. Elk, moose, and bear when caught swimming were
despatched in the same way as deer.

Moonlight hunting was engaged in during warm weather in the
same way as among the Thompson. Men sat behind small screens
of brush near salt licks, and behind screens or in trees near springs
and watering places, where thirsty animals came at night to drink and
eat water grass. The methods of still hunting, hunting in company,
and Griving, in vogue among the Thompson,!* were in common use.

168 g, p. 246.

102 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

A method of driving practiced by large parties in suitable parts of
the country in the early spring was as follows. The first: night in
camp, before hunting, each person in the party gave the hunting
chief a piece of buffalo or other animal’s skin with the hair on.
These pieces were about 15 cm. square. The party busied them-
selves making sticks with sharp points, one for each piece of skin.
In the morning the chief directed the men where to go (say, to a place
about 5 miles to leeward of where he was to go himself). On reaching
the place, they spread out in a line about 100 meters apart and facing
the wind. At a given signal they advanced slowly in line, shouting
from time to time or barking like dogs. Meanwhile the chief, who
had to go a shorter distance, scorched the pieces of skin in the fire,
and put them together in a sack. He carried these pieces of skin
and the sticks to a selected place not far from camp, about 5 miles to
windward of where the hunters had started. Here he set out the
sticks with a piece of scorched skin on the end of each in a line
parallel to the line of hunters. He now went to some eminence near
the line of sticks and toward the hunters to watch for the deer.
As the drivers approached, the startled deer ran toward the line
of sticks; but when they get near enough to smell the scorched skins,
they hurried back again, and bunched together beyond the scent of
the skins. When the drivers arrived below the chief, but still out of
sight of the deer, the chief called to the nearest to stop advancing,
as the deer were now stationary and close by. The signal was
passed along the line; and each man lay down, concealing himself as
well as possible. The chief now descended, and, advancing directly
down wind from the sticks, ran toward the deer, shouting and throw-
ing up his hands. The deer scattered and ran toward the line of
hunters, who now shot them as they advanced or passed. According
to circumstances, when the final signal was given, the hunters some-
times came closer to each other and nearer the deer, before concealing
themselves, and sometimes they formed a semicircle around the deer.
Whatever deer were killed were now skinned and cut up by all hands;
and the meat that could not be carried to camp immediately by the
hunters was piled up and covered with snow. Generally the following
day the women carried this meat to camp.

‘‘Ringing’”’ deer by a body of hunters advancing toward the center
of a circle was not in vogue. Possibly the country was in most
places unsuitable for this method. However, a method somewhat
similar was employed in places where a long mountain ridge ter-
minated abruptly in a lake, forming a steep bluff above the water.
One side of the ridge was chosen for the hunt, which began on the
ridge, from 4 to 7 miles from the lake. From this point the drivers
started in extended line, one above another, on the side of the ridge,
their objective being the bluff. They walked with the wind. Other

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 103

men were stationed along the top of the ridge, some distance back
from the bluff, and others in the same way at the bottom. A runway
or passage was left for the deer to reach the lake along the base of the
bluff. Canoes were concealed behind the bluff. When the deer
found that they were entrapped, they ran into the lake, where the
canoes attacked them, the women paddling, and the men shooting.
All deer entering the water were soon overtaken and killed. Those
that tried to pass back on the drivers, or through the men stationed
at the sides above and below, were also as a rule killed. Any that
returned from the water when the attack by the canoes commenced
were met by the men stationed near the foot of the bluff, who ad-
vanced to the water edge when they saw that the deer had taken
td the water.

After the introduction of horses, game—even antelope—was some-
times run down on open ground, but this kind of hunting was not
always successful. Buffalo were hunted by parties of mounted
men advancing on them in a line, usually not far apart, and often
quite close together At a signal given by the hunting chief, the
hunters dashed at full speed at the herd of buffalo, stampeding them.
They shot and speared the animals in the rear and sides of the herd,
The pursuit and slaughter continued until the party considered that
they had sufficient meat and skins. Occasionally, in the excitement,
’ more were killed than the party required, and only the choicest meat,
fat, and skins were taken. Buffalo were also stampeded over cliffs
above coulees, and sometimes killed in large numbers by the fall.
It is said, however, that this method of driving over cliffs was not
used by the Coeur d’Aléne in their own country when hunting elk
or other kinds of game. Possibly the timbered nature of the country
and the contour of the hills did not favor its employment there.

Decoy dresses made of the heads and skins of animals were used by
some men in still hunting to approach the game before shooting.
Headbands and caps set with horns, ears, or side feathers were also
used. Antelope were frequently approached in this way.

Deer and elk were called both by direct imitation and with calls
made of wood.

Animals, such as deer, were cut up in the same way as among the
Thompson ' and their skins were also often used as temporary bags
for carrying meat to camp. It seems, however, that the long stick
that was put inside the bag for stretching it was not used by the
Coeur d’Aléne. (Fig. 11.)

Spring pole snares for catching the feet of deer, like those common
among the Thompson,'” were not used, but deer fences were erected
and snares set in the openings. These consisted of ordinary running
nooses of Indian-hemp rope. The end of this rope was fastened to a

169 g, p. 248. 170 q, fig. 228.

104 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

tree or log or to a stick erected for the purpose, and the noose spread
in the opening with strings of light, fragile bark fastened above and
at the sides to poles or trees. The deer put its head through the noose,
and in moving farther away snapped the supports, drew the noose
tight around its neck, and choked. Snares of this description were
also used for capturing elk and bear. They were often set on animals’
trails. Nets, pitfalls, and corrals of brush or poles for catching deer
and other game were not used. Deadfalls were used for catching bear

FIGURE 11.—Sketches illustrating the use of a hide for a bag in which meat is carried

and several other kinds of animals. Spring-pole snares were used for
catchingrabbits. Prairie chicken, grouse, and rabbits were caught with
ordinary noose snares of twine set on their trails or among bushes.
Sometimes a small brush house was made, and the snare set at the
opening; or short wings of brush were erected leading to bird snares.
The red-headed duck and some other kinds of duck were caught with
lines and hooks baited with small fish. Large eagles were caught by
men concealed in a pit screened with brush. When the eagle started
to eat the bait the man seized it by the feet." Young eagles were

171 Shuswap, e, p. 523; Nez Percé, b, p. 215.

TEIT) THE COEUR D’ALENE 105

taken from their nests and reared for their feathers. Very little is
remembered now of the old methoas of trapping before the introduc-
tion of white man’s traps and the taking up of buffalo hunting. Since
the days when the tribe began to go regularly to the plains very little
trapping has been done. Few capable men remained at home during
winter, the trapping season, most of them being absent on the buffalo
hunt. Trapping and snaring of game thus fell into disuse, and has
been little prosecuted since 1800.

Fisainc—Hooks.—Fish were hooked, gaffed, speared, trapped, and
netted. The methods of fishing with hooks and lines appear to have
- been about the same as among the Thompson.'” Lines were made of
Indian hemp. Rods were of wood of any suitable bushes at hand.
Fishline reels were made of a single piece of wood, generally oblong or
square in shape. Lines were also merely hanked and put into the
fish bag. Fish bags were woven of rushes or other materials.’ Some
were of rawhide and others were receptacles or baskets of bark. The
most common hook was angular in shape, consisting of a wooden or
bone shank and a barb of bone. This was the only kind used on
lines set in lakes, and was also the kind used for catching ducks. The
other kind was the ‘‘gorge’”’ hook, consisting of two straight splinters
of bone fastened together.'* Stone sinkers were used on nets and lines
set in lakes. Many sinkers were simply attached with a double
hitch,’ while others were notched, grooved, or bored.! Floats, it
seems, were made of tule. Those for lines were very small. Gaff
hooks, with long wooden handles, were used for feeling salmon in the
pools and hooking them out in the dark. It is uncertain whether they
were used before the advent of iron, as the hooks are remembered as
always having been of this material. Some tribes may have used gaff
hooks with heads set with barbs of bone or antler like the angular
fishhook used on lines.

Spears—Two kinds of fish spears were in use. One was of
the harpoon kind, with single detachable point,!* used for spearing
salmon in shallow riffles and from the banks of rivers; and the other
was three-pronged with solid head.'” The latter were of various sizes
for spearing fish of different kinds from canoes or from the edge of ice.
Spear points were made from leg bones of elk or deer. Harpoon
spears with double prongs, like many used by the Thompson,’

Wig, p. 253.

_ . 18 See Thompson, Peabody Mus. 156-158.

174 See Thompson, a, fig. 234 b.

175 See Thompson, a, fig. 234 a; Nez Percé, b, fig. 5, no. 9.

176 See Thompson, a, fig. 234 a.

17 See Thompson, Ottawa Mus. VI, M, 409.

178 See Nez Percé, b, fig. 5, No. 10; compare Lillooet, k, fig. 87.
178 See Thompson, a, fig. 232; Nez Percé, b, fig. 5, No. 11.

180 q, fig. 231.

41383°—30——8

106 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

appear to have been unknown. Fishing through holes cut in the ice
was a common method used in winter. The fisher lay flat on a woven
mat, with a robe or blanket over his head; he held the line with a
fish lure in his left hand, and a three-pronged spear in his right, ready
~to strike. Fishing with bait and hook and line was also practiced
through holes in the ice when the weather was not too cold. Large
trout were speared on dark nights in the lakes from canoes by torch-
light. As among the Thompson, the torches consisted of bundles of
split pitchwood, and three-pronged spears were used. Eye shades of

several kinds were worn by the spearmen.

(See p. 76.)

Traps.—Fish traps were of several kinds, but I did not obtain
detailed information regarding them.

FIGURE 12.

—Fish trap

The screen trap described by

Spinden wasin use.!*!
(Fig. 12.) A second
kind of trap com-
monly employed was
used chiefly in creeks
when they were in
flood. It appears to
have been the same
as the cylindrical
trap of the Thomp-
son with “heart,”
and was called moo,
which is also the
Thompson name. A
third kind of trap,
with a trapdoor
composed of a row
of slanting sticks,

appears to have been the same as a common kind among the Thomp-

son, Shuswap, and Nez Percé.'*

A fourth kind, said to have been

circular (possibly cylindrical), was used only for small fish. A
fifth kind was used, it seems, only for salmon in large streams. It

was large, and had high walls.

The top was open excepting at the

ends, which were covered over to prevent fish from jumping out.
These traps were made of coarser materials than others; they were

181 See Nez Percé, b, p.

end away from the stream.
low brush walls to prevent the fish falling off the sides.

211. I have seen screen traps used by the Shuswap
and Chilcotin in small, rather rapid streams and have often seen fish lying on the .
screens. The screens were somewhat larger than the ones used by the Nez
Percé. They were made of willow rods fastened together with bark and withes.
They were oblong, slightly depressed in the center, and tilted up at the lower

I am under the impression that some of them had

Some had corrals under-

neath to catch any small fish that worked through the screens. The whole
creek was dammed and the water forced over the screens with great force.

182 See Shuswap, e, fig. 245 a, b; Nez Percé, b, p. 211.

TEIT} THE COEUR D’ALENE 107

set in rocky places and fastened to stout logs, as a considerable volume
of water flowed through them. Men walked into them and clubbed
the salmon. It seems they were used only on Spokane River. Weirs
were commonly employed in conjunction with traps, and there were
also simple weirs for stopping fish, thus facilitating spearing.

Nets.—Long nets were set in lakes, and ordinary bag nets were
used for catching whitefish (Coregonus) and other fish from rocks and
platforms on the banks of streams. Very large bag nets with long
handles were used for catching a ‘‘sucker’’ which appears on the
surface of lakes in calm, warm weather. The nets were dropped
through the masses of fish from canoes. They were also scooped up
with small bag nets into the canoes.’* Bag nets were also set as
traps, as among the Shuswap,‘ and the fish were driven into them.
Bag nets were not used by the Coeur d’Aléne for fishing salmon, nor
were they used in salmon fishing by the Spokan; but it is said that
the Nez Percé used bag nets a great deal in capturing salmon in the
rivers. It seems that all salmon were trapped, speared, or gaffed by
the Coeur d’Aléne and also by most of the Spokan. It is said that
the latter, in a few places on tributaries of the Spokane River, used
large-mesh nets spread across the stream. These may, however,
have been intended in large measure as weirs for stopping the fish
rather than for catching them. The Coeur d’Aléne had no salmon
in their own country, but salmon came close to the borders of their
territory along Spokane River. Some Coeur d’Aléne bought what
dried salmon they required from the Spokan; but large numbers of
the tribe went to Spokane Falls and other parts of Spokane River
where they fished salmon for themselves with the Spokan tribe. As
the two tribes were usually friendly, this opportunity was generally
available. It is said that no salmon could pass the falls, and there-
fore there were no salmon in the Coeur d’Aléne country. A long
time ago (before the introduction of the horse, according to some
also later) some of the Coeur d’Aléne were in the habit of trap-
ping salmon in the mountains to the southeast, on streams which
were northern feeders of the Clearwater. This was near the confines
of the Nez Percé country. Long ago they also fished salmon at
several points on the main Clearwater.’ Although the Nez Percé
claimed these places to be within their territory, they never them-
selves went there to fish. Long ago, some Coeur d’Aléne also fished
salmon on the Graywater, and beyond Smeda, up to the mountains
as far as the salmon went. No landlocked salmon frequented any
water in the Coeur d’Aléne country; but trout of several kinds, white-
fish, and several other kinds of fish were abundant. It seems that
sturgeon also occurred.

183 See Shuswap, e, p. 526.

18 @ fig, 242.

18 My informant said ‘‘the main Snake River,’’ but seemed to mean Clear-
water River.

108 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45
VI. TRAVEL, TRANSPORTATION, AND TRADE

Canors.—All the canoes were of the sharp-snouted ‘sturgeon nose”
type like those used by the Thompson, Shuswap, Lake, Kutenai, and
some other tribes. All were made of cedar bark. No ‘“‘dugouts”’
were used. In size, canoes varied from small ones, intended for the
use of a single person, to large ones, capable of accommodating seven
people and some cargo. The bark of trees intended for canoes was
stripped when the sap was running, in May, June, and July, and
almost all canoes were made during these months. Holes were made
in the trees, and wedges driven in, on which a man climbed to a
height sufficient for the length of bark required for the canoe. <A cut
encircling the tree was made at this place and another at the
bottom. A long, vertical cut was then made down one side of the
tree, connecting the two cuts, and the bark taken off in a single
piece. For prying off the bark, peelers of antler and wood were
used, as among other tribes."° Split cedar root was used chiefly for
sewing canoes. Paddles were made altogether of fir wood. Cedar
was considered too light, and tamarack and pine too heavy. They
were nearly all of one shape, with blades pointed at the ends, widest
near the handle end.'*’ In some places, where canoes could not be
made, tule rafts were used, and in other places where both bark and
tules were scarce, pole rafts were employed. Tule rafts were pointed
at both ends. They were made of lodge mats rolled in bundles; or
tules were tied in long bundles which were tightly lashed together.
A well-made raft resembled a canoe, and was almost as good as one.
Canoe bailers were made of bark, and were like small baskets.

Tump Lines.—Before the introduction of the horse, everything
not transported by canoe was carried on people’s backs with tump
lines. Dogs were not used for carrying loads. ump lines consisted
of wide bands of hide that passed over head or chest, and lines of
hide at the ends for attachment to the burden. The load was rolled
in matting, put in mat bags, carrying bags woven of Indian-hemp
twine, or hide bags. Baskets were also much used, especially in
transportation of loose materials, and were employed mostly by the
women.

SnowsHorEs.— When snow was deep on the mountains, people used
snowshoes for traveling and hunting. They were of types similar to
those of the Thompson. Three shapes of frames were in use, and two
or three forms of mesh, differing more in arrangement of the strings
than in the weaving.

A common kind was exactly like the common kind used by the
Thompson.’ Another shorter, rounder kind was less common. It
had three head strings on each side, and was of the same weave as

186 See Shuswap, e, fig. 235, a, b. 188 q, fig. 239.
187 See Field Mus. No. 111954.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 109

the first one. It was even rounder than a similar style used by the
Thompson.‘ A third kind, similar to a Thompson style,'” had four
head strings on each side, and cross strings in groups of threes, or, more
generally, fours. A few were made in groups of twos. Like the first,
this was a common type. The manner of attaching the lacing or
foot strings of snowshoes seems to have been similar to the common
Thompson method.’ Fillings of snowshoes consisted of babiche or
rawhide strings made chiefly from bear hide. Occasionally buffalo,
elk, and deer hide were used. No cross sticks were employed on real
snowshoes, and no frames with sharp or pointed ‘“‘tails”’ or “heels.”
Most frames of snowshoes were made of an unidentified wood
called sgwazt (?), which grows in the mountains. A few were made of
maple-wood vine (?)._ When parties were caught in heavy snow with-
out snowshoes, and there was no ready means of making proper ones,
temporary snowshoes were made of brush or saplings tied together at
the ends, and kept stretched in the middle with cross sticks, which
served also instead of filling. Most of these were nearly of the
same shape as a kind of temporary snowshoe used by the Thompson."*!
The sizes of snowshoes were the same as among the Thompson.

Doas.—The ancient dogs of the Coeur d’Aléne are said to have
been rather small. Face and ears resembled those of coyotes. Their
colors were dark or bluish gray, spotted, or mixed. They were used
only for hunting, and, it is said, never for purposes of transportation,
such as carrying burdens or hauling loads. No dog sleds of any kind
were known. Dogs were never clipped, and their hair was never used
for any purpose. Their flesh was never eaten; and their skins were
seldom used, if at all. It is said that no regular halter ropes with
toggles, like those of the Thompson,’ were in use. Leashes for
hunting dogs were made of rope.

Horsrs.—Horses were introduced a long time ago, but were not
plentiful or much used at first. Some think the tribe had plenty of
horses, at least about 1760. They were procured in the beginning
chiefly, if not altogether, from the Kalispel, Pend d’OreiJles, and
Flathead. The very first horse came from the Kalispel, and the
following story is related regarding it:

The first horse came to the Coeur d’Aléne country at a place about
3% miles northwest of De Smet. A large number of people were
gathered there, digging camas. They saw a man approaching on
horseback, and became greatly excited. The rider was a Kalispel
Indian, who remained several days with the Coeur d’Aléne. The
people examined the horse closely, and wondered much at the strange
animal. As the horse was gentle, many people tried to ride him;
but when he trotted, they fell off, excepting one man. The Coeur

189 Thompson, a, fig. 242; Lillooet, k, fig. 91. 191 q, fig. 243.
190 q, fig. 241. 192 q, fig. 227.

110 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (RTH. ANN. 45

d’Aléne obtained their very first horses from the Kalispel, and a little
later obtained a few from the Pend d’Oreilles, Flathead, and Spokan.
A few of the Coeur d’Aléne crossed the Bitterroot Mountains in days
before they had horses, visiting the Pend d’Oreilles and hunting
buffalo which were at one time quite plentiful in the Flathead and
Pend d’Oreilles countries between the Rocky Mountains and the
Bitterroot Range; but no Coeur d’Aléne went on the plains east of
the mountains until after they had horses. When they first went to
the plains they had plenty of horses; and the neighboring tribes, the
Spokan, Colville, Columbia, and Nez Percé, were also well supplied.
They found at this time that the Shoshoni and Flathead had great
numbers; but the Blackfoot and some other eastern tribes did not
seem to have many. As an abundance of horses made traveling and
buffalo hunting much easier, the tribes to the east who were not well
supplied made frequent raids upon the Shoshoni and Flathead, trying
to steal their horses. At this time the Crow had more horses than
the Blackfoot and Gros Ventres, but not nearly as many as the Sho-
shoni and Flathead. When not at war, the Coeur d’Aléne and western
tribes in early times always sold horses to the Plains tribes, but no
horses were procured by western tribes from eastern tribes. It seems
certain that in early times the Crow, Blackfoot, and all the near-by
eastern tribes secured all their horses in trade and in war from the
Shoshoni and Flathead, who had horses long before they did. Horses
were considered the greatest wealth a person could have. The
Plains tribes were still using dogs for packing and hauling when the
Coeur d’Aléne began to frequent the plains; but as they gradually
became better supplied with horses, dogs were used less and less.
In later days, when buffalo became scarce on the eastern plains, the
tribes from that region, who were by this time all well mounted,
moved farther west into the better buffalo grounds, encroaching on
the Shoshoni and Flathead.

Horse EquipMent.—Saddles and other equipment for horses must
have come into use at the time of the introduction of the first horses.
Certain articles of horse equipment are said to have been borrowed
from the Pend d’Oreilles, and it seems likely that the rest came from
the same source. Men’s saddles were of two kinds. One kind, per-
haps the most common one, consisted of a pad of deer’s hair inclosed
in leather. It was made to fit the back of the horse, and the four
corners of the saddle were generally ornamented with areas of solid
beadwork or quillwork in two or three colors.'* The other kind of
saddle was constructed somewhat like a packsaddle. The sides were
of wood, and each pommel was made of a forked piece of deer’s
antler, which formed an arch slanting outward. The lower parts of
the tines were fastened to the sidepieces with thongs, which passed
through holes in the latter. . Rawhide was shrunk over all.'%*

18 1, fig. 8. 1% 1, figs. 4, 20.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE Hab

Women’s saddles had wooden sides and high straight pommels of
antler or wood with wide, flat ends. Rawhide was shrunk over all,
and they were often further covered with leather, which was cut into
frmges around the ends of the pommels.’” Sometimes, instead of
cut fringes, a strip of dressed skin about 7 to 10 cm. wide, often
covered with solid beadwork on the outside, depended from each
pommel, reaching almost to the horse’s back.’ The ends of these
bands were often fringed. Many women’s saddles had a spike of
wood or antler which projected forward and upward from the middle
of the front pommel.” It was used, it seems, chiefly for suspend-
ing the baby carrier when traveling. Some saddles had short skirts
of leather which were beaded or fringed along the edges. Stirrup
leathers consisted of wide straps of heavy buckskins or elk skin, and
stirrups were made of slats of wood bent into shape by heating when
green. Generally buffalo or other skin was shrunk over them.
(See J, fig. 12, p. 16.) Cruppers were used with many saddles. They
consisted of wide pieces of skin fringed along the lower side, and
beaded on the outside.’ Collars or ‘‘horse necklaces’”’ of similar
material and design were also used a good deal, especially by women.
As a rule, they were fringed and embroidered, and many had pend-
ants that hung on the horse’s chest. Saddle blankets consisted of
pieces of woven matting below and pieces of buffalo or other skin in
the hair on top. Some saddle blankets of leather, embroidered along
the edges and having long corner ends, were also used.’ Saddle
covers of skin, used over the saddle for sitting on, were common.
Sometimes light robes were used for this purpose.

Bridles consisted of ropes or braided or twisted horsehair or buffalo
hair attached to the lower jaw. Many consisted merely of a strip
of buffalo hide or other rawhide. Cinches were made of woven
horsehair or of rawhide. Lariats, halter ropes, and stake ropes were
made of horsehair, buffalo hair, or of leather braided or twisted; and
others were merely long strips cut out of raw buffalo and other hide.
Women used fringed hide bags *° attached, usually one on each side,
to the fronts and sometimes also to the backs of saddles. Saddle-
bags were fastened to the saddle behind. These crossed the back of
the horse, and had a deep pocket on each side and very long fringes.”
Things required during the day when traveling and odds and ends were
carried in them. Quirts were like those in use among the Flathead,
Thompson and other tribes. They had handles of antler or wood,
and lashes of rawhide.” Although the horse and dog travois were

195 7, fig. 17. 199], fig. 18.
196 1, fig. 2. 200 See Thompson, a, fig. 151; Shuswap, e, fig. 220.
19]; figs. 2, 17. 201 [, fig. 19.

198], figs, 14,15, 21, figs. 23, 24.

112 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

both well known to the Coeur d’Aléne, who had seen them con-
stantly during the many years they hunted on the plains, still they
were never adopted. Carrying rather than hauling was the method
of transportation preferred by the Coeur d’Aléne as well as by other
western tribes, because best adapted for travel through rough,
mountainous country.

Packsaddles were of wood, both sides and crosspieces. Antler was
sometimes used for crosspieces; and poplar wood was principally
used for the sides of both pack and riding saddles. Rawhide was
shrunk over all.?% Large rawhide bags and parfléches were hung by
loops over the crossbars of the packsaddle, one on each side, and
goods were transported in them. Robes and skins were often thrown
flat on the top of these, and the whole load fastened down with raw-
hide ropes. Sometimes bulky materials, such as tents and skins,
were folded and lashed together in bundles of equal weight, to be
carried as side packs on horses.

Horses were often decorated with tassels and bunches of dyed or
painted horsehair, and tail feathers of eagles, hawks, and other birds.
Sometimes pendent feathers were attached, one above another, along
the outside of horses’ tails. A feather pendant or a long streamer of
dyed horsehair was often suspended from the lower jaw. Some men
made war bonnets of eagle-tail feathers, which were strapped on the
horses’ heads. Horses were painted in various ways, and _ their
manes and tails were plaited or clipped in different styles. Some
men and women rubbed scent or perfume on them.

Trape.—More or less trading was done by all parties visiting or
being visited by neighboring bands or tribes. As most things which
the Coeur d’Aléne had were common to all the neighboring tribes,
trading was generally merely an exchange of articles common to all,
and depended on the needs and fancies of individuals. However,
there were a few things which were abundant with some tribes and
searce or absent in the territories of others. Thus soapberries
(Shepherdia) and hazelnuts, which did not grow in the country of
the Coeur d’Aléne, were obtained from the Spokan, who, in turn,
got them from the Colville Indians, in whose country they were
plentiful. Bitterroot also did not grow in the Coeur d’Aléne country,
and was procured from the Spokan, in whose country it grew abun-
dantly. After the introduction of horses, many Coeur d’Aléne made
trips to the district around Cheney and Sprague, in Spokan territory,
to dig it. The Spokan never raised any objections, as they had an
abundance, and, besides, they were always friendly with the Coeur
d’Aléne. The Spokan also allowed them to come into their territory
and put up supplies of salmon, as there were hardly any in the Coeur
d’Aléne country. Some of the Coeur d’Aléne, however, preferred to

203 Peabody Mus. No. 194.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 1113}

buy dried salmon from the Spokan. A little dried salmon was also
occasionally obtained from the Paloos.

Tobacco was imported, as none was native to the country, and it
seems none was grown. Itis not clear from which tribe they obtained
it, but some think it was procured chiefly from the Spokan. After
the arrival of the fur traders, tobacco was procured entirely from
them. Dentalium, abalone, and some other shells used as beads
were procured chiefly from the Spokan. <A few were obtained from
the Paloos, and possibly from the Nez Percé; but all these shells came
originally from the tribes along Columbia River near The Dalles,
who procured them from other tribes living on the coast or to the
south. In later days fur traders sold dentalia and other shells.
Fresh-wiater shells were used to some extent and were obtained at
home. Flat, circular beads were bought chiefly from the Spokan,
who procured them from the tribes along Columbia River. In later
days these also were procured from the traders. They were in vogue
a very long time ago. Polished tubular bone beads, for necklaces
and breastplate ornaments, came into use in the beginning of the
last century, and were procured, it seems, from the Flathead and the
white traders. It is not known where copper and iron came from
before the advent of the traders, but some think chiefly from The
Dalles through the Spokan.

Long ago a very few slaves were bought from the Spokan and
Paloos. They were nearly all young boys and girls, and, according
to tradition, were chiefly Snake and Ute. Occasionally young slaves
of Umatilla and Paloos extraction were also bought from the Spokan.
Sooner or later these were bought back by their relatives. Some-
times the Paloos would come and buy them back directly, but oftener
- the Spokan who sold them would buy them back and sell them to
their Paloos or Umatilla relatives who wanted them. The Snake
and Ute slaves were never bought back, as their relatives lived too
far away. The Coeur d’Aléne hardly ever bought and sold slaves
among themselves; and very few of them cared to have any, even if
they could afford to buy them.

Before the advent of the horse, a good many buffalo robes were
bought from the Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead. Some sheep’s horns
were also bought. Parties of Coeur d’Aléne and Nez Percé always
did more or less trading when they met, but there was no trade in
any special articles with the Nez Percé.

It seems that in olden times the Coeur d’Aléne did nearly all their
trading with the Spokan, and comparatively little with other tribes.
After they began to go to the plains a trade sprang up in special
articles with several of the Plains tribes. All parties going to the
plains to hunt buffalo carried small quantities of western products to
trade, for the Plains tribes were very fond of some of these, and were

114 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (RTH. ANN. 45

willing to pay rather high prices. Thus salmon oil put up in sealed
salmon skins, salmon pemmican mixed with oil and put up in salmon
skins, cakes of camas and other roots, cakes of certain kinds of berries,
Indian hemp, and Indian-hemp twine were transported across the
mountains. Some people say that a great deal of Indian hemp and
Indian-hemp twine was sold to the Plains tribes, fairly large quantities
of camas cakes, salmon pemmican, ete., and only small quantities of
berry cakes. The Plains Indians also desired arrows and bows of
horn and wood, which they considered better than their own; also
shells, certain kinds of beads, necklaces peculiar to the west, and
greenstone pipes. They were also anxious to buy western horses;
and most parties drove a considerable number of spare horses along,
partly as remounts, but most of them for sale. Skins and clothes
were also traded and interchanged. In exchange feather bonnets of
the best kind and buffalo robes of the finest sort were obtained.
The best bonnets and robes of the Plains tribes were considered better
than those of their own. The feather bonnets most desired were of
the Sioux style. Some of them were made by the Crow; but most of
them, including all the best ones, were made by the Sioux themselves,
and sold by them to the Crow. The buffalo robes desired were of
the softest tan, and ornamented with a band of beadwork across the
middle. The Crow robes were most highly valued. Often a horse
and, in addition, a well-made leather shirt, was paid for one of the
best kind of robes. Catlinite, and catlinite pipes, were also often
bought from the Plains tribes. It is said that often when the Coeur
d’Aléne or other western tribes met Plains tribes, the chiefs of the
two sides held a talk and declared a state of peace and trading for a
certain number of days. No one on either side was to quarrel, fight,
or steal horses; but all were to be friends for the allotted number of
days, and all were to play games and trade as they felt inclined.
Then the people of both sides intermingled freely and without sign
of restraint or suspicion. Often, toward the end of the time, dances
of various kinds were held, large numbers taking part. The conduct
of the people during these periods of truce was in great contrast to
their attitude at other times, when each side was always ready to
attack or repel an attack. Sometimes, after all had parted good
friends, less than a day passed before one side made an attack on the
other. The Blackfoot are said to have been the worst offenders.
Often the very first night after the truce was over, and each party
had gone its way, they would return and try to run off horses or kill
stragglers around the camp. For this reason the western Indians,
for several nights after parting company with their eastern friends,
corraled their horses, mounted strong guards and were ready to repel
any attempt at attack or horse stealing.

The articles traded for with the early fur traders were flint and
steel, guns and ammunition, traps, iron, copper, knives, hatchets,

TeIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 115

glass beads, shells of certain kinds, red and blue cloth, and tobacco.
Furs of beaver, otter, fox, marten, fisher, dressed buckskin, and other
hides, and foods of certain kinds, were given by the Indians in

exchange.
VII. WARFARE

Wearons.—Besides bows and arrows, already mentioned, for
offensive purposes spears, lances, knives, daggers, and several kinds of
clubs and tomahawks; for defense, shields and armor were used.
War spears were usually about 2 meters long, with a point of flaked
stone either leaf or knife shaped, rather long and narrow. All were
sharp pointed and double edged. After iron came into use, some of
them were serrated near the base on both sides. In later days, when
buffalo were chased on horseback, a longer spear with a narrow point
was sometimes used for stabbing game. Handles of spears were of
various kinds of wood, particularly an unidentified wood called
seleqa'lqg”. ances for throwing were used both in war and in games.
They were about 114 meters in length and resembled large, heavy
arrows. They were feathered like arrows and had stone and iron
points. Those employed in games simply had the ends sharpened.
They went out of use as a weapon soon after the introduction of the
horse and the beginning of buffalo hunting on the plains. War
knives had blades like spear points. They were all of flaked stone,
somewhat leaf-shaped, set in short wooden or antler handles. After
iron came into use, all war knives were made of that material, and
were double edged, like those of the Thompson.”* Some daggers
were made of antler and bone. No double-ended daggers were used
for fighting and for pushing in mouths of bears, as among the Okanagon
and Thompson.

War clubs were of at least seven kinds. One kind consisted of a
round stone set in the end of a short wooden handle, and heavy raw-
hide shrunk over all, which made the club rigid.” Usually the end of
the handle was slightly grooved to fit the roundness of the stone, but
occasionally instead the stone head had a shallow socket for the end
of the handle to rest in. In rare cases it had two shallow grooves
running at right angles for the attachment of thongs to bind it to the
handle. In most clubs no thongs were used, the stiff rawhide being
considered sufficient to hold the head firm.

A second kind of club was like the first, but with a pliable head.
The stone was inclosed in a small bag of skin, the lower end of which
was attached to the handle, leaving the middle part as a pliable neck.”

A third kind consisted of a spike of elk or deer antler set crosswise in
the end of a short wooden handle. Some were double-ended with

24 q, fig. 246.
205 See Thompson, a, fig. 247.
2 See Thompson, a, fig. 248; Nez Percé, b, p. 227, and fig. 5, No. 5.

116 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [PTH. ANN. 45

two spikes of equal length, while others had a shorter back spike of
antler, sometimes of flaked stone.’ Some of these clubs had single
or double ended heads of flaked stone.°S Rawhide was shrunk over
the ends of these clubs. In later days iron was substituted for antler
and stone; but after the arrival of the traders, trade tomahawks of
iron largely took their place.

A fourth kind had a double-ended, somewhat oval stone head, set
across the head of a short wooden handle. The stone generally had
a shallow groove around the middle for the attachment of thongs to
connect it tightly to the end of the handle. Hide was usually shrunk
over the joining, or over the entire club excepting the tips of the head.*°

A fifth type had a spike of antler or a blade of arrowstone sunk
and glued into the upper end of the face of a wooden handle. Some
clubs had a groove up and down the handle in the upper half of the
side opposite the striking head. In this groove was set a row of
small splinters of arrowstone, like teeth in a saw. In later days a
long, narrow blade of iron was used instead of the stone teeth, and
an iron spike for the striking head.*!°

A sixth form used was a one-piece club of elk antler, with a short
tine, or piece of a tine, at one end sharpened to a point. It was
probably like similar clubs used by the Thompson.*"!

A seventh form was made of one piece of wood. It was somewhat
paddle-shaped, but much thicker, in proportion, than the blade of a
paddle. It was often ornamented with incised designs, and some
were polished. It appears to have been the same as a common wooden
club among the Thompson.*" Single-piece stone clubs, it would
seem, were not made, but a few made by tribes along Columbia
River were obtained in trade. As far as known, no clubs of whale-
bone were obtained in trade.

It is claimed that all these kinds of clubs were in use before the
advent of the horse; and tradition says that all are very ancient,
excepting perhaps the fourth kind, which, according to some, came
into vogue about the time of the introduction of the horse. Some
claim that the fifth kind is older than the fourth, but tradition is
not quite clear as to whether it is equally as ancient as the other
kinds described. Clubs were ornamented with skin fringes, feathers,
hair tassels, and painted designs. Iron tomahawks became common
after the arrival of the traders; also musket clubs and other clubs of
supposedly white manufacture were obtained, as well as a few swords,
machetes, and bayonets. When these trade weapons became common
the use of most of the old-fashioned clubs was abandoned.

Points of arrows and spears were not poisoned in any way.

27 See Thompson specimen, Peabody Mus. 383. 2!°See Peabody Mus., No. 379.
208 See Thompson, a, fig. 299. “11 q, fig. $1.
2? See Nez Pereé, b, p. 227. 2 a, fig. 251.

ret] THE COEUR D’ALENE Le

Armor.—Long ago several kinds of armor were used. A sleeveless
shirt or tunic of heavy elk hide, reaching below the hips, was in
vogue. If possible, it was soaked in water before being used in
battle. A short vest of wooden rods woven or fastened together
with thongs or with Indian-hemp twine was in use. It reached from
the shoulders to the hips, and had spaces for the arms.’ The com-
mon wood used was Spiraea sp. (?). The outside was generally
covered with dressed skin, which was ornamented with feathers and
painted designs." Some elk-skin tunics also had painted designs.
Cuirasses made of slats of wood were not used.

Three or four kinds of shields were in use. One kind was oblong
and about 11% meters in length. It was made of a single piece of
heavy elk hide.“ It was sometimes moistened with water when
about to be used. One side often carried painted designs. The
second kind was circular or slightly oval, and about 60 centimeters in
width. It consisted of from one to three thicknesses of heavy
buffalo, elk, or other hide, stretched while moist over a hoop, and
dried. The skins were sewed to the hoop. When two or three
thicknesses of skin were used, the hoop was taken off when the skins
were quite set, and the edges all around were sewed together. Some
shields were circular and small, made of the thickest hide from the
thigh of the buffalo, further thickened and hardened by scorching in
fire. After the introduction of the horse this shield was the only
one used; and it continued in use until after the introduction of fire-
arms, when all kinds of shields became useless. According to tradi-
tion, small wooden shields were also used long ago, but nothing is
now remembered of their shape and construction. None of the oldest
living Indians have seen any of the old-style shields and armor,
excepting the small hardened buffalo-hide shield. Although this
type is said to have been in use before the advent of the horse, some
think it is not as ancient as the others. All other kinds of shields
and armor gradually went out of use after horses were employed, as
they were not adapted for riding.

Forts AND Drrenses.—Long ago there were many forts. Most of
them were stockades consisting of a row of posts, set deeply in the
ground, as close together as possible. Sometimes they surrounded
small groups of houses; but usually they were built near a camp as a
place of refuge in case of attack, or as a safe retreat at night when
most of the men happened to be away. The walls were about
3 meters high, and provided with loopholes at the proper height for
shooting arrows. Shelters made of mats were erected all around
the inside of the walls for the accommodation of the people. Some

213 See Thompson, a, fig. 254.
2144 See Thompson specimen, Peabody Mus., No. 378.
215 See Thompson, a, fig. 255.

118 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

of the smaller stockades had the whole enclosed space roofed with
mats. Pits and trenches were sometimes dug inside for the greater
safety of noncombatants. The shape of all the stockades appears
to have been circular, and all were provided with zigzag entrances
just wide enough to admit one person at a time. These entrances
were closed with wooden bars.

Another kind of fort was made of logs laid horizontally one above
another, somewhat after the manner of a log cabin. Logs were also
laid across the roof, and the whole building covered, first with brush
and then with earth. The walls were about 2 m. high and had
loopholes between the logs. Pits were dug in some of them and some
had underground passages leading to the edges of banks or concealed
places among rocks or trees. The entrances to these buildings were
low and narrow, admitting a person only on all fours. Most buildings
had a small hole left uncovered in the middle of the roof to admit
light, to serve for ventilation, and as a smoke hole when fires were
lighted. In shape, these fortresses appear to have varied, many .
being oblong, others square. None of them were very large. This
type of fort had the advantage that it could not be set afire by an
enemy.

Temporary defenses consisted of breastworks and circular inclo-
sures of logs laid one on another to a height of more than 1 meter,
and covered with brush and earth. Sometimes a trench was dug
along the inside of the wall. Other temporary defenses consisted of
a fence of poles made like a corral, with brush and earth thrown against
it. Still others were circular or semicircular inclosures made of stones
piled up to a height of more than 1 meter. Loopholes were left here
and there between large stones. In wooded parts of the country
they were made entirely of brush piled up to about the same height
and partially covered with thick bark and earth. The nature of the
breastworks depended a great deal on the environment, configu-
ration of the ground, material at hand, and the number of people
engaged in making them. Many were semicircular, some were com-
pletely circular, and others formed straight lines and zigzags.

War Dress.—War dress varied a great deal, as each man attired
himself according to his own inclinations and dreams. Some men
went into battle with only a breechclout, moccasins, and headdress,
while in olden times suits of armor were worn by many. Most war-
riors wore a special headdress of some kind, which varied among
individuals according to their guardian spirits, dreams or tastes.
For war the hair was usually done up in special fashions (see p. 85);
and all warriors painted their faces and exposed parts of the body
in designs of different colors, often according to their dreams.
Others had styles which they considered lucky or which they had
adopted from past usage. Feathers, skins, pieces of skins, and hair

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 119

of animals considered as guardian spirits were often attached to the
hair of the head, and to clothes, shields, and weapons. These as
well as the designs painted on the body were supposed to lend power
to the wearer and to protect him. The medicine case was often
carried in battle, and many men wore scalp shirts and scalps or
scalp locks. Besides the common eagle feather war bonnets, others
made of the head skins of animals, set with horns, and entire skins
of large birds, were used. A common ‘‘medicine skin’’ was that of a
small owl noted for keenness of sight. The entire skin was fastened
to the back of the hair, with the owl’s face looking backward. Per-
sons who had this owl for their guardian spirit and who wore its
skin thus in their hair were protected from being attacked unawares.
They were also exempt from any danger of attack from behind. Some
men attached scalps to the hair; and long feather streamers hung
from the hair or from the backs and sides of war bonnets. Some men
took charms out of their medicine bags before battle and attached
them to their hair. As already stated, war horses were often painted
and decorated. White horses were preferred, and therefore were of
most value among the Indians, because they showed off the paintings
and decorations better than horses of other colors. Red was the
common war color; but yellow, black, blue, and white were also used.
War customs and war dances will be described later on. (See p. 187.)

Wars.—In olden times the Coeur d’Aléne had occasional wars
with the Spokan, Kalispel, Pend d’Oreilles, Flathead, Nez Percé,
and Kutenai; and in later times, after they began to hunt buffalo
east of the Rocky Mountains, they fought with the Blackfoot, Crow,
Sioux, and other eastern tribes. There are no traditions of wars
with the Paloos, Cayuse, Columbia, and other western tribes. The
following narratives will illustrate some of these wars, and at the
same time throw some light on certain customs of the people.

Wars with the Spokan.—Usually the two tribes, the Coeur d’Aléne
and Spokan, were friends. They traded and played games with each
other. However, once long ago they were at war with each other for
a time. A Spokan chief had given his daughter to be the wife of a
Coeur d’Aléne chief. He had done this as a mark of esteem and
of good will to this chief and to the Coeur d’Aléne tribe, and also
to cement their friendship. The girl went with her husband to his
home. Afterwards her husband had bad luck gambling. He blamed
his bad luck on his new wife and hired a man to kill her. When the
Spokan heard of this, they were very indignant, and declared war on
the whole Coeur d’Aléne tribe. Those members of both tribes who
lived near the limits of their respective territories deserted their
homes and retired to their more distant tribespeople, so that a wide
strip of intermediate country was left virtually uninhabited. The
war lasted two or three years, and was detrimental to both tribes,

120 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

and especially to the Coeur d’Aléne, who depended on fishing salmon
and digging bitterroot within Spokan territory. All trading was
also stopped. A Coeur d’Aléne chief *® went to a salmon-fishing
place on the Little Spokane. Coeur d’Aléne parties had been in the
habit of going there annually to fish and play games with the Spokan.
It was the fishing season, but no one was there. The chief felt very
sorrowful when he saw the place look so deserted. He thought of
the many good times and all the fun the Coeur d’Aléne and Spokan
had so often had together at this place. He returned home, and called
the. other Coeur d’Aléne chiefs to a council. Six chiefs met him.
He..told how he had gone to the fishing place, and how he had sat
down and had been overcome with sorrow when he viewed its loneli-
ness, and had thought of the mirth and happiness that used to be
there. Now there was no fishing there, and there were no games.
All was as if dead. He said he wanted peace, and intended to give
his daughter to the Spokan chief to make peace. All the other chiefs
agreed with him. The girl was advised that she was to be made a
sacrifice for peace, and that there was a possibility that the Spokan
would kill her. She said she was willing to do as her father and the
other chiefs advised, even if she should lose her life. She dressed
herself in her best clothes, and the chiefs gave her a load of fine
robes and valuables to carry as presents to the Spokan. Some
Coeur d’Aléne men followed her, keeping out of sight. They were
sent to learn her fate. One night, after traveling several days without
seeing any one, she had a dream in which she was told that she would
see people on the morrow. The following morning, shortly after
leaving her camp, she saw in the distance a flock of flying cranes
making a great noise. She thought people must have startled them,
and she went in that direction. After a time she met a Spokan woman,
and sat down to chat with her. She told her the errand she was on,
and added, ‘‘If the Spokan kill me, I do not care; for I have been
sent as a sacrifice by my father and the other Coeur d’Aléne chiefs,
who all desire peace and arenewal of the friendly relations that formerly
existed between the tribes. They are sorry that there is no more
intercourse between us.’”?’ The woman told her to sit where she was.
She would go and see the people. This place was not far from Che-
welah. A large number of Spokan were encamped there. When the
Spokan chief learned of her mission, he sent out some young men to
invite her in and to carry the presents she brought. After making a
speech to all the people, he distributed the presents among them, and
told them that he would take the girl to wife. She was a good girl,
and henceforth lived with the Spokan. Shortly afterwards the chiefs
of the two tribes met, and a permanent peace was arranged. This

216 Some informants say it was the chief who killed his wife, but most informants
say another chief.

TEIT THE COEUR D’ALENE 1A

was the last war with the Spokan. Since then the two tribes have
always been the best of friends.

Wars with the Kalispel—Long ago there were several short wars
with the Kalispel, and the two tribes sent war parties into each
other’s territories. Once, in one of the last wars with the Kalispel,
the great-grandfather of head chief Saltis of the Coeur d’Aléne
was camped with some other men at Sawmill, a place near De Smet.
He had three children—one a grown-up lad, and the others a little
boy and girl. The Kalispel had invaded the country. They found
this camp, attacked it and mortally wounded the men. The lad ran
with his brother by his side, and carried his sister under his arm.
His brother was shot. When he looked at his sister, he saw that she
also had been killed by a shot. He continued running to some bushes,
where he hid. Presently two of the enemy came along, riding the same
horse. The halter rope was dragging along the ground. As they
passed, the lad seized the end of the rope and jerked the horse, dis-
mounting the two men, who ran off. The lad then mounted the horse
and rode away. The men shot arrows at him, wounding him slightly,
but he escaped. There were several Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead
among this Kalispel war party. These tribes were all allies, and they
often had joint war parties.

Wars with the Pend d’Oreilles.2"\—Long ago there were some-
times wars with the Pend d’Oreilles, who generally were the
*ageressors and invaded the Coeur d’Aléne territory. The Coeur
d’Aléne never sent war parties into the countries of the Pend d’Or-
eilles and Flathead. Once, at a time when the Pend d’Oreilles and
Flathead had their first guns, but the Coeur d’Aléne as yet had none,
a war party of Pend d’Oreilles, including a number of Flathead, led
by a famous chief called Qutzna’lq” entered the Coeur d’Aléne coun-
try and attacked a camp of about a dozen people who were gather-
ing camas at a place about a mile east of De Smet Mission. A fight
took place, and most of the Coeur d’Aléne were killed. A woman
and her two little sons were taken captive. In the fight one Flat-
head had become separated from his friends and for a time was
unable to find them. The Pend d’Oreilles, thinking he had been
killed, said, ‘‘We will kill the woman to make even the loss of our
friend.” They dismounted, and stabbed the woman with a very
large knife, the kind used by the Flathead, which was different from
the knives of the Coeur d’Aléne. Before stabbing her, they made her
tell where the other camps of her tribe were located. They did not

217 The narrator hesitated to tell this story. He suggested that if it were
printed it might hurt the feelings of some Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead. He
believed that these evil doings of the past should be forgotten, and that people
should not continue to tell them to their children; that anything which might
cause bitter feelings to a people or wound their pride should be avoided.

41383°—30 9

122, SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [pTH. ANN. 45

kill the little boys, but gave them each a piece of buffalo gut, and
told them to go home. This happened on the trail, a few miles to
the east of De Smet. Later some Coeur d’Aléne men happened to
come along, and, finding the woman still alive, bandaged her wound.
She asked to be taken to the little spring near De Smet. They
carried her there and left her. She got well. This woman was the
ereat-grandmother of the narrator of this story, Nicodemus Qwaro’tus,
my chief informant among the Coeur d’Aléne. One man escaped
unhurt from the Coeur d’Aléne camp. He crossed the hills by a
short route to St. Marys River and informed the people he met of
what had happened. At once six or seven men started back with him
to alarm other camps, and to try to intercept the invaders. Mean-
while the Pend d’Oreilles attacked a camp about 7 miles from De
Smet, near the present Government sawmill. The people there were
also digging camas. During the previous night a man in this camp
dreamed that the camp would be attacked by Flathead, and accord-
ingly had left. When he heard the shots he ran away as fast as
possible. During the attack one man escaped from the camp with
his two sons and one daughter. He carried the children under his
arms. They ran along a creek unobserved, but later, on crossing a
piece of flat, open ground, were seen and attacked. The little girl
was shot with an arrow, and he himself was badly wounded.”!8 The
man told the lad, ‘‘I am badly wounded; save yourself.”” He ran
away some distance and then returned, as he did not want to leave
his father. Again his father entreated him to run, and he ran off *
and hid in some bushes. The enemy dispatched the man and
pursued the lad. As the bushes were thick, the enemy dismounted
and left their horses loose in the open. The chief called out to the
lad that if he lay still, they would not kill him; but his guardian, the
Coyote, told him, “Do not fear, they can not kill you. Run, and
you will be safe.”” He ran out of the bushes to where the horses were,
took one by the rope and tried to mount it. He failed because the
rod armor he wore had slipped down too low on his hips. He jerked
it up with his teeth and managed to mount. The warriors ran out
of the bushes and shot arrows at him, one of them striking his backside.
Then they pursued him; but he whipped up his horse and escaped.
Afterwards the Coeur d’Aléne marked the bark of a tree at this place
to commemorate the exploit. All the people in the sawmill camp
were killed except this lad and the man who had the dream.

The following year a small party of Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead
returned to the Coeur d’Aléne country. Among them was Qutena’lq”,
who had been chief of the war party that slaughtered the Coeur
d’Aléne the previous year, and two other chiefs called P’ogp’ogcine’na

218 Another version has it that the man carried one child under his arm and
the lad carried the other. Both children were shot with arrows and killed as
they were being carried.

eA Coeur d’Aléne, but not a chief.—G. Reichard.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 123

and Citemu’s. The latter two wanted Qutena’lq’ to make peace,
and had accompanied him for the purpose of aiding in the matter.
They went to the main camp of the Coeur d’Aléne at Coeur d’Aléne
City. The Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead were not afraid to travel in
small parties in an enemy country, as they had guns. The Pend
d’Oreilles party camped near the Coeur d’Aléne, who now began to
gather in great numbers at Coeur d’Aléne City. After much talk,
the Coeur d’Aléne chiefs agreed to make peace; and after all the
terms had been arranged, they and the Pend d’Oreilles chiefs began
to smoke the peace pipe brought by the latter. Just as they started
to smoke, the lad who had escaped from the fight at Sawmill, and had
been wounded, spoke up, addressing the Coeur d’Aléne chiefs, and
objecting to the making of peace. He said to them, ‘It is easy for
you to make peace, for you have had none of your near relatives
slaughtered; but what about my slaughtered relatives?’’ Then he
addressed the Pend d’Oreilles chiefs, saying, ‘‘It is all right for you to
make peace with us; but I can not make peace with you, for you
have killed my parents, and my brother and sister. To-morrow I
will see if I can make peace with you.”’ This broke up the peace
proceedings. That day the Pend d’Oreilles moved camp a mile away,
that they might have the shelter of a very large fir tree, as it was
raining. On the following morning they were sitting around their
fires at this tree, and a large number of Coeur d’Aléne encircled them
on the outside. The chiefs were about to speak of peace again.
Qutena’lq”’ was seated with sinew and awl, sewing his gun case. The
lad who had spoken the previous day was hidden behind some of the
people. He began to play with his bow and arrows unseen by the
Pend d’Oreilles. Suddenly he drew his bow and shot from his hiding
place. Qutena’lq”’ looked up when he heard the twang of the bow-
string, and at the same moment was pierced through the stomach
and killed. He exclaimed, “I thought this was going to happen!’
Now the Pend d’Oreilles and Coeur d’Aléne fought, and many were
killed. Chief P’oqgp’ogcine’na was killed. Chief Citemu’s escaped
with some others. The Pend d’Oreilles party lost all their horses and
guns. The Coeur d’Aléne divided the horses; but the guns they
broke up, and made knives out of the metal, as they did not know
how to use them. According to some, this Pend d’Oreilles peace
party was about one-third Pend d’Oreilles, the rest being Kalispel and
Flathead. Some people say a majority were Kalispel. The following
year a large Flathead party came to the Little Spokane River; and
their chief called all the chiefs of the Coeur d’Aléne, Spokan, Kalispel,
Pend d’Oreilles, Colville, and Kutenai to meet him there. He wanted
to make a peace between all these tribes, and have their differences
settled once and for all. All the chiefs went, and many followers
with them. There was a great assembly. The Flathead chief made

124 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

a great speech, and said that the peace pipe must be filled and
smoked. One Flathead said, ‘‘No. How can we smoke the peace
pipe? The Coeur d’Aléne broke it. There is no peace pipe. How
can it be smoked?” The Coeur d’Aléne said they were willing to
smoke, as they could make an honorable peace now, for Flathead blood
had been spilled as well as Coeur d’Aléne blood. Any peace arranged
before would have been one-sided and dishonorable. Many speeches
were made, and the conference lasted a number of days. At last
everything was arranged amicably, and the pipe was smoked by all
the chiefs of these tribes. They agreed that there should be an
everlasting peace between them; that none would fight the others
and that all would be friends and allies. This pledge has never since
been broken.

Wars with the Kutenai.—Coeur d’Aléne parties sometimes went
to the Lower Kutenai country and attacked the people there, but the
Kutenai never retaliated by invading the Coeur d’Aléne country.
Probably the last fight between them happened as follows: At the
time when guns were first introduced among the Coeur d’Aléne, two
brothers had a gun between them. One day they quarreled about the
gun, each wanting to hunt with it. At last one brother said to the
other, ‘‘ Well, you may have the gun as your sole property. 1 will go
and get a gun in war.” At that time the Kutenai, Pend d’Oreilles,
and Flathead had a great many guns, but the Coeur d’Aléne had
hardly any. The brother arrayed himself for war, and, taking a
canoe, went down the river to the lake, where he saw a number of
people ashore. He hailed them and told them he was going to fight
the Kutenai. Many men said they would join him. At last the
party numbered about 100 men, and they held a war dance. They
crossed the lake and portaged their canoes on their heads, taking —
turns carrying them. Afterwards they cached their canoes and went
on foot until they reached Pend d’Oreille Lake. Here they made new
canoes and crossed the lake. There were many loons on the lake,
and they made a great noise when they saw the canoes. Someone
said, ‘‘Stop those birds from crying!’’? One man who was a shaman
tried and failed. Then another tried and succeeded. When they
arrived at the head of the lake they cached their canoes and proceeded
on foot. At last they reached a place on the Kootenay River where
there was a large camp of Lower Kutenai. The party counseled as
to whether they should attack the camp by daylight or wait until
early morning. They decided to wait. At daybreak they rushed the
camp and surprised the Kutenai, who were unable to put up a fight
and fled. Some jumped into the river and swam away; others hid
in the water, holding on to bushes, which concealed them; and some
reached their canoes and crossed the river. Many Kutenai were
killed; and the Coeur d’Aléne captured all the valuables in camp,

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 125

including several guns. In the camp was a buffalo-skin tent, which
was thought to be empty, as no one had attempted to escape from it.
It was occupied, however, by a sick man who had a gun. A Coeur
d’Aléne went to look in, and the Kutenai shot him in the thigh,
wounding him badly. The brother who had started the war party
then killed the sick man and took possession of his gun.

Wars with the Nez Percé.—The Coeur d’Aléne probably had
more wars with the Nez Percé than with any of the Salish tribes, and
each invaded the other’s territory. These wars, however, were not
frequent. Once during a war with the Nez Percé a band of Coeur
d’Aléne was camped on Hangmans Creek, at a place about 3 miles
west of De Smet, gathering camas. Some Nez Percé had been killed
some time before in a fight, and the Nez Percé had declared that they
would exterminate the Coeur d’Aléne. As it was war time, the band
‘at Hangmans Creek had partially fortified their camp and were
constantly on the alert. A large war party of Nez Percé went there
and surrounded them. They assaulted the camp, but were repulsed.
The parties fought for two days, many Nez Percé and Coeur d’Aléne
being killed. The headman of the Coeur d’Aléne said to his friends,
“The Nez Percé far outnumber us. We can not hold out against
their numbers, and probably to-morrow the last of us will be killed.
To save ourselves I will try a ruse.’”’ He was a strong, athletic man.
At midnight he left the camp and ran in the dark swiftly from place
to place in front of the Nez Percé lines, giving the war ery ‘“‘ Wa-a-a!”’
in a loud voice. At the same time the people in the Coeur d’Aléne
camp began to shout and to make a great noise. They also called
out challenges and insults to the Nez Percé. The chief standing in
front of the Nez Percé, but unseen because of the darkness, spoke
loudly to them in their own language, saying, ‘‘ Nez Percé, we do not
want to be always bad friends. We will give you a chance to go
home; and if you don’t go, then at daybreak we shall slaughter you.
All the Coeur d’Aléne warriors from St. Joseph’s, Coeur d’Aléne City,
and other places are now here, and we shall give you battle at day-
break.’”’? The Nez Percé held a consultation. They believed that
the man had spoken the truth, for there appeared to be great joy and
shouting in the Coeur d’Aléne camp. They left that night, and the
Coeur d’Aléne escaped.

Wars with the Blackfoot and other tribes east of the Rocky
Mountains —The Plains tribes had no fixed boundaries. They
had their homes in certain places; but they traveled hundreds
of miles, looking for buffalo, and changing their headquarters from
time to time. The Coeur d’Aléne never visited the real homes of
any of these tribes, as they were far to the east; but they often met
them when they were buffalo hunting in the intermediate country,
and they knew the general direction of what was considered to be

126 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN, 45

the country of each tribe. The Flathead knew much more than the
Coeur d’Aléne regarding the countries from which these tribes came.
As all these eastern tribes were encroaching on the western tribes
and on one another, there was almost constant warfare between them
and the western Indians, as well as among themselves. On the other
hand, the western Indians were allies, and did not fight among them-
selves. The western part of the plains, stretching from the Flathead
main camps to the Yellowstone and easterly for a very long distance,
was at one time practically an intertribal hunting and battle ground.
No one lived there permanently; but all the tribes hunted and fought
in it, and tried to claim hunting rights by force of arms. Nearly
all parties who traveled or hunted in this region were perforce large,
for small parties were lable to be cut off and exterminated at any
time. Long ago most of this western strip of the plains country
belonged to Flathead and Shoshoni tribes, who hunted there, usually
in small parties. The Blackfoot and Crow invaded the country in
large numbers, and for a time drove out the Flathead and Shoshoni.
Many of the bands of these tribes who formerly lived east of the
mountains were practically wiped out, and others retreated to the
west and south. The Shoshoni especially were severely handled, and
for many years no Shoshoni were seen on the northwestern plains
north of the Yellowstone. The Flathead were also much reduced in
numbers during these wars, which had lasted many years. There-
fore they made peace with all the western tribes, and invited them
to join them as partners in buffalo hunting in their former territory.
After this the Coeur d’Aléne and other western Salish tribes began
to go in ever-increasing numbers to join the Flathead in hunting and
war. Many Kutenai and Nez Percé also went annually. All these
tribes made their rendezvous in the Flathead country, and moved
from there eastward, northward, and southward for buffalo hunting
in three or more large parties, keeping more or less in touch with
one another during their travels. Being equal in numbers, and su-
perior in horses and weapons to most parties of the Plains Indians,
they had little difficulty in holding their own. These conditions con-
tinued until the buffalo became nearly extinct. The Coeur d’Aléne
generally went with the Spokan, and both often with the Kalispel
and Pend d’Oreilles. Sometimes part of them went with the Flat-
head, and at other times with the Nez Percé. Most fighting occurred
with the Blackfoot, who were considered the worst enemies of the
Salish tribes, but also with the Crow, and in later days with the
Sioux. The Snake, Bannock, and Ute were almost always friendly
with the Salish tribes, and were aligned with them against the eastern
tribes. Only one short war between the Salish and Shoshoni is
remembered. This was with a tribe of Snake inhabiting the Yellow-
stone country. The final fight in this war was between them and a

TEIT) THE COEUR D’ALENE 127

large force of combined Flathead (or Pend d’Oreilles), Spokan, and
Coeur d’Aléne, who, after a fierce battle, captured nearly all the
horses, baggage, and buffalo meat of the Shoshoni. So much of the
buffalo meat was taken that it could not be transported, and most
of it was left there. "The Snake who escaped were nearly all on foot.
After this some other Snake acted as intermediaries, and peace was
made. No Blackfoot, Crow, or other eastern tribes, or Shoshoni,
ever came to the Coeur d’Aléne country. The Blackfoot and Crow
knew little about taking horses and transports through mountains.
They were used to traveling with travois in a flat country. When
their war parties went into the Rocky Mountains in search of Snake
or Flathead, they were always afoot, and as a rule met with little
success. Once, long ago, a large party of Blackfoot invaded the
Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead countries. A battle was fought which
lasted two days, and the Blackfoot were driven off. A number of
men were killed on both sides. About this time or a little later a
party of Blackfoot and another Plains tribe, possibly the Gros Ventres,
attacked the Pend d’Oreilles and were driven off with considerable
loss. Either this fight or another one occurred at sniyelemen (now
Mission in the Pend d’Oreilles country). At a still later date a large
war party of Crow attacked and defeated the Shoshoni, and, following
this up, attacked the Flathead, who, however, routed them and drove
them south. Once, at a time when the Salish tribes had many
horses but very few guns, and the Blackfoot a good many guns but
not many horses, a large party of Flathead, Pend d’Oreilles, Kalispel,
Spokan, and Coeur d’Aléne, with a few Sanpoil and Columbia, were
traveling in a flat country along a large river, possibly the Yellow-
stone, on their way to hunt buffalo. At the same time a war party
of 32 Blackfoot were returning from an unsuccessful raid against the
Crow or Shoshoni. They camped on a hill not far from the river,
and were tired, for all were on foot. That night one of the party
dreamed, and woke up the others before daybreak. He told them,
“You must not go down to the river. I dreamed that down there
the ground was red with blood, and it was your blood. I saw the
sunrise that will come in a short time, and it was very red. In its
glow I saw many people, and then I saw your blood on the river.’
They laughed at him, and all of them went down to the river except
the man who had dreamed and his brother. They went farther up
the hill, and sat down to watch. It was just daybreak when the 30
left and went to the river at a place where a creek came in. There
was a flat near the stream strewn with bowlders and bearing a little
timber. The plateau ended in a bluff above this place, and the Flat-
head and others were in the habit of driving buffalo over this bluff
whenever they had the opportunity. The Blackfoot party had just
reached the river when the two men on the hill saw many people

128 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

approaching on horseback. This was the Salish party, and they soon
noticed the Blackfoot in the hole and surrounded them. The Black-
foot threw up a breastwork of rocks and trees, and a battle ensued.
The Salish shot bullets and arrows at the Blackfoot until there was
no further response. Then they rushed to the breastwork, and found
that the Blackfoot were all hors de combat. They drew out all the
bodies one after the other, and examined their wounds. One very
large man was shot only on the tip of the shoulder, and still he ap-
peared to be dead. They watched him; and when he showed signs
of reviving, they killed him with a knife. Some wounded men had
crawled under the rocks and into underground passages which had
been made there at a former time, probably for concealment. These
places were searched and the bodies pulled out. One wounded man
almost escaped. A Flathead searcher pursued him, and killed him
after a hand-to-hand struggle. They counted 30 bodies. After
scalping them and taking all their best clothes and weapons, they
left the bodies lying where they were. Among the weapons was a
number of guns (perhaps 10 or more), which were considered a great
prize at that time. The bones of these Blackfoot remained at this
spot for several years afterwards, scattered among the rocks by wolves,
and mixed with old buffalo bones. The two Blackfoot brothers who
had been watching made good their escape during the fight, unob-
served by the Salish, and reached their own country.

Wars with the whites—The Coeur d’Aléne were on the whole
always friendly to the whites. They never made any aggressions
against the fur traders and first white settlers. During the Cayuse
wars (1845-1850) and the Yakima wars (1855-56) they were neutral.
Owing to some dissatisfaction over the treaty made with Governor
Stevens, which they claimed the whites had not kept, and probably
for some other causes, the Coeur d’Aléne joined the Spokan in the
war of the latter (1858). In this war it seems they never attacked
any of the traders and settlers, but only the soldiers who invaded
their country. In May, 1858, a large force of Coeur d’Aléne, led
by their head chief, Saltis, participated with the Spokan and a few
Colville and other Salish, in the defeat of Colonel Steptoe’s command
of 200 dragoons and 30 Nez Percé scouts near Steptoe Butte. It
seems that there were no Yakima and Paloos in this battle, as claimed
by some authorities. The Indians pursued the remnants of the
column to the Snake River. In September of the same year the
Coeur d’Aléne were also engaged in two attacks on Colonel Wright’s
force of about 1,000 men; and they took part in the battles of Four
Lakes and Spokane Plains, in which the Indians were defeated. In
the latter engagement they fought all day, and a few days afterwards
again engaged Colonel Wright on his way to Coeur d’Aléne Mission.
When the soldiers reached there the Coeur d’Aléne submitted and

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 129

their allies dispersed. The Indians claim that strong influence to
submit was brought to bear on them by the priests and others; but
the chief reason was that they were entirely out of ammunition and
had no way of replenishing it. They considered it foolish to continue
the war with bows and arrows against rifles and artillery. In 1877
the Coeur d’Aléne refused to join Chief Joseph, and a large body
under the same Chief Saltis turned out to drive the Nez Percé out
of the settlements and protect the white settlers. The tribe was
neutral during the Bannock war of 1878. By 1880 very few of them
went to the plains; and by 1885, the buffalo being practically extinct,
the last of the Coeur d’Aléne settled permanently on their reserve.

Internal fights —Occasionally long ago there were blood feuds
between families of the Coeur d’Aléne. One of these came about in
the following way. Very long ago a Flathead or Pend d’Oreilles chief
sent his daughter to marry a Coeur d’Aléne chief called Hinwa’rene
(full name Hinwareniv’ct?). He directed her how to go, telling her to
descend Coeur d’Aléne River. She made a mistake and went down
St. Joe River. A man called Cililtcsq’wa’ilix” 4 was on the river in a
canoe. He saw a woman approaching who wore a leather dress
painted red, and knew she must be avstranger. When she saw him
she sat down on the river bank and he came to her in the canoe.
They began to talk, but, not understanding each other’s languages,
they had to resort to signs. She told the name of her father, that he
was a chief of the Flathead (or Pend d’Oreilles), and that he had sent
her to marry a chief of the Coeur d’Aléne called Warene’. He an-
swered that he was glad, because he was Wavrene’, and she must come
with him. This man lived at Xwa’ret,? an old Indian village near
Harrison, and he took the girl there. After staying four days the
girl noticed that her husband’s friend, who often came to visit him,
always called him Cililtcsq’wa’ilix”, and she had heard people ask him
to go to Warrne’s house. This aroused her suspicions. After this,
one day she saw the chief’s daughter playing, and asked her the name
of her husband. The girl answered, ‘‘Your husband’s name is
Cililtesy wa'iliz””’ She then asked the girl what her father’s name was,
and she answered, ‘‘My father’s name is Warene’.”’ Then she told
the chief’s daughter that she had been sent by her father to marry
Wazxene’. The girl told her father; but the latter said nothing for a
time, for Cililtcsq’wa’ilix” was one of four brothers. The whole family
were noted as bad men and great fighters. Now, it came to be
wintertime; and, ice having formed on the river, most of the people
began to prepare for a great elk hunt. The chief, Warene’, arranged
with four men to kill Cililtesq’ wa’iliz” as soon as most of the people had
left. The people were hardly out of sight when they killed him. An
old man who lagged behind heard the dogs yelping furiously and

‘ He lived at St. Marie’s.—G. Reichard. 9% Harrison.—G. Reichard.

130 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

turned back to see what was the matter. The chief told the four
men, ‘‘We must now kill Cililtesq’wa’ihx”’s three brothers, or they will
kill us.”” He persuaded the old man to help. The brothers had
gone with the elk-hunting party. The old man went on to the camp
of the elk hunters and told stories, keeping the people up very late,
and making them very sleepy. When all were asleep, he went out
and told the four men who were waiting where the brothers slept.
They went in and killed them all. Then they went at once to another
camp, where the uncle and other relatives of the brothers were, and
killed them also. The father of the brothers was an aged infirm man,
and lived at another place. They induced the people with whom he
lived to desert him, saying that they were going hunting and would
be back soon. They left him firewood, but no food, and he died of
starvation. When the four men returned to the chief, he feasted
them and gave them presents. The girl became the wife of Waxene’
and lived with him. As all the males of Cililtcsq’wa’thaz”’s family were
killed off, there was no one to avenge their death on Wazene’ and his

helpers.
VIII. GAMES AND PASTIMES

Dicr anp GuESsSING Games.—A great many games were played.
A favorite one among women was the game of dice played with
beaver teeth, which were tossed down on a blanket, robe, skin, or mat.
The game and the dice seem to have been the same as among the
Thompson.”!? The manner of counting is said to have varied a little
in different places. The dice consisted of four pieces, making two
pairs. One pair was marked with straight transverse lines; the other
with zigzag lines.

A card game was in vogue long ago; but particulars of this game
and the marks on the cards are now forgotten. The cards were gen-
erally made of stiff hide of young deer; but some were of wood split
very thin, and others were of birch bark.”° Each card was marked.
Sometimes the designs represented dreams. As far as remembered,
the cards were marked in pairs; but the number of pairs or cards in
the set is uncertain. Some say the numbers varied in different sets.

The stick game played by the Thompson with marked sticks ”*
was unknown; but a guessing game was in vogue, played with six or
seven unmarked sticks of about the same length and diameter as
those used in the stick game of the Thompson. The sticks were all
of an even length except one, which was longer than the others.
They were held in the hands with all the ends arranged evenly on the
side exposed toward the person who had to guess. One was selected
and pulled out. If it was one of the short sticks, the guesser lost;
and if the long one, he won.

219 q, p. 272, and fig. 256.( 221:q, pp. 272, 273.
220 See Thompson, a, p. 276, and fig. 264.

TEIT} THE COEUR D’ALENE ileal

The hand game or lehal was very common and was played in the
same way as among the Thompson,” but 22 sticks were used as
counters instead of 10 and 12, as among most other tribes. Knuckle
covers *° were used by many in playing the game. They were made
of otter, weasel, coyote, and other skins, and were fringed. Singing
always accompanied the game, and time was beaten with short sticks
on a log or board placed in front of the players.

Hoop or Rina Games.—A number of hoop or ring games were
played. A favorite game was the ring and pole game of the Thomp-
son 4 and other tribes. Among the Coeur d’Aléne the logs for
stopping the ring from rolling too far were from 10 to 15 centimeters
in diameter and generally placed about 5 meters apart. There were
many different ways of playing, such as standing with the toe to a
mark or not moving forward when throwing the lance or stick, erect,
and taking one step forward when throwing, erect and two steps for-
ward, sitting, kneeling, kneeling and one hand on the ground, and so
on. The lance or stick was thrown so as to stop the ring and make
it fall over on the stick. Points were counted according to the beads
that rested against the stick. All rings had two blue beads, which
counted the greatest number of points. The other beads were of
various colors. In early times bone beads were used, also colored
quills, or, instead, wrappings at the various spaces on the ring. The
sizes of rings and throwing sticks were about the same as among the
Thompson. Besides different methods of throwing, there were several
ways of counting and all had names. Each bead and combination of
beads and the positions of the ring on the stick had names, as well as
almost every inch of the throwing stick. No other game had nearly
as rich a nomenclature as this game. In most ways of playing,
besides counting the beads and their positions against the stick, the
part of the stick the beads rested against was also counted. Thus
most sticks had divisions marked on them with rings and wrappings.
People bet and gambled much in this game, and there were often
disagreements and quarrels. Elderly men known to be honest and
disinterested were appealed to or asked to act as referees or arbitrators
to settle all disputes in the game. These referees used slender sticks
or pointers, with which they righted ring and stick, thus ascertaining
accurately the positions of the beads. Their decision was final.

Another ring and stick game was common. ‘The ring was usually
about 30 centimeters in diameter, or slightly more, made of a stick
bent into a circle, the ends joined, or, more generally, two sticks bent
and joined. A web of thong or bark twine filled up the inside of the
ring like a net, leaving a circular hole in the center about 3 cm.
indiameter. (Fig.13.) The Indians claim that the weaving of the hoop

222 q, pp. 275, 276.
223 See Thompson, a, fig. 263; also Peabody Mus., No. 367.
224 q, p. 274, fig. 260.

132 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

was generally done as sketched. It seems that some hoops varied in
the number of meshes and therefore in the size of mesh. Two persons
rolled the ring back and forth to each other while two others, one on
each side, took turns at throwing the stick or spear at the hoop. The
persons throwing generally stood. As a rule, two played against
two and turns were taken at rolling and spearing the hoop. The
object was to throw the spear through the central hole. This won
the game. Points were also counted according to the mesh that
was hit—the nearer to the center, the higher the points. These
meshes had different names. If a person hit the same mesh twice in
succession he had to-withdraw from the game or allow himself to be
prodded in the backside by the other players with their sticks. (This
was also a forfeit or punishment in ring games of the Thompson.)
The stick or spear used in this game was more than a meter long,
sharp-pointed, and made of a slip of a young tree
with from ‘three to seven stubs of branches left
on the upper part to prevent it going entirely
through the meshes.

A game with feathered lances or sticks, like
large arrows, was also common. These were
about a meter in length and like war lances for
throwing; only they had no attached heads, the

Figure 13.—Netted hoop — points being simply sharpened. I did not obtain
any particulars of this game, but it seems that the lances were hurled
at targets and marks of different kinds.

A ring-and-dart game like that played by the Thompson ** was
much played by boys. The ring was about 15 cm. in diameter and
made of tule or strips of bark wound around a core. The darts were
feathered and like those of the Thompson. Both this game and the
preceding one have been out of use for a long time.

Arrow Games.—A number of arrow games were played. In
some of these rings and disks were used. One kind of disk was
about 8 inches in diameter, made of a coiled stick wrapped with bark.
It was round in section, and thick. It was set going and arrows were -
shot at it from the side as it passed, the object being to hit the disk
as it rolled.

Another similar game was played with a ring or rolling target made
of two sticks woven together side by side with bark. In this case
the ring was wide in section and was shot at from behind as it sped
away.

Another arrow game was to shoot at a target consisting of a circle
marked on the face of a hard sandy bluff. Sometimes the target
consisted of several rings marked one inside the other.

Yet another arrow game was like ninepins, only the pins were shot
at. The pins or targets were made of grass wrapped tightly with

225

225 q, pp. 274, 275, fig. 261; also Peabody Mus., Nos. 363, 364.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 133

twine. They were from 25 to 30 cm. in length and about 10 cm.
in diameter. These grass targets were set up one or more at each
end of the shooting ground. Sometimes rows of them were used.

‘Another arrow game was to shoot an arrow into a sandy mound
or bank and use it as a target, the object being to hit the nock of the
arrowshaft.

A boy’s arrow game in which blunt arrows were used was men-
tioned as having been at one time in vogue, but it has been out of
use for a very long time and | obtained no details regarding it.

Batt Games.—A number of ball games were played. The most
common one was played with bats having crooked ends and was the
same as the ball game played by the Thompson *° and other tribes.
The bats were very much like hockey sticks.” In some forms of the
game, netting was used on the sticks ** and the ball was caught
in this and thrown forward. It seems that the netted sticks were
used chiefly in winter, when there was snow on the ground and the
ball hard to advance without lifting and throwing. According to
the rules of the game, the ball must not be touched with the hands,
but it might be kicked as well as hit with the bat. Some players used
guard sticks ** in this game. Balls were made of deer’s hair sewed
tightly in leather. No wooden balls were used.

It is uncertain whether the ball game played like baseball, as de-
scribed for the Thompson,*° was in vogue very long ago, but a form
of this game was played at one time. Another ball game was
like one very common among the Lower Thompson.*! The ball
was thrown up and all tried to catch it. The one who caught it
ran and the others tried to catch him before he reached the goal.
When caught or slapped with the hand, he had to throw the ball up.
Women often participated in these games. Some of both sexes
played on each side when there were sides. Occasionally one sex
played against the other. Usually men played together in one place
and women in another; or the same playground was used by both
sexes in turn. Ball games were played by the tribe until lately.
Nowadays the young men of the reservation have a good baseball
team, and play against white teams from neighboring towns in Idaho
and Washington.

There are some indications that a ball-and-hoop game similar to
that played by Thompson children *” was at one time in vogue, but
I did not ascertain this with certainty.

A ball game was played on smooth ice. A-small ball was rolled
at a mark. If it missed the mark, the game was lost. Sometimes a
ring instead of a ball was rolled at a mark.

2a DD. 2Ui wats, Hes, 260, 267, 208. 230 g, p. 277, figs. 265, 266.
227 See Thompson, a, fig. 267 a. 231 q, p. 278.
228 See Thompson, a, fig. 267 b. 232 q, p. 279, fig. 269.

229 See Thompson, a, fig. 268.

134 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

The ball-and-pin game was common, and was the same as among
the Thompson.*** The pin consisted of a sharpened stick or bone,
and the ball of grass, tule, or bark. In the early summer balls for
this game were often made of the growing heads of the cow parsnip
(Heracleum lanatum Michx.) before the flowers came out. It is
said that some of the ball and other games that were in vogue long
ago have now been forgotten, and even the names of some games are
no longer remembered.

Srports.—Many kinds of athletic games and sports were at one
time practiced. Favorite winter sports, engaged in by old and young
of both sexes, were coasting and sliding. Coasting slides were made
on open parts of hillsides, and the toboggans consisted of pieces of
rawhide and bark, which were bent up in front. Sliding was practiced
on good smooth ice, after a light fall of dry snow, and was much
enjoyed.

Tugging or pulling games were common. In one of these, hooks
made of eagle bones were used, two men pulling against each other
until one bone broke. Pulling with the middle fingers and pulling on
a rope was practiced. Sometimes teams of men took part in rope
pulling.

Wrestling contests were common among men, and women also
wrestled occasionally. A wrestling match between women often fur-
nished great amusement to the spectators.

All the Indians could swim. The arms were worked dog fashion,
and they struck out with the right foot. Sometimes there were
swimming races. Nearly all the men could dive, and some men
could dive right across St. Joe River.

Foot racing and canoe racing, and in later days horse racing, were
common. Jumping for distance and height were both practiced, and
also the standing jump, running jump, and vaulting.

A catching game was in vogue, called ‘‘making slaves.”’ Two goals
were marked at opposite ends of the playground with stones, poles,
pegs, or scratches in the earth. On the clapping of hands by a
‘“‘chief,’’ who sometimes stood in the middle, the game commenced.
The object was to touch the hands of any person of the opposite side,
and then return and reach one’s own goal without being caught by
him. The person caught was considered and called a “slave” or
“‘captive of war,’’ and was conducted over to the enemy lines by the
person who caught him. The game continued thus until one side
was out. Women often participated in this game.

A kicking game ** was in vogue among men, especially at gather-
ings where there were many young men. ‘There were contests in this
game between men of different villages and of different bands.

233 Peabody Museum, Nos. 362, 408.
234 This game was also common among the Thompson.

TEIT| THE COEUR D’ALENE 135

Sometimes there were intertribal contests. Often 30 or more men
played on a side. They formed in two rows, facing each other, and
after taunting each other, at a given signal by the ‘‘chief” of the
game they rushed forward in close formation and kicked each other
until one line fell back. Sometimes the two opposing rows were
drawn up close together or within striking distance and lines made on
the ground close behind each. At a signal they began kicking, and
whichever side pushed the other back over their line won. When a
man was forced back over his own line by his adversary he was out
of the game. Sometimes this game resulted in fighting. Once a
party of Coeur d’Aléne were digging pitcélia’sa roots, which were
obtained only on the borders of the Nez Percé country. A party of
Nez Percé were also gathering roots near by. While the women were
out digging roots the men of the two parties had games and sports.
They had been playing lehal and other games all day. In the evening
a young Nez Percé gave the challenge for the kicking game, calling
loudly, ‘‘Hu ha, hu ha, hu ha!”’ The Coeur d’Aléne accepted and
went to play. The contest was very stubborn, neither side being able
to push the other. At last some of the young men began to quarrel
and fight. One Coeur d’Aléne took a stick and struck a Nez Percé
over the head, knocking him senseless. The chief ran up and stopped
the game, otherwise there might have been bloodshed. This happened
about 1860.

Cat’s-cradle was played a great deal, especially to amuse children.
The figures made were the following: Coyote, skunk, beaver, bear,
beaver and bear, owl, magpie, geese, snake, salmon, sun, man and
sun, man and dog, two men, woman roasting ducks, fish trap, tent,
skin stretched on a frame, shoulder blade, and some others. The
knee and mouth were brought into use in making some of the figures.

All the above-mentioned games and sports were in vogue before
the introduction of the horse, except horse racing. After horses had
become common, sham battles and war maneuvers were sometimes
practiced on horseback under the direction of chiefs.

Dancing was a favorite amusement, and also singing. Cries of
animals and birds were imitated by children for amusement, and also
the actions and speech of certain individuals and of old people. Play
acting and mimicry of animals, persons, and mythological characters
were in vogue. Sometimes the actors dressed up for the occasion so
as to make the acting more effective (see p. 163). Many kinds of toys
were made for children, including miniature canoes, board baby-
carriers, bows and arrows. Dolls were used by nearly all girls.

IX. SIGN LANGUAGE

According to tradition, a sign language has been used from the
earliest times. The old sign language is said to have been somewhat
different from the modern form, but the Coeur d’Aléne do not

136 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

remember that earlier type. The old style of sign language was used
by all the interior Salishan tribes known to the Coeur d’Aléne, and
by neighboring tribes of other stocks. It was understood over a
large area, and may be called the old plateau sign language. It
varied slightly between tribes, and was a little different at the extreme
boundaries of the country. The present-day sign language is said to
be the same, or almost the same, as that used on the plains, and has
been employed by the Coeur d’Aléne since the middle of the eight-
eenth century, ever since they began to go in large bodies to the plains.
It seems that, besides the plateau form of sign language, there was
at one time a northern form used by the Blackfoot, which differed a
little, and also an eastern form used by the Crow; and possibly there
were some other forms. However, they did not vary considerably
from one another. It is said that the Crows were considered the
most proficient in the use of sign language, and possibly the form used
by them was the richest. However this may be, the Coeur d’Aléne
claim that the plateau and Blackfoot, and all other forms, were
modified by the Crow form, whose sign language was finally adopted
by all the tribes. This is said to be the form used at the present day
by all the Salishan tribes east of Columbia River, and also by the
Kutenai, Blackfoot, Gros Ventres, Crow, Shoshoni, Bannock, Nez
Percé, and others. Salishan tribes who did not go much to the plains
probably continued to use the older or plateau form of the sign
language until the Chinook jargon came in. It is said the Coeur
d’Aléne did not have much trouble in talking by means of signs with
people of any tribe. Some time after the arrival of traders the
Chinook jargon began to supersede the sign language along the
upper Columbia River and west of it, and later along Fraser River
and in other parts to the north, west, and south, but it never took
much hold east of the Colville and Lake tribes. Even at the present
day very few Coeur d’Aléne understand or speak the Chinook
jargon. For comparison with what is probably part of the old
plateau form of the sign language as remembered by Thompson and
Shuswap, and with the eastern sign language, I collected a few of the
signs used by the Coeur d’Aléne representing the form now and
lately used in the eastern parts of the plateau and the adjoining parts
of the plains. I might have obtained a complete vocabulary had I
wished, as the sign language is still used considerably by elderly Coeur
d’Aléne in speaking with some Spokan and members of other tribes.
Sign language was much used in talking with strangers, in trading
and hunting, and as gestures accompanying speech.

SIGNS

1. Bear.—The same as Thompson sign No. 1 (see a, p. 283). The
sign is made with the fists in front of the chest, or perhaps more
generally at the sides of the head. (The sign is no doubt imitative
of the movements of the bear.)

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE lieye

2. Deer (in general).—Index finger held in front of body, pointing
outward, and wandering motions made with it from side to side.
(Imitative of the movements or manner of deer traveling about.)

3. Buck deer.—Four fingers of each hand held near sides of head,
fingers slightly apart and pointing upward, hands moved forward
and backward, at the same time describing curves. Sometimes the
whole head and shoulders are moved uniformly with the hands.
(Imitates antlers and movements of a buck.) **°

4. Young buck.—The same sign as the Thompson sometimes make
for ‘“‘doe,” but the two fingers on each side moved around as in the
“bucky” sign.’

5. Doe—The sign for “woman” (No. 15) and then the sign for
“deer”? (in general) (No. 2).

6. Raven (or Crow?).—Hands held out in front of sides and pointing
slightly sidewise; fingers extending slightly downward or drooping,
and both hands moved up and down from the wrists at the same
-time. (Imitates flapping of wings as made by ravens.) *%*

7. Eagle—Almost the same sign as the preceding, but the hands
flopped farther from the body and a little more motion put into the
arms; one hand is then pushed downward with a sweep. (Imitates
the flying and swooping of an eagle.) *°

8. Snake—A wriggling zigzag motion made with the hand or
forefinger pointing downward and outward. (Imitates the move-
ments of a snake crawling.) *“°

9. Salmon (or Fish)—Hand held rather stiffly in front of body,
edge up, and fingers close together, then moved forward in short
rapid zigzags with a movement chiefly from the wrist. (Imitates
the movements of a fish, especially swimming upstream.) 7"!

10. Lake trout—The same sign as the preceding, then the right
index finger pointed to the tip of the left elbow, and shaken or made
to describe a small circle. (The last part of the sign seems to refer
to the spots on lake trout. Sometimes the circle is made against
something of a yellowish or grayish color.) See “color” sign.

235 This sign is often used by the Thompson for ‘‘unalarmed deer or similar
game traveling around feeding.”’

236 This sign is also used by the Thompson for ‘‘buck deer.”

237 Also used by the Thompson for ‘“‘young buck,”’ especially for a 2-year-old
buck.

238 This sign is used by the Thompson, who differentiate between raven and
crow. The sign is made more slowly if a raven is meant, and generally an
imitation of the raven croak (kré) accompanies it; for a crow the movements
are faster and the crow cry (ka, k&) is generally given.

°89 The Thompson sign for ‘‘eagle” is only a little different from this.

240 The same sign is used by the Thompson.

241 See Shuswap, e, p. 568, No. 103.

41383°—30——10

138 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS {BTH. ANN. 45

11. Man.—lIndex finger held almost horizontally in front of chest
and pointing outward.”

12. Old man.—Hands clutched and drawn downward close in
front of face, and then the sign for ‘‘man’”’ made. (The first part of
the sign is imitative of the drawing down of. the face and wrinkles of
old people.)

13. Man on horseback (or riding).—Left hand held out in front
edgewise, fingers close together; sign of ‘‘man’’ made with the right,
then the first and second fingers of the latter parted and straddled
over the upper edge of the left-hand fingers. (Imitative of riding.)**

14. Chief —Right index finger pointed upward directly in front
of the brow. (Probably has some connection with “high” or
‘‘prominent.’’)

15. Woman.—Hands raised to near top of head, palms backward
and fingers toward thumbs, then parted and drawn over or in
front of ears with a sweeping motion downward to fronts of shoulders
and outward. (Imitates parting of the hair or hairdress of women.)

16. Wife—The same sign as the preceding, then the right fist
lowered with a slight jerk at the right side. (Imitates sitting down
at your side; vz, the one who sits by you.)

17. Robe—Hands closed and passed by each other close to and
in front of breast. (Imitates putting on of a robe or blanket.) *“*

18. Spoon.—First and second fingers of right hand, backs down,
and points inclining upward to the left, then moved in motion as
if scooping up something. (Imitates the hollow of a spoon and
dipping.) 7°

19. Knife—The right hand held edgewise and moved across the
top of the left backward and forward (imitating cutting).™°

20. Gun.—Right arm placed across the breast, with the index
finger pointing out past the left arm a little above the elbow or at
the elbow. (Imitates a common Indian method of carrying a gun
in front of the body, with the muzzle sticking out to the left.)

21. Shooting a gun.—This sign is not clear, but I understood it to
mean “shooting a gun.”” Right arm and finger the same as in pre-
‘ceding sign, but higher up, near the left shoulder; one or both eyes
‘closed, then the right hand pushed downward quickly a short distance
(probably in imitation of closing the eye when taking aim, and the
sudden discharge or recoil of the gun).*"”

242 See Thompson, a, p. 283, No. 7.

243 See Thompson, a, p. 283, No. 8.

244 The same sign is used by the Thompson for ‘“‘robe” or ‘‘putting on a robe.”

245 See Thompson, a, p. 283, Nos. 10, 11.

245 Used by the Thompson as a sign of ‘‘cutting up or slicing something,”
also nearly like a Thompson sign for ‘‘knife.’’

247 See Thompson, a, p. 285, No. 56.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 139

22. Bow and arrow.—Same sign as Thompson, No. 55.7%

23. Tipi or lodge—The two index fingers placed across each othe?
at the first joint, with tips raised more or less upward.*°

24. Rain.—Hands held a little above the head, bent and limp from
the wrists, all the fingers toward each other and drooping; hands
then moved or shaken up and down. (Imitates frequent dripping.)*°

25. Snow.—The same sign as the preceding, then a small circle
made with the index finger (toward something white, if there is a
white object handy).

26. Sun.—Thumb and forefinger spread and extended upward to
the right above the level of the head, and then stopped suddenly.
(Probably imitates the course or high position of the sun in the
heavens. )

27. Moon.—The same sign as for ‘‘sun”’ is made, and then the
hands brought over each other in front of the body, a little distance
apart and palms down. (May possibly contain the idea of “small”
for “narrow’’], or covered sun.)

28. Star.—Lips half opened, and sign of “‘sun’’? made forward and
then upward with a swinging motion. (May be imitative of distri-
bution or scattering. Some Indians say it means literally almost the
same as saying ‘“‘sun thrown away.’’)

29. East——Index finger pointed to the east, point curved upward,
and a half circle described upward toward the body. (Seems to
imitate rising or coming out in the east.) **

30. Sunrise —The sign of the ‘‘sun,”’ and then that of the “east’’;
or the sign of “east”? made with the spread thumb and forefinger.
(See ‘‘Sun.”’ Imitates the rising of the sun.) *°?

31. West——Index finger with poimt curved downward, pushed
from the body downward toward the west. (Imitates setting or
going down in the west.) **

32. Sunset—Sign of the ‘‘sun,’’ and then that of ‘west’; or the
sign of the ‘west’? made with the spread thumb and forefinger.
(Imitates setting of the sun.) **

33. Noon.—Sign of ‘‘sunrise’”’ made. When the motion toward
the body reaches near the right ear, the finger is straightened and
pointed sharply and directly upward. (Imitates the high position
of the sun at noon or overhead.) ***

‘

248 See Thompson, a, p. 285.

249 Used by the Thompson for “tipi’’ or ‘‘conical lodge.”
250 Also used by Thompson Indians.

251 See Thompson, a, p. 283, No. 13; p. 286, No. 75.

252 See Thompson, a, p. 283, No. 13.

253 See Thompson, a, p. 283, No. 14.

254 See Thompson, a, p. 288, No. 12.

140 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

34. Cross trails —Yorefinger of each hand brought out from sides
and crossed over each other out in front of the body. (Imitates
coming together and crossing.) 7°

35. Lake.—Circle described with both hands in front. (imitates
‘‘roundness”’ or more probably “surrounded”’ [by earth].)”°°

36. Bushes ——Hands brought together facing each other, a little
distance apart, with fingers extending upward; then hands moved
up and down a little.”’

37. Thick brush—The same as the preceding, but the hands very
close to each other. (Imitates thick growth or things standing
thickly together. The movement of the hands seems to indicate
that the things are not in one place, or in two rows.)”®

38. Oold.—Clenched hands held more or less closely together in
front of body, then arms and hands made to tremble or shake.
(Imitates drawn-up feeling and shivering.) *°

39. Hot.—There are several methods of expressing ‘‘hot’’ or
“heat’’ of different kinds, viz: (a) Sign made for “no,” and then
that for “cold”; (b) sign made for “good,” and then sign for “sun”; —
(c) breath blown slightly as if panting; (d) the breath blown slightly
as if panting, and then the sign of ‘“‘sun”’ made (this is if the sun is
very hot, or a person is hot from the heat of the sun).

40. Tobacco—Left hand held palm up in front of the body, hand
lax, and palm slightly hollowed; right index finger placed across it,
then the index finger and thumb brought together, and small circular

‘motions made with them in the hollow of the palm. (Imitates crush-
ing or mixing in the hand of tobacco preparatory to putting it in the
pipe.) 2°

41. Cigarette—Both hands held close together horizontally, points
of fingers of each hand almost touching; then fingers of both hands
describe motions over the thumbs toward the body. (Imitates
rolling of the tobacco in paper.)

42. Smoking—Hand held in front, fingers closed excepting fore-
finger, which is arched upward with the back outward; the finger
is then brought to the mouth and back again several times. (Imitates
pipe and puffing smoke.) 7

43. Small—Right thumb placed underneath the point of the
index finger, a little back from the end (sometimes both curved
slightly toward each other); hand held out in front of the breast or

255 See Thompson, a, p. 286, No. 74.

256 See Thompson, a, p. 283, No. 6.

257 See Thompson, a, p. 283, No. 4.

258 See Thompson, a, p. 283, No. 5.

259 See Thompson, a, p. 287, No. 84.
. 260 A Thompson sign for “tobacco” is very similar to this one.

261 A Thompson sign for ‘‘pipe”’ is the same as this one. The sign for.“‘smok-
ing” is different.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 141

face; sometimes also a small or short breath was blown, or the mouth
was puckered. (Imitates something “‘tiny.’’) 7?

44. Big—Hands held close to each other, palms facing, and fingers
bent almost to touching; then the hands suddenly drawn asunder,
describing half circles toward the sides of the body. (Seems to
imitate something held which expands ** and can no longer be held.)

45. Very big—The same sign as the preceding, but the circles or
sweeps of the hands are more extended.”**

46. Color—Pointing to something of the desired color, and then
making a small circle opposite it with the forefinger.

47. Bad.—Hand makes waves in front of the head, is then pushed
outward and afterwards downward with fingers extended. (Possi-
bly implies “‘ pushing aside or away from one.’’)

48. Good —Right hand pushed past front of mouth or lower part
of face in a sweep or wave. Sometimes the sweep is made slightly
inward toward the body. (Possibly implies “‘retainment,” the
opposite of 47.)

49. No good or very bad—A wave of the hand inward toward
the breast, then outward and downward, as in the sign for “bad.” |
Sometimes the fingers make a slight snappy noise as they move out
and down. (Probably implies ‘‘ pushing away” and “disgust.’’)

50. Good looking—Right hand drawn over the face to the chin
(without touching), and then swept outward, palm down. (Implies
‘“good face.’’)

51. Glad —Hand drawn up in wriggling motion from opposite the
abdomen to the breast, and then outward. (Suggests a feeling of
satisfaction or good feeling rising up to the heart or breast.) °°

52. Dumb.—Hands placed flat on the mouth, and then on the ears.
(Probably implies “closed in”’ or ‘‘shut’’ mouth and ears.) *

53. Deaf—Hands placed flat on the ears.’ (Probably implies
“closed.’’)

54. Dead—Right hand passed downward on left side between
the body and left arm, the forefinger pointing to the ground. (Seems
to have some connection with going down to the ground.)

55. The chief is dead or dead chief —The same sign as the preceding,
and then the sign for ‘“‘chief.”’

56. J or Me—Forefinger put on nose. The breast struck with
the forefinger is also used.*°*

262 A Thompson sign for something very small or a very small quantity was
made like this one. The mouth was puckered. See also a, p. 287, No. 81.

263 Also used by the Thompson.

264 Also used by the Thompson.

265 Also used by the Thompson.

266 Used by the Thompson for “dumb” or ‘“‘deaf and dumb” (can neither
speak nor hear).

267 Also used by the Thompson.

268 See Thompson, a, p. 284, No. 33.

142 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

57. Thou.—The right arm and forefinger extended and pointed
toward a person’s breast.”

58. Ye-—Right hand pushed out in front of left side, then drawn
across in front and downward to the right. Often the left hand is
touched or tapped lightly by the right before making this sign.

59. All.—Right hand held in front of breast, palm downward,
moved around horizontally.?”

60. Ye all—Same as “Ye” (No. 58); but the hand continues in a
wide sweep to the right in horizontal plane, palm down.

61. Yes.——Hand with forefinger extended carried across the body
to the left, and then struck a little downward.

62. No.—Hand drawn up and pushed out to right, back outward,
and fingers thrown downward; or the hand extended a little in front
of body, and then carried with a sweep to the right and downward.
(Seems to be connected with the idea of pushing something aside.)

63. Good-looking woman.—Sign of ‘‘woman,” and then sign of
“‘good-looking.”’

64. Good-looking wife-—Sign of ‘“‘woman,” then sign of ‘good-
looking”? and then sign of ‘‘wife.”’

65. (1) think woman not good-looking.—Sign of ““woman,’’ then of
‘“‘good-looking,”’ then of “thinking,” and then of “no good” (No. 49)
or “no.”

66. To think (or like?).—Fists held one above the other in front of
the breast. .

67. Thou art no good.—Sign of ‘‘no good,” and then finger pointed
to the person.

68. Good man.—Hand brought to breast, and then pushed out-
ward with fingers upward. Also the sign of ‘‘man” made, and
then that of “good.”

69. Know or I know.—Thumb and forefinger raised to near throat
and then thrown outward. (Seems to imply holding or gripping
something. )

70. Don’t know.—Hand held in front, back inclining downward,
fingers spreading, then hand shaken from side to side. (Seems to
imply shaking off something.)

71. Don’t hear or understand.—Forefinger held opposite right ear
and shaken, hen hand thrown outward to right side and downward.”

72. Untrue or tells a he.—First and second fingers forked or spread,
then pushed past front of mouth; then fingers snapped slightly, and
hand pushed outward and downward. (The first part of the sign
seems to imply talk which is ‘‘double” or not direct.) .

73. Drinking or to drink.—Points of bent forefinger and thumb
placed touching or almost touching, the two forming a circle, then

269 Also used by the Thompson, a, p. 284, No. 35.
270 Also used by Thompson, a, p. 284, No. 38.
271 Also used by Thompson, a, p. 285, No. 53.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 143

drawn to the mouth. Often at the same time a motion of swallow-
ing is made with the throat or mouth.?”

74. Whisky.—Sign of ‘‘drinking”’ made first, and then the sign
of ‘“‘bad”’ made, or of ‘‘crazy.”’

75. Jumping.—The hand pushed out in front upward and then
downward, forming a curve, palm down.?”

76. Running—Like the ‘‘bear’’ sign, but the elbows held well
back and moved alternately, as a person does when running.

77. Falling or fall down (also capsize)—The hands placed close
together, then carried to the right side and downward; at the same
time the hands are turned over.** (Seems to imitate something
turned over or capsized.)

78. To fall from a horse.—Sign of ‘man on horseback”’ or “riding,”
then right hand thrown down to the right side.

79. Stop—Hand held in front, palm forward, and forefinger bent
out, then pushed gently outward and downward a couple of times.””
(Seems to imitate pushing back something.)

80. Look.—Fingers of both hands brought up to level of the eyes,
then the index fingers extended outward in front.””

81. Thow look.—Sign of ‘look,’ and then both index fingers
pointed to the person.

82. Come.—Hand extended some distance in front of the body,
index finger extended slightly and bent; then the hand swept inward
toward the body. (Seems to be imitative of hooking or bringing
something toward one.)?”’

83. Don’t come——Same sign as ‘‘come,”’ and then hand thrown off
to the right side. Otherwise the sign of “‘come’’ made, and then
the sign of ‘‘no.”

84. Walking—Hands and arms swing alternately outward and
inward in front of sides several times.

85. Meeting—Two index fingers brought together in front on a
horizontal plane until the points touch.”

86. Two meet.——The spread first and second fingers of right hand
held in front of head, points up, and then the two fingers brought
together.

87. Where from, or where have you come from?—Right hand extended

and shaken in wavering motions in front of the body or toward
the individual.

272 This is like the sign for ‘‘drinking’’ of the Thompson, a, p. 283, No. 11.
278 Like the Thompson sign for ‘‘man jumping.’’

274 See Thompson, a, p. 286, Nos. 65, 66.

275 See Thompson, a, p. 285, No. 42.

276 See Thompson, a, p. 285, No. 49.

277 Compare Thompson, a, p. 286, No. 75; Shuswap, e, p. 567, No. 88.

278 Compare Thompson, a, p. 286, No. 71.

144 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

88. Came from, or I came from (certain place or country)—Finger
pointed in the direction of place or country where the person came
from. When hand in proper direction, finger pointed downward
with a slight jerk; then the hand drawn back to the front of the
body, and finger pointed down near feet. The raising and stretching
of the arm much or little defined to some extent whether the place
was distant or near; but, as several places and tribes were often
located in the same general direction, the name of the place or tribe
was often said, or the sign for the tribe given. When considered
necessary, places were also differentiated by defining in signs the
nature of the place, whether by a lake or a river, a falls, or in moun-
tains, valley or plains.

89. White man, or whites—Right hand raised to left side of brow,
inclining slightly inward, palm down, fingers close together and
somewhat extended; hand drawn across horizontally to right side of
brow, as if making a cut. (The origin of the sign is unknown, but it
is thought by the Indians to imitate the wearing of hats by the
whites. )

90. Think the whites are good—Same sign as preceding, then sign
of “thinking,” and then sign of “good.”

91. Think whites are no good—The same sign as preceding, only
the “no good”’ sign made instead of sign for ‘‘good.”’

92. Don’t like whites —Sign for ‘whites,’ then sign of “think,”
then sign of “‘no.’”’ (The same sign seems to be used for “think”’
and “‘like,’”’ at least in some cases.)

TripaL NAMES IN THE SIGN LANGUAGE

93. Coeur d’Aléne—The sign of “bow and arrow” and shooting
horizontally. Sometimes the sign of direction of the Coeur d’Aléne
country was also added. Sometimes the left hand, in making the
sign for ‘‘bow,’’ was held edge up, with the thumb pointing down,
and fingers all close together, the arm held horizontally and arched.
The arm was also sometimes moved from left to right. The meaning
of the sign is “flat bow” (or ‘‘the people who use flat bows, shooting
them horizontally’’). Some of the Plains tribes used the simple
signs of ‘bow and arrow” and “west” or “sunset” for the Coeur
d’Aléne, meaning ‘‘Bow and arrow people of the west.”’ This name.
is supposed to have been given them because at a time when all
the other buffalo-hunting tribes had at least some guns the Coeur
d’Aléne were still using bows and arrows. The terms “Flat bow”
or ‘Wide bow”’ were applied to the Coeur d’Aléne in the sign language
because of the universal use of flat bows by them, and because, of
all tribes, they used the widest bows. The terms ‘ Awl-heart,’’
‘““Pointed-heart,”’ etc., were not used by any Indians for the Coeur

TEXT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 145

d’Aléne in the sign language. Some of the traders, however, may
have used signs with these meanings.

94. Flathead or Salish proper.—Right hand placed on the right
side of the head slightly back of the temples, with fingers extending
upward to top of head. Sometimes the hand was merely touched
to the side of the head. Supposed to mean ‘‘pressed the side of the
head” (hence ‘‘Flathead’’), but the origin and true meaning of the
sign are unknown.

95. Pend d’Oreilles—With both hands sign of paddling, first on
one.side of the body and then on the other. This means ‘“ Paddlers”
or “‘Canoe people.’”’ Sometimes the sign of ‘lake’ (with reference
to Flathead Lake) was added to the sign of ‘‘ paddling,’ because at
one time a large number of the tribe lived near Flathead Lake; 1. e.,
“Lake paddlers” or ‘‘Canoe people of the Lake.’”’ The Pend
d’Oreilles were called ‘‘Paddlers’’ or’ ‘‘Canoe people” because they
used bark canoes, while the Flathead did not, and because they were
the most eastern people of the region who used canoes. The terms
“Har drops,” ‘‘Ear pendants,” were never used for the Pend d’Oreilles
by any Indians in the sign language.

96. Kalispel.—This tribe was called ‘‘ Paddlers” or “‘Canoe men,”’
just like the Pend d’Oreilles. When it was desired to differentiate
them from the latter the sign of ‘‘river’”’ was added; viz, ‘River
paddlers” or ‘‘Canoe men of the river.””. They were so named because
of their habitat on Pend d’Oreille River and because they were canoe
people like the Pend d’Oreilles and used the same kind of bark
canoes.

97. Spokan.—First the sign of ‘‘salmon” or ‘fish’? was made,
then the fingers were raised to the mouth and a motion of swallowing
made. The sign means ‘Salmon eaters,’ or ‘People who eat
salmon.” The Spokan were so named because they were the only
tribe of the Flathead group having salmon in their country, and they
were the most eastern tribe of the region using salmon extensively
as food.

98. Colville or Chaudiére—Sign of direction of location of country
was made, then the sign of “‘falls’’ by pushing the hand down, fingers
perpendicular, then the signs of “fish” or “salmon” and “catching”
up with the hands. Sometimes the sign of ‘river’? was made first
of all. The meaning is “Salmon fishers at falls.” The term has
reference to Kettle Falls, the main salmon place of the Colville, and
to the fact that the Colville caught more salmon than any other
tribe of the region. The term “Kettle Indians”? was not used for
the Colville in the sign language by any of the Indians.

99. Lake or Senijextee—The sign for ‘‘Lake trout’? was made, or
the sign for “‘fish,’”’ and then of ‘‘a spot of yellow.”” The meaning is
‘“‘Lake-trout people,” so named because it is said that comparatively

146 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

few good salmon reached their country, and the tribes depended for
food on lake trout, which were abundant.

100. Sanpoil, Okanagon.—My informant was not quite sure of the
signs for these tribes.

101. Similkameen.—The sign of ‘“‘eagle’’ was made for this people;
‘‘Hagle people.’”’ Said to be so named because eagles were formerly
very plentiful in the Similkameen country, and eagle-tail feathers
were formerly exported from there.

102. Thompson or Couteau—My informant thought the sign of
“snow”? was formerly made by some people for the Thompson;
“Snow people.”” Why so named is quite unknown. It may be
derived through folk etymology from the name of the tribe. They
were also sometimes called ‘‘People of the big river to the north-
west.”” The sign for “knife”? was also made for them; ‘knife
people,” but this term was used chiefly by the fur traders. The
river to the northwest is either the Thompson or Fraser River.

103. Shuswap.——My informant was not sure of the sign for
the Shuswap, but a term sometimes used meant “‘People who live
(or go down) in the valley on the other side of the high country to
the north.”

104. Lillooet—My informant was not familiar with any sign
for this tribe, but thought the sign for ‘“‘ax’’ was probably applied
to them because the Okanagon group of tribes call them ‘‘ax people.”

105. Wenatchi.—Fists brought together in front of breast, thumbs
adjoining, then each turned upward and backward as if breaking
something. Said to mean ‘‘bent or nearly broken” or “bent or
broken in the middle,” but with reference to what is uncertain. The
sign may be derived through folk etymology from the tribal name.

106. Columbia, Moses Columbia, or Columbia Cayuse -—Hands
placed together, points of fingers and wrists almost touching; then
right hand pushed hard along middle of left, as if pushing something
through. Said to mean ‘‘wedged” or ‘‘pressed in,” or ‘“‘wedged or
divided in the middle,” but with reference to what is unknown.
The sign may possibly be derived through folk etymology from the
tribal name.

107. Yakima, Klickitat—Both hands held over temples, fingers
meeting at top of head. Often the hands are pressed down on the
head. Means ‘pressed or flattened heads.” Said to be so named
because the Yakima formerly pressed the heads of all infants; and
they were the nearest tribe to the Coeur d’Aléne having this custom.

108. Paloos—The common sign for the Paloos was the same as
for Yakima, but with the sign of “location” or “direction” added.
There was another sign for the Paloos which my informant had
forgotten.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 147

109. Nez Percé.—Forefinger of right hand pointed across the
nostrils or point of the nose. Sometimes the forefinger was simply
held for a moment horizontally across in front of the nose. The
meanings of the signs are ‘Pierced noses.’”’ They were so named
because long ago nearly all the Nez Percé had their noses pierced,
and they wore nose-pins of shell and bone to a greater extent than
any other tribe.

110. Wallawalla, Umatilla, Cayuse-—My informant said he did
not know any signs for these tribes. Usually they were called
by the same sign as the Nez Percé, with signs of location added
to differentiate them.

111. Chinook, Wasco—My informant said there was an old sign
name for the Chinook and Wasco, both being called by the one name,
but he had forgotten it.

112. Coast Indians —First the sign for ‘‘water” or ‘drinking”’
was made; then a wry face was made, as if something bitter had been
tasted. Sometimes the sign for ‘‘sunset’’ was added, or for “west
beyond the mountains.” The meaning is “‘bitter-water people.”

113. Shoshoni.—The sign for ‘‘snake”’ (viz, ‘Snake people’’) was
made for all the Shoshoni. Different tribes were differentiated by
signs of location. The origin of the term is unknown. The Flat-
head are said to have used different signs for certain tribes of Shoshoni
besides the general one of ‘‘snake.”’

114. Kutenai.—The sign of “robe,” and then that for ‘deer,’
was made for the Kutenai, meaning ‘‘deer robes.’”’ They are said
to have been so named because they used deer robes extensively in
early times. There was a special or additional name occasionally
used for the Lower Kutenai, but my informant was uncertain of
what it was. The fur traders sometimes used the term ‘Flat bow”
for the Lower Kutenai.

115. Cree—Hand pushed down over nose, or the finger points
drawn down over the nose, as if scratching it. Sometimes the two
signs were combined. Said to mean ‘‘bloody noses” and “striped
or scratched noses.” The origin of the sign name is obscure. Some
Coeur d’Aléne suggested that the name may have arisen from some
of them painting their noses red or in stripes.

116. Gros Ventres or Atsina.—Two signs were used for this tribe.
In one, the two forefingers were crossed near the outer joints, with
points extending upward. This means “tent” or ‘‘tent poles.”’
This is the oldest sign name for the tribe; but why they were so
designated is unknown. Some think it was because they had inferior
tents long ago. The other sign was made by bringing the hands
together in front of the breast, palms inward, and points of all the
fingers touching. The hands were then pushed forward and down-
ward without being parted, making a curve in front of the belly.

148 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

This means ‘‘big bellies.’”” The origin of this name is also unknown.
In later days this sign name almost entirely superseded the former,
and it was the only one used by the fur traders.

117. Blackfoot—The hand put to the mouth, and from there up-
ward and outward, then swept down to the right and drawn across
the ankle, as if cutting it. The full meaning of the sign seems to be
uncertain, but it has some connection with “mouth” and with “foot,”
or possibly ‘‘moccasin.” It may mean “Blackfoot speaking.”
Another sign was made by pointing at the right foot, and then mak-
ing the “color” sign opposite something black or dark. This means
“black foot” or “black feet.”” The term was used as a general one
for all the Blackfoot tribes, and as a special one for the Blackfoot
proper. The first sign was used as a general term for the Blackfoot
tribes and may refer to the Blackfoot language; but the Indians
differ in opinion as to the exact meaning of the sign.

118. Blood —The sign for ‘“‘blood”’ was made for this tribe, and
the signs of “blood” and ‘Blackfoot’? combined; viz, ‘‘ Blood
Blackfoot.”

119. Piegan—The sign of “robe” and “small” (viz, ‘small
robes’) were made for the Piegan. Rarely the sign “Blackfoot”
was added.

120. Arapaho.—The right index finger placed vertically alongside
the right nostril. My informant thought this was at least one sign
for the tribe, but he was not quite sure. Meaning unknown.

121. Cheyenne—The same informant thought the common sign
for the Cheyenne was ‘‘striped arrows,” or “striped arrow shafts,’
or ‘‘feathers of arrows.” The sign of ‘arrow’? was made, and the
sign of “bars” or ‘‘stripes”’ across the head of the arrow. Supposed
to be so named because long ago they had stripes on their arrows
different from stripes on arrows used by other tribes.

122. Orow.—The sign of ‘‘raven”’ or “crow,” meaning ‘raven
people” or ‘crow people.”” The origin of the name is unknown.

123. River Crow.—Sign of “man” and sign of “blue” (viz, “blue
men’’). Why so named is uncertain; thought to be because they
may have used blue paint more extensively than other tribes.

124. Sioux.—The right hand held out flat in front, and then drawn
from left to right across and opposite the throat. Means ‘‘cut-
throats.” The origin of this name is also unknown.

CouUNTING, GREETING, SIGNALS

’

125. Counting. —In counting, the Coeur d’Aléne begin with ‘one’
by putting the right index on the point of the little finger of the left
hand, and continue to the thumb, which is “‘five’’; then they reverse
hands, and count beginning with the little finger of the right up to
nine or ten. When the meaning of “ten” is to be conveyed, both

Tet] THE COEUR D’ALENE 149

closed hands are placed alongside each other and shaken once. Two
shakes means ‘‘twenty,”’ three shakes ‘‘thirty,’’ and so on.

126. Greeting.—As a sign of greeting and good will or respect, on
meeting one another, people clasped or placed together their right
hands, but did not shake the hands nor press nor squeeze them, as
most whites do. Another common method of greeting, probably
most common among women, was the making of what may be called
the ‘‘good will” or ‘‘blessing”’ sign, which is the same as that used
by the Thompson.” It was made with both hands, from the head
or the shoulders, down the front of the body or front of the arms, to
the legs. This was usually repeated two or three times, but some-
times done only once. Often it was begun with one hand on each
shoulder of the person, and the hands continued to touch the person’s
body as they were drawn down. This sign was also made to a person
as a greeting from a little distance off, as the whites do sometimes by
lifting the hat or waving the hand instead of going up and shaking
hands. The person making the sign generally uttered the word
“hwic’ **° from one to four times. These forms of greeting, it is
said, were the only ones used between the Coeur d’Aléne themselves
and between them and Salish and some other tribes. With a number
of Plains tribes and some Shoshoni a different form of greeting was
used. The right arm was passed around the person’s neck and the
left hand placed on his right shoulder. The cheeks were then pressed
or rubbed, and often a snapping noise was made with the mouth at
the same time. In later days the handshake of the whites superseded
all the old forms of greeting.

127. Signals —Signs similar to those used by the Thompson and
other tribes were used on vacating camps and on trails as notices to
other parties. Signals and calls were also frequent and were much
like those of the Thompson. When hunting in bushy and timbered
parts of the country, especially when driving game, whistling and
cries were used to regulate the pace of the hunters or drivers and to
keep them in line. If the distance between the drivers was small,
each man whistled in a low tone now and then as he walked along.
If farther apart, each cried softly ‘““H6, hé!’”’ Often when the men
were in line, and ready to start, the hunting chief from his position
gave a whistle or cry as a signal to start. Each man took it up in
turn and at once started. Sometimes the hunting chief would signal
by whistle or cry at almost regular intervals, the cry being passed
along. In this way he knew the position of the drivers, how they

279 q, p. 287, No. 86.

°80'The Thompson almost invariably utter this word when making the sign.
The word is also used to children when a person is well pleased with them or when
they do something deserving of pity or praise. Men among the Thompson
hardly ever use the expression, but it is commonly employed by women, especially
old women.

150 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

were keeping in line, and how they were progressing. The hunters
themselves, hearing the signals, knew whether one or more persons
were too far ahead or too far back, and they went faster or slower
accordingly. Sometimes by agreement the hunting chief gave a
signal at short intervals, so that all the others could hear. As long
as he continued, the line kept advancing. When he stopped, the line
stopped. When he began again, it advanced again. When a person
saw game but could not shoot it, he gave a loud whistle (but not
shrill) as a signal to his companions that game had been seen and to
look out for it. Besides whistling and the calling of ‘“H6!”’ dog and
owl cries were used in hunting.

X. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND FESTIVALS

SoctaL OrGANIzATION.—The social organization of the Coeur
d’Aléne seems to have been almost the same as that which obtained
among the Thompson.”*! There was no hereditary nobility, no class
with special privileges. Clans, gentes, phratries, or societies did not
exist. The tribe was divided into geographical divisions and bands
in the same way as were the Thompson. In some cases the people of a
band occupied but a single winter camp, while others occupied several
small contiguous camps. However, as a rule, one of these was larger
than the others, and was considered the main camp of the band.
Each band had headquarters in a well-defined locality. The division
consisted of a group of bands occupying a certain large area, defined,
and separated more or less definitely from other bands of the tribe by
natural boundaries, such as mountain ranges. Thus, for instance,
the people of Coeur d’Aléne and St. Joe Rivers would naturally con-
stitute separate divisions of the tribe, as their respective territories
were situated quite apart, a wide intervening stretch of mountainous
country separating the two. The band consisted of a greater or lesser
number of families more or less closely related, being descendants of
people who had made the territory their headquarters for a long time.
Each family, no matter in what part of the tribal territory it might
temporarily be living, belonged to some particular band, and therefore
had a locality that was considered to be its home, and which it claimed
as such. Each family generally wintered within the territory of the
band to which it belonged, although it did not necessarily winter in
the same spot every winter. Occasionally families wintered in the
territories of other bands where they had friends or relatives. Some
people claimed the right to winter in the territory of any one of two or
three different bands, because they were descended from people of
all these places. A family might winter at the father’s or husband’s
village, or again at the mother’s or wife’s. People having close rela-

281 gq, pp. 289-302.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 151

tives in different bands sometimes wintered with one and sometimes
with another, or spent half the winter in one and the other half in
another. Often they wintered with one set of relatives and summered
with another. With these many mixed families, it was largely habit
that decided in which village they lived most of the time. As a rule,
however, one band or village was preferred. In time it became their
real headquarters; and their children usually continued to live in this
place. There was considerable intercourse and relationship through
intermarriage between all the bands of a division, but considerably
less between bands of different divisions. However, as the perma-
nently inhabited part of the Coeur d’Aléne country was not very
extensive, and the territories of the several divisions and bands were
connected by easy waterways, there was probably more intercourse
and relationship between them than was the case in some other tribes.
Neighboring bands had much intercourse with one another in the
wintertime; less in the summer when there was much more traveling,
and distant bands were often visited. Before the advent of the
horse, the Coeur d’Aléne spent a good deal of time traveling, fishing,
and hunting along the rivers and lakes of their country, although
parties also went on distant hunting trips in the mountains during
the fair season. At certain seasons considerable numbers of people
congregated at famous camas and other root-digging grounds. They
also went to the Spokan for salmon fishing, trading, and sports.
These journeys were made on foot, for there were no water routes
leading to these places. On the whole the people were fairly sedentary,
and most of them lived the greater part of the year on their home
grounds, although they had no permanent houses or villages, unless the
long communal dance houses at the larger villages may be so called.
Being a semisedentary people, and living in a country where wood,
bark, and vegetal materials of many kinds abounded, the Coeur
d’Aléne Jeralonel the arts of fishing, canoe making, and textile work
in weaving of mats, bags, and Deets probably to a greater degree
than any of the meenponce tribes.

With the introduction fi the horse the social and economic life of
the tribe became materially changed. In fact, it seems that it wrought
a greater change in their customs and material culture than in any
other tribe. Fishing and canoe travel were gradually forsaken for
buffalo hunting and travel by horse. Since the forested country was
not well adapted for horses, most of the tribe moved to the mcre open,
grassy districts. This drew them away from the lakes, and in great
measure from fishing, canoes, bark, and wood, materials which they
were accustomed to use. They could not follow the old life on the
water and in the forests, and at the same time keep horses. Besides,
as raising and herding horses and buffalo hunting necessitated much
travel, the people had no time for their former industries. Further-

152 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

more, many of their utensils were unsuitable for the new style of life.
Objects made of wood, bark, and basketry were either too bulky,
cumbersome, or fragile; therefore they were largely dispensed with.
Bags of skin, leather, and rawhide took the place of basketry and
woven bags because they were better suited for travel by horse.
Instead of the former small hunting parties, consisting of people of
one band or part of a band, hunting now became largely a tribal
business, and demanded a different organization. The easier method
of making a living offered by buffalo hunting, as well as the pleasure
and excitement of traveling and mingling with strangers, which it
afforded, were great inducements. Once horses were plentiful, inter-
course became easy and general between all members of the tribe,
and buffalo hunting as a tribal affair could be engaged in. The old
system of chiefs of bands and. divisions became obsolete, and only
tribal chiefs continued to be recognized. There were really no more
bands or divisions. The change from a tribe consisting of many
semisedentary bands with as many headquarters to a single, almost
entirely nomadic community, with a single center, was in time almost
completed. The old communal dance houses were abandoned and
dancing was conducted entirely in the camp circles. An impetus was
given to trading. While formerly trade was chiefly with the western
tribes, now much trading was also done with those to the east. Com-
modities were exchanged more rapidly, and came from greater
distances.

Again, in later years the Coeur d’Aléne, like other tribes, had to
adapt themselves to another great change, brought about by the
failure of buffalo hunting and the settlement of the country by the
whites. This forced the tribe to become farmers and stock raisers.

Cuirers.—Chieftaincy was of exactly the same kind as that of the
Thompson,” and not necessarily hereditary. Chiefs were elected,
and everyone was eligible, whether a chief’s son or not. Each band
and village community, and also each large camp, had a chief. In
places where the people of several bands congregated for root digging
one of the band chiefs present was elected chief of all for the time
being. If all were about equal in popularity, then the chief who had
the largest following in camp was elected, or the senior chief was
chosen. If no chief was present, some good man was elected as
camp chief, and he continued to act until the camp broke up. Chiefs
of bands were often called ‘small chiefs.’’ On their election, if
wealthy enough, they gave a feast and some presents to the people of
the band, who thereafter were called their ‘‘children.’’ Sons of
former chiefs were often elected, but with equal frequency they were
not. If too young when the chief died, or if deficient in chief-like
qualities of goodness, liberality, wisdom, and honesty, they were

282 @, DP. 289.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 153

never chosen. As a rule, the best man in the band was appointed.
People were ashamed if they had a chief much inferior to others, or
if their chief was wicked or foolish. If a chief turned out to be bad or
foolish, he was deposed, and another one elected. But very few
chiefs were deposed, as care was generally taken to choose a good
man; and most men, when they became chiefs, were careful of their
conduct, and tried to live up to their position. From time to time
most chiefs gave small feasts, and sometimes presents, to the members
of their band. It seems that each division had a head chief. It is
not quite clear whether he was a specially elected man or simply one
of the band chiefs. It would seem, however, that the latter was
the case. It would also seem that he generally belonged to a band
which was considered the head band of the division, either because
of numbers or because it was considered the original or parent band
which occupied the traditional original headquarters, and from which
the other bands of the division had sprung.’ Of the three, or pos-
sibly four, chiefs of divisions, 1t seems that one was head chief of the
tribe. As formerly the Coeur d’Aléne City chief was generally, if
not always, head chief of the tribe, this may indicate that this dis-
trict is the original center of the tribe. When they began to give up
the old style of life for that of buffalo hunting, and to live as a single
community, the system of ‘small chiefs’? or band chiefs passed
away and chiefs of divisions only were recognized. At one time
there were three of these, but possibly at one period there were four.
Later, with reduction in numbers caused by epidemics, and the begin-
ning of reservation life it seems that the number of chiefs was reduced
to two—a head chief and a subchief. When the head chief died
the subchief became head chief and another man was elected from
the tribe to fill his place. It is said that about 1820 there were three
recognized chiefs of the tribe, the head chief Stéla’’am, with head-
quarters at Coeur d’Aléne City; Xwistceni’”’tsa (‘walking robe”’),
with headquarters at Mission; Cilciltcd’sget (“revolving sky or
cloud”), chief of St. Joe division, who died about 1848. When
Stéla’”’am died, André Séltis (Saltis) became head chief. He was
no direct descendant of Stéla’’am, but was elected on account of his
wealth and intelligence.** He was chief of the tribe in 1858 during
the Spokan war with the whites, in which he took part, and in 1877
during the Nez Percé war. He died in 1902. At this time Pete
Wa’iyi’lew (called ‘Wild Shoe” by the whites—a corruption of his

28 Information of this kind sometimes leads to a knowledge of the original
site of the people as a tribe, and shows the manner in which they spread into the
surrounding country, gradually enlarging their boundaries by offshoots. There
are strong traces of this to be found among the Lillooet, Thompson, Shuswap,
and Okanagon.

284 Information furnished by Gladys A. Reichard.

ANS832—— 30 Ll

154 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

Indian name) was second chief, and he became head chief. He died
in 1907. Pete Tci’yarpa’ (full name Tci’yarpa’sqet, “rolling on the
clouds”) was elected second chief when Wa’iyi’lcw’ became head
chief; and he became head chief on the latter’s death, and is head
chief now. Some other former head chiefs of the tribe were Pete or
Pierre T’ent’enemi'lstcen (?) (the name seems to have some connection
with ‘“‘horns” or ‘“‘head’’), who was son of a former band chief of the
St. Joe division; Anastemetpo’ (?) (full name Temptpo’semen, “no
heart’’), who a long time ago was a chief of the Coeur d’Aléne River
division; Sgonzwa’tqgo or xwettspo’semen (“deep thinker,’ literally
‘many hearts’), another chief of olden times. The last name is
probably a Spokan form. There were no female chiefs, and women
had no direct voice in the election of chiefs. However, the influence
of some women was powerful in moulding public opinion. A
woman who had chief-like qualities, who was good, intelligent,
sagacious, and liberal, was called sq’o’ma@lt. Such women were highly
respected, and their opinions treated with consideration. Some of
them occasionally made speeches before the people and chiefs.
Counciis.—Kach band chief had a large stone pipe which was the
‘‘band”’ pipe, and the chiefs of divisions had ‘‘chief’s pipes.”’ The
head chief of the tribe had the ‘“‘tribal” pipe. All important matters
concerning the welfare of the band were arranged at councils or meet-
ings of the elders and heads of families, presided over by the chief.
In smoking ceremonials and in making agreements, bargains or
treaties, if the band pipe was smoked, it was only binding on the
band to whom the pipe belonged. When the tribal pipe was smoked,
the contract made was binding on the whole tribe, and therefore this
pipe was smoked in ratifying agreements and making important
treaties with strangers and enemies. All chiefs used criers, who were
generally elderly men and good speakers. When the chief wanted to
assemble the people or talk with them on any matter he sent out the
crier to inform the people that a general meeting would be held on the
morrow. The crier went out in the middle of the camp circle and
gave the information in a loud voice, so that all might hear. If some
of the lodges were too far away or were scattered, he went on foot or
on horseback, stopping in front of each lodge door, and gave the notice.
Councils, meetings, and all public functions were held in the communal
long house or dance house, maintained at all large villages of bands,
at all times when the majority of the people were at home. During
fine weather or when in camp, meetings were held in the open air or
under a temporary shelter erected for the purpose. Sometimes they
were held in the chief’s house or in the largest tent. After the old
band and village system was broken up often a large skin tent was
erected especially as a meeting and dance lodge; or a circular lodge of
poles, open on the sides and roofed with brush, bark, or mats, was

TENT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 155

used. These were erected in the middle of the camp circle. The cnief’s
lodge still continued to be used occasionally for small meetings. It
seems that the chief’s lodge occupied no particular position in regard
to other lodges in a camp. In the ancient villages doors of lodges
were in any direction most convenient for access to water and for
shelter from winds. Thus doors generally faced the streams. In
temporary camps doors faced either inward (if the lodges were in
a circle), or to the east if there was no circle. There were some excep-
tions, however, especially in favor of a southerly direction.

Camp Crrcte.—In camping on the plains a large camp circle was
formed, and at night the horses were kept inside. This was often
necessary as a precaution against horse stealing. When camped on
friendly ground in conjunction with allied tribes, each tribe might
camp in a circle of its own, contiguous to the others, but when
camped on unfriendly ground, where there was considerable chance of
being attacked, all camped in one circle. If there were two tribes
about equal in numbers, each occupied half the circle. The lodges
were never mixed. It seems that sometimes positions of tribes in a
camp circle were taken according to the geographical position of their
homes. For instance, when they camped with Kalispel, the latter
took the north side of the circle, and the Coeur d’Aléne the south.
When camped with Nez Percé, the latter took the south side and the
Coeur d’Aléne the north. Coeur d’Aléne and Spokan would take
the west side; and Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead the east. Oratory
was highly developed, as among all the neighboring tribes.

TripaL Recuiations.—It seems that there were seldom any
attempts at coercion on the part of the chiefs; and they did not
interfere in purely personal matters, except in an advisory way.
There was no real police. The influence and advice of the chiefs and
public opinion concerning matters of procedure and ethics were
sufficient to keep order. The orders of the chiefs, especially if the
result of discussion and agreement at a council held beforehand, were
received with great consideration, and hardly ever combated. Some-
times a number of young men or others were chosen to carry out cer-
tain orders, or some elderly men were appointed to see that they were
carried out. These men, it seems, were appointed only for special
occasions. Customs regarding murder, theft, adultery, and rape were
the same as those which obtained among the Thompson and Nez
Percé.?*

War Cuirrs.—As already noted, all hunting and war parties had
chiefs. Hunting chiefs were elected by hunting parties the first
night in camp, or the night before hunting began. Often a man was
recognized from the start as hunting chief. The most experienced
hunter was chosen. His authority lasted only during the hunt.

“285 b, pp. 244, 245.

156 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

War chiefs were elected in like manner, and continued in authority
to the end of an expedition; but there were also many permanent
war chiefs, who were elected as war chiefs of bands and divisions.
They were men who had warlike qualities, experience, and had
distinguished themselves in war. At all times they received respect,
being treated like other chiefs; but they had no authority excepting
in war time. In some cases men who were war chiefs were afterwards
chosen to be ‘“‘peace” chiefs or chiefs of bands. The band chief
exhorted the people as to conduct, morals, and industry and regulated
in large measure the procuring of the food supply of his band. He
was also leader in many ceremonies, and, on the whole, acted as
an advisor and teacher of the people, to whom he was supposed to give
a good example at all times. He also in large measure conducted the
business between the band and strangers, and he often had to act as
host to foreign visitors. Band chiefs also kept count of the days,
moons, and years by cutting notches in sticks.

Compantres.—As already stated, the introduction of the horse and
the adoption of buffalo hunting led the people away from their old
habitat and ways of living and forced on them a changed tribal organi-
zation. The bands seem to have become completely merged in the
tribe. The tribe could not be on the move for about nine months of
the year, traveling long distances and hunting buffalo in a country
where they were subject to attack at any time, without being fairly
well organized for traveling, camping, hunting, and protection. Thus
it came about that the system of chiefs and many of the former regu-
lations of the tribe were changed to suit the new conditions or environ-
ment. The chiefs and councils obtained more power, in which all the
people acquiesced. At the same time it seems that force was not
employed much more than under the earlier system. The men of the
tribe became divided in companies, each one of which had special
duties to attend to. It seems that certain rules came into vogue in
traveling—the women and families and pack animals, on the whole,
occupying the center, groups of warriors traveling in the front, rear,
and on the borders. Scouts were still farther off, but I did not
obtain full information regarding the system. It seems that a con-
siderable body of warriors rode just in front of the main body of the
people, many of the leading and elderly men among them. Men
who knew the country best acted as guides and rode well in front,
but some young men or scouts were with them or preceded them.

Young men, most of them unmarried, were divided into two or
three companies. Some of them rode near the chief and occasionally
acted as his messengers. One group of young men acted as scouts;
another acted as horse guards and took the horses in charge. They
saw to their pasturing, took them out, and brought them in again.
A group of older (?) men assisted in the camping, and it seems that

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 157

there were groups having particular duties in connection with buffalo
hunting, war, or defense. The men in each group were generally
those best adapted by age or experience to do the work assigned, and
men naturally fell into one group or the other. It was not obligatory
to be in any particular company, and a man might join one group or
another as he wished. However, men were sometimes assigned to
one group or another by the chiefs or asked to perform certain
services. It seems that no one thought of refusing; and young men
especially were eager to be in the group of scouts or horse guards, as
the case might be. They considered it an honor to do the chief’s
bidding and perform important service, especially where there was
danger. It seems that most, if not all, companies had captains who
were old, experienced men. Most of the older men had little to do
in traveling, except to look after their personal belongings and fami-
lies and to help in making their own camp. Young men drove the
pack animals. The number of men in the companies varied. If
there was a shortage in any one, or if more men were required for an
emergency, the chiefs regulated it. I obtained an understanding of
the system only in a very general way, and received very few details.
It seems that there was also a soldier or warrior company of middle-
aged men. This company contained the bravest and most reliable
men in the tribe. The defense of the camp was intrusted to them.
As far as I could learn, none of these groups had any functions like
those of the military societies of the plains. Men were graded to
some extent, however, according to their deeds of valor. Only those
who had done certain deeds were supposed to wear eagle feathers in
certain ways and carry certain ornaments, bands, and ceremonial or
symbolic objects. This custom, being well developed among the
Shoshoni, Flathead, and Kutenai, may possibly have been copied
from them, if something similar was not already in vogue among the
Coeur d’Aléne before they began to go to the plains. Among these
men of valor was a small company who had counted coup on an
armed enemy in the thickest of battle, and had returned unscathed.
They wore certain feathers and other ornaments. They were believed
to be invulnerable, and were expected to act as leaders in battle.
They were middle-aged or elderly men. However, it seems that this
class had existed under the old system also, and the members were
known as those who required no protection; therefore they used no
armor.

It seems that a fairly perfect system of cries, whistles, and other
signals was evolved whereby people were at once advised of any
important happening. There were dog cries, crow cries, owl cries,
and certain whistles or signals when strangers were sighted, or when
buffalo were seen. When these calls were heard, the chiefs and the

158 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

men of each company at once knew what to do, and acted accord-
ingly. There was thus little confusion among the people.

SLAVERY.—Slaves were of two kinds—captives made in war and
those purchased from other tribes. The latter were all procured in
trade from western tribes, chiefly the Spokan, and none of them were
of interior Salish origin. It is said that most of them were boys,
girls, and young women of the Snake, Ute, and Paiute. Many of
them were probably captives made in war by Nez Percé, Cayuse,
Wallawalla, and other tribes to the south, who at one time were
almost constantly at war with the Shoshonean tribes west of the
Rocky Mountains. None of these slaves were repatriated, and
very seldom were they resold. They became members of the tribe
and lost their own language. A very few slaves were from the
Umatilla and other tribes to the south and southwest, but they were
generally bought back through the Spokan or Paloos, or sometimes
directly from Coeur d’Aléne parties who went to the intertribal
dances at the mouth of the Snake. Captives were generally girls
and young women of non-Salish tribes with whom they were: at war.
As a rule, they were sold back to their friends or exchanged at the
end of the war. If not, they were usually later given their liberty
and in most cases they returned to their own country. It is said
that the Coeur d’Aléne did not favor making captives and generally
killed all their enemies or allowed those to escape whom they did not
want to kill. Shoshonean slaves never tried to escape, but slaves
and captives of other tribes sometimes ran away. Slaves were
kindly treated, and most people regarded them as affectionately as
their own wives or children. When a slave boy died his owner has
been known to show as much grief and weep as much over him as if
he had been one of his own children. When a slave woman bore
children to her master she became the same as a free member of the
tribe; and no one watched her or tried to retain her in captivity.
When her children grew up they were treated with as much respect
as other children and were never openly called ‘slave children.’
Some of them became capable men, and they would resent being
treated differently from others. Until they came to be considered
members of the tribe, the hair of slaves was kept short.

There are several cases remembered of Coeur d’Aléne women hav-
ing been made captive and enslaved by Kalispel and Pend d’Oreilles,
but in nearly all cases they eventually returned to their tribe. In one
case, very long ago, a woman never came back. She was treated well
and became a member of the Pend d’Oreilles tribe. Ata later date
two women enslaved by the Pend d’Oreilles escaped after a time.
A man took pity on them, and hid some food, moccasins, and thread
and awl, telling them where they would find them. Then at night

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 159

he ferried them across the river and gave them directions how to go.
They hid in the daytime and walked at night, always avoiding trails.
The people searched for them one day, and then gave it up. They
reached home in safety.

Only a very few of the Coeur d’Aléne kept slaves, and this long ago.
After the tribe began buffalo hunting they rarely bought any slaves
and very rarely took any captives in war. Slaves were of little
value to a people who were not fairly sedentary, and they could not
easily be kept captive.

PrrsonaL Names.—lI did not collect many data on names. As
among the Thompson, names fell into several classes. Names of
males and females were distinct.

One class of names consisted of dream names, often obtained
directly from the guardian spirit at puberty, or received at a later age
in dreams. Other dream names were taken from incidents of dreams.
These names were believed to be connected in some way with the
guardian of the individual. Some men took the name of their
guardian for a personal name.

The second class of names may be designated as nicknames. Some
were derived from physical peculiarities of the individual, or from
incidents in his career.

Names of these two classes originated with the individual himself,
and could become hereditary by being passed on to his descendants.
Often, however, they died out with the person who acquired them,
and whose property they actually were.

The third class of names were inherited. These were the property
of families and had passed down in them for generations. In many
cases their origin is unknown. Many of them are difficult to trans-
late because the original forms and pronunciations had become
altered, were archaic, or were derived from languages of other tribes.
A peculiarity in this class of names was that most of them had regular
name suffixes, not more than six or seven in number, whereas most
other names did not have these suffixes. Nevertheless, it seems
that many of them originated in just the same way as other names.

Among the Coeur d’Aléne names with these regular suffixes are
not as common as among the Thompson; but probably at one time
they were more frequent. There seems to have been a tendency for
several generations back to discard them and to adopt striking
names derived from dreams and exploits, which were more high-
sounding and at the same time easy to translate and explain. Some
of the Coeur d’Aléne names, with name suffixes analogous to those of
the Thompson, are at first hard to recognize because of the tendency
to clip off the ends of many long words. This tendency is common
to the Flathead and all tribes of that group, as well as to the more
eastern Kutenai and the Coeur d’Aléne. For examples see Hinwarane’

160 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS ~~ [rru. ann. 45

Wazene’ for Hinwaxeni'lst (p. 129), and names of chiefs (pp. 153, 154),
where -posemen is shortened to -po. and -a’sqzt to -a. It seems that
among the Coeur d’Aléne there occur some Spokan forms of names
acquired through intermarriage.

I noticed the following suffixes in old hereditary names which are
the same as those used by the Thompson.**°

1. -itsa (“‘robe,” “blanket,” “skin’’), in both men’s and women’s names, as
among the Thompson, most common among men. (Thompson forms, -tsa,
-Utza.

2. eae (“head,”’ ‘top,
-qain, -qEn.)

3. -alst, -Ulst, -dst (‘‘stone’’), in men’s names (often shortened to -7). (Thomp-
son forms, -é'llst, -dst.)

4. -a’'squt, -sqet (‘‘cloud,” “sky,” ‘‘day’’), in men’s names (often shortened
to -a). (Thompson forms, -é’skzt, -a’sqzt.)

5. -kwa (‘““water’’), in women’s names. (Thompson forms, -koz, -kd, -a’tko.)

I did not find the suffix -inzk (“bow,” “belly,” ‘rounded’’),
common in women’s names of the Thompson, but it may occur. Of
the nine chiefs’ names mentioned on pages 153 and 154, one has the
suffix -?7’tsa and two the suffix -a’sqzet. Thename Xwistceni’tsa (trans-
lated ‘walking robe’’) occurs in slightly different forms among the
Okanagon and Thompson. A namesimilar to Cilciltcé’sqzt also occurs
in all these tribes. The names Temptpo’semen and Xwettspo’semen
are used by the Okanagon and Spokan as well as the Coeur d’Aléne.
It seems quite possible that certain names may have originated inde-
pendently in these different Salish tribes; but most Indians think
that each hereditary name, especially those with the name suffixes,
is of but one origin, having originated in one tribe or another, and
been introduced into other tribes by intermarriage. Therefore they
say that persons who bear the same name in two tribes have inher-
ited it from a common ancestor, and that they must be related,
however remotely. There was hardly any stealing of names, and
only rarely were names exchanged, bestowed, or sold; and when they
were, they were usually lately adopted dream names or nicknames
belonging to the individual, and not names which had already become
hereditary and belonged to families.

Some other Coeur d’Aléne men’s names are Sikwa, Trmitcd(tc).
~ (“no hand’’), Tedele’melstcen (“runs on a horn”’), Tsu’temtawetsut
(“buffalo-bull mountain”’; this name occurs among the Thompson,
and has probably been derived from the south), Loq’z’tdstc’zso
(“lying in the brush”), T'poxe’wes (‘painted stomach”’), Ttséléle’tsa
(“pierced [with arrows] robe [or skin]”’; slight variations of this
name are found among the Okanagon and Thompson), Néce’é-
tge’in(dst) (“first shot” or ‘first daylight”’;a name similar to this
occurs among the Thompson).

7” 66

eminence’’), in men’s names. (Thompson forms,

280g, p, 291.

aoe THE COEUR D’ALENE 161

Al)

Some women’s names are Sai’’mdsd, Yaromi’, Siyé’’r, Xwa’m-
cenma’, Xaxae’tcen (a similar name occurs among the Thompson),
Strewélemcena’, Wilzwilema’, Siyaxta’, Si’ pal, Telemta’l, Xweotsti’,
Ted’ dne (a similar name occurs among the Thompson and Shuswap),
Doxwat at da’renc (‘moon fell’), Qaxpi’(tsa) (‘“turned-up robe or
blanket’’). (A Spences Bridge woman has this name, and it also
occurs among the Okanagon.) Women’s names are as a rule harder
to translate than men’s.

It is said that parents sometimes received names in dreams which
they were told to give to their children.

Descent was reckoned in both the male and female lines, and
children received names from both sides of the family. Slaves took
Coeur d’Aléne names given them by their masters and these names
became the property of their descendants. Horses and dogs were
named in the same manner as among the Thompson.” Most of their
names were nicknames.

Proprerty.—The institutions of the tribe were on the whole paternal
and almost the same as those of the Thompson.** Male relatives took
precedence in the inheritance of property. In the family the male
elders ruled, although the women had the right to advise and express
their opinion in almost all matters, and often their advice was asked.
The father and elder male relatives generally instructed the boys;
and the mother and elder female relatives the girls. The father,
erandfather, or uncles, or all of them, frequently admonished and
lectured the children and members of the family on morals or ethics
and behavior, and encouraged the children to be industrious and to
persevere in obtaining knowledge and powerful guardian spirits. They
also advised them to perfect their physical and mental qualities, so
that the boys might become noted warriors, hunters, chiefs, or
shamans; and that the girls might become women of good quality and
thus obtain the best husbands.

The woman generally followed her husband and lived among his
people. Levirate prevailed, as in other Salish tribes. A woman’s
effects were distinct from those of her husband’s, and each was the
absolute owner of his or her own personal property. The husband
and wife often gave presents to each other and to their children.
Personal property consisted of tools, weapons, clothes, bedding,
lodges, horses, dogs, baskets, mats, etc. Food was family property,
and in charge of the head woman of the house. Lodges were often
family property, especially skin lodges, but many of them belonged to
the women. Mat lodges generally belonged to the women, as men
had nothing to do with the gathering of the materials and the making
of them. In the case of skin lodges, the men provided the hides, but

27 g, p. 292. 288g pp. 293, 294.

162 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

only in this way had any claim. If the husband bought a ready-made
skin lodge, as was sometimes the case, it belonged entirely to him.
When several families lived together the food for immediate use was
pooled, each woman replenishing the general supply from her stores
or caches. Meat obtained by the men of the lodge was pooled in the
same way, or it was handed over to the women.

Large game, such as deer, were cut up in the same way as among the
Thompson.*® Hunting parties generally divided the game in
the following manner: The skin, brisket, and one side piece of the
animal belonged to the man who had killed it. The other side piece
went to the hunting chief. The rest of the carcass was the common
property of the hunting party, and was divided equally among all the
hunters by the chief. In small hunting parties of friends the division
was about equal. A man hunting alone owned the whole animal, but
he often gave part of it to his neighbors or friends. In buffalo hunting
parties, as a rule, each hunter owned all he killed, and he took as many
of the skins and as much of the meat as he wanted or could handle.
Whatever was left was the property of whoever wanted it, and all
could help themselves without restriction. When only a few buffalo
were killed, and the people were short of food, the meat was divided
by the chief like other game.

Land was communal or tribal, and the same applied to rivers and
lakes. The whole country was considered the property and food
preserve of the tribe. However, parts of the country in proximity to
villages of bands were seldom used by outsiders, for they depended
on this territory for the gathering of roots and berries, and for every-
day fishing and hunting. Besides, these grounds were under the
control of the band chief. Nevertheless the more distant parts of
each band territory were considered tribal, and not band territory;
and even the “home ground” of each band was free for any member
of the tribe to use, as long as the chief of the band was notified and
his regulations were followed. Every part of the tribal territory was
free to all members of the tribe for travel and later on for pasture, and
also for gathering of food, hunting and fishing, when traveling from
point to point.

Each band chief was in charge of the ‘“‘home territory”’ of the band,
and regulated thé gathering of roots and berries therein. As each
important kind of fruit ripened, he sent persons from time to time
to inspect the crop at different places. When on any ground a suffi-
cient quantity of berries was ripe, he declared the ground open for
berrying, and the women went in companies and gathered the crop.
This gave all the women an equal chance, and prevented jealousies,
quarrels, and the picking of immature berries. The same regula-
tions governed the digging of camas and all important roots. Some

289 q, p. 248.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 163

of the large camas and berry grounds distant from the settlements
of any band were in charge of chiefs of divisions and were opened
by them at the proper time for digging or picking. These places
were free to all members of the tribe, and people from all bands
resorted thither. All, however, had to obey the orders of the divi-
sional chief, or, if he were not present, of the camp chief. It seems
that there were no restrictons regarding times for fishing and hunting,
for these matters regulated themselves by the seasons, the weather,
and the habits of the different kinds of game and fish. It seems that
there was no private or family property in fishing places, eagle cliffs,
etc., and it is very doubtful if deer fences were privately owned. In
some cases these appear to have been band property.

Skins and meat of trapped animals, when the traps or snares were
private belongings and the trapper was unassisted, belonged to the
‘man who trapped them.

As mentioned already, the long lodges used as meetinghouses, dance
houses, and guest houses, were the property of bands, and were
erected and maintained by their common labor.

The division of labor between the sexes appears to have been just
the same as among the Thompson and Nez Percé.*°°

Frstivats.—Feasts and ceremonies at which presents were given
were of three kinds. In a simple feast, one family or the members of
one lodge invited their immediate neighbors to a small feast, which
generally lasted one evening or an afternoon and night. As a rule,
no presents were given. Often, at a later date, one of the invited
families gave a similar feast to the neighbors, the former hosts being
invited. Several of these suppers might be given by families in turn
in a single locality during the winter. Story telling and a few games
were the chief amusements at these feasts, and rarely singing and
dancing.

Another kind of feast was on a large scale, and in some localities
took place once during the winter. The band chief gave this feast to
the members of his band, if he felt he had an abundance of food and
wanted to have a social time. A few members of neighboring bands
often attended. The festival generally lasted a day and a night, and
occasionally part or all of a second day and night. The people
played games, made speeches, and told stories. Sometimes dancing,
singing, and exhibitions took place. One or more persons dressed
up and acted parts of a narrative or story that was told, or they simply
dressed up to cause amusement, especially to the children, imperson-
ating animals and people, or acting like clowns. Occasionally they
sang comic songs. During the festival the chief might give a number
of small presents to male and female members of his band, a joke
often being made with each present. Sometimes in return one of the

200 q, pp. 295, 296; b, p. 246.

164 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

leading families of the band would invite the chief to a feast at a date
a little later, and whoever desired might come. Sometimes other
members of the band assisted the head of this family with presents of
food for the feast. No return was made, however, of the chiet’s
presents.

The third festival of this kind was something like the ‘‘potlatch”
of the Thompson,” and was on a larger scale than the other festivals
mentioned. A man, a family, or a community singled out another
man, family, or community, and invited them to a feast, which
lasted from one to three or four days and nights. Speeches, singing,
dancing, and games took place at intervals. The host or hosts gave
presents of skins, horses, and the like to the guests. Generally the
following year the people who had been guests returned the compli-
ment by inviting their former hosts to a feast of the same duration,
and returned gifts to them of a value about equal to what they had
received.

A feast of first fruits was held, and will be described later (p. 185).

Feasting also took place at burials, and on a smaller scale at births.
Many people, however, never gave feasts at births.

Dancing was much in vogue, and most public dances were accom-
panied by more or less feasting and playing of games. Dances and
other customs, partly religious and partly social, will. be described in
the chapter on “ Religion.”

Musicat InstruMENts.—As an aid to singing at feasts and dances
several kinds of instruments were in use. Of these, the drum was
most important. All the old-style drums were circular and had skin
on one side only. They generally had sides about 10 cm. deep and
were about 50 cm. in diameter. Many were painted with designs,
either geometric or realistic, or a combination of both.”” Drumsticks
consisted of a stick with the head wrapped in skin, or a stick with
the end padded with deer’s hair, inclosed in skin.””* Drums and drum-
sticks were sometimes ornamented with deer hoofs and with feathers.

Rattles were used which consisted of a bunch of deer hoofs attached
to the end of a wooden handle.”* Others made of strings of deer
hoofs were also attached to the legs of dancers. Round and elongated
rattles, consisting of pebbles inclosed in rawhide * and rarely of
wood(?), were also used to some extent, and held in the hands when
dancing.

Notched sticks or rasps, over the notches of which other sticks were
rubbed, were in common use.”* Time beaters of wood were also
in common use. Some were simple sticks, while others were carved
and ornamented.

201 gq, pp. 297-299. 283 See Thompson, a, p. 385, fig. 315 b.
222 See Thompson, a, p. 385, fig. 315 a. 294 See Nez Percé 6, p. 230.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 165

Long flutes, or flageolets, were made of elder, and sometimes of
other hardwoods, and appear to have been similar to those in use
among the Thompson, Okanagon, and Nez Percé.** They generally
had six holes. The air passage near the mouth was partly stopped
with a small ball made of pitch and deer’s grease. They were sus-
pended from a leather string worn around the neck. Often the
string was richly embroidered and ornamented. Young men used
them for serenading girls at night, but they were also used for giving
signals on horse-stealing raids. Another kind of flute was shorter,
and made of the wing and leg bones of large birds, such as geese,
swans, or cranes. It had from three to six holes and was used for
calls or signals, and imitations of cries of birds.’ It was also used
by young men and young women for serenading. Another bone
whistle was quite short and had no holes. It was used simply for
signaling. It seems some other kinds of bone and bark whistles
were used long ago; but I obtained
no particulars.

Prprs.—Smoking was almost
universal among men, but long ago
women rarely smoked. Smoking
formed a part of all important
ceremonies at meetings, some cere-
monies being opened and closed with
smoking. Pipes were made of
steatite, which was plentiful in
the Coeur d’Aléne country. The
common colors were black, gray,
and brown. Brown steatite was exported to other tribes in whose
countries it was rare. Catlinite and pipes of the same material were
procured from the Flathead and other tribes to the east. The
western tribes often traded green soapstone, and pipes made of the
same, to the Plains tribes for red soapstone and pipes made of it.
The ceremonial pipes of the Coeur d’Aléne, called ‘‘chief’s pipes”’
and ‘‘peace pipes,’ were large, and in later days were nearly all
made of catlinite. Formerly most of them were of brown soapstone.
Long ago the tubular pipe was common and continued to be used
until after the arrival of the fur traders. Pipes of the elbow type,
however, were in use before the fur traders came, and before the
tribe began to go to the plains. In later days this type of pipe
entirely superseded the tubular pipe. Some of the pipes were orna-
mented with a serrated flange. (Fig. 14.) It seems that pipes with
simple bowls without shanks were also used to some extent, including
those of disk shape. Stems of pipes were of wood. The smaller ones
were generally round and the larger ones flat. Stems were orna-

FIGURE 14.—Pipe

295 See Nez Percé, 6, p. 231.
296 See Thompson, a, p. 313, fig. 284 a.

166 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

mented to a considerable extent with incised designs, painting and
wrappings of quills. The tobacco used was wild tobacco procured
from the neighboring tribes. Kinnikinnick, consisting of bearberry
leaves and red willow bark, was mixed with tobacco in smoking by
‘most people but not by all.

XI. BIRTH, CHILDHOOD, PUBERTY, MARRIAGE, DEATH

Twins.—I did not receive full information regarding birth and
childhood. Old women acted as midwives. Some women, for a short
time before childbirth, lived in the menstrual lodge. There were
probably some restrictions on pregnant women long ago, especially
as to what they should eat and touch; but it seems that after the
tribe began to hunt buffalo most of the old customs gradually broke
down and little is now known about them. My informants claimed
that they had never heard of any twin ceremonies in the tribes, or of
any beliefs that twins were connected by dreams of the mother with
bear or deer, or that twins had any particular guardian spirits or
powers.” Neither were the parents of twins compelled to live apart
from the people. Some people considered a family lucky that had
twins; or thought twins lucky, and that was all. The Coeur d’Aléne
name for. ‘‘twins”’ is derived from the numeral “two.” It is thought
that twins were less frequent among the Coeur d’Aléne than among
other tribes, although there is one notable case on record of a woman
who had first girl twins, then boy twins, and then girl twins again,
and no other children before or after.

CarRIERS OR CrADLES.—Infants were put in a bark carrier. Most
of these were made of birch bark. In shape they were like the
Thompson birch-bark carrier,”** only much higher at the head. The
depth of the carrier at the head rendered the use of hoops for holding
up the cradle cover unnecessary, and none were used. Bedding
consisted of fine rotten wood (like sawdust), which was gathered,
dried, and worked up fine. This was renewed as often as required.
A piece of soft fur was put under the baby’s head, shoulders, and
back. A soft robe of fur formed the covering, and the baby was
strapped in by flaps with lacing, which passed over the covering. An
outside covering placed loosely over the carrier was used when abroad
to protect the infant from wind and weather. When the baby was
from two to three months old the bark carrier was discarded and
replaced by a cradle board. These, at least for many years back,
have been all of the same type as those used by the Spokan, Pend
d’Oreilles, and Nez Percé.”® About one-third of the board was
beaded and extended above the infant’s head. In earlier times

27 See Thompson, a, pp. 310, 311; Shuswap, e, pp. 586, 587; Lillooet, k, p. 263.
28 q, p. 306, fig. 280.
29 See Nez Percé, b, pp. 225, 226.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 167

cradle boards were much lower or shorter than those of the present
day, and some of them were provided with hoops.

The navel-string pouch and strings of beads and other ornaments
were often attached to the carrier, especially at the head. Ham-
mocks were often used for babies in the lodges. They were made of
skin and suspended on two ropes passing through hollow seams.
Cross sticks were placed between the ropes near the head and foot to
keep the ropes sufficiently apart. When the baby became older and
began to walk the board carrier was discarded and a carrying bag
or skin carrier was used when the weather was mild. These carriers
were similar to those used by the Thompson,*” and the child’s head,
arms, and legs protruded. In cold weather the same carrier was used,
but the mother folded the baby in the robe she wore. More often,
however, the carrier was not used at all in very cold weather, the
mother preferring to fasten the babies on her back in the folds of the
robe only. The bark carrier, the board carrier, and the skin carrier
or baby bags have all been used together in the way described as far
back as tradition goes. In later times, after the tribe engaged in
buffalo hunting, the bark carrier went out of use, because bark could
not always be obtained when wanted and because this kind of carrier
was usually too fragile. Baby bags were used to some extent until a
much later date, but finally they went out of use also. This was
probably because they were not necessary in horse travel. Finally
board carriers of the high type which better protected the child’s
head, and the robe alone, were used in carrying young children. I
did not learn definitely whether any conduits were used with cradles.
The Nez Percé are said long ago to have used bark carriers like those
of the Coeur d’Aléne for infants.

Heap Derormation.—During the life of the child on the board
carrier (generally from two or three months old to about a year) its
head was fastened down with a pad of stiff skin attached by means of
strings. The pad rested on the forehead. It was tightened when
the child slept and slackened when it awoke. Male and female
children were treated alike, and this practice was formerly universal
in the tribe. It is said, however, that the intention was not to flatten
the head but merely to keep the child’s head in place and prevent its
wiggling and thus hurting it, especially when the mother was carrying
it. The strings were never pulled tighter than was necessary to ac-
complish this object. Some claim that the pad was tightened only a
very little, or not used at all, when the baby was on the board in the
lodge; but when the mother was traveling with the baby awake the
pad was tightened a little; and when the baby slept, if she was still
traveling, it was tightened more. The use of these pads, it is thought
by some of the Indians, caused a slight flattening of the head behind,

300 Ottawa Mus., Thompson specimens 147, 149, 150, 151.

168 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN, 45

while other Indians consider that the shape of the head was not altered
by them, excepting perhaps a very little in exceptional cases, probably
when mothers used the pads in a careless manner. It is said that
long ago the Nez Percé also used pads like those of the Coeur d’Aléne-
for holding the heads of infants steady; but whereas the Coeur
d’Aléne never tightened these pads more than was necessary, many
of the Nez Percé tightened them intentionally to flatten the heads of
infants. Infants’ heads were thus flattened intentionally by many
families of all the Shahaptian tribes, the pad-strings being pulled
very tight. The custom of fostering children was fairly common.
WuiprpinG OrpnAu.—lIt is said that a long time ago, when all the
Indians were living in the ancient way, there was a whipping ordeal
each winter, through which nearly all the children and young people
had to pass. In many places it was held several times during the
winter. This ordeal was thought to make the children hardy and
good. It seems to have been the same kind of whipping ordeal as
was practiced by the Thompson * until recently. -
Puserty.—There were a number of ceremonies similar to those of
the Thompson at the time of attaining of puberty of both sexes.
They formed part of a course of training undergone at this time of life
by adolescents, that they might become healthy, strong, industrious,
and capable men and women. Most of these ceremonies, especially
those of girls, have not been practiced for so long that very little of
them is remembered now. When the Coeur d’Aléne turned buffalo
hunters most of them dropped out of use. It appears, however, that
they were similar in extent and character to the ceremonies practiced
by the Thompson. Possibly there were not quite as many restric-
tions, and the Coeur d’Aléne resembled in this respect, perhaps, the
Shuswap and Okanagon. However, according to Coeur d’Aléne
informants, tradition says that there were a great many, although
none of them could tell much about them. Girls, on attaining the
age of puberty, lived apart in small tents made of brush and mats,
where they were attended and instructed by their mother, aunt, or
grandmother. Their hair was done up in a knot near eaeh ear; and
they wore scratchers and combs on a string around the neck. During
the training period, which lasted several months, they had to prac-
tice various kinds of work to make themselves efficient, and to follow
certain customs to insure for themselves good luck in after years.
They had to bathe and sweat to make their bodies clean and strong.
Boys at puberty had their hair tied in a knot at the back of the
head. The parents generally arranged their children’s hair during
their training period, as the children were not supposed to touch the
hair. The reason given for the tying of the hair in knots by both
sexes at this period was to assure its growth, so that the hair would

301 g, pp. 309, 310.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 169

be thick and long in after years. The period of training for boys was
longer than that for girls, and appears to have been conducted in the
same manner as among the Thompson and Nez Percé.*” The impor-
tance to boys of gaining a guardian spirit was much greater than to
girls; and it seems that training was always continued by boys until
this object was attaimed. All persons traiming, whether male or
female, obtained ‘“‘power”’ or ‘‘mystery’’ in some degree. A person
who went through no training would not be efficient in physique or
in skill. Neither would one be as hardy, energetic, and industrious as
a person who had trained even a little. Considerable importance was
attached to mental training in certain ways. To attain success,
persons had to concentrate the mind as much as possible on the object
of their desire. They tried thus to obtain a vision. Emotions, such
as anger, disappointment, sexual desires, should be suppressed. The
youth should enter into a state of calm and expectancy. With the
guardian spirit the novice generally obtained a song. Some obtained
more than one song from their guardian spirits. Sometimes the song
was heard and no one seen. Some obtained several guardian spirits
and several songs, generally one from each. Some men could get
en rapport with their guardian spirits at will, and were informed by
the latter of things that would happen. Some could tell what
people said about them behind their backs, and they could read
people’s thoughts and judge their intentions. Many of these men
became shamans.

The old people made boys and girls bathe in cold water every day.
This was to make them strong, hardy, and able to endure cold. It
was also believed to make them healthy, immune from colds and
sickness, and able to recover quickly from wounds.

Tarrooinc.—The first tattooing on boys and girls was generally
done at the age of puberty. Some of the designs tattooed, espe-
cially those on boys, were records of their dreams or visions in the
same way as were some face and body paintings. Some believed
that they had a protective influence, or formed a sympathetic bond
between the individual and his guardian. Some marks were pic-
tures of the guardian spirit himself (p. 193).

ScaRIFICATION.—Scarification was practiced by all young men dur-
ing their training at puberty. Cuts were generally made on the arms
and legs, and sometimes on the insteps, and backs of the hands and
fingers. Some men training to be shamans or warriors cut their
bodies as well. Sometimes a long slash followed each rib; or, again,
many short horizontal cuts, occasionally close together, one above
the other, were made on the upper arms or elsewhere. Some youths
rubbed charcoal, or white or red ochre, into the wounds, which, when
they healed, were similar to tattoo marks. Others who did not do

302 g, pp. 317-321, b, 247-250.
41383°—30-——12

170 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS— (ETH. ANN. 45

this, in after years, whenever clothes were not worn on these parts,
painted all their visible scars red. Burning with live coals taken
from the fire was also practiced, as well as burning with dry stalks
of tule, which were lighted and allowed to burn out on the skin.
Cutting is said to have been intended to let out bad blood, to make the
person healthy, light-footed, active, and to prevent laziness. It also
helped to inure the youth to the sight of his own blood; so that in
case he was afterwards wounded, he would not faint or be alarmed.
It helped him to be brave. Burning was for the purpose of enabling
him to stand severe pain without flinching. Young men generally
used their sweat house as a sleeping place when training in the
mountains. Sweat houses were generally individual, as among the
Thompson.

Marriace.—There were no restrictions on marriage except be-
tween blood relatives. Parents (or families) tried to select husbands
and wives for their children from families of good standing. Good or
distinguished men, and capable, industrious women had no difficulty
in obtaining the best wives and husbands. Friendship was cemented
between families and feuds and quarrels sometimes settled by inter-
marriage. In the same way intertribal peace was made and sus-
tained by intermarriages between the families of the chiefs. The
forms of marriage were similar to those of the Thompson:*

Marriage by proposal of the man’s family, followed by gifts of
goods given by them to the woman’s family.

Marriage by betrothal, the girl’s family taking the initiative, and
betrothing their daughter to the man. When she came of age, or
on a prearranged date, she became his wife with or without presents
from his side.

Marriage by touching or direct choosing, and proposal by the man
himself, as in the marriage dance, the man proposing to the girl by
touching her or dancing with her. (See p. 191.) The union was
consummated with or without presents from his side. Only rarely
did the girl’s side give any presents.

This occurred occasionally, however, in what may be called a
fourth form of marriage. A family selected a distinguished or wealthy
man. Unknown to him, they sent their daughter to marry him and
gave her presents for him, to make her all the more acceptable. Her
parents considered it an honor to have the man as a son-in-law and
to have her family connected with his. The man might refuse to
take the girl to wife, but this very seldom happened.

Marriage by elopement was very rare.

Marriage gifts were not kept by the parents or persons receiving
them, but were at once given to the other members of the family,
who distributed them among themselves. Skins and robes were the

303 q, pp. 321-325.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 171

most common marriage presents. As far as remembered, there was
no conveyance ceremony, whereby the bride was conducted back
on a visit to her people, and presents interchanged.** As a rule,
there was little or no feasting at marriages. In recent years it is
customary for both the bridegroom’s and the bride’s people to give
feasts to each other. Sometimes only the man’s people give a feast.
Friends now give presents to the newly married couple; but this is
considered a modern custom adopted from the whites.

Serenading of girls by song or on flutes and whistles was common.
Marriage was seldom or never proposed in this way, however, the
serenading being done as a matter of courting, prompted by sexual
desires.

At least two common methods of proposing marriage were in vogue.
Marriageable girls generally slept on straw or hay near the fire in the
center of the lodge. When a girl saw a lad approach her, she stood
up near her bed and turned her back to him. He sat down on the
straw and talked with her, finally telling her he wished to marry her.
She never answered. Then he turned over some of the straw of her
bed and began to burn it. She put her foot backward and stamped
out the fire without looking at him or speaking to him. He squeezed
her foot or tramped on her toes. If she said, ‘‘ Why do you tramp on
my foot?’ he knew he was accepted, and left. Again in a day or two
he visited her; and if she looked at him this time, it was a sign that
he was certainly accepted and that she had not changed her mind.
He then told his parents, and they and his other relatives began to
save up property for the marriage gift. If the girl did not talk to the
man, or look at him, or put her foot out, or attempt to stamp out the
fire, then the man knew that he was refused.

Another custom was similar to a Thompson method of proposal.*%
The lad went at night stealthily and sat on the edge of the girl’s
blanket as she layin bed. If she tried to pull it away and said nothing
during the time he remained there, it meant that she refused him.
If she made no attempt to pull the blanket away, he felt encouraged,
and continued to sit there. He never spoke. At last she asked him
why he sat on her blanket. He then knew he was accepted, and told
his parents. As far as remembered, there was no custom of tapping
a girl with an arrow, thus proposing marriage to her.*%

On the death of a woman’s husband she became the wife of his
brother, who now became responsible for the subsistence of herself
and children. For this reason all the belongings of the deceased were
taken by his brother and divided among his family, leaving to the
widow only her own personal property.

304 See Thompson, a, p. 323. 306 See Thompson, a, p. 324.
805 gp, 324,

2 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

If she refused her husband’s brother, who was obliged to marry and
sustain her, his responsibilities ceased, and she was no longer con-
sidered part of her late husband’s family. She had to leave, and could
marry whom she chose. Her children were taken by her husband’s
brother or his relatives. Infants remained with the mother until
old enough not to need her., Then she had to relinquish the child to
its father’s family.

Separation between husband and wife was uncommon. Elopements
occasionally occurred. In this case the husband had the right to
all his wife and her paramour.

Women lived apart from their husbands during menstruation, and
appear to have been at these times under restrictions similar to those
obtaining among the Thompson.*”

Moruer-1n-Law Taxsoo.—It seems that formerly there was a strict
taboo forbidding a man to speak to his mother-in-law; also in many
families women did not speak to their fathers-in-law. These customs
are said to have been in vogue long before the tribe commenced to
go to the plains, and were not adopted from any eastern tribes. The
restrictions regarding speaking obscene conversation before relatives
were similar to those of the Arapaho.

Buriau.—The Coeur d’Aléne disposed of their dead by burial in
the earth or in rock slides. Corpses were never cremated or deposited
on scaffolds or in trees. People were buried in the nearest suitable
place. Only rarely did people bring the body from a distance and
bury it beside relatives’ graves or in family or communal burial
etounds. Only bodies of chiefs or prominent men were sometimes
thus treated. An instance of this was that of a great hunter called
Celceltcd’ls, belonging to Mission. He was accustomed to hunt far
to the southeast of St. Joe River, in the Clearwater country, at the
extreme end of the Coeur d’Aléne hunting grounds. He died in these
distant mountains after 10 days’ illness. He was a tall, heavy man,
and the people tried to carry his body home through the long stretch
of rough mountainous country. Horse after horse gave out, and at
last they had to bury him in the mountains. Bodies of warriors who
died on distant expeditions or in enemy country were not burned, as
was often done by the Thompson and Shuswap. The body was buried
in some hidden place, or under the camp fire of the lodge in which
the man had lived. A fire was built over it to destroy the signs
of burial. The camp was then struck; and many people and horses
passed over the grave, treading the ashes of the fire as well as those
of other fires in the camp. This rendered it impossible for any enemy
to detect the burial. Burial under the camp fire rendered it much
less likely that the body would be discovered and dug up by wolves.
Sometimes a person was buried and a fire built over the grave.

307 a; pp. 326-327.

rerT| THE COEUR D’ALENE is

Other similar fires were made near by to give the impression that a
party had camped there. When the fires were out the party rode or
drove their horses over the fire places. These methods of burial
were always employed by parties hunting on the plains.-

When a person died the body was tied up with cords, knees to chin,
and wrapped in a robe. It was seldom washed or painted before
burial. Occasionally the face was painted red, and very rarely also
the body or parts of the body. If the deceased had been fairly wealthy
or had wealthy relatives the body was wrapped in a good robe.
Sometimes the body was dressed and further wrapped in a good robe.
Poor people simply wrapped the body in an old robe, in poor skins,
or in mats.

As soon as a person died a messenger was sent to announce the
death to the neighbors and to all relatives living at a distance. The
corpse was prepared for burial as soon as death was certain. A pole
was placed over the body and sewed inside the robe, the ends protrud-
ing. This was used for carrying the corpse. It was long enough so
that one or several men at each end could bear it on their shoulders.
When all was ready the corpse was taken outside and suspended from
the branch of a tree until all the relatives had arrived and the people
had gathered for the funeral. When all had come it was taken down
and carried to the grave. Before the body was deposited in the
erave the latter was swept out with a branch of rosebush, as among
the Thompson.*® If this was not done it was believed that some one
else would die soon. The corpse was put into the grave on its side,
or occasionally in a sitting posture. It seems that it was not placed
facing in a particular direction. Very little of the dead person’s
property was buried with him; in many cases merely the robe he was
wrapped in. Occasionally a few small things, including food, were
put into the grave by mourners. Long ago most burials were in
rock slides, and those in the earth had heaps of rocks put over the
grave. Graves were circular and about 3 feet in depth above
the corpse. Slender poles were also commonly erected at graves—
generally single poles, or two poles, including the pole the corpse had
been carried with. Sometimes three poles were erected over the
grave like the foundation poles of a tent. Goods consisting of some
of the property of the deceased, and presents given by friends at the
funeral, such as blankets, were suspended from them. Often small
quantities of food and small presents were placed on the grave. In
the case of women, roots and berries—fresh ones, if in the proper
season—were placed at the grave immediately after burial. This was
supposed to satisfy the spirit of the deceased and prevent her from
visiting the berry and root patches, thereby spoiling the crops or
interfering with the diggers and pickers. Often one or more horses

US ke joy) GYAS,

174 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ern. ANN. 45

belonging to the deceased or his relatives were killed and the skins
hung at the grave. If the skins were required, then only the hoofs
were hung there. Canoes, like other pieces of property, were some-
times deposited at the grave. No tents of mats or skins, wooden
boxes, fences or figures were erected over graves. Grave poles were
always peeled, and painted red. Occasionally only parts of them
were painted. None of them were carved in any way. It seems
that there was no custom of rebundling by taking up the bones some
vears afterwards and rewrapping them, as among the Thompson.’

Human bones, when found, were placed in branches of trees by
the person finding them, or occasionally buried where found. Hunters,
when they found animal's skulls, often placed them on the branches
of trees.

Neighbors who came to funerals gave small presents, such as food,
to the bereaved relatives to help them and to show sympathy and
pity. Some of the presents went with the dead, being deposited at
the grave; the food was used to feed people who attended the funeral.
Lf the relatives themselves fed all the people they might run short
of food supplies if they were poor people. These presents were
absolute, and no value was returned. Good-hearted neighbors, who
volunteered their services without payment, cooked and served food
for the funeral assembly. After the burial the property of the
deceased was divided up among his relatives as they saw fit. Ata
later date it became a custom for the relatives to set aside part of
the property of the deceased to be given to the people who attended
the funeral, partly to ‘‘stay their grief’’ and partly as a present for
their kindly offices. The people divided the property received in
whatever way they saw fit.

After a person's death no miniature deer were made and shot at,
as among the Thompson,’ but strings of deer hoofs were suspended
across the lodge, and shaken from time to time. It seems that this
was to frighten away the ghost. The lodge was fumigated by
burning leaves, grass, and roots in the fire, making a dense smoke.
The people, especially relatives, fumigated themselves several times
by standing in the thick of the smoke as long as they could endure it.
The principal plants used in fumigation were sweet grass (Heirochla
odorata) and an unidentified plant called mare’metstatst(?). In many
eases the lodge in which an adult person died was burned and a new
one erected in another place. Sometimes the lodge was taken down
after being fumigated, shifted to another place, and fumigated again
after being put up.

Persons burying or handling the corpse had to fast for several days
and bathe themselves in running water.

a. S10 aO6¢
* a, p. 330. $10 @, p. 352.

TEIT} THE COEUR D’ALENE 175

The men who dug the grave, the people who arranged the corpse
for burial, and the men who carried it to the grave received no pay-
ment from the relatives of the deceased. They were generally
neighbors who volunteered their services to help the bereaved.
There was no paying-off ceremony,*" as no one received payment for
any services rendered in connection with the dead. At the present
day there is a regular gravedigger, as among the whites, who looks
after all the funeral arrangements. Before and after the burial,
most of the assembled women joined the sorrowing relatives in crying
and in singing mourning songs, which were ex tempore and all of the
same tune. As among the Thompson, orphans were made to jump
over the corpse of their deceased parents, and, if they were too young
to do this, they were lifted over.

On the death of a father, mother, son, daughter, husband, or wife,
the hair of mourners was cut straight across the neck by relatives.
Widows and widowers usually cut their hair a little shorter than
parents, and the hair was always cut shorter for adults than for
children. The hair cut off was burned. The tails of horses belong-
ing to a man who had died were often docked. It seems that no
thongs were worn around the neck, ankles, and wrists by widows
and others, as was the custom among the Thompson.” Rose twigs
were worn on the body by widows and other mourners in the same
way as fir boughs and rose twigs among the Thompson.** Widows
and widowers slept on beds of brush in which were placed a few rose
branches. They washed themselves every day for a certain time
with water in which rose branches had been boiled. They also
bathed in running water morning and evening. They did not eat
meat of any kind for four days; and during the whole period of
mourning they ate only common food, and that sparingly. They
should not eat much at a time, nor eat food of which they were
particularly fond. They should turn their thoughts away from any
delicacy, and restrain their appetites.

Widows were not allowed to pick berries, for by so doing the crop
would be spoiled. The belief was that the ghost might follow the
widow to the berry patches and harm other pickers, and blast the
crop.

The period of mourning and purification for widows and others
appears to have been generally shorter than among the Thompson,
but it varied with different individuals.

The burial customs of the Nez Percé are said to have resembled
very much those of the Coeur d’Aléne; but there were some differ-
ences. For instance, among the Nez Percé the faces of corpses were

311 See Thompson, a, pp. 334-335. 312 g, p. 333.
212g, p. 333.

176 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

nearly always painted, and they clothed and decked out the corpse
much more than was done by the Coeur d’Aléne. They also buried
much more property in the grave.

XII. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES

CoNncEPTION OF THE WorLp.—Coeur d’Aléne beliefs regarding the
world were very similar to those held by the Thompson.** Some
people thought the earth was surrounded by water on all sides, while
others thought there was water on two sides only. According to
some, the edges of the earth were mountainous all round, or on two
sides only according to others. Vague ideas were held regarding the
shape and origin of the earth. Some thought it was oblong, and others
that it was circular; while still others held no definite ideas on the
subject. Some people believed there was only water before the earth
was made. Many considered the earth as animate, a transformed
woman. She was sometimes spoken of figuratively as “‘mother,”’ and
the sun as “father.” The earth was given its final form by the
culture hero Coyote in mythological times. At the time the Indians
were few, and they had a severe struggle to exist, owing partly
to their own ignorance of arts, adverse physical conditions on the
earth, and the prevalence of monsters who preyed on them. Coyote
destroyed or transformed the monsters and changed the face of the
country to benefit the Indians. He also taught them many arts,
such as the use of fire. He also introduced salmon into many parts
of the country, told the Indians to eat them, and showed them how
to capture and cook them.

In mythological days the climate was different from the present.
According to some, there were much wind and heat. According to
others, there was also much thunder. Again, others say there was no
rain and snow; it was hot, dry, and windy, but there was little or no
thunder. One tale relates how the wind. once blew much stronger
than it does now, and often hurt people. Coyote made snares. At
last, by making an exceedingly small one, he captured the wind and
broke its power. He made it promise never to blow again so strongly
as to hurt people.*”

A belief was held that hot and cold winds (or heat and cold) were
made by people who kept these winds in bags. The hot-wind people
lived in the far south and the cold-wind people in the far north.
When the former felt cold they squeezed their bag and a warm wind
rushed over the earth northward. When the cold-wind people be-

314 q, pp. 337-342. In regard to the deity Amo’tqzen En, see p. 184.
315 See for this and the following Folk tales of Salishan and Shahaptian tribes:
Memoirs American Folk-Lore Society, vol. 11, pp. 119, et seq.

reIT| THE COEUR D’ALENE WC

came too warm they in turn squeezed their bag and a cold wind
rushed southward. The Indians who lived in the country between
were thus troubled with successive hot and cold winds.

There is another tale which relates that Heat and Cold were
brothers, the former good-looking, and the latter ugly. Once when
his brother was away, Cold got angry at the people and said he would
kill them. He made such cold weather that the people began to
freeze to death. Heat, hearing that the peopie were dying and that
many were already dead, hurried home to save them. He made the
weather so hot that he killed his brother. Since then heat can always
kill cold, and ice and frosts and snow melt away and die. As long
as the two brothers lived together at home the qualities of the one
counterbalanced those of the other, so that the weather was always
temperate and there was no danger to the people; but if one went
away then the remaining one had the power to cause extreme heat
or extreme cold.

Another version of this tale is that the two brothers lived part of
the time with the people; and it was then always fair, temperate
weather, because the influence of the one counteracted that of the
other. At a certain season, however, Cold went away on a journey;
and as Heat alone remained, his influence was much felt, and there
was then summer. At another season Heat always left for a journey,
and Cold remained, whose influence became great, and the people
had winter. Cold was of an erratic, ugly disposition; and one time
when his brother was away he became very angry at the people and
caused extremely cold weather. Many froze to death; and all would
have perished had not Heat rushed back, as warm weather now
sometimes does in the spring after a protracted winter, to save the
people, and made the weather so hot that he killed his brother.
Since then cold has not had the power to kill people except very
rarely, when they were foolish; nor has extreme cold had the power
to remain longer than a few days at a time.

{ did not hear of any beliefs relating to the origin of light and
darkness, clouds and fog, although I inquired for them. It seems,
however, according to some tales, that the world at one time was always
dark, and that people had to grope about. To make things better,
they thought they should have asun andamoon. They chose Robin
to be the sun, and he went up into the sky. He was sometimes so
hot that the people were nearly burned up, and had to submerge
themselves in the water during his day’s course in the sky. Those
who could not reach water died. The people deposed Robin and put
in his place a one-eyed man called Sentagqo’tselts xd te’d’xqnw, son of
Tc’dxqen the one-eyed one. Since then it has never been too hot.

178 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

When Coyote had finished his work on earth the people chose him
to go up into the sky and be the moon. He served as moon for some
time; but at last he became unsatisfactory, because he always divulged
what he saw on earth, and many people were ashamed, for they did
not like their deeds to be known. When Coyote had gone to be the
moon the old man or Chief Sporwani’tcrlt traveled around on earth,
inspected Coyote’s work, and set right many things that Coyote
had left undone. This Old-Man Chief is said to have been altogether
helpful to mankind. My informants said that he was for the
Indians what Christ was for the whites. When he had finished his
work he went up into the sky and became the moon in place of
Coyote. Some think that he sent Coyote to be the moon after Coyote
had finished his work as transformer, but later, seeing that Coyote
was not quite satisfactory, he himself took his place. Afterwards
a toad jumped on the face of the moon and remained there. Before
this the moon was very bright—equal in brightness to the sun.

A moon halo is called ‘‘the moon makes a house’’; and a sun halo,
“the sun makes a house.”’ Eclipses of the moon are said to be caused
by the moon covering his face or eyes.

Once the sun killed some of Coyote’s children, and in revenge
Coyote killed the sun and cut out his heart. At once the earth
became totally dark. Coyote tried to go home in the dark, carrying
the heart; but it always got in his way, so he trod on it. Seeing that
he could make no progress, he put the heart on the sun’s body; and
at once the sun came to life, and there was bright light as before.

The rainbow is called ‘‘Coyote’s bow.”

Thunder is the noise made by the large wings of the Thunder Man
who lives on the high mountains. At one time he used to kill people
by throwing stones like large arrow stones. A man went to his house
and tore up his dress, which was made of feathers. After this Thunder
Man could not kill people and merely thundered when it was going
to rain.

Rain and snow are made by the ‘chief above” or “Sky Chief,”
who showers them on the earth as required. Earthquake is simply
called ‘‘the earth shakes’’; and it seems that no cause is ascribed for
it, except that some people think the “‘earth mother” is moving.

Most stars are considered to have been transformed people of the
mythic period.

The morning star is called “bringing the day”; the evening star
hentc’ enge’nanzwun (meaning uncertain). The Milky Way is called
“dusty road.”

The following story is told regarding the constellation Great Bear.
There were three brothers who had a brother-in-law, a grizzly bear.
The youngest brother loved their brother-in-law, but the two elder ones

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 179

disliked him. One day when they were out hunting they told their
youngest brother they would kill the bear. He would not agree to
this, and followed him, who had already gone hunting, to warn him.
The other two brothers started in pursuit and overtook them. They
were about to shoot at the bear when the youngest brother called
out, “‘Brother-in-law, they are going to kill you!’ As they were in
the act of- shooting all were transformed into stars, and may now be
seen as the four stars forming the corners of the Dipper. Some people
say that the four stars in the square are the bear and the stars form-
ing the handle of the Dipper are the three brothers.

It seems that the Pleiades are called ‘“Cluster.”’ They are said
to have been a group of people. To the side is a small star, and
behind it a large red star. The small star is called ‘‘Coyote’s child”’;
and the larger one, ‘“Badger.’’ The latter stole Coyote’s favorite
child. Coyote pursued them. When he had nearly overtaken them
they were transformed into stars. It seems that some people include
the Pleiades in one name with these stars.

A group of stars forming a circle, with one to the side (probably
Auriga), are said to have been a group of women cooking camas in a
pit in the ground. The roots were nearly cooked, and the women
sat around it, ready to take out the roots. Skunk went there with
the intention of spoiling the cooking.*’® As the women quite en-
circled the oven, he could not get near, so he sat down a little distance
off to await a chance. As all were in this position they were trans-
formed into stars. The Thompson call what seems to be the same
group of stars “‘cooking in an earth oven,’ and say that these stars
were women cooking.

Another group of stars is called ‘“‘the canoe.” Five men were
making a canoe. A man was working at each end and one on
each side. The fifth one was standing between one of the side and
end men. As they were in this position they were transformed.
The Thompson call the stars of Orion ‘‘bark canoe”; and another
eroup of stars, “‘canoe with men in it.”

Another group of stars is claimed to have been a lake, with a bird
called t’dq’tul (‘snow goose”’?) on it. Some hunters shot it, and as
it died it spread out its wings over the water. All were transformed,
including the bird with its wings outspread. This is probably the
same group as that called ‘‘lake with swan on it”’ by the Thompson,
also called by them “lake” or ‘swan.’

A group of stars consisting of three in a line is said to have been
three persons running a race. These are probably the same stars as

316 See taboo against men approaching an oven when the roots were cooking
(p. 185).

180 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

those called ‘following each other’? by the Thompson. Another
eroup of two stars is called ‘‘racers”’ or ‘‘runners”’ by the Thompson,
who say they were men running a race.

Dwarrs.—The Coeur d’Aléne believe in a race of dwarfs who
inhabit the forests and live in trees which they go up and down with
great celerity. People have watched them ascending and descending
trees. They always go head first. They are formed just like people,
but are very small. They appear to be all red, and most people
think they dress in red. They carry their babies upside down on
board carriers. People whom they approach lose their senses.
Sometimes when they come out of their stupor they find themselves
leaning against a tree upside down. Sometimes they missed parts of
their clothing’and, on looking around, would see them hanging from
the ends of branches high up in the trees. These dwarfs were fond
of playing tricks. They took away food and hid it, and occasionally
took whole bags of camas and fastened them to the ends of branches
up in trees. They never kept any articles they had taken, and
never killed or hurt people.

Another kind of dwarfs, often called by the same name as the first,
but differing from them in appearance and disposition, are of the size
of small boys. They live in cliffs and rocky places up in the moun-
tains and were formerly numerous in parts of the Coeur d’Aléne
and Nez Percé countries. They dress in squirrel skins and use small
bows and arrows. They often shout when they see people, and in
this way have often led hunters astray. One was found dead by a
party of Nez Percé about 1895. They heard some one scream and,
going in that direction, found the body.

Tree Mrn.—Other beings seen formerly in the Coeur d’Aléne
and Spokan countries are called stc’zmgestci’nt. They have a strong
odor, dress in buffalo skins, and have the power of transforming
themselves into trees and bushes. Once a number of people were
dancing in the Spokan country near a small lake close to Cheney.
Suddenly they smelled something, and one of them exclaimed, ‘‘That
is ste’ emgestci’nt!’”? They looked around and saw four men standing
a little apart from one another and wearing around their shoulders
buffalo skins, the hair side out. Immediately they disappeared and
four bushes remained where they had stood. These four bushes
could still be seen lately. Possibly the power of the people’s glance
killed them or prevented them from transforming themselves back
into men. However, there are trees which have been in one spot a
very long time, but they are stc’emgestci/nt just the same, although
they seem merely trees to people looking at them. In other places
trees and bushes change places or are sometimes absent and some-
times present. Often when these beings were seen and people

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 181

approached them they disappeared, and only trees or bushes could
be found.

Giants.—Giants were formerly common. They have a very strong
odor, like the smell of burning horn. Their faces are black, some say
painted black, and they are taller than the highest tents. When
they saw a single tent or lodge in a place they would crawl up to it
and look down the smoke hole. If a number of lodges were together
they were not so bold. Most of them dress in bearskins, but some
use clothes of other kinds of skins with the hair on. They live in
caves in the rocks. They have a great liking for fish, and often stole
fish out of the people’s traps. Otherwise they did not bother people
much. They are said to have stolen women occasionally from other
Indian tribes, but there is no tradition of their having done this in
the Coeur d’Aléne country.

Lanp anp Water Mystrertes.—There were many “land mys-
teries”” and ‘‘water mysteries.’”’ In character they were the same
as those inhabiting parts of the Thompson, Shuswap, and Lillooet
countries.’ The locations of these mysterious powers were usually
in mountain peaks, waterfalls, lakes, and sometimes in trees. Offer-
ings were made to propitiate them or to obtain their help. Occasionally
these powers showed themselves, and when they did so it portended
evil. The ‘“‘mystery’’ of each locality had a well-defined form of its
own, no two being alike. In one lake the form of ‘“‘mystery’’ seen
was half mammal and half human; in another lake, half human and
half fish; in another place it was entirely of mammal form, being
like a huge buffalo; and in another place it was like a huge fish. As
a rule, ‘water mysteries’? arose out of the waters of lakes, and were
rarely seen on land. People who saw them died shortly afterwards.

The ‘“‘mysteries’’ of some lakes have underground passages leading
from under the water to holes in the tops of mountains.

Once a long time ago some women were gathering service berries at
a place called Golxé’ estem(?)’, along way up the St. Joe River. Among
them were four sisters. One day when it was very hot the women
said they would swim in the river. When they were swimming one
of the sisters saw in the deep water what she thought was a large
fish. She proposed to swim out to it, and said, “‘Let us see who can
reach it first!’”’ When the four sisters reached the spot where the
fish was, it went down, and immediately all the sisters sank and
were seen no more. The other women who were watching said,
“That was no fish, it was the tongue of a water mystery.”’ Near
this place is a mountain with a little “mystery”? lake on the top

317 q, pp. 338, 339, 344, 345; e, pp. 598, 599; k, p. 276.
* One of the many ‘‘lost lakes’? in Coeur d’Aléne folklore.—G. Reichard.

182 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

called Tvxé’stem(?).. Shortly after the drowning of the sisters some
people were up on this mountain and discovered the hair of the
sisters on the shores of this lake. They reported this to the parents
of the girls, who went there and took the hair away. After this
people knew that there was a water passage between the river and
the lake on the top of the mountain.

Near the head of St. Joe River is a lake called Hinga’memen (‘“swal-
lowing’). When people look at it sticks jump out of the water.
The Indians are afraid of this lake and never go near it. Once two
brothers were traveling on a ridge above this lake. The elder
brother said to the younger, ‘‘Go and bring me some water from the
lake, I am very thirsty.’”” The younger brother said, ‘I am afraid.
No one ever goes near this lake.’”” The elder answered, ‘‘You must
go, for I shall die of thirst. You must bring me some water.’ The
lad hurried to the lake, drew a little water quickly, and then ran
back up the hill. The water followed him uphill. He hurried to his
brother, put down the water bucket beside him, and then ran down
the opposite side of the hill. The elder brother watched the water
rise to the top of the hill, then it stopped a moment, and disappeared
down the hill, catching his brother halfway down. Then it rose to
the top of the hill again, and receded to the lake. When all was
quiet he went over and found his brother dead. He had evidently
been drowned by the water when it caught up with him.

In Coeur d’Aléne Lake there is a ‘‘mystery”’ in the shape of a water
buffalo. Once a man was traveling in a canoe along the edge of the
lake. At one place a bush grew alone near the water. As he was
passing this place in the dark, all at once his canoe stood still, and,
paddle as he might, he could not make it move. He could see nothing
in the dark and began to feel along the sides of the canoe. He felt
a horn holding the canoe on each side and then knew it was the
water buffalo. He gave it a present and begged it not to harm him.
Then the canoe was allowed to proceed. After this, people, when
passing this place in canoes, always propitiated the ‘‘mystery” by
praying to it not to harm them and not to make the lake windy. At
the same time they deposited offerings, which they put down near
the bush.

There were also ‘‘mysteries”’ at other parts of Coeur d’Aléne Lake
to which the Indians made payments and asked for good weather on
the lake and good luck in fishing.

It seems that people did not paint their faces specially when they
passed by mystery lakes in the mountains, as the Thompson often
did. At some of the high summits where trails pass and in passes

‘

? Now Grizzly Elk.—G. Reichard.

ret] THE COEUR D’ALENE 183

in the mountains in the eastern part of the Coeur d’Aléne territory,
each passer-by puts down a stone. Thus at some of these places
large heaps of stones have accumulated. These places were abodes
of ‘‘land mysteries.”” Indians who neglected to do this were generally
visited by bad luck in their undertakings or by sickness.

Tue Sout.—I obtained very little information about beliefs regard-
ing the soul and the future state. My informants said that long ago
the Indians had no knowledge of what the whites call the ‘soul.’
Besides the body, people knew of nothing else belonging to a person
except a shade, which they believed survived after death. Some
thought there were two of these, one of which remained near the body,
the other going off to some place, they knew not where, to a land where
all shades finally lived together. Many, however, believed only in
the one shade, which became a ghost after death. It remained near
the grave, or wandered about the places where the person had been
in his lifetime. After a greater or lesser length of time it disap-
peared altogether and no one knew where it went.

Ghosts of drowned people haunted the water for a time. Ghosts
of persons who had been dead but a short time liked to visit people.
If repelled, they gave up their attempts, and afterwards appeared
only in lonely places and near graves. Sometimes they harmed peo-
ple and cast sickness on them. Some people’s ghosts resembled
them when alive, while others differed slightly. Some people be-
lieved that ghosts were just like people, but that they had no heads.

It is said that in the earliest time people did not die. After a time
death was introduced into the world by a woman, and since then all
people have died, and their flesh has rotted, leaving only bones.
After a time even these decay and disappear. It seems that there was
no belief that Coyote or others brought back the dead.

Nowadays the Christian idea of a reunion of the dead is held by
some, but the Indians say that this has been learned from the priests.
The form of the belief held seems to show that it is modern. I
learned of no belief regarding animal underworlds or spirit worlds.
There was no belief that infants, children, or other people were reborn.

PRAYERS AND OpsERVANCES.—The prayers and observances of the
Coeur d’Aléne were of the same character as those of the Thomp-
son.“ The Chinook wind was supplicated for mild weather. People
prayed to the rain to come or to stop, as it best suited their interests.
They had a rain song. The snow was supplicated by hunters who
wished it for facilitating the tracking or procuring of game. Dancing
and singing often accompanied prayers and supplications. The rain
and all powers were called ‘“‘chief’”’ when addressed in prayer. Pray-

318g, pp. 344-350.

184 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

ers to land and water mysteries, and offerings of payments made to
them, have already been mentioned.

Prayers were offered by some families once or twice each day, gen-
erally in the morning when rising, and sometimes also at night on
retiring, by one or two of the elders of the family, and were addressed
to Amo’tqgrn, or sometimes also to the day and to the sun.

Most chiefs, elders, heads of families, and elder brothers prayed
and admonished and instructed more or less regularly the children
and others regarding the proper conduct of life. Elderly women did
the same.

It seems that the chief deity prayed to was Amo’tqzn,*!® who is
said to live on the highest mountains, whence he looked out over all
the earth. He could see all lands, and understand what was required
for the benefit of the Indians. He was supplicated to pity the people
and to attend to their necessities. He was asked particularly for
plenty of game, berries, and roots.

Before hunting, hunters often fasted and sweat-bathed; and in the
sweat house they prayed to the animal they were to hunt and to other
powers, such as the spirit of the sweathouse, that they might be
successful in procuring game. When animals were killed they were
often thanked.

Much respect was paid to bear and beaver, as these animals were
thought to know, see and hear everything. They knew what peo-
ple said and thought about them. If a man intended to hunt
them they knew it. They allowed themselves to be killed only out
of pity for the people. Skulls of bear and beaver were therefore
always elevated on poles or put on trees. When a man killed a bear
he blackened his face and sang the “Bear song,’’ which had an air
of its own and resembled a mourning song. He praised the bear in
the song for giving himself up, and at the same time bewailed his
death. This custom has not been practiced for about three genera-
tions.

It seems that there was no first-salmon ceremony and no ceremony
when the first tobacco of the season was smoked or gathered. This
may be accounted for by the fact that neither salmon nor tobacco
were indigenous to the Coeur d’Aléne country.

In contrast to the Coast Indians, it appears that there were no
ceremonies regarding the capture or eating of any kind of fish among
the interior Salish tribes, with the exception of the Lillooet and to a
less extent of the Lower Thompson. It also seems that none of the
tribes had any special ceremonies when eating game or flesh of any
kind of animal.

319 See Thompson, A’moten, a, p. 345.

TENT) THE COEUR D’ALENE 185

As among the Thompson, men, especially unmarried men, were
not allowed to come near the earth ovens when the women were cook-
ing certain kinds of roots.** Among the Coeur d’Aléne this referred
more particularly to camas. The roots would spoil or would not
cook properly if aman came near. As far as I could learn, there was
no belief regarding lizards following people.*”!

Four was the common mystic number among the Coeur d’Aléne
as among the Thompson and other interior Salish tribes.

DANCES AND CEREMONIES, Frrst-FRuiIts CrEREMONY, OR HARVEST
Dancre.—The Coeur d’Aléne, like other interior Salish tribes, had
first-fruits or harvest ceremonies. When the first important berries,
such as service berries, were gathered, before any were eaten the chief
of each band who had supervision over the berry and root crops of
his territory, called his people together, and in their presence offered
a long prayer to Amo’tqen, thanking him for the berry crop, and tell-
ing him that his children were now about to eat them. The chief
then held out on a tray or mat, or in a basket, an offering of the ber-
ries in season to Amo’tqgen. The direction of the chief’s prayer and
offering was generally toward the highest mountain in view. After
this the people often danced for a short time, and after that they had
a feast of the berries. Exactly the same kind of ceremony was per-
formed when the first important root crop was gathered, such as
camas. If the people were in a large camp and belonged to several
bands the chief of the camp made the offering. These ceremonies
have been out of use for a very long time.

Prayina Dancre.—A dance considered distinct from the sun dance,
and called by a different name, was almost the same as the common
religious or praying dance of the Thompson, Shuswap, and Lillooet.*”
The manner of dancing in circles, and the steps, motions, and signs
made in the dance, appear to have been just the same as among the
Thompson. The deity prayed to was Amo’tqen, who was addressed
directly as Amo’tqen or Amu’tep, and also as “chief.”

The “marrying dance” was not associated with this dance, as was
generally the case among the Thompson and Shuswap, but instead
was attached to the scalp dance. It seems doubtful if the praying
dance among the Coeur d’Aléne had any connection with beliefs in
the dead, the return of souls and of Coyote, as it seems to have had
in a number of tribes, such as the Lillooet, Shuswap, Thompson, and
Kutenai. However, very little is now remembered about the dance.
The connection with the dead seems to have been less pronounced
among the Thompson than among the Shuswap and Lillooet.

320 g, p. 349. 321 See Thompson, a, p. 348; Shuswap, e, pp. 619, 620.
822 q, pp. 351-354; e, pp. 603-605; k, pp. 283-285.
.41383°—30 13

186 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

Elements of what may have been sun worship appear to be con-
nected with the dance in all the tribes. The Coeur d’Aléne claim that
long ago the dance was generally held but once a year, about the time
of the winter solstice or a little later. Some years it was performed
oftener and at irregular intervals. No musical instruments were
used.

Sun Dance anp Sun Worsuip.—The sun was much worshipped.
The people prayed to him constantly for good health, good luck,
success in undertakings, and for protection. After Amo’tgen, the
sun was probably the deity prayed to most. Symbols of the sun
were much used in early times as designs in embroidery and in paint-
ing on clothes and utensils, especially on shields and weapons of war-
riors. Bands and also smaller groups of people performed the sun
dance at frequent intervals. People in some places danced it once or
twice a year, and others almost every month. People might dance
it at any time they desired. The sun was prayed to directly in this
dance and the dancers made all the signs or motions in the dance
toward the sun. The sun dance with torture of the prairie tribes was
known but never adopted by the Coeur d’Aléne.

Horst Dancer, THANKSGIVING CEREMONY.—It is said that a
dance was performed by some of the bands long ago, and in later
years by most of the tribe, at the end of the harvest, when all the
crops of berries and roots had been cured. The people had all their
salmon and other supplies stored and were ready for the fall hunting.
Amo’tqenwas given thanks in this dance and ceremony for the plentiful
and successful harvest; and prayers were offered, it seems, to him
and to the sun—to the former to give a bountiful harvest the next
year, to the sun for success in the hunting which was about to begin.
According to some people, one of the chief aims of the dance was to
hasten the fattening of the horses before starting on the annual
buffalo-hunting expedition to the plains. I did not obtain full
details regarding this dance.

Mepicine Dancy.—An important dance among the Coeur d’Aléne
similar to ceremonies of other Salish tribes*” was the medicine dance.
The participants sang the songs obtained from their guardians and
imitated them by cry and action. This dance was for several pur-
poses, such as to overcome the bashfulness of young people; to find
out how adolescents had progressed in their training, and to learn
if they had received songs from their guardian spirits and the nature
of their powers; to bring people together in a friendly way and induce
closer fellowship between them and their guardian spirits; to

323 See Shuswap, e, p. 610; Lillooet, k, pp. 285, 286.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 187

bring the people as a whole in closer touch with one another, with
the guardian spirits as a whole, and with all animals and everything
in nature; to learn who had powers over certain things, such as the
weather; and who could through their powers be of most service to
the people when help was required at any time.

Songs sung by some shamans produced warm or cold weather
according to the qualities of their guardian spirits. Others made
game plentiful or drew it near. Persons who had these powers could
be called upon for help when the weather was bad and game scarce,
and their singing and dancing in the medicine dance helped to pro-
duce favorable conditions. The dance was supposed to benefit the
people in some way, to make life easier and to drive away sickness.
It was held several times a year, but chiefly in the winter, by each
band independently. As far as described to me, the dance is the same
as the guardian-spirit dance of the Nez Percé described by Spinden.**t
It seems that no musical instruments were used in this dance either—
only singing.

War Dances AND War Creremonies.—A dance was held before
going to war, and also, if possible, before an attack. Usually, how-
ever, it was held before going on the warpath. As there was almost
constant war between the western Plateau tribes and the Plains
tribes, it was invariably danced previous to starting for the plains on
the annual buffalo hunt. Originally it seems to have been the same
as the war dance performed by the Thompson and northern Salish
tribes, and similar to an older form in vogue among the Nez Percé.
In later days the step of the dance and some other details were mod-
ified, probably under the influence of the Flathead and eastern tribes.
In the old form the guardian-spimit element was more pronounced
than in the modern form, which lacks this element almost entirely.
It seems also that the oldest form of the dance was to a greater degree
imitative of battle than the modern dance, which is reduced more
to a set form for all dancers, and allows less freedom of action to the
individual. The Coeur d’Aléne continued to dance the war dance
for exhibition and for exercise until about 1900, when it was discon-
tinued owing to the influence of the priests. They say that the late
form of their war dance was identical with that of the Nez Percé and
Flathead, and the same as is still danced on Fourth of July cele-
brations by the Yakima, Columbia, Sanpoil, Nez Pereé, and others
at Nespelim and on the Yakima Reservation. The Nez Percé, in
dancing the old form of the war dance, kept time with notched sticks
or rasps only, but among the Coeur d’Aléne both rasps and drums
were used. Only the members of the war party participated. In late

3% 6, pp, 262-264,

188 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

days, when the dance became largely for exhibition only, nearly all
the men danced. :

When the tribe thought of going to war a war council was held of
chiefs, war chiefs, and leading men invited by the head chief, or the
head war chief. When the council decided on war, blankets were
hoisted, like flags, on the tops of all the tents of the men who had
formed the council. Generally the first blanket was hoisted on the
council tent. The people then knew that war had been decided on.
Later the people of each tent who intended to join raised a blanket
in the same way. All the people then gathered to talk with the chief
who was to organize the war party, and to hear what he had to say.
The chief (?) took a blanket and beat time on it with a short stick,
at the same time singing a war song. Others took hold of the blanket
and did likewise, joining in the song. The party turned around slowly
in a circle contra-sunwise as they sang. Each one who joined by taking
hold of the blanket pledged himself as a member of the war party.
When there was no room for any more to hold the blanket another
blanket was brought into use. This was kept up for hours, until all
who wished had joined. When this ceremony was over a council
was held, at which chiefs were elected to take charge of the party,
and matters of organization and conduct of the war were discussed.
During this discussion the big pipe was constantly passed around
contra-sunwise, every one smoking a few puffs as his turn came. It
seems that every party had a war chief, and some parties had two or
more, one of whom, however, was the head. One of the chiefs, gener-
ally the leader, always carried the pipe. Some parties elected one or
more shamans to accompany them. The war dance was repeated
at intervals, sometimes for several days.

If an individual decided to go to war and wanted companions he
took a robe and beat time on it with a short stick. He sang his war
song, stopping in front of every lodge. Those who wanted to join
took hold of the robe and sang and beat time with him. A war
dance was held after all the houses had been visited and all who
wished had joined. Those who did not care to go simply looked on.

Occasionally no war dance was held before starting. The above
was a common way for men to make up expeditions to go on horse-
stealing raids against other tribes. Sometimes the men went around
on horseback from house to house instead of on foot. There appears
to be no memory of any dance held by the women during the absence
of a war party, as was customary among the Thompson.*” Before a
war party left they often went through a farewell ceremony. All the
men of the party beat time on blankets, a number of men holding

LEE oy Palo,

TEIT) THE COEUR D’ALENE 189

one blanket. They traveled around the lodges in the nighttime,
following a course contrary to that of the sun. They stopped before
each lodge, singing twice. The women followed behind and joined
in the singing. Sometimes it was daybreak before the round was
finished.

Scatp Dancze.—When a war party returned without trophies of any
kind there was no celebration. If they had killed an enemy the
party shot off a gun when about a mile from camp. Sometimes four
shots were fired, which meant that they had been successful. If the
number of shots was other than one or four they denoted the number
of scalps taken. When the people heard the shots they went out to
meet the party and escorted them into camp. The warriors marched
with faces blackened and bearing the scalps on the ends of slender
poles or on their lances. The poles were set up at the houses of the
men owning the scalps, where they remained until the scalp dance
was performed. Shortly after the arrival of the party the chief
announced when the scalp dance would be held, always within two
days after the arrival of the party. The people assembled in an
open space, or, if it was cold weather, in the large dance house. After
a short dance by the warriors, into which were introduced actions and
gestures in imitation of the experiences of the war party, the war
chief related the events of the expedition. He was followed by the
warriors who had taken scalps or done deeds of valor, such as counting
coup, or being the first to approach close to the enemy. Each
recounted his particular exploits and explained in detail the manner
in which each enemy had been killed. In pauses during the narratives
the drummers beat rapid taps on the drum, as if in approbation.
They did the same after each notable exploit had been narrated. The
people joined in applause and shouting. Meanwhile the women rela-
tives of the warriors, and any others who cared to join them, formed
themselves into a mimic war party. They elected chiefs, dressed in
the clothes of the warriors, did up their hair and painted their faces,
donned war bonnets, and took up weapons. They took possession of
the scalps which the warriors had exhibited in the recounting of their
deeds and bore them on the ends of poles at the head of the proces-
sion, which was led by their mock war chief. If there was only one
scalp the leader carried it. After they had marched around with
much acclamation and shouting they formed a circle ready for the
dance. The six greatest warriors of the band took each a small
drum; and all sat together at the east or south side, outside the circle.
Occasionally they sat down in the middle of the circle. The men and
all the rest of the people formed a large circle of spectators away from
the dancers. The chiefs beat the drums and sang the scalp song.
The women then danced in a circle against the sun’s course and con-

190 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [TH. ANN. 45

tinued for about two hours. All of them joined in the song while
dancing. In the afternoon the dance was repeated for about the
same length of time. When it was over the persons owning the
scalps took possession of them. Some men exhibited them suspended
from poles in front of their lodges, taking them down in a day or
two. Others attached them to their hair or clothes and wore them
for a short time. Some men preserved the scalps entire and wore
them at dances, while others used the locks for fringes of scalp shirts.
In later days they were chiefly used as arm fringes on shirts. They
were used rarely or not at all as fringes for leggings.

If the war party had taken captives an additional dance was per-
formed called ‘‘ to-scalp-dance-them.”’ This dance was held at the end
of the regular scalp dance, and was exactly as described by Ross and
quoted by Spinden.*”® The men formed two rows facing each other,
with the women between in two rows facing each other. The cap-
tives, chiefly young women and sometimes boys, had to march up
the middle, carrying the poles with the scalps. During the whole
dance the captives had to pass back and forth between the rows of
women, who taunted them, jeered at them, pulled and pushed them,
and struck them with their fists and with sticks. If a captive cried
much, the women might draw a scalp across her mouth or eyes or
down her face. It might be that of the woman’s husband, child, or
other relative. When the dance was finished the men, who meanwhile
had taken no part in the abuse of the captives, took possession of
them and each one escorted his slaves to his lodge. They were now
treated kindly and their wounds and bruises were washed and dressed.

If an adult man was brought back as a captive he was held a pris-
oner until the end of the dance and then killed, usually without torture.
It was rare, however, for a man to be captured, as it was preferred to
kill him in battle and scalp him. Men who did not care for the cap-
tives they had taken sold them to other members of the tribe or to
strangers. Sometimes they allowed them to escape after a while.
Most captives were held, however, and adopted into the family as
wives or children. Occasionally the head of some noted enemy was
brought to camp entire, and rarely also his feet and hands. These
were carried at the scalp dance on the ends of poles, and preceded the
scalps borne in the procession, always being carried in front of all
the other trophies. If a noted enemy was killed close to the camp
the whole body was carried in dressed as it was and set up on forked
sticks for exhibition. It happened rarely that at the end of the
“‘to-scalp-dance-them’”’ dance one or more of the captive women
or boys were killed by the excited women in revenge for relatives

828 b, p. 267.

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 191

killed in the expedition. The scalp dance sometimes lasted for
four days.

Tsuwikt Dancr.—A Nez Percé variety of the scalp dance, called
tsuhuikt or tsuwikt (a Nez Percé term), appears to have been adopted
by the Coeur d’Aléne and danced occasionally. It was never much
in vogue. No doubt it is the same as that referred to by Spinden.*””

TRIBAL AND INTERTRIBAL War Dances.—At certain periods a
great war dance was performed, which may be called a tribal war
dance. A common rendezvous was named and people came from all
the bands of the tribe to attend it. In form it was the same as the
ordinary war dance, but was performed for exhibition and not for
war purposes. It was also an occasion for making the exploits of
war parties, of bands, and of individuals known to the whole tribe.
In this way it was like a grand review. The dance lasted several days,
with intervals of rest, feasting, and games. Other dances, such as
the scalp dance, marrying dance and medicine dance, were often
associated with it.

Intertribal dances of a similar nature were also held, the most
famous place being at the mouth of Snake River. Here annually all
the neighboring Shahaptian and Salishan tribes met in times of
peace for a great exhibition. It seems that the Spokan and Columbia
attended this dance regularly, and often Coeur d’Aléne parties
accompanied the Spokan. Intertribal games took place at the same
time, the meeting generally lasting about two weeks. Besides war
and scalp dances, many other dances were performed for exhibition
at this gathering, and warriors recounted their deeds.

Marrying Dance.—A marrying dance, in which men chose wives,
was similar to that of the Thompson, Shuswap, Lillooet, Okanagon,
Yakima, and Klickitat.*** Among the Shuswap and Thompson the
dance was often associated with the praying dance; but among the
Coeur d’Aléne it is said to have been generally combined with the
scalp dance, although there is no apparent connection with it. All
the young women arose first and danced in a circle. Then the young
men formed in a circle on the outside, dancing in the opposite direc-
tion. Each man carried a short stick. During the progress of the
dance, when a young man came opposite the girl he desired, he
placed his stick on her shoulder, and leaving his line danced alongside
of her. If the woman refused him, she threw off the stick, and he
had to fall back into the men’s line. If the woman allowed the man
to dance with her and the stick to rest on her shoulder until the end
of the dance, she accepted him; and they were considered married,
and so declared by the chief at the end of the dance.

327 5, p. 267.
823 See Thompson, a, pp. 324, 353; Shuswap, e, pp. 591, 604; Lillooet, k, p. 268.

192 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

FrstivaL or Girr Dancr.—A common ancient dance was per-
formed at social gatherings of bands or families. The dancing
appears to have been individual, the dancers being generally apart
and dancing in one spot. Women danced more frequently than men.
It seems to have been the same as the ‘‘stle’i””? dance of the Thomp-
son, used at festivals and potlatches.*”

Woman’s Dance or Rounp Dance.—In late years the dance
called ‘‘squaw or woman’s dance,” or ‘‘round dance,” was often
danced at gatherings. It served for amusement only. The women
go in a circle sidewise with a limping step. A woman may take up a
male partner to dance with her, holding his arm or hand. Usually
she has to make a small gift to the man she takes up. The dance is
looked upon as distinctly a woman’s dance, and is said to have been
introduced from the east about 1870. Some claim that it is of Cree
origin and others say that it came to them from the Crow.

Weratuer Dances.—As already stated, people danced when they
wanted a change of weather; and there was a rain song, a snow song,
etc. Usually this kind of dancing was done by small parties, espe-
cially hunting parties, and was led by some shaman or other individual
who through his guardian spirit was supposed to have control over
the weather. He generally sang his own song and the people gen-
erally joined in the singing.

Game Dances.—Similar to the weather dances were the game
dances, and often the two were combined. If the people found it
hard to get buffalo or other game they engaged a shaman or other
man whose guardian was the buffalo, or who had power over the
animal to be hunted. He sang and the people usually danced and
sang with him. The dancing differed somewhat for different kinds
of game. Sometimes prayers were offered at these dances. Usually
at the end the shaman foretold where and when the animals would
be met with, and the hunters acted on his advice.

GuARDIAN Sprrits.—Guardian spirits appear to have been about
the same in character as among the Thompson *° and were acquired
in the same way. Almost everyone, both male and female, had one
or more guardian spirits, but as a rule those of the men were more
powerful than those of the women. A person partook to a greater
or less degree of the qualities of his guardian. No parts of animals
were guardians, but often parts were employed as symbolic of the
whole. Sometimes a part of an animal had more power than others,
and therefore was spoken of as a supernatural, but it was not inde-
pendent in power of the animal itself. As among the Thompson,
the sun was a powerful guardian of warriors but was hard to obtain.

829 q, pp. 385, 386. 330 q, pp. 354-357.

rerT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 193

Thunder, eagle, and certain kinds of hawks and owls were also guard-
ians of warriors, but less powerful than the sun.

Every man had one or two ‘‘medicine”’ bags in which he kept
skins, feathers, bones, or other parts of his guardians, and also charms
of stone and herbs. Many men wore some of these charms when
on journeys, on hunting trips, and especially when going to war.
They were worn as necklaces and pendants or were attached to the
hair, clothes, or weapons. Some of them were worn concealed. Men
who had a small, sharp-sighted owl for their guardian attached it to
the back of the hair facing backward as a protection against being
attacked from behind. (See p. 119.) Some men never displayed
any parts of their guardian animals, but kept them in their “‘medi-
cine” bags.

Medicine bags were of two kinds. One kind was of soft leather,
and rolled up into a cylindrical-shaped package. It was generally
kept near the head of the bed, or under the pillow. The other kind
was a cylindrical case of rawhide, often fringed, and ornamented with
painted designs similar to those on parfléches.**' It was suspended
in the lodge near the owner’s sleeping place, where he kept his shield
and weapons. Many men carried these cases in battle. Some used
both kinds of medicine bags. When going on a war expedition they
carried the rawhide case containing those objects or parts of objects
considered most potent in war. The remainder of the charms were
left at home in the other medicine bag. If a man were killed in battle
and his medicine case taken, the ‘‘medicine”’ therein was believed to
be of no value to the person obtaining them, and might even do him
harm if he tried to use it in any way.

The rawhide medicine case came into use about the time when the
people began to go to the plains, and may have been adopted from
the Flathead or the Plains tribes, all of whom used it. Probably it
came into use among all the tribes only after the introduction of the
horse, since it is especially adapted for travel by horse.

Men painted images or representations or symbols of their guardian
spirits and pictures of their most important dreams on their clothes,
robes, shields, and weapons.

Pictographs of battles, and of important events or experiences in
a person’s life, were also painted on robes, which in consequence
were treated with great care. Pictures and symbols of guardian
spirits were also often painted or tattooed on the body. It was
believed that these pictures had offensive or defensive power derived
directly from the guardian spirit. (See p. 169.) Thus a man
who had an arrow tattooed or painted on his arm, if the arrow was

331 See Nez Percé, b, fig. 5, No. 3.

194 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

one of his guardians, believed that his arm was made more efficient
for shooting. In the same way a mountain tattooed or painted on
the arm rendered it strong, provided the mountain was a guardian
of the person. Likewise the reproduction of a bear or deer on the
arm gave the person skill in bear and deer hunting, provided these
animals were the guardians of the hunter. Most of the painted de-
signs on shields had a protective meaning. Some of the common
figures were mountains, arrows, sun, eagle, hawk, and owl. War
horses were often painted with representations of guardians and
dreams, and the horse itself was a guardian of some men. Tents
also were painted with pictures and symbols of guardians and dreams,
or with geometrical designs.*”

Rock Paintrnes.—Rock paintings were common in some parts of
the country, but I did not hear of any petroglyphs. The nearest
rock paintings to the present location of the Coeur d’Aléne are said
to be at Chatcolat. There was no belief that spirits or ‘land mys-
teries’’ made certain rock paintings. All were made by people.
Besides being records of dreams, objects seen in dreams, guardian
spirits, battles, and exploits, they were supposed to transmit power
from the object depicted to the person making the pictures. Young
men during their puberty ceremonials made rock paintings, but girls
very seldom did. From time to time older men also painted dreams
on cliffs.

IMAGES OF GUARDIAN Sprrits.—Men formerly carved images of
their guardian spirits. These were generally stone figures of animals,
birds, and men, or parts of them. Usually they were small and kept
in the medicine bag. Occasionally they were kept in view in the
lodge. Most figures were of human form, not because the men who
made them had guardians of human form, but because almost all
guardian spirits could assume human form; and most men preferred
to represent them in manlike form. Sometimes a guardian spirit
would appear in dreams to his protégé in human form only and, were
not he himself to reveal his identity, his protégé would not know
what he was and what his name. He might say, ‘‘I am the coyote,”
“T am the grizzly bear that runs,” ‘‘I am the grizzly bear that walks,”
and so on. Sometimes he might say, ‘‘I am the one who helps you,”
and then add some description of himself as an animal, so that his
protégé knew him.

Some stone images did not resemble any known animals, because
they were representations of beings, or of parts of beings seen in
dreams. Some resembled mythical beings, “‘mysteries,” and animals,
which Indians had never seen alive, but only in dreams and visions.

382 Compare also war dress (p. 118).

TEIT] THE COEUR D’ALENE 195

Some were even of a composite character, such as half animal and
half human. Human figures were made full size; arms and legs, also
busts, consisting of head and neck, or head and upper part of body.
Most figures were made in an erect posture, but some in other atti-
tudes. Many were made nude, and some were carved clothed.
Others, not made this way, were clothed by painting and by adding
decorations such as feathers. Usually the image was made to cor-
respond to the figure and dress of the guardian spirit as he usually
appeared. These stone images were regarded with considerable
reverence, and were thought to possess a mystic power beneficial to
the owner, but sometimes injurious to others. Therefore these figures
were never bought or sold, or treated as mere ornaments or works of
art. In fact, they were seldom or never handled except by the owner,
and when he died they were placed in his grave or deposited near by.
They were inherited only in a few cases—for instance, when son and
father had the same guardian. Then the image would be of some
service to the son as he would “‘know” the guardian it represented.
A long time ago these images were common. They were not generally
carried around on hunting expeditions, but were left at home in the
lodge.

Other images were made rather for ornament. They were generally
set up in view in the lodge, and may have been house ornaments.
It is doubtful, however, if this was their only purpose. It seems, at
any rate, that they were not considered real images of guardian
spirits, although some people thought they were connected with
them. Itis said that even they were considered ‘‘mystery,’’ and never
sold. In rare instances some of them were given to friends who were
not afraid of them. As a rule, they were larger than the images of
guardian spirits, perhaps about 12 or 15 em. in height. No images
of any kind were treated as family property; they were the sole prop-
erty of the person who made them, in the same way as the medicine
bag. If the owner died in a distant place without his medicine bag
and without the image of his guardian, his relatives placed these
objects in the forest or burned them. In a few similar cases the image
was kept and placed in or by the grave of the next one of his family
who died, even if it was a mere child. <A few images of both kinds
were carved of wood or antler; but most of them were of stone.

SHAMANISM.—Shamans were about the same in character as among
the Thompson.**? Almost the only difference between them and other
men was that they made a profession of curing people who were sick.
They received payment for their services. If the person they treated
died, they received no payment; and no payments were made except

332 See Thompson, a, p. 376 and fig. 297; Shuswap, e, p. 603; f, pp. 173, 191.

196 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

in cases of what seemed to be complete cures. Many men had quite
as much power as most shamans, but did not use it professionally.
On the whole, however, shamans were supposed to have more power-
ful guardians than most other men; and they were credited with hav-
ing greater knowledge of the dead and of disease than other people.
Their process of treatment was chiefly by incantations. They sang
their individual shaman’s songs which had been obtained from their
guardians, and they blew on their patients and made passes over them.
It seems that they never danced when treating people, or put on
masks and looked for souls, as among the Thompson. Some shamans
occasionally prescribed herb medicines to be drunk, or salves to be
applied, but this was usually only when their guardians advised them
to use these. They also occasionally prescribed painting in certain
colors on certain parts of the body of the patient. Rarely did these
paintings take special forms, but usually consisted of just a simple
application of some paint. As a rule, the painting was done accord-
ing to instructions received in dreams. Sometimes, too, shamans
prescribed certain foods. Horses and dogs were treated by shamans
in just the same way as people. Most shamans had the power of
driving away ghosts, and some of them could bewitch people and in
this way cause their death. Occasionally they were killed for doing
this. Shamans were generally men, but some were women. A few
of the latter were as skillful as the men or even more so. There were
no differences in the methods employed by men and women shamans.
Ernicat Concrerts.—Ethical concepts ** and ideas of beauty ap-
pear to have been about the same as among the Thompson.
Cuarms AND Brtinrs.—I did not learn much about these matters.
Charms or fetishes were in common use. Generally they were small
smooth stones which had been picked up and kept because they
showed some peculiarity in shape or color. Some had natural or
artificial holes, others were inclosed in skin and suspended around the
neck. Usually they were worn out of sight. Some were considered
very lucky and were transmitted from generation to generation,
Besides stones, claws and teeth of animals were used, and also roots
and plants of various kinds. Some of the latter helped persons to ob-
tain wealth or success in love. Some stones were picked up and used as
charms because they bore a resemblance in shape to an animal or
bird. To make the resemblance more striking, they were sometimes
carved or filed a little. It seems that there were no charms for
locating game, as among the Thompson; neither were beliefs held like
those of the Thompson—that throwing stones at certain lakes would
cause wind; that burning beaver hair or killing frogs would make rain;

333g, pp. 366, 367.

TEIT} THE COEUR D’ALENE 197

that telling coyote stories would make snow or cold; and burning
lightning wood would make cold weather. However, wood of trees
struck by lightning was never burned except by accident, as it was
believed that one of the people who burned it or used it as firewood
would die. Some people believed that toads had the power of making
rain at will. :

Mepicines.—As among the Thompson, a number of medicines
made from herbs were used as tonics, or salves, but I did not have
opportunity to inquire into this subject. The scent root called
xvaszas was dried and powdered fine, then mixed with animal grease
and used as a salve on sores. As among the Thompson, mother’s
milk was used occasionally to anoint sore eyes.

THE OKANAGON
I. HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL

TRIBES OF THE Group.—The tribes of the Okanagon group are
(1) Okanagon, (2) Sanpoil, (3) Colville, (4) Lake.

TripaL Names.—The names “Okanagon,” or ‘“Okinagan,”
*Okanagon Lake,” ‘‘Okanagon River,’ are derived from the Indian
name of the tribe. The name ‘‘Sans Poil,”’ given to the tribe by the
fur traders, seems to be simply a French adaptation of their Indian
name, and does not originate from any peculiarity of the tribe in
being “without hair.’”’ They were also called Sanpoil and Sinpoee,
corruptions of their own name. The Colville are named from the
Colville River and Fort Colville, places in their territory; but formerly
they were generally called ‘‘Chaudiére” or ‘‘ Les Chaudiéres”’ by the
fur traders. They were also known by translations of this term;
such as ‘Kettle Indians,” ‘‘Pot Indians,” ‘‘ Bucket Indians,” and
‘“‘Cauldrons.’”’ The origin of the name is not clear; but evidently it
has some connection with Kettle Falls and Kettle River, places in
their territory. They were also sometimes called ‘‘Shuyelpee,”
which is a corruption of their own name. The Lake tribe were often
called “Sinijixtee” and ‘‘Sinatcheggs,’”’ corruptions of their own name.
The name “Lake” was applied to the tribe because of their habitat
on the lakes to the north, viz, Arrow Lakes, Kootenai Lake, and
Slocan Lake, in British Columbia.

The tribes call themselves as follows:

1. Okana’qén, or Okanagé’nizx, or Okina’ gen
2. Snpoi'l, or Snpoi’liz, Snpoai'lerec.

3. Sxoré’tpix, or Sruré’ytpix, Sxwer’tper.

4. Snav’tcekst, Snrai’teekstex, Sndi’ .terkster.

The suffix -iv, -rx, stands for ‘‘people” (equivalent to -7c of some
tribes and dialects). ‘“‘Okanda’qén” is said to be derived from the
name of a place on Okanagon River, somewhere near the Falls, so
named because it was the ‘‘head”’ of the river; at least, in so far as the
ascent of salmon was concerned, very few salmon being able to reach
above this point. According to tradition this place represents the
ancient headquarters of the tribe. Some Okanagon and Sanpoil
informants stated that the name is that of a place at or near Okanagon

1 Other forms of the name used by Sanpoil and Lake are Okandgai'n and .sdkEndqai’ nex.

» 198

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 199

Falls, where there was at one time an important salmon fishery, the
place of their origin. On the other hand, the head chief of the
Canadian Okanagon told me that the name is the former name of a
place on the Okanagon River, near the mouth of the Similkameen,
where at one time were located the headquarters of a large band of
the tribe, most of whom in later times spread farther north. During
a period of wars the people there constructed breastworks of stones,
and with reference to this the place became known as salilx” and
the old name dropped out of use.? According to the same informant,
the old dividing line between the Okanagon and Sanpoil people was
about Okanagon Falls. From there north the real Okanagon dialect
was spoken. The original center from which the Okanagon people
spread was the country between Okanagon Falls and the mouth of
the Similkameen. The suffix -gén, -qain, etc., means ‘‘head,”’
probably with reference to some physical feature of the country.

Snpoi'l or Snpoi'liz is said to be the old name of a place on Sans
Poil River or in its neighborhood, the original home of the Sanpoil
tribe.

Sxoie’lp is said to be the name of a place near or a little below
Kettle Falls, which was considered to be the original home of the tribe.
According to some, the name means “‘hollowed out,’’ with reference
to rocks there.

Snai’tcekst is from av’teekst, the name of a fish, said to be the lake
trout (Salvelinus namaycush?). The Lake people are said to have been
named after this fish, on account of its importance, in contrast to the
Colville people below them on the Columbia, who had salmon in
abundance. Some salmon reached the Lake country, and the
people caught a considerable number in some places; but they were
fewer in number and inferior in quality to those in the Colville
country. The Okanagon tribes call themselves collectively ‘‘ Nsi’-
licteen”’ or “ Nse’liztczn,’”’ which means ‘“ Salish-speaking ” (from
Sa’liz, Se'lix, or Si’liz, “Salish or Flathead tribes;” and -tcin, -tezn,
“language’’).

Names GIVEN TO THE OKANAGON TRIBES BY OTHER TRIBES.—
The names applied to the Okanagon tribes by other tribes and the
symbols used in sign language to designate them are the following:

2 See p. 264.

[ETH. ANN. 45

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202 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

Names GIveN TO OTHER TRIBES BY THE OKANAGON.—The terms
in the following list were all collected from Sanpoil (Nespelim),
Lake, and Okanagon. I obtained none from the Colville.

Mower Hrasers#=s==.- 20s eee Tlemsit’ rx.

WillooetLe = 2 a2 2 ss eer Nzaelami'nex (‘fax people’’).

Shuswap. ¢2-— 22a eee ees Sexwa’pmux, Sexwa' pmex.

Thompsonge2-2 Sse ee oe eee Lukstemé'x", Levketemii' 2, Neketame'x.

Wenatchiitas 0 eess sera nee ee Snpeskwa’uzex.

Wenatchi (Chelan division) _______ Stcelé'nrex (‘Chelan people,” possibly liter-
ally ‘‘Lake people’’).

Columbia = S529" 2222-5 2 eee Snkaa@'usemex, Sngeé' us.

Bands along Columbia River below
the Tskowa’xtsenux or Moses-}Naia’qutcen, Nid'qetcen.
Columbia band.

Old Salish tribe at The Dalles____ Neketemi' x», Levkntnme’ux.

Spokan. uc sca ee oe een Spoqai'nex, Spogei'nex.

Kalispel: 222422 ere ee ae Skalzspi’'lex, Kalspi/lnm, Skalespe'lam.

Pend d’Oreilles. 2222 222222 oe Snia'lemen.

Wlathead*a< 2s oe See oe ere Sa'lex, Sa'lix.

Coeursd#Alénes == S222 == oa Ski'tsdxz, Ski’tcox, S’ki’teu.z.

Palos Saas, 2 oe a ee een ee Stzeqa.mtct'nex (‘people of the confluence’’) 2

Vakimials oot 2 el ate sabe ate Sia’kemaz.

Klickitat seis 1s ee oe eee, Called by the same name as the Yakima,
and also by the name of The Dalles
tribes.

INeziBRercési nese eee ee Saha’ ptenex, Sad’ ptrnec.

Cayuse: 552 322-288 ae oe Same as Wallawalla and Umatilla.

Wishrames’ se 32-6 eae Peers Same as The Dalles tribes.

The Dalles tribes in general - - --_- Sweré’mpamex.®

Wiasc02. 2242 Soe ee ere Sweié’mpamerx, Swasao’ par.

Chinook: jh 2=2 322 Sekt eee Tsent’'k.

Shoshont or snakiess= === == eae Snazge'ntxemox, Snaski’nt (‘snake people”).

Wpper: Kutenaies 22225 eee Skalst’ulk.®

ower esurtenvae ee ee eee Sloqale’qvax, Ste'lltrx.”

Blacktoote ss ee ee a Stekwai'renex (‘‘black-footed people’’).

Sioux, Cree, and Plains tribes in Xnoz’tu’sem (‘‘cut-throats,” ‘cut heads

general. off”).

3 Hither the confluence of the Palouse with the Snake or the latter with the Columbia, probably the
latter.

4 The Handbook of American Indians gives ‘‘tlakdi’tat’’ as an Okanagon name for Klickitat.

5 Compare Xwa’lxwaipam, a Klickitat name for themselves.

6 Said to be named from the Upper Kootenai River. By some the name is thought to mean “upper
water” or ‘‘water above,’’ with reference to the position of the Kootenai River above the Pend d’Oreilles,
Kalispel, and Lake tribes (from skalt, “above” or “at the top;’’ and si/wlk», ‘“water’’), thought by others
to have some connection with skal or skalis (as in the name Kalispelem), derived from a word for
“young camas”’ (according to Revais), and thus may mean ‘“‘camas water.’’ The term skelsa’ulk (‘‘water-
people’’) is given in the Handbook of American Indians. (Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, p. 742.)
The interpretation is probably derived from ske’lur or ska’luz (‘‘man,’’ also ‘‘people,” ‘‘Indian’’)
and sa’ulk. (‘‘water’’); i.e., ‘‘man’s water” or “‘people’s water” or “Indian water.” The Indians do
not favor this interpretation. (It would mean: ‘‘human water.”—F. B.) They claim that the name
of the people is from the river, and not the river from the people.

7 Said to be named from Kootenai Lake and River (all the Lower Kootenai, from Bonner’s Ferry down).

TE:T] THE OKANAGON 203

Diatects.—The differences in speech between the four tribes are
very slight. The variation in pronunciation and vocabulary is suffi-
ciently marked to identify the division to which a speaker belongs.
The chief differences between Colville and Lake consists in the
slower utterance of the latter.’

The Colville use the term Saliztci’n for all the Salishan languages
of the interior, including Coeur d’ Aléne, Shuswap, and Thompson.

Hasitat AND Bounparizs.—lIn climate, natural features, flora,
and fauna, the territories inhabited by the Okanagon, Sanpoil, and
Colville are very similar to those of the Upper Thompson and
neighboring Shuswap bands. The climate is slightly moister (rain-
fall 25 to 37 centimeters in most places), the valleys are wider, and
the surrounding country less mountainous. The territory of the
Lake tribe has much more precipitation. It is heavily forested and
very rough and mountainous, occupying the heart of the Selkirk
Range. There are long stretches of lake and river waterways,
smooth, and well adapted for fishing and canoeing. Large falls and
rough water also occur in places. As may be expected, the flora
and fauna differ considerably from the drier, less mountainous, and
more open country inhabited by the other tribes.

The Okanagon tribes were surrounded by other tribes of the
interior Salish, except on that part of the eastern confines of the Lake
tribe where they bordered on the Lower Kutenai. Formerly the
Okanagon had for their western neighbors the Stuwi’r or Stewi’/remur
(an Athapascan tribe). The international boundary line cut the
territories of the Okanagon and Lake at points which divided the
populations of these tribes in about halves. The territories of the
Sanpoil and Colville were entirely in what is now eastern Washington.

Divisions, Banps, Vinuaces, PLacr-NamEs.—The Okanagon had
at least two recognized divisions; under present conditions the
Similkameen may be considered as a third division.

1. The Upper Okanagon or Lake® Okanagon, occupying the
country around Okanagon Lake, Long Lake, and Dog Lake (or Lac
du Chien). The Nicola Okanagon, with headquarters at Douglas
Lake, belong to this division. At the present day whites often
class the latter people as a separate division of the Okanagon, or still
more frequently class them erroneously as part of the Nicola Indians
(the Tcawa’xamuzx or Nicola division of the Thompson).

2. The Lower Okanagon, or River Okanagon, in the country along
Okanagon River below the former division. These people were often
called ‘“‘Real Okanagon” by the Thompson and also by other Okana-

8 A similar difference prevails between the eastern and western Shuswap. Like the Lake tribe, the
former were largely a canoe people. They occupied a country very similar in climate and natural features,
contiguous to the Lake tribe and just north of them. \

§ This division is called Sti’qutemur (‘‘Lake people’’) by the Thompson; and they often call themselves,
in distinction from other Okanagon, Sdlti’qut, Lake people.

204 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

gon. It seems that the Okanagon below the Falls did not constitute
a separate division.

3. The Similkameen of Similkameen River. This is a modern
division only very lately beginning to be recognized. For this
reason, and also because of the growing ascendancy of the Okanagon
language’ and blood in this part of the country, I have included the
Similkameen among the Okanagon. The Thompson still claim the
Similkameen valley down as far as between Hedley and Kereme-
ous, and there is no doubt that the Thompson language has pre-
dominated throughout all the Upper Similkameen up to the present
time, and Thompson blood is probably predominant there yet.
However, the Similkameen country originally belonged to neither
tribe. In olden days it was occupied by the Stuwi’x or Nicola-
Similkameen Athapascan tribe. When describing the Thompson
Indians | have included in their territory the Nicola valley, which is
dominantly under Thompson influence. The other part, nowadays
under strong Okanagon influence, I include in the Okanagon territory.

At the present day the Okanagon of British Columbia include
seven bands, with as many chiefs. Of these bands, four belong to
the Okanagon and three to the Similkameen.

1. Spa’xamen or Spa'xEmeEn, or{ Headquarters at Spa’zamen" or Douglas
Douglas Lake band. | Lake, on the Upper Nicola River.

2. Nkama’peleks, or Womaplix) Headquarters Nkama’peleks, at the head of
band.11 Okanagon Lake.

|
{
3 MP enin! klen or Benticton band jaa at the foot of Okanagon Lake,

near Penticton.

4. Nkami'p, or Osoyoos band nie endaanicr Nkami'p, on the east side of

Okanagon River and head of Osoyoos Lake.

Having a number of small settlements be-
5. Keremyé’us, or Lower Similka-} tween the boundary line and Keremeous.
meen band. Probably the chief settlement formerly was

near the latter place.
6. AeHation tor Astnolaiband { Headquarters near Ashnola, south side of the
. ay ~~~" | Similkameen.

Saray . LN eS or | tain settlement close to Hedley.
Upper Similkameen band.

It seems that in the early half of the past century there were more
bands. Some of these may have been subdivisions without chiefs.
One of these divisions was farther up the Similkameen River, with
headquarters around Graveyard Creek, Princeton, and the mouth of
the Tulameen. It was called the Zu’tsamen (‘‘red paint’’) band,
from the name of a place called Vermilion or Vermilion Forks by the
whites.“ In the Okanagon Lake country there were probably at

10 For explanations of place-names see under villages, No. 1, p. 206.

11 Sometimes called ‘‘Head of the Lake band” and ‘‘ Vernon band.”’

12 Sometimes called ‘‘ Fairview band.” :

13 This band was called the Vermilion band by the traders. They were nearly all Thompson, and num-
bered at one time one hundred or more people. Some descendants are now living in the village Nikairzlor.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON ~ 205

least two or three other bands. One of these seems to have been
located near the middle of the west side of Okanagon Lake. The
headquarters of another band was probably on the east side of the
lake, with headquarters around Mission and Kelowna. Formerly
many people lived around Long Lake and Duck Lake; but it is not
clear whether they were a separate band. The people living there
at present belong to the Nkama’peleks band. The Lower or River
Okanagon had also several bands. The main winter camps of most
of them seem to have been on the west side of Okanagon River. I
obtained no list of ancient villages of the Okanagon within the
United States, and only incomplete lists of ancient and modern
villages in British Columbia.

The following were the inhabited villages of the Similkameen
people in 1904. Detached single houses are not included. I visited
most of them, and found groups of log cabins at all the places. Most
of the villages, perhaps all of them, are built on or near old camp
sites.

Upper Similkameen Band:
lee NGh ae Elo ctr ete Ss About 11 miles below Princeton, north side
of Similkameen River; 3 houses.!5
2. Sndzii2’st (‘striped rock’’)1*__ On the north side of the river, a little east
of Twenty-mile Creek and the town of
Hedley; !7 10 houses.
3. Teutcuwi'xa or Teutcawi’ ra mee same side of river, a little below No. 2;
(“ereek” o r “little creek”’) 3 houses.
Ashnola Band:
On the south side of the river, near the
ground”’)____) mouth of Ashnola Creek; 3 houses and the
chief’s house a little above.

4. Acni'léx (“

5. Nsre’pus a sza'nex® ey
the stone SIS up or
planted’’).

Lower Similkameen Band:

A little below No. 4, but on the north side
of the river; 2 houses. (See also No. 18.)

6. Keremyé’us (‘crossing or swim- We the north side of the river, near Kerem-
ming place”’ [for horses]) eous; several houses.

7: Kekeremyé’aus (“little swim-
ming place”’ [or crossing for}Across the river from No. 6; 1 or 2 houses.
horses]).
8. Nkurau'léx (““—— ground”’)___ On the same side, about 4 miles below No. 6.
OMS MeCLGdOte se ee On the same side, about 10 miles below No. 5.

U4 Said to be a Thompson name.

15 The number of houses given in each case is the number recorded in my notes.

168A Thompson name (from snaz, ‘‘a goat’s-wool blanket’ [these were generally ornamented with
stripes], and-dist ‘‘rock,” from the appearance of a big stratified rock bluff behind the village, often called
“Striped Mountain”’ by the whites).

17 There were 6 houses and a church at Snazdist proper, 2 houses west of Twenty-mile Creek, 1 across the
river, and the chief’s house—10 houses in all.

18 This is an Okanagon name. It is often used by Okanagon-speaking people as a general name for the
Hedley district or vicinity. The Thompson-speaking people use the name of No. 2 in the same way.

Also .n.sre’pus t.sxa’nex. So named froma large bowlder which protrudes from the ground near the
trail at this place. The name is Thompson.

206 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

10. Skemqai’n (“source” or|Short distance below No. 8, on same side of
“head’’). J river. y
Ine Nilewnta ss ese ae = ee On south side of river, opposite No. 10.
Old Similkameen village
sites in Washington: ?°

12 eNaslestol eee = een nae Just across the international boundary in
Washington.

13. Xe’ puldx (“ ground’’)____ A little below No. 12, near a lake.

VASA alors ole eee A little back from Similkameen River, below
No. 13.

NS el sits CLO.G eee a ee Below No. 14.

GSES wa err ee eee er Below No. 14.

1 ISOLIUC OTL CL seen es sae tee teen aie Near the mouth of Similkameen River.

18. Psakeulsrunnmiucd 2s =o = == On a creek along the trail between Keremeous

and Penticton; 1 or 2 houses.

The following were the chief villages of the Upper Lake Okanagon
division at the same date, and some others which are old villages not
now occupied:

Douglas Lake Band:
1. Spa’xamen or Spa’remen (‘a 5
shaving,” “naring,’’? or|At Douglas Lake on the Upper Nicola River.
‘“‘shaved,’’ ‘‘bare,’’| A large village.
“smooth’’).
2. Komkona'tko or Komkena’tku®| At Fish Lake on the headwaters of the Upper
(‘head water’’). i Nicola River. A small settlement.
__ (Near Guichons, at the mouth of the Upper
3. Kaltemin (bushes; ” or “wil-) Nicola River, where it falls into Nicola
low bushes”’).™ Lake. A fairly large village.
4. Kwiltca’na (‘‘red ——’’).%%____ At the mouth of Quilchena Creek.
Komaplix or Head of the Lake Band:
5. Nkama’psleks or Nkoma’pe-

leks (bottom, root,-or neck Near the head of Okanagon Lake, about 8

end”) 28 miles north of Vernon.??

6. Sntlemuzte’n (‘place where | Black Town, a little north of the head of
slaughtered ’’).?8 Okanagon Lake.

7. Tse'ketku (“ lake?) At a small lake a little north of Black Town.

8. Nkekema'peleks (“little end|At the head of Long Lake, a little over a mile
or head of the lake’’). from Vernon.

9. Tszlo'tsus (‘“where drawn|At the narrows of Long Lake. No perma-
together’’). nent camps now.

20 There are no permanent camps at any of these places now.

21 Said by some to belong to the Ashnola band.

22 With reference to the open rolling country devoid of trees.

23 The Thompson and Okanagon names respectively.

24 So called because of dense patches of willow, cottonwood, and other deciduous trees along the river,
near this place.

25 Said to be so named because of red bluffs on the side of the valley a short distance up the creek. The
Thompson name of the village up the creek means “‘red face or bluffs.”’ This small village is counted as
belonging to the Douglas Lake band, but the Thompson claim the country all along the creek, and the
people are mostly of the Thompson tribe.

26 With reference to the end or head of the lake.

27 There were several old camps at Nkama'prleks. This name was frequently used in a general sense
for the district around the head of Okanagon Lake.

28 So named because a number of people were massacred here many years ago by a Shuswap (?) war party.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 207

10. Stekatelaené’ut (“lake on side’’)_Little above Mission ? on opposite side.

11. Tsxelho’qem *® (with reference
to a little lake at side of big
one).

Near the lower end of Long Lake about 19
miles south of Vernon.

Place near Kelowna, and also general name
for the district around there and Mission.
No permanent camps now.

13. Skeld’un.na (“grizzly bear’’). Kelowna, near the present town. No per-

manent camps now.

12. Nzoko’sten (‘‘arrow-smooth-
er’’) 30

Penticton Band:
< sui esholzne! ut ae Stekatel-| o, the opposite side of the lake from Mission.
rEné’ut (“Jake at the side’”’). |
15. Pentt’'kten (‘‘place at end |

lake” or ‘‘place where the}Penticton, near the foot of Okanagon Lake.
lake is gathered in”’).
Nkamip Band:
16. Srornné’ tk (“swift rough wa-|Lower end of Dog Lake. No permanent
ter or rapids’’). J camps now.
17. Nkami’p* (‘at the base or bot-|On the east side of the upper end of Osoyoos
tom”’). J Lake.
Near Haynes or the old customhouse just
north of the American line. No perma-
nent camps now.

18. Sot’yus (‘gathered together’
or ‘“‘meeting”’).

The main camps of the tribe in the Okanagon Valley (within British
Columbia) are said to have numbered at one time about 18. In Mr.
Hill-Tout’s list * of Okanagon villages the Enderby village (No. 1 of
his list) is included. This village is Shuswap and has never been
Okanagon. The present-day villages are situated on small scattered
reserves. The upper Okanagon have some 15 reserves under the
Okanagon Agency and eight (belonging to the Douglas Lake band)
under the Kamloops Agency. The Similkameen have 17 under the
Okanagon Agency. I collected no list of old villages from the Lower
Okanagon. These people are nearly all on the Colville Reservation
in Washington, where they have received allotments.

I obtained the following names of old village sites on Okanagon
River south of the Canadian line:

Milkemaai't«k or Milkemizxi’tuk * A name for the district around the mouth
(Ca water’’). of Similkameen River and of the river.

29 The people of this place are counted as belonging to the Nkama’pelgks band, but originally, with Nos.
9, 12, 13, and possibly others, they composed a band by themselves.

30 Said to be so called because of a hill where people obtained stone for making arrow smoothers.

31 See Gibbs, “‘Konekonep”’ Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, p. 724), probably either Nkami’p or
Ko’nkonelp (see No. 17, p. 206).

32 Hill-Tout, “Report on the Ethnology of the Okana’k’ En.’”’ (Journ. Roy. Anthrop. Inst., vol. 41,
p. 130.)

33 See Gibbs, ‘‘ Milakitekwa’’ (Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, p. 861). The other band name given
by Gibbs (Kluckhaitkwu, ibid, 715) the Indians think is Stlerai’tk» or Stlerai’tk» the name for a district
and river east of the Spokan (?) or east of the Okanagon. The Intietook band mentioned by Ross
(Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, p. 611) is with little doubt a corruption of the Indian name for the
Okanagon Lake division, from the name of Okanagon Lake. The word means “lake.”’

208 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

SMELL Ne 2a ee oe Probably at the mouth of Similkameen River.
Salt'lx» 4 (“heaped house” *5)_._ Near the mouth of Similkameen River.
TE GWOTOSLE TVS) eee eel On Okanagon River, close to .saéi/Iz*.

Okina’ gen *7 (“« heady.) a aeeee An old name for .saéi/lx™.

The Sanpoil are in two divisions: (1) Snpoi’lerex (Sanpoil or
Sanpoil proper); (2) Snespi’lzex (Nespelim). The name of the
former division is said to be derived from that of the district around
Sans Poil River; and the name of the latter, from Nespi’lzm (“having
prairies or flat open country’’), the name of the country around
Nespelim River. Possibly the names were also applicable to main
camps in these districts. By some the two divisions are looked upon
as separate tribes, and the Sanpoil considered the head tribe. It
seems, however, that the Nespelim are only a branch of the Sanpoil.
I obtained no lists of bands and camps of this tribe. It seems that
most of their settlements were north of Columbia River, the main
ones being along the Sans Poil and Nespelim Rivers. Some were on
Okanagon Rivér, but very few on Columbia River. The Sanpoil
country south of Columbia River was chiefly a hunting ground. It
seems that the tribe refused to make treaty or sell their lands to the
United States Government, although willing-to abide by its regula-
tions and accept its protection. The reasons for this attitude appear
to have been that the tribe did not want to be under any obligations
to the whites by accepting compensation entailing supervision, or
payments that might be construed as charity; and further that they
revolted against the idea of selling their country. Their country
was the same to them as their mother.

I did not learn if there were any divisions of the Colville, nor have
I any lists of their former bands and camps. A leading band located
at Kettle Falls or near the mouth of the Kettle River is said to have
been called Snozietpi’tuk,*® which also appears to be the name of
Kettle River. The Colville are said to have had several very large
camps along the Columbia and on the Lower Colville River. It is
uncertain whether there was any grouping of bands into divisions
among the Lake. My informants did not know of any. I obtained
what is probably a full list of the old villages and main camps of this
tribe within British Columbia. These were from north to south
along Columbia River and Arrow Lakes as follows:

34 See Genealogy of Douglas Lake Chiefs, p. 267.

35 Said to be so named from breastworks of heaps of stones erected at this place.
36 See Gibbs, ‘‘Tkwuratum’’ (Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, p. 761).

37 See Gibbs, ‘‘ Kinakanes’’ (Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, p. 115).

38 Compare the tribal name.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 209

EES Ex ENE sees. sooo On the creek opposite the present town of
Revelstoke. This place is said to have been
the headquarters of a rather large band,
which was reenforced at certain seasons by
people from lower down the Columbia. It
was noted as a trading, trapping, hunting,
berrying, and salmon-fishing center.

At the head of the bight in Upper Arrow
Lake, above Arrowhead, near the mouth of
2. Nkema’peleks (‘base or bot-| Fish River. Called ‘‘Comaplix”’ by the
tom end,” with reference to/ whites. Said to have had a large popula-
the end of the lake) tion. It was a specially important center
for fishing, berrying (especially huckleber-
ries), and root digging.

3. Kospi'tsa (‘‘buffalo robe”’)____ At the upper end of Arrow Lakes, where the
town of Arrowhead now is. This also was
a salmon-fishing place, and a noted center
for digging roots of Liliwm columbianum.

AEKCULSD EN GUS ee ea a Now called Kooskanax. On Upper Arrow

: Lake, a little above Nakusp.

5. Nego’sp (‘‘having buffalo’’)*°__ Now Nakusp, near the lower end of Upper

Arrow Lake, on the east side. A noted

: fishing place for salmon and lake trout.

GUE CUE = se eee tect ee A little below Nakusp; a center for hunting.
Some fine caribou grounds were near this
place.

7. Snexat’tskztsem—._.--------- Near the lower end of Upper Arrow Lake,

opposite Burton City. This was a great
berrying center, especially for huckle-
berries.

SePNCLCLICE rene ee ne ae eee At a creek below Burton City. A center for
the catching of land-locked salmon or
little red fish.

OMOnnitlesee nena eee At the mouth of Kootenai River, just above
the junction with the Columbia. A great
many people lived here formerly, most of
them on the north bank of the Kootenai,
within sight of the Columbia. Some old
and modern burial grounds may be seen in
the neighborhood.

HOMES 7SKERELCLUMNE soma ene eee === At a creek on the west side of Columbia
River, close to Trail. This was a center
for gathering service berries.

NPN icOlilaee soe tee eke SE Close to Waneta, on the east side of Colum-
bia River, just above the mouth of the
Pend d’Oreilles River. Many people are
said to have lived here formerly, and
there are some very old burial grounds
near by.

8 There is no tradition of buffaloes occurring here.

210 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

The following were old villages and camps along Slocan River and
other places within British Columbia:

12. Snkzemi'p (‘‘base, root, or
bottom,’ with reference to}At upper end of Slocan Lake.
the head of the lake).

13. Takelrzaitcekst (“trout as- On Slocan Lake, below No. 12.
cend’’? [from ai’tcrkst, a va-
riety of large trout, probably
lake trout]).

AE OULWONUE Pee 2 oe we em ern On the lower part of Slocan Lake.

OIG nica ewer een ee ee On Sloecan River, below the lake.

LG INKWwer0 ChE oe eee eee On Slocan River, below No. 15.

hemes ee Lisle h| Oc: ee eee On Slocan River, below No. 16.

pS SWI OA ein Se eB ee ea Near the junction of Slocan and Kootenai

Rivers. This was a noted salmon-fishing
place. Salmon ran up the Slocan River,
but could not ascend the Kootenai because
of the great Bonnington Falls. Salmon
were formerly plentiful throughout the
Slocan district, and many people lived at
all the villages.

LOUK GIS 0 ee ee ee On Trout Lake. Its waters drain into the
north end of Kootenai Lake.
20. Nemi’meltem _.----------:-- On Caribou Lake, to the west of the narrows

between the Arrow Lakes. The country
around here was famous as a caribou-
hunting ground.

Besides the above, there were a number of smaller villages or
camps, all more or less permanent. It seems that there was an old
village near the site of old Fort Shepherd, on the west side of the
Columbia, a little north of the international line, and old burials are
reported near here. Some informants, however, had no knowledge
of a village having been here. I did not obtain a full list of the Lake
villagesin Washington. There appear to have been about eight main
villages on the Columbia, all very populous. Three of the chief ones
were—

DA INGSHLESELGUL() iso ere as ee ene At or very near Marcus, Columbia River.
22. StCe RIK ee ee ees On the Columbia, below Northport.
Zoe NUSELSERNUES EI ae = = ee = At or very near Northport.

The other villages were chiefly near Northport, Bossburg, and
Marcus. The last-named place was considered the southern bound-
ary of the tribe. There were also some people on the Lower Kettle
River. The Lake also had important temporary camps within British
Columbia at Christina Lake, Azeluwi’sst (now Rossland), and
Tcraulerxi'xtsa (now Trail), all west of the Columbia, and at
Kaia'melzp (now Nelson) on Kootenai Lake. The Lake division
claim that their eastern boundary was at a point on the lake some

40 Compare Kutenai name for the Lake, p. 200.

TeIT] THE OKANAGON 211

seven or eight miles east of Nelson. They sometimes had a berrying
camp here.

1 collected a few place names from the Lake division, which are
given below.

1. Tr’kut (“lake” or ‘large lake’). Arrow Lakes.
2. Ntoxé’tke (“straight or smooth
water’’).
3. Szone’tk« (‘“‘swift, rapid, or
rough water’’).
4. Nta’lltexi’tke (‘ta'lltzx* or te’ll-
tex water,’ ‘‘water of the}Kootenai River below Kootenai Lake.
stallt people [?]’’).
5. Ntsa’ kutawi’tx (‘portage or car-| Bonnington Falls and neighboring parts of
rying place for canoes”’).2 | Kootenai River.
GaSikalest ulus. Kootenai River above Kootenai Lake,
especially the part in Idaho next to the
Kalispel tribe, between Bonner Ferry and
Jennings; but the term is also extended to
include the Upper Kootenai River in
general.
Uo SHON’ WS General name for the Slocan River and
Slocan Lake district. Probably from the
name of a locality within the district.

>Columbia River below the Arrow Lakes.

-Columbia River below Marcus.

SapNVikolelathus= = So Lower Pend d’Oreilles River (from the name
of a place at the mouth).
9. Stlaza’tk« or Stlezat’tku______- Spokane Falls, and in a general sense also

Spokane River. Some Okanagon claim
that this is the name of Pend d’Oreilles
River, or a river east of the Spokan.

Poruuation.—According to the Indians, the population of the
tribes long ago was at least about four times greater than it is at the
present day. Probably the Lake tribe alone must have numbered
2,000 or more. A conservative estimate of their 20 village communi-
ties in British Columbia, allowing an average of 50 persons to each,
would give 1,000; but this is probably a very low estimate, as some
winter camps are credited with a population of from 100 to 200
people. The villages in Washington are said to have been larger
than those farther north, although fewer in number. The lower part
of the tribe, although occupying a small area in comparison with the
tribal territory in British Columbia, is said to have numbered as
many people as the whole 20 villages in British Columbia. This
would give the numbers of the tribe as at least 2,000. According to
the Indians, the Colville tribe numbered more than the Lake, and
may be safely estimated at, say, 2,500. This tribe is said to have had

41 Compare Lake name for the Lower Kutenai, p. 202, said to be so named because the water came
from the Lower Kutenai country.

42 The Lake portaged canoes and goods at this place, the river being unnavigable.

43 Compare si’ulko, ete. (name for ‘‘water’’ in some Salish languages), and place names in skal, skales
(see No. 19, p. 210), ete.; Calispel Lake, name of Kalispel tribe, and interpretations of skal si’ulk as ‘‘water
above”’ (from skalt ‘above or at top,’’ or from a word for ‘‘ young camas’’). °

212 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN 45

the densest population. The Okanagon are said to have been a large
tribe, probably outnumbering the Colville. Their population may
have been from 2,500 to 3,000. The Sanpoil were the smallest tribe -
of the four, and may have numbered about 1,500. This would give
an estimated population of from 8,500 to 9,000 for the Okanagon
group; but probably their real number at one time was greater, pos-
sibly 10,000 or more. The late population of the tribes, taken from
the returns of the Canadian Department of Indian Affairs for 1903
and from the American Report of the Department of the Interior
(Indian Affairs), 1905, was as follows:

Okanagon:

Upper Nicola or Spahamins bands. na! =02) ee ee ee 192
Okanagonror Nikamia plist airless ee eae e * 239
Pen LiGto nib are ee See Soe aE eee Ga ae 147
OsoyoostoryNkamip oan des se ee ete ere ee nee 65

Similkameen, Lower and Upper bands (Chuchuwayha,
Ashnolay andishennosquantkin) (sss ae eee 181

Total under Okanagon and Kamloops Agencies,

British: Columbians = 5 es seen ae een eee ten 824
Okinagan\ (orth, bali) Se eg ee eee 548
Okinagank(Soutieh alt) ee see ae et ee ee ee eee 144

Total on Colville Reservation, Washington_____________ 692
Total of Okanaconttnlbe: 252 = "= 222 ae eee a ae 1, 516
Sanpoil:
Daa POM: eee heh he tes ede ey rr ee era 350
Nesp élim: 597s) et ee Sp Cone ape eee en impr eee oe 41
Total Sanpoil on Colville Reservation, Washington__-__-_____ 391
Colville on the Colville Reservation, Washington________________- 330
Lake on the Colville Reservation, .Washington________________ 305
Arrow Lake band under the Kutenai Agency, British Colum-
bia (on a small reserve near Burton City)____-_-_-_--_-- 26
Mouth of Kootenai band, ete. (not on reserves) __________ 11
——— + Bey
Total population of the Okanagon group #4____________- 2, 579

According to all accounts, the decrease in the population of these
tribes has been much greater, and began at an earlier date, than among
the Shuswap and Thompson. About 1800 the Colville and Lake
were decimated by smallpox, which reached the Sanpoil, but spared
the Okanagon. About 1832 all the tribes were decimated by an
epidemic, probably smallpox. The Okanagon suffered almost as
severely as the others. It appears that the Shuswap and Thompson

44 It seems that there are a few Okanagon, and possibly also Colville, not on reservations, who are not
included in the Canadian and American Indian returns. The 11 people at the mouth of the Kootenai,
here enumerated, are not included in the Canadian report. I counted 11 people living here in 1908 and
1909, the remnants of the old band of this place. Since then I hear that some of them have died, and
others, owing to nonrecognition of their rights by the Canadian Government and to recent pressure of white
settlement at this point, have followed the example of other members of their band (previous to 1908), and
have gone to the United States, where they have been granted land on the Colville Reservation. See for
later statistics, p.315,

TEI} THE OKANAGON AGS

escaped all the epidemics until 1857 and 1862. The Indians ascribe
the great decrease in their numbers to these epidemics and, to a less
extent, to other diseases brought in by the whites at a later date.

Mriarations AND Movements or Tripes.**—It seems that there has
been a gradual extension of the Okanagon northward and _ north-
westward during the last two centuries. The original home of the
tribe is said to have been the Okanagon River in Washington (accord-
ing to some, near Okanagon Falls).*° Long ago the Okanagon Lake
country was chiefly a hunting ground for the tribe. Deer, elk, and
sheep were abundant. Caribou were plentiful in the hills to the east,
and a few moose and possibly antelope were to be had. Bear and most
kinds of fur-bearing animals were also plentiful. Fish could be
procured in the lake all the year round. The main winter villages
were located farther to the south.

It seems that about 1750 the Shuswap controlled the country right
to the head of Okanagon Lake, where they met the Okanagon. They
also hunted in the country east of Okanagon Lake south to a point
due east of Penticton, including a large part of the headwaters of
Kettle River. They crossed the Gold Range to near the Arrow Lakes,
claiming the country as far east as the head of Caribou Lake and the
middle of Fire Valley, where they met the Lake tribe. In the country
west of the Lake they hunted on a strip of the higher grounds from
Stump Lake and the head of Salmon River, extending almost as far
south as Penticton, across the heads of all the streams falling into
Okanagon Lake and Similkameen River, including Chapperon and
Douglas Lakes.” They had no permanent villages in this region,
but lived near Kamloops Lake, on South Thompson River, and on
Salmon Arm.

The Thompson hunted south and west of this region, as far as the
upper and middle Similkameen, and beyond to the south.

The Okanagon had some villages along Okanagon Lake, but it
seems that the tribe used only the country contiguous to the lake on
both sides, and did not range back more than a few miles. They had
no foothold in the Nicola, and none in the Similkameen except below
Keremeous. The people who lived at the head of Okanagon Lake
were of Okanagon and Shuswap descent, with slight Thompson and
Stuwi’x admixture. The Nicola-Similkameen country west and
south of the Shuswap hunting grounds was at this time still held by
Stuwi’x, who, later on, became strongly mixed with Thompson.
They were the permanent inhabitants of the Nicola-Similkameen

45In regard to this subject consult James H. Teit, The Middle Columbia Salish, edited by Franz Boas,
University of Washington Publication in Anthropology, vol. 2, no. 4, pp. 83-128; and maps by Franz
Boas, territorial distribution of Salish Tribes, accompanying 41st Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.

48 See p. 199; also Genealogy of the Douglas Lake Chiefs, p. 265; and Dawson, Shuswap People of
British Columbia, p. 6. The early fur traders claimed that the original home of the Okanagon was
in Washington. *

47 See Genealogy of Douglas Lake Chiefs, pp. 265 et seq.

214 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

valley, but parties of Thompson from Thompson River traveled and
hunted all over the Stuwi’x country, and made it their home for parts
of the year. Some of them occasionally wintered there, either alone
or in the Stuwi’r villages.

After the introduction of the horse there seems to have been con-
siderable drifting of Okanagon from farther south into the Okanagon
Lake country. Toward the end of the eighteenth century the Okan-
agon from the upper part of Okanagon Lake (who were considered
close relatives by Shuswap, Thompson, and Stuwi’¢ through inter-
marriage) began to invade the Shuswap hunting grounds to the west.
They already had free access to these grounds through their blood
relationship, but now they settled there, attracted by the fine grazing
for horses, good elk hunting, and facilities for trading. By this time
they must have attained considerable prestige as traders. and as wealth-
iest in horses. Very soon they made a large permanent settlement
at Douglas Lake, and thereafter the Shuswap, it seems by agreement,*®
retired from the country around Douglas Lake and south. When
the Okanagon settled there the country around Nicola Lake was
inhabited by one or two small bands of Stuwi’x. It seems that one
of these had headquarters at the outlet of the lake and the other
at the mouth of Upper Nicola River near Guichons. The upper
band may have numbered about 50 or 60 persons and the lower band
about the same or less. The country of the upper band especially
was used by large bands of Thompson at certain seasons for hunting
elk and deer, and for fishing. Sometime in the very early part of the
nineteenth century the upper band was practically exterminated
by a large war party of Shuswap.” Thereafter the Douglas Lake
Okanagon began to take their place. Some Thompson parties
continued to come there hunting and fishing, until about 1870;
and the people of this place (Ka’trmi’x) are considerably mixed
Thompson. No doubt they contain also slight Stww?’x and Shuswap
elements. The Stuwi’r tribe is said to have extended to the region
near the mouth of the Similkameen River, but they were driven out
by the Okanagon. This may have happened about 1700.° Later
the Okanagon gradually extended up the Similkameen to Keremeous,
but above that point the Stuwz’z and Thompson held the country.

I did not hear of any movements resulting in extension of bound-
aries among the other tribes, except perhaps the Nespelim. Ac-
cording to tradition, the Nespelim were a part of the Sanpoul. It
seems likely that they originated as an extension of the Sanpoil
westward.

The Lake tribe seem to have been a long time in their present
habitat. It is possible, however, that they may have been a northern

48 See Genealogy of Douglas Lake Chiefs, pp. 265, 266.
49 See Smith, Archaeology of the Thompson River Region, pp. 406, 407.
50 See Genealogy of Douglas Lake Chiefs, p. 264.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 215
offshoot of the Colville, whom they regard as their nearest of kin.
Some of them even say that they were originally one people whose
home was at Marcus. An Okanagon chief told me he believed the
Spokan were of Flathead ancestry, and that the Okanagon probably
came from the Flathead country long ago, as their language was
closely related to the Flathead, and was called by the same name as
the Flathead language.

INTERCOURSE AND INTERMARRIAGE.—The Lake tribe had most
intercourse with the Colville and intermarried mostly with them.
They also had a considerable amount of intercourse with the Shuswap
and some with the Lower Kutenai. There was, however, much less
intermarriage with Shuswap and still less with the Lower Kutenai,
the Okanagon, and hardly any with other tribes.

The Colville had a great deal of intercourse with all the neighboring

tribes, particularly with the Lake and Kalispel. They intermarried
more or less with all the tribes—Lake, Okanagon, Sanpoil, Spokan,
and Kalispel, and even others farther away. It seems, however,
that there was no intermarriage with non-Salishan people until after
the arrival of the fur traders, when some intermarriage took place,
chiefly with Iroquois and French.
- The Sanpoil had most intercourse with the Okanagon and Colville
and intermarried principally with the former, only slightly with the
Spokan and Columbia. Although for about 35 years Joseph’s band
of Nez Percé has been living on the Colville Reserve in close asso-
ciation with Nespelim, Columbia, and others, there appears to have
been little intermarriage between these tribes. Some of these Nez
Percé are partly of Wallawalla, Umatilla, and Cayuse blood. A few
people of Yakima descent are on the reservation, descendants of
refugees among the Salishan tribes after the Yakima and Spokan
wars with the whites. Among éhese are some sons and descendants
of Chief Kamiakin.

The Okanagon had much intercourse with the Sanpoil and con-
siderable with Columbia, Wenatchi, Shuswap, and Thompson. They
also intermarried with all these tribes, and sometimes also with Lake,
Colville, and Spokan. As stated before, the northern portion of the
tribe intermarried with the Shuswap and Thompson, and no doubt
also to some degree with the Stuuwi’z. There has been a slow per-
meation of Okanagon blood and language into the Similkameen and
Nicola districts by way of Similkameen River and Douglas Lake, and
to a less extent into the Spallumcheen valley (Shuswap) from the
head of Okanagon Lake. Some of this blood, through intermarriage,
has reached as far as Kamloops, Spences Bridge, and even Lytton.
The Okanagon may have supplanted the Stuwi’z on the Lower Simil-
kameen River; they may also have absorbed some remnants of the
latter; above Keremeous the process has been that of absorption.

216 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

The opinion generally held seems to be that some time previous to
the introduction of the horse the Stww7?’z were driven away from the
Lower Similkameen entirely. Afterwards the lowest point held by
them was around Keremeous. At some later date those living near
this place retired farther up the river, died out, or were absorbed by
the Okanagon. Anyway, they disappeared, and henceforth the
Stuwi'r, along with the Thompson, occupied the river only above
this point.

During the first part of the nineteenth century the Stuw7’x and
Thompson languages were used exclusively above Keremeous, the
Thompson preponderating. Later the Stuwi’r became extinct and
Thompson alone was spoken. Through continued intercourse and
intermarriage with the neighboring people of the Lower Similkameen
and of Okanagon Lake, Okanagon is now gradually pushing out the
Thompson language, and is liable to supplant it in the whole valley.
The infiltration of Okanagon blood has been very gradual and does
not keep pace with the spread of the language, which is making rapid
headway. The Stwwi’z-Thompson inhabitants are becoming Okana-
gonized more through contact than through intermarriage. This
process has been facilitated by the changed mode of life of the Thomp-
son, whose habits have become more sedentary and who do not often
visit their friends in Similkameen and seldom intermarry there. On
the other hand, the Okanagon are in closer proximity to the Upper
Similkameen people and, therefore, in constant contact with them.
As already stated, the people of the upper end of Okanagon Lake are
mixed with Shuswap, and also slightly with Thompson and probably

with Stuwi’z. The Douglas Lake Band, in all their settlements,
intermarried with the Okanagon Lake people, on the one hand, and
with the Thompson-Stuwi’r, on the other. They have therefore con-
siderable Thompson and some Nicola, Stwux’z, Shuswap, and Simil-
kameen blood.

As all the Okanagon bands intermarried a great deal, foreign blood
received at one end of the tribe was often transmitted to the other
end, and thus there is a little Thompson and Shuswap blood through
almost all the tribe.

A few instances of intermarriage with distant tribes have been
reported. About three generations ago a Similkameen man married
a woman who came from a tribe in the far south. Some of her
manners and some of the food she ate were considered peculiar. For
instance, she was fond of grasshoppers. She may have been a Paiute
or a member of a Californian tribe, probably a slave who had been
sold. Another instance is that of a Similkameen young man, who
while on a trading trip to Hope, married a young woman there be-
longing to the Lower Fraser tribe. The following year he took her

TEIT] THE OKANAGON ie

back because she was unacquainted with the mode of life of his tribe
and quite unable to adapt herself to it.

II. MANUFACTURES

Work IN Stone, Bonet, etc.—The tools used by the central tribes
for working stone and wood appear to have been the same as those
employed by the Thompson.' Arrow-flaking tools, sandstone arrow
smoothers, adzes of flaked arrowstone, of greenstone, and of iron,?
chisels and scrapers made of antler, bone, and stone, awls of bone and
later of iron, fire drills, were of the same style as those of the Thomp-
son. Greenstone or jade celts, some of them long, were used. They
were most abundant in the western part of the country, and some
people claim that they were made by the Columbia, who procured the
stone along Columbia River. Some of them may have come from the
Thompson, and others may have been of local manufacture. Stone
hammers and pestles were made by all the tribes and were used a great
deal. The long pestle,’ for use with both hands, was more common
than among the Thompson. Some of the stone hammers were well
made. The shapes appear to have been similar to those of the
Thompson and neighboring tribes. One kind had a large deep base.
The handle narrowed gradually toward the top, which was pointed.
Another kind was similar, but the top was small and rounded
and had a knob. Another form had a shallower base and a rather
wide flat top. Some rough hammers consisted merely of river
bowlders as near the desired shape and size as obtainable. They
were pecked a little around the handhold to give a grip, and the base
was flattened. Small hammers ° were made for fine work and for use
by girls. Stone mortars of various sizes were used by the Lake tribe,
and probably also by other tribes. Wooden mortars were also
employed. Both kinds were round. Some mortars had much larger
pits than others; some were deep, and others shallow. Flat stones
were used as anvils. According to information received in Similka-
meen, stone mortars were not used there, and it is said that none have
been found by Indians in that district. Stone pestles and hammers
are also seldom found, and it is believed were rarely made there.
Those formerly in use are said to have been procured from Thompson
Indians, or to have been brought in by them. If this is correct, it
shows a difference between the old Similkameen Indians and the
Thompson and Okanagon.® Arrow smoothers are said to have been

1a, pp. 182-184.

2 See Thompson, a, p. 183, fig. 123.

34, figs. 30, 35, 36.

4 Compare Nez Percé, b, pl. 8.

5 See specimen No. 222 in the Teit collection at the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.

6 This would agree with their Athapascan origin. The people of this stock, at least in the north, had
few stone utensils of this class.

41383°—30—_15

218 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (ETH. ANN. 45

rarely used in Similkameen, except by Thompson Indians resident
there. Instead a flaked stone, with a notch at one end and a thumb
hold at the other, was employed for scraping arrow shafts. A few
of them appear to have been hafted with a small piece of wood for a
hand grip, after the manner of the slate fish knives of the coast. I
have not learned of the use of this tool (fig. 15) 7 by other tribes.
Heavy chisels of antler, preferably the butt parts of elk’s antler (PI. 1),
were used for felling and splitting trees. Wedges of hard wood, and
occasionally of stone, were also used for splitting wood. They were
driven with hammers, mauls, and mallets of stone, antler, and wood.
Black soapstone for pipes was obtained in the Similkameen Valley,
below Keremeous. ;

Paints AND Dyrs.—As far as I was able to learn, the principal
paints, dyes, and stains were the same as those of the Thompson.

Red, black, white, blue, yel-

low, and green were the colors

used, red especially being

very common. Flowers of

Delphinium, roots of Litho-

spermum, roots of Oregon

grape, alder bark, and wolf

a b moss were all employed.

FIGURE 15.—Arrow smoother Cactus gum was used for

smearing over paint. Itseemsthat the Okanagon, Sanpoil, and Colville

did more painting than the Lake tribe, who lived in a moister climate.

Large quantities of good red paint were obtained at Vermilion, in the

Upper Similkameen Valley. It formed an article of export, and the

place was much visited by Thompson Indians. It seems that the

Similkameen people in early times did not do as much painting and
dyeing as their neighbors.

Dressing or Sxrns.—The method of skin dressing and the tools
used were the same as those of the Thompson and Shuswap. Small
chisel-like scrapers of stone, bone, and antler were used for small skins
and for certain kinds of work. None of them had serrated points.
Long straight scrapers with stone heads were employed for rubbing
large skins.* Most skins were smoked. Those intended for moccasins
were always smoked.

Mats.—The varieties of rush and tule mats in vogue among the
Thompson ° appear to have been made in considerable numbers by
all the tribes. As among the Thompson, sewed tule mats were used
as lodge covers and also occasionally berries were spread and dried on

7 Some of the rounded notched arrowstones in archeological finds on the Thompson may have been
serapers of this kind.
- § See Thompson, a, p. 185, fig. 127.

8’ See Thompson, a, pp. 188-190.

10 See Thompson, a, p. 189, fig. 131, c.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE |

CHISEL OF ELK HORN

Thompson River Salish.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2

BIRCH-BARK BASKETS

Interior Salish.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 219

them. Mats were used as seats and bedding;'! others as food plates
and for wrapping around goods.’ They were like those of the
Thompson. Mats were seldom made of willow bark, elaeagnus bark,
and sage bark. Cedar bark was not used for mats, it seems, not even
by the Lake tribe. The Similkameen people made a great many mats
of dry rushes, and sewed tule mats as well. At the present day mats
are seldom made.

Ornamentation on mats was effected in the same way as among the
Thompson. Different natural colors of the material were sorted out
and woven into the mat in alternate stripes. Mats were also made
of composite materials of different natural colors. Sometimes dyed
material was used, the common colors being different shades of red,
brown, and blue.'* An overlay of dyed material was also occasionally
employed, laid on either straight * or in zigzags. The twine in the
weaving of some mats was arranged in zigzags instead of straight
lines, a form of ornamentation frequent among the Thompson."®

Weavina.—It is said that the Lake tribe made woven rabbit skin
blankets and that also goat hair blankets were woven on a loom.
(See also p. 328).

Woven Baas.—All the varieties of woven sacks used by the
Thompson were also made by the Okanagon. The materials used
were rushes, young tules, willow bark, elaeagnus bark, clematis bark,
and Indian-hemp twine. A great many bags of different shapes were
made of twine. The Similkameen people obtained their Indian hemp
at a place below Keremeous; but it grew abundantly in many low
places in the territories of the several tribes. Bags were made in
close and open weaving. Common methods of weaving were the
same as those of the Thompson.’ Bags made in plain twining were
also common. A few were decorated by the methods employed in
mat ornamentation. Sometimes strips of braiding were introduced
at intervals in the weaving;’* and a few bags were made entirely of
braids woven together, or, more rarely, sewed together.

Braids were of vegetal material and of hair.

There was almost, if not quite, as great a variety of shapes and
styles of bags as among the Thompson. All the forms used by the
Thompson about which I inquired were known to one or another of
my informants. Oblong bags made of various kinds of matting, with
ends inclosed in skin, were common. The mouths were laced or tied.!?

11 See Thompson, a, p. 189, fig. 131, d.

12 See Thompson, a, p. 189, fig. 131, c and f.

13 See specimen in Ottawa collection, VI. M. 78.

14 See ibid., VI. M. 78.

18 For straight overlay, see Ottawa collection, VI. M. 73.
16 See Ottawa collection, VI. M. 76.

a, p. 189, fig. 131, d, h, 7.

18 See Ottawa collection, Cat. No. 90.

18 See Thompson, a, p. 202, fig. 149.

220 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

Other common bags had the backs longer than the fronts, the exten-
sion of the former making a cover.” Rush and twine bags for drying
and storing berries and roots, especially service berries and huckle-
berries, were also common.” Some of these were round and had
narrow mouths.” Rush bags and creels for holding small fish and
fishing material were in use. Some of them had hoops around the
mouths. Two shapes of stiff woven bags were used as mortar bags
for crushing seeds. One was just like the Thompson bag used for
the same purpose, while the other was much wider mouthed. Both
had, stiff rawhide bottoms, and were used in place of stone and wooden
mortars, which were hard to transport. Woven bags were made in
great numbers by the Sanpoil, the chief materials being Indian-hemp
twine, rushes, the inside bark of the willow, and elaeagnus bark where
obtainable. Elaeagnus bushes are said to have been much scarcer in
their country than in the territories of the Okanagon and Thompson,
and therefore this bark was seldom employed. The chief materials
used by the Lake tribe in making woven bags seem to have been
Indian-hemp twine and the inner bark of the cedar. Some cedar-
bark bags were of very large size. A few bags are still made by most
tribes.

Fiat Baas —Bags of the so-called ‘‘Nez Percé”’ type,” made of
Indian-hemp twine, were manufactured by all the tribes. The Lake
tribe claim that they made them formerly in considerable numbers,
and state that they were made also by the Lower Kutenai. They
were seldom ornamented in any way. Ornamentation on these bags
was introduced from the south over a century ago, but was never
fully adopted by the Lake tribe, who continued to make almost all
their flat bags plain until they discontinued making them, about
1870 or 1875. The Lower Kutenai are said to make a few still.
The Colville, Sanpoil, and Okanagon made a great many bags, and
ornamented them with bulrush in natural green, yellow, and white
colors, and also with flattened porcupine quills. Sometimes the
rushes and quills were dyed. The ornamentation was generally in
the nature of an overlay, showing only on the outside. Designs of
different kinds were executed in these materials. The other tribes,
especially the Okanagon, made some of their flat bags plain, like the
Lake tribe. The Similkameen people made almost all their flat bags
plain and obtained ornamented ones from the tribes to the south and
east. A few of these bags are still made by the Nespelim and Sanpoil,
but the other tribes no longer make them. Most of the flat bags used
by the northern and central tribes nowadays are procured in trade,
and are of Shahaptian make.

° See Thompson, a, p. 203, fig. 152.
21 See Ottawa collection, VI. M. 80.
22 See Thompson, a, p. 202, fig. 150.
23 See Thompson, a, b. 190, fig. 132, and Shuswap, e, p. 497, fig. 219.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON Depa

Sxrn Bacs.—The tribes made skin bags in all the styles in vogue
among the Thompson. Most of them were ornamented with fringes
and porcupine quillwork. It is doubtful if the square tobacco bag
with eight bottom pendants was made. This type appears to be
confined chiefly to the region along Fraser River, and was gen-
erally made of cloth.“ The Coeur d’Aléne, however, claim to have
made this style in cloth. As cloth could not be cut in fine fringes
like buckskin, eight or ten coarse fringes were made, and their edges
bound with ribbon.

RawHipE Bacs anp ParrificuEes.—The square, stiff hide bag with
long side fringes was common among all the tribes. The Colville,
Sanpoil, and some of the Okanagon made and painted these bags in
considerable numbers, but they also procured some in trade from the
Kalispel and other tribes. The Lake and Similkameen people made
only a few, and seldom painted them. The latter obtained their
painted ones from the Okanagon and Columbia, and the Lake obtained
theirs chiefly from the Kutenai. Very few are now made by these
tribes; but the Kutenai, Kalispel, and Nez Percé are said to make a
great many still. A few mortar bags for crushing seeds were made
entirely of rawhide and were like the woven ones in shape. Par-
fléches of buffalo, horse, and other hide were made and used to a
great extent by all the tribes except the Lake. They came into use
shortly after the introduction of the horse. The Lake tribe used
them very little, because they were almost entirely a canoe people.
The Similkameen people did not paint parfléches, and made many
of them without removing the hair. Most parfléches made by the
Okanagon and Sanpoil were painted, as were all those procured in
trade.

Another kind of parfléche was used sparingly by the Okanagon
and perhaps by other tribes. It was square in shape, made of the
entire skin of an animal doubled over. The tail part formed the
cover, and separate pieces were sewed on for side pieces. The
parfléche was made of scraped rawhide, except the tail or the point
of the tail, which had the hair left on for ornament. Usually they
were unpainted; but sometimes red lines were made along the seams
and borders, and rarely also a few figures were painted on the front.
They were used for packing on horses, in the same way as the common
parfléches. Possibly they may be a modification of an old type of
bag used for storing dried meat and fat, which antedated the intro-
duction of the horse. The loops and holding stick inside may have
been a later adaptation for horse travel. Before the days of horse
packing, the sticks and loops would have been unnecessary in the
common envelope parfléche also.

24 See Shuswap, e, pl. 13, fig. 1.
25 See Shuswap, e, p. 498, fig. 220, and Thompson, a, p. 203, fig. 151.

222 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [pTH, ANN. 45

Bark Basketry.—Baskets of birch bark were made by all the
tribes. A few rough temporary vessels of bark of juniper, cedar,
willow, spruce, balsam, and white pine were occasionally used.
These were folded of one piece, and the mouth was kept open by hoops.
The birch-bark baskets of the Okanagon and Sanpoil appear to have
been made and shaped like those of the Thompson. Hoops were placed
both inside and outside of the rim, or only on the inside. Birch-bark
trays somewhat oblong in shape were also made occasionally, as
well as birch-bark cups. Possibly the birch-bark baskets of the
Lake tribe differed a little in form. The baskets were of all sizes,
from a cup to that of a large bucket. The best ones are said to have
been sewed very regularly at the ends and rims. Quills were occa-
sionally used in stitching the latter. A zigzag sewing of splint was
common on the poorer baskets. Among the baskets which I saw
among the Lake tribe the grain of the bark was generally at right

angles to the rim instead
of parallel, as usual
i among the Thompson,

Shuswap, and Okana-
gon.” The sewing was
of splint (cedar, spruce,
etc.), and sometimes of
bark and bark twine.
The Lake baskets which
I saw had overlapping
side flaps, each being
sewn separately, so that
there were two parallel seams on the side of the basket. The
rimrod was notched and sewed with a zigzag stitch, while the side
seams were made of straight stitching. (Pl. 2.) The Stuwv’x of
Similkameen made many birch-bark vessels of good workmanship.
They seem to have been the same in details as those of the Thompson,
but some people claim that they were made more neatly than most
baskets of the Thompson and Okanagon.

A deep, flat-sided basket, generally of birch bark, was sometimes
made by the Lake tribe, and used for carrying berries, etc. The
back and front were wide and the two sides were very narrow.
Rods extended up each side and around, the rim. (Fig. 16.) The
Kutenai commonly used such baskets, the Colville and perhaps the
Kalispel more rarely. Most baskets were plain. A few had designs
formed by scraping off the outer layer of bark, and others had designs
made by scorching and painting.

FIGURE 16.—Birch-bark basket

2 See Field Mus., Nos. 111859111862.
27 The few Kutenai birch-bark baskets that I have seen all had the bark parallel to the rim, like the
Thompson baskets.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 223

Cortep Basxetry.’—Coiled basketry was made by all the tribes
long ago. All the bands of the Lake made coiled basketry, and
many individuals of nearly all bands of other tribes. Certain bands
of some tribes in whose territory basketry material was scarce made
little or no coiled basketry, but procured baskets from neighboring
bands or tribes, who lived in a country where good basketry materials
abounded. Thus the Okanagon made comparatively few baskets
and procured a good many from the Thompson and Columbia.
The Athapascan Stuwi’r were the only people who made no coiled
baskets but procured them from the Thompson. Some Thompson
who intermarried and lived with them made baskets. The Sanpoil
made a good many baskets, but probably not sufficient for their re-
quirements, as they also procured some from the Columbia. The
Colville made baskets and also procured some from the Lake. As
among the Thompson, cedar roots were preferred for baskets,
and most were of this material. In places where good cedar roots
were difficult to obtain spruce roots and juniper roots were used
instead. The Sanpoil claim that good basketry material was scarce
in their country, and they depended on collecting the rootlets of
uprooted cedar, spruce, and juniper brought down the Columbia by
the freshets, and which happened to strand on the shores of the river
within their country. All the Lake coiled basketry was made of
cedar and spruce roots, as there was an abundance of these trees
in their country. The Sanpoil say that long ago there was no imbri-
cation on baskets and that the process was introduced among them
about the beginning of the last century. As imbrication commenced
to be general about the time the first whites (fur traders) appeared,
some Indians think the art has been learned from the whites, but
this seems quite unlikely. It seems grass in its natural color was
principally used in imbrication. Grass was also dyed, and simple
designs were made. Other materials used in imbrication were the
inside bark of the willow, cherry bark, stems of tule, and rarely
cedar bark. The materials used by the Okanagon and Colville
appear to have been the same as those in vogue among the Sanpoil.
The Lake say that very long ago there was no imbrication, and
they do not know exactly how or when it developed. Most people
think it came from the south, and some think it must have been
learned from the Lower Kutenai, but this again is quite unlikely.
Imbrication, they say, has been used by themselves and the Lower
Kutenai for at least three generations, but was never fully adopted.
About 1860 when the making of coiled basketry had almost ceased,
most baskets were plain. The Lake appear to have used grass
entirely for imbrication. The grass stems were collected in the
high mountains. Occasionally they were dyed. They say patterns

5 See 0, pp. 140-142.

224 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

were made entirely or almost entirely in black and white. The
former color was dyed grass, according to some, and a different
material according to others. (My informant had forgotten exactly
what it was.) The same materials are said to have been used by the
Lower Kutenai, Colville, and perhaps other tribes. The Lake say
that an-old woman residing in 1909 near Burton City is the only
Lake they know of still living who has made coiled baskets; but
all the other old women have seen their mothers and grandmothers
making baskets. With the passing away of the past generation of
old women basket making ceased excepting among a very few, such
as the old woman mentioned. At the present day, as far as I could
learn, no coiled baskets are made by any of these tribes. Baskets,
however, are still used in some places; but they are almost altogether
of Thompson, Columbia, and Klickitat makes. The Lake say their
baskets were of some six or seven shapes and of many sizes. All
were more or less circular, excepting one kind, which was oblong
with rounded ends. They were long and rather low, and used for
storing of provisions, clothes, small tools, etc., in the lodges. Angu-
lar forms were never known until quite lately. From descriptions
by two women and a sketch made it seems they resembled the smaller
of the older ‘“‘stlaq”’ type or storage basket made by the Thompson.
(a, fig. 143.) It is claimed that this type was in use about 1800.
Burden baskets usually were not very large, and were shaped some-
what like a pail or kettle (0, fig. 26 f). Some had straight sides
like a birch-bark basket (0, fig. 26 ¢), while others were smalier
at the bottom and larger at the mouth (0, fig. 26 a). Some were
made almost completely circular, but those most used for carrying
purposes were a little flatter on two sides to prevent rolling. Some
appear to have resembled a very old style of burden basket among
the Thompson, which was quite similar to a kind still used by
the Wenatchi. The baskets used as kettles were quite circular
and somewhat basin-shaped, the mouth being much wider than the
bottom. They were no doubt the same as the basket kettles of the
Thompson, but possibly did not average as large in size, and they
also appear to have been shallower (0, pl. 41 7). Cup and bowl
shaped baskets (0, figs. 27 e, 28 b) were also made, and varied in size
from that of an ordinary cup to others about as large as the kettle
baskets. They were used as cups, bowls, water receptacles, storage
baskets, kettle baskets, etc. Another kind was almost jar-shaped,
the mouth being contracted slightly and the bottom comparatively
large (similar to 0, pl. 68 a, b.) The sides of some converged all
the way up, but none had very small mouths. Some of them were
used as workbaskets. They may also have been used as water
baskets and for various purposes. The Lower Kutenai and _per-
haps some other neighboring tribes also used these shapes.

TEIT} THE OKANAGON B25

Another shape of basket used was that called ‘‘nut-shaped”’ by
the Thompson. It was usually small, and bulged out in the
middle of the sides, the mouth and bottom being of about equal
diameter. (a, fig. 145.) They were used by women as work and
trinket baskets, etc. The Sanpoil say their burden baskets are
similar to some of those made by the Wenatchi and Klickitat at
the present day, while others resembled more some of those made
by Thompson. None had square corners. All were very much
rounded, but two sides were flatter and straighter to prevent rolling
on the back. They were used for transportation of roots, berries,
etc., and also for boilmg. Some completely circular baskets were
also used as kettles. They were almost barrel-shaped, and some
were of large size. (0, pl. 68, 7.) Small cup and bowl shaped
baskets, it seems, were also made. I got no definite information as
to other shapes, excepting that a basketry tray was much used,
probably similar to that of the Thompson. Some were circular and
others oblong. They were used for holding berries, etc., in the
house, also as food platters and for passing around food. Their
sides were from 10 to 12 cm. high, and generally flared a little. Some
of the oblong ones were very long and used as fish dishes, being
capable of holding a large roasted salmon at full length.

Ropes, THREAD, AND Netrs.—Ropes were made of twisted Indian
hemp of various lengths and thicknesses. Temporary ropes of grass
were also made, chiefly of timber grass. Withes of willow were
much used. Other ropes were made of strips cut out of rawhide,
twisted or plaited. Softer ropes of twisted or braided dressed skin
were also in use. After the introduction of the horse, ropes of horse
hair twisted and plaited were much used. Fishing lines and sewing
- thread were made almost altogether of Indian-hemp twine. This
was also the material for all kinds of nets. Twine was sometimes
made of hair of buffalo, bear, and in some places possibly also of
goat, but I could not learn for what particular uses. Sinew was
employed for sewing. An arrowstone with notches was used for
scraping rawhide thongs.

Woven CriotruHinc.—Women’s caps of the so-called ‘‘Nez Percé’
type ** were made by all the tribes except the Lake and the Similka-
meen. The Lake did not use them and the Similkameen obtained
them in trade. The Lower Similkameen people may have made a
very few. The Sanpoil made frequent use of them, and the Nespelim
still make a few. Originally they were woven of Indian hemp, and
fine bulrushes covered the outside. Ornamentation was usually
effected by arranging the natural green and yellow shades of the
rushes. Sometimes the rushes were dyed, reds and browns being the

32 See Nez Percé, 6, pl. 6, nos. 15, 16.

226 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

predominant colors. Flattened porcupine quills instead of rushes
were also employed in the ornamentation of these caps. <A few of
the Sanpoil, Okanagon, and possibly the Colville, also made conical
caps woven of the inside bark of the willow, rarely of other kinds of
bark. These appear to have been the same as those used by some poor
people among the Thompson.” In Similkameen they were woven
entirely of rushes. Blankets woven of strips of rabbit skins were
made by all the tribes. The Lake tribe also made woven goat’s-
wool and rabbit-skin robes; and they say that they made both these
on the same kind of loom, which consisted of four plain sticks. Small
blankets or cloaks of rushes were made occasionally by the Similka-
meen. In later days at least some of these had strips of fur and wool
woven with the rushes, and some were edged with fur, buckskin,
and cloth.

Desiens on Bacs.—I had little opportunity to obtain informa-
tion regarding designs on bags. It seems that very little is re-
membered about them, and there were but few specimens at hand
for examination. The Okanagon appear to give about the same
interpretations of designs as the Thompson. The Lake tribe claim
that they did not ornament their woven bags. The Nespelim and
Colville say that designs were wrought in with grasses in natural
colors—green, white, and yellow—and also with dyes and with
porcupine quills.

Designs on Baskets.—I tried to procure some information on
coiled basketry designs from the Lake tribe, but could get nothing
very definite. They said that checks and short lines in black and
white .in various combinations constituted the bulk of the early
designs, and these they think were only rarely given names. It
seems that “‘beading’’ was done in lines.

Ill. HOUSE AND HOUSEHOLD

Unprrerounp Loper.—The underground house of the Thompson
and Shuswap was used more or less by all the tribes as a winter lodge,
except by the Colville. Several informants said that the Colville
never used them. The Lake say that they were used to a consider-
able extent by them long ago, and were called “earth lodges” or
‘‘earth-covered lodges.”’ They say that none of the oldest Lake
people now living ever used them; but they have been described by
their parents, some of whom lived in them. They say that most of
them were quite small, intended only for the use of one or two
families. The entrance to all of them was through the top. The
whole construction was similar to that of the underground house of
the Thompson.! They were dug out to a depth of from 1 to 2 meters.

2 See Peabody Museum, Teit Collection, No. 491.
1a, pp. 192-194, and figs. 135, 136; also pl. 15, figs. 1 and 2.

TeIT| THE OKANAGON 221

Sandy ground, where digging was easy and the soil dry, was chosen
for sites. The Similkameen say that the underground winter lodge
of the Thompson was used by them, but many people preferred to
live in mat lodges during winter. Among the Okanagon the house
with entrance from the top was used chiefly in the northern part of
their country. The Sanpoil used very few, and most of the people
wintered in mat lodges. A few underground houses with entrance
on the side, but otherwise of the same construction, were used by
Okanagon and Sanpoil. This style was common among the tribes
on Columbia River to the south. The distribution of the under-
ground house was mainly in a line following the east side of the
Cascades, through the arid belt of the country, from the northern
Shuswap, south along Fraser River, across the Thompson, Nicola,
Similkameen, and Okanagon, to the Columbia, and from there south
into Oregon.

Contcat Loper.—All the tribes used summer lodges made of tule
mats laid on a framework of poles. These lodges were of two main
types—circular and oblong. The circular mat tent was most com-
mon, and was looked upon as the family house.? As a rule, they
were not very large, and the poles were arranged on a three-pole
foundation. They were also used a great deal in the wintertime,
when they were covered with from two to four layers of mats instead
of one, as in the summer. They were usually occupied by one or
two families, and when well covered were warm and quite snow and
rain proof.

SQUARE OR SQuaARE-TOPPED Lopcr.—The Lake also used a type
of lodge the poles of which did not meet in the center, as in a tent.’
The four main poles converged somewhat, like the rafters of an
underground lodge, forming a square or slightly oblong smoke hole.
The base of the lodge was generally quite circular, but in some may
have been inclined to squareness. In some lodges the smoke hole
was oblong rather than square. I did not learn whether all the tribes
used these lodges, but the Okanagon did to a slight extent. I have
called these lodges “‘square-topped lodges,” although the ground
plan is circular. Some are constructed almost exactly like the
underground house, but above ground and with much lighter materials.

Lone Loper.—The long or oblong lodge was a single lean-to, and
some of them were of great length. The fires were along the open
front. This lodge was usually covered with but a single layer of
mats, and was a temporary shelter made to accommodate people
assembled at fishing places or at other gatherings. If more comfort
were required, another lean-to was erected facing it; and the ends were

? For the common style of framework of the conical lodge, see Thompson, a, pl. 16, fig. 2, and Ottawa
photo No. 27072; for a mat-covered conical lodge, see Ottawa photo no. 26628; for a poor type, where poles
are scarce, see Thompson, a, pl. 16, fig. 1.

3 See Thompson, a, p, 197, figs. 138, 139, and pl. 16, fig. 3.

228 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

rounded off and filled in with poles, over which mats or brush were
laid. The double lean-to lodge was used at any season of the year
for the accommodation of large numbers of visitors, at feasts, and for
dancing. People did not usually live in them in the winter, except
a few young men and other people temporarily. The Lake tribe say
that this type of lodge went out of use among them a long time ago,
but that formerly it was in use for the accommodation of strangers,
visitors, and when communities camped together temporarily, as at
fishing and other resorts in the fair season. They were in favor
because they could accommodate many people, and required a lesser
number of mats than tents. They were used by parties when travel-
ing, who when they returned home always lived in tents. The mat
tent or circular lodge was the family house of the tribe.

Bark AND OTHER LopGes.—Among the Lake tribe all shapes of
lodges, including the conical lodge or tent and the square-topped
lodge, were often covered with bark instead of mats. Cedar bark
peeled in spring was mostly used. The strips were generally arranged
up and down, with the inside of the bark out. In a few cases the
bark may have been placed horizontally and overlapping, being kept
in place by tying and with poles laid against the outside. It seems that
the Sanpoil and Colville used no bark-covered lodges and the Okanagon
only very few. In places where good bark was scarce, lodges, especially
circular ones, were covered with brush and hay or a mixture of poles,
bark, brush, and hay. Brush houses and shelters were used by parties
of all the tribes when hunting or trapping in the high mountains.
Some of them were slightly oblong, with square or oblong smoke holes;
and others had a smoke hole like that of the tent. Some were covered
entirely with brush, while others had a covering of brush, grass,
bark, and poles mixed.2 Among the Okanagon they were often
banked up around the outside with earth toa height of about 1 meter.®
Often snow was used instead in the winter. The inside of winter
lodges was excavated to a depth of about 15 centimeters or more be-
low the surface of the ground. The floor was smoothed. The earth
from the excavation was used for banking around the bottom of the
lodge on the outside. Pieces of bark were placed between the mats
and the earth. Women’s lodges consisted of small mat tents,’ half-
tents, open in front, and smali lean-to shelters, generally under trees.
They were covered with old mats and, in the mountains, with brush.
The lodges of adolescent girls were always conical, generally well made,
and quite small. They were usually made of fir brush,®? but some-
times of mats. Among the Lake tribe, many were covered with

4 See Thompson, a, p. 197, figs. 137 and 142. Also used by the Coeur d’Aléne.
5 See Ottawa photos nos. 23165, 23166.

6 Tbid., nos. 26260, 26261.

7 Ibid., no. 27097.

8 Ibid., nos. 26976, 26977, 27073.

TEIT]} THE OKANAGON 229

bark. The floors of lodges in the higher hills were covered with fir
boughs or balsam boughs. Among the Lake tribe cedar boughs and
hemlock boughs were also used. In the lower country, where fir
was not handy, the dead needles of yellow pine were used for this
purpose. Occasionally grass or swamp hay and rushes were used
as floor covering. Bed places were further covered with mats or
skins, which were rolled up at the head of the bed when not in use.
In the daytime this roll of bedding and added clothes formed a back
rest. No regular back rests, as among the Blackfoot, were used. Skin
tents were used by the Okanagon tribes after the neighboring tribes
had begun to hunt on the plains. Before that, only rarely was a
skin lodge obtained in trade. Later on they became common
among the Colville and to a less extent among the Sanpoil. The
Lake and Similkameen never used them. The Okanagon adopted
them to a limited extent only. After the extinction of the buffalo
they were replaced by tents made of canvas, duck, and drilling.
Several styles of the white man’s tent, and also the canvas tipi, are
used by these tribes at the present day. The canvas tipi is employed
more in the southern part of the country and tents in the north. A
few mat, bark, and brush lodges are still used occasionally among
the Lake tribe. The permanent home nowadays is usually a log
cabin- or a board house modeled after the pattern of the houses of
the whites.

Sweat Housres.—Sweat houses were everywhere of the same kind
as among the Thompson. Some of those near permanent dwellings
were earth-covered.®

CrLuars.—Caches and cellars were the same as those of the Thomp-
son. ‘Tree caches, scaffold caches, and circular cellars or pits in the
ground were all used.

Hovsrnoitp Urtrensits.—Household utensils consisted principally
of baskets built up by coiling or made of birch bark,-woven mats, and
bags of various kinds. The materials and structure of all these have
already been described. Beds consisted of a thick layer of the same
materials as those used for lodge floors. They were covered with
mats, which were often further covered with skins of bear, buffalo,
sheep, deer, or other animals. Bed covering consisted of various
kinds of robes. The head of the bed was elevated a little with a
heap of brush or grass underneath the bedding. Some pillows were
also used, made of small bags of dressed skin stuffed with bulrush
down or with small feathers. J did not learn with certainty about
the use of hammocks. Possibly some were used for babies. The
methods of boiling and roasting, and of cooking, storing food and
water were in no way different from those which obtained among
the Thompson.

® See Thompson, a, pl. 17, figs. 1-3.

230 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

It seems that wooden dishes were not used, except small bowls and
cups hollowed out of knots. Some bowls and dishes and many
spoons '' were made of mountain sheep’s horn, especially by the
Okanagon. A few spoons of goat and buffalo, horn were also in use,
and in later days those of cow’s horn. Wooden spoons were made
occasionally,” chiefly of poplar and birch. Spoons were also made of
stiff bark." In the main camps boiling was done with hot stones in
coiled baskets. In temporary camps and on hunting expeditions
bark kettles were used when bark was obtainable, else paunches of
animals were made to serve. Temporary kettles were made of the
bark of cedar, willow, spruce, balsam, white pine, etc., whichever was
most easily obtained in the locality where they camped. Holes dug
in hard clay and natural cavities in rocks were sometimes utilized.

IV. CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS

Dress.—The clothing of the Okanagon tribes was much like that
of the Upper Thompson. The full dress generally consisted of
moccasins, long leggings, belt, breechclout or apron, shirt, and cap or
headband for the men; and moccasins, short leggings, long dress, and
cap or headband for the women. Belts were also worn by many of
the latter. Extra clothing, consisting of robes, was used when
necessary by both sexes. People never went barefoot, except within
and near the lodge or when at leisure around the camp. In warm
weather around the camps many men and children went partly nude.
Clothes were made of dressed skins of deer, elk, buffalo, antelope,
caribou, and moose. Sheepskins were seldom dressed, because con-
sidered too fragile; and goatskins were not even used for bedding.
Most skins were dressed without the hair, except those intended for
robes. The Thompson considered the Okanagon a _ well-dressed
people; meaning that their dress was nearly always of the best quality
and style. They nearly all dressed alike, usmg the same cuts and
styles of clothes, ornamented in the same way. This was taken as an
indication of wealth and good taste. On the other hand, it is said
that the Thompson were not as uniform in their dress, there being
much greater variety in quality and style. Also some individuals
were careless or peculiar in their dress, and some others were too poor
to dress correctly. Possibly, however, the chief reason may have
been that the Thompson were more under different influences than the
Okanagon, styles from west, north, east, and south all reaching them
to some extent.

Roses AND Capres.—Every one had one or more robes to wear, as
conditions required, and to sleep in. Probably the most common

11 See Ottawa collection, Nos. 135, 137.
12 See Thompson, a, p. 204, fig. 156.
13 See Ottawa collection, No. 136, a juniper-bark spoon.

ret] THE OKANAGON Zo

robes were those made of skins of deer, fawn, antelope, buffalo, beaver,
otter, marmot, coyote, and lynx, all dressed in the hair. Robes
woven of twisted strips of rabbit skin were made and worn by all the
tribes. Probably a few of twisted strips of muskrat were also in use.
Robes or blankets woven of goat’s wool were made and used only by
the Lake tribe. Probably a few of these blankets were procured from
the Wenatchi, and used by Okanagon as bedcovers. Dogskin robes
were not worn, except by the Similkameen. A few robes of dressed
buckskin, painted and embroidered, were used, especially in fine
weather and at festivals. Small robes or cloaks were worn by a few
people of both sexes, but probably mostly by women and children.
Some woven ones were used by the Similkameen.' Cloaks were tied
or pinned in front. Capes of a small size, and made to fit the shoul-
ders, were used in a few places by women and children, rarely by men.
Most cloaks and capes were made of skins of small animals, dressed
in the hair and sewed together—marmot, skunk, squirrel, ground
squirrel, muskrat, mink, marten, weasel, and young fawn. A few
were made of woven rabbit skin, and some were of dressed buckskin
edged with fur. Some combined shirts and capes were used by the
Lake tribe. The underpart of the garment was a sleeveless shirt of
buckskin, sewed at the sides from the armpits to the waist or belt.
The bottom was pinked or fringed and ornamented with a band of
embroidery or painting. The upper part, or cape, was attached to
the back of the neck of the shirt and was of buckskin edged with fur.
The neck part was ornamented with a collar of skin, sometimes of
leather pinked and embroidered, sometimes of the fur of fox, wolf,
otter, ete. Some capes had long, fine-cut fringes along the bottom,
and were further ornamented with pendent feathers of eagles or
hawks, or with tassels of hair, weasel skins, and the like. Sometimes
the whole cape was profusely covered with rows of ermine skins put
on flat or cut and twisted into long pendants. Tufts of hair and
feathers were also used, and some capes were punctured all over with
rows of small holes. Usually the shirt was provided with a belt of
stiff skin, which was set with pendants of deer’s hoofs, beads, hair
tassels, feathers, or strips of ermine skins. Sometimes both large
and small robes were worn poncho style.

Men’s Ciotrutna.—Men’s shirts and leggings were similar to some
of the styles used by the Thompson. A common shirt was made of
two doeskins sewed together heads up. Sometimes the shoulders only
were sewed together, the sides being provided with lacings, or merely
held together with a few stitches of thong. The neck pieces of the
skins were folded down at the back and front, where they were
stitched or sewed to the body of the shirt. Usually they were shaped
into circular or triangular forms and ornamented with embroidery

1 See p. 235.

Dae SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [TH. ANN. 45

and fringing. A few shirts retained the tails, or at least the one at the
back, and the parts of the leg skins shaped into points or cut square,
a little of the deer’s-leg hair being left on for tufts at the ends. The
seams of these shirts were embroidered and fringed. These shirts, in
both cut and style of ornamentation, appear to have been almost
the same as the Nez Percé shirt figured by Wissler.2, Another common
shirt was made of a single large skin folded over and sewed at the
sides, and sometimes stitched here and there under the arms. A hole
was cut and shaped in the middle for the head to pass through. There
was no breast cut. The fringes along the sides and under the arm
pieces were sometimes very long. Separate pieces of skin, triangular
in shape and covered with embroidery in quills or beads, or punctured
and painted, were sewed to the shirt at the front and back of the neck.*
Neither of these kinds had true sleeves. In more modern times many
men’s shirts had sleeves, and they were of different styles. (Fig. 17.)

FIGURE 17.—Sketch illustrating cut of modern clothing

The one shown in the illustration is a leather shirt seen by me among
the Lake tribe. Each sleeve was of two pieces, and the back and front
each of two pieces. The shirt was cut low on the breast, and over
this opening a separate piece of white unsmoked skin was fastened to
the shirt with metal buttons. This piece of skin was triangular in
shape and embroidered with flower designs in colored silk. The
sleeves were smaller at the wrists, just large enough to admit the
hands. All the seams were fringed. i

Some men wore, instead of the regular shirts, a kind of vest. In
most cases this reached only to the hips and was made generally of
buffalo and other skin dressed in the hair. This kind of poncho shirt
or vest was tied or laced at the sides with thongs.* In later days some
of them opened a short distance down the breast.? Breast cuts on
vests and shirts are considered comparatively modern. A similar
garment, but much longer, reaching generally to the knees, was in use.
Most garments of this style were made of two entire deerskins and
were fastened around the waist with a belt.° Perhaps they may be

2 d, fig. 1.

3 See Thompson, a, p. 207, fig. 163; and Ottawa collection, VI. M. 389.

4 See Ottawa collection, VI. M. 398; Peabody Museum, Teit collection nos. 281, 282, 283.

5 See Thompson, a, p. 206, fig. 162. Both the collar and breast cut are said to have been introduced

within 120 years.
6 See Ottawa collection, VI. M. 399; Peabody Museum, Teit collection no. 280.

reIT] THE OKANAGON 233

better classed as ponchos. Some boys of the Sanpoil wore shirts of
an entire case-skinned coyote skin with the head part cut off. The
shirt (or skin) slipped over the head and was fastened with strings
on the shoulder. The tail hung at the back. There was no sewing on
this kind of shirt, except that the shoulders were sometimes edged
with buckskin to prevent tearing where the tie strings were. Some
Sanpoil men wore shirts made of four backs of coyote skins sewed
together. The tails were often retained for ornament. In some cases
two coyote skins were used, forming back and front, the sides con-
sisting of dressed buckskin. The tails were generally retained, par-
ticularly the back one.’ Shirts of this kind were probably also worn
to some extent by men of the other tribes.

Small ponchos serving the purpose of neck wraps and covering the
opening of shirts on the shoulders were worn by some men over their
shirts. They consisted of single skins (in the fur) of coyote, wolf, fox,
lynx cat, bear cub. The tail was retained and hung down the back.*
Some neck wraps of entire rabbit skins sewed together were used
in the winter by both sexes.

Breechclouts were of soft dressed buckskin and were of styles
similar to those of the Thompson. Long ago those made of a single
long piece drawn under the belt, the ends hanging like long aprons
before and behind, were most rare. Some people think this style was
adopted after Hudson’s Bay cloth and blankets came into use. Old
men and boys might wear simple aprons of dressed skin and fur,
sometimes quite long, without breechclouts. Sometimes the long
shirts worn by old men reached nearly to the knees. With these they
wore neither breechclouts nor aprons, but with short shirts they were
always worn. The usual skin leggings generally had long fringes cut
in various ways. Cloth leggings had wide uncut side flaps.

_ Women’s CrLorHinc.—Women’s dresses reached to the calves of
the legs, and some almost touched the feet. The style of dress most
common had an extension of the cape or shoulder part, which hung
down over the arms almost to the wrists, and served as sleeves.° In
some the extension was short, reaching to the elbow. The arm ex-
tensions were often quite loose, while in other dresses they were
fastened under the arms with thongs here and there. These dresses
were generally made of two large buckskins or two cow-elk skins
sewed together heads down. . Unlike the Shahaptian custom, the tails
of the deer were cut off instead of being retained for ornament. Ac-
cording to the descripfion these dresses agreed, except for the retain-
ing of the tails, with the Yakima specimen figured -by Wissler.° In

7 See Ottawa collection, VI. M. 400.
§ See Thompson, @, pl. 18.

® See d, fig. 18.

10 See d, fig. 18.

41383°—30——16

234 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

place of the tails the Okanagon generally inserted a triangular piece
of beading or other ornamentation. A few dresses with full-length
sleeves sewed on '! were worn. A few dresses had no sleeves at all,
the arms being bare to the shoulders. A very few young girls and
old women wore no dresses, but instead fringed bodices or skirts of
skin reaching to the knees or below. Some of these had high bodies
which were fastened at the shoulders, but the bodies of others extended
hardly above the waist. The low-bodied kind were worn also by
nearly all well-dressed women under their dresses. A bodice alone
was not considered a complete dress. Narrow breechclouts were
worn by some girls, and also by women, during menstruation.
Women’s leggings were like those of the Thompson. When traveling
in deep snow some women wore long leggings nearly like those of
the men. <A very few poor people of the Similkameen wore short
leggings woven of tule or rushes.

FoorwErar.—Moceasins were of dressed buckskin, elk skin, etc.,
cut in two styles that were about equally common. One consisted
of a single piece folded and sewed around the toe, the outside of
the foot, and at the heel.’? The other style had a separate small
tongue piece, a seam extending from the latter to the toe, and a
seam down the heel. In a few the ends of the toe and the heel
seams were puckered. Therefore they had no trailers.’ All moc-
casins had gaiters or uppers of a separate piece.

The trailers of moccasins were cut in styles similar to those of the
Thompson.

The Lake were not familiar with the cut shown in a, Figure 170
(Thompson), elthough a form similar to it, with tongue piece brought
to a point at the toe, is often used by the Kutenai.

In Similkameen the common cuts were seamed down the instep
and open at the heel.’® Some trailers were cut in a fringe. Summer
moccasins were more pointed and made to fit the foot. Those for
winter use were much looser to give room for heavy foot wraps.
These consisted of pieces of skin in the hair wrapped round the foot
or sewed like a duffle. The Similkameen used a few socks,'® made
like the sage-bark socks of the Thompson, and possibly boots woven
of tule. Moccasins were often padded with dry teased bark and
grass. In the wintertime some people wore moccasins made of deer,
caribou, buffalo, and other skins, hair side in. No moccasins of the
long-tongued round-toed type ’ were used long ago. This style was
introduced by the Iroquois and French. Moccasins with a wide
crosscut at the toe '* seem to have been confined to Similkameen.
Sandals were used by some poor people in the summertime. ‘They

11 See Thompson a, p. 215, fig. 184. 15 See Thompson, a, p. 211, fig. 1738, Nos. 1, 2.
12 See Thompson, a, p. 210, fig. 169. 16 See Thompson, a, p. 212, fig. 174.
13 See Thompson, a, p. 211, fig. 171. 17 See Thompson, a, p. 210, fig. 170.

14 See Thompson, a, p. 211, fig. 172. 18 See Tahltan specimens, Ottawa, VI. H. 48.

TENT] THE OKANAGON Paya)

were made of skin or of rawhide, and sometimes the soles were
thickened with a coat of glue and sand.

Hanp Wear.—Gloves were unknown long ago; but mittens, both
long and short, were used in cold weather. Most of them were made
of coyote and other skins in the fur.

Men’s Heapwear.—Men’s caps and headbands were made of
dressed skin and of skins in the fur of almost all kinds of animals.
Some were also made of bird skins. The styles were the same as
those of the Thompson, including caps of animals’ headskins, and
those set with antlers of deer, or horns of antelope, goat, and buffalo.

Headdresses of tail feathers of eagles, hawks, and owls were common,
and similar to those of the Thompson. Eagle-feather bonnets of the
style used on the plains were common during the past century, and
are still worn to some extent at dances. This style differed in some
details from the oldest styles of eagle-feather headdresses of the
Thompson and Okanagon. Feather “tails” both of the Thompson
and plains styles were in vogue.

Women’s Hrapwrear.—Women’s headbands and most caps were
of dressed skin. The caps were more or less conical in shape, and in
details were like those of the Thompson.” Flat-topped caps were
not used. Woven caps, called by many whites ‘‘grass caps,” of the
so-called ‘‘Nez-Percé” style, were in common use, except among
the Lake and Similkameen.” Caps of willow bark were used a little
by Similkameen, Okanagon, and Sanpoil, but it seems were not
known to the Lake, and may not have been used by the Colville either.
The Similkameen probably also used a few caps woven of tule or
rushes.”!

OveRcLOTHES, ETC.—Robes, ponchos, and cloaks were worn as
overclothes in cold weather. It seems that no rain cloaks and short
ponchos of woven vegetal material were used, except among the
Similkameen. The cloaks worn by them have been described.”
Some people put ordinary woven mats over their heads, shoulders,
and backs in heavy rains. It appears that no clothing of vegetal
material, except women’s caps, were used by any of the other tribes.
The Lake, who used cedar bark extensively for a number of purposes,
did not use it for clothing. Before the advent of the fur traders,
jackets, coats, and trousers were probably not made, and some say
there were no sleeves to shirts and dresses. Possibly short buckskin
trousers were used by Similkameen and Nicola in early times.

After many of the western Indians began to hunt on the plains
buffalo robes and skins became quite common, and largely supplanted
other robes, cloaks, and ponchos. For a time buffalo skin was so
plentiful that even as far north as Similkameen it was cheaper than
ordinary buckskin.

19 q, p. 217, fig. 191. 20 See p. 225. 21 See also Shuswap, p. 506, e, fig. 228. 22 See p. 231.

236 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

Belts were worn by almost all the men and by many women.
Garters were much used by both sexes, and, to a less extent, armlets.

Some double-pointed brooches of bone, antler, and wood—similar
in type to a clothes pin with pointed ends—are said to have been used
by the Similkameen. It seems that some of these had carved heads.

ORNAMENTATION OF CroTrHtna.—Ornamentation of clothing was
the same as among the Thompson, and consisted chiefly of fringing,
pinking, puncturing, painting, and embroidering with porcupine
quills, seeds, hoofs, shells, and elk’s teeth. In later days glass beads
and silk thread displaced entirely the quill and other embroidery.
Hair and skin were used for tassels and fringes. Ermine skins were
often attached to garments and headdresses. Some capes were
entirely covered with rows of them. Capes and clothes were often
ornamented with feathers, bird skins, tufts of bird skin and fur, and
deer’s tails. Deerskin robes had the hair cut in stripes, as among. the
Thompson.”

PrrsonaLt ADORNMENT.—In personal adornment these tribes appear
to have differed very little, if it all, from the Thompson. The same
styles of necklaces, earrings, and hair ribbons were used; and the styles
of hairdressing and face and body painting were about thesame. Nose-
pins of shell and bone were used by a few people of both sexes. They
went out of style soon after the arrival of the fur traders. Combs were
of fan shape, like those of the Thompson,” and, when obtainable, were
made of syringa wood. . Tweezers were like those of the Thompson.”
Tattooing was in vogue to a slight extent in both sexes, most marks
being made on the wrists and forearms. <A very few tattooed the face
and other parts of the body. On the whole, women tattooed more
than men. Face and body painting was the same, or almost the same,
as among the Thompson. The same colors and styles were in vogue.
The various styles of hairdressing appear to have been about the same
as among the Thompson. Sinceabout 1900 or 1906 almost all the Lake,
Colville, Upper Okanagon, and Similkameen men cut their hair short.
Most of the young men crop their hair quite as closely as the whites,
while many of the elderly men cut it square across the neck. Among
the Lower Okanagon, Nespelim, and Sanpoil, the majority of the men,
both young and old, still wear * their hair long and in braids. A few
old men of the Colville and Upper Okanagon also wear their hair long
in two or three styles. Nearly all the people of all the tribes now
wear white man’s clothing. A few old people (especially men) of the
Lower Okanagon and Sanpoil wear old-style clothing, such as leggings,
more or less modified. Moccasins are generally worn in all the tribes.
Many Indians have old-style costumes and ornaments, which they
will rarely part with and which they use occasionally at celebrations.

3a, pl. 18. 4a, p. 224, figs. 201-203. % a, p. 227, fig. 210. 20 This refers to 1909.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON Pets

V. SUBSISTENCE

Foop.—The food of the Okanagon tribes differed but little from that
of the Thompson. The proportions of the different foods used were
about the same, as well as the methods of collection. Nearly all the
families moved about a good deal from one place to another, within
their respective tribal territories, fishing, hunting, root digging, and
berrying, according to the season at which each principal item of food
supply was at its best. Usually each band was able to procure a
sufficiency of all kinds of food on its own particular grounds; but some
families occasionally, and others regularly, went farther afield into
the remotest parts of the tribal territory, hunting and trapping. Some
other families who did more or less trading made regular trips to cer-
tain tribal and intertribal rendezvous, passing through parts of the
territories of other tribes. If conditions were favorable, hunting was
engaged in going and returning from these places, generally within
their own territory, but sometimes on grounds of the tribes visited.
Sometimes young men of other families accompanied these parties for
love of adventure and to see the country. Thus there were few
Okanagon who had not at some time been within the countries of the
Sanpou, Colville, Spokan, Wenatchi, Columbia, Thompson, and
Shuswap, and a few had been to other tribes beyond. In some parts
of the country the chief means of sustenance was hunting, in other
parts fishing, while in many places these two were of about equal
importance. Flesh of horses was eaten a great deal at one time, but
it seems that no dogs were eaten.'

Vegetal food.—Root digging and berrying were important every-
where. All the edible berries used by the Thompson were gathered in
localities where they grew. The berries considered most important
for curing, and therefore collected in largest quantities, were service
berries (Amelanchier), soapberries (Shepherdia), huckleberries (Vac-
cinium), and in some places cherries (Prunus). Huckleberries were
very plentiful in the Lake country, where in great measure they took
the place of service berries, which were most important to the other
tribes.

Most of the roots used by the Thompson were used also by the
Okanagon tribes, and a few others that do not grow in the Thompson
country. Theimportance of various roots varied according to locality.
On the whole, the roots considered, most important were Camassia
esculenta, Lewisia rediviva, Balsamorrhiza sagittata, Lilium columbia-
num, Erythronium grandiflorum, and Fritillaria lanceolata. Hazelnuts
were utilized a great deal, especially by the Colville, in whose country
they were plentiful. Nutlets of two or three kinds of pine, and seeds
of Balsamorrhiza and two or three other unidentified plants, were
used extensively in many places.

1 According to some, dogs were eaten occasionally by old Similkameen people.

238 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

Oak did not grow in the territories of these tribes. It was confined
to Columbia River and some of its tributaries farther south. Differ-
ent kinds of tree saps and sprouts of growing plants were used in
season, as among the Thompson. Following is a list of the principal
vegetal foods of the Okanagon. I give both the Okanagon and the
Thompson names for comparison.

Okanagon name Thompson name
ROOTS
Camassia esculenta (camas)__| é’tewa, i’trewa é’tawa
Lewisia rediviva Pursh (bit- | spi’tlam U'ki’ pen
terroot).
ALU CenNUL a eee cali’ wa, xalé’ ua kala’ua
Claytonia sessilifolia____---- skwenkwt'nEn, skwen- | tat’ En
kwt'nEm
Hrvtillanaxpudica= 22222222] a’tamen zala’ uroza
SUUMALUNEANE = ee cxet'kEen wetsama't
Lilium columbianum ___-— ~~~ stoxtci’n tea’ wek
Herulaxdissoluta = = at.yu' taxgqai'n
Balsamorrhiza sagittata Nutt_) tsa’ltsaleken |snd’tken Ro)
|tskd/ nelp (plant)
Peucedanum = macrocarpum | smitsena’lk kokwé'la
Nutt.
Calochortus macrocarpus | yekiyu'keps maqad’ za
Dougl.
CycopUseniLOjnUs === == ee ra'nELan renExat'n
Erythronium grandiflorum ___-| s-hwe!¥x ska’ metc
Fritillaria lanceolata_____-~-- smé'ta mi’ la
Potentilla anserina______---- zi’ lazil av lexil
Hydrophyllum occidentale !___| stlenqai’n stlengat’.n
tlaka'n me.sa'i, mEtsa't
skalis‘po’ (plant)?
Cnicus undulatus Gray __ ~~~ sntEkwalkwalw’ sten n‘po' pogzEn (root)
szwi’ pis (?).
eee 3 Uk ea sxexhi'lem tsept' as
SS eye A et ees BO ENS aratca'ks, nhdatca’ks rdtcé’us, hdtcet'us
BERRIES
Amelanchier alnifolia Nutt___| st’a stsa’qum, stcogom
Amelanchier sp_-#---------- skikisé’ log spékpék.
Prunus demissa Walpers-_--_- tlo'r.tox solki’, z6lkit’.
SCMDUCUSIS Dae =e eee tsakwi'k» tsé’ kuk
Crataegus rivalaris Nutt __-_- srwani'k a@'luska
Cornus pubescens Nutt __---- sti'ksxe taxpa' E
Rubus sp. (raspberry) ------- zla'la sd/ilsq %
Rubus leucodermis Dougl-_---|! metca’ Ek mé’tcuk, mé'tcak

1 Said not to grow in the Okanagon country.
2 Compare kalispo’, kalispe’lem (kalispe’.m, kalispe’), according to Revais, names among Flathead tribes
for sprouting camas.

TEIT]

THE OKANAGON

239

Okanagon name Thompson name
BERRIES—continued |
|
Ribes sp. (red gooseberry)___| .nte’tremelps sxe‘tsi’n
Ribes lacustre Poir (black | epzapi’s sopt's, sOEpt's
gooseberry).
Ribes cereum (wild currant)__| 76’reken laa’ za
Shepherdia canadensis Nutt__| sz0’sem — sx0'sEM, .s-ho'zEm
Fragaria californica C and 8 _| tekei’m kem skokié’ p.
Vaccinium membranaceum | stéxé'Ulk tsaltsa'la
Dougl.
Vaccinium myrtillus (small | s.sé’pt a’ meux
blueberry), var. microphyl-
lum Hook.
Berberis sp. (Oregon grape) __| sstsé’res 3 tsa’lza, tsé'lsa
Arctostaphylos wv a-ursi | skwoli's a@iek, d’ik, et’ Ek.
Spreng.
EOSOAS Ot ee es nae a skwékwe'u stsaka' pet, skékwa’u
(var. of rose)
SEEDS AND OTHER VEGETAL
FOODS
llazelnutses eer ee ee qe’ pura qapu'r
Pinus ponderosa (yellow pine) | sga/uku s‘tst’q.
nutlets or seeds, also of
other pines.
Balsamorrhiza sagittata, seeds_| mi'kto mi’ kto
Comandra pallida, seeds or | gepuz(e'llp) qapuxé' tp
nuts.
Pinus contorta, cambium | ska’kuluk nti.
layer.
Pinus ponderosa, cambium | tse’xwe, tsti’xe ise’xwe
layer.
Heracleum lanatum, growing | roxrti'lp ha’ qo
stalks.
Peucedanum sp., growing | kwo’rkwaz “ tla’ go
stalks.
Alectoria jubata (black moss) _| skolé’p 4 a.wv'.d,
Opuntia sp. (cactus) ________ sxwi'na S‘QE‘QE'rz
sree=sugarroeet eis be ih skamé’llk® skamé' Uk
Elxagnus argentea, seeds 7___| npokid’ ep kwotskat/nExEn
Snowberriest®=. #82) sen stemtemeEnie’ ta stca’kems asnaiyt’

3 Compare Coeur d’Aléne for wild currant.

4 Compare Lillooet for black moss.

5 A very sweet, sugary exudence which forms in cakes on the needles and branches of fir, and occasionally

pine, in mid and late summer in the driest parts of the country.

6 Means ‘‘tree milk.”

7 Seeds of this and of the cactus were probably never eaten; but they were used extensively as beads for
necklaces and in the ornamentation of clothing, as among the Thompson.
8 These were not eaten.

240 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

Root diggers.—Root diggers were of service berry and other hard
woods. The points were often charred to harden them. Handles
were chiefly of birch; but horns of sheep and goats and antlers of elk
and deer were also used. The shapes and ornamentation of root
diggers, at least among the Okanagon, were like those of the Thompson.
The ‘“bow-shaped”’ root-digger handle of ram’s horn was not used
except among the Similkameen and possibly a few of the Okanagon.
The Similkameen claim that this style of handle was invented by the
Thompson and introduced by them. Berries were gathered in woven
baskets, bark baskets, and bark trays.

Preparation and preservation of staple foods—The methods of
preparing and preserving staple foods were practically the same as
among the Thompson. Circular earth ovens or pits were used for
cooking roots. Oblong and square scaffolds of poles were used for
drying meat and fish. Dried meat and fat were stored in rawhide
bags, and oil and melted fat in bladders. Salmon and other fish were
split and dried in the sun and wind. Some people preferred to dry
them in windy shady places or under the shade of screens of brush,
leaves, and mats. Meat and fish were also dried with the assistance
of fire and smoke. Berries were usually dried, spread thinly on tule
mats laid on dry gravelly ground facing the sun, or on mats on scaf-
folds. Some salmon pemmican was made, and a little meat pemmican.
Cooked roots of certain kinds were mashed in mortars, made into
cakes, and dried. Sometimes the mashed roots were mixed with
dry service berries. Seeds of Balsamorrhiza sagittata were roasted
in baskets with hot stones. The seeds were turned over and over
and fresh stones added until the seeds were done. They were then
transferred to a mortar bag and pounded with stone pestles until
they became a coarse flour. Nowadays they are heated in frying
pans over a fire.

A common kind of scaffold for drying meat used by the Okanagon,
Similkameen, and probably also the Sanpoil and Colville, was made
of long willow rods bent over to form a half circle, as in a sweat house,
and crossed with others at right angles. (Fig. 18.) Some were
made completely round, like a large sweat house. This type of meat-
drying frames was not much used by the Thompson. Both Okanagon
and Thompson used the frames of ordinary sweat houses when the
quantity of meat was small and they wanted to dry it quickly.

Huntine. Weapons of the chase-—The weapons employed in the
pursuit of game were chiefly bows and arrows for shooting, and knives
for stabbing wounded animals and for cutting up the quarry. Clubs
and spears were not important in hunting, and were used only occa-
sionally. Arrows were of the same kinds as among the Thompson.”

2a, p. 242, fig. 222.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 241

Arrow-heads were generally of flaked stone, but some of bone, notched
and unnotched, were in use. The bow in most common use by all the
tribes was that with double curve.2. The Okanagon, Sanpoil, and
Colville employed it exclusively. The Lake say that two kinds of
bows were used by them; the double-curved and the flat bow. The
former was that chiefly used by themselves and by all the surrounding
Salishan tribes, while the latter was the only kind used by the Lower

FIGURE 18.—Structure for drying meat

Kutenai. The Similkameen say that their common bow was of the
double-curved type, but all the styles of bow made by the Thompson
were employed to some extent by them. Bows were generally a
meter long or a little more; and all the best ones were sinew-backed
and covered with snake skin. In most parts of the country juniper
was the common bowwood, and service berry and rose woods were
most used for arrows. Short bows of mountain-ram’s horn were

3a, p. 240, fig. 218, 4a, p. 240, fig. 217.

242 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

made. The ridged part of the horn formed the belly of the bow.
They were sinew-backed, like wooden bows. Hand or wrist guards
of skin were used by nearly every bowman.

In shooting the flat bow was held horizontally, the double-curved
bow vertically.

Quivers were made of skins of wolverene and fisher, in the hair.
Skins of otter, cougar, and fawn were employed occasionally. Some
rawhide quivers,’ generally painted, were in use, but none of woven
material.

Spears for hunting beaver were used by the Similkameen and
Okanagon and possibly by the other tribes. They were like those of
the Thompson and Shuswap.°

Game and methods of hunting.—The chief large game hunted by the
Okanagon were three species of deer, elk, big-horn sheep, caribou, and
black and grizzly bear. Antelope were scarce and goats were uncom-
mon. Sheep and deer were abundant in the Similkameen country,
but caribou and antelope were absent. Goats were not much hunted.
The Sanpoil hunted deer, elk, antelope, and bear. Sheep were scarce.
The Sanpoil country was well provided with several kinds of game.
Antelope especially were abundant south of the big bend of Columbia
River. A famous place for hunting them was around Grand Coulée.
Spokan and Columbia also came to hunt at this place. The Colville
hunted the same large game as the Sanpoil, but were restricted more
todeer. The Lake tribe hunted deer, caribou, goat, and bear. Deer
were not so plentiful as in the territories of the other tribes. Elk
and sheep were very scarce, and antelope were not found. On the
other hand, caribou, goat, and bear were more plentiful than in the
countries of the other tribes. Moose, it seems, were occasionally met
with. In later days some of the Okanagon, Sanpoil, and Colville
joined other Salishan parties for hunting buffalo east of the Rocky
Mountains.

The principal smaller kinds of game hunted for food were rabbits,
marmots, and beaver. Ground squirrels and tree squirrels were
hunted by boys for sport, and their flesh was sometimes eaten. The
Similkameen often hunted marmots. Animals such as the cougar,
wolf, coyote, fox, lynx, lynx cat, otter, marten, mink, fisher, weasel,
and wolverene were hunted and snared for their skins only.

The flesh of dogs was eaten only by the old Similkameen people.

The methods of hunting large game appear to have been quite
like those of the Thompson, and require no detailed description.
They were ordinary still hunting; approaching game in disguise of
the game itself and by imitating its actions, or by approaching in
disguise of some animal familiar to it; driving into ambushes or to

5a, p. 244, fig. 225. 8 e, p. 523, fig. 240.

TIT] THE OKANAGON 243

places such as passes, where hunters were concealed; driving into
corrals of nets or entanglements; driving over cliffs; driving deer
with dogs to bay in creeks and bears into trees; driving (generally
with dogs) to crossing places of rivers and lakes, where hunters lay
in wait; encircling; shooting from pits, trees, and ambushes at certain
favorite watering places or salt licks; riding down on horseback in
open country; watching for deer, caribou, and bear at swimming places
and overtaking them with canoes; calling was also practiced to some
extent.

It seems that the Okanagon and Similkameen used dogs more
extensively in hunting than the other tribes. The Similkameen
people, who had no salmon in their country, depended largely on
hunting.

Besides hunting by individuals and small parties, which went on
almost incessantly, most bands had four great hunts every year: A
spring hunt for deer and sheep, which usually was not very far afield
and comparatively short in duration; a late fall hunt for deer, sheep,
elk, and bear, the parties sometimes going far away and remaining
out for about two months; a midwinter hunt for deer, and a late
winter hunt for sheep. During the spring and late fall hunts the
women busied themselves digging roots; and during the summer and
early fall, when individual hunting only was carried on, they attended
to the gathering and curing of berries and roots. Skins were dressed
more or less all the year round, but probably chiefly in the wintertime.
In the winter sheep hunt mostly ewes were killed and the rams were
let go. The latter were hunted on their summering grounds when
fat by small parties in the late summer and early fall, either by still
hunting (the chief object being to catch them in their lairs on hot
days), or with dogs. Women helped in the driving of game, and
some of them also did shooting.

The following is the story of a rather famous winter sheep hunt in
the early part of the past century:

Sheep were formerly very plentiful in the Acnia’lor (Ashnola)
district, and the people of the band there decided to have a great
sheep hunt one winter, partly so that they might have an abundance
of meat for a festival they were going to hold, and partly to show
their guests what a fine sheep-hunting ground they had, and give
them a chance of some exciting sport. This was in our grandmothers’
days. The Acna’lor people invited the neighboring Similkameen
bands, and they invited their friends from the neighboring tribes; so
a great many came from Thompson and Nicola Rivers, Okanagon
Lake, and Columbia River. Among them were some Shuswap.
All gathered at Keremeous, and from there they proceeded to the
hunting ground. Many women joined the party to act as drivers,
and all were provided with snowshoes. When they neared the place

244 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH, ANN. 45

where they were going to drive, the hunting chief took off his cap,
made of the skin of a ewe’s head, and, waving it toward the cliffs
where the sheep were, prayed to them as follows: ‘‘ Please, sheep, go
your usual way, and follow each other, so that we may eat your flesh
and thus increase or lengthen our breath (life)! Pity us, and be
driven easily to the place where we shall shoot you!”’ He then sent
many men around to sit at the heads of two gulches on top of the
mountain and shoot the sheep with arrows as they came up. The
men picked were the best shots, and included most of the strangers.
He then directed the drivers, a great many men and all the women,
mostly Similkameen people, how to proceed and where to go. Most
of them, in driving and following the sheep, had to pass a place where
they had to jump over a cliff about 3 or 4 meters in height, alighting
on a bank of snow. All the men jumped, but some of the women
were afraid, turned back and went around by a longer route. The
drivers saw and started great numbers of sheep, but they failed to
get them to take the top of the mountain. Instead the sheep congre-
gated on a steep, inaccessible cliff below the top, out of range from
above or below, and stayed there. The people shouted at them
lustily, but they remained there, knowing that it was a secure place.
The great drive came to a standstill, and the hunting chief could see
no way to get the sheep out.

Among the drivers was an Upper Thompson woman, the grand-
mother of the narrator of the story, who was married to a Simil-
kameen man. She lived in Similkameen and was known to be
resourceful and to have shamanistic powers. The mountain sheep
was one of her guardian spirits, and on this occasion she was wearing
a cap made of the headskin of an old ewe with horns attached,
similar to that worn by the hunting chief. The leading Similkameen
people held a consultation. They said, ‘‘All our friends will laugh
at us if we can not get sheep for them.” The Thompson woman
said, ‘‘ Yes; they certainly will.”” The chief then-said to her, ‘‘ Well;
you may know something. I will give the leadership of this hunt
to you; you shall be hunting chief.’”’ She answered, ‘‘Very well, but
one thing you must promise.’”’ Then, pointing to the dog close
to her side (a rather small and vicious-looking animal, that all the
people hated), she said, ‘‘ You must promise never again to abuse my
dog. I will drive the sheep alone with my dog, and you may sit
down and watch me.’”’ She approached the sheep, pointing first at
them, then at the four points of the compass, but no one could hear
what she said. Presently she gave a sharp call, and the sheep ran
into a bunch, which she now pointed out to the dog. She said to it,
“Friend, go and drive your friends so that they will all go up where
the people want them.’ The dog rushed off and drove the sheep
fiercely, When any of them scattered, he rounded them up again.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 245

He was very intelligent, courageous, fleet of foot, and long-winded.
The woman followed as fast as she could, encouraging him. The dog
drove all the sheep up, and the men in waiting killed a great number.

Sheep killed in the winter in a big hunt were usually temporarily
buried in the snow. Then the people made a good snowshoe road to
the main cache by walking back and forth on it repeatedly. When
the snow was well packed they dragged the carcasses down to the
valley as near their homes as possible. When dragging the loads
became too difficult, they cut up the game and divided it, the different
families making separate caches in the snow, from which they carried
the meat on their backs to their lodges from time to time, as they re-
quired it. Horses were employed in later days for this purpose wher-
ever the nature of the gound and snow conditions permitted. Meat
not needed immediately was dried, except in the winter, when it
‘could often be kept frozen.

Dog halters of Indian hemp with bone toggles were used.’

Hunting parties often carried nets for corralling deer in bushy parts
of the country. Nets were also employed near the main camps for
capturing any deer which might come around. If fresh tracks were
seen entering a clump of bushes, nets were setin the surrounding woods
in the form of a half-moon, or sometimes, if it could be managed, in a
circle. The shape and size of the corral varied according to the size
of the area to be set, the arrangement of the bush patches, and the
number of nets at hand. They were stretched across the open glades,
the ends being fastened to trees and bushes. In places where the open
ground was wide, and the net could not be drawn tight enough, the
middle parts where the net sagged were held up and kept taut with
light poles placed at intervals. Any space left open, owing to
shortage of nets or because too inconvenient to be closed, was guarded
by two men with bows and arrows, concealed one at each side. If
no men were available, a woman lay down in the center of the opening,
and if the deer approached, she jumped up and shouted, thus driving
them back. The places where deer were most likely to run were
netted first. When all was ready, one or two hunters entered the
corral and started the deer out of the bushes. Sometimes this was
done with dogs. The hunter let them loose on the fresh scent, and
followed them on the run; or he simply let them go and remained at
the opening of the corral. The other people hid here and there a
short distance away. As soon as a deer was caught in the nets, they
clubbed, speared, or shot it. In daylight, and when not too much
rushed, deer sometimes did not attempt to pass through the nets,
but ran around the corral until they came to the opening, where they
were shot by the hunters. Often nets were set overnight in places to
which the deer repaired during the night, with the opening of the corral

Ta, p. 245 fig. 227.

246 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN, 45

toward the side from which the hunters expected the game to ap-
proach. At daybreak the people formed a half-moon, the ends of
which extended toward the wings of the corral, and advanced rapidly,
shouting at the same time. The startled deer ran ahead. In the
semidarkness they did not notice the nets and became entangled in
them. The people followed close behind and slaughtered them.
This method of catching game was most successful for white-tailed
deer, partly because they were generally most plentiful in bushy
country and partly because they could not jump as high as mule
deer. Nets were made of twine of Indian hemp (Apocynum canna-
binum). ‘They were about 2 to 3 meters high, and varied in length
from 15 to 50 or 60 meters. Fences and snares similar to those of
the Thompson ® were used in many parts of the country for deer.
Similar fences were employed in some places for caribou; but I can
not say if the snares were of the same style.

Deadfalls were used for bear and some other animals, and small
animals and grouse were caught in snares.

The eggs of waterfowl were gathered in the spring at all large nest-
ing resorts.

The same stories are told in Okanagon and Similkameen as among
the Thompson, of certain men hunting grizzly with a double-
pointed bone dirk and a stone club.°

Fisurne.—I did not obtain detailed information regarding fishing
utensils and methods of fishing; but these appear to have been the
same as among the Thompson Indians. The Lake Indians, who
fished a great deal, may have had methods of fishing in lakes similar
to those of the Shuswap.’ It seems that seine nets were used in
some places. In the main rivers salmon were caught in dip nets.

Floats and sinkers were much used with nets by the Okanagon
and Lake. Some sinkers were perforated at the end and provided
with a groove passing over the end for tying. Two of these were
found on Arrow Lake; one was made of a flat, elongated waterworn
beach stone, 12 centimeters long, 7 centimeters at the widest part,
and 2.5 centimeters thick. The hole had been drilled from both
sides, and a worked groove extended from the perforation on each side
to the small end of the stone.

Fish were also speared from the shore and in shallows with single
and double pointed" spears with detachable heads. The single-
pointed spear seems to have been by far most commonly used, while
the reverse was the case among the Thompson. Fish, large and
small, were speared with various sizes of the three-pronged spears.”
These were generally used from canoes, but also from the ice and

8a, p. 247, fig. 228. %a,p.249. 10 Seee, pp. 525-530. 1! Seea, p, 251, fig. 231, %4@, p, 252, fig. 232.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 247

from rocks overlooking the water. Spearing by torchligkt was in
vogue on lakes and on some of the rivers.

Small fish were caught with hooks and lines.

Weirs and traps of the same kinds as those used by the Thompson
were employed in shallow streams and at the outlets and inlets of
lakes. Where weirs were used, and salmon packed close together
below the obstruction, spears and also some gaff hooks were employed
for catching them. The latter had bone points and wooden handles.

Many Okanagon from Okanagon Lake and the upper part of
Okanagon River, where salmon were scarce, went to fish salmon on
the Lower Okanagon River. A few of the Similkameen people went
to the Thompson and Nicola to fish. In like manner many Lake
went down to near Marcus, Kettle Falls, and other places along the
Columbia on the confines of the Colville. The chief salmon-fishing
places in the territories of the Okanagon tribes appear to have been
in the vicinity of Kettle Falls and Okanagon Falls. The Colville
fished more salmon than any of the other inland tribes of this group.
The Lake used canoes most extensively. The Similkameen and,
next to them, the Sanpoil, fished less than any of the other tribes.

The importance of sheep hunting by Similkameen and Okanagon,
antelope hunting among the Sanpoil, caribou and goat hunting
among the Lake, like the difference in fishing and the use of canoes,
were caused by the different types of environment of the tribes.
Other slight differences between north, south, east, and west were
caused by trade influences and contact with border tribes. Hunting,
especially of deer, was exceedingly important to all the tribes.

Srasons.—Among the Okanagon the year was divided into four
seasons embracing 10 moons, and a fifth season embracing the rest
of the year. The 10 moons were generally called by numbers, as
among the Thompson, but most of them had descriptive names
besides. The remaining moons were called collectively by the
seasonal name of pzeskaaz’ (‘late fall’’). The names of the seasons,
and their Thompson equivalents, are—

Okanagon Thompson
SS DEL U 2 ue ier ee Sy we el peEske’ pts ska’ pts.
SS ULEDIIT Cpe ea i ars ee ot spa’nnick spa'nntck
loyally sity a i re ee ee | stemeEtt'k temett'k
TLopsngiss Tig Veg oo SS 2 se cee = i | pEeskaa’i stlwé?’ st
Winter seme riieptets met Ae es oo es Set pesit’ stek sit’ stEk

248 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

VI. TRAVEL, TRANSPORTATION, TRADE

Canors.—Canoes were used more or less by all the tribes. Bands
that had few canoes depended more on rafts. The Lake had an
abundance of good bark in their country, and therefore used bark
canoes entirely. They were all of the ‘‘sturgeon-nose”’ type. Most
of them were made of white-pine bark. The Lower Kutenai employed
the same style of canoe. At the present day most Lake canoes are
covered with oiled canvas instead of bark. The Colville were not as
well supplied with canoes as the Lake, and in fact procured most of
their canoes from the latter. The Sanpoil had no canoes formerly.
All they had were a few small, poorly made dugouts; and they say
that probably long ago they had not even these. Good wood and
good bark were scarce in their country, so they depended chiefly on
rafts pointed at both ends and made of poles. Rafts made of bundles
of tules were also employed, especially on lakes. They were pointed
at the ends like the pole rafts. Pole and tule rafts were used also
by the Okanagon and all the surrounding tribes, particularly on the
small mountain lakes. The Okanagon also used bark canoes of the
same shape as those of the Lake. Baisam was the common bark
used by them. It seems that they seldom made dugout canoes
until after the advent of iron tools. The Similkameen people
depended chiefly on rafts. They also made, at least during the past
century, small dugouts of yellow pine, balsam, poplar, and cedar.
In shape they were like one of those used by the Thompson Indians,!
but usually shallower, and rather longer snouted. Dugout canoes
had no ornamentation or painting. A common style of paddle among
the Lake is about 1.2 meters long, nearly half the length being blade.
The latter is very broad, with rounded end; and the handle is widened
out at the end to a flat knob of round cross section. The knob forms
a hand grip and the part where the points of the fingers cling just
under the knob is slightly hollowed out, as in many eastern paddles.
This type was used more or less by the different interior Salishan
tribes; but paddle blades of the more northern Salish tribes were
generally narrower.

Bark canoes were floored inside with loose strips of various kinds of
bark, such as birch, cedar, spruce, and balsam, or instead of bark
a flooring of brush or of long, light straight poles was used. For
sitting or kneeling on, bunches of fir or balsam twigs and dry swamp
grass were used. Small leaks were calked in the same way as knot
holes; but large ones were patched with a strong piece of birch,
balsam, or other bark cut out larger than the hole and sewed on, the
arrangement of the stiches being similar to those on birch-bark
baskets (a long and a short stitch), but not so close together.
Afterwards the sewing and edges were daubed with pitch.

la, p. 255, fig. 237.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 249

CarryInc.—Tump lines were made of rawhide, heavy buckskin,
and of lighter skin doubled together. The ends consisted of long
stout strings. Short double strings at each end, used by some Atha-
pascan tribes, were not in vogue. Occasionally the leg skins of ell
and caribou were used for the head strap. I did not hear of any
woven tump lines. Dogs were not used for hauling purposes, either
with travois or with sleigh. It seems also that dogs were not employed
for carrying burdens, except in a few places. The Similkameen people
claim to have used their dogs for carrying loads.

SnowsHorEs.—Snowshoes were used by all the tribes, and were the
same as those of the Thompson. The types with cross sticks, like
those of the Shuswap and Athapascan, were not used. The common
snowshoe worn by the Lake was similar to one used by the Thompson.’
The Lake snowshoes appear to have been slightly shorter than most
of those used by the Thompson, and more turned up in front. In
this way they were better adapted to climbing steep mountains.
The Lower Thompson snowshoes also have these peculiarities.
The common kind used by the Similkameen people was like the one
illustrated in Figure 241* of the work here referred to. Snowshoes
like those shown in Figures 239 and 242 of the same publication *
are called by the Similkameen “‘lower-country snowshoes,”’ whether
with reference to the Lower Thompson, or to the tribes below on
Columbia River, or to both, is not quite clear, but it seems that the
Wenatchi and Columbia tribes are meant.

Horses.—Horses were introduced probably early in the eighteenth
century. For a time they remained scarce, as only a few were intro-
duced at first, and for a long time they were much used as food.
Horse stealing and horse trading probably also helped to keep their
numbers down. However, by the end of the century they were
numerous in some parts, and nearly all the Indians were mounted.
Many people who were old or elderly when they were introduced,
particularly women, never acquired the habit of using them. The
Lake people, except a few in the south, never adopted horses, as
their country was unsuited to them. The Lake tribe had no chance
to become a horse people as long as they occupied their own territories.
The few horses they employed were procured from the Colville.
The latter, it seems, obtained their horses from the Kalispel, and
occasionally from the Spokan. The Sanpoil got theirs from the
Spokan, Colville, and Columbia. The Okanagon obtained their
horses from the Sanpoil, Columbia, and Colville. The Similkameen
say they saw horses first among the Okanagon, and got their horses
chiefly from them. The Sanpoil have a story regarding their first
horse, but do not state where it came from. They say that the

2a, p. 256, fig. 239. 3a, DR, 207, fig, 241, 4a, pp, 256, 257, figs, 239, 242.
41383°—30- 17

250 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [pTH, ANN. 45

earliest horses were all very small; and yet at first people were afraid
to ride them, for fear of falling off. The first horse obtained was
very gentle. The first person who mounted it rode with two long
sticks, one in each hand, to steady himself. Another man led the
horse slowly, and the rider shifted the sticks (as one does with walking
sticks) as they went along.

Horse Eaqutepment.—The Indians soon learned to make saddles
and all necessary horse equipment. The same styles prevailed, from
the Shuswap and Thompson, south into Oregon, and east to the
plains. However, materials and saddle blankets varied a little from
place to place. Horses soon became generally used for riding and
packing; and distant visiting, trading, and hunting journeys were
made easy. Horses also constituted a new source of wealth. A great
impetus was given to intertribal trade, visiting, and even intermar-
riage; also new methods of hunting became possible, and transporta-
tion of large quantities of meat and fish could now be effected over long
distances in a short time and with little labor.

Trapina AND TRADE Rovutrs.—Before the arrival of the horse,
trading journeys were made on foot, except among the Lake and in
part among the Okanagon, who used canoes, as they had extensive
waterways easy of navigation. As everything had to be transported
on the back, trading was naturally confined to light and valuable
articles, and trading trips were not so frequent as they were after
horses came into use. Neither did as many people take part in them.
It seems that formerly trade was in the nature of a gradual filtering
through of articles from one end of a large expanse of country to the
other. In some places a few people occasionally made special trading
trips across mountain ranges and through uninhabited country to
distant neighbors. After horses had come into use these trips devel-
oped into important affairs, undertaken regularly by large parties.

The two greatest salmon-fishing places were also the two greatest
trading places—Okanagon Falls and Kettle Falls. The former was
in the territory of the Okanagon, the latter in that of the Colville.
Both were important trading points before as well as after the intro-
duction of the horse. Before its advent, trade went north via Okana-
gon River and Okanagon Lake to the Shuswap. The journey was
easy, being accomplished almost entirely by water. From the head
of Okanagon Lake the Shuswap had only a short distance to carry
their goods to the navigable waters of Spellumcheen River, Shuswap
Lake, and South Thompson River, to Kamloops, which was a central
point. Trade followed navigable waters from here west to Savona,
and north by the North Thompson, at least 100 miles. This seems
to have been an important route. No doubt, also, some trade went
overland, by routes later used by horses, such as the Similkameen
River; but it seems that these were of little importance in early times. -

TeEIT] THE OKANAGON PARI

In like manner from Kettle Falls trade went north, following the
Columbia to Arrow Lakes and Revelstoke, where the Shuswap were
met. Practically all this journey was by canoe, and most of it was
quite easy.

It seems that in early times trade from the east flowed chiefly to
Colville by way of the Pend d’Oreilles route, and trade from the south
to Okanagon by way of Columbia River. These points, being under
different influences, would differ to some extent in the character of
their trade. No doubt there was always some cross-country trade
between the Colville and Okanagon through the Sanpoil country, so
that eastern, western, northern, and southern objects would be
exchanged between these places. Some trade from the Columbia
River would also reach Colville more directly by way of the Spokan
tribe. It seems likely, however, that goods from Columbia River
were carried north from Okanagon, while objects of barter obtained
from the east were unimportant. In like manner it might be ex-
pected that the Colville traded more in eastern goods, less in those
from Columbia River. Thus possibly the most direct route for
eastern influences to reach the Shuswap would be from the Colville by
way of the Lake, and for southern influences from Okanagon River,
between the mouth and the falls, by way of the Lower and Upper
Okanagon.

It seems that the Shuswap came into touch with the Lake by two
main routes—by way of the Fire Valley and Caribou Lake to the
upper end of Lower Arrow Lake, and farther north to the Columbia
River at Revelstoke. Some people often traversed the river and the
lakes between these two points, fishing and hunting with the Lake
tribe. Occasionally some of their parties tarried several months on
these visits, especially some of those who came by way of Fire Valley.
Those who came to Revelstoke fished with the Lake tribe there. Some
of them returned the way they came, after the fishing season was over;
and others ascended the Columbia for hunting and trapping. Some
of the latter met other Shuswap parties who reached the Columbia
farther up, by way of Canoe River, and they frequently wintered at
points on the Columbia.

As all the Shuswap reaching the Columbia came from as far west
and north as Spellumcheen River, Shuswap Lake, and the Upper
North Thompson, they traversed a long distance through mostly
rough country, which would hamper any extensive trade develop-
ment in this direction. Even in later days horses could not be used on
those Shuswap trails, except by the southern, the Fire Valley, route.
The contact here between Lake and Shuswap was between the poorest
bands of both tribes. On the other hand, the head of Okanagon
Lake was close to large centers of population. The homes of the
Shuswap were only a little distance to the north, and the intervening

252 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

country was easily traversed. It seems, therefore, that the bulk of
the trade from the south must have come by the Okanagon route;
and, as this trade route was rather from the southern Columbia than
from the east, the Shuswap would be subjected to influences from
the southern Columbia, The Dalles, and southward, rather than
from the southeast and the plains. The Shuswap, being at the
northerly end of the trade routes from the south, would act as distrib-
uters, in the same way as the Okanagon and Colville farther south;
and, Kamloops being the nearest central point in their country, trade
would gravitate to that place. It thus seems likely that trade from
the south would reach the Thompson down Thompson River from
Kamloops rather than by the cross-country routes from Okanagon
to the head of Nicola River, and from Okanagon to the Thompson by
way of the Similkameen and Nicola. The Stuw?’x tribe would also
to some extent form a barrier to trade reaching the Thompson by
the last-named routes, owing to the hostility that existed between
them and the Okanagon immediately before the introduction of the
horse. Their culture points to Thompson rather than Okanagon
influence.

Following the introduction of the horse, trade conditions changed.
rather suddenly, and the old trade routes became of minor importance.
Trade now passed across country with the greatest ease. The new
main trade routes followed across the rolling, lightly timbered grassy
plateaus, and through the open valleys, in almost straight lines from
one place to another. A great cross-country trade sprang up be-
tween Okanagon and Colville. The latter place became of greatest
importance as a trading center for a large area of the Plateau country.
In fact, it became the great trade emporium of the interior Salishan
tribes. Trade from The Dalles and Columbia River going east, and a
great deal of that going north, came here by way of the Spokan and
Okanagon. The eastern trade from as far as the plains came here
by way of Pend d’Oreille River, and passed south, west, and north.
The old Lake route to the north, being impossible for horses, was
practically neglected. The great trade route to the north was now
across country from Colville to Okanagon River; thence it branched
off, about half of the volume of trade going up the Similkameen to
the Thompson, and the rest passing on to Okanagon Lake. The
volume of trade that passed north to the Shuswap and Thompson
became very great. The routes traversed were natural ones for horses,
through open, well-grassed country, without any physical barriers.
Goods were transported up Okanagon Valley by horses, although no
doubt some went by canoe, as before. From Okanagon Lake a
number of branch routes came into use, leading to the Thompson
and Shuswap. Trade to the latter tribe went on to the head of the
lake, as before. From there one route was to Spellumcheen River

TEIT) THE OKANAGON 253

and thence to Shuswap Lake. As already stated, this was probably
the most important route before the advent of the horse. A second
route led to Shuswap Lake by way of Salmon River. This route
was now more important than formerly. The third route, now
much the most important one, was across the Upper Salmon River,
by way of Grand Prairie, directly to Kamloops. <A branch of this
trail went from Grand Prairie to Douglas Lake and to the Nicola and
Thompson. A minor trail went from the west side of Okanagon
Lake, across a narrow piece of intervening plateau, to Nicola and
Thompson Rivers; and another one, from Penticton, at the foot of the
lake, joined the main Similkameen trail to the Nicola and Thompson.

Thus it seems that before the introduction of the horse the Shuswap
and Thompson tribes were exposed to less influence through trade
from the southeast and the plains and to more from the south and
Oregon country. As the old trade routes led more directly to the
Shuswap than to the Thompson, the former tribe would be more
influenced by whatever cultural influences followed them. After
the introduction of the horse, conditions were reversed; and these
tribes came under a considerably greater influence from the southeast,
which before long was further augmented by the great annual move-
ments of the more eastern of the Plateau tribes to the plains for
buffalo hunting. The trade routes which now came into vogue
led rather to the Thompson than to the Shuswap, and therefore the
former tribe now became subject to influences brought in by trade.

In early times some trade was carried on between the Lower Kutenai
and the Lake tribe. Parties of the former frequently came to the
mouth of Slocan River, and occasionally to the mouth of the Koote-
nai, to buy salmon. They left their canoes above Bonnington
Falls; and after living a couple of weeks with the Lake tribe, and
eating plenty of fresh salmon, they departed, carrying their fish
over the portage. Sometimes parties of the Lake tribe visited
the Kutenai on Kootenai Lake, occasionally going as far as Creston,
where they engaged with them in games and did a little trading.
Trade between the Lake tribe and the Kutenai was not increased
by the introduction of the horse, but rather the reverse was the case.

The chief articles obtained in trade from the Thompson appear to
have been dried salmon, salmon oil, salmon pemmican, coiled basketry,
dentalia, some stone celts, and the like. The principal goods ex-
changed for these were horses, dressed buffalo skins and robes, dressed
moose skin (rarely caribou skin), painted buffalo hide bags and par-
fléches and woven bags of the Nez Percé type.

As stated already, there was not much direct trade between the
Okanagon and Thompson befcre the days of the horse, and what
there was seems to have been confined chiefly to salmon pemmican
and dentalia, which were exchanged for Indian hemp and dressed

254 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

skins. The Okanagon traded the same commodities to the Shuswap
and to the Thompson. The Okanagon procured dentalia from the
Shuswap, and it is probable that before the introduction of the horse
most of these shells were obtained from them.

In July and August, when the route was open, Similkameen and
Okanagon sometimes crossed the Cascade Mountains and visited the
people of Hope on Lower Fraser River. After horses became com-
mon this trade became important and was followed annually. Large
packs of dried fish and oil, and in later days even salted salmon, were
transported over this trail.

They sold to the Lower Fraser people Indian-hemp bark and twine,
dried service berries, and dressed buckskin, in exchange for the best
kinds of dried salmon, salmon oil, dentalia, and other shells.

From the Columbia it seems that marine shells, bags of the Nez
Percé style, products from The Dalles country, some horses, salmon,
coiled basketry, and probably some stone implements and woven
robes, were procured in exchange for articles common to all the tribes,
such as Indian hemp, robes, clothes, dressed skins, etc.

Some horses and buffalo skin were procured from the Spokan chiefly
by the Sanpoil; but there was not much direct trade with this tribe,
although Sanpoil visited the Lower Spokan. The Sanpoil appear to
have done most of their trading with the Colville on the one hand
and the Okanagon on the other.

The Colville procured horses, painted bags and parfléches, buffalo
robes, etc., from the Kalispel, in exchange for dried salmon, and some
articles reaching them from the west and north, such as shells.

The Lower Kutenai sometimes traded painted bags, parfléches and
deer-skin robes to the Lake for dried salmon, and the Lake sold some
bark canoes to the Colville. They also sold some products obtained
at Colville to the Shuswap, receiving in return chiefly marmot robes
and dentalia.

It seems that slaves were procured chiefly from the Columbia tribe.
Tobacco and certain kinds of roots were trade articles to some
extent. Camas roots, for instance, were often sold to the Thompson,
and the latter sometimes sold one or two kinds of roots to the Okana-
gon. Red paint was sold by the Similkameen people to both the
Okanagon and Thompson, and parties of these tribes also came to
the Tulameen Forks or Vermilion to gather it themselves. Pipes and
pipestone of red, brown, green, mottled, yellowish, bluish, and gray
colors were interchanged. The bright-red catlinite came from the
east, chiefly through the Kalispel. Green soapstone came chiefly
from the Thompson. I learned nothing regarding early trading in
copper and iron. It would seem that these metals were not in use to
any great extent before the advent of the horse. Buffalo-skin tents
reached the Thompson. Small, flat, disk-shaped beads of shell and

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 2009

bone, used very much by the Thompson and all the tribes for neck-
laces, may have been made by some or possibly by all of the tribes,
but there is evidence that most of them came in trade from the
Columbia tribe and The Dalles. Robes of all kinds were valuable,
and were exchanged between all the tribes; as were the best kinds
of clothes, good weapons, and good tools.

Everything in use had more or less of a set value, which varied in
different parts of the country, according to the demand and supply of
the commodity.

Families in the same tribe and even the same band, and even
individuals who were comrades or next-door neighbors, often traded
among themselves. Indian hemp, Indian-hemp twine, and dressed
skins, chiefly deerskins, were staples, and although almost equally
common to all the tribes of the interior, were in demand constantly
because they were so much required for manufactures and clothing.
All commodities could be bought with them. The Coast Indians
never carried goods inland, as they did in Alaska and in the north,
where Athapascan tribes inhabited the interior.

The Okanagon and Colville appear to have been the chief traders
among the central tribes, both before and after the introduction of
the horse. The Okanagon traded from one end of their country to
the other, north and south, and the Sanpoil and Lake tribes did the
same east and west. The Colville did no carrying, or hardly any.
Their country was small and the surrounding tribes all came to
them. Before the introduction of the horse hardly any tribe went
beyond the borders of their own country for trading; but afterwards,
in times of peace, some parties of the chief trading tribes, such as the
Okanagon, for instance, went to the adjoining tribes, and sometimes
into the territory of other tribes beyond. The Okanagon occasionally
came to Lytton and Kamloops, and they have been known to go to
La Fontaine and Lillooet.

VII. WARFARE

WEAPONS OF OFFENSE AND DEFENSE.—The weapons of the central
tribes appear to have been almost the same as those of the Thompson.
Spears about 2 meters in length were common. Their points were of
flaked stone, bone, and antler. In shape, some were long and narrow,
and others somewhat leaf-shaped. War knives were of the same
shapes and materials as spearheads. After the arrival of the fur
traders iron took the place of other materials for spearheads and
knives, and long double-edged war knives were made like those of
the Thompson.!| Tomahawk clubs with stone and antler heads were
in use. In later days these were replaced by the trader’s tomahawks

la, p. 263, fig. 246.

256 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

of iron, including the pipe tomahawk. Bows and arrows have
already been mentioned.

A number of different types of war clubs were in use. The three
kinds with round stone heads used by all the Thompson were common.
One kind had arigid head with rawhide shrunk over it;? another kind
had a flexible head consisting of a stone enclosed in a bag of dressed
skin;* and the third kind consisted of a stone enclosed in rawhide,
with a short flexible handle of twisted rawhide or a loop of heavy
thong. Some of these appear to have been grooved, but most of
them were enclosed in hide. War clubs in a single piece were also
common. Some of these were of hard wood.* Shorter stone clubs,
probably of jade and serpentine, cf nearly the same shape ® as the
wooden ones, were used principally by the Okanagon. Possibly
most of them were obtained in trade from Wenatchi and Columbia.
Clubs made of a single piece of elk antler were common. Usually
the sharpened stub of a tine at the head formed a spike. The Simil-
kameen claim that his was the most common war club among them.
A crooked club of stone and wood, or entirely of either material, was
in use. It resembled somewhat the crooked war club of eastern
tribes, but had no ball or spike. This style may have been intro-
duced from the plains, but quite possibly it may have been modeled
after some of the elk-antler clubs which were of this shape naturally.
The crooked club with ball and spike was introduced in later days by
the fur traders. Straight wooden clubs set with from one to eight
spikes of stone or antler were also in use. Iron clubs came into use
after the traders came. They were shaped somewhat like a machete.
I did not learn the exact distribution of the various kinds of clubs
among the four tribes, but it seems that all kinds were more or less used
everywhere. A club with elongated head of rounded stone ® may
have been introduced from the plains. A club with elongated head
of flat stone was indigenous.

Cuirasses of rods of wood and of slats of wood were in use among
the Okanagon and Sanpoil, and some of heavy hide were also em-
ployed. Some of the latter were low, and only encircled the waist.
Tunics of thick elk hide were worn by a few men. I did not hear of
helmets of any kind, nor of long hide shields.’ Small shields were
universal. Most of them were made of thick hide sewed to a wooden
hoop. From one to three thicknesses of hide were used. Some of
those of a single piece of hide were rendered arrow proof by a thick
coat of glue and sand on one side. Some shields had no hoops. One
kind was exactly like the shields. used on the plains. All the hide

2a, p. 264, fig. 247. 6 Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, p. 313.
3 See Thompson, a, p. 264, fig. 248. 7 See Thompson, a p. 266, fig. 255.
4 See Thompson, a, 265, fig. 251. 8 Field Museum, 111941.

5 See Yakima, 2, figs. 62, 63.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON DAV

shields were circular or nearly circular. A few oval-shaped shields
of slats of wood were used.°

Breastworks were used in warfare. Some were made of loose stones
and earth. They were made in lines in several ways, according to
the position to be defended. Some were in tiers, some in straight
lines, others were semicircular, and a few entirely circular. I did not
obtain any detailed information regarding stockades and fortified
houses.

Wars. Wars between the Stuwi’x, Thompson, Okanagon, and
Shuswap.—Long ago the Stuw?’x (the Athapascan Nicola-Similka-
meen tribe) had frequent wars with the Thompson. This was at a
time before the latter had intermarried much with them. The
Lytton band of the Thompson were the people who attacked the
Stuwi’x most frequently. The Shuswap and Okanagon also attacked
them. The latter drove them away from near the mouth of Similka-
meen River, and occupied their territory there; and the same may
have been done by the Thompson near the mouth of the Nicola River.
The Thompson ceased to attack the Stuwi?’r after they had inter-
married considerably with them, as they were afraid of killing their
own kin, or, as they say, of ‘‘spilling their own blood.”’ The Okana-
gon, for the same reason and also because they made fast friends
with the Thompson and became their allies, also ceased to attack
the Stuw?’x. During all of the past century at least, the Thompson,
Stuwi’z, and Okanagon never fought one another. The Thompson
became friendly with the Stuwi’r first. The Shuswap, however,
continued to attack them throughout the first half of the past
century, and sometimes also attacked imdividuals and parties of
Thompson and Okanagon who happened to be camping with the
Stuwi’x. Most of the Shuswap war parties came from Savona and
Kamloops. In some raids they were successful, while in others they
were defeated and most of them killed. In some fights, Thompson
and Okanagon helped the Stuw7?’z. In all these wars the other tribes
were the aggressors; for the Stuwi’xr acted only on the defensive, and
never sent any parties into the territories of their enemies.

When hunting in the Cascades, Similkameen parties often met
Lower Thompson in the country back of Hope and Chilliwack, but
they were always friendly. They never met Coast Indians, nor
Klickitat, in the Cascades. The former never hunted far back in
_ the mountains, and the latter did not go so far north. They say
that Thompson hunting and war parties sometimes went a long way
south along the Cascades, but the Similkameen people did not go far.

I did not hear of wars of any Okanagon tribes against Columbia,
Wenatchi, Spokan, Kalispel, and other southern and eastern Salish
tribes. Long ago, about 1700, the Shuswap had wars with the

® Field Museum, 111942.

258 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (UTH. ANN. 45

Okanagon. Once a large Shuswap war party from Savona and neigh-
borhood was defeated at Namta’ stan (“place of ambush’’) and nearly
all of them were killed. Another Shuswap war party had many men
killed by falling over a cliff below Penticton. It seems that this war
party came over the plateau to the bluffs above the valley, which
they reached in the evening. Here they halted to observe some
camps in the valley below. They were noticed by some Okanagon
scouts, and in the night time were surrounded by a strong party of
Okanagon, who shortly before daybreak attacked them suddenly.
Many of the Shuswap, not knowing the locality, fell over the prec-
ipice in the dark. Some others escaped to isolated rocks, where
their retreat was cut off by the steep cliffs, and they were shot there
after daylight. A number of others escaped through the Okanagon
in the dark, and reached home. Their war chief was killed.

Wars with Kutenai.—The Lake say that they had no wars with the
Shuswap, nor with any other tribe except the Kutenai. With the
Lower Kutenai they had some small fights and one great war. It is
not remembered exactly how it started; but the Kutenai tried to
drive the Lake away from Lower Kootenai River, and to take posses-
sion of the salmon fisheries at the mouth of Slocan River. A number
of fights occurred, with advantage sometimes to one side, sometimes
to the other. At last the Lake held a council, and said, ‘‘We better
all all the Kutenai, and then there will be no more trouble.’’ At this
time the Lake tribe was very numerous, and men came from all parts
of the tribe. A large expedition went up Kootenai Lake and attacked
the Lower Kutenai of Creston. They killed a great many people, and
after that the Kutenai ceased to attack them. In some expeditions
Shuswap helped the Lake against the Kutenai. The Lake say that
sometimes independent war parties of Shuswap appeared in the
Lake country on their way to attack the Kutenai. The Lake tribe
sometimes gave them assistance in crossing the Columbia. It seems
that there has been no war between the Lake and the Kutenai since
about the beginning of the past century.

Wars with the Nez Percé and Yakima.—The Sanpoil say that
according to traditions the Sanpoil and Nespelim led very peaceful
lives, sometimes for decades at a time, neither attacking nor being
attacked, although meanwhile they heard of many wars among other
tribes. Their chiefs always favored peace, although all bands had
war chiefs and a certain number of trained warriors. Once, some-
time in the latter part of the eighteenth century, or at least previous
to the coming of the white traders, a large war party of Nez Percé
attacked the main camp of the Sanpoil, at a time when most of the
able-bodied men were away on a hunting expedition in the mountains.
Nearly 200 women, children, and old people were killed. The Sanpoil
asked the assistance of the Okanagon and Colville to revenge the

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 259

massacre; and two years afterwards the warriors of the three tribes
had congregated in the Sanpoil country, preparatory to starting on
the great war expedition, when a large war party of Nez Percé and
Yakima appeared. Having had such an easy victory before, and
two years having passed without any reprisals by the Sanpoil, they
thought the latter were easy marks. The Yakima, probably including
Paloos, had heard of the easy victory of the Nez Pereé, and a number
of them had joined the Nez Percé to have a share in the next victory.
The Sanpoil and their allies hid their strength from the enemy, and
let them attack. In the battle which followed the Sanpoil and their
allies completely routed the enemy and chased them for many miles.
All the enemy were killed except four men, who managed to escape.
After this severe defeat the Nez Percé and the Yakima never attacked
the Sanpoil again.

Wars with the whites—The Okanagon tribes remained neutral
during the Spokan and Yakima wars against the whites, except a few
men, chiefly Okanagon (and Sanpoil?), who individually joined the
Spokan and Coeur d’Aléne. Some of the overland parties of whites
who proceeded from California and Oregon to the Fraser River gold-
diggings in 1858-1860, when passing through the Okanagon country,
were attacked and harassed by the natives, who opposed their passage
at some points by erecting breastworks and shooting from them,
setting fire to the grass, stampeding horses, picking off stragglers, and
even attacking camps. In one instance a large white party was driven
to the river and forced to cross. A number of whites were killed in
these skirmishes. About 1875, owing to strong feeling engendered
by the failure of the Government to provide reservations and make
treaty with the Indians, the Okanagon and Shuswap tribes made a
compact to attack the whites and drive them out of their territories.
This was frustrated by the strong influence of Chief Tcelahitsa of the
Douglas Lake band.

Frups.—Feuds between families occurred, although it is said not
as frequently as among the Thompson. They were sometimes
settled by intervention of chiefs and leading men, who acted as arbi-
trators. Often blood money had to be paid. Michel Revais told
me the following regarding a feud among the Nicola Okanagon:

Chief Nicolas,'° who lived at Douglas Lake and the head of
Okanagon Lake, was considered head chief of the Okanagon on the
Canadian side of the line. He had a son called Kesaskai’lrz, a tall,
very fine-looking man, and a daughter Marie,"’ who married William
Peone, near Colville. She was tall and good-looking, like her
brother, and had tattoo marks at the corners of her mouth. Hazsaskai’-

10 See Genealogy of Douglas Lake Chiefs, p. 267 (4.9).
1 According to the genealogy, the woman was the second wife of Peone, and no relative of KEsaskai‘/lEr.
Peone’s first wife was a sister of Kvsaskai/lzz.

260 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

lex killed his wife and her paramour near Douglas Lake, and then
took refuge on the American side with his sister Marie and her hus-
band. Much ill feeling was caused among the Indians of the band,
who took sides in the matter. The relatives of the people killed were
warlike and of a revengeful disposition. They threatened to kill
members of the chief’s family, and it seemed likely that much blood
would flow if the affair were not settled quickly. Chief Nicolas called
the people together and considered the case. He then paid for his
son’s deed “blood money” consisting of a lot of horses, some cattle,
and a number of robes, and settled the case. Some time after this,
in 1862, Michel Revais, Peone, and two or three others came through
from Fort Colville with a drove of cattle. Kzsaskai’lzx jomed them.
When they reached the open ground near where Chief Nicolas and
many of his people were camped at Douglas Lake, Kzsaskai’lex
withdrew to a clump of trees with his gun and two pistols, saying that
he would remain there and fight, as he expected to be attacked. The
others went on, and entered the chief’s lodge. Nicolas asked for his
son, and they told him where he was. He said, “Bring himin! He
need not be afraid. I have paid his debt in full measure, and no one
will harm him now.”’ Kesaskai’lex then came in to his father’s lodge.
About 1860 Nicolas was an old man. He owned a great many horses
and a number of cattle at that time. A few small plots of land were
also cultivated by him and his people.

VIII. GAMES AND PASTIMES

I did not learn much about games. The dice game, played by
women with marked teeth of beaver and marmot, was common. It
seems to have been played in the same, way as among the Thompson,
and the marks on the dice were the same, or nearly the same.' The
guessing-stick game of the Thompson was in vogue at least among
the Similkameen and Okanagon.? The ring-and-lance game was a
favorite among all the tribes.2 The ring-and-dart game * and the
pin-and-ball game were in vogue among all of them, and seem to
have differed little, if any, from the same games among the Thomp-
son. lLehal, or the hand game, was universal, and played by both
sexes. Ball games were played by both sexes. They appear to have
been similar to those of the Thompson.> Several arrow games were
played, including one of shooting arrows at a rolling ring of grass.
It seems a ring with meshes was also used in one game, which may
have been similar to a game among the Coeur d’Aléne.® Cat’s
cradles were common to all the tribes. Foot racing, and in later
days horse racing, were much in vogue. A famous rendezvous of

la, p. 272, fig. 256. 34, p. 274. 5 a, pp. 277, 278.
24, pp. 272, 273. 4a, pp. 274, 275. 6 See p. 133.

TEIT} THE OKANAGON 261

the Upper Okanagon for athletic sports, racing, shooting, and other
games was at a place a little below Penticton. Parties of Thompson
and Shuswap and others from the south went there to compete.

IX. SIGN LANGUAGE

A sign language was in use, but little is now remembered of it.
Some of it is still employed as an adjunct to speech and in giving
signals when hunting. The signs are said to have been similar to
those formerly used by the Thompson and Shuswap. Probably it
was not as well developed or perfected as the sign language which in
later days came in from the east. Many of the Sanpoil and Colville
became adepts in the use of the later sign language, and it is still
employed to some extent by them in talking with strangers. Some
of the signs in both types were the same or only slightly different;
others were quite distinct. After the coming of the fur traders the
Indians learned more or less French, especially those living near the
trading posts. The Colville especially learned to speak a great deal
of French. It seems that Chinook jargon did not come into use
until about 1840, being introduced first by employees of the fur
companies who had lived on the lower Columbia.

X. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

OrGANIZATION.—The social organization of the tribes was practi-
cally the same as that found among the Upper Thompson and eastern
Shuswap. There was no hereditary nobility;* and there were no
clans, phratries, or societies that I could learn of. It seems that
long ago animals and birds were imitated in dances (other than in
the guardian spirit dance), but the dancers did not belong to any
societies or groups. The person who introduced and led the dance
had generally received it or the inspiration of the dance in a dream
or vision, and other Indians joined in helping him. No society was
formed to control the dance and the song belonging to it.

Each tribe was divided into bands, which consisted of varying
numbers of loosely connected families, who made their headquarters
i a certain district and under a single chief. Some families, how-
ever, would winter with one band and summer with another. It
seems that long ago the number of bands, and therefore also the
number of chiefs, was less than lately. The area controlled by
each band and the population of each were, on the other hand, greater
and some bands had several villages or camps all under one chief
who lived at the main village.

Cuters.—Later on, it would seem, people of some of the minor
villages began to consider themselves as distinct bands, with chiefs

aT presume this means that, although there were hereditary chiefs, their families did not form a nobil-
ity, that the prestige was connected with the chieftaincy alone.—F. B.

262 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

of their own. Often these chiefs were not of chiefs’ descent. For
instance, it is said that in the early part of the past century there were
only three or four real chiefs in the Nicola-Similkameen country—
Nicolas, at Douglas Lake, Upper Nicola (he had Spokan, Okanagon,
and some Stuwi’x blood '); Sorkokwa’s (Sun’’), in the central part of
Nicola Valley (he was half Stwwi’r and half Thompson); and Martinus?
(also of mixed descent), in Similkameen. Later Nawi’sesqen (“raised
high head” or “able to be high head”’) became recognized chief in
the central part of Nicola. He was pure Thompson, and leader of the
Thompson people who settled in the Nicola Valley. At his death he
owned about 1,000 head of horses. Some say that at the same time
Skeu’s was chief of the Upper Similkameen. At the present day and
for some time past there have been three chiefs in Similkameen, one
at Douglas Lake besides the head chief, and five in Nicola Valley.
Of these, at least six are of almost pure Thompson blood. It seems
that during the last 35 years the church and the Indian Department
have fostered the tendency, if in many cases they have not actually
created it, to recognize as chief a leading man of each little community.

There were two classes of chiefs—hereditary chiefs of bands, and
others who became chiefs through their ability. The latter might
become recognized chiefs through prowess in war; by accumulation
of wealth and distributing it in feasts, as presents to their own people
and in entertainment of strangers; through wisdom in council, espe-
cially if combined with a gift for oratory. Chieftainship of the second
class was not hereditary.

All war parties and hunting parties had temporary chiefs, as among
the Thompson, and most bands had regular war chiefs. Besides the
war chief, almost all the larger war parties had a war shaman, who
was supposed to advise as to the disposition of the enemy, to help
secure victory and prevent surprise or defeat. Large hunting parties
often took with them a shaman or a man who had special power over
the game to be hunted. These men were believed to have the power
of placating the animals, drawing them to the hunters, making .
them tame, telling the whereabouts of game, and, if shamans, pre-
venting the bewitching of the party or of the game by other people.
Some of these men and shamans were also believed to have power
over the weather.

There were also dance chiefs, whose office was more or less tempo-
rary; but it seems that the chiefs of the religious dances were perma-
nent. They were leaders in public praying at the dances. The
hereditary chiefs of bands were looked upon as fathers of the people,
and gave advice on all internal matters of the band. They exhorted
the people to good conduct, and announced news personally or through
criers. To some extent they regulated the seasonal pursuits of the

1 See ‘‘ Genealogy of the Douglas Lake Chiefs,’’ p. 267 (4.9).
2 Nicolas and Martinus were names said to have been given them by the first fur traders.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 263

people. They looked after the maturing of the berries, personally or
by deputy, in their respective districts. They kept time by notching
sticks, and occasionally made records of notable events. They were
often referred to, in case of dispute, regarding dates, the name of the
month, ete. They gave decisions and admonitions in petty disputes
and quarrels, and sometimes, when asked to arbitrate, they settled
feuds between families. They had little power to enforce any decrees.
This was done by public opinion. Some of them had messengers or
helpers, who acted generally in a persuasive way as peace officers.

There were no female chiefs. Children of all kinds of chiefs, both
male and female, had a certain prominence because of their ancestry
and training; and strangers generally preferred to camp with them
rather than with people less known, where they might not be as safe
nor as well entertained.

There were no permanent councils. A chief or prominent man might
call for a council of the chiefs or of the people at any time, if he had
important news. As a rule, the band chief called the councils in his
band. The councils and meetings were generally open, and all people
had a right to attend and speak, if they wished. Announcements of
councils were generally made by criers, of whom there was one or
more in each band. Dances were also often announced by the public
crier, but sometimes the drummers simply went to the dance place and
began to sing, and then people knew there would be a dance.

It seems that there was one recognized head chief of all the tribes,
except possibly the Lake. Although this tribe were canoe people, some
families were nomadic. It appears that their bands averaged less
people than those of the other tribes. After part of the Okanagon
territory had come under American jurisdiction and the other part
under Canadian, there were two head chiefs of the tribe—one on
each side of the line.

It was considered the duty of all chiefs, particularly of peace chiefs,
to be hospitable, help the poor, show a good example, and give small
feasts or presents to the people from time to time.

GENEALOGY OF THE OKANAGON CHIEFS

The following genealogy was collected by Mr. Teit from Chief
Alexander Chelahitsa and several other Indian informants. Only
the important chiefs’ families have been followed out in detail and
the genealogy does not contain all the individuals who are known to
be descendants of the first Pelkamia’léx. The genealogy embraces
six generations and a few individuals of the seventh generation.

1.1. Pelkama’léx (Pilzkemi’laux), ‘“Rolls-over-the-Earth,” a chief
of the Senromi’nux or senxomé’nic, “‘salmon people”; Upper Spokan;
the principal branch of the Spokan. Married presumably a Spokan
woman. He was born presumably between 1675 and 1680.

264 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

2.1. Prlkamia’léx, a chief in the same tribe.. He was born presum-
ably between 1705 and 1710. For some reason he left his own tribe
and lived chiefly among the Sanpoil, Okanagon, and Shuswap. He
had other children besides the four sons here mentioned. Since they
were not prominent their names have been forgotten. He died at an
advanced age at Sati’lx” ““‘heaped-up stone house,’’ an ancient Okana-
gon stronghold near the junction of the Similkameen and Okanagon
Rivers. It is said that when he was young he went several times on
buffalo hunting expeditions to the plains. During his lifetime there
was a period of severe warfare in the Okanagon region. The Indians
believe that at this time the Stuwi’x were driven out of the lower
Similkameen region. He married first a Spokan woman (2.1 a);
second, a Shuswap woman at Kamloops (2.1 6); third, a Sanpoil
woman (2.1 ¢); fourth, an Okanagon woman, daughter of the chief at
Satilx” (2.1 d).

3.1. A son of 2.1 and 2.1a, whose name is not remembered, married
a Spokan woman. The order of the four children of 3.1 is uncertain.
According to some the daughter was the eldest; according to others,
the youngest child. The three sons all married and left descendants
among the Spokan. He became chief of the Sznxomé’nic and was the
ancestor of several Lower and Upper Spokan, including Nhwistpo’
(Walking-Outside) and his brother Koti’tzko’ (Big-Star) or Nkeaskwév’log,
commonly known as Oliver Lot, late chief of the Lower Spokan on the
Spokane Reservation.

3.2. Kwolt’la, chief of the Kamloops Band of the Shuswap; married
a Kamloops woman (3.2 a). He was known also as Toké’n (possibly
a corruption of Duncan as he was called by the traders). He had
more children than those mentioned here. His half-niece (4.8) was
adopted by him. (See under 3.4.)

It is said that the Kamloops chief preceding Awoli’la was Talzxa’n
who was killed on a war expedition in which the Sekanai were driven
out of the upper North Thompson and Yellowhead districts. He
was also engaged in wars with the Cree and is said to have been
wounded in a fight with them.? The Kamloops chieftaincy did not
descend in Kwoli’la’s family. His successor was KAwi’mtsren (a
name also used by the Thompson), who was not related to Kwoli’la.
His successor was Jean Baptiste Lolo, commonly known as St. Paul.
About 1864 he was succeeded by Louis Xlerale’xk en, not a relative of
St. Paul, who held the chieftaincy until his death in 1915 at the age of
87 years. The present chief is a young man, Elie La Rue, chosen
by Chief Louis before his death, and confirmed by election by the
tribe. Some informants say that Awoli’la was succeeded by Telaka’n
or Stakdn (male grizzly bear), whence the Indian surname Logan.

3 e, pp. 546-554; and Franz Boas, Report on Norwestern Tribes of Canada, British Asso. Adv. of Sci-
ence, 1890, pp. 86, 87 (reprint). :

TEIT) THE OKANAGON 265

Baptiste Logan, a chief at the head of Okanagon Lake, lately deposed
by the agent, is a grandson of this man. The same informant claims
that a chief named Patsa preceded Louis as chief.

3.3. Sixwi’lerken, chief of the Sanpoil. He married a Sanpoil
woman. He had more children than those mentioned here. It is
said that most of the later Sanpoil and Nespelim chiefs are his de-
scendants.

3.4. Pelkami’léx, head chief of the Okanagon. He married first,
an Okanagon woman from Nkama’peleks (3.4a), at the head of
Okanagon Lake; and second, a Stuwi’r woman from Similkameen,
perhaps partly of Thompson descent. The order of birth of his
children is uncertain.

Prlkami'léx became a noted chief and was known far and wide.
During his early life he was much engaged in war. These wars com-
menced in his father’s time or before and continued for many years—
many Okanagon as well as people of other tribes being killed. Sati’
where he made his headquarters was considered the chief seat of the
Okanagon tribe (or at least of the northern division). The old name
of the place is said to have been Okana’qen. Pelkami'léx built a
fort here of stone and afterwards the place became generally known
as Sali’lx”, “heaped-up (stone) house,” with reference to the fortifi-
cations of stone. It is said there was also a cave near there, the ap-
proach to which was defended with breastworks of stones. In case
of necessity the people took refuge in it, and from there no party could
approach, except under cover of night, without being observed.
This place is said to have been impregnable and war parties of Thomp-
son, Shuswap, Kutenai, and others who assaulted it were easily beaten
off. wolt’la (3.2), the Kamloops chief, had heard of the many attacks
by enemy war parties on Pzlkamu'léx and determined to go and see
him. His people tried to dissuade him, telling him it was very
dangerous for any one to visit him, for his people had been attacked
so often that they trusted no one and attacked all strangers on sight
who approached their place. Seeing that Awoli’la was determined
to go, the Shuswap and the people of Nkama’peleks, who at that
time were a mixture of Shuswap and Okanagon, offered to accompany
him in an armed body, but he refused their offer, saying he would go
alone. As he was leaving, his people told him, ‘‘Pzlkamia'léx’s
people will kill you before they know who you are, and eyen if they
know, they may kill you.” Kwoli’la answered, ‘‘I am Pelkami'léx’s
brother, and will go and see him alone.’’ Arriving on the open
ground before Pzlkami’léx’s house, the people ran out to meet him
in battle array. Pzlkama’léx recognized him and was glad to see
him. He took him to his house and kept him as his guest for a long
time. Kwoli’la advised Pelkami'léx to forsake Sati’le” and go

41383°—30——18

266 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

north with him. He told him, ‘Saét’lz” is a bad place to live in.
You will always have trouble as long as you stay there.” Paulkamia’lox
was persuaded. It was early summer, and he and his people traveled
north with the KAwolz’la to Komkena’tko, “headwaters,” now called
Fish Lake, in the Nicola country. This place was at that time in
Shuswap territory, for the Shuswap claimed the country south of
Kamloops around the head of the Nicola River. Stump Lake,
Douglas Lake, Fish Lake, and Chaperon Lake were all in Shuswap
country. This country at that time was full of elk and deer, and
there were also many sheep, bear, and other game. Prairie chicken,
grouse of all kinds, and water fowl were plentiful, and the lakes
teemed with fish. Here at Fish Lake Awolt’la made a lasting agree-
ment with Pelkami’léx, giving him the perpetual use over all the
Shuswap territory of the upper Nicola Valley, south, east, and west
of Chaperon Lake, comprising Douglas Lake and Fish Lake. The
Stuwv’cemux” and Ntltakya’pdmux held the country west and south
around Nicola Lake and Minnie Lake to the Similkameen. Awoli’la
said, ‘You will have the country for yourself and your people as your
own. I will live as your neighbor at Tozroroi’tcen (Chaperon Lake)
and will retain all the country from there north. You will make
Fish Lake your headquarters in the summer and I will summer at
Chaperon Lake so that we may be close neighbors part of each year.
You will give me your daughter, Kokoimdlks (4.8), to be my foster
child and she will always live with me, but your son (4.9) you will
keep with yourself.” Pzlkamia’léx had only two children at this time,
both of them very young. After this Pzlkami’léx and most of his
people spent their summers in their new country with headquarters
around Fish Lake and Douglas Lake, and in the wintertime lived at
Nkama’peleks. Henceforth Sati’lz” was deserted of permanent in-
habitants and was no longer the main village of the Okanagon.
Those people who did not go with Pzelkamia’léx moved north to dif-
ferent parts of the Okanagon Lake country and especially to the head
of the lake around Nkama’peleks. The latter place became an im-
portant Okanagon center. Not many years after this, owing to its
fine grazing, many of the people of the old Sati’lz” band, and others
of the Nkama’peleks band, who were now much mixed with them,
began to winter around Douglas Lake and Fish Lake, forming as it
were a new band. However, even up to the present day they look
upon themselves as merely an offshoot of the Nkama’pzleks and
Okanagon people and as really one with them. Each year when
Puelkami'lox left for his winter quarters at Nkama’peleks, Kwoli'la
at the same time left to winter at Kamloops. Being head chief of
the Okanagon, Pzelkami’léx often traveled to all the bands of the
tribe, visiting first here and then there. He also traveled extensively
among the neighboring tribes, visiting the Stuw?’x, Upper Thompson,

TEIT) THE OKANAGON 267

Shuswap of Kamloops, and it is said, the Wenatchi, Columbia,
Sanpoil, Spokan, and Kalispel. He went a number of times buffalo
hunting to the piains, by way of the Flathead country, and was
therefore well acquainted with chiefs and people of all the tribes to
the south and east as far as the Coeur d’Aléne, Nez Pereé, Walla-
walla, Yakima, Kutenai, Shoshoni, and Blackfoot. On his last trip
to the plains his party met near Helena, Mont., the first white men
they had seen (viz, Legace and MacDonald, explorers and trappers
of the Northwest Co.). On the return trip these men accompanied
the party as far west as the Columbia River, where they wintered
with the Colville chief. After this Pelkama’lox traveled around in
his own country “and within the borders of the neighboring tribes,
telling of the wonderful men he had seen on his recent trip. Awoli’la
invited him to Kamloops to tell of the event. He accompanied the
Shuswap to their salmon-fishing and trading rendezvous at Pavilion
and Fountain, on Fraser River. Here he was mortally wounded by
an arrow, 10 an altercation with a Lillooet chief. When dying he
charged Kwoli’la with the guardianship of his son, Hwistesmexe’qrn
(4.9), and asked him to see that he avenged his death. (For full
particulars of this part of the history of Pzlkami'léx, see Dawson,
“The Shuswap People,” pp. 26, 27; and Wade, “The Thompson
Country,” pp. 13-15.)

4.1. Ali’, married Donald McLean (4.1@), in charge of the Hudson
Bay Co. post at Kamloops; born 1801, killed in the Chilcotin war 1864.
(See Father A. G. Morice, History of Northern British Columbia, pp.
264-270, 279, 307-313.) He had a second wife who was half Shuswap.
With her he had three sons, Alan, Charles, and Archibald, who along
with Alexander Hare (whose mother was Lower Thompson from
Boston Bar), were hanged in 1881 for the murder of whites in the
Kamloops district. By a third wife, partly Carrier, he had several
children, John and others.

4.2. Skwa’lkwel

4.3. Termda’wia (Left descendants among the Spokan.

4.4. Nekeeskwa’

4.5. Tak.té’sqet (rain cloud, or descending cloud?), married a Shus-
wap woman (4.5a), died at Kamloops, very old. He had other children
besides those noted here.

4.6. Tahwi'lkenem, married.

4.7. Yenamusi’tsa, “surrounded robe.” He had other children
besides the one recorded here.

4.8. Kokoimalks or Koimda’lks, married. She was adopted by
Kwoti'la (3.2).

4.9. Nicolas Hwistesmetxré’qen, “Walking Grizzly Bear’ born 1780—
1785, died about 1865. This name is said to be of Spokan origin and
was inherited. The name Nicolas was given to him by the traders.

268 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (ETH. ANN. 45

The Indians pronounced it, Nkwala’. He married 15 wives (according
to other informants 17) from the Okanagon, Sanpoil, Colville, Spokan,
Shuswap, Stwwi’x, Thompson, and perhaps others. His children
who grew up numbered about 50 and many of their descendants are
now living on the Colville, Spokane, and Coeur d’Aléne Reservations
as well as in southern British Columbia among the Okanagon, Shuswap,
and Thompson. One of his daughters, Mary Sukomé’lks (5.7), married
one of the Peones (Pion *) in the Colville or Spokane country. One
of his sons, Keszka’lux (Kesaskai'lex) (5.8), “Bad Man,” was well
known. I did not try to get a list of Chief Nicolas’s wives and chil-
dren as the head chieftainship did not descend to them, but instead
to his adopted son and nephew Tszlazi’tsa (5.10), the son of his sister
Sapxenda’'lks (4.11). Charles Tcere’pqen, a Spokan from the Coeur
d’Aléne Reservation and a descendant of Chief Nicolas, visited his
friends at Kamloops, Nicola, and Spences Bridge in 1912.

This man became even a more famous chief than his father and the
Nicola Valley, Nicola River, and Nicola Lake are named after him.
The fur traders called the region of the upper Nicola, ‘‘ Nicolas’s
country,” and the river which flowed through it ‘‘Nicolas’s River.”
Later the lake and valley were given the names from the river.
Nicolas was given his name Nicolas by the French Canadian traders
who conducted the temporary trading post at the head of Okanagon
Lake. When a young man, Nicolas was placed in charge of this post
by the trader, who had to leave for a winter. On his return the
trader found everthing at the post in good order and many valuable
skins collected by Nicolas. In reward he gave the latter a present of
10 guns with plenty of ammunition. About this time the Kamloops
chief, Kwolz’la, visited him and reminded him of his duty to avenge
the death of his father. Nicolas at once prepared himself for the
warpath and sent invitations to the neighboring tribes to join him
in his war expedition against the Lillooet. It is said about 500
warriors of the Okanagon, Upper Thompson, Stuwi’r, and Shuswap
assisted Nicolas in this expedition, which swept through most of the
Lillooet country. They killed about 300 or 400 Lillooet and took
many young women and children captive. On this expedition some
of the Lower Lillooet are said to have seen the first horse and heard
the first gun—a number of the war party being armed with guns
and some of them being mounted on horses. Most of the Lillooet,
however, had seen horses on Fraser River long before this date and
some of the upper division may have owned horses. Guns, however,
were still unknown among them at this time. Both before and after
this war expedition the hundreds of warriors made several elk drives
in the upper Nicola country on a grand scale, driving great numbers

4'The Peones are descended from a French Canadian Péon (?) who was in the service of the North-
west Co. Peone Prairie in the Spokan country, is named after one of them.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 269

of these animals into inclosures and over cliffs, thus hastening the
extermination of elk in that country. (For fuller particulars of this
war expedition see McKay in Dawson, ‘‘The Shuswap people,”
pp. 27, 28; Wade, “‘The Thompson country,” pp. 16-19; Teit, “‘The
Lillooet Indians,” p. 246.)

Chief Nicolas, it is said, was quite as widely known as his father
and made several trips to the plains buffalo hunting. According to
some, on one of these trips he had a fight with the Blackfoot in which
the latter were defeated. He was also the chief who came down to
Nicola Lake and buried the Thompson and Stuw7’r victims of the
Shuswap raid at Guichon. (For a mention of this see Smith,
“Archaeology of the Thompson River Region,” p. 432.) An inter-
esting account of Chief Nicolas’s scheme to outwit Tod (who was in
charge of the Hudson’s Bay post at Kamloops) and take the trading
post (about 1846) is mentioned in Bancroft’s History of British
Columbia and a fuller account is given by Wade. (‘‘The Thompson
Country,” pp. 63-66.) The fur traders recognized Nicolas as the
most powerful and influential chief in the interior of British Columbia.
He was noted for his sagacity, prudence, honesty, and fair dealing,
and was rather a peacemaker than a fighting man. He was greatly
respected by the Indians and his word was law among his own people
and even among the neighboring tribes. He overshadowed all the
other chiefs of his time in power and influence. Like other head
chiefs, he usually had a bodyguard of young warriors who did his
bidding and accompanied him on all important trips and visits to
neighboring chiefs. During his lifetime the Okanagon and neighbor-
ing tribes became acquainted with the white man; first with the fur
traders in the very early years of the last century, and then about 50
years later (about 1856-1864) with the first gold miners and settlers.
On the advent of the iatter, Nicolas used his great influence for their
protection and in preventing the Indians making war on them.
During the Fraser River trouble between the Thompson and whites
(1858-59) he advocated peace although preparing for war, and had
the affair not been settled when it was, he might have joined the
Thompson against the miners. Although repeatedly asked to join
in the Spokan war against the whites, he refused to embroil his people,
claiming that he was with King George and the Queen. He was an
ally of the latter and wore the medals the Queen and King had pre-
sented to him. Having his territory controlled by the Queen, he
expected to be dealt fairly with, for the Queen and her subjects, the
fur traders, had always been fair with the Indians. He was sorry
that the country of the Spokan had come under the control of the
Americans. It seems this attitude of Nicolas and the fact that the
southern part of the Okanagon country became American territory
and the northern part Canadian (the international boundary passing

270 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

through it a little south of the middle) brought it about that the
American Okanagon, after Nicolas’s death, recognized a different
head chief. According to some his name was Ténd'sqet. He was
not of chief’s descent and, it is said, secured his reputation through
war and horse raiding. Chief Nicolas was also noted as a very
wealthy man. He had numbers of fine robes and other wealth, large
bands of horses, and before 1858 or 1860, had a good many cattle,
the first of which he had obtained some years before from Indians
and whites or half-breeds in the Colville and Spokan countries. He
also cultivated some patches of corn, potatoes, and probably tobacco
before 1860. He obtained the seed from traders at Kamloops or from
traders and others in the south. Nicolas died at Grand Prairie about
1865, in the fall of the year. His body was taken to Kamloops by a
great cortege of Indians and temporarily buried near the Hudson Bay
fort. During the winter a large number of Indians remained with the
body, and either the traders or the Indians or both kept a guard of
honor over it in military style during the winter. Jn the spring it was
exhumed and carried on horses to Nkama’pelzeks, where it was finally
buried. Chief Nicolas generally (or at least very often) wintered at
Nkama'peleks, as his father Pelkami’léx had done, and he considered —
this place his real winter quarters.

An Okanagon informant gave me the following names as those
of leading chiefs in various tribes about 1850, or in the latter days of
Chief Nicolas. Adam, at Shuswap Lake, leading chief of the “real
Shuswap”; William, at Williams Lake, and Lo’rszm, at Soda Creek,
leading chiefs of the Northern or Fraser River at Shuswap; Cex-
pée'ntlem, at Lytton, head chief of the Thompson; Pda’lak, at Spuzzum,
leading chief of the Lower Thompson; Kirkwa’ or Kursawi'lex, “be-
come bad,” at Fort Shepherd, leading chief of the Lake; Yéelemez-
sti’lnx, at Kettle Falls, leading chief of the Colville. Gregor Yokum-
tiken was chief of the Nkamip band of the Okanagon when they
talked with Commissioner Sproat.

One informant told me the following about Tona’sqzt.

“Tond’sqet was not a chief nor descended from any chiefs. He
first became prominent in the following manner. In 1858 some of
the Okanagon were fighting the whites who came overland with pack
trains and horses via the Okanagon route to the newly discovered
gold diggings in British Columbia. Many of the white parties were
killed. Horses were also stampeded and stolen from them. Most of
the fighting took place near the British Columbia line. In all there
were never more than 70 or 80 Okanagon fighting and most of them
had no guns. Ténda’sqzt was one of their number. Once they fought a
large party of whites and stopped them from passing through. They
had to retreat and change their direction. Then a still larger party
of whites came on the scene. The Indians set fires in the grass on the

TEIT] THE OKANAGON Dal

flanks of the party, and another large fire ahead of them which spread
into the trees. They separated and fired shots from behind the fires.
The white party came to a halt and made ready for an attack. There
were probably less than 20 Indians at this time while the whites
must have numbered about 150. Yona’sqet made himself leader of
the Indians. He left half of his men here and there at the sides and
front to shoot off their guns while he with the others rode down on
the camp of the whites. The latter thought the Indians were going
to attack them and prepared to shoot. Ténd’sqet, who was ahead,
held his gun above his head and called out, ‘“‘Don’t shoot, we are
friends.” He said to the whites, “I have great numbers of my
warriors all around, to the sides, and in front and behind you. They
are waiting behind these fires. At my call they will come out and
overwhelm you, but I do not want to do this. I want to be your
friend and treat you well, but I am chief of all this country and I
want you to recognize me by paying some tribute for using and
passing through my country.” The whites believed him; they wrote
down his name and gave him many presents. He and his following
then allowed them to pass on, gave them directions, and did not
molest them any further. After this, other white parties recognized
him as chief, not knowing any better, and always gave him presents.
In this way Jénd’sqet gained considerable influence and came to be
called chief, but he was really no chief, although later the American
Okanagon recognized him as such to some extent. Tond’sqzet himsel!,
after Nicolas’s death, claimed to be head chief of the Okanagon who
lived on the American side of the line.

4.10. Sukomé’lks, married a Hudson Bay Co. employee in the
Okanagon or Colville country. According to some informants she was
a daughter, not a sister, of Chief Nicolas (4.9). There may have been
two individuals of the same name. She had more children than those
here recorded.

4.11. Saprena’lks, married Xalzkskwai’léz of Tutekska’léx (4.11 a),
a little below Keremeous, Similkameen. She was the favorite sister of
Chief Nicolas. She died giving birth to her first child, who became
Chief Tsrlaxi’tsa (5.10). Her husband was almost pure Okanagon.

5.1. Donald McLean, married Julienne (5.1 a), daughter of Chief
Jean Paul, of Kamloops. Donald McLean was famous as fiddler and
Government scout. He was living at Kamloops, 1916, aged over 80
years. He had more children than enumerated here.

5.2. Duncan McLean.

5.3. Alexander McLean, living near Kamloops, 1916. He had
more children living than enumerated here.

5.4. A daughter, married Donald(?) Manson, Lac La Hache, a
~ Hudson Bay employee or son of a Hudson Bay employee, of Scotch
descent.

Die, SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

5.5. Nxo’mqen, ‘Painted Head,” married a Shuswap woman (5.5 a.)
He died at Kamloops, 1913, as an old man. He had more children
besides Julia (6.8) .

5.6. Ratea’ren, ‘‘Tied Arms.”’ He died among the Sanpoil about
1900, a very old man. He had more children besides Ratca’xen (6.9).

5.7. Mary Sukomé’lks. See 4.9.

5.8. Keszska'lux (Kesaskai'lexr). See 4.9.

5.9. Julie. Married William Peone (5.9 a) in the Spokan country.

5.10. Tselazi’tsa, adopted by Chief Nicolas (4.9). He had 12
wives. Best known among them were (ist) an Okanagon woman
from Nkama'peleks (5.10 a); (2d) Pand’llks, “Folded Dress,” from
Nkamtci/nemux" (Spences Bridge) (5.10 b); (8d) Marie Mzrmi’ztsa,
“Hanging-loose Robe,’’ a Kamloops (5.10 ¢); (4th) Sophie, from
Spences Bridge, a younger sister of Pand‘Ilks (5.10 d); (5th) Tikumti’-
nek, “Smooth Bow,” an Okanagon mixed with Colville (5.10 e);
(6th) Seisi’tko, or Sisi’ntko, “Two Waters,” of Ka’lemix (Guichon),
Nicola Valley (5.10 f); (7th) a woman whose name is not remembered
(5.10 g); (8th) Kani’sta, of Ka’temix, Nicola Valley (5.10 h).

Tselaxi’tsa was the most prominent chief in the interior of British
Columbia in his day, and was noted as an all-round good man. He
was the recognized head chief of the Okanagon tribe on the Canadian
side of the line and the only chief of the Okanagon in the Nicola
country. He was the chief who carried on the negotiations with
Government Commisstoner Sproat regarding the tribal territory and
hunting and fishing rights of the Okanagon, and the laying off of
reservations for the people at Douglas Lake, Fish Lake, Quilchena,
Guichon, and around the head of Okanagon Lake (Nkama’pelzks,
etc.). Like his uncle, Chief Nicolas, he had great faith in the Queen
and the Queen’s laws, and expected his people to be dealt with by
the Government in the fairest manner regarding all the rights that
they claimed in the territories inherited from their forefathers. About
1875 and 1876, when there was great dissatisfaction among the
interior Salishan tribes in British Columbia because of white settle-
ment on their lands and the failure of the Government to make
treaties and proper agreements with them regarding their land and
hunting rights, etc., T'szlaxi’tsa calmed the other chiefs and repressed
the people, telling them the Queen would eventually see to it that the
Indians would be dealt with fairly. He was friendly to the settlers
and did not try to run them off. He simply asked them questions and
let them understand that they were trespassing on land still possessed
by the Indians. About this time an alliance was formed by most of
the Shuswap and Okanagon chiefs for the purpose of a combined
attack upon all white settlers, and there only remained the word of
Chief Tszlaxi’tsa to set the country aflame. He stood out against all
the others and advocated a peaceful policy. Through his efforts a

ert] THE OKANAGON 273

serious Indian war was avoided. The Indians were appeased shortly
afterwards by the arrival of Mr. Sproat and the apparent desire of
the Government to acknowledge the rights of the Indians. How-
ever, considerable dissatisfaction remained among many. 'sglaxi’tsa
was considered a wealthy chief and a good speaker. He died about
1884, after having chosen his son Alexander Xwistesmexe’qen to
succeed him as head chief of the tribe. After his death two of his
other sons became local chiefs of subbands, and another a church
chief (so called). 'szlaxi'tsa survived most of his wives.

6.1. John McLean.

6.2. Rosie McLean.

6.3. Alick McLean, about 1885. In wild excitement, he ran into
the Indian village at Kamloops and shot some Indians. When he
did the same a second time he was shot by the Indians.

6.4. Charles McLean, lately of Edmonton, Alberta.

6.5. Duncan McLean.

6.6. Alfred McLean.

6.7. John McLean.

6.8. Julie, living 1916 at Kamloops.

6.9. Ratca’xen, living 1911 among the Sanpoil on the Colville
Reservation.

6.10. Nkeaskwai'lex.

6.11. A daughter, who married an Okanagon man and has a
family.

6.12. Elzmelposeman or Iametpd’semen (good heart); married
Xaikwa’tko (— water) (6.12 a) and Sirwé’ltsa (6.12 6), both Thomp-
son from Nicola. He had several children living in 1915. He inherited
his father’s medals, two of which had belonged to Chief Nicolas,
one of them a King George III medal. Shortly after his
father’s death he became chief of the band at Katzméxr or Guichon.
This band was originally Stww7’x and later Thompson and Stuwi’z,
and not at all in the territory of the Okanagon. Owing to the
slaughter of most members of the original band by the Shuswap
(see Smith, Archaeology of the Thompson River Region), followed
by the settlement of many people of Okanagon origin at the place,
the Okanagon element outweighed the Thompson and Stuwi7’r, and
the Douglas Lake chiefs assumed control. Jametpo’semen died
about 1901 and his half brother 7’szlax7’tsa (6.16) became chief of the
band as well as of that of Douglas Lake.

6.13. George, married, but without issue.

6.14. Kwoitpi’tsa, married an Okanagon man and had a family
living in 1915.

6.15. Alexander Nicolas (Nicola), Xwistesmere’qen, ‘Walking
Grizzly Bear,” and Szkerlepké’qen, ‘Little Coyote Head”’; married
Swarepi’nek, “Surviving Bow,” of the upper Thompson (6.15 a),

274 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [pTH. ANN. 45

who diedin 1914. He was hereditary chief of the Okanagon. All his
children died young. His adopted son, Tommy Alexander, lives at
Fish Lake.

6.16 John Celestin (Salista’), Tsulaxi’tsa, ‘Standing Robe,”’
married a woman from the Upper Thompson, partly of Stuwi’z
descent (6.16 a). In 1915 he had an only married daughter who lived
with her parents. He was chosen by his father to succeed him as head
chief of the Okanagon, which title he held by hereditary right and
gift. He lives at Nkama’peleks and at Fish Lake, as his fathers
before him. He was living in 1916, aged about 74 or 75. Like his
father and grand uncle, he is a shrewd man. After his father’s
death he became church chief by appointment by the priests. After
the death of his half brothers, Jamzlpé’semen (6.12) and Basil (6.19),
he became chief of the Douglas Lake and Guichon bands. He is said
to be the wealthiest chief in British Columbia. He made one trip to
Europe, visiting England, France, Belgium, Germany, and Italy. He
has been several times in Okanagon representing his tribe.

6.17. Saul, died a number of years ago.

6.18. Francois, died a number of years ago.

6.19. Basil. Became chief of the Douglas Lake band after his
father’s death, as his half brother Chief Alexander, the head chief,
did not wish to act as a band chief. He was shot and killed, in a
brawl among Indians on the Granite Creek Trail, by Charles
Sepsepspa’ren, ‘Striped (?) Arms,” of Nsé’sket, Nicola division of -
the Upper Thompson, about 1885. He was succeeded as chief by
his half brother, John Tszlax7’tsa.

6.20. Narcisse, died a number of years ago.

6.21. Michel, married Therése (6.21 a), of the Upper Thompson,
mixed with the Colville. She is a younger sister of the shaman Bap-
tiste Ululamé’llst, ‘Tron Stone,’ who lived at Potato Gardens, on
Nicola River, 16 miles from Spences Bridge. The family were half
Upper Thompson and half Colville mixed with Okanagon.

6.22. Kopkopéllst, married Tsaluta’llks (6.22 a), of Douglas Lake, a
daughter of Tsex7/nek, “Standing Bow,” a sister to Kaxpé’tsa,
‘‘sticking out bottom of robe,” of the Spences Bridge band. This
family is half Upper Thompson and half Okanagon in blood.

6.23. Saprenda’llks, married Napoleon, of the Nicola Thompson.
He died a number of years ago.

6.24. A woman whose name is notremembered. She was shot ond
killed by her husband, who shortly afterwards was shot and killed
by her (?) relatives.

7.1. James Michel, married Maggie, a Thompson woman from
Lytton. She was reared on the Colville Reservation in Washington,
being fostered by a sister of his mother, who was married there. He
received some education in the American schools and when he grew
to manhood came back to his native place, where he received a share

rEr7] THE OKANAGON 275

in the reservation at Guichon. He died near 1903 aged about 40
years. He had no children. After his death his wife went to the
Quilchena Creek Reserve, Upper Thompson tribe, where she was
living, 1916.

INDIVIDUALS IN OKANAGON GENEALOGY

1.1. Pelkamu’lox (Upper Spokan); born about 1675. See p. 263.

2.1. Prlkamu’léx (Upper Spokan); born about 1705. See p. 264.

2.la. A Spokan woman. See p. 264.

2.16. A Shuswap woman, Kamloops. See p. 264.

2.1c. A Sanpoil woman. See p. 264.

2.1d. An Okanagon woman, daughter of the chief of Salz/lru.

See p. 264.

3.1. Man, name unknown. See p. 264.

3.la. A Spokan woman. See p. 264.

3.2. Kwoli’‘la. Shuswap chief, Kamloops. See pp. 264, 265, 268.

3.2a. A Kamloops woman. See p. 264.

3.3. Sixewi'lerken. Sanpoil chief. See p. 265.

3.3a. A Sanpoil woman. See p. 265.

3.4. Pelkama’léx. Head chief of the Okanagon. See p. 265.

3.4a. An Okanagon woman from Nkama’peleks. See p. 265.

3.46. A Stuwi’x woman, perhaps partly Thompson. See p. 265.

4.1. Alv’. See p. 267.

4.la. Donald McLean. A Scotchman. See p. 267.

4.2. Skwa’lkwel. See p. 267.

4.3. Tcuma’wia. See p. 267.

4.4. Nekeeskwa’. See p. 267.

4.5. Tak.té’sqet. See p. 267.

4.5a. A Shuswap woman. See p. 267.

4.6. Tahwi’lkenem. See p. 267.

4.7. Yenamusi'tsa. See p. 267.

4.8. Kokowma’lks or Koimd'lks. See pp. 264, 266, 267.

4.9. Nicolas Xwistesmexe’qen. Born about 1780. See pp. 266,
267-270, 271, 272.

4.10. Sukomé’lks. See p. 271.

4.10a. An employee of the Hudson Bay Company. See p. 271.

4.11. Saprena’lks. See pp. 268, 271.

4.1la. Xalekskwai'léx. See p. 271.

5.1. Donald McLean. See p. 271.

5.la. Julienne, daughter of Chief Jean Paul, Kamloops. See p. 271.

5.2. Duncan McLean. See p. 271.

5.3. Alexander McLean. See p. 271.

5.4. A daughter, married Donald Manson, of Scotch descent.
See p. 271.

5.5. Nxro’mgen. See p. 272.

5.5a. A Shuswap woman. See p. 272.

5.6. Ratca’ren. See p. 272.

276 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

5.7. Mary Sukomé’lks. See pp. 268, 272.

5.8. Keseska’lux (Kesaskai‘ler). See pp. 259, 260, 268, 272.

5.9. Julie. See p. 272.

5.9a. William Peone. See p. 272..

5.10. T'szlazi’tsa. See pp. 268, 271-273.

5.10a. An Okanagon woman from Nkamda’pelzks. See p. 272.

5.10b. Pand'llks, a Spences Bridge woman. See p. 272.

5.10c. Marie Memi'rtsa, a Kamloops woman. See p. 272.

5.10d. Sophie, younger sister of 5.106. See p. 272.

5.10e. Tikumti/nek, an Okanagon-Colville woman. See p. 272.

5.10f. Seisi’tko, Sisi’ntko, a Nicola woman. See p. 272.

5.10g. A woman whose name is not remembered. See p. 272.

5.10h. Kani’tsa, a Nicola woman. See p. 272.

6.1. John McLean. See p. 273.

6.2. Rosie McLean. See p. 273.

6.3. Alick McLean. See p. 273.

6.4. Charles McLean. See p. 273.

6.5. Duncan McLean. See p. 273.

6.6. Alfred McLean. See p. 273.

6.7. John McLean. See p. 273.

6.8. Julie. Kamloops. See pp. 272, 273.

6.9. Rated’rrn. Colville. See pp. 272, 273.

6.10. Nkeaskai’lex. See p. 273.

6.11. A woman of unknown name. See p. 273.

6.12. Elemetposemen Jamelposemen). Guichon. See pp. 273,274.

6.13. George. See p. 273.

6.14. Kwoitpi’tsa. See p. 273.

6.15. Alexander Nicolas Xwistesmere’qen. Head chief of the
Okanagon. See p. 273.

6.15a. Swarepi’nek. Upper Thompson. See p. 273.

6.16. John Celestin. TJselazi’tsa. See pp. 273, 274.

6.16a. Upper Thompson woman. See p. 274.

6.17. Saul. See p. 274.

6.18. Frangois. See p. 274.

6.19. Basil. See p. 274.

6.20. Narcisse. See p. 274.

6.21. Michel. See p. 274.

6.21a. Therése. Upper Thompson woman. See p. 274.

6.22. Kopkopéllst. See p. 274.

6.22a. Tsaluta’ilks. Douglas Lake. See p. 274.

6.23. Saprend'llks. See p. 274.

6.23a. Napoleon. Nicola Thompson. See p. 274.

6.24. A woman, name forgotten. See p. 274.

7.1. James Michel. See p. 274. _

7.2. Maggie, a Lytton woman. See p. 274.

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tert] THE OKANAGON PAT

SLAvEs.—Slaves, for the most part, were young women made
captive in war; but a few were procured in trade from the south.
A few of the Okanagon slaves came from as far away as the Snake
country in Oregon, and Rogue River and Shasta, by way of The
Dalles. <A few Lillooet and Coast slaves were procured by Okanagon
from the Thompson tribe. The Lake tribe had hardly any slaves.
Captive women were generally well treated, and their children were
considered members of the tribe. Only in quarrels were they some-
times called ‘‘slaves.”’

Names.—The naming system was almost the same as that of the
Thompson, and the majority of male and female names had the
same name suffixes as those found among the Thompson and Shuswap.
In a few places irregular names taken from animals, plants,® and
dreams, corresponding somewhat to names common among the lower
Thompson, were more common than the regular names with name
suffixes.®

Property.—The tribal territory was common property, and free
to all the people for hunting and fishing, berrying, and root digging,
but people of one band did not, as a rule, pick berries or dig roots in
the grounds near the headquarters of another band without first
obtaining the consent of the chief in charge of the territory, and then
only at the proper season. Some grounds were tribal and not under
the authority of any particular chief. Game was divided and shared
among all the people who hunted; the one who killed it had no spe-
cial rights. On the return of a hunting party some meat was given
to the people who had not hunted, although they had no claim to
it. Presents of meat, fish, berries, roots, seeds, etc., were given from
one family to another, especially during the winter; and these pres-
ents were not necessarily repaid, although they generally were by an
exchange of food. It seems that snares, deer fences, and deer nets
were private property, the same as traps, weapons, dogs, and horses.
Eagle cliffs were the property of bands in most cases.

Frstivats.—The Okanagon tribes appear to have had even less
festivals and social ceremonies than the Thompson. No “letting-
down” (ntcixa’nk or ntseha’nk or toxto’rzrm) customs were in vogue;
and there were hardly any potlatches (wau’zm). The latter custom
~ was introduced from the Thompson to the Similkameen and Okana-
gon, but never took a strong hold. Only about six men are known to
have given potlatches, and now the custom seems quite dead. A kind
of supper given by one family to another was common in the winter-
time among neighbors. The family feasted gave a return feast. As
stated already, chiefs and leading people gave feasts and presents

5 For instance, A’tamen (root of Fritillaria pudica). There is a shaman of this name.

6 Por examples of Okanagon names see ‘‘Genealogy of Douglas Lake Chiefs,’ on pp. 263 to 276.
The names Skeii’s, Weie’pkEn, and others, used by menin Similkameen, are also employed by the
‘Thompson.

3
278 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH, ANN. 45

from time to time. Singing and dancing were indulged in at nearly
all entertainments and gatherings.

Musica InstruMENts.— Drums used to beat time for singing and
dancing were exactly like those of the Thompson. Rattles were also
used in singing and dancing. They consisted of pebbles inclosed in
wood, horn, or hide. Deer-hoof rattles attached to the ankles, knees,
waist, elbows, and wrists were used. Others were attached to the end
of a short stick. Beating of sticks on a hide or a board was also
common in some kinds of dancing and singing. Rasps of notched
sticks were also in vogue. In a few dances, such as the praying
dance, there was no accompaniment to the singing. Flutes and
whistles of several kinds were in use for serenading, but they were
not used at dances.

PiprEs AND SMOKING.—Smoking was indulged in by nearly all the
adult men and by some of the women. Ceremonial smoking was
practiced, especially at the beginning of serious undertakings, such
as councils. Long ago the tubular pipe was in use. Some of these
had figures of animals carved along the top and others were carved
like an animal’s mouth.’ The simple bowl pipe was also in use, and
the elbow pipe, which in later days supplanted all others. <A disk-
shaped stone pipe ® was fairly common among the Okanagon, but I
have not heard of its use among the Thompson. It may have been
introduced from the south. Pipes were sometimes made of knots of
wood. The tobacco smoked was the same kind as that used by the
Thompson, and the kinnikinnick was also the same. It is said that
a kind of clay pipe was sometimes made long ago.

XI. BIRTH, CHILDHOOD, PUBERTY, MARRIAGE, DEATH

PreGnancy.—Numerous restrictions were put on a pregnant wo-
man, especially during her first pregnancy. The object was to insure
health and strength to the woman and her child, an easy delivery,
and safety from supernatural harm for both mother and child. Preg-
nancy, especially the first time, was considered ‘‘mystery”’ in almost
the same degree as adolescence and menstruation. The restrictions
were almost the same as among the Thompson. The most important
during the first pregnancy were the following: The woman had to
wash and bathe regularly in cold water. She prayed to the Day
Dawn. She had to avoid all bad smells, quarreling, agitation, and
anything that might surprise or shock her. She must not eat any
flesh of large game, but only that of birds and fish. She must not
eat turtle. All flesh that she ate must be at least a day old. Her
husband had to bathe often and to pray and purify in the sweat house.

Brrru.—Women at childbirth were attended by an older woman,
generally the mother, aunt, or grandmother, sometimes by more than

8 See g, fig. 113; Field Mus. 111743.
® See i, figs. 107-109.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 279

one. The afterbirth was treated in the same way as among the
Thompson.’

Twins.—Restrictions regarding twins were not as strict as among
the Thompson. They resembled more those of the Shuswap. Many
families had no special observances for twins. Some of the Simil-
kameen who had twins lived apart from other people, and went
through all the “‘twn”’ ceremonies customary among the Thompson.’

Carriers.—The board carrier and the carrying bag were universally
used. Board carriers were of the same general types as those of the
Thompson. Some boards were low or short, not much, if any, longer
than the height of the infant; while some others were high, from
about a quarter to a third of the board being above the child’s head.
Board carriers were of three general shapes at the head. One kind
was rounded;* a second kind had an angular top;* and the third kind
had an extension above the top, sometimes called a “head,” from
15 to 30 em. high, which served as a handle. This projection was
carved in different shapes, round forms predominating.’ Board car-
riers with square or almost square tops are said to have been common
only among the Lake tribe. The bags attached to the boards were
of dressed skin, and of the same styles as those used by the Thompson.
The most common kind was loose except at the shoulders or head,
where it was fastened to the board. The lacing was not in the bag
itself, but consisted of a wide strap passing through loops in the side of
the board.’ Carriers with a narrow headboard projecting outward
from near the head of the backboard were common except among
the Lake, who, it seems, did not use this style. Hoops on board car-
riers were universal, at least during the last three or four generations.
As a rule, the hoop was separate from the bag and was adjusted with
strings, as among the Thompson. Most Thompson carriers had two
strings stretching from the top of the board to the hoop around which
they were twisted, the opposite ends being fastened near the foot of
the carrier. By manipulation of these strings the hoop was lowered
or raised as required. An old style, sometimes used by Okanagon
and Lake, had the hood or upper part of the bag stitched to the
hoop, doing away with the necessity of head strings, foot strings only
being required. (Fig. 19.) The Lake tribe say that long ago some
of their carriers had low hoops to which the hood of the bag was
stitched or fastened, other carriers had very high hoops unattached
to the hood, and some carriers had no hoops at all. Boards with
handholes at the sides were in use, and in later times this kind almost
entirely superseded those with handles at the top. They are said to
be more convenient for lifting and carrying. Babies were wrapped

la, p. 304. 4 See Shuswap, e, fig. 251 6, d.
2a, pp. 310,311. 5 See Thompson, a, fig. 281 6.
3 See Thompson, a, fig. 281; Shuswap, e, fig. 251 a. & See Thompson, a, fig. 281.

280 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

in soft robes of fawn skin, rabbit skin, lynx skin, etc. Bedding con-
sisted of shredded bark, grass, and occasionally down of plants.
Among the Sanpoil the bedding for bark carriers consisted generally
of bulrush down or duck’s down; but dry grass and finely teased
bark were sometimes used. The Similkameen, Lake, and Colville
claim that they used only boards; no bark carriers. The Okanagon
say that they have always used board carriers, but that long ago a few
families also used bark carriers for very young infants. These were
simply beds used in the lodge, and not for carrying purposes. When
the child had to be carried a board was used. The Nespelim and
Sanpoil say that very long ago bark carriers were used entirely, or
almost entirely, by them. The shapes of these were similar to the
forms of bark carriers of the Thompson.
The most ancient kind were very deep
and had no lacings and hoops. The
baby was fastened in with a long band
of dressed skin, or sometimes a rope,
which was lashed round the carrier.
A few had large loops on the sides,
through which the lashing passed, as
in some board carriers;’ but this is
thought to be more modern than the
simple lashing around the outside of
the carrier. Later, shallow bark car-
riers with hoops were often used. The
deep carriers did not require hoops.
About six or seven generations ago
boards came into use and within a short
time became quite common. The first
kind adopted consisted of a simple
board, in most cases reaching to the neck of the infant. The child,
wrapped in a fur robe which came over its head, was strapped on the
board by a lashing round and round, as in the oldest bark carriers.
Later it became common to fasten flaps of skin to the sides of the
board, which laced in front over the infant. Infants were also placed
in skin bags and lashed to the board. Later the backs of these bags
were frequently stitched to the board, and thus became a permanent
attachment of the latter. The front of the bag was fastened with a
lacing. Still later, hoops came into use to spread the hood of the bag
or to hold the carrier covering—a small, light robe or a skin—off the
child’s face. This top covering was used to shade the child’s face
when it slept, to cover it when mosquitoes and flies were abundant,
and to protect it against cold and wind when traveling. For a long

FIGURE 19.—Cradle board

7 See Thompson, a, p. 307, fig. 281.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 281

time after board carriers had come into full use bark carriers were
retained by many families as beds for young babies in the lodges.
When the mother returned from a journey the baby was taken off
the board and placed in the bark basket. Drains made of various
kinds of bark, sometimes of hide and rarely of wood, were used with
bark carriers, especially for male infants. Shorter drains were also
common with board carriers. J did not learn whether hammocks
were used. It seems that no carriers made of rods woven together,
and none of basketry, were made by any of the tribes. A few were
made of stiff hide, when bark or boards were difficult to obtain.
When a child had outgrown the bark and board carriers, carrying
bags similar to those of the Thompson were used by all the tribes.
It seems that the kind most common among the Sanpoil was of dressed
skin, fawn skin, and sometimes bear skin. It opened at the shoulders
or sides, had two straps which passed between the infant’s legs, and
an attached carrying-strap.. A kind used by the Similkameen, and
also to a slight extent by the Okanagon, but probably not by the
other tribes, was like the bags attached to board carriers. All had a
lacing up the front, and an attached tump line. Some were stiffened
at the back with a piece of hide or stiff dressed skin the full length of
the bag. The foot parts of many bags were gathered up like the toe
of a round-toed moccasin, either by stitching or with a draw string.
The hood, or upper part of the bag above the lacing, was sometimes
fixed in the same way. Occasionally the hood was stiffened or
expanded with a light hoop sewed to the edge. The hood parts of
some bags were large and projected forward considerably over the
child’s head.

Navel-string pouches were used by all the tribes, and were generally
attached to the carrier. Instead of making a navel-string pouch and
attaching it to the carrier the mother might also wrap up the navel °
string and hide it in a bag which she kept herself. Some of the
Okanagon attached the pouch to the head of the carrier.

Heap Drrormation.—No head flattening was practiced, but
some people think that the carrier board had the effect: of shortening
the heads of infants, as infants were always laid on their backs and
hard pillows were often used. Soft pillows of skin stuffed with
feathers or down were used by all careful mothers.

Fosterine or Cuitpren.— Fostering of children was quite common.
People who had many children gave some to friends and relatives to
rear as their own children. Some of these children later returned to
their parents, while others remained forever with their foster parents.

Epucation.—Much attention was paid to the education of chil-
dren. They were seldom beaten by their parents. Generally the

8 Ottawa Museum, Nos. 147, 149-151.
41383°—30——19

282 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

elders of each family admonished and instructed the children. The
father, uncles, and grandfathers instructed the boys, and the mother,
aunts, and grandmothers, the girls. Elder brothers and sisters also
helped in the instruction of the juniors.

The ordeal of whipping the children was practiced in the winter-
time, at least by the Okanagon and Similkameen. It was particularly
common among the latter.

Pusperty.—At puberty both sexes underwent a training similar to
that customary among the Thompson, but seemingly less full. They
washed and bathed in running water at least once a day. Girls
prayed to the Day Dawn each morning, and rubbed their bodies
with fir boughs when bathing to make themselves strong. The
ceremonies performed by girls for making their bodies pure and clean,
and those connected with fir branches and bathing, at least among
the Similkameen and Okanagon, were the same as among the Thomp-
son. A story is related in Similkameen of a poor orphan girl who
performed no ceremonies of purification. She was devoured by lice
near a little creek below Ashnola, and the place takes its name from
this incident. Some people point out a little mound there as her
grave. A common practice of girls was to make circles of stones.
Sometimes other figures were made, such as squares, oblongs, dia-
monds, and crosses. Some circles were quite small, while others
were from 1 to 2 meters in diameter. Insome circles the stones were
put quite close together and in others some distance apart. Most
stones were rather flat, light-colored, smooth, waterworn bowlders,
weighing from 3 to 6 pounds; but different circles varied considerably
in the size of the stones used. The circles were made on the ground
or on the tops of flat bowlders, and often the girls carried the stones
from a considerable distance, meanwhile praying that in after years

‘their bodies might be strong and capable of carrying heavy burdens
with ease. It is said that each stone represented a wish or prayer of
the girl. Stones placed in the center or in pairs inside the circle
represented special prayers. Some Similkameen say that the stones
represented wishes, prayers, and offerings. Those representing
prayers were generally placed down in the eastern part of the ring.
Sometimes the girl sat down in the middle, and placed the stones
down one at a time all round her, following the sun’s course. As
she placed each one down she made a prayer, stating what each
was a token of. As a rule a circle was not completed in one night,
but the girl added stones from time to time. The hard and en-
during nature of the stones was sometimes mentioned in prayers,
the girls asking that their bodies be as strong and enduring as

® Compare custom of Thompson, Okanagon, Shuswap, Kutenai, and probably other tribes, of making
offerings of stones at certain places. Prayers were made at the same time to the deity of the place, asking
for good luck in hunting, good weather, prevention from harm. Each person placed down a stone, and
passers-by did the same, so that heaps of small stones were formed.

rerT} THE OKANAGON 283

these stones. As a rule the circles were made within sight of
trails. Occasionally some of the stones were painted red all over or
with figures in red paint. In 1907 I saw in the canyon of Similkameen
River many remains of stone circles made by girls on the top of flat
bowlders, which are very numerous along parts of the trail The
sides of many bowlders at this place are painted.

It seems that adolescents of some families in all the tribes used
scratchers, paint scratchers, drinking tubes, and whistles, as among
the Thompson, while those of other families did not use them.

Boys went through a prolonged period of sweat bathing and
training, for the acquisition of guardian spirits, for increasing the

tee

Ee Ae

Pe eGo
= eel SR at

FIGURE 20.—Rock paintings

a, 6, From a bowlder near Ashnola; a, said to represent some natural feature of the country; b, black
bear; c, d, said to represent some natural feature of the country; short lines, trees; e, probably
a count of fir needles; f, snake. g,h. From Tilin near Keremeous; g, fir branch; h, said to be
the sun or a lake surrounded by trees with a projecting bluff. i~p. On acliff at the Forks (explana-
tions uncertain); i, a guardian spirit; k, probably a count of fir branches; /, m, fir branch with
needles plucked from one side; n, ranges of mountains with valley in between; 0, sun or lake
surrounded by trees; p, toad. r,s. On a cliff on the east side of Okanagon Lake, Penticton and
Mission; r, meeting of several persons, the one with a circle a guardian spirit; s, unknown.

litheness and strength of the body, and gaining proficiency in marks-
manship, games, hunting, and other occupations. Songs were gen-
erally acquired in conjunction with the guardian spirit.

In connection with the training period, adolescents of bothsexes made
records of remarkable dreams, pictures of what they desired or what
they had seen, and events connected with their training. These
records were made with red paint on bowlders or cliffs, wherever the
surface was suitable. (Figs. 20-24.) Rock paintings in their terri-
tory are plentiful; but I heard of no petroglyphs, except that some-
times figures of various kinds were incised in hard clay. Rock paint-
ings were made alse by adults as records of notable dreams, and more

284 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

rarely of incidents in their lives. Pictures were also cut into the bark
of trees, and some were burned into the wood of trees. (Fig. 25.)

Flutes of wood and long bone whistles were worn on a string around
the neck, and were used by young men at puberty, and later, for

FIGURE 21.—Rock paintings, Similkameen Valley
a-l, On bowlders 17% and 18 miles below Princeton; a, sun on hill with trees; b, people; c, the
sun; d, a count of fir needles; e, a hill with trees; f, a bird; g, a horse; h, horse trails; i, deer;
j, rainbow; k, sun or earth with trees, l, m, n, visions of an adolescent, meaning doubtful;
0, p, an animal near a trail. ;

imitating the notes of birds and for serenading girls to whom they

took a fancy.
At a place called ‘Standing Rock” (or ‘where the stone sticks
out’’) in Similkameen Valley, youths undergoing their training con-

TeIT] THE OKANAGON 285

gregated to test themselves. <A large, steep rock about 7 meters high
rises abruptly near the trail at this place. The young men tried to run
up to the top along the sloping side and then slide down. A man

S'
SA

axee

S
Soe

.
SS

22
SOSOS
POSS

SSS

FIGURE 22.—Rock paintings on a cliff near Tcutcawi’xa, Similkameen Valley
a, Stars; 6, sun; c, lake with trees, island with trees in the middle; d, grizzly bear; e, men; f, eagle:
g, dogs or other animals with open mouths; h, people; i, men on horseback; j, star; k, 1, men with
feather headdresses; m, unfinished matting; n, a bird; 0, stream running out of a lake with an
island.

called Kwaeité’sqzt (“red cloud” or “emptying cloud’’) is the only
one now living who has accomplished this feat.

Throwing, lifting, and carrying heavy stones were practiced to
gain strength. Boys prayed that they might become strong. Boys

286 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

FIGURE 23.—Rock paintings near Princeton
a-e. On a cliff 19 miles below Princeton; a, man; 6, doubtful; c, an animal running; d, three men
walking; e, grizzly bear. f-o. On bowlders near the preceding; f-w, on a cliff near the preceding;
f, men walking; g, grizzly bear; h, beaver in his house; i, rising sun and earth line; k, man; J, m,
doubtful; 2, probably eagle and stars; 0, deer or sheep; p, probably a corral for game; g, animals
at the entrance; r, bird, probably guardian spirit of the man; s, man; t, bear; wu, deer; v, an
animal, head and forelegs; w, doubtful.

reIT] THE OKANAGON 287

at puberty are said to have practiced throwing stones to make
their arms strong. Small stones were thrown at marks, and some
lads became so expert that they seldom missed. They could kill
small game with stones almost every time they tried.

FIGURE 24.—Rock paintings
a-k. Found on bowlder 18 miles below Princeton; a eagles; 6, wolf or coyote; c, bear’s tracks;
d, Moon; e, person on horseback; f, person; g, doubtful; h, moon; i, animal; j, grizzly bear
tracks; k, trail. J-o. On a bowlder about 19 miles below Princeton; /, eagle; m, sun or pond
surrounded by trees; n, snake; 0, man meeting a deer. p-z. On a cliff and in a cave near
Tcut‘awi’xa, Similkameen Valley; p, man; qg, animals; r, fir branch; s, animal; ¢, insects;
u, grizzly bear; v, four quarters; w, eagle; z, an insect or a vision.

Marriacr.—As among the Thompson, there were marriages by
betrothal, placing down of gifts, and by touching. Elopements
also oceurred. Many marriages were arranged by ‘‘go-betweens,”’

288 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (ETH. ANN, 45

generally relatives of one or both families; sometimes by one or more
of the parents directly, and occasionally by the chief of the band.
A direct form of proposal appears to have been fairly common among
the Similkameen and Okanagon, the young man going directly to
the girl in her lodge and, in the presence of her father, saying to her,
“T take you for my wife.” The girl’s parents and relatives then
considered the proposition, and the girl was also asked what she
thought about it. If she herself or the parents refused, the suitor
was generally rejected. [Tf all agreed, he was eecepted, and when
next he or his parents called they were informed of the decision.
His relatives then announced what presents were to be given to the
girl’s parents, and if they were satisfied the match was arranged.

There appears to have been no “‘conducting”’ ceremony (okawd’ it),
and, on the whole, marriage ceremonies seem to have been simpler
than those of the Thompson.

»
woe

FIGURE 25.—Figures incised in bark of trees
a, Girl; b, man; c, perhaps ribs; d, woman; e, perhaps an animal; f, perhaps a woman’s cap.

Customs Recarpine WomEen.—The same restrictions were imposed
upon menstruating women as among the Thompson. During men-
struation women lived apart from the other people, occupying a semi-
underground lodge in the winter and a rude shelter or a half tent ™
of mats in the summer. In the mountains, when people were hunt-
ing, a shelter of brush and bark under a large tree had to suffice.

Deatu AND Buritat.—Bodies were generally interred, graves being
dug in sandy places. Edges of benches, terraces, and sandy mounds
were usually chosen. Rock-slide burials were common in places
where slopes of slide rock abounded. Heaps of rocks were placed
over graves, especially over shallow graves. Deeper graves were
often surrounded by a circle of rocks. <A slender pole was generally
erected at the head of the grave. Among the Okanagon canoes
were sometimes hauled up on top of the grave. In 1904 I saw frag-
ments of canoes lying on old graves near Ashnola, Similkameen.

10 See Thompson, a, p. 323. 1 See p. 228.

TIT} THE OKANAGON 289

A few grave effigies were used in Similkameen, especially from Kereme-
ous down, and among the Lower Okanagon. It seems that the custom
of erecting effigies and depositing canoes was more or less common in
the western part of the interior Salishan country, as far east as a
line following Columbia River from The Dalles north to the Thompson
and Lillooet. The custom may be due to Coast or Lower Columbia
influence. It seems that no tents or houses were erected over graves.
Fences and crosses at graves are quite modern. Bodies were flexed,
wrapped in matting or occasionally in robes, and generally buried
on the side. I did not hear of tying bodies to the trunks of trees—a
custom which has been reported for the Lower Okanagon. Bodies
were never burned.

There were fewer restrictions on handling corpses than among the
Thompson. In Okanagon and Similkameen there is a ‘‘paying”
ceremony, as among the Thompson. This takes place about a year
after death. The burial expenses and all debts of the deceased are
then paid. It is not certain that this custom is ancient. The
property of a deceased person was divided among the relatives shortly
after death. Widows and widowers cut their hair and were subject
to the same restrictions as among the Thompson. They washed
and prayed and wore old clothes.

A noted Similkameen chief called Skea’s is buried near the ‘‘ Stand-
ing Rock,” mentioned on page 284. When dying, he told the people to
bury him near the trail at this place, so that his children might see
him as they passed to and fro.

XII. RELIGION

Concept or THE Wortp.—The ideas of the Okanagon tribes regard-
ing the world, the creation, and all their religious beliefs agree very
closely with those of the Thompson. The Okanagon claim that the
earth was made by the ‘‘father mystery” or ‘‘great mystery’’—a
mysterious power with masculine attributes, who seems to be the same
personage as the ‘‘Old One”’ or “‘ Ancient One” of mythology. When
he traveled on earth he assumed the form of a venerable-looking old
man. Some people say that he was light skinned and had a long
white beard. This deity was also called ‘‘Chief,’” ‘‘Chief Above,”
“Great Chief,’ and ‘‘Mystery Above.” According to some, the
power of the ‘‘Great Mystery”? was everywhere and pervaded every-
thing. Thus he was near and far and all around; but the main source
of power came from above, and therefore it was believed that he
lived in the upper world or in the sun. Others say that the ‘‘Great
Mystery” or ‘‘Chief”’? was like a man, but that he had unlimited
power, and lived in the heavens or on the highest mountains, or
beyond the earth.. He was the creator and arranger of the world.
He had always been and always would be. All life sprang from him.

290 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

His influence was always good and unselfish. He was not a god that.
afflicted people. The world we live in was made by him for his
pleasure and satisfaction, and to fill a gap in the great waters. It
was like a woman. The ‘‘Great Mystery”’ fructified the earth in
some way; and from this union sprang the first people and everything
on earth that has life. He said that everything on earth should be
subordinate to the people, and everything would be for their use, as
they were his children; and all the people should have equal rights in
everything, and would share alike. This is why all food was shared
among the people, and no one thought of debarring any one else from
access to anything required for life. Later some things in the world
became detrimental to the welfare of the people, who therefore could
neither increase nor progress. Thereupon the ‘‘Great Mystery”
sent Coyote to teach the people certain arts, to introduce salmon, to
make fishing places on the main river, to transform into rocks and
into animals with minor powers certain powerful semihuman beings
who preyed on the people. According to some, Coyote also estab-
lished the seasons. He reduced the powers of the game and gave it
its habitat so that people were able to obtain food.

Myrnotoay.—The mythology of all the Okanagon tribes centers
around Coyote, who is their great culture hero. Many Okanagon
and Thompson mythological tales are almost identical.! Some
mythological traditions are localized. Certain places are named from
transformations related in myths. Thus there is a place called
““Coyote’s Penis”’ near Penticton; and a little farther to the south,
near the head of Lac du Chien, is a mound called ‘“‘Coyote’s Under-
ground Lodge.’ A pyramid of clay and stone near the Forks of
Keremeous Creek is also called ‘‘Coyote’s Penis.”

Various SuPERNATURAL Berrnes.—Dwarfs, giants, and ghosts
were believed in, as among the Thompson, and the same kinds of
stories are related regarding them. There were also many “land and
water mysteries.’”” As among the Thompson, some of them were
propitiated by offerings. If a stranger bathes or swims in a lake for
the first time without propitiating it, the lake will resent it. Hf a
good lake, it will merely show its displeasure by a squall. If a bad
lake, it will bewitch the person, so that he will become sick or die.

Thunder is made by a bird; and the sun, moon, and stars are
transformed mythical beings.

PRAYERS AND OBSERVANCES.—The prayers and observances of the
Okanagon seem to have corresponded almost exactly to those of the
Thompson. Beliefs regarding the mysterious powers inherent in
animals, plants, and stones, also were the same. As among the
Thompson, a “‘first-fruits’’ ceremony was observed in every band

1 See Folk Tales of Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes, Memoirs Amer. Folk-lore Society, vol. 11, pp. 65-100;
also Hill-Tout, Ethnology of the Okanaken, Anthrop. Institute, vol. 41, pp. 135, 141-161.

TEIT] THE OKANAGON 291

before the berries were to be picked. An offering of ripe berries on a
bark tray was made by the chief of the band to the ‘‘Great Mystery”
who dwelt above everywhere; therefore the tray was held out to the
four points of the compass, beginning with the east. After the
prayers the people danced, making.signs with their hands as if
drawing inspiration from above, and giving thanks to above, in very
much the same way as they did in the religious dance. In some
places an offering of the first roots was made in like manner, and a
first tobacco ceremony was also in vogue.”

Prayers were offered and dances performed to bring rain or snow
and warm winds, and also to cause storms, rain and snow to cease.
In some cases these observances and dances were led by the chief
and sometimes by shamans who had special powers.

When any sickness was upon the people, or if more deaths had
occurred than usual, shamans were asked to “drive the sickness
away” and to ‘‘clean up the earth.”

Animals, especially large game, were treated with great respect,
and spoken of deferentially. When a bear was killed a mourning
song was sung, called the “bear song.’’ Usually the hunter did not
paint his face, as was the custom among the Thompson. Afterwards
the bear’s skull was elevated on the top of a long pole stuck in the
ground either as a mark of respect or to keep off defiling influences.
Bears and beavers could always hear what people said.

Game animals, the weather, the earth, the sweat-house spirit, and
guardian spirits were prayed to by hunters when on hunting trips.
If game were scarce or hard to get, a shaman, or atman who had the
particular kind of game as his guardian, was asked to placate the
animals. He sang his song and drew the animals near, or he told
the people when and where to go hunting. Some men caused snow
to fall and the weather to turn cold in order to assist hunting.

Adolescents prayed chiefly to the Day Dawn, and many warriors
prayed principally to the sun. Prayers and offerings were made to
deities or powers inhabiting certain localities.

The Nespelim chief told me that about 1770, when his grandmother
was a very young girl, a shower of dry dust fell over the country.
It covered the land to a depth of from 3 to 4 inches and was like a
white dust. It is said that this shower of volcanic ash fell over a
large area, including part of the Wallawalla country. The people
were much alarmed at this phenomenon and were afraid it prognos-
ticated evil. They beat drums and sang, and for a time held the
“praying”? dance almost day and night. They prayed to the “dry
snow,” called it ‘Chief’? and ‘Mystery,’ and asked it to explain
itself and tell why it came. The people danced a great deal all
summer, and in large measure neglected their usual work. They

2 See Thompson, a, pp. 349, 350,

292 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

put up only small stores of berries, roots, salmon, and dried meat;
and consequently the following winter, which happened to be rather
long and severe, they ran out of supplies. A few of the old people
died of starvation and others became so weak that they could not
hunt. z
Tue Sout.—The Okanagon held the same beliefs regarding the
soul as the Thompson. The dead go to a land believed by some to be
in the west, beyond the great mountains where the sun sets. Others
believed that the land of shades was away south beyond the mouths
of the great rivers. The trail of the dead went underground in the
darkness for a long distance, then it ascended, and emerged in the
spirit world, which was beyond the earth and very light. People
lived there, following almost the same pursuits as on earth, but they
had an easier and much more pleasant time. According to some,
no quarreling, ill feeling, sickness, or warfare existed there.
GUARDIAN Sprrits.—Guardian spirits were the same jn character
as among the Thompson, and acquired in the same way.
SHAMANS.—Shamans appear to have been like those of the Thomp-
son, about the only difference being that when treating the sick as a
rule they did not dance or use masks. They sang their ‘“‘medicine”’
songs and laid on hands. Painting was also resorted to, advice re-
ceived in dreams was followed, and names of people were sometimes
changed. Witchcraft was practiced almost exclusively by shamans.
I heard of no real prophets, excepting a Thompson woman from
Nicola, who traveled in Similkameen and Okanagon, telling the
people about the spirit land, and also relating how the coming of
whites would result in the destruction of the Indians. She prophesied
the stealing of the Indian’s lands and the destruction of the game by
the whites, and stated that they would destroy the Indian while pre-
tending to benefit him. She invited the Indians to join in a great
war against the whites to drive them out. Even if the Indians were
all killed in this war it would be better than being reduced to the
conditions they would have to endure, once the whites became
dominant. She also advised the Indians to retain their old customs
and not to adopt any of the white man’s ways, which were as poison
to the Indians. She claimed to be arrow and bullet proof, like the
greatest warriors who led in battle. She did not require to wield
weapons herself; but if the Indians would follow her, they would be
successful in arms against the whites. Being a woman, her war
propaganda secured but little following. She sang war songs at her
meetings. A year or two afterwards, about 1850, she died suddenly.
Dancrs.—Probably the four chief dances among the Okanagon
tribes were the war dance, the scalp dance, the guardian-spirit dance,
and the religious dance. The last-mentioned was in every way like
that of the Thompson. In each place it was under the direction of

TEIT) THE OKANAGON 293

one or two chiefs. Prayers were offered to the ‘“‘Chief Above” and
food was distributed at the dances.

The war dance was preparatory to going to war, and sometimes
parts of it were like a mimic battle. A dance with special war songs,
in vogue among Indians farther south and east, was held by them
before going on horse-stealing raids. It was also performed by the
Okanagon tribes when individuals and small numbers of young men
desired to go on an expedition for adventure, war, or plunder. Young
men obtained war practice on these expeditions, and sought for a
chance to distinguish themselves. The number of men in these
parties varied from 1 to 10 or more.

The scalp dance consisted of a procession and singing, followed by a
dance similar to the war dance. At intervals the warriors recounted
their exploits. The scalps were given to women, who carried them
on the ends of spears and poles in the procession; and women took the
most prominent part in the dancing, some of them being dressed like
warriors. A feast often followed the scalp dance.

As among the Thompson, the women of the Okanagon, of Okana-
gon Lake and River, and possibly the tribes farther south, danced
while the men were on the warpath.

In the guardian-spirit dance each person sang the song he had
received during his puberty training, showed his powers, and imitated
his guardian spirit by cry and gesture while dancing.

The ‘“‘touching”’ or marriage dance for young people was often held
in conjunction with the ‘‘praying”’ dance. It seems to have been the
same as among the Thompson.

A sun dance was performed at the solstices, the greatest one being
held about midwinter. Among the Okanagon division the women,
during the absence of a war party, performed the same dance as that
used on such occasions by the Thompson.

The dances called stlei by the Thompson were performed at
festivals and danced by both sexes. Each person danced by himself
and often remained almost stationary. Most of the dance movements
were made by the swaying of -the ody and movements of the hands.

XII. MEDICINES AND CURRENT BELIEFS

Mepicines.—I heard of the use of the following plants (other than
food plants) for medicinal and other purposes:

Yarrow (Achillea millefolium L.), a decoction used as a medicine for sore eyes
and for other purposes, as among the Thompson.

Lupin (Lupinus polyphyllus?), a decoction used as a kind of tonic.

Wild geranium (Geranium incisum Nutt.), used for sore lips. A leaf is held
between the lips for several hours. It is said to cure in one day.

Mullein (Verbascum thapsus), a decoction drunk for consumption. The use
of the plant is modern,

294 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (ere. ANN. 45

Pentstemon douglasvi, a decoction used as a medicine.

Mint (Mentha borealis), decoction used as a medicine.

Rock cress (Arabis drummondii Gray), decoction drunk for cure of gonorrhea.

Quaking asp (Populus tremuloides Michx.), decoction of rootlets and stems
drunk for syphilis.

Shepherdia canadensis Nutt., decoction of twigs drunk as a tonic for the
stomach and a mild physic.

Hellebore (Veratrum viride), known as a poison. The root is dried and pow-
dered and used as a snuff for colds. It produces sneezing. The use of this plant
is limited and may be modern.

Aconitum delphinifolium, used as a medicine, and the flowers used as a paint.

Philadelphus lewisti; Okanagon , name wa’rawarelp; Thompson name,
wa’ xasetp; leaves used as a soap for washing.

Gilia aggregata; Okanagon name, raralauhw’ ps; decoction used as an eye wash,
also as a head and face wash by adolescent girls to improve the skin and hair,
in the same way as Linum perenne among the Thompson. Giulia aggregata is
plentiful in Similkameen but does not grow in the Thompson country proper.
It is called “red raven’s foot scales’? by the Thompson.

Nicotiana attenuata Torr., used as a head wash and for dandruff, as among the
Thompson; also used for smoking.

Sagebrush (Artemisia tridentata Nutt.; Okanagon name, kolkolemani't; Thomp-
son nante, k@/ukw), used as a medicine for colds.

Labrador tea (Ledwm groenlandicum; Okanagon name, xottemitp; Thompson
name, ka’tca), decoction drunk as a tonic.

Juniper (Juniperus virginiana L.), used for fumigation.

Wolf moss (Hvernia vulpina; Okanagon name, kwaré’uk; Thompson name,
kolomé’ka, also kwald’ uk), used as a medicine as well as a dye and paint.

Indian hemp (Apocynum cannabinuwm), used as a medicine as well as a plant
furnishing fiber.

Dogbane (Apocynum androsaemifolium), used as a medicine as well as a plant
furnishing fiber.

The Okanagon used a great many plants for medicinal and other
purposes, but I had no time to make a collection or to inquire into
the subject fully.

Current Betiers.—Some of the current beliefs of the Okanagon
and Sanpoil are the same as those of the Thompson. Sneezing
signifies that a person, probably a woman, is talking of you or men-
tioning your name.’ The same belief is held regarding black lizards
following persons as among the Thompson. Michel Revais said
that this belief was current among the tribes in the interior of Oregon,
but not among the Salish east of Columbia River; i. e., the Flathead,
Coeur d’Aléne, and Colville.

1 See Thompson (a) p. 373.

THE FLATHEAD GROUP
I. HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL

TrIBES OF THE GrROouP.—The Flathead group consists of four
tribes, and there were two others which are now extinct.
1. Flathead (or Tétes plattes). 4. Spokan.
2. Pend d’Oreilles. 5. Semté’use| psn ot
3. Kalispel. 6: vDuna’xe, } oo) '
OricIn oF Trinat Names.—The Flathead were also called Salish,
Selish, Salees, ete., which terms are derived from their own name.
The origin of the name ‘Flathead’ (‘‘Téte platte’”’) is obscure.
Some men of the tribe claim that the term was adopted by the early
traders from the sign language, the sign for the tribe being often
interpreted ‘‘pressed side of head”’ or “pressed head,’’ hence ‘‘flat
head.”’ The Upper Kutenai claim that the tribe was named ‘Flat-
head”’ because there once was a people who lived in the Salish
country who had ‘‘flat”’ or pressed heads. They say that long ago
there were two tribes or people inhabiting the Flathead country.
One of these was called ‘‘Leg people,” and the other “ Flat-Head (or
Wide-Head) people.’’ The former were the ancestors of the Flathead
tribe of to-day. They did not press their heads. The other tribe
had heads which looked wide, and it was said that they pressed their
heads. The exact location of the two tribes is not known; but it is
thought that the Leg people lived farthest east and south, and the
Wide-Head people about where the Flathead tribes now live—around
Jocko and Bitterroot Valley, west of the main range of the Rocky
Mountains. It seems that the Leg people were originally entirely or
partly east of the range. In later times the two tribes lived together.
The Wide-Head tribe wassmaller than the Leg tribe. Finally the former
disappeared. Possibly they ceased pressing their heads so that they
could no longer be distinguished, or they may have been absorbed by
the Leg people. At all events, it seems that none but the Leg people
remained in the country where the Wide Head had been, but their
name has persisted. Distant Plains tribes had been in the habit of
calling all the people of the region ‘Flat Head”’ or ‘‘ Wide Head” in
a general way, because of the characteristics of the one tribe, and the
name was adopted by the fur traders. The Wide Head tribe were not
slaves of the Leg people (or Salish proper).
In the Handbook of American Indians ! the statement is made that
the Flathead tribe received its name from the surrounding people,

1 Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, under Salish, p. 415; see also ibid., pt. 1, p. 465, under Flathead.
295

296 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

not because they artificially deformed their heads, but because, in
contradistinction to most tribes farther west, they left them in their
natural condition, flat on top. The Flathead were sometimes called
“Flathead proper,’ in contradistinction to the Pend d’Oreilles (who
were sometimes called “Lake Flathead’’ because many of them
formerly had their headquarters around Flathead Lake) and the
Kalispel (who were sometimes known as ‘“‘River Flathead’’ because
they lived on the river below). The Pend d’Oreilles were also called
‘Earring people,’’ ‘‘Ear-Drops,’’ and ‘Hanging Ears.’”” The name
was given to them by the early traders because when first met they
nearly all wore large shell earrings. The shells were obtained in
Flathead Lake and Pend d’Oreille River, and formed an article of
export. The tribe was also known as ‘“‘Upper Pend d’Oreilles”’ in
contradistinction to the Kalispel, who were sometimes called ‘‘ Lower
Pend d’Oreilles.”” “‘Kalispel’”’ is derived from the Indian name of
the tribe, which has originated from a place name. The Kalispel
were sometimes called ‘““Camas people.”’ ‘‘Spokan”’ is derived from
an Indian term for the tribe as a whole, which became general in
later days. The Spokan were also sometimes called ‘“‘Sun people,”
possibly from a mistranslation of the name ‘Spokan.”” Many
Indians deny that it has this meaning.

Names FoR THEMSELVES.—The Flathead group as a whole is
called ‘‘Ssé’licteen”’ by the Kalispel and probably the other tribes
of the group. This is the same term as ‘ Ns7’lixtczn,”’ used by the
Okanagon group for themselves, and means ‘‘Salish-speaking.’’
Their own tribal names are—

1. Sélic or Se’lic (meaning uncertain;? the suffix -ic may

mean ‘‘people’’).
2. Stlgetkomstct’(nt) (“people of Szqe’tko, ‘‘wide water i

The Flathead.

lake,” the name of Flathead Lake).

Steka@'ltrtci’ (nt) (“upper people”’ or ‘‘people above or at
the top,’”’ with reference to their position at the head
of Pend d’Oreille River or above the Kalispel. This
term seems to be chiefly used by the Kalispel).

3. Ka'lispe’l or Skalispé’ (said to mean “‘camas”). A
Pend d’Oreilles informant said Kalispé’lem was the
name for young sprouting camas, and it was also the
name of the large camas digging ground near Calispel
Lake, Washington, which seems.to have been the main
seat of the Lower Kalispel.

The Pend d’Oreilles.

The Kalispel.

2 The Handbook of American Indians (pt. 2, p. 415) gives ‘‘Salish”’ as derived from sdalst (‘‘people’’). If,
however, the suffix -ic means ‘‘ people,’”’ as seems probable, the term would mean “‘people people,”’ which.
makes the derivation unlikely.

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 297

4. Spogé’in(ic) (meaning uncertain, but considered to be
derived from a place-name).? The Spokan appear to
have had no name for themselves as a whole, the
present tribal name of Spégéi’n being probably less
than a hundred years old. It appears to have origi-
nated with the Coeur d’Aléne or some other neigh-
boring Salish tribe, at first as a name for a band that
occupied an important fishing place. I was unable to
determine the exact band and place. Some Indians aisles
say that this band lived on the Little Spokane, while
others think Spdgé’in was originally the name of a
band and place near Spokane Falls. The suffix -gein
has reference to ‘‘head.” Before the tribal name of
“Spokan”’ came into use it seems that the tribe was
known by what are considered now as divisional names
only (ef. p. 298).

5. Semté’use (meaning uncertain; some Indians declare
that the name means ‘‘foolish’”’ with reference to the
characteristics of the people, while others think the
name may be derived from an old place-name).

6. Tuna’xé (also called ‘‘Sun River people’) (meaning
uncertain; some people think that the name may be
from a characteristic of the people because they were >The Tuna’ ze.
great traders, while others think it is merely that of
their country or place).4

The Szemté’use.

NAMEs BY WHICH KNowN TO OTHER TrRipns; Names GIVEN TO
THEM sy SauisH Tripes.—aAll the interior Salish tribes call the
Flathead Sa’lix or Sa‘lic. Variations of the name are Sd’lix, Sa’lis,
Sa’lex, Sé'liz, Se’lic, and St’lx. The Coeur d’Aléne often call them
Se’dlzmic, and the Columbia and Wenatchi frequently call them
Sa’lemuz, which are variations of the same name.? The name may
possibly be derived from some old place name.® The Pend d’Oreilles
were called Stlkatkomstci/nt by the Coeur d’Aléne and most other
Salish tribes. Variations of the name are Szga’tkomstci’nt, Stqatkoms-
tci’nt, and Stlgatkomski’nt. Some tribes more generally called them
Snid/lemen or Snia’/lamenic or Snia’'lemenex, “people of Snia’-
lemen,” the name of a place at the Mission where a leading band
had their village. In later times this place was the main winter
quarters of the tribe.

The Kalispel are called Skalispé’lem or Skalispé’l by all the other
Salish tribes. Variations of these terms are Kalspi’/lem, Kalispa’lxm,
Skalespi'lex. The name is derived from Kalispé’lem, the name of

3 Compare p. 296.

4 Possibly this is the Kutenai name for Kutenai: Ktuna’xa, which may mean “‘ those going out of the
mountains.’’ (F. Boas.) The Salish pronunciation of this name is Tund’re while the Kutenai pronounced
Tuna’za. See also the Salish name for the Assiniboin, p. 302, and note to same.

5 The suffixes -iz, -ic, -is, -EZ, -EC, -eL, -i, -€, -EMS, -EMEC,-EmMic -EmMuz, -uz, mean ‘people’; -ski’nt,
-tcint, -tci means ‘‘mouth, language.”’

6 Some think that the name may be derived from an old name of their country, or a district in their coun-
try, named because situated on the upper Missouri, close to the place where the river emerges from the
mountains.

41383°—30——20

298 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN, 45

a great camas-digging place at Calispel Lake, Washington. Some,
however, think the term implies ‘“‘camas people’’; while, on the other
hand, some Okanagon, Thompson, and others translate it as “flat-
country people.”’

The Spokan or Spdgé’inice are called Spokev’.nems or Spogé’ enemc
by the Coeur d’Aléne, Spoket’mux by the Columbia, Spogai’nrx by
the Sanpoil, Spdge’inex and Spoké’n by the Lake and most other
Salish tribes, all of which terms mean ‘‘Spoké’n or Spogé’in people.”
As stated already, some people translate the name as meaning ‘‘Sun
people.”” They were also, as a whole, sometimes called Senoxami’-
nagzx by tribes of the Okanagon group, the name of their principal
division. It seems that at one time the tribe had no general name
of their own, and they were usually called by the names of what
later came to be considered divisions of the tribe. These divisions
were looked upon as independent groups or tribes by some. Other
Indians considered them merely divisions, saying that they were
parts of a single people who had their villages at different places.
The names of these divisions of tribes were—

1. Stsékastsi’, Stkastsi'ten, or Stkastsi’tznic (=the Lower Spokan).
The name is derived from a place called Stkastsi’/ten, near the mouth
of Spokane River. Some translate the name as ‘running fast,”’
probably with reference to the river. Another, less-accepted trans-
lation of the name is ‘‘bad food,’’? ‘“‘bad eaters,” or ‘‘poor feeders”’
(according to some, with reference to the people; according to others,
derived from a place-name).

2. Sntutua’li or Sntutw’a’. (=the South or Middle Spokan).
This name is translated “living together’? by some, and ‘‘pounding”’
or “pounders” (of meat or fish) by others. Most people think the
term is derived from a place name derived from the sound of pounding.

3. Snxo’mé’, Senxomé’, Senxomé’nic (=the Upper or Little
Spokan). This name is almost invariably translated as ‘‘salmon-
trout” or ‘“‘salmon-trout people” (from xome’na, ‘‘salmon-trout”’ or
‘‘steelhead,’’ a fish said to have been very plentiful in the country of
the tribe, and hence the tribal name). Some think the term may
originally have been the name of a locality in their country where
these fish were abundant. Another translation of the name is “using
red paint,’’® but this is probably incorrect.

NAMES GIVEN TO THEM BY NoNn-SatisH Tripes.—Following is a list
of names given by alien tribes to the Flathead group. The names
followed by an asterisk are from the Handbook of American Indians.

7 Compare Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, under ‘“‘Spokan,’’ where the Okanagon name for the Lower
Spokan, sdlst srastsi’tlini, is translated ‘‘ people with bad heads.”’

8 Compare Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, under ‘‘Spokan,’’ where the name Sin-hu is translated
“‘people wearing red paint on their cheeks.”’

TEIT} THE FLATHEAD GROUP 299

Flathead Pend d’Oreilles Kalispel Spokan
| | 4 Mass
A‘kinuqla’lam Meqkwo'qenek ackinamiti’ krwa Senzoma’n.?
| (‘‘Flatheaded’’.) (“Red willow peo- (‘ river people’) Sentuti.’3
ple’’). |
Upper Kutenai__
Akkokeno’kra, kokenck'e | ackinuqialam® §______- ackinuglalam *5
“Leg or leggy 4 people’’). (‘compress side of
head.’’)
NC TORE be sania’ lEmEnN' te’tOkEN_| kamé’spalo (‘‘camas
people’’).
akimash S100S;|ss0-cse anaes eho aes ku’shpélu*, papsh- | ku’shpélu*, papsh- || Cpoka’n.7
and Klickitat. pin‘léma* (“peo-| pin‘léma* (‘peo- |} Cpoka’n.
ple of the great fir- ple of the great fir-
trees’’).8 trees’’).
WESC asses A [i eo | | a espe ee Ace ae ela ae LécLé’cuks.9
PCG) sir ss Ue A CAG | ees 2 eee TE es 28] eee 8h ol. | Aa ie ee ee Spuka’n.?
Modoe
Shoshonisecas-22|<anccs-s2ss-2-c-55--5 Ss Fee es ea Se Aer ee oS eee
iBlackfoot=22----- Soh-toh-Spi-tU. D-1-08 2+ eee es oe ee ead ; ni-he-ta-te-tu’p-i-o* ____
Gros Ventres____| Kaakadanin (CPR BS IL ee eet [a SN
head man’’).
Arapaho_____.--- RC O-t-tpt: tao (seat heads ee jee t ee oa
people’’). |
Cheyenne_-_-_--_-- CKO 18-18 tcl -t0- 11-0 vine fl Sone oe ee en ee ee see ee oe ee
(“people who flatten
their heads’’).
Chippewa-__---- Nebaqindibe* (‘flathead ’’)|__.._-...-.------------ eee ge BES a |
@rowes---22----- Asuha'pe, Acuhape (said | ak-mi’n-e-shu’-me*,
to mean ‘‘ Flatheads’’). ak-min-e-shu-me*
(“the tribe that
: uses canoes’’).
Midatsas ss. G-f00-NG-Dee macnn seen a eens Hee se en ie cP es a
Mankton=s.—--= = (DUBGC-ShOn mes DOO-UGC Clana sone age eee eaten | aca seneesadsoeenslace |
(‘head cornered or |
edged’’).

1 The Handbook of American Indians gives a form of this name as a Kutenai term for the Kalispel and
Pend d’ Oreilles.

2 From the Salish name for the Little Spokan.

3 From the Salish name for the Middle Spokan.

4 Probably a‘ku’q!nuk, lake.—F. B.

5 The same as the Kutenai name for Flathead.

§ From the name of a headquarters of the Pend d’Oreilles (see pp. 297, 312).

7 From Salish tongues.

§ Compare Nez Percé name for the Columbia.

9 A tribe east of the Columbia, above the Wallawalla, possibly the: Spokan.

10 See Kroeber, Ethnology of the Gros Ventres, Anthrop. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. 1, p. 147.
2

In the sign language the Flathead were called ‘‘flat head” or
“pressed side of the-head.’’ The Pend d’Oreilles and Kalispel were
called ‘‘Paddlers”’ because they used bark canoes extensively, while
the Spokan are said to have had very few canoes; and the Flathead,
Semté’use, and Tunda’re had no canoes. The Pend d’Oreilles and
Kalispel were differentiated by making the additional signs of ‘‘above”’
or ‘“‘lake”’ for the former, and ‘‘below”’ or ‘“‘river”’ for the latter; 1. e.
“lake paddlers” and ‘“‘river paddlers,’’ ete. The Pend d’Oreilles were
also called ‘‘real paddlers” or simply “‘paddlers;’’ and the Kalispel,
““camas-eaters,”’ “‘camas people,” or ‘“‘camas-diggers.’’ It seems

300 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

that the last terms were applied to them almost exclusively by
the Nez Percé and some other Shahaptian tribes. The Spokan
were called ‘‘salmon-eaters’’ because they were the only tribe of the
Flathead group who had salmon in their country, and naturally
therefore, salmon was consumed a great deal by them.

Names GIvEN By THEM To OTHER Trises.—Following are names
given to other tribes by the Flathead:

SALISH TRIBES

Lower, Fraser*tribes 222) S22 Temsit’, Lamsiti’ (meaning uncertain).
Till OGG CE 3! is te ei eee ye Neos a Snzelami'ne (‘‘ax people’’).
SHhUuswape eis Shee See mee eee Sthwée'pe, Sihwe'pi (meaning uncertain,

thought to mean “people at the root or
bottom,’’ supposed with reference to a low
valley).

Thompson or Couteau__________- Nuksteme’£, Nko'teme’x", Nketremi’,
Lii'ketame’ (meaning uncertain, thought
to be from the name of their country;
some think it may mean ‘‘other-side
country” or “people of the other slope’’).

Similkameenss <= = ae ee Szemilkam’ (from the name of their country).

QOkanagont =: 428s .e ee eee ee Otcenaké’, Otcendqai'n, Otcendkai'n (from
the name of a place on Okanagon River).

Sanpolle eae a ee eee ee Npoi'lce, Snpéi'lerrc (meaning uncertain,
said to be from the name of a place or
district). -

Colville or Chaudiere____________ Szodrétpi, Sxoié'lpi (said to be derived from
sxové’, “‘stoné grainer for dressing hides’’).

Lake or Sinijextee____..._..-_---- Snai'tcetste or Snrat’tcrtste (‘“lake-trout
people’’).

Wierla tc nia3 ase ceeen Pinerey aay setae 2 Snpuskwa'use, or Snpeskwé'usi (from the
name of a place).

Colum bia se2 see eee Snkaia'use, Snkaié’use® (related to the
term ‘‘Cayuse’’).

CocuridtAléness = saee 2 ee ee Stcei’tsut (meaning uncertain).

WESTERN PLATEAU TRIBES

In reneral ss. aes eee ee Sutomktske’lix 1° (‘“‘down-country people,”
‘ thought to be from the name of a place in
their*country).

OTHER PLATEAU TRIBES

lWippereGutenai=sss = === =a Ska’lst’, Skalse’ (from Skalse’ulk, Koo-
tenai River).!! Qaga’ten by the Tund’ze.

Lower Kutenai or Flatbow_______ Selkola’, Salkwéla’. (meaning uncertain).

Nez Rercéii a2 Sor se Riese os Séha'pten, Saha’ ptene (meaning uncertain,
thought to be from the name of their
country).

® Compare the terms for Umatilla and Cayuse. :

10 A general name for the tribes west of the Bitterroot Range, and particularly the Salishan and Shahaptian
tribes of the Columbia drainage. The tribes of the Okanagon and Columbia groups, the Coeur d’Aléne,
Nez Percé, and other Shahaptian tribes, were particularly Sutomktske’lix.

11 The name of the river seems to be derived from skalt (‘‘above, up country or to the north’’) and
se’ulk« (“water or river’’). See also Okanagon, p. 202, note 6.

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 301

\e er ic ee Sulawa’, Suwalwa’'le (meaning uncertain,
thought to be from the name of a place).

Uimstillaweeeroeee ns se Kié’us,” Nkaié’use, Ohéma® (meaning un-
certain).

al OOS en oe ee Stekamtci’ni, Stéqamici'ne (‘people of the

confluence ’”’ with reference to the mouth of
the Snake).

alkimaspesae 6 oe non atk __ Ia’qima, Ia’keme (meaning uncertain).

(Chy USO: (2st. See eee Kait’us'* (meaning uncertain, thought by
some to be from the name of a place or
district).

WESQ0s-56 42 6S See ae Watsqo’ pe (thought to be from the name of a
place).

Wasco and Dalles tribes________- SEnkaltu’ (‘above the falls’’).

IBANNOCK mee Meee oe ee Axwe'rtsa, Séxwai'isa, oxhai'tsa, panak }8

(said to mean ‘‘bark covering”’ or “bark
lodges”’ because the tribe formerly used
lodges of bark or of bark and grass; some
translate the name ‘‘striped robes,’ and
others “striped covering,” either covering
of lodges or covering of the body [robes,
for instance]; some Coeur d’Aléne claim
that ‘Bark Lodges” is the old name of
the tribe, and ‘‘Striped Robes” a later
name !°),

Tribe unidentified, said to be sim-

' ilar to the Bannock; others say a pi'liaken (meaning uncertain, supposed to
tribe formerly living east of and{ have some connection with ‘‘head’’).
near the Rocky Mountains.

Shoshoni or Snake (in general)____ Snd’wa, Snd’we’ (‘‘snake”’).

Tcetzwoi'sten Sno’we (said to mean “‘moun-
tain snake’’).

Shoshoni east and south of Lemhi!’_ One’x” sno’we (‘real snake’’).®

General name for tribes to the
south of the Flathead. group,
particularly the Shoshonean
tribes of the Rocky Mountains,
and east of the Rockies, and|~
others beyond ‘to the south, in| 7'czsntokain s Tke'lix (‘‘noon people” or
contradistinction to the tribes off ‘‘south people’’).
the Columbia drainage or west
of the Bitterroots (‘‘down-
country people’’) and the east-
ern or Plains tribes (‘‘cutthroat”’
or ‘‘sunrise’’ people).

Lemhi Shoshoni (a general name) |

12 Compare Columbia and Cayuse.

13 Compare the Coeur d’Aléne name for the Nez Percé.

14 Compare names for Umatilla and Columbia.

* Called by the Columbia ozai’tsa.

15 Probably a modern name.

10 In the sign language it seems that they were called by both names.

+ The Columbia call the Shoshoni of the Mountains Snaske’ntkoz; those east of the mountains Snd’a.

1 The Ute and several Shoshonean tribes to the south and east are said to have had special names. Nowa-
days at least the Ute are often called YU’ta, and the Comanche Kami’ntsi.

302 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

EASTERN OR PLAINS TRIBES

General name for eastern tribes or(Tcete’tztin s‘ke'.lix (‘sunrise people’ or

all tribes east of the Salish, Sho-; ‘eastern people’’) Noztu’. (‘‘beheaders”’
shoni, and Blackfoot. or ‘“‘cutthroats’’).
Sarsie e205 2 Meee eae a Rice wees el ences Sarst'. This tribe is said to have been

unknown long ago, and the name for them
was adopted from the Blackfoot or the
white traders.

Blackfoot (proper)._-_---------- Stcrqwé’, Stcekwé’. (“black feet’’).18

Blood] he 22s seers Senhwulstet’ nt, Snawulstct! nt (“blood
people’’).

Pieg anes nS. eae ene eee See eee Tsetsemi'tsa¢ (‘small robes’’).

Gros Ventres or Atsina_--------- Snkaioskestci’nt (said to mean something

like saying ‘‘two”’ or ‘‘two [pole] people,”
probably with reference to tent-poles) .1

‘Avapahon oes) see e2 eee ee Lapaho’, Ala’pho (a corruption of Arapaho).

Cheyennens sane s stern ee Wetckaiu’, Etckat‘u’, Tskakai‘u’, Tcerkai ‘wu’,
Tsv'kekai'u, Tskwai‘u'’ (said to mean
“Dlue [or black] arrows” or “blue arrow
people,”’ so named because the feathers of
their arrows were striped blue and white,
or black and white; according to others
because their arrows were painted blue
and white) .2

Creee te cesses See ew eee Noxtu’ (“cutthroat”’ or “beheader’’),2! Lekré’
(from the word ‘Cree’ by way of the
French).

Sioxe@es 28 os ats ie eee eee Noxtu’ (“cutthroat,’’ ‘‘beheader’’).22

ASSINIbOIMt 2 oes eet ee eee Stkotunuxtu’3 (said to mean “go on foot”

or ‘‘people who go on foot or walk,”’ because
they had no horses at a time when all
the tribes to the south and west of them
were mounted).

Crows newt a= ee aNeee Meee Sté’mtci' (nt) (“raven people’’).

River Crow 22. 2. Sa sven ae Skwais‘tei’, Skwoistei'nt (‘blue for green]
people’’).24

Ob Wayans Sone oe eee Ntcu‘wa’, Nécu‘a’.

TPOQUOlSt ee = ee ee a eee ytlikwe’ (a corruption of the word ‘“TIro-
quois’’).

The Omaha and some other eastern tribes known in later times had
names, but my informants had forgotten them. They were not sure
of the name for the Kiowa.

18 Some people think that these people were so named because they used black or dark-colored moccasins.
People of the Thompson and several tribes sometimes blackened their moccasins in cold weather.

¢ Called by the Columbia Stcemi’tsa.

19 In the sign language they were called ‘‘tent poles’’ and ‘“‘big belly.”

20 In the sign language they were generally designated ‘‘arrows striped across,’’ sometimes they were
called ‘‘cutthroat of the south.”

2 In the sign language sometimes called ‘cutthroat of the north.’? A Coeur d’Aléne sign language
name for them is ‘“‘striped noses”’ or ‘‘scratched noses.”

2 In the sign language often called ‘‘real cutthroat’’ or ‘‘cutthroat of the east.’’

23 Compare form and meaning of this word with twna’ze or kotwna’za, which I think means ‘‘ people who
walk down a valley.’”” However, there may be no connection.

2 In the sign language called ‘‘ people who defecate by the riverside.”

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 303

Diatects.—The Pend d’Oreilles and Kalispel speak the same
dialect. A branch of the latter living in the Chewelah district are
said to have spoken slightly differently. The difference was owing
partly to contact with Colville and Spokan. The Flathead spoke a
dialect slightly different from that of the Pend d’Oreilles. The
difference is very slight at the present day, but was more pronounced
formerly. The Szmté’use are said to have spoken like the Pend
d’Oreilles, but with a difference in intonation and slight differences
in the meaning and pronunciation of certain words. Their utter-
‘ance is said to have been slower than that of the other tribes.) The
Spokan divisions are said to have spoken all alike, and their speech
varied most from the Flathead. However, all these tribes had little
or no difficulty in understanding one another, except the Twuna’re
(Salish-Tuna’xe). The speech of this tribe is said to have been
Salish, but as much removed from the Flathead as the Coeur d’ Aléne,
or more so.”

Flathead and Pend d’Oreilles, it is said, could only partially under-
stand them. Many of them, however, could speak Flathead, espe-
cially those living farthest south; while those living farthest north,
next the Kutenai-7wna’re, were practically bilingual, speaking both
their own language and Kutenai about equally well. It is said that
many Salish-7una’re also spoke Blackfoot and Shoshoni as well as
Flathead and Kutenai.

Hasirat AND Bounpartiss.? Flathead Tribe—It seems that two
Salish tribes lived entirely east of the Continental Divide; the Flat-
head and the Salish-7Tuna’ze. According to Flathead and Pend
d’Oreille informants, long ago the Flathead tribe lived wholly east
of the Rocky Mountains, where they occupied a large tract of country.
They were in several large detached bands, who made their head-
quarters in certain places in the western part of their country, near
the mountains, where conditions were best for wintering. Occasionally
parties went west of the divide, into what are now the counties of
Ravalli and Granite in Montana, but they never crossed the Bitter-
root Range. Parties also went a considerable distance east in the
summertime, some of them ranging around Bozeman and farther to
the north. According to some informants, the former boundaries of
the Flathead tribe were the Rocky Mountains on the west and south,
and the Gallatin, Crazy Mountain, and Little Belt Ranges on’ the

2% According to the Flathead, the last person known to have spoken Twuna’re died in 1870. This was a
man of Salish Twna’re descent, who lived among the Kutenai in the Flathead Agency. Mr. Myers, who
carried on linguistic work with Mr. E. S. Curtiss, told me in 1910 that when in Montana he collected about
10 words (all remembered of the Twna’re language) from an old Kutenai woman, and that these words
show distinct relationship to the Salish languages. See also list of Tuna’re words (given in vocabularies)
preserved in Flathead and Pend d’Oreille personal names. All these appear to be Salish. Also see list of
Tuna’ re (Kutenai- Tuna’re) words collected by me at Tobacco Plains, British Columbia. All these appear
to be related to Kutenai. The first are with little doubt Salish-Tuna’zre words, and the latter Kutenai
Tuna're.

4 See footnote 29 on p. 305. Compare map in Forty-first Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.

304 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

east. Their approximate northern boundary seems to have cut across
the Big Belt Range near its center, following some hilly country north
of Helena, between the Rocky Mountains and Little Belt Mountains.
The territory claimed by the tribe included practically all of the present
counties of Deerlodge, Silver Bow, Beaverhead, Madison, Gallatin,
Jefferson, and Broadwater, and parts of Park, Meagher, and Lewis
and Clark. This is the country said to have been occupied by the
tribe about 1600 (?), when they obtained the first horses. The extreme
eastern and southern parts of the territory may have been to some
extent neutral ground, and the district east of the Big Belt and —
Bridger Ranges was possibly not very fully utilized before the intro-
duction of the horse. About the time of the introduction of the horse
the Flathead had for neighbors the Pend d’Oreilles, Szmté’use, and
Salish-Tuna’xe on the northwest and north, and Shoshonean tribes
all around them on the southwest, south, and east. About this time
the Crow, Gros Ventres, Arapaho, and Cheyenne were unknown,
for they were not in contact with Salish tribes, and originally they
lived far to the east. The Sarsi, Cree, and Assiniboin were also
unknown. The only tribes on the Western Plains at this time, other
than Salish, were Shoshoni, Kutenai,?> and Blackfoot, all of which
were well known. The Blackfoot people were then in three (some
say four) divisions, as they are now,” all speaking the same language.
There were two groups of Shoshoni—those who lived in and west of
the Rockies and those who lived east of the Rockies, on the plains.
Both of these divisions consisted of several tribes, some of them
speaking dialects considerably different from others. Most of them,
however, spoke the ‘real Snake” language. Various Shoshonean
bands or tribes occupied the Lemhi country, and the whole area south
of the Nez Percé. These western or mountain Shoshoni subsisted to
a considerable extent on salmon, like the Nez Percé, Spokan, and
western Salish tribes. East of the Rockies, Shoshonean tribes occu-
pied the Upper Yellowstone country, including the National Park,
and they are said to have extended east to the Big Horn Mountains
or beyond. To the south, both east and west of the Rockies, the
Flathead knew of no tribes that were not branches of the “Snake.”
Most of these people depended chiefly on hunting buffalo, elk, and
mountain sheep. Farther north Shoshonean bands occupied the
country around Livingston, Lewiston, and Denton. How far east
and down the Yellowstone they extended is not known; but they are
thought to have at one time held the country around Billings, and
most, if not all, of the country where the Crow Indians now have a
reservation. Some think they even stretched east almost to the
present Northern Cheyenne Reserve. None of the former Shoshoni
boundaries were properly known to the Flathead, however, except

% Kutenai-Tund’ze. 27 Blackfoot proper, Blood, and Piegan.

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 305

where they were their own neighbors or those of the Tund’xe. A
large Shoshoni band lived at one time near Fort Benton and another
one is said to have lived still farther north. The Sweet Grass Hills,
near the Canadian line, were considered to be the former north-
western boundary of the Shoshoni. These hills were also the boundary
of the Kutenai, and possibly also of the Blackfoot.** Northeastward
Shoshoni are thought to have occupied the country to near Fort
Assiniboin or Havre. How far they extended down the Missouri is
unknown, but they are said to have occupied the region to a con-
siderable distance down on the south side. Although tribes or people
were known to live east of the Shoshoni, it seems that long ago there
was little contact between them.” At this period the western or
mountain Shoshoni seldom crossed the Rockies, with the exception
of small parties, bent on trading and visiting the Shoshoni in the
Yellowstone country, and the Flathead. The Nez Percé and Coeur
d’Aléne never crossed the Rockies, and seldom the Bitterroot Range.
However, small parties visited the southern Pend d’Oreilles, where
they were occasionally met by Flathead, who also visited there.
Parties of Flathead also visited the mountain Snake, especially the -
Lemhi, and they also visited Shoshoni bands on the Yellowstone.
After the mountain Shoshoni had obtained horses they began to
go east of the Rockies regularly in large numbers for buffalo hunting,
sometimes joining forces with other Shoshonean bands who lived
east of the range and sometimes hunting by themselves. Many of
these parties skirted the mountains on the western side and then
crossed into the Yellowstone Park, whence they went east or north.
Others crossed the Rockies by passes farther north, and skirting the
eastern foothills to the Gallatin Range went north on both sides of it
to Livingston and beyond. Some of them went to the Musselshell
River, and occasionally as far as Lewiston and Fort Benton; but it
seems they did not cross the Missouri. This whole territory belonged
to Shoshonean tribes. The Bannock also began to cross the moun-
tains, and some parties occasionally wintered on the east side. Many
of them crossed to the north and passed east through the southern
and eastern borders of the Flathead country by the Gallatin River
and Bozeman. In later days some of them went by Beaver Head
River and Dillon. The Bannock generally hunted by themselves,
and usually did not go as far east and north as some of the mountain
Shoshoni. At a later date the Nez Percé and Coeur d’Aléne also
began to hunt buffaloes east of the Rockies. The Coeur d’Aléne

28 Some say at a later date the Gros Ventres also reached there.

28 The disposition of tribes as above stated appears to agree with information obtained from the Black-
foot. (c,p.17). Wissler says, ‘‘The Piegan claim that before the white man dominated their country
[an uncertain date, probably 1750-1840} the Blackfoot, Blood and Piegan lived north of Macleod; the Ku-
tenai in the vicinity of the present Blood Reserve; the Gros Ventres and the Assiniboin to the east of the
Kootenai; the Snake on the Teton River, and as far north as Two Medicine River; and the Flathead on
the Sun River.”’ :

306 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

probably started at an earlier date than the Nez Percé. Both tribes
passed through Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead territories, and went
first at the invitation of the Flathead. Before the days of horses
the tribes did not hunt so far away from home. They seldom hunted
beyond the borders of their respective territories, except in the case
of small parties engaged in intertribal visits. In those days peace
generally prevailed among the various tribes and there was no con-
tinual warfare like that which developed after the introduction of
the horse and the migrations of eastern tribes westward and of
Blackfoot tribes southward.

The Tunda'ze (or Salish-Tund’xe)—The country of the Tuna’ze
was also altogether east of the Continental Divide and immediately
north of the Flathead. They extended westward to the Rocky
Mountains. Their southern limits are rather vague and there may
have been no very clear dividing line between them and the nearest
bands of Flathead. The dividing line seems to have been some-
where between Marysville and Helena. Their eastern boundary
seems to have been along the Big Belt Range, north to Great Falls.
Beyond this point it swerved northwestward, apparently excluding
the Teton River, or at least its lower part, to a point somewhere near
Conrad, whence it struck westerly to the Rockies. It did not extend
as far north as the present Blackfoot and Piegan Reservation in
Montana. Their territory embraced parts of what are now the
counties of Teton, Lewis and Ciark, and Cascade. Immediately
north of the Tund’ze lived the Kutenai, according to the Flathead,
or the tribe called Tond’ra or Kutona’za by the Upper Kutenai.
The Tuna’re of the Flathead were considered Salish by the Kutenai,
who often called them ‘Sun River people” or simply referred to
them as ‘Flathead.’”’ The Blackfoot also considered them Salish.”
It seems strange that the Flathead should call a Salish tribe by the
same name as the Kutenai give to a Kutenai tribe, and there may
possibly be some confusion among Flathead informants respecting
the tribal names.

The Upper Kutenai say there were three tribes of Kutenai people,
each speaking slightly different dialects of the Kutenai language—
(1) the Lower Kutenai, on Kootenai Lake, and the Kootenai River
above the lake; (2) the Upper Kutenai on Upper Kootenai River,
north to the head of the Columbia, and extending into the Rockies;
(3) the Kutona’xa, Tona’ra, or Tuna’va, east of the Rocky Mountains.
The last-named at one time occupied a considerable territory in
what are now Alberta and Montana, extending east to the Sweet
Grass Hills, and including at least the greater portion of the present

30 See note 29. Thenames T'wna’re and Tona’ra are undoubtedly forms of the name by which the
Kutenai designate themselves Ktun’ra. The derivation may be k-participle; tun- (Lower Kutenai)
out of the woods; ar(@) to go. According to the present form of the language ‘‘those who go out of the
woods” would be Ktuna’ram.—F. Boas.

TEIT} THE FLATHEAD GROUP 307

Blood Reserve in Alberta and all of the Blackfoot Reservation in
Montana. Northward Kutenai territory extended on the east side of
the Rockies to a distance about equal to the northern limits of the
former hunting grounds of the Upper Kutenai, west of the range or
possibly even a little farther north; but it is not clear whether this
northeastern strip of country belonged to the Upper Kutenai or to
the Kutenai-Tund’xa. Presumably it belonged to the former. It
included the country around Banff and probably all the present
reservation of the Stony or Assiniboin Indians on the Bow River.*!
On the south their boundaries coincided with the northern limits of
the Sun River Salish (the tribe called Tuna’xe by my principal
Flathead informant). This eastern or Plains Kutenai tribe was
composed of several bands, most of whom made their headquarters
in the eastern foothills of the Rockies, on both sides of the inter-
national boundary; but a large band lived at one time on the present
Blood Reservation. The main seat of the tribe was near the place
now called Browning, in Montana. To prevent confusion I have
named this tribe Kutenai-Tund’xe, and the Tuna’xe of Flathead and
Pend d’Oreilles informants, Salish-7Tund’ve. The latter had for
neighbors Kutenai-7wnd’re on the north, the Szmté’use on the west,
Flathead on the south, and Shoshoni neighbors on the east. It seems
that the Kutenai-7wnda’vre had Shoshoni on part of their boundary to
the southeast, Blackfoot (probably Piegan) on the east and north,
Upper Kutenai and Pend d’Oreilles on the west, and Salish- Tuna’ re on
the south. It is claimed that at this time there were no Sarsi or
Assiniboin in that part of the country.®

The Srmté’use or Semta’use—The territory of the Semté’use lay
immediately west of the Rocky Mountains, in what is now Powell
County, and in parts of Lewis and Clark, Missoula, and Granite
Counties. Their southern boundary seems to have run in a line
from Garrison or Deerlodge to Missoula, and their western bound-
ary northeasterly to a point in the Rockies in the neighborhood of
the northern end of Powell County, their territory thus forming a
wedge to the north. The former ownership of the triangular piece
of country forming the southern part of Granite County, with Phil-
lipsburg as a center, is uncertain, but it probably belonged to the
Semté’use. Some claim it to have been occupied by Flathead. In
later times it was occupied chiefly by them. The Szemté’use were

31 According to*tradition, the Stony (or Assiniboin) were not in the Rocky Mountains long ago; they were
east of the Kutenai-Twnda’re and Blackfoot. Later some of them appeared in the Bow River region, around
Banff and Morley. At a still later date Shuswap also appeared in this region. They were allies of the
Stony. -It seems that the Assiniboin came in along the eastern slopes of the Rockies from the northeast or
north.

32 The Sarsi, it seems, were not known until comparatively late times. Their home is supposed to have
been to the north of the Blackfoot, while the original home of the Assiniboin is considered to have been
somewhere to the east of the Blackfoot. The Gros Ventres (or Atsina) were also to the east or southeast
of the latter.

308 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [mTH. ANN. 45

thus entirely surrounded by Salish tribes—the Salish-Tund’ve on the
east, the Flathead on the south, and the Pend d’Oreilles on the west.

The Pend d’Oreilles —The Pend d’Oreilles occupied all the Flathead
Lake and Flathead River country, the Little Bitterroot, the Pend
d’Oreille River west to about Plains, the Fork and Missoula Rivers to
about Missoula. Northward they extended to about the British
Columbia line. The origina! owners of that part of Flathead River
that is in British Columbia is uncertain, as some informants of both
the Pend d’Oreilles and Upper Kutenai claim it as hunting territory
of their respective tribes. In later days it seems to have been used
principally by the Upper Kutenai. The Lewis and Clark National
Forest and the Flathead Indian Reserve are both in old Pend
d’Oreilles territory. To the south they extended as far as the Szmté’-
use (near Missoula). Thus they occupied the greater part of Flat-
head and Missoula Counties. According to some informants, all
of Ravalli County was also claimed by the Pend d’Oreilles, al-
though the Flathead occupied it a long time ago. It seems not
unlikely that the Pend d’Oreilles of this part of the country, the
Semté’use of Granite County, and the nearest Flathead bands were
closely related and the boundaries between them not very well de-
fined. Pend d’Oreilles territory narrowed down in the extreme north
and south, and was partly bounded by the Rocky Mountains on the
east and the Bitterroot Mountains on the west. The tribe had for
neighbors the Szemté’use, Salish-Tund’re, and Kutenai-Tunda’zre along
the east; Upper Kutenai on the north; Kalispel, Coeur d’Aléne, and
Nez Percé, along the west; and Shoshoni and Flathead, south. After
the extinction of the Salish-Tund’ze the Flathead and Pend d’Oreilles,
as their nearest relatives, laid claim to their country, and used it as
their hunting ground. The Pend d’Oreilles used chiefly the northern
part and the Flathead the southern; the approximate dividing line
seems to have been across Sun River. Later, after the extinction of
the Szemté’use, the Pend d’Oreilles, claiming to be the tribe most
closely related to them, occupied their country for hunting and root
digging, including their large camas grounds near Missoula. The
latter, however, were also used to some extent by the Flathead.

The Kalispel—The Kalispel occupied arather narrow strip of country
following Pend d’Oreille River, up to Plains and thence north, taking in |
Thompson Lake and Norse Plains. They divided the Kutenai from
the Coeur d’Aléne. This included most of Sanders County, Mon-
tana; the country around Pend d’Oreille Lake and Priests Lake in
Idaho; and nearly all of Pend d’Oreille River within the State of
Washington. A small corner of their hunting country extended into
the Salmon River district in British Columbia. A division speaking
a slightly different dialect also occupied the Chewelah district on the
confines of the Colville tribe. The Kalispel were thus bounded by

TEIT THE FLATHEAD GROUP 309

Lower Kutenai on the north, Colville and Lake on the west, Spokan
and Coeur d’Aléne on the south, and the Pend d’Oreilles on the east.

The Spokan.—The Spokan occupied that part of eastern Washing-
ton immediately south of the Kalispel and west of the Coeur d’Aléne.
It seems that the bulk of the tribe was on the Spokane and Little
Spokane Rivers. South they claimed the country to Cow Creek,
and, according to some, along this creek almost or quite to Palouse
River. North their country embraced the present Spokan Reserva-
tion, Loon Lake, Deer Park Lake, Peone Prairie, and all the north-
ern feeders of the Spokane. Their western boundary seems to have
been approximately a line running about due south from the mouth
of Spokane River and passing through Ritzville. The Spokan
hardly touched Columbia River at any point. They had for neigh-
bors the Coeur d’Aléne on the east, the Kalispel and Colville on the
north, the Sanpoil and Columbia on the west, and the Paloos on
the south.®

PuHysIcAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE Country.—The country for-
merly inhabited by the Spokan is arid in the lower valleys, but at
higher levels very much of it consists of rolling, grass-covered pla-
teaus and prairies with comparatively little timber. Much of the
northern part of the Pend d’Oreilles country and most of the Kalispel
country are more or less heavily forested. A great deal of it is hilly
or mountainous, but there are also many flat open parts and meadows
with luxuriant grass. Altogether the territories of the Flathead group
of tribes were exceedingly diversified in natural features, rich in food
supplies, and had good climatic conditions.

Divisions, Banps, AND Heapquarters. The Flathead.—It seems
now impossible to get a full list of the bands of the Flathead tribe
previous to their change of organization brought about by the intro-
duction of the horse and subsequent prolonged wars with the Black-
foot. It appears that there were at least four distinct bands having
their main winter camps in the western parts of the country. Of
these, it seems that one was on a river near Helena, one near Butte,
another smaller one somewhere east of Butte, and one somewhere in
the Big Hole Valley. The Big Hole and Helena bands are said to have
been large. There are traditions of two other bands, making prob-
ably six in all, but I did not learn the localities in which they had
their headquarters. It seems that some of the bands did not always
winter in the same locality, while others did. It is said that some
parties wintered alternately at widely separate places in the eastern
part of the country. The inference is that some were nomadic to a
large extent, while others, probably the majority, generally wintered
in definite “home” localities. In the fair season it seems that most

31f the Paloos are newcomers then they may have had the Nez Percé as southern neighbors; but the
main settlements of the two tribes were far apart.

310 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

of them, perhaps all, divided into two or more parties, who traveled
in different directions from one seasonal ground to another, hunting,
root digging, berrying, visiting, and trading. Some of these parties
traveled considerable distances on these trips. In the summertime
bands of Flathead might be met with in the valleys of the Big Hole,
Beaver Head, Madison, and Gallatin Rivers, and in the country
north to Helena, as well as at points within the boundaries of their
neighbors in the Bitterroot Valley and elsewhere. Parties also
frequented the upper portions of Shield Creek and the Musselshell;
but this may have been in later days, after the introduction of horses.*
Changed conditions, wrought by the adoption of the horse, the impor-
tance of buffalo hunting, and wars with the Blackfoot appear to have
resulted in the breaking up of the old system of geographically local-
ized bands and to have forced the tribe to live together as a unit.
In the summer the tribe split into two or three large parties, who
came together for the winter in a single large camp or in two camps
close together. Sometimes, for protection, the tribe remained united
during the whole year. In later times they wintered as far west as
possible, according to some,in Pend d’Oreilles territory. Tlka’trmels *
(“thick bushes” or ‘willow bushes’’), now known as Stevensville, in
the Bitterroot Valley, was for many years their main winter camp.
In the schedule of Indian Reserves * the Flathead appear to be
divided into three bands—the Bitterroot, Carlos band, and the
Flathead.

The Salish-Tund’xe.—The number and locations of the Salish-
Tuna’xe bands are not fully remembered. It seems that there were
at least four main divisions. The largest band is said to have had
their headquarters at a place called Sensi’kol (said to mean ‘‘ice
piled up”’) on Sun River, near Fort Shaw. This was considered the
-main seat of the tribe. Another band wintered at Szensi’skul (said
to mean “‘little ice piled up”’), also on Sun River; a third division
had their headquarters on Dearborn River; and a fourth generally
made their main camp somewhere near Great Falls, but whether on
the main Missouri or at the mouth of a tributary stream is not clear.
A fifth band is sometimes spoken of as having lived farther north and
west, in the foothills of the Rockies, at the heads of some small
streams near some little lakes. The people of this band were mixed
with Kutenai and it is not quite certain whether they belonged
properly to the Salish-Tund’ze or to the Kutenai-Tund’ze.

(In a later communication Mr. Teit sent the following information
obtained from the Kutenai.) There were two bands with separate
chiefs that lived together near Browning, Mont. (on the present

34 Some people think that very long ago there were scattered bands located more or less permanently
at all those places.

85 Compare Ka’lemiz (list of Okanagon villages, p. 206, No. 3).

% Report of the Department of Indian Affairs, 1905, p. 495.

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 311

Blackfoot or South Piegan Reserve), and this place was considered
their headquarters. Here their old camp sites may be found, although
now covered with earth. When the earth is dug away the tent circles
may be seen, and the fireplaces. According to John Star, numbers
of these circles of stones have been unearthed in this vicinity. Chief
Paul told me that when a young man he had seen the remains of a
great J’una’xe camp in the country south of Macleod in the foothills,
the circles of stones for their tipis being traceable for a distance of
about 5 miles. The Kakwagemeti'kenik! lived just north of them.
They spoke the same dialect as the Upper Kutenai of Tobacco
Plains and Fort Steele(?). They are said to have had their head-
quarters in the heart of the Rockies in the Crow’s Nest Pass near
Michel, British Columbia, and to have hunted on both sides of the
divide. They are reported to have been killed off by an epidemic
and the few survivors scattered. A very few of them settled among
other bands of Kutenai as far north as Windermere. As the country
around Macleod and south some distance is exposed to violent winds,
stones would naturally be requisite for placing against the lodge poles
to help steady the lodges.

The Semté’use-—The Semté’use also were in several bands, win-
tering at different places. Before the introduction of the horse the
largest band was on Big Blackfoot River, which was considered the
headquarters of the tribe. Some people lived on the Little Blackfoot
and Salmon-Trout Rivers, but it is not clear whether they formed
separate bands. One or two bands occupied the Missoula River
country. It seems that one of these had headquarters near a place
called Skalsa’*’ or Epté’thwa ** (“possessing camas’’), later known
as “Big Camas” or ‘Camas Prairie,’ between the Missoula and Big
Blackfoot. Some think that a smaller band had headquarters near
Deer Lodge and maybe Phillipsburg, but some informants assign
this place to the Flathead. Anaconda is reckoned to be in old Flat-
head territory. In later days the tribe became more concentrated,
_and their main camp seems to have been near Camas Prairie.

The Pend d’Oreilles—It seems that the earliest recognized main
seat of the Pend d’Oreilles was at Flathead Lake. According to some
informants, there were four main divisions of the tribe,*® with head-
quarters in different parts of the country. Of these, probably the
Flathead Lake people were the most important. They appear to
have had several winter camps in the vicinity of the lake. Whether
each camp or village was considered a separate band is not clear. It
appears that some people lived north of the lake, with their main

37 Said to be the Szemté’use name. The name may be connected with camas.

38 Said to be the Flathead name.

39 Some say that each tribe of the Flathead group was divided into four bands or divisions, but this seems
an attempt at more or less conscious systematization.

ile SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

camp near Kalispel, and possibly a smaller one near Columbia Falls.
Other people lived west of the lake, with headquarters probably at
or near Dayton, and there were others near Polson at the foot of the
lake. There were also winter camps lower down, near Jocko, Dixon,
Ravall, and at other places. A number of Pend d’Oreilles lived near
Camas Prairie and at other places on the Missoula; but this may
have been after the extinction of the Szemté’use, as this place was
considered to be on the territory of the latter. It seems that Pend
d’Oreilles sometimes also wintered on the Bitterroot. A _ large
band wintered at Snye’lemen® or Snia’lemen, near the present St.
Ignatius Mission. Some time after the introduction of the horse
this place became the main seat of the tribe, and Flathead Lake lost
its importance. The same conditions which forced the Flathead to
concentrate affected the Pend d’Oreilles also, but perhaps to not
quite the same extent. It is said that about 1810 to 1830 nearly
the whole tribe wintered in a single large camp at St. Ignatius Mission,
in the same way as the Flathead did at Stevensville. There are some
indications that the Pend d’Oreilles at one time may have been in
two divisions, a northern and a southern, each comprising a number
of bands.

The Kalispel—The Kalispel, it seems, were at one time in three
divisions: (1) The Upper Kalispel, sometimes called Ntszmts7’ni
(‘people of the confluence,” from ntszemtsin, ‘entrance, outlet, or
confluence,’’ a place at the outlet of Pend Oreille Lake, where a
considerable band of them formerly wintered). (2) The Lower
Kalispel, often called ‘‘the Kalispel” or ‘“‘real Kalispel,’’ and some-
times ‘‘camas people” and “ Kalispe’m.”’ They are said to have
been so called because they occupied the Kalispel country proper,
the district around Kalispe'lem or Kalispe’m, the name of the large
camas prairie west of the Pend Oreille River, near: Calispell Lake,
Washington. (3) The Chewelah, generally called Stdté’uwse, and
sometimes T’sent?’s. In later days they were often called Chewelah
by whites and Indians (from Tcewi’la or Teuwi'la, the name of one of
their principal winter camps near Chewelah, Wash.). Some people
considered these people a tribe different from the Kalispel, as they
spoke a slightly different dialect and lived by themselves. However,
they recognized their very close relationship to the Kalispel. I did
not succeed in getting a full list of Kalispel bands, but it seems that
there were several in each division. There were probably at least
two bands of the Chewelah, as some people speak of their having had
two winter camps. In fair weather some of them camped near
Newport and Fool’s Prairie, where they often remained many weeks.
They also repaired regularly to Calispell Lake, where they dug
camas with the Lower Kalispel. They occupied the country west of

40 Said to mean “‘encircled”’ or ‘‘surrounded,”’ some say because of groves of bushes and trees forming a
circle, and by others because elk used to be surrounded at this place.

TEIT) THE FLATHEAD GROUP 313

the Calispell or Chewelah Mountains in the upper part of the Colville
Valley. The Lower Kalispel country was also nearly all in the State
of Washington, where they occupied the Lower Pend Oreille River
from about Newport down. This division is said to have had their
headquarters on the east side of the Pend Oreille River, near Usk
and Cusiek, at a little creek called T'su’kol (said to be from the name
of the little water ouzel or dipper, because these birds were plentiful
at this place). There were other winter camps on the river, most of
them on the east side, and all within a radius of about 9 miles of
this place. The present-day Lower Kalispel, consisting of Chief
Marcellin’s band, still live in this neighborhood. They refused to
go on the Colville and other reserves, and lately had a strip of land
reserved for them here. It appears that a small band formerly
wintered at Stlkamtsi’n (“confluence”), near the mouth of the Calis-
pell River. Another old camp or village was at Nyé’yot, now called
Indian Creek, on the east side of the river, about nine miles below
Newport, where there is an island in the river. According to some,
the main camp of the Lower Kalispel long ago was at a place on
Pend Oreille River called Stse7’a, in the district where Chief Marcel-
lin’s band still live. The Upper Kalispel occupied all the tribal terri-
tory now within Idaho and Montana. Besides the band that formerly
wintered at the outlet of Pend Oreille Lake, a band had _ head-
quarters at Shwe‘uv’ (‘‘portage’’), on the east bank of the river, at
Albany Falls, and another at Qapgape’ (‘“‘sand’’), near Sand Point;
and there are said to have been smaller bands at other places. In
later times a band called ‘“‘Camas Prairie” Kalispel, numbering
about fifteen lodges, had their headquarters near the confines of the
Pend d’Oreilles. A few descendants of this band are now on the
Flathead Reserve. In later years the Pend Oreille Lake band often
shifted their winter camps to various places within their territory,
and occasionally many of them wintered with the Lower Kalispel.
It is uncertain whether any band had regular headquarters at New-
port, but people occasionally wintered there.

The Spokan.—The Spokan were in three main groups: (1) The
Lower Spokan, occupying the mouth and lower part of Spokane
River, including the present Spokan Indian Reserve. (2) The
Upper Spokan, or Little Spokan, occupying the Little Spokane River
and all the country east of the Lower Spokan to within the borders of
Idaho. Part of their territory formed a wedge between the Coeur
d’Aléne and Kalispel. The plateau country south of Spokane
River, around Davenport and toward Palouse, was used as a sum-
mering and hunting ground by both these divisions, and it seems there
was no distinct line here between them. (3) The South or Middle

41 For the Indian names of these divisions, see p. 298.

- 41383°—30——21

314 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

Spokan occupied the whole Hangmans Creek country, extending south
along the borders of the Coeur d’Aléne. It seems that they did not
go west of Cheney. There were several bands of these divisions but
I did not obtain their names and locations. A band called
Sntsuwé’stsene lived at the head of the Little Spokane River.
PopuLation.—Informants agree that a long time ago the people of
all the Flathead tribes were very numerous, but it is impossible to
obtain any definite estimate of what the population was in early
times. The oldest estimates I obtained were based on the number
of lodges in winter camps about 1850. Most of these vary so much
that they are of little value. This may be due partly to the fact that
the number of people dwelling at certain points varied in different
winters. Thus the number of lodges of the Kalispel in the winter
camp or village at the outlet of Pend d’Oreille Lake is stated to have
been not over 8 some winters, and in other winters as many as 15,
while occasionally there were only 2 or 3, or even none at all. Like-
wise, at a place on Spokane River there were often 6 lodges, but some
winters there were as many as 12, and occasionally 1 or 2 or none
at all. At a time before horses were in general use the number of
lodges to the winter camp probably did not fluctuate so much, so that
many places had nearly the same number of inhabitants every winter,
thus corresponding to conditions found formerly among the Coeur
d’Aléne and other tribes. Of the Spokan, the upper division is said
to have been the most numerous. The Lower Spokan were not so
many; while the Middle Spokan were always a small body, numbering
only afew hundred. A story is told relating the reason for their small
numbers.” The whole Spokan tribe is said to have numbered more
people than the Coeur d’Aléne, immediately prior to the advent of the
fur traders; the Kalispel about the same as the Spokan; and the Pend
d’Oreilles more than either. The Flathead numbered less than the
Pend d’Oreilles, but it is said that they were much reduced by wars.
Some say that tradition relates they were at one time the most popu-
lous and important tribe of the Flathead group, being considered the
head tribe of the group. The Semté’use and the Salish-Tund’re were
said to be less in numbers than the Pend d’Oreilles. It thus seems
possible that the total population of the Flathead tribes some time
after the introduction of the horse, or before the beginning of the wars
with the Blackfoot, may have been in the neighborhood of 15,000.”
The Lewis and Clark estimates ** around 1805-06, of 600 for the Spo-
kan, 1,600 for the Kalispel and Pend d’Oreilles, and 600 for the Flat-

«2 Folk-Tales of Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes. Memoirs American Folk-lore Society, vol. x1, p. 122.

43 Revais stated that about 1860, and perhaps later, the traders estimated the Spokan, Kalispel, and Pend
d’Oreilles each to have numbered about 1,000. The Flathead were considered to have numbered a little
less, making perhaps a total of about 3,500 to 3,800 for the four tribes. The Kutenai on both sides of the line
were thought to number less than 2,000; and the Nez Percé, from 3,000 to 3,500.

44 See Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn.

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP So

head, are probably much too low for the time. The present-day
population of the tribes, as given by the United States Department of
Indian Affairs, is—

1905 | 1906 | 1907 | 1908 | 1909 | 1910
| — _ —
Flathead (Flathead Reservation, Mont.)__-_|_ 557; 615} 623) 590) 598|_____
Pend d’Oreilles (Flathead Reservation,

NAO) SS USES eRe aa ae a 640} 627) 633} 670} 665/_____
Kalispel (Flathead Reservation, Mont.)____}| 197} 199) 202; 192] 182)_____
Kalispel (Colville Agency, Wash.) __-__----- 198 98 98) 98 96, 95
Spokan (Flathead Reservation, Mont.) ?-_--| 135) 133) 135 144| 138 eee
Spokan (Colville Agency, Wash.):

Wppervand! Middle2] 22. 2 than 2 LA OUR 238!) Aa a
Laie oot eee ee ee eee DiUOSONRSOLIEra lure, foot
Spokan (Coeur d’ Aléne Reservation, Idaho) - 91 91 95 93} 104 96
Okanagon (Colville Agency, Wash.):
Nominean lit Se 548 |
26 e ~ € 57 i t .
SOUCDer NENA femme mes a eee 144] | BAUS Sire OT RT AD MO3®
Coeur d’ Aléne (Coeur d’Aléne Reservation,
TICKING) See Rt ORS En ae ag .494| 496} 506) 492) 533] 537
“TRG Se a ke 3, 358)3, 229)3, 1793, 409/38, 300)__ _ __

1 It is not clear whether this refers to Kalispel actually on the Colville Reserve or to the nontreaty band
of Chief Marcellin living at their old home on Pend Oreille River. If these are not meant, the number of
Marcellin’s band should be added (about 100). It is said that a number of Chewelah Kalispel have allot-
ments near Chewelah, and it is not clear whether they are included in the Kalispel under the Colville
Agency.

2 According to Michel Revais, the Spokan on the Flathead Reserve are nearly all Upper Spokan. There
are a few Middle or Hangman’s Spokan.

3 The single figures and totals show that the census is approximate.

The chief reasons assigned for the great decrease in the population
of the tribes are epidemics and wars. Almost the whole Salish-
Tunda’xe and the greater part of the Szmté’use are said to have been
killed off in wars. The survivors were nearly all swept off by small-
pox about 1800. The Flathead are said to have been reduced to
nearly half at the same time. The disease is said to have come from
the Crow, passed through the Flathead to the Szmté’use, Pend
d’Oreilles, and Kalispel, and on to the Spokan and Colville, even-
tually dying out among the Salish tribes of the Columbia River.
The Shahaptian tribes are said to have escaped or to have been only
slightly affected. The Pend d’Oreilles, Kalispel, Spokan, Colville,
and Columbia all suffered severely; but the disease is said to have
been worst among the Spokan, whole bands of whom were wiped out.
Michel Revais told me the following regarding this epidemic: ‘‘Small-
pox came, it is said, from the Crow. This was in the wintertime
about 100 years ago. The people were in their winter camps. My
grandmother was a little girl at the time, and living at Ntsuwé’ (‘little

316 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN, 45

creek’), the first creek below Dixon, Mont. The father of my father-
in-law was a little boy, and living at Kalispé’lem, eastern Washing-
ton. Both of them took the disease, but survived. The Flathead
suffered severely. Before this time they had a large population. It
spread to the Pend d’Oreilles, then down to the Kalispel, the Col-
ville, and finally down Columbia River. So many people died in
some places that the lodges were full of corpses. Some of the ‘long
lodges’ were quite full of dead and dying people. So many people
died that they could not be buried, and the dogs ate the bodies.”
About 1847 measles spread over the country, and many died. The
Columbia River tribes did not suffer much, but a great many deaths
occurred among the Spokan. Revais said that many of the Spokan
tried to cure themselves by sweat bathing and bathing in cold water,
and all who did this died. Two white men called Walker and Lee,
from Walker’s Prairie, went among them and told them to keep dry
and warm. After this very few died.

Mierations AND Movements or Trises.—Traditions of migra-
tions refer principally to movements of tribes caused by wars. The
most conspicuous changes of-location were a southern movement of
the Blackfoot and a western movement of the Crow and other
Plains tribes. So far.as known to the Flathead, the former migration
was the earlier. The aggressions of these tribes resulted in forcing a
general retirement to the south and west of the tribes occupying the
western fringe of the plains, between latitudes 43° and 52°. The
Shoshoni were forced south and west. Some bands were permanently,
others temporarily, displaced; a few may have been destroyed. The
Kutenai-Tund’re, Salish-Tund’re, and Szemté’use, and possibly cer-
tain small bands of Upper Kutenai were driven west. All the Flat-
head moved westward. The Mountain Shoshoni and Bannock
buffalo-hunting parties were driven west of the mountains. The
Pend d’Oreilles and certain Kutenai moved southward and other
Kutenai northward. For a time the buffalo hunting of the mountain
Shoshoni, Bannock, Flathead, and possibly some Kutenai bands was
partially discontinued. The Flathead and Pend d’Oreilles concen-
trated in large groups. At the instance of the Flathead, the Salish
and other western tribes began to cooperate in buffalo hunting, war,
and mutual protection. This resulted in the invasion of the plains
for hunting and war by the Coeur d’Aléne, Nez Percé, and other
plateau tribes; the checking of further invasion and displacement by
eastern tribes; the reoccupation of certain territories by the western
tribes, and resumption of buffalo hunting.

The incidents of these tribal movements were as follows: At a time
about six or seven generations ago (about 1700 or 1750), just before
the Blackfoot began to have horses, war parties of Blackfoot attacked
the Salish-Tunda’re. At this time the Shoshoni had plenty of horses,

rEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP SSL

the Salish-Tunda’xe and Flathead had them, the Kutenai had none,
and the Kutenai-7und’ze few or none. About this time the bands of
Shoshoni living in the country north and east of the Salish-Tund’zre
were attacked. Blackfoot parties in great force appeared persist-
ently, and drove the Shoshoni out of the country, killing numbers of
them. Finally all the Shoshoni disappeared south of the Missouri,
and no Shoshoni came near the Missouri again for many years. The
people of some bands were nearly all killed off, while others fled to the
south. Some of them migrated a long distance, in order to be out of
reach of the Blackfoot, and it is not known where they settled. None
of them, except perhaps a few stragglers, went west into the moun-
tains, and none stayed east of the mountains anywhere north of the
Yellowstone. They went to a distant country and disappeared.
Some of them may have been killed by the Crow.” At about the
same time, when the Shoshoni were first attacked, the Blackfoot may
also have driven out the more northern bands of Kutenai (the Kutenai-
Tund’xe) that lived east of the mountains. Information obtained
from the Kutenai agrees with this. The attacks of the Blackfoot on
the Salish-Tund’re continued, and for a number of years there existed
a constant warfare between these tribes. The Salish-Tund’re were a
strong, wealthy, warlike tribe, and noted for courage. They resisted
the Blackfoot stoutly, but at last were reduced to a remnant that
lived at one place on Sun River. Here they held out for some time,
but finally they were overwhelmed and completely scattered. Some
were made slaves by the Blackfoot and others were adopted as mem-
bers of the tribe. Some escaped and took refuge among western
tribes. Most of them crossed the Rockies and settled among the
Kutenai and Pend d’Oreilles. -A number settled among the Flathead
and a few among the Kalispel and even the Colville. Some strayed
farther away and settled among the Nez Percé and mountain Shoshoni.
A very few took refuge among the Crow, but none among the Coeur
d’Aléne. Shortly before the final breaking up of the tribe, a band
of them migrated east and nothing further was heard of them.
Another band went somewhere south of the Missouri, where after
a time they were attacked by either Blackfoot or Crow and most
of them were killed. The remnants settled among the mountain
Shoshoni and Bannock. Some Tund’ze died of a disease of some kind.

(At a later time Mr. Teit writes, basing his statement on informa-
tion obtained from the Kutenai): The tribe had no horses and no
guns. At some time, long ago, one of the bands living near Brown-
ing was visited by an epidemic, perhaps smallpox, and all died except

45 In answer to queries, I gained no information from the Flathead regarding the Comanche and Kiowa
having lived in the north on the confines of the Flathead country. If they ever lived there they may have
been considered Shoshoni, perhaps included among the Shoshonean bands who migrated south at the
beginning of the wars with the Blackfoot. Neither did I get any information as to the Bannock having
lived east of the mountains. Some of them occasionally wintered there, but their headquarters were
around Fort Hall.

318 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [pTH. ANN. 45

nine, who became well through the ministrations of a young woman
(called the younger sister). This girl had an elder sister married to
a man of the other band, and lived among them. The nine survivors
went to take up their abode with their friends of the other band, but
the latter would not let them near for they were afraid of contagion.
At last they allowed the girl to join her sister. The other eight then
left the country, crossed the mountains to the west and settled among
the Pend d’Oreilles. Some years afterwards the remaining large band
disappeared, and it is not known whether they were exterminated by
the Blackfoot or some other tribe, died of smallpox, or migrated. It
is generally believed that they went off in a body to some distant
country where their descendants are now living.

After the disruption of the Salish-Tund’re, Blackfoot parties began
to enter the Flathead country and to attack the Flathead who wintered
in the northern and eastern parts of the tribal territory. Many were
killed. The rest forsook their former homes and retired farther south
and west. The Blackfoot raids continued until all the Flathead
concentrated for protection and moved west into the mountains.

All the tribes who had formerly inhabited the plains along the
eastern side of the Rockies in this region had now disappeared, while
the mountain Shoshoni and Bannock, who had for some time been in
the habit of going east for buffalo hunting, were now, like the Flat-
head, obliged to remain west in the mountains and hunt buffalo at
short range. The whole country along the eastern foot of the Rockies,
north of the Yellowstone, was in possession of the Blackfoot and had
become very dangerous ground. The entire Flathead tribe now
wintered in the Bitterroot Valley, generally in a single large camp near
Stevensville. Here they constantly coralled and guarded the large
number of horses they possessed.

About this time the Crow were first heard of as advancing from
the east and fighting the Shoshoni, whom they drove out of the Yellow-
stone River country into the mountains and around the headwaters of
the river to the west and south. It seems that the Crow occupied
part of the Shoshoni country and stayed there. In the same way the
Blackfoot now occupied all the Kutenai-Tund’re country and part of
the northern Shoshoni country, but they did not winter or make any
permanent camps in the old Salish-Tund’ze country. Their camps
were all north of Sun River and the Missouri. Probably they would
have gradually occupied permanently most of the country their war
parties had overrun had they not been checked by the alliance of all
the western tribes. This may also have checked the further advance-
ment of the Crow westward. Having overrun nearly all the eastern
country, the Blackfoot now extended their war expeditions west of
the divide, and sometimes appeared at Stevensville, where they
attempted several times to run off the Flathead horses, but never

TEIT) THE FLATHEAD GROUP 319

attacked the camp. They also appeared in the Upper Kutenai
and Pend d’Oreilles countries, and in somewhat later times their war
parties occasionally penetrated into the country of the Kalispel.
However, the only ones that suffered much in these raids west of the
Rockies were the Semté’use, who are said to have been easy-going
and loosely organized. Large war parties of Blackfoot attacked them
several times and killed large numbers of people. The remnant
of the tribe forsook their old camping places and wintered near Mis-
soula. Here or on the Big Blackfoot River they were attacked
again and many were killed. This was about 1800, before the small-
pox came and before Lewis and Clark arrived. The remainder of
the tribe succumbed to the smallpox and the few survivors settled
among the Pend d’Oreilles.

A short time previous to this date the Pend d’Oreilles had com-
bined with the Flathead for hunting on the plains, and in great
measure they had forsaken their old style of life. Many of them had
evacuated the region around Flathead Lake and the extreme northern
part of their territory, at least for a great part of the year, and the
bulk of the tribe wintered in one great camp at Mission (Sniye’lemen).
About this time the Blackfoot began to have guns, which made them
stronger, and parties often appeared in the northern Pend d’Oreilles
country. The Kutenai could not cross the mountains to hunt, and
at the invitation of the Pend d’Oreilles some of them had joined the
latter for hunting buffalo. These Kutenai belonged to Rexford and
Tobacco Plains; but some of them are said to have lived originally
east of the mountains, and others at places in the northern part of
the Kutenai country. In later times those Kutenai who associated
most with the Pend d’Oreilles:seldom returned to their own country
after their return from buffalo hunting, but made their winter camps
in that part of the Pend d’Oreilles country evacuated by the Pend
d’Oreilles, chiefly north and west of Flathead Lake. Occasionally
camps made west and south of the lake were composed of both
Kutenai and Pend d’Oreilles. Some time after the Blackfoot had
begun to make expeditions west of the mountains Crow war parties
occasionally came into the western part of the Flathead country.

The Flathead now invited the western tribes to join forces with
them for hunting buffalo in the old Flathead country east of the
mountains. The Coeur d’Aléne and Nez Percé began to come, and
about the same time many Kalispel joined the Pend d’Oreilles.
Within a short time large parties of Nez Percé and Coeur d’Aléne
arrived annually for buffalo hunting. It was not long before these
forces were augmented by large numbers of Spokan and Columbia,
and by small numbers of people from neighboring tribes farther west.
At first the allies combined in two or three large parties. Sometimes
Flathead and Nez Percé went together in one party and Pend

320 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

d’Oreilles, Kutenai, and Coeur d’Aléne in another; but there were
often different alignments. The Blackfoot and Crow were not much
feared now and seldom appeared, at least in the more western and
southern parts of the Flathead country. The allied parties often
camped and hunted far afield on the borders of their enemies’ terri-
tory along the Missouri and Yellowstone, as well as all through the
old territory of the Salish-7und’re and part of that of the Kutenai-
Tuna’ve. Usually the great Pend d’Oreilles party hunted east and
north and the Flathead party east and south. After the alliance of
the northern plateau tribes with the Flathead, the mountain Sho-
shoni and Bannock began to hunt buffalo again on the plains. Some
of their parties, alone or in conjunction with Salish, went as far
north as the main Missouri. The strip of old Shoshoni country east
of the Salish, from the Yellowstone to the Canadian boundary,
became an intertribal hunting ground, and many battles were fought
there. The Salish allies claim to have had generally the upper hand
in the greater part of this territory. Ali the tribes now had firearms,
the Coeur d’Aléne and some Shoshoni being the latest to acquire
guns. Conditions continued to improve for the western tribes, who
now easily held their own against the eastern tribes. It was no longer
necessary to go in large parties. A few hundred people in each party
usually sufficed. The Nez Percé, Bannock, Shoshoni, and Flathead
often went separately. Most of the Kutenai and western Salish
tribes still went with the Pend d’Oreilles, but the Coeur d’Aléne
sometimes went with the Nez Percé, and the Flathead with the Sho-
shoni. The southern and western movement of Blackfoot and the
western movement of the Crow were checked. The latter began to
move north rather than west. After buffalo hunting was resumed
by the Flathead they learned of other tribes who had meanwhile
migrated west, and soon they came in contact with them: These
were the Arapaho and Cheyenne in the southeast, the Gros Ventres
or Atsina in the northeast, and the Assiniboin near the Gros Ventres.
The Assiniboin are said to have come into the western plains from
some place still farther east or northeast. They were énemies of the
Blackfoot. The Gros Ventres are thought to have come about 1800
from some place a little east or south of the Crow. At one time the
Gros Ventres and the Arapaho may have occupied the country,to the
east of the northern part of the Plains Shoshoni, and the Crowmayhave .
pushed them out. At that time they probably had no horses and
were more sedentary. At one time the Gros Ventres, coming from
the south, invaded some of the Blackfoot country. A war ensued,
in which the Gros Ventres were defeated. Later they became friendly
with the Blackfoot and were sometimes their allies in war. The
Crow came almost directly from the east and were generally enemies
of the Gros Ventres and Blackfoot. About the middle of the last

ret] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 321

century some other tribes were met or heard of, such as the Sarsi,
who lived among the Blackfoot; the Cree in the north, just beyond
the Blackfoot; Stony Assiniboin, in the Rocky Mountains to the
north, who are supposed to have broken away from the real Assiniboin
farther east; and the River Crow who had separated from the Moun-
tain Crow and migrated north to near the borders of the Gros Ventres.
Still other tribes were the Sioux, who came from very far east and
were enemies of all the tribes; also the Omaha and others to the
southeast. Iroquois and stragglers from various distant tribes came
in with the early white traders and explorers. The causes of the
southern movement of the Blackfoot and the western movements of
the Crow and other tribes are unknown, but it is supposed that they
originated in their desire to find a better buffalo country and to obtain
supplies of horses. The country of the Salish and Shoshoni, east of
the Rockies from about the Canadian line to a little south of the
Yellowstone, was probably the best buffalo country. On the other
hand, the Blackfoot and some eastern tribes are said to have had
comparatively few buffalo in their countries. Also the western tribes
are said to have been supplied with horses at an earlier date than
those of the east. It is also considered possible that some of the
tribes which invaded the western plains may have been forced west
by enemies, as nearly all the eastern tribes fought among themselves
as well as against the western tribes.** There are some vague tra-
ditions of other movements of tribes which may indicate migrations
in very early times. They are not particularly connected with wars
and are as follows:

A vague tradition among some of the Pend d’Oreilles says that
their remote ancestors broke away from the main body of the people;
that they were attacked by enemies, crossed a lake on the ice, and
finally, after a series of migrations, reached their present country.
The Thompson have a somewhat similar tradition. Some Pend
d’Oreilles consider the Kalispel as an offshoot of themselves.

The Staté’use or Chewelah are said to have been a part or a band of
the Lower Kalispel, originally inhabiting the Calispell Lake region,
who moved into the Colville Valley. They claimed equal rights in
the camas digging near Calispell Lake with the Kalispel of Usk
and of the east side of the Pend Oreille River.

Although there appear to be no definite traditions on the subject,
Revais considered the Kalispel as a branch of the Pend d’Oreilles

46 In reply to queries, it was stated that the real or original Blackfoot country was north of Milk River.
The Piegan lived here and the Blood and real Blackfoot north of them. At one time the Piegan neighbored
with the Kutenai-Twna’re to the west and Gros Ventres to the east. The Assiniboin were east of the
Gros Ventres. Whether the countries of the last two tribes were originally Piegan or Blackfoot is unknown.
Kutenai, Piegan, and Shoshoni territories met at the Sweet Grass Hills. The Piegan also occupied the -
head of Milk and Marias Rivers, but this was old Kutenai-Tund’re country. It is not known how long

the Shoshoni had been in possession of their country between the Missouri and the Sweet Grass Hills
before the advent of the horse, but they are thought to have been there a long time.

322 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

rather than vice versa. He as well as others considered the Flathead
as the parent tribe of the Flathead group. Revais stated that he
had heard some vague traditions regarding some movements of
tribes in the Spokan and Paloos countries, but he had forgotten
them so far that he did not care to make any statement as to what
they were.

There was a tradition among the Flathead that a long time ago
part of their tribe migrated to the west, and that the descendants of
this group are living in a distant country and still speak the Flathead
language. This belief is held by several tribes, and is perhaps too
general to be taken into account. Some of my informants believed
that all related tribes of every language had originated by breaking
away from some parent group and migrating here and there in
search of better food supply, but the migrations happened so long
ago that in most cases the traditions are lost. It seems possible that
there have been some early movements of Flathead people westward
toward the salmon streams. The Pend Oreille River route is easy of
travel, and was the main route of communication between the plains
and the western plateaus from the earliest times. Any migrations
which may have occurred would have been by way of this route.

INTERCOURSE AND INTERMARRIAGE.—In olden times the Flathead
had most intercourse with Salish-Tund’xe and Shoshoni and inter-
married chiefly with them. There was also considerable intercourse
and intermarriage with the Pend d’Oreilles and Szmte’use. The
Flathead living around Helena are said to have mixed a great deal
with the Salish-7Tund’ze, and even the Flathead of Butte and neighbor-
hood were mixed with them. Some people say that before the days
of horses the Flathead intermarried very little with other tribes;
but there was some intermarriage with Shoshoni, and a little with
Pend d’Oreilles and Salish-Tund’re. The Salish-Tund’zre inter-
married with Flathead, and also with the Shoshoni of the Lower
Teton River. There was slight intermarriage with the Pend
d’Oreilles, and possibly some with Blackfoot. Most intermarriage,
however, was with the Kutenai-7Jund’re. Some say that there was
so much intermarriage with the latter that there was no very distinct
dividing line between the two. The people north of Sun River, on
the Teton and Marias, south of Browning, were more than half
Kutenai in blood and language. It seems that among the inhabitants
of the whole strip of country next the mountains and between the
Blackfoot and Flathead a great deal of intermarriage had taken place.
Probably Salish blood predominated from about Teton River south-
ward and Kutenai northward, the people in the center being the
most mixed. The Szmté’use had most intercourse with the Pend
d’Oreilles, and intermarried chiefly with them. ‘Those people who
lived on the upper Missoula River intermarried to some extent with

re1T] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 323

Flathead of Butte or neighborhood. The Pend d’Oreilles had a
ereat deal of intercourse with the Kalispel, and considerable with the
Upper Kutenai and Semté’use. Intercourse was rather less with
the Flathead, slight with the Salish-7una’ve, Kutenai-Tund’ve, and
Coeur d’Aléne, and least of all with the Nez Percé. Intermarriage
occurred in the same relative degree as intercourse. The Kalispel
had slight intercourse with the Lake, probably a little more with the
Lower Kutenai, very little with the Coeur d’Aléne, considerable with
the Upper Spokan and Colville, and a great deal with the Pend
d’Oreilles. Intermarriage was chiefly with the last-named tribe.
There was some with Spokan and Colville, and hardly any with
other tribes. There are a few instances on record of Kalispel marrying
Okanagon and Sanpoil. The Spokan probably had most intercourse
and intermarriage with the Coeur d’Aléne, considerable with Kalispel,
less with Colville and Sanpoil, and very little with other tribes.
Some instances are on record of marriages with Okanagon and
Columbia. I did not hear of any intermarriage with Paloos and other
Shahaptian tribes, and intermarriage between the western tribes and
Plains tribes was rare. After the advent of horses and the alliance
of the tribes for buffalo hunting intercourse between the allied tribes
increased and there were more intertribal marriages. Intermarriage
now occurred between Flathead and Nez Percé, but no marriages
were made with Crow or other Plains tribes. It seems that a little
extraneous blood was introduced by marriage with slave women and
captives of war, particularly among the Spokan, where some men had
slave women of Snake lineage. A few others were from tribes south
of The Dalles and possibly a very few were Shahaptian. The Flat-
head and Salish-7und’ze are said to have had a few slave or captive
women in early times. It is supposed that they were Cree and
Blackfoot or from the northeast. Women of eastern tribes were
seldom made captives in war; they were almost invariably lulled.
After the advent of the whites the Flathead country became a haven
for refugees of various tribes, who in many cases married ‘and settled
down there. Strange Indians in the service of the fur companies fre-
quently settled among the Flathead. Thus there are a few descendants
of many different tribes on the Flathead Reserve now. According to
Michel Revais there are on the reserve people descended from Lil-
looet, Thompson, Shuswap, Columbia, Okanagon, Sanpoil, Colville,
Coeur d’Aléne, Spokan, Kalispel, Pend d’Oreilles, Semté’use, Tund’ze,
Kutenai, Blackfoot, Shoshoni, Nez Percé, Crow, Delaware (?), Shaw-
nee, Cherokee, Chippewa, Iroquois; and possibly others, besides some
half-bloods, mostly of French and Scotch descent. Some cases
mentioned by him were as follows: Xd@pa’sqet, an Upper Thompson;
Sonsa@’utken, a Stlavai’ur from Fraser River, who spoke Thompson,
Lillooet, and Shuswap, and was a shaman; Little Charley, a man

324 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

from the Fraser Delta, mixed with Lower Thompson; Tszlsémti’,
a Colville; Michel Colville, a Colville. These men were all in the
employ of the Hudson Bay Co. at Fort Colville, and came to the
Flathead together about 1860. They all married on the reserve, but
left few descendants; only Michel Colville had two sons and a
daughter who grew up. About the same time Michel Camille, half
French and half Shuswap, settled on the reserve. He was born at
Kamloops. About 1890 there came an Upper Thompson, who mar-
ried and was living in 1910 on the reserve at Mission. Other cases
are Joe McDonald, son of Angus McDonald, former Hudson Bay
chief; Billy Irvine, son of another Hudson Bay man, an interpreter
at Mission; John Grant, whose mother was Kalispel and whose
father was a Hudson Bay man. It is said that John Grant lived at
one time in a roundhouse of six rooms near Missoula, and kept his
six wives, one in each room. Each wife was of a different tribe.
One was Crow and one was Snake. Later he deserted his wives and
children and went to Red River, Manitoba, and never returned. His
descendants are now on the Flathead Reserve. Another case was
that of Jack Demers, of French descent, who married a sister of
Michel Revais, and at one time had a business in French Town.
He had two sons and four daughters, all of whom are on the reserve.
Jim Dalloway, Ben Kaiser, and Tom Hill, Shawnee refugees, settled
among the Flathead about the time the early traders arrived. <A
white man who had a Piegan woman for wife settled in the Bitterroot
Valley a long time ago and had a very large family. His children
all intermarried with Flathead and some of them and their descend-
ants are now on the reserve. About 1810 a Flathead girl was cap-
tured by Piegan or some other tribe from a Flathead camp near Sun
River. Later on she married a Chippewa. Some of her descendants
came back a few years ago and proved their rights in the Flathead
Reserve. Revais claimed that there were 12 persons on the reserve
who were half Flathead and half Shoshoni, and 6 men who had Nez
Percé wives. Fifteen Iroquois settled among the Flathead and Pend
d’Oreilles and 19 among the Colville. All were at one time employees
of the Hudson Bay Co., and all married women of these tribes. They
have some descendants on the Flathead and Colville Reservations
to-day. It is said that about 1820-1825 a small party of Iroquois,
originally from around Caughnawaga, Quebec, under the leadership
of Ignace La Mcusse (or Big Ignace), reached the Flathead country,
and being well received there, married and became members of the
tribe. This party had been migrating westward for several years.
Revais stated that when the treaty was made Governor Stevens told
the Flathead that the Jocko Reserve was to be for the three tribes
of Flathead, Pend d’Oreilles, and Kutenai. Some of the Flathead:
wanted a reserve for themselves, as they did not consider themselves

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 325

bound by very strong ties of association with the Pend d’Oreilles and
Kutenai. Sub-chief Arli’, with 25 lodges, and “Small Chief’’ Adolphe,
agreed to go on the reserve. It seems that these people were very
friendly to the Pend d’Oreilles. They may have been more closely
related to them by intermarriage than other Flathead, or they may
have been descendants of the Flathead who: formerly lived next to
the Pend d’Oreilles. ‘‘Small Chief’? Ambrose and Chief Charlos (or
Carlos) refused at first to go on the reserve, saying that if they had
to share a reserve with other tribes they preferred to go with the
Shoshoni. These chiefs and their people probably represented the
element of the Flathead tribe long associated with the Shoshoni, and
they may have been descendants of the Flathead formerly located
next to the Shoshoni in theregion of Big Hole Valley. When the treaty
was made, the head chief and a majority of the tribe favored going
with the Shoshoni rather than with any other people, if a reservation
could not be obtained for themselves alone. In later years Kalispel
and Spokan were allowed rights on the reserve, along with the
Flathead, Pend d’Oreilles, and Kutenai.

MENTAL AND Puysicaut Traits oF Tripes.—The Flathead are of
medium stature, well built, and good-looking. The ancient Flathead
were noted for courtesy, affability, hospitality, liberality, kindness,
honesty, truthfulness, and courage. Lewdness of women is said to
have been rare. The Pend d’Oreilles, Kalispel, and Spokan are said
to have partaken to a considerable degree of the same characteristics of
temperament and physique as the Flathead. In later days there was
much less chastity among the women of the last-named tribes. Some
of the Shahaptian people considered the Spokan to be of a rather
roving disposition, fond of trading, sports, and dancing, bold, and
rather revengeful. Some tribes lower down the Columbia considered
them as raiders and robbers. The Hangman’s Creek Spokan were
more serious, reserved, and quieter than the others. The Salish-
Tuna’xe were fond of trading, warlike, courageous, and sagacious;
the Szemté’use, easy-going, careless, unwarlike, less prudent than their
neighbors, and sometimes apt to talk and act foolishly. The Coeur
d’Aléne were proud, cruel, and of a rather reserved, determined dis-
position. The Kalispel considered them too cautious and not very
bold. The Thompson were thought to be wild and treacherous; the
Kutenai, easy-going and not very warlike, rather reserved and
cautious, honest, and sincere. The Shoshoni were considered good
horsemen, and of a more roving disposition than the Flathead.

All the northern tribes and bands resembled the Flathead in
physique and height, and many of the men were tall. The Shoshoni
to the south are said to have been small people. The Lemhi, Sho-
shoni, and Bannock men were of about the same size as the Flathead,
or possibly a little larger. The Omaha were big, stout, fleshy people.

326 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

The Crow and Cree were tall (slightly taller than the Flathead), and
were noted for having good hair. The Piegan were of about the same
stature as the Cree and the Crow. They were noted as treacherous
and adepts at stealing horses. The Nez Percé and nearest western
Salish tribes were considered similar to the Flathead in appearance
and size, but there were slight differences in looks between some of the
tribes. The Bannock and Cayuse languages are said to have sounded
a good deal alike, and were hard to speak correctly. The Coeur
d’Aléne was considered a hard language to learn, and the Kutenai
still harder.
II. MANUFACTURES

MareriAL CuLturE IN GENERAL.—As I spent only about a week
among the Flathead, and visited the Lower Kalispel and other tribes
merely to obtain vocabularies and information regarding tribal
boundaries, my notes on the material culture of all the tribes are very
meager. As far as my information goes, it shows the Flathead to
have had almost all the traits of a typical Plains tribe for about the
last 200 years or more. Previous to the introduction of the horse,
however, their material culture resembled more closely that of the
plateau area. The Salish-7wnd’re were probably identical in material
culture with the Flathead and neighboring Shoshoni, while the
Pend d’Oreilles and other tribes remained more like plateau tribes
until a much later date. On the whole, the ancient material culture
of the area occupied by the Flathead group appears to have formed
a link between that of the Salish tribes to the west and northwest
and that of the Shoshoni of the mountains and plains to the east and
southeast, although the difference between them was not great.
The Flathead, and probably the Salish-7Tuna’ze, appear to have
more nearly approximated the eastern Shoshoni, while the other
tribes had more leanings toward the culture of the Kutenai, Coeur
d’Aléne, and Okanagon. As I have no detailed information on any
of the tribes, I have not thought it necessary to treat them separately.

Work IN Stonre, Woop, erc.—lIt seems that work in stone was
confined chiefly to the making of arrowheads, spearheads, knives, and
pipes. Probably some pestles, hammers, and mauls of stone were
made by all the tribes. They were quite common among the Spokan

‘and Kalispel. Mortars of stone or wood were used by all the tribes.
The methods of flaking and working stone appear to have been the
same as among the Coeur d’Aléne. Work in wood and bone seems
to have been weakly developed, and there was little ornamentation
by carving. As far as I could learn, no pottery was made.

- Parntine AnD Dyrina.—Painting and dyeing were practiced to a
great extent. Quills were commonly dyed, and sometimes hides.
Ornamentation by dyeing was used occasionally in mats. Painting

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 327

was common on clothes, bags, etc. Before small beads came in, most
ornamentation was in quillwork and painting. The dyes were prin-
cipally red, blue, and yellow; but green and brown, and _ possibly
black, were also used. Paints were of a great variety of colors. Most
of them were obtained from mineral earths.

DressInG or Skins.—Skins were dressed almost in the same manner
as by the Coeur d’Aléne. In methods of dressing heavy hides, such
as buffalo and elk, the grainers and scrapers were like those used by
the Blackfoot.! Deerskins and other smaller skins were dressed by
methods in vogue among the Coeur d’Aléne,? Shoshoni,’ and Blackfoot.*
Skins were commonly smoked by the same methods as among the
Coeur d’Aléne * and Shoshoni.° ;

Rawuipe Worx.—Bags of several shapes were made of rawhide.
Square and oblong bags made of single pieces of hide folded, the sides
sewed and provided with long fringes, and the fronts painted, were
used before the advent of the horse, but in those days the fringes were
comparatively short. Later, when used on horses, the fringes were
lengthened, reaching a maximum of more than a meter. A large hide
bag of oblong shape was used for storing fat and meat, and another
one is described somewhat like a bucket. The parfléche came into use
with the introduction of the horse. Rawhide medicine cases, cylin-
drical in shape, were made by all the tribes, but their use is probably
not very ancient, at least among the Spokan. Rawhide bags and par-
fléches were made in large numbers and were often sold to neighboring
tribes.

WoveEN AND oTHER Bacs.—Skin bags of various sizes and shapes
were ornamented with fringes and with quill or bead embroidery.

Some soft bags of animal skins in the hair were also used. Woven
wallets of the Nez Percé type were made by the Spokan and at least
by some of the Kalispel. In later years a few were also made by Pend
d’Oreilles and Flathead. Bags woven of cedar bark and twine were
made by the Kalispel and Pend d’Oreilles, but not by the Flathead,
who, according to some, made skin bags only.

Woven Marts.—Sewed tule mats were made by all the tribes, and
are still made by some of the Spokan and Kalispel. Some mats woven
of the bark of dead willow trees were made for lying and sitting on.
The Flathead made very few of the latter. Some mats woven of
rushes were also made and used for spreading food upon.

Some of them are said to have been very gaudy, with stripes dyed red
and blue, and occasionally with other colors. Some mats had their

1c, pp. 67, 69, figs. 33, 34.
2 See p. 44.

3j, pp. 175, 176.

4 See Blackfoot, c, p. 65.
5 See p. 44.

§j, p. 176, fig. 3.

328 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

edges cut in ornamental designs, as among the Lower Kalispel.
(Fig. 26.)

Woven Crioruinae.—No goat’s wool blankets were made by any of
the tribes. Some robes woven of strips of rabbit skins were made by
the Kalispel, and to a slight extent by the Spokan and probably the
Pend d’Oreilles, but it seems not by the Flathead. No clothing of
vegetal fiber of any kind was made by these tribes, except woven caps
of the Nez Percé type, which were made in numbers by the Spokan,
and to a less extent by the Kalispel. It is said that the Flathead, Pend
d’Oreilles, and Upper and Lower Kutenai did not make these caps.
Revais stated that the Nez Percé and several of the tribes bordering
on them made many woven caps for women, and woven wallets; but
that the Kutenai, Blackfoot, and Shoshoni did not make them. He
also claimed that robes woven of strips of skin (generally rabbit or
muskrat) were not made by the Nez Percé, and only by some of the
Shoshoni; that the Bannock made a good many, and possibly the
Kutenai made a few. The Blackfoot, he
said, used them and also made them.

Twine, Etc.—Thread, twine, and rope
were made of bark and hide, Indian hemp
being chiefly used. Most of the thread for
sewing was of sinew taken from the backs
FIGURE 26.—Ornamental edge of a of animals, such as buffalo, elk, and deer.

mat : .

Needles were little used, but sewing was gen-
erally done with sharp bone awls. Nets were not much employed.
Even the Spokan used traps and spears chiefly in catching salmon.
Large nets, however, were used commonly by them in some places. It
is likely that nets were employed more extensively by the Pend d’Oreilles
and Kalispel than the information I collected shows, but it is doubtful
if the Flathead used nets to any extent. According to some inform-
ants, they were not used at all.

Woven Basketrry.—Flexible baskets of the kinds made by the
Coeur d’Aléne, Nez Percé, and other tribes to the west and south-
west were not made, but at one time coiled basketry was made by all
the tribes.

Bark Basketry.—Some birch-bark baskets were made by all
the tribes, although certain bands, especially among the Flathead,
made very few. It is said that most of the baskets were like the
ordinary shape of those used by the tribes north and west; while
some used by the Kalispel and Pend d’Oreilles were similar to a kind
also employed by the Kutenai, and of rectangular shape. Most
baskets made by these tribes, including the Lake (see p. 122), had
the grain of the bark at right angles to the rim, while Thompson and
Shuswap had it parallel to the rim. (See e, p. 480 et seq.) A few of the

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 329

Lake baskets had the grain also parallel to the rim. Most baskets
were devoid of decoration other than that introduced by the arrange-
ment of stitching. (See pp. 52, 222.) Many temporary baskets of
cedar bark were used—one made of a flat piece of bark with tied
ends (see p. 53), a pail-shaped bucket, and a conical one. Baskets of
the last-mentioned style were very much used by the Kalispel and are
made yet. It seems that the Spokan and Flathead made the fewest
bark baskets, and the Kalispel and Pend d’Oreilles the most. This
may be partly accounted for by environment. Much of the Spokan
country was either arid or prairie, with few good trees for bark close
to the main camping places; while much of the Kalispel and Pend
d’Oreilles countries are forested with an abundance of trees, includ-
ing cedar.

Coitep Basxetry.’—Flexible baskets of the kinds made by the
Coeur d’Aléne, Nez Percé, and other tribes to the west and southwest,
were not made, but at one time coiled basketry was made by all the
tribes. Some of the baskets intended for kettles were of very fine
stitch and closely wrought. All the shapes were more or less circular.
Some had bulging sides, and others were nearly straight sided. The
bottoms of some were quite small, and others had rather large flat
bottoms. It seems the ‘‘nut-shaped”’ basket of the Thompson was
made. Nearly all baskets were made of split cedar roots. Formerly
all baskets were plain. Imbrication seems to have been adopted by
the Spokan and Kalispel about 1800, but it never spread to the Pend
d’Oreilles and Flathead. Probably basket-making was on the wane
among these tribes before the process had time to reach them fully.
Even the Spokan and Kalispel never adopted it fully, many of their
baskets being unimbricated. The Spokan still made a few baskets
not many years ago. Imbrication seems to have reached the Lower
Kutenai about the same time as the Kalispel, but whether it was
learned from the latter or reached them by way of the Lake is un-
certain. Some baskets were imbricated with bark only. It seems
grass and tule were occasionally used.

According to the Salishan, Shahaptian and Wasco, none of the tribes
south of the Columbia used imbrication. Coiling and imbrication
have been introduced quite recently in the Fraser Delta, among the
Squamish and Seshelt; in Fraser Delta by intermarriage with the
Thompson, among the other tribes by intermarriage with the Lillooet.
This is clearly stated by the Indians and evidenced by the basket forms
and decorations. The Shuswap claim that the Chilcotin learned coil-
ing from them. The style of imbrication of the Chilcotin differs, how-

7 See o, pp. 140-142.
41383°—30

330 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN, 45

ever, from the known Salish styles (0, pp. 344-351). The Carriers and
Stuwi’x made no coiled basketry.

Some bands, especially among the Flathead, are said to have made
very few baskets, while others made a considerable number. Revais
stated regarding the distribution of coiled basketry that all the Flat-
head tribes made coiled baskets a long time ago, including, it is said,
the Salish Twuna’xe. The Nez Percé and many bands of the Shoshoni
made them. The Lower Kutenai made some. The Upper Kutenai
and Blackfoot used coiled basketry, but did not make any as far as he
had heard. They procured it in trade from neighbors.

From present information it appears that the Salish tribes of the
region east of Columbia River made coiled basketry of the round types
exclusively, except in the case of some trays. This is true of both their
ancient and modern work. They never used imbrication. The Shu-
swap also made unimbricated coiled basketry. Among the Columbia,
the most western of the Salish tribes in Washington, whose territory
extended up to the Cascade Mountains, the traditional form of bas-
ket was of the angular type without much flare, with rounded cor-
ners similar to the common style of the Thompson. They also
made round ones which were not very deep, and ‘‘nut-’’shaped ones,
but the common kind of carrying and household basket was angular.
They have used imbrication as far back as tradition goes, but some
say formerly many baskets were little imbricated. After the intro-
duction of horses the round deep basket with small bottom—often so
small that the basket could not stand—superseded the square type,
because it is better adapted for packing on horses.

Desrans on Baskets, Baas, nrc.—lt is said that designs on mats
were ail in stripes, and most imbricated designs on baskets were in
vertical stripes. Painted designs on bags and parfléches were all
geometric, and most of the designs had names. Beaded and quilled
designs were also for the most part geometric. Realistic designs were
very little used. Flower designs, formerly rare but now much more
common, have not been able to supplant the geometric designs.

Division or LaBor.—Women made all the baskets, mats, and
bags, and dressed all the skins. They also did all the embroidery,
made nearly all the clothes, painted all the bags, parfléches, etc.,
made the tents and erected them, gathered most of the fuel, did most
of the cooking, dug all the roots, and collected and cured ail the
berries. They also helped the men with the horses and in other
ways. Men made all the weapons and most of the tools, painted
robes, shields, weapons, and anything connected with their guardian
spirits, made the feather bonnets and certain articles of clothing.
They also hunted, fought, and looked after the horses.

TEIT) THE FLATHEAD GROUP 331

III. HOUSE AND HOUSEHOLD

SEMIUNDERGROUND Loper.—The underground house was not
used by the tribes of the Flathead group, except possibly a very few
by the Kalispel and Lower Spokan. Revais stated, ‘None of the
Flathead tribes used the underground lodge; neither did the Kutenai.
The Colville never used them, or at least they have not used them
since about 1800, and it is doubtful if they ever had them. The
neighboring Sanpoil used only a very few. These lodges were
peculiar to the region to the north and were employed along Colum-
bia River down to The Dalles. The northern type had the entrance
from the top; and the southern type from the side, on a level with
the ground. Otherwise the construction of both was the same, and
notched ladders were used in both (?). The two types overlapped
in the northern part of the Columbia region, about the mouth of
Okanagon River.! The Okanagon used both types to some extent,
but most people wintered in mat lodges. One Lower Kalispel in-
formant said he thought a few underground lodges with entrance
from the side were used very long ago, while another man stated that
long ago a partly earth-covered lodge of tent shape and above ground
was sometimes used in the winter by the Kalispel, and possibly by
others. This kind of lodge was called an earth-covered lodge, whereas
the real underground earth-covered lodge was not used.

Lone Loper.—Long lodges of double lean-to type were used at all
large winter camps, especially in permanent camp sites. They were
the dance and meeting houses of the band and were used for all public
gatherings, ceremonies, and the housing of visitors. In large camps
there were always two. One was used. by the young people (generally
men under 30 years of age) for dances, and the other by the older peo-
ple for meetings. In some very large camps there was besides these a
spare house or two of the same type for the accommodation of visitors.
All the other houses of the camp consisted of tents, most of them
mat covered. It seems, however, that long lodges were also some-
times used as regular dwelling houses. Some informants claimed
that in very large camps there were sometimes from two to five
dwelling houses of this kind. They were always made for six families,
having three fires, with two families to each. There were no parti-
tions. Revyais said that a large winter camp would sometimes con-
sist of about 5 long dwelling houses, each for 6 families, 2 long lodges
used for dancing and meetings, possibly a spare long lodge for housing

1 Tt seems that a few underground houses with entrance from the top were used far south along the Colum-
bia among the Salish, who commonly employed the type with entrance from the side. A few with side
entrance also extended as far north as the Thompson. Yakima and Klickitat informants deny ever having
used any with entrance from the top, so it may be that this kind was not used by any of the Shahaptian
tribes. The Molalaare said to have used an underground lodge, but I could not get any details of its con-
struction, and do not know whether the entrance was from the top or not. The Klamath, Takelma, and
Yana used semiunderground lodges, according to Wasco and Klickitat informants; while, according to
Revais, the Kalapuya used no real lodges of any kind, only shelters of brush.

332 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

of parties of visitors and from about 40 to 50 conical lodges or tents.
Great quantities of firewood were collected late in the fall and piled
up where the winter camp was to be. The Kalispel claim that long
lodges were used by them long ago in the largest winter camps, but
were utilized only for dancing. Long lodges were sunk a foot or more
in the ground and were covered with mats. Sometimes a lodge like
an elongated tent of elliptical ground plan was used in the winter-
time. It accommodated from four to six families, according to size.
In the summertime the Spokan used some single lean-to shelters of
mats at some of the large fishing places. Oblong or long lodges are
said to have been used by all the Shahaptian tribes, some Shoshoni,
and the Kutenai. I can not say whether these corresponded in con-
struction to Salish types.

ConicaL Loper or Trent.—The conical lodge was the common
family and living house of all the tribes. It was used by all the people
in summer, and by most people also in winter. The three-pole foun-
dation appears to have been generally used. Poles of the black pine
(Pinus contorta) were preferred. The covering consisted of one or
two layers of mats in summer and three or four layers in winter. All
the mats were sewed tule mats, similar to those of the Thompson,
and they were arranged horizontally and overlapping. These lodges
varied in size. Generally two families inhabited each, but some large
ones contained three, while many housed only a single family, espe-
cially if the family were large. The Flathead name for the conical mat
lodge means in the Thompson language “old-style house”’ or “‘common
old-style house.” According to Flathead tradition, previous to the in-
troduction of the horse, mats were used almost entirely as lodge covers.
At that time only a few conical lodges, generally small ones, had covers
of buffalo, moose, and elk skin. These were not painted. After the
introduction of the horse the buffalo-skin tent soon supplanted for
all seasons the mat tent among the Flathead and to a large extent
among the other tribes as well. It became the only lodge used when
traveling and when hunting on the plains. However, it never sup-
planted entirely the mat lodge among the Spokan and Kalispel, who
continued to use some of them when at home. Mat coverings for
lodges were not suitable for a horse people, who traveled much. At
the present day log cabins are generallly used in the wintertime and
canvas tents in the summer and when traveling. Conical lodges
with square and oblong tops were not used. Revais said, ‘“‘ They were
confined to the Yakima and people along Columbia River north
to the Okanagon and Thompson.” Skin tents were sometimes
painted on the outside with pictures of dreams. The sun, moon,
and stars were common figures. Geometric designs also occurred.

Bark Lopear.—Bark lodges were used long ago among the Pend
d’Oreilles and Kalispel, but not among the Flathead and seldom
among the Spokan. They were erected in spring and summer at

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP aoe

camps where good bark was abundant. They were of the double
lean-to or oblong type, and none of them were very large. The
strips of bark were of the length of the lodge on one side from one
entrance to the other, and as wide as obtainable. Usually there
_ were three or four wide overlapping strips of bark on each side,
laid horizontally. The bark was put on outside out. Among the
Pend d’Oreilles cedar bark was almost altogether used, but the
Kalispel claim to have employed tamarack and white-pine bark
about as much as cedar. In some places the Pend d’Oreilles erected
bark lodges on platforms of poles and boards on the top of posts,
from 2 to 3 meters above the ground. In construction these lodges
were the same as other bark lodges, but usually they had only one
entrance, which was reached by a ladder consisting of a notched
log. In the center of the lodge was a hearth of earth. These ele-
vated lodges were used in places where fleas were numerous.

OrHER Lopars.—Shelters of brush were sometimes used by hunt-
ers in the mountains. Most of them were of double lean-to and coni-
cal forms; but some were of half-tent form, and others were little
more than mere windbreaks, sheltering one side of the fire. Some-
times families who happened to stay in the mountains longer than
expected, and who were not provided with skin tents and mats, made
conical lodges of poles covered with brush, pieces of bark or grass,
and further covered with earth to the depth of a few inches on the
outside. A circular house of posts, which held up a roof of poles
overlaid with brush, was used at some of the large camps in the
summer time as a dance house and meeting place. It shaded the
people from the sun. The sides were generally open all round. The
Flathead and Pend d’Oreilles still use them in Fourth of July cele-
brations, when great dances are held. | These summer dance houses
were similar to the dance houses of tribes east of the Flathead, on
the plains.

Sweat houses were of the same form as those of the Coeur d’Aléne.
Scaffolds of poles were used at all permanent camps for storage pur-
poses, and caches in or above the ground were also in use.

Hovusrtnotp Urensits.—These consisted of baskets, bags, ete.
Boiling was done with hot stones, and most kettles were of coiled
basketry. Temporary kettles were made of cedar bark by the Pend
d’Oreilles, Kalispel, and occasionally by the Flathead. The last-
named tribe also used holes lined with rawhide for boiling food.
Paunches were used as temporary kettles by all the tribes, and it is
said also by the Kutenai. The Upper Kutenai are said to have used
some bark kettles and holes in the ground plastered with clay. The
lattef appear to have been used occasionally by the Pend d’Oreilles,
and possibly by other neighboring Salish tribes.

Coiled baskets were used as receptacles for water, and bark baskets
were employed for the same purpose by the Kalispel and Pend

Soe SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (ETH. ANN. 45

d’Oreilles. Mortars and pestles were used. Spoons and ladles were
of mountain-sheep horn, and buffalo horn was also used. Some
wooden and bark spoons were used by the Kalispel and Pend
d’Oreilles. Skulleap spoons were in vogue. Cups and bowls were
made of knots of wood and of bark. Probably some basketry bowls
were used. The Flathead especially used shallow dishes and bowls
made of sheep’s horn. Bark dishes or trays were used by either the
Kalispel or Pend d’Oreilles or by both. In most places long ago food
was served on mats of rushes. Woven mats were employed to some
extent as seats and beds, but buffalo and other skins in the hair
were in more common use. Blankets consisted of robes of buffalo,
deer, and other animals, dressed in the hair and made very soft.
Back rests like these of the Plains tribes were used by the Flathead
only, but I can not say to what extent. Fire drills were like those of
the Coeur d’Aléne and Thompson.

TV. CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS

Crioruine (pls. 3, 4)—People generally went fully clad. Clothing
was of the northern Plains type. That of the Flathead differed
little, if at all, from that of their immediate neighbors. It was
entirely of skins. Robes consisted chiefly of buffalo skins dressed
in the hair; but some robes of elk, deer, bear, and other skins were
also used. Woven robes were seldom worn, except by the Kalispel,
who used woven rabbit-skin robes to some extent. They say that
the Blackfoot and Bannock made woven rabbit-skin blankets, the
Blackfoot also woven muskrat-skin blankets. See, however,
the statement made by Wissler (c, p. 53). No clothes woven of
sagebrush bark or other vegetal materials were used. Capes and
cloaks were not worn, nor rain ponchos. The only overclothes used
were robes, large and small. Some skin ponchos were in vogue
among the Spokan and Kalispel. Mittens were in common use,
but no gloves were worn until after the advent of the whites. Moc-
casins were of dressed skin of elk, deer, etc., and were of two common
types. One kind, probably the most common, had the seam around
the outside of the foot." The other kind had a separate sole, and
was like the common Blackfoot style of moccasin.?, A moccasin
with short tongue and seam down the front of the foot ? was in vogue
among the Spokan, but seems to have been rare among the other
tribes. Pieces of buffalo skin and fur were worn inside of moccasins

1¢, p. 128, pattern No. 8 (p. 142); Thompson, a, p. 210, fig. 169.

2¢, pp. 140, 141, figs. 83, 85; the latter said by Wissler to be ‘‘almost peculiar to the Ute’’.

3c, p. 144, fig. 91; Thompson, a, p. 211, figs. 171, 172. (See also Field Mus. Nos. 111890-111893.)

4 Of 7 pairs of new bead-embroidered Spokan moccasins that I examined, 3 pairs had the seam round the
outside of the foot (c, p. 128, style No. 8); 2 pairs had separate soles, and were incut, as far as I remember,
similar to those shown in ¢, fig. 85; 2 pairs had separate tongue, and seam down the front of the foot, similar
to those shown ine, fig. 91. All had gaiters or uppers of a separate piece of skin, but these were rather lower
than the average of uppers on Thompson moccasins. All except 1 pair had trailers similar in cut to fig.
173 of Teit’s ‘Thompson Indians.’’ (a, p. 211.)

€ ALVId LYOddY TWONNY HLAld-ALYOA ADOTONHLA NVOINSNV AO NVANNA

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 4

DRESS

Flathead tribe.

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP BaD

in the wintertime. Some winter moccasins were made of skin, the
hair side in. For the methods of lacing moccasins among the Spokan
see Figure 27.

Belts were of leather, and generally richly ornamented or embroid-
ered.

Men’s Croruine.—Men’s costume consisted of a shirt reaching to
the hips or a little below, long leggings, belt, breechclout, moccasins,
and cap, headband, or feather bonnet. Some leggings had wide uncut
flaps, while others had cut fringes along the sides. Long aprons were
worn in front, besides the breechclouts. Some breechclouts consisted
of along strip of cloth which passed between the legs and hung down
over the belt in front and behind. Garters were much used with
leggings. I did not hear of any combination of breechclouts and
leggings.

Shirts were of two or three kinds. One kind reached to a little
above the knees and had true sleeves. It had a number of seams—
one on each side, one underneath each arm, one along the top of the
shoulders, and one at each shoulder where the sleeves joined the sides.
These, however, may be considered as part of the side seams. All

FIGURE 27.—Moccasins, Spokan

the seams were ornamented with long cut fringes of dressed skin.
Sometimes fringes were made of ermine skins. The bottom was cut
in a long fringe all round. Shirts of the old style all opened at the
neck or shoulders, and not on the breast. A common shirt was the
so-called ‘‘scalp shirt” or “war shirt.”” It was fringed with hair
(often with scalp locks) instead of skin, and appears to have been
exactly the same in cut and ornamentation as the poncho shirts de-
scribed by Wissler.° A scalp shirt which I saw among the Spokan
had the leg pieces cut short, and this is said to have been customary
with some; otherwise it was almost the same in appearance as the
_one figured by Wissler.° Some shirts of the same type were made
without hair fringes, and some were made of light buffalo skin with
the hair side in. Probably the latter were really short ponchos, and
used only in winter. Long ago no coats, vests, jumpers, trousers, or
boots were used. After the coming of the whites all of these gar-

5d, pp. 47, 48, figs. 1, 2.
6d, p. 47, fig. 1.

336 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

ments gradually came into use, including blanket capotes. At the
present day skin vests entirely covered with beadwork are very
common.

Fur caps were used in winter. Headbands of various kinds were
in common use, including those made of buffalo hair and horses’ tails.

Feather bonnets of several types were used by men of all the tribes
from the earliest times. The particular style of bonnet later known
as the ‘Sioux war-bonnet”’ was adopted from the Crow. These
bonnets were an article of trade on the plains. Earlier the Salish
had a somewhat similar bonnet; but the so-called ‘Sioux bonnet’
was considered to be more striking.

Women’s CLotHinc.—Women’s costume consisted of a long dress
reaching nearly to the ankles, short leggings reaching to the knee,
moccasins, a belt, and cap or headband. The style of woman’s dress
that consisted of cape and bodice reaching to the knees or a little
below was not used by any of the Flathead tribes. According to
Revais, ‘This kind of costume was used at The Dalles, and from there
down to the coast. It was also used along Columbia River by a few
people for some distance above The Dalles, and in some parts to the
west. It was considered a style belonging to the coast and Lower
Columbia.’’ Women’s dresses were made of two whole deerskins or
small elk skins sewed face to face, heads down. The sides were sewed
up to near the armpits. At the upper ends of the skins the edges
were folded over and sewed down to the body of the garment. There
were no sleeves, the extensions of the shoulders consisting of the hind
legs of the skins falling over the arms almost to the wrists. The side
seams and all the outer edges were fringed. Generally the tailpieces
were cut off and the bottom of the dress was trimmed so that it was
longer at the sides. Usually one or two rows of inserted thongs
depended from the dress near the bottom. Of the dresses described
by Wissler, that shown in his Figure 187 appears to be closest to
the common style of the Flathead tribes, both in cut and ornamenta-
tion. In later days some cloth dresses, generally red and blue, were
used instead of skin. They were cut and ornamented in much the
same way as the skin dresses.*

Women’s legging reached up to the knee or a little above, and were
of two or three styles. One kind was fastened on the outside of
the legs with tie strings; while another kind was made for the foot
to pass through, and was held in place by a draw string below the’
knee.® It seems that women’s caps and headbands were of dressed
skin. Woven caps of the Nez Percé type were used to some extent
by women of the Spokan and Kalispel, but not until later years by
the Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead. The women’s caps made of skin

7d, p. 66.
8 See Flathead specimen, Field Museum, 111909.
® See Flathead specimens, Field Museum, 111782, 111783.

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP Oot,

were similar in shape to those of the Coeur d’Aléne, Thompson, and
other tribes.

ORNAMENTATION AND Desians on Cioruine.—Ornamentation of
clothing was by fringing, pinking, puncturing, dyeing, painting, and
by decorating with burnt work, quillwork, and beadwork. Elk
teeth and shells were also used. Almost all the designs were geo-
metric, but a few were floral. In later days floral designs partially
supplanted the geometric designs, especially in beadwork. However,
most of the designs remain geometric, except perhaps among
the Spokan. Many of these designs are the same as those found in
bead embroidery of the Blackfoot and other eastern tribes. Some,
also, are similar to old designs among Salish tribes farther west.
Solid beadwork occurs on many bags, moccasins, vests, belts, etc.,
and is more common than among the western Salish tribes. White
is the common ground color, but blue is not infrequent, and red and
yellow also occur. Woven beadwork occurs, but it is not common,
and may be of recent introduction.. Most of the beadwork is
flat, but the style sewed so as to give a ridged effect also occurs.
Designs on robes were generally painted, but some burnt work and
beadwork and quillwork were also used. Generally bands of beadwork
or quillwork followed the seams of clothing. When there were ng
fringes, bands of embroidery covered the seams. When embroidery
was not used, seams were generally painted with red lines. Painting
sometimes occurred on clothing in conjunction with beadwork.
Bands of beadwork and quillwork on men’s shirts were often applied
in exactly the same manner as on shirts described by Wissler,”® the
triangular piece of breast ornamentation being very common. Cir-
cular ornamentations were also in use. The yoke of women’s dresses
was generally embroidered with horizontal wavy lines in beadwork or
quillwork, and often the whole area was covered with solid beadwork.
A row of fringing, often strung with beads or other pendants, generally
followed the lower lines of the beaded areas across the dress from one
side to the other. Also usually one or two lines of beadwork crossed
the dress from side to side near the bottom."

Men’s leggings often had bands of beadwork following the side
seams, and occasionally cross lines near the bottom.

Women’s leggings were sometimes crossed with solid beadwork,
and sometimes had designs only on the bottom fronts, or a wide band
of beadwork around the bottom.

Men’s and women’s belts were generally richly beaded, and women’s
caps more or less so.

Ermine skins were often used for fringes and ornamentation on
men’s clothes, and they were much used as side fringes to war bonnets.
Human and horse hair were also used in ornamentation of clothes.

10 d, pp. 47, 48, figs. 1, 2.
il See Flathead dress, Field Museum, 111909.

338 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

The colors employed in painting clothing were chiefly red, yellow,
and black. Some of the painted designs on men’s clothing represented

ol a

FIGURE 28.—Moccasin trailers

Jas
LUMA

S S SS
SS @W@WWW¥yvw_0

SWIG

FIGURE 29.—Designs on moccasins

dreams and visions. Some were pictographs connected with the

guardian spirit and others incidents of the chase and of war. Some

rEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 339

buffalo robes had broad beaded bands similar to those on robes used
by many Plains tribes. Moccasins and shirts were sometimes painted
yellow with wolf moss. Moccasin trailers are shown in Figure ?8.

SSASssy

FIGURE 30.—Designs on front of women’s leggings

KSSSSSISSSSSSSSSSSSSS

V4
A
AY

A few of the beaded designs on moccasins, leggings, and dresses” that
I noted among the Spokan are shown in Figures 29-33.

a b tp

FIGURE 31.—Designs on sides of men’s leggings

PrrsonaL ADORNMENT.—Ear pendants were common in early
times. Large shell pendants were especially common among the
Pend d’Oreilles, and to a less extent among the Kalispel. Most of

2 See Field Museum, 111890-111893, 111909, 111782, 111783.

340 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

them were fresh-water shells obtained locally. No nose ornaments
or nose pins were used by the Flathead and Pend d’Oreilles, and they
were rare among the Kalispel and Spokan. It is said that they were
common among the Nez Percé and all the more western Shahaptian
and Salishan tribes. Necklaces were very common and were similar
to those used by neighboring tribes both east and west. Face and
body painting was universal, the most common colors being red and
yellow, but black, white, and blue were also frequently used. A

Glsraaiae:
Z aa
4 fr
y if
4 A
4 A |

4H
MY

4 7 |

FIGURE 32.—Designs on lower part of men’s leggings

SSS SSS
5

famous spot for obtaining red paint in the Flathead country was at
a’prl yu’tsamen (“possessing red paint’”’), near Helena. The paint
was obtained from a large, long cave under a cliff. As the paint rock
was at the head of the cave, and it was quite dark inside, a rope was
tied to the waist of the man who went in, so that he might readily
find his way back. When the head of the cave was reached the
searcher felt with his hands and pulled down blocks of the decom-
posed rock, returning with as much as he could carry. When he
came out he divided the paint among the people, who put it into hide

——

° FIGURE 33.—Designs from shoulders of women’s dresses

sacks. Long ago the best quality of paint rock from this place was
exported by the Helena people to neighboring tribes. After the
introduction of horses, parties of Flathead and their allies gathered
paint at this place when passing or hunting near there. It is said
that several men lost their lives or were injured in this cave by rocks
falling on them. There was also a belief that this cave could open
and shut at will, and that several men had been killed by it. Much
of the body and face painting of men was symbolic in character and
connected with war exploits and guardian spirits. At a recent dance

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 341

near Jocko, Chief Moise appeared with his lower legs painted yellow,
because the war exploit he was about to relate occurred on the Yellow-
stone River.

Tattoo marks were also in large measure symbolic. Like painting,
tattooing was done by both sexes. However, it was not very common.
Wrists and forearms were the chief parts tattooed, but some men had
tattoo marks on the legs and body as well. The Kalispel and Spokan
are said to have tattooed much more than the Pend d’Oreilles and
Flathead. It seems that there was no face tattooing, or that it was
exceedingly rare. The Assiniboin are said to be the only eastern
tribe that tattooed much. A number of them tattooed the face; and
many had tattoo marks on the body, arms, and legs.

I did not learn much of hairdressing, except that the styles are
said to have been the same as among the neighboring tribes. At
the present day a great many of the men wear their hair in two cues,
one on each side. This is said to have been an old as well as a modern
style. Formerly some men wore a forelock. Evidently there were
a number of different styles of dressing the hair. Women generally
wore their hair in two braids tied at the back. Men often attached
ornaments and strips of fur to the braids of the hair. The hair was
never cut and roached. The headdress of porcupine and deer’s hair,
in imitation of the headdress of the Osage, now often worn by young
men in dances, is of modern introducticn. Some men wore long
headdresses of human hair woven together, the tresses being joined
with gum. I do not know if this style is old or not. The beard
was pulled out with tweezers. Pubic and other body hair was not —

removed.
V. SUBSISTENCE

Roots anp Berries.—The country occupied by the Flathead
tribes is rich in all kinds of food. Roots and berries are abundant,
and were used extensively. The Flathead paid less attention to these
than the other tribes of the group. Camas and bitterroot were
highly valued, and in several places large quantities were dug. The
two most famous camas grounds were at Big Camas, or Camas
Prairie, about 15 miles above Missoula, Mont., where many Pend
d’Oreilles, Semté’use, and Flathead gathered for digging; and Camas
Prairie near Calispell Lake, Wash., where Kalispel, Spokan, and
Colville gathered. It is said that the Flathead were promised
Camas Prairie as a camas reserve by the Government, but did not
get it. Besides these places, there were many fine camas grounds
in other parts of the tribal habitat. The territory of the Kalispel
especially was noted for richness in camas. On the present Flat-
head reserve there were two much-used camas grounds at Camas
Prairie end Crow Creek belonging to the Pend d’Oreilles.

342 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (RTH. ANN. 45

Root diggers were of the same kind as among the Coeur d’Aléne.
Handles were of wood, horn, and antler. At one time baskets were
generally used in the gathering of roots; but as basketry gradually
went out of use, woven and hide bags, large ones of the Nez Percé
type, and some of soft skin and rawhide, took their place. Baskets
were gradually abandoned after the introduction of the horse, owing
to the increased amount of traveling and the preeminence given to
buffalo hunting. They were too rigid and bulky for constant horse
travel, and, besides, the women who traveled long distances on
buffalo hunts had no time to make them, and often found themselves
in districts where basket materials could not be obtained. Each
generation saw fewer baskets made, and with the coming of the
whites they were no longer required as kettles. In large measure
they also lost their value as articles of trade.

Bark baskets were used extensively in gathering berries. For
gathering huckleberries in the higher mountains the Kalispel used
conical cedar-bark baskets. At the present day they often dispense
with root diggers and use plows instead. A few long furrows are
plowed across the camas meadows; the women follow and gather
the upturned roots. A large quantity of roots is thus gathered in
a short time.

The methods of curing berries and curing and cooking roots appear
to have been much the same as among the Coeur d’Aléne and other
Salishan tribes. There may have been -some differences between
the Spokan in the extreme west and the Flathead in the extreme
east. The Spokan used circular pits for the storage of dried fish,
roots, berries, and even meat. These were opened and aired from
time to time.

The following is told of the seasonal occupations of the Spokan.
The majority of people of most bands scattered over the tribal
territory, and even over that of neighbors, for eight or nine months of
the year, gathering roots and berries, hunting, fishing, visiting, and
trading. The rest of the year was spent in winter camps. Then they
lived on the food which had been secured and hunted occasionally
on the near-by hunting grounds. In some places they also fished.
This was the season of social entertainments and dancing and also of
manufacturing. Many of the women made most of their mats, bas-
kets, bags, and clothes at this season, the materials having been
gathered previously.

Generally speaking, the people occupied themselves chiefly as
follows during the year: In the springtime, digging certain roots,
hunting and fishing on the nearer grounds; in early summer, fishing
for trout and salmon, hunting, and root digging; in midsummer, root
digging and berrying, only a little hunting; in late summer, salmon
fishing and berrying, very little hunting or root digging; in early
fall noun Sentemiben the same occupations as in late summer; in

TEIT) THE FLATHEAD GROUP 343

late fall (October and November), root digging and hunting in the
early part, and finally only hunting. In December they went into
their winter camps and left them in March. Trading parties to The
Dalles and other places left in August and returned for the late fall
hunting. They dug roots and hunted, if convenient, on the way
going and coming, but chiefly on the way back. Buffalo hunting
parties also left in August. Some came back late in the fall, about
November, and some did not return until spring.

The following is a list of the principal roots and berries gathered by
the Spokan:

ROOTS

. A’thwa, é’tewa (Camassia esculenta).

. Spa'tlem (Lewisia rediviva).

. Pa’iwa (unidentified [see Coeur d’Aléne, p. 89, No. 3]).
. Pé'xpux (unidentified [see Coeur d’ Aléne, p. 89, No. 4]).
Tu’xwa (unidentified [see Coeur d’Aléne, p. 89, No. 5]).
. Sa’te (Allium sp.).

. Kola'wal (Allium sp.).

. Stlokom (unidentified).

. Mesa’ we (unidentified).

10. Skwenkwé’nem (Claytonia sp).

11. Szst’lem (unidentified).

12. Tsd’wax (Fritillaria pudica [?)).

13. Siai’eken (unidentified).

14. Sqa’kertsen (unidentified).

15. Mola’ Epa (Cnicus undulatus [?}).

16. To’qwa (Balsamorrhiza sp.).

CONAMP WN He

BERRIES

1. Sta’k (Amelanchier sp.).

2. L6’xléx (Prunus demissa Walp.).

3. Tsékwi'k» (Sambucus sp.).

4. Stsa'ts.tx (Cornus pubescens Nutt.).

5. Shwa’nate (Crataegus sp.).

6. Nwa’wesils (Rubus sp. [raspberry]).

7. Pd'lpolqen (Rubus sp. [thimbleberry?]).
8. Ta’ttattlaox ! (Rubus sp. [trailing blackberry?]).
9. Sqwetkwai'qen (‘‘black head,’ Rubus leucodermis Dougl.).

10. Nta'temelps (Ribes sp. [red gooseberry]).

11. Ya'rtca (Ribes sp. [black gooseberry]).

12. Tsa'lz? (Ribes sp. [currant]).

13. Shé’zem (Shepherdia canadensis Nutt.).

14. Qer’tqem, ket'tkem (Fragaria californica).

15. Stezca'lk (Vaccinium membranaceum).

16. Npokpeka’xen (Vaccinium sp.).

17. Sist’pt (Vaccinium sp. [small blueberry]).

18. Sqo’eyu (Berberis sp.).

19. Skole’s (Arctostaphylos wva-ursi).

20. Shoe’ pak (Rosa sp.).

21. Tepteptat' tp (“black” or ‘“‘dark,’’ very seldom eaten; unidentified).
Selezwai'lepkan (the snowberry) was not eaten.

1 Compare Thompson name of this berry.
’ 2 Compare Thompson name for Oregon grape, Berberis sp.

344 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

SOME OTHER VEGETAL FOODS

Qa’ puxa (hazelnuts).

Swi’ stte (nutlets of Pinus albicaulis).

Stsetst’tca (nutlets of Pinus ponderosa).

Me’tcto (seeds of Balsamorrhiza).

Stsa’xwe (cambium of Pinus ponderosa).

Srenamozstci’nem (cambium of Pinus contorta or of poplar [used a little]).

Hoxta'tp (stalks of Heracleum lanatum).

Skola'’pken (Alectoria jubata L.).

Shwi' ena (Opuntia sp.).

Rib-bone knives and animals’ shoulder blades were used as sap
scrapers.

AGRICULTURE.—According to some informants, tobacco was raised
long ago in some places by the Pend d’Oreilles, Flathead, and prob-
ably by the other tribes also. The Spokan are said to have grown
wheat as early as 1835.3

Huntine. Weapons of the chase-—The double-curved bow was
the only kind used by all the Flathead tribes. The only neighboring
people who used wide flat bows exclusively, er almost exclusively, were
the Lower Kutenai and Coeur d’Aléne. For this reason the former
were called ‘Flat Bow” (‘Are platte’) by the fur traders and the
latter ‘‘Wide Bows” or ‘Flat Bows” in the sign language. All the
best bows were made of syringa wood and were sinew backed. The
Spokan and many men of all the tribes covered their bows with bull-
snake skin. Horn bows were used by all the tribes, and especially by
the Flathead. Some were made of a single piece and others were
joined of two, rarely of three, pieces. Arrows were similar to those of
other Salishan tribes.

Long ago rattlesnake poison was sometimes. used on arrowheads.
No beaver spears were used. Lances were occasionally employed in
killing game. Dogs were used in some ways of hunting.

Hunting befere and after the introduction of the horse—I obtained
the following information from Michel Revais and others regarding
the methods of hunting. Long ago the Flathead country was one
of the very best countries for game and all kinds of food. On the
Great plains, where buffaloes migrated in great herds, little other
game was found. In the Flathead country, buffalo were always
present, and at times, when they became scarcer than usual, plenty
of other game could be procured. On the other hand, in large portions
of the plains to the east, when the buffalo left, there was very little
other game to be obtained; in many places, at least, not sufficient to
feed a large company of people. For this reason, before the advent

3. E. Dye states that the Spokan were growing wheat in 1838, grinding it at the Hudson Bay Co.’s
mill at Fort Colville, traveling a distance of 70 miles. (McLoughlin and Old Oregon.)

TEIT} THE FLATHEAD GROUP 345

of the horse, portions of the great open plains were seldom visited.
When the buffalo deserted a part of the plains they sometimes
traveled long distances and were hard to follow and overtake on foot.
People who attempted to live in these places would have to follow
the buffalo or starve, and they could not easily travel great distances
carrying their children, old people, and baggage. Even dogs with
travois could not help them a great deal, for the dogs would require
to be fed meat constantly. Prairie fires were also dangerous and
often drove game away. Besides this, in those days without horses
the common game of the open plains (buffalo and antelope) could not
be hunted as successfully as in a more or less broken country. Thus
long ago people made their headquarters in diversified country, more
or less hilly and wooded, where good shelter, firewood, poles, and
water were abundant, and where there was a variety of game and
fish, where many kinds of roots and berries were growing, and where
materials for manufactures were at hand. As the places having the
best conditions were in the more or less hilly and partly wooded
country in proximity to the Rocky Mountains, most bands made
their headquarters in the country of the foothills. Some bands who
lived farther east had their headquarters within valleys in local or
isolated ranges of hills. In some cases there were considerable dis-
tances between bands, while other bands were comparatively close to
one another. In all cases there was a sufficient area of hunting
country intervening to allow of good hunting for all. As a rule,
people hunted the country halfway over to the next band. Traveling
over long distances occurred, but usually not for collecting food
supplies but for visiting, trading, or on the warpath. They traveled
light and lived on the game of the country as they went along, leaving
all surplus meat that they could not carry. Long ago buffalo were
not considered much more valuable for meat and skins than some
other kinds of large game, such as elk, for instance.

Buffalo were plentiful in the Flathead country and in the country
of the Salish-Tuna’ze. Elk, antelope, and deer of two or three kinds
were also plentiful; moose and mountain sheep abounded in many
places. Goats occurred, but they were seldom hunted owing to the
abundance of other game easier to obtain and considered much more
valuable. Besides large game, small game and game birds were
abundant, also roots, berries, fish, and shellfish. The Pend d’Oreilles
used shellfish, but it must have been a matter of choice with them, and
not necessity, for their country was almost as well stocked with game
as that of the Flathead. Buffalo were less abundant, but other kinds
of game were probably equally as plentiful as in the Flathead country,
if not more so. Besides, at one time caribou abounded in many
places north of Pend Oreille River, and both the Pend d’Oreilles

41383°—30——23

346 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

and Kalispel hunted them. All the game common to the Pend
d’Oreille country was also found in the Kalispel country, with the
exception of buffalo, which penetrated there only occasionally. The
Spokan had no caribou, moose, and buffalo in their country, but
great numbers of elk, deer, and antelope. Bears were at one time
numerous. After the introduction of horses, buffalo hunting, trans-
portation, and traveling long distances became easy. Hunting of
other game lost in importance. It was now possible to load great
pack trains with meat and skins, and to put up supplies at any place.
Great bands of people could travel together. In fact, the larger the
parties, the easier the buffalo hunting. Buffalo hides and robes
became considerable articles of trade with the more western tribes,
who did not go buffalo hunting. For these reasons the old style of
life was being given up and the people became almost exclusively
buffalo hunters, as this was the easiest way of making a living. What-
ever was unsuited to the new mode of life was discarded. Thus the
mat tent went out of use and was replaced by the skin tent. . Rawhide
bags came more and more into use; parfléches were universally used
as packing cases. A few baskets and mat lodges continued to be
used at the main winter camps and in the most western parts of the
country. Fishing, digging of roots, and gathering of berries became
of less importance, because these industries could not always be
prosecuted when buffalo hunting. Good berrying and root-digging
grounds were not usually places best suited for buffalo hunting, and
people often found themselves far away at the proper season for
berrying and root digging. Thus there arose a tendency to neglect
these sources of food supply, as well as the hunting of other game.
A certain amount of roots and berries was gathered and cured by
old people, who did not go with the regular buffalo-hunting parties.
The Flathead believe that the Crow and other tribes were affected by
the introduction of the horse in much the same manner as themselves,
and gave up their old manner of living to be buffalo hunters on the
plains. Revais and others believed that the Crow and all other
eastern tribes, before the introduction of the horse, must have lived
a semisedentary life, somewhat similar to the old life of the Flathead,
and that they must have had headquarters in some semiforested
country to the east. They could not have lived continually out on
the open plains as buffalo hunters before they had horses. The
Flathead did not make the changes necessary to their life of mounted
buffalo hunters by copying from the eastern or Plains tribes; for at
the time (say, about 1600) they were not in contact with the Plains
tribes. Besides, it is known that at least the Blackfoot and the
Assiniboin obtained horses at a date much later than the Flathead; and
it is believed that all the eastern tribes, such as the Crow, Sioux, and
Arapaho, obtained their first horses also at a date later than the Flat-

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 347

head and neighboring Shoshoni. It is believed that all tribes, both
east and west of the Rocky Mountains, secured their first horses
directly or indirectly from or through Shoshoni bands of the western
plains; and it is believed that the Kutenai and Blackfoot copied the
horse equipment from the Flathead and Shoshoni. This leaves only
the Shoshoni, the first to have horses, from whom the Flathead might
have copied.

In later years, when there came to be much contact between many
tribes on the western plains, the Flathead were influenced by contact
with eastern tribes, and also the latter by contact with western
tribes.

It is claimed that owing to the abundance of game in the Flathead
country before the introduction of the horse, a sufficiency of meat
could be obtained by ordinary methods of hunting, such as the still
hunt and the surround. Therefore there was no need for the employ-
ment of nets, corrals, and pounds for catching game, and these were
not used. The Blackfoot, and some other tribes to the north and
west, were known to employ some or all of these methods; but it is
thought this must have been because game was scarcer in their
countries, or harder to hunt. Even snares and deadfalls were very
little used in capturing game. Deer fences and deer snares like those
of the Thompson were not used. Driving or stampeding elk and
buffalo over precipices, and possibly some other methods of driving,
were in vogue; but it is not certain that these methods were also used
before the advent of the horse.

Before horses were in use, buffaloes were surrounded in small
numbers and shot; or the hunter crawled up to stragglers on the edges
of the larger herds and shot them. Some were also killed from
ambushes at watering places, and occasionally they were caught on
slippery ice and when swimming rivers. Disguises were often used
in approaching buffalo and other game.

When buffalo hunting was conducted on horseback the common
method was for a party of mounted men to charge the herd in a line
or in a half circle at a given signal, stampeding the animals, and follow-
ing them up, shooting and stabbing them. In the later days of
buffalo hunting, Salishan parties sometimes hunted within the
boundaries of the Blackfoot, Gros Ventres, and Assiniboin tribes.
When wars with the Blackfoot ceased, Kutenai and Pend d’Oreilles
parties often went to the north, crossing the present Blackfoot
Reserve in Montana, sometimes passing Blackfoot parties in that
part of the country, and hunted beyond them to the east and north,
frequently crossing the Canadian line. It is uncertain how far
Salishan parties went beyond their tribal boundaries to the east
along the Missouri and Yellowstone, but it seems that the Lower
Musselshell and Big Horn were about their limits, and they rarely or

348 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ern ANN. 45

never went east of the mouths of these streams. To the south they
went not infrequently as far as Wind River, Sweetwater and Green
Rivers; but this was generally on visits to the Shoshoni, although
they hunted all the way, going and returning.

In several parts of the Spokan country where there were extensive
prairies the Indians surrounded game every fall. Elk, deer, and
antelope were killed in this way. <A large body of people, including
many women and children, made a huge circle, and moved day by
day toward a common center. At night they camped in the circle.
Thus they moved toward one point a few miles every day. As the
circle shortened there became less chance of game getting out and
the camps came to be closer together. Any game seen near the edge
of the circle, was, if possible, scared in by riders. Many mounted
men rode to and fro between the camping parties in the circle, while
others, chiefly women, advanced on horseback and on foot, carrying
the baggage. In weak parts of the ring fires were lighted, especially
at night, and sticks with burnt skin attached were erected here and
there. At last, after a few days, or a week or two, according to the
size of the ground surrounded, a large number of game animals con-
eregated in the center. Places where game was most liable to break
through were then guarded by women and children to scare them back,
or sometimes by men in ambush to shoot. Then all the most active
mounted men attacked the animals and killed many with arrows
and spears. Those that broke away were chased and shot at as they
fled. This method of hunting was practiced both before and after
the introduction of horses, and it fell into disuse only after the
introduction of firearms, when there came to be danger of shooting
one another.

Sometimes, instead of a surround, driving was arranged on a great
scale, the animals being driven over cliffs, where they were killed by
the fall, or into coulées and defiles, where men lay in wait to shoot
them. Sometimes drives were made in coulées with steep sides, the
animals being driven from one end to the other, where they were met
by hunters waiting for them, and between the two parties were
nearly all killed.

Fisuine.—Fishing was of much less importance to the Flathead
tribes than hunting, with the exception possibly of the Spokan.
Several kinds of small fish were plentiful in the rivers, creeks, and
lakes. No doubt in early times, when the people were more sedentary,
fishing was engaged in to a considerable extent by certain bands of the
Kalispel and Pend d’Oreilles, especially by the people living around
Flathead Lake. It is said that long ago some of the Kalispel spent
most of the fair season around Pend Oreille, Priest, and other lakes,
hunting, fishing, and gathering roots and berries in the near-by
mountains, When winter approached they returned to their regular

TEXT} THE FLATHEAD GROUP 349

winter camping places on the main river, where the snowfall was
lighter and the climate milder.

Hooks and lines were used in fishing; but nets were little employed
except perhaps on Flathead Lake and at a few other points. How-
ever, large nets were used a great deal at the mouth of the Little
Spokane for catching various kinds of fish. They were stretched
completely across the river, one net being set some distance upstream
above the other. Dip nets were seldom or never used. According
to Revais, ‘‘The dip net for catching salmon on rivers was much used
along Columbia River, from the Thompson and Shuswap down to the
mouth of the Wallawalla, and to near The Dalles, but it was little
used by the tribes to the east of the Columbia. The Nez Percé
and Wallawalla used them for catching salmon, but the Spokan did
not use them.”

In many places weirs and traps were employed. Traps were of two
or three kinds, similar to the common fish traps of the Thompson.

Two kinds of spears were in use—the single-pointed gig, for spearing
fish from the shore, and the three-pronged spear, for spearing from
canoes and ice. No salmon were found in the countries of the Pend
d’Oreilles, Samté’use, and Flathead, and in only one small piece of
the territory of the Kalispel. The Spokan, however, had some good
salmon fisheries along Spokane River. Salmon did not run in the
Pend Oreille River. In the salmon season, some Kalispel went
down the river to near the canyon (probably Box Canyon), then
across country to the head of Salmon River in British Columbia,
which was the northeast corner of their tribal territory, and there
fished salmon. The salmon at this place were generally spent and
poor, and in some years there were not many. A few Kalispel
joined the friendly Lake and Colville at their great salmon fishery .
about Kettle Falls; but most of the tribe procured dried salmon in
trade from the Colville and Spokan, probably chiefly from the former.
Some of the Flathead obtained dried salmon from the Lemhi Shoshoni.
The Pend d’Oreilles, Szemté’use, and Salish-Tuna’re had no chance
to fish salmon with neighbors, and were seldom able to obtain much
in trade.

VI. TRAVEL, TRANSPORTATION, AND TRADE

Canors.—The Kalispel and Pend d’Oreilles were noted as canoe
people. They had an abundance of good bark in their countries and
made many bark canoes. White-pine bark was chiefly used. Ribs
were generally made of cedar and black-pine roots were used for sew-
ing. The canoes were swift and light, and were of the same general
shape and construction as the bark canoes of many other Salishan
tribes and of the Kutenai. They differed, however, in having the
bark at their ends cut off square and sewed together, instead of having

350 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

long, sharp, rounded, snoutlike ends, like the canoes of all other
tribes. This type, with cut-off ‘“‘snouts” or shortened ends (fig. 34),
was peculiar to the Kalispel and Pend d’Oreilles, and may have been
adopted under the influence of the eastern bark canoe since the advent
of the traders; for it is stated that Iroquois who settled among the
Pend d’Oreilles, and others in the employment of the fur traders,
sometimes made bark canoes of the eastern or Iroquois shape on
Flathead Lake. However, I was unable to make sure of this point.
As the “‘sturgeon-nose”’ (or snout-ended) canoe is the only type used
by neighboring tribes, and is widely distributed over a large area, it
would seem to be the older type of the two. The other tribes—the
Spokan, Sxemté’use, Salish-Tuna’re, and Flathead—are said to have
had no canoes long ago, only rafts of poles. It seems that tule rafts
were used to a slight extent by the Spokan, and possibly by the

others, but I was unable to make

certain of this. In later times, proba-

bly with the introduction of the first

iron, the Spokan began to make dugout

canoes of poplar and other logs, while

a the Flathead adopted the bull boat of

the plains area.

Doas.—Dogs were common to all
the tribes. In color they were gray,
yellow, and black of various shades,
generally lighter underneath and in
front, like coyotes and wolves. Some

i were somewhat mixed in color, such as
yellow and white or brown and white.
They were haired like coyotes and
wolves, and resembled them in appear-
ance and shape. None of them had curly, soft fur, and none had long
or floppy ears. Most of them were of large size, but some were rather
small. The dogs of the Flathead group appear to have been of the
same breed as those of the Thompson and other tribes of the plateau
and neighboring plains. The hair and skins of dogs were not made
use of, nor was their flesh eaten. They were at one time used for
hunting purposes, but to what extent is not clear.

Horsrs.—The Flathead claim to have obtained horses first about
1600 or a little later from some Shoshoni tribe, who, according to
them, were the earliest people to have had horses. All horses came
first from the south and southeast, and spread north and northwest.

The Salish-7Tund’xe procured their first horses from the Shoshoni
at about the same time as the Flathead obtained theirs, but for some
reason they had more horses at an early date than the Flathead.
Horses increased in numbers rather rapidly for some years after their

FIGURE 34.—T ypes of canoe bow
a, Sturgeon-nose type. 6, Kalispel type.

TEIT} THE FLATHEAD GROUP Soll

first introduction, as there was little or no horse stealing, and horse
flesh was seldom eaten, owing to the great abundance of buffalo and
other large game. After horses had become plentiful Blackfoot and
eastern tribes began to appear in the region bordering the Flathead,
and then horse raiding became common, and continued until the last
days of the buffalo hunting.

I obtained the following information from Revais and others
concerning the introduction of horses into other tribes. ‘‘The Pend
d’Oreilles and Szamté’use obtained their first horses from the Flathead;
and the Kalispel from the Pend d’Oreilles. The Coeur d’Aléne
got theirs first from the Kalispel and Pend d’Oreilles; and the Spokan,
according to some, theirs also from the Kalispel. The Colville
almost certainly obtained their first horses also from the Kalispel.”’
It seems, however, that horses spread simultaneously on both sides
of the Rocky Mountains from the Shoshoni, and reached the Moses
Columbia tribe only a little later than they reached the Pend d’Oreilles.
Thus it is said that most of the Columbia tribes had horses before
the Kutenai and Blackfoot. The Cayuse had a large number earlier
than any other tribes near the Columbia. It seems that they received
them directly from the Shoshoni. The Nez Percé are said to have
obtained most of their first horses from the Cayuse and the Shoshoni.
From the Cayuse, horses spread rapidly among the Shahaptian and
Salishan tribes of Columbia River, and from there north. At the
same time horses were reaching the Columbia from the east by way
of Pend Oreille River. Horses spread among the Shoshoni from south
to north, and it is supposed that they came originally from Mexico.
The Shoshoni east of the Salish-7und’ze and Flathead may have had
horses at even an earlier date than they. The Kutenai west of the
mountains are said to have obtained their first horses from the Pend
d’Oreilles; and those east of the mountains from the Salish-Tund’re
and possibly also from the Shoshoni. Some think that the Blackfoot
obtained their first horses in trade from the Salish-7Tund’re, Flathead,
and Shoshoni. Others claim that the Blackfoot procured all their first
horses by stealing from the Shoshoni and Flathead. It seems that the
Kutenai and Blackfoot were slower in adapting themselves to horses
than some other tribes, and did not use them extensively for some time
after their introduction. The Crow are said to have obtained horses
from the Shoshoni and Flathead by stealing, and may have taken their
first horses from the former. TheSiouxare said to have received horses
at a later date than the Crow and Blackfoot; and the Gros Ventres
probably a little earlier than the Blackfoot. The Assiniboin and Cree
obtained horses later than the Crow and Blackfoot.

The following story is told of the first horse seen by the Lower
Kalispel. The first horse that reached the Lower Kalispel country
was ridden by an Indian (some say a half-breed) who came from the

352 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

Flathead country by way of the Pend d’Oreilles. Some people saw
the horse’s tracks where it had passed over some sand. They called
other people, and discussed what kind of animal had made the tracks,
which were strange to them all. Some thought it might have been
a horse, as they had heard about them. Other people lower down,
near the river bank, saw the man approach on the horse at a lope.
They observed that he was smoking, and that he seemed to be quite
at his ease. They watched him enter the river and swim across on
the horse. They gathered around and examined the animal with
much curiosity. The Kalispel and Colville always called horses by
the common term for dogs when they were first introduced. Later
they adopted the name common to nearly all the Salish tribes for
‘“‘horse,’”’ which is related to a common word for ‘‘dog.”’

TRANSPORTATION AND Horse Equipment.—Before the advent of
the horse overland transportation was entirely on people’s backs.
Tump straps of skin, generally passed over the head, were used for
carrying loads. It is said that dogs were never employed as draught
animals in sleds, toboggans, or travois. The majority of informants
declared that dogs were never used for packing or hauling. One or
two informants said dogs were occassionally and in some places used
for carrying loads, but whether this was in very remote times or
just previous to the introduction of the horse is quite uncertain.
No toboggans were used, except that sometimes an animal’s meat was
lashed inside the skin and hauled by hand downhill over the snow,
as among the Thompson. Some soft skin and rawhide bags and some
baskets were used in the transportation of goods.

Horses were at once adopted for riding and packing. The common
method of packing horses appears to have been with light packsad-
dles of wood, over which rawhide was shrunk. _Two parfléches, filled
so as to be about equal in weight and bulk, were suspended by
loops over the ‘‘horns”’ or crosspieces of the saddle, one on each side,
and secured by ropes passing over the load and underneath the horse.
Sometimes some light flat or flexible material was placed crosswise
on the top of the saddle and parfléches and secured by the same rope.
All the horse equipment of packsaddles, riding saddles, cinches,
ropes, bridles, whips; and methods of riding, packing, and horse
management appear to have been received and adopted along with
the horse from the Shoshoni, and were passed on from the Flathead
to all the other Salishan tribes to the west and north. Certain kinds
of riding saddles were also sometimes used as packsaddles. Most
men’s saddles were of the “‘pad”’ type ' similar to those of the Thomp-
son, Shoshoni, and surrounding tribes. Usually the four corners of
the saddle were covered with solid quill or bead work, or otherwise
ornamented. Other saddles were also of the same types as those

$1, p. 12, fig. 8.

TEIT} THE FLATHEAD GROUP 353

used by the Thompson and neighboring tribes. Two kinds, chiefly
used by men, in some tribes also by women, were somewhat like pack
saddles, having wooden sides and ‘‘horns”’ of antler or wood.

Horns were of two kinds—the forked and the curved or bow type.
They were the same as specimens described by Wissler.? Saddles
with high “horns,’”’ most of them with a spike in front, were used

FIGURE 35.—Stirrups. a, Made of two pieces; b, made of one piece

almost altogether by women.’ Saddles of this kind were generally
ornamented with long flaps of skin richly embroidered which hung
from both pommels, or sometimes just from the back one.* Cinches
were of hide and woven horse hair. Stirrups were of one or two
pieces of bent wood, and sometimes of mountain sheep horn. Hide
was shrunk over the wooden ones, which were of severa! slightly dif-

KI |) Dy

++ ++

FIGURE 36.—Beaded flaps for stirrups for women’s saddles. a, Common type. b, Less com-
mon type. c, With beaded foot rest

ferent shapes. For a common kind used by the Kalispel see Figure
35.° Cruppers were used on many saddles; those on women’s saddles
were wide and highly ornamented.’ Beaded pendants’ (fig. 36) were
also much used on the stirrups of women’s saddles by the Flathead,

2 For the first type see /, p. 9, fig. 4 and perhaps J, p. 24, fig. 20; for the second, /, p. 10, fig. 5.
31, p. 6, figs. 2; p. 21, fig. 17.

41, p 6. fig. 2.

51, p. 16, figs. 11, 13; the former also used by women.

6], pp. 18, 19, figs. 14, 15.

71, p. 26, fig. 22.

354 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [WTH. ANN, 45

Pend d’Oreilles, and perhaps others. Various kinds of wide, highly
ornamented collars, somewhat similar to the wide cruppers, were used
on horses ridden by women. (Fig. 37.) Breast pendants of various
kinds, ornamental headbands, and even eagle-feather bonnets were
also used on horses by men and women. Saddlebags of different
kinds were used chiefly by women.’ Most of them were beaded.
(Fig. 38.) Square rawhide bags with long fringes were also much
used by women as saddlebags.® Saddle blankets were of several
types,'® and some were richly embroidered. Bits consisted simply of
a cord of hide hitched around the lower jaw; ropes of straps of hide,
or of cords braided of dressed skin, rawhide, or hair. Hobbles were
of the same materials. It seems that no spurs were used. Quirts
were commonly used by both men and women. There were both the

Fraur® 37.—Beaded flaps for horse collars

round and flat types.'' Handles were of antler and wood, especially
the former, and some were ornamented with incised designs.

Horses were often painted and their tails and manes arranged and
decorated in various ways. Old-style saddles of some kinds, orna-
mented cruppers, collars, saddlebags, and quirts are still made and
used by the Flathead tribes. Horses were often used for dragging
lodge poles in flat open parts of the country, where poles were scarce;
but the horse travois was seldom used, even when hunting buffalo on
the plains. All the western tribes, including the Shoshoni, carried
loads on horseback. The travois was only suited for flat and open
country, while packing was feasible everywhere, and, moreover,
safer and more expeditious. “ A sack to be folded and laced was in
use before the advent of the horse for carrying purposes; but the real

Sl, p. 23, fig. 19.

* See Thompson, p. 203, a, fig. 151.
10 See for instance, l, p. 22, fig. 18.
11], p. 28, figs. 23, 24.

TEIT} THE FLATHEAD GROUP 355

parfléche, fitted with loops and supporting stick for packing on horses,
came into vogue with the introduction of horses.

Many young men rode bare back or on a saddlecloth fastened down
with a cord or cinch. Most people could mount about equally well
from either side, but the right side of the horse was the favorite side
for mounting, as among all tribes.

SNowsHorEs.—Snowshoes were used by all the tribes, and appear
to have been of the plateau type, like those of the Coeur d’Aléne.
Sticks with mesh at the end for walking in snow were not used.

FIGURE 38.—Women’s saddlebags

Trapvre.—The great trade route between east and west, both before
and after the advent of horses, was by way of Pend Oreille River,
which was the easiest and the most important gateway through the
mountains toward the Columbia River region. The horse and
-eastern culture reached the Columbia mainly by this route. In
early times there was probably a steady filtering through of cultural
elements from east to west, and vice versa, by this route. Before the
advent of the horse there was probably a preponderance of western
influence following this route eastward; while after the introduction
of horses and the taking up of buffalo hunting by many of the plateau
tribes, conditions were reversed, and a strong eastern influence set
westward across the plateaus. What may be called the ‘western
gate” of the Pend Oreille route was at a point on the river around

356 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [pTH. ANN. 45

Newport and Usk, in the territory of the Lower Kalispel. Here easy
travel by land and water following the river stopped, and trails led
directly west to the centers of the Spokan and Colville through easy
country. Travel did not follow the Pend Oreille River below this
point to its mouth, owing to the northward turn in the river and the
roughness of the water and the surrounding country lower down.
The main trade route from this point was to Colville, an important
trading pomt and distributing center, only a short distance away.
From here one route went up the Columbia to the Lakes, where
there were points of contact with Okanagon, Shuswap, and Lower
Kutenai; but it seems this was not so important a route as that
continuing directly west through an easy, well-populated country to
the centers of the Sanpoil and Okanagon, where it joined the Columbia
River route, running north to the Shuswap and Thompson, and
south to the Wenatchi, Columbia, and Shahaptian tribes. From
the Kalispel, Colville, and Spokan a trade route followed the Spokane
River to the Coeur d’Aléne. Routes of less importance led from the
Spokan to the Columbia and Paloos, connecting up with the North
and South Columbia River route referred to. The route from the
Colville to the Okanagon was by far the most important for the
region to the west and north. The Colville occupied a central
position for trading and had fine salmon fisheries. Trade came to
their doors; they did not have to go after it. Large numbers of
Lake, Okanagon, Sanpoil, Spokan, and Kalispel came there for
trading and fishing. Although the Spokan were also great traders
they were rather more like the Klickitat, in that they roamed in
search of it and acted to some extent as carriers. They are said to
have made frequent trips to the mouth of the Snake and almost
annually to The Dalles. It is also said that in later days they went
sometimes in canoes as far as Fort Vancouver on trading and raiding
trips, and there is mention of a combined party of Spokan, Nez
Percé, Wallawalla, and Cayuse having gone, in 1844, up John Day
River, and traveled 800 miles to Sutter’s Fort on the Sacramento to
trade for cattle.’ There was not much trade directly north and south
across country from the Nez Percé to the Coeur d’Aléne, thence to
the Kalispel, nor from the Kalispel directly north or south. In
early times there was also little intercourse, and therefore very little
trade, across the Bitterroot Mountains. At one time the Coeur
d’Aléne and Nez Percé had practically no direct trade with the
Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead, therefore whatever eastern or plains
influence reached the Nez Percé before the days of their taking up
buffalo hunting must have’ come by the circuitous route by way of
the Pend d’Oreilles, and passed on by Spokan, Coeur d’Aléne, and
Columbia, or by the southern route via the Cayuse; for Indian

122. E. Dye, McLoughlin and Old Oregon (Chicago, McClurg, 1900).

TEIT} THE FLATHEAD GROUP 357

informants say there was little direct trade and intercourse between
the Nez Percé and Shoshoni for a long period of time, owing to con-
tinued wars. However, war is simply a different kind of contact,
and may not have stopped the spread of cultural influences. Accord-
ing to my informants, the Nez Percé, before they began to go to the
plains for buffalo hunting, had practically the same material culture
as the Coeur d’Aléne and the adjoining Columbia River tribes.
They differed a great deal from the Flathead group, who in most
respects were more like the Shoshoni and Kutenai.

The ‘eastern gate”? of the Pend d’Oreilles route was near
Missoula. Another important point of entry was near the mouth
of the Flathead River. From these places branches went north
to Flathead Lake, and thence to the Upper Kutenai, while a less
important branch went to the Kutenai at Jennings. Many Pend
d’Oreilles, Sxmté’use, and possibly Flathead came directly to a
rendezvous near Missoula for root digging and trading. From the
Missoula district there was a route running south through the Flat-
head country, by way of the Bitterroot and Big Hole, to the Shoshoni
east of the Rocky Mountains, a branch of which went to the Lemhi
Shoshoni at the head of Salmon River, Idaho. The other main
branch from Missoula went to Helena, and thence to the Salish-
Tuna@’ze or Sun River people, continuing to Great Falls and the
Teton River, and then north to the Kutenai-7und’ze and Blackfoot.
However, the exact lines of the trade routes east of the Rockies are
not quite clear. Some say there was a main line of travel following
rather close to the mountains north and south from the Shoshoni
tribes south of the Flathead, through the territory of the latter, and
continuing through the Salish-7und’re and Kutenai-Tund’ze to the
Blackfoot. The Pend d’Oreilles trade route joined this route at one
or two points in the Flathead country.

There was an important main trade route east of the Cascades,
following Columbia River from The Dalles north to the Thompson
and Shuswap, and another route in the east, following the foothills
of the Rockies, from the southern Shoshoni country north to the
Blackfoot tribes. These two routes were crossed at right angles by
- the important Pend d’Oreilles route running east and west. Long
ago considerable trading was done near Butte. At that time there
was very little trade across the mountains between the Pend d’Oreilles
and Tund’re. There was considerable intercourse across the Rockies
between the Upper Kutenai and the Kutenai-Tund’ze, probably by
the Crow’s Nest Pass in British Columbia. This route was of minor
importance and affected the Kutenai only. According to some
informants the Salish-Tund’ze were the chief traders east of the
Rockies. Most of the trade from the west of the Rockies, and that
trom the Shoshoni and Flathead south of them, passed through their

358 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

hands en route to the Kutenai and Blackfoot. Another trading place
was at a point about Great Falls. Nothing seems to be known as to
trade down the Missouri from this point, nor whether there was any
all-Shoshoni trade route running east of the Flathead country to the
Blackfoot. In those days there are said to have been no tribes near
by to the east with which the Flathead and Shoshoni traded, the
inference being that there was a strip of plains country practically
uninhabited to the east of the Shoshoni. It is said that trading
parties of Flathead visited the Yellowstone, Lemhi, and other Sho-
shoni, and that Shoshoni parties visited them. Also trading parties
of Salish-Tuna’ve visited the Flathead, Shoshoni, Kutenai-Tuna’ze,
and even the Blackfoot. As the time of the trading days before the
advent of the horse is so remote, little is now remembered regarding
articles of trade. Shells of various kinds for ornamentation of the
person and clothing, etc., came from the Far West and were traded
to the Plains tribes. Stone and pipes of semitransparent green
soapstone, eagle-tail feathers, mountain-sheep horn, and horn spoons,
ladles, and bowls, dressed moose skin, plateau-made bows of wood
and horn, coiled basketry, woven bags of the Nez Percé or Columbia
River type, a little salmon oil, and salmon pemmican, and in later
days horses, also came from the plateaus and were traded eastward.
Horses were first traded from south to north and east on the plains,
also west from the Flathead by way of the Pend Oreille River
route, but when all the western tribes took up buffalo hunting horses
ceased to be traded westward and went east and north. Goods that
passed from east to west were chiefly catlinite and pipes of the same
material, certain articles of clothing and ornaments, including
polished buffalo-bone beads, horses and occasionally saddles, buffalo
skins and buffalo robes, some dressed moose skin, occasionally
buffalo horns and buffalo pemmican. The Flathead claim that long
ago they sold many water-tight coiled-basket kettles to the Blackfoot,
also shells, horses, pipes, pipestone, and probably bows and saddles.
The Salish-Tund’xe carried these to the Blackfoot. The Blackfoot
also obtained horses from the Shoshoni, and flat wallets of Shahaptian
and Salishan make reached them through the Flathead. As already
stated, the Lemhi Shoshoni traded dried salmon to the Big Hole and
other Flathead and the Colville sold salmon to the Kalispel. Objects
common to all the tribes were also articles of trade, such as robes,
clothes, dressed skins, paint, pipes, and tools. In later days, after
members of the Coeur d’Aléne, Spokan, Columbia, Nez Percé, and
other western tribes began to visit the plains for buffalo hunting,
trading was carried on directly between them and eastern tribes
whenever parties met who were friendly. About 1810 a party of
Flathead and Shoshoni were met in the Big Horn Range on their

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 359

way to visit the Arapaho on the Nebraska or Platte. (See Washing-
ton Irving, Astoria, chap. 29.)

After the coming of the fur traders several trading posts were
founded within the territory of the Flathead tribes. Two posts
within the Pend d’Oreilles country were at Post Creek (near Mission)
and at Thompson Falls. The Lower Kalispel and many of the
Spokan traded principally at Fort Colville. The old brigade trail of
the fur traders from Colville crossed south through the Spokan
country to Cow Creek, followed it downward, crossed the Palouse
at the mouth, then touched Touchet Creek, passed to Wallawalla,
and thence down the south side of the Columbia. According to
Revais, some trading among the Indian tribes was done in later days

along this route.
VII. WARFARE

WEAPONS OF OFFENSE AND Derrense.—The weapons of the
Flathead group were the same as those of the Coeur d’Aléne and
surrounding tribes. Bows and arrows have been described under
‘“‘Hunting.”” Spears or lances were used, and various kinds of
knives, clubs, and tomahawks. Long ago cuirasses of heavy elk
skin and rawhide were in use; but they were discarded after the
introduction of the horse as cumbersome and inconvenient in mount-
ing and riding. Cuirasses of slats and rods of wood were probably
not used. No long hide shields and no wooden shields were em-
ployed. Their only shield was circular, made of two thicknesses of
skin from the neck of buffalo, moose, or elk bulls. In later days
many shields were exactly like those of the Crow and other eastern
tribes, but the old-style shield was retained by many men and was
considered the most effective. Shield covers were used, but pos-
sibly not with all shields. Shields and shield covers had painted
designs, and many were ornamented with eagle feathers and scalp
locks. Nearly all weapons were painted and ornamented. The
coup stick was in common use; and there were some tribal weapons
of a ceremonial character, particularly among the Flathead. Some
of these were spears, others clubs, wrapped or ornamented with
ermine skins, otter skins, and charms.

Guns were introduced later than among the Blackfoot.

Warfare was conducted after the manner of the neighboring
Plateau and Plains tribes, at least in so far as tactics were concerned.
All the tribes took scalps and counted coup on the enemy. They
also had several kinds of war dances and ceremonies in which they
related their war exploits.

Wars.—Before the introduction of the horse there were very few
wars, and peace generally prevailed among all the tribes. The
Flathead are said to have had a few short wars long ago with some
of the Shoshoni tribes, but as a rule the two tribes were on the best

360 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN. 45

of terms. They had no wars with other Salishan tribes, nor with the
Nez Percé and Kutenai. Once long ago a war party of Snake at-
tacked the Flathead in Bitterroot Valley, but they were driven off
with considerable loss and never came back.

The Pend d’Oreilles and Kalispel also had very few wars long ago.
Once or twice they had short wars with the Coeur d’Aléne, and once
the Kalispel helped the Spokan in a war with the latter. The
Kalispel sometimes attacked the Kutenai and once killed a large num-
ber of Lower Kutenai, but it seems that the Pend d’Oreilles were always
friendly with all the Kutenai. The Spokan very rarely had wars
with the Coeur d’Aléne, Kutenai, and Nez Percé; but at one time
they warred a great deal with the Yakima-speaking people, and raided
down the Columbia to The Dalles, and even below. Spokan parties
occasionally crossed the Wenatchi country and raided on the coast,
and once or twice war parties of Spokan went as far as the Willamette.
The Yakima-speaking people sometimes named the Spokan ‘‘robbers”
because of their raids against them. There were no wars with the
Colville or any tribes of the Okanagon group, nor with the Shuswap
and Thompson to the north, nor with the Kutenai-Tund’re. In
very ancient times there were no wars with the Blackfoot. Wars
with the latter and with the advancing eastern tribes began about
1700 or 1750 and continued almost constantly until near the end of
buffalo hunting (1880-1884). For over 100 years the western tribes—
the Flathead, Pend d’Oreilles, Kalispel, Spokan, Coeur d’Aléne,
Columbia, Kutenai, Nez Percé, Bannock, and Shoshoni, including
the Ute—were arrayed in war on the plains against the Blackfoot,
Crow, and all the eastern tribes, whom they considered intruders in
the western buffalo country. They did not fight the Kiowa and
Comanche, however. The Flathead knew of these tribes, but came
very little in contact with them. The Comanche were considered
as closely related to the Shoshoni, whose language they speak;
while the Kiowa were considered somewhat similar to the Bannock.
It is also said that the Comanche and Kiowa belonged to the western
alignment against the eastern tribes. Besides the great war align-
ment of tribes (east versus west), there was much war among the
eastern tribes themselves. Thus Assiniboin, Sioux, and Crow are
said to have always fought against the Blackfoot tribes; the Crow
against the Sioux, the Cheyenne against both, and so on. Until
after the introduction of the horse there were hardly any alliances
for war among the western tribes (Flathead, Shoshoni, etc.), each
tribe, and sometimes each band, acting independently. Had they
been better organized or more united, the Blackfoot and Crow
would probably not have been able to encroach upon them. In early
times the Spokan and Kalispel were sometimes in alliance, and

ret] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 361

again the Kalispel and Pend d’Oreilles, but at other times they were
not.

Wars with the Bannock.—The Flathead tribes were almost always
friendly with the Bannock, but they had misunderstandings two or
three times, which led to bloodshed. Once the Crow stole some
horses from the Pend d’Oreilles who believed that the Bannock were
the guilty party. Therefore they attacked a Bannock camp. This
led to a short war and several sharp encounters. Two chiefs arranged
a satisfactory peace, and the tribes became friends again, and ever
afterwards remained friendly. .

The following story may refer to this incident: A large party of
allied Salish were camped a little north or northeast of Fort Hall. <A
large party of Bannock came along and visited the camp for trading
of horses, and danced with the Salish. When the trading, dancing,
and games were finished, the Bannock moved to a place about 65
miles away. Two days afterwards a horse-raiding party of Crow
stole many horses from the Salish. The latter felt sure that some
Bannock had returned and stolen the horses. They were incensed
at what they considered a treacherous act, as the Bannock only
two days before had been entertained by the Salish, had traded and
danced with them, and had parted the best of friends. They dis-
patched a party of about 200 warriors against the Bannock. This
war party lay in ambush, and in the early morning, when the people
were in the act of turning out their horses to graze, the Salish rushed
the camp and captured about 300 horses. The Bannock were taken
unawares, but they all ran out to fight, and were surprised to find
that their enemies were the Salish from whom they had lately parted
as friends. Before the mistake was discovered six Bannock were
killed, including their chief, Louis, who had been reared among the
Flathead. He was a fast friend of the latter, and spoke their language
quite as well as his own. A number of Bannock were wounded; but
none of the Salish were killed, and very few were hurt. Afterwards
it was proved that the Crow had stolen the Salish horses and that the
Bannock were entirely innocent. Peace was at once arranged be-
tween the tribes, the Bannock horses were returned, and presents
were exchanged.

Wars with the Blackfoot..—There were many wars with the Black-
foot, probably many more than with any other tribe. Blackfoot
war parties were often large, numbering from 200 to 400 men. Most
of the fights were with the Piegan, as they appeared to be the most
numerous and aggressive; but sometimes Blackfoot proper and Blood
were engaged. As a rule, the Piegan parties were alone, but some-
times they were reenforced by Blackfoot and Blood. Occasionally
the three tribes were combined, either purposely or by accident

1 See pp. 125, 316 et seq.
41383°—30——24

362 ; SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

(meeting one another on the buffalo grounds); and in some instances
very large parties were encountered, composed of Blackfoot, Blood,
Piegan, Sarsi, and Gros Ventres. Once a fight occurred in the Big
Hole Valley between Flathead and Blackfoot at a time when war
parties of the latter were constantly appearing in the Flathead
country. A party of Flathead numbering about 150 and including
many women and children, under Chief Big-Eagle, had separated
from the main body of the Flathead, and were traveling south. As
they came over the top of a ridge they discovered a Blackfoot party
of about 200 warriors. When they saw each other the Flathead
drew up on the side of the hill and the Blackfoot did the same at the
bottom. The former were all mounted, and the latter were all on
foot. Some of the Flathead wanted to hold no parley with them.
They thought it best to leave and at once send some men out to
inform the main body of the Flathead, with the object of joining
forces and cutting off the Blackfoot. Chief Big-Eagle was against
this and said he would go and make peace with them. He took with
him Bear-Track, who was subchief. They dismounted and went to
the Blackfoot on foot. The latter formed a circle, with their chiefs
in the middle, and the two Flathead chiefs entered the circle to smoke.
Big-Eagle arranged his pipe and the Blackfoot chiefs agreed to smoke
it and make peace. While the chiefs were smoking a Blackfoot
Indian who was standing behind Big-Eagle pulled his bow out of
his quiver without Big-Eagle or his companion noticing it. When
they came back to their people some of the latter said to Big-EKagle,
“You have no bow.” The bow was a specially fine one, and Big-
Eagle said he would go back and get it. Some of the people tried to
dissuade him, fearing that the Blackfoot might kill him; but he said,
““No, we have just finished smoking and have made peace.” He
walked back unarmed along with Bear-Track and demanded the
return of his bow. The Blackfoot told them, ‘‘ Asking for your bow
is equivalent to declaring war on us. Our peace-smoke is now
broken.” They at once began shooting at them. Big-Eagle fell,
pierced with many arrows, and Bear-Track escaped wounded. A
fight ensued, the mounted Flathead circling around the Blackfoot,
but the latter drove them off, and the Flathead had to retreat.
Several were wounded on both sides. The Blackfoot did not manage
to capture any horses or scalps, and soon gave up following the
mounted Flathead, who now crossed country and overtook the main
body of their tribe. As soon as the latter heard the news they held
a short war dance. A large force of Flathead warriors returned to
look for the Blackfoot; but the Flathead were unable to locate them.
This happened toward the end of the eighteenth century.

TEIT} THE FLATHEAD GROUP 363

Skate’lko, the father of the late chief Moses of the Columbia, was
a noted war chief. He was a tall man, 6 feet or over, and had many
war trophies, for he had fought in many battles. He went annually
to the plains for buffalo hunting, and had been in fights with almost
all the plains tribes. He was able to talk or understand all
the interior Salishan languages, Nez Percé, Yakima, Wallawalla,
Shoshoni, and Bannock. He could also converse quite freely in
Blackfoot, Crow, and several eastern tongues. On his last trip to
the plains he was with a united party of Columbia, Kalispel, Pend
d’Oreilles, and Flathead, hunting buffalo near Fort Benton, when
they were attacked by a large party composed of Piegan, Blackfoot
proper, and possibly others. Although the Salish party was large
the Blackfoot party outnumbered it considerably. The Salish held
their ground for two days, always beating the Blackfoot off. On the
third day the Blackfoot made a determined attack on the camp with
full foree and hand-to-hand fighting ensued. The Salish repulsed
them with heavy loss, and, suddenly assuming the offensive, turned
the Blackfoot repulse into a rout. They followed the retreating
enemy, killing many. Skate’lko, although an elderly man, was al-
ways in the van of battle, and led the pursuit. Near the end of the
fight, just when the Salish were about to quit the pursuit, he was
shot. His people buried him on the battlefield and rode all their
horses over his grave. He was about 60 years old when killed.
This happened about 1840.

The year the first priest came to the Flathead (about 1839 or
1840) a Blackfoot party surprised the horse guard at the big Flat-
head camp in the Bitterroot Valley and drove away a large number
of horses. Very few men on either side were hurt. The Blackfoot
did not attempt to attack the camp, as they were not strong enough,
but they got away with most of the horses they captured.

A Pend d’Oreilles party was traveling toward a rendezvous in the
Flathead country, where they were to join a Flathead party for buffalo
hunting. They camped at Finlay Creek. Early the following morn-
ing, on a little divide toward Evaro, they met a large Blackfoot
party coming overa hill. The two parties exchanged shots, and then
the Pend d’Oreilles fell back into the Jocko Valley, as the enemy
was much superior in numbers. The Blackfoot surrounded them
near where the Indians now hold their dances on the reservation,
near the agency at Jocko. The parties kept shooting at each other
at long range, the ground being pretty open and level. Some of
the Pend d’Oreilles escaped on swift horses to advise the parties who
were following behind, and who had camped the previous night not
far away, while others rode to the trading post at Thompson Falls
to obtain ammunition. The Blackfoot became afraid that they
themselves might be surrounded, and gave up the fight, although

364 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

most of them had guns, while the Pend d’Oreilles party had only five
guns. This was at a time when guns were still scarce among the
western Indians. In the fight two Pend d’Oreilles and one Black-
foot were killed and some on both sides were wounded. The Black-
foot were pursued but made good their escape.

Another fight in the Pend d’Oreilles country tock place about the
same time. A Kanaka called Gulia’ka and another Kanaka were
carrying goods on horses from the post at Thompson Falls to trade
with the Flathead, who had formed a large camp in the Bitterroot
Valley. Several Pend d’Oreilles were driving the horses and a few
Flathead returning to their own country accompanied them. As
they were passing near Evaro a Blackfoot war party watching from
a hill sighted them. This party was in charge of a famous Blackfoot
war chief named Sata’. The Blackfoot descended and attacked the
party, killing both the Kanaka. All the Indians escaped and they
managed to save all the pack horses and packs. The Blackfoot got
nothing except the scalps of the Kanaka, and beat a hasty retreat.
The Pend d’Oreilles called reenforcements, followed the Blackfoot,
who were all on foot, and overtook them in the mountains. They
killed three of them, while they themselves suffered no loss. The
rest of the Blackfoot retreated into a rough piece of country and
made their escape through the woods in the night. After this,
McDonald, who was in charge of the Hudson Bay Co.’s post at
Thompson Falls, offered $200 for Sata’’s scalp. At one time there
were five Kanaka, cooks and laboyers, at the Thompson Falls post.
The place where the Kanaka were killed is now called ‘ Kulia’,”
from the name of the Kanaka Gulia’ka.

Once a war party of Blackfoot came to Sand Point in the Kalispel
country and attacked a camp of people there. The Kalispel drove
them off and killed three or four of them without loss to themselves.
This was about the farthest west any Blackfoot parties ever came.
Another time they came near to this place, but being discovered,
retreated without fighting. This happened about 1820.

Once a rather large party of Salish, mostly Flathead, were camped
on the Musselshell River. A Blackfoot war party numbering about
130 men, all on foot, discovered their camp. At night they crept
up within gun range and erected six small semicircular breastworks
of stones at different places commanding the camp. They probably
thought they would give the Salish the impression that they were
being attacked by a superior party, or that by a heavy gunfire they
would make them evacuate their camp. At this time the Salish had
very few guns. In the early morning the Blackfoot began firing into
the Salish camp, and a battle ensued. The Salish believed the Black-
foot were inferior in numbers, and rather than stay in camp and be
shot at, they prepared to attack the enemy. The latter were divided

ret] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 365

into six parties at the different breastworks. The Salish concentrated
all their men, and riding out into the open rapidly rushed one breast-
work after another, attacking from the sides and driving the Black-
foot out on the open plain. In the onslaught their chief, a Piegan,
and several others were killed. The Blackfoot managed to get to-
gether and rally. The mounted Salish kept them surrounded and a
long-range fight ensued. The Blackfoot were much superior to the
Salish in guns, but they ran short of ammunition. They moved
along slowly all day, the Salish having them surrounded and fighting
them all the time. During the night they broke up into several
parties and tried to escape; but in the morning the mounted Salish
caught up with the largest party, attacked it and killed all the mem-
bers. Another detached party when overtaken and surrounded began
to sing a death chant. The Salish also rode through this party and
killed them all. By nightfall all the Blackfoot had been disposed of
except a few of those who had escaped the night before and had not
been located or overtaken. They may have numbered 15 or 20 men.
It is said that a Pend d’Oreilles party came on them later in the country
farther north and killed nearly all of them. Probably not one of
this party of Blackfoot ever reached their country. During the first
night, when the Blackfoot were preparing to attack the Salish camp,
they had managed in the dark to steal two very valuable horses.
One was a pinto and the other a brown. When next morning the
Blackfoot were driven out of their breastworks two unarmed lads
mounted these-horses and tried to escape with them. A Flathead
on a very fleet horse chased them, and after riding about 6 miles
killed them both and recovered the horses. During the two days’
fighting the Salish lost very few men and had very few horses shot,
but a number of horses and men were wounded. The Flathead who
led the attack on the breastworks was killed by a ball and another
Flathead (a subchief?) was shot and killed by a wounded Blackfoot
when only about 2 feet away. A Flathead near by struck the latter
down and scalped him at once.

Wars with the Cheyenne—Sometimes the Cheyenne and Salish
fought. Once they had a war in which they attacked each other
many times and raided each other for horses, but no decisive battle
was fought. A number of horses were stolen on both sides, but
very few people were killed in either tribe. The most severe engage-
ment was fought a short distance north of the Little Horn; neither
side gained an advantage over the other. At the time of the Custer
battle, or shortly afterwards, the Cheyenne deserted the country in
which they had made their headquarters and moved temporarily
into the Crow country, while the Crow moved north to the confines
of the Piegan and stayed there for a time. It is said that this migra-
tion was due to fear of the Sioux.

366 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [TH. ANN. 45

Wars with the Assimboin—About 1865 a Flathead party of con-
siderable strength was camped at Three Buttes, near the confines of
the Gros Ventres northeast of the present Blackfoot Reserve in Mon-
tana. War was on with the Assiniboin at that time and a war
party of them attacked the camp at night. They managed to open
a great number of the lodge doors and shot inside, killing in all four
men and wounding the Flathead chief and some other people. A
woman ran out of one of the tents with a pistol in her hand. The
Assiniboin did not kill her as they were waiting for the men to come
out. She shot the Assiniboin chief dead and escaped in the dark.
The Assiniboin were driven off and at daybreak the Flathead started
in pursuit. When they overtook them a running fight ensued and
many of the Assiniboin were killed and wounded.

About the same time a large party of Coeur d’Aléne, Spokan,
Kalispel, Upper Kutenai, and some Pend d’Oreilles were hunting
buffalo in the Sweet Grass Hills on the confines of the Piegan country.
A large party of Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead were not far away in
another direction. Two or more years before this the Assiniboin had
boasted that they would drive all the Salish and Kutenai out of the
buffalo country. A large war party of Assiniboin came for the purpose
of attacking the camp, but when they saw the great strength of the
Salish-Kutenai, they immediately made off without risking a battle.
The Salish camp had 225 lodges.

Wars with the Sioux.—About 1860 a fight took place with Sioux in
the country between what is now the Crow Agency and Fort Benton.
A Sioux party of 15 or more had gone to steal horses from the Crow,
and the latter had killed them all except one man, who escaped. Some
other Crow had also killed some Sioux, who were now bent on revenge.
A party of 75 or 80 Flathead warriors were traveling near this place,
trying to locate buffalo. They had not heard of the recent fighting
between the Crow and the Sioux and did not know that the latter
were near. They saw a great many tracks which they concluded were
made by River Crow, but they were tracks of Mountain Crow fleeing
from the Sioux. The Flathead camped for the night. In the early
morning they saw several strangers stealing some of their horses and
the young men gave chase. These strangers were Sioux, who had
discovered the Flathead camp. After a run of about 15 miles the
Flathead had killed four of the Sioux and recovered most of their
horses, but this had brought them in front of the Sioux camp. The
Sioux all came out and the Flathead ran back. The Sioux, being on
fresh mounts, caught up with several of the Flathead and _ killed
them. Probably they would have caught up with all of them if their
horses had been good, but Sioux horses were generally not as good as
Flathead horses. A large number of Sioux took part in the pursuit,
and when they reached the Flathead camp they surrounded it.

rEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 367

More and more Sioux came, and when they had all arrived they at-
tacked the camp. There were about 1,500 of them.? The Flathead
were in a very strong position and were all well armed. The inten-
tion of the Sioux was to kill off as many of the Flathead as possible
by gunfire and then rush the camp in a sudden charge and kill the
survivors. The Flathead fought desperately all day. They lost 18
men killed and the Sioux had 24 killed, including 2 chiefs. At sun-
down the Sioux made a sign to the Flathead, ‘‘We shall lull you all
to-morrow.”’ The main body of the Sioux retired to their camp,
leaving a sufficiently large number to keep the Flathead surrounded
during the night. They knew of no way the Flathead could escape,
and the number of men left to guard them far exceeded the number
of Flathead. They intended to renew the attack in the morning, and,
after some shooting, they were going to charge on the camp and ex-
pected they could easily kill the surviving Flathead. The latter,
however, knew the country much better than the Sioux, and escaped
during the night with their horses and wounded. Early in the morn-
ing the Sioux followed them, but could not catch up. When they
reached a point near Helena they found that the Flathead had already
crossed the river. On the way the Sioux missed a camp of 10 lodges
of Flathead on the same side of the river as themselves, a little below
Helena, and a second camp in another place near there. They never
saw these camps, and the people in them did not know the Sioux
were near. Chief Arli’ was chief of the Flathead party who were out
there buffalo hunting at the time of this fight.

Wars with the whites —With the exception of the Spokan and a few
Kalispel who joined them, the Flathead tribes had no wars with the
whites. The Columbia River wars broke out in 1847 with the massa-
cre of Doctor Whitman and others by the Cayuse. 'The Indians
throughout the region were dissatisfied with the settlement of Ameri-
cans in their country without treaty with them and recognition of their
rights as owners of their respective countries. Some were also im-
pressed with a belief that the Americans intended to destroy them and
take possession of their countries, and with this object had already
made ‘‘medicine” against them in the form of epidemics, such as
smallpox and measles, which had killed many of them. If the whites
settled among them they would make “medicine” perhaps still
more effectively; and, besides, they would interfere with their living
by killing off the game and fish, and perhaps they would blight the
roots and berries. They knew the fur traders had not tried to hurt
them or seize their lands, or interfere with their liberties; but the
Americans seemed different, and they looked on them with suspicion
and distrust. The Cayuse fought the whites for two or three years,

2 It is not clear whether this was the estimated number of warriors or of people in the Sioux camp. The
number of both was generally estimated by the number of tents counted.

368 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [BTH. ANN. 45

while all the other tribes remained neutral, because they were of
divided opinion. There was a faction in every tribe in favor of the
whites and a faction against them. In 1849 or 1850 (?) the Umatilla
sided with the whites and defeated the Cayuse in a severe engage-
ment near the head of John Day River (?), which practically ended the
Cayuse war. According to Revais, 30 tents of Cayuse did not engage
in the war and remained neutral. Feelings of dissatisfaction, dis-
trust, and resentment against the whites continued among many of
the Indians until 1855, when Governor Stevens made treaties with
most of the tribes in the Columbia area all the way from the coast to
the Blackfoot. However, some leading chiefs and large sections of
various tribes were not satisfied. They claim that the treaties had
been made at too short notice for proper deliberation, and without
their full consent.

The same year the Yakima-Wallawalla war broke out. These
tribes did not unite, but went to war independently in their respective
countries, and during the war they acted and fought in two independ-
ent groups—Yakima, Klickitat, and Paloos in one, and Wallawalla,
Umatilla, and Cayuse in the other. Many settlers were klled in
the early part of the war, especially by the Klickitat. During 1855-
56 several sharp engagements were fought between white troops and
the Indians of both groups, resulting finally in the subjection of the
allied Wallawalla. In this war also a number of Cayuse remained
neutral, probably the same ones who were neutral in the Cayuse
war; and during hostilities they moved to the Nez Percé. The
Yakima, under their chief Kamiakun, who, according to some, was
part Salish in blood, continued to fight until 1858. In these wars
several of the Nez Percé bands and the Wasco furnished many
scouts and guides to the soldiers. According to Revais, at the same
time the Wallawalla were fighting (about 1856 ? ), the Rogue River
war broke out. The Indians there felt resentment against the whites,
claiming that individual whites at various times had abused and
ill-treated them, and the whites were becoming more and more insolent
to them. Actual hostilities began in the following manner: Aineas,
an Iroquois, at one time an employee of the Hudson Bay Co., had
married a Rogue River woman and settled among the tribe. His
wife had a child, and some time afterwards the tribe elected him as
chief. At this time there were white settlements and stores about
every 10 miles along the river, from the head to the sea. Aineas
was employed by the whites as mail carrier along the river. On
one of his trips a white man shot at him four times and wounded
him in the hand. When he arrived home he told the Indians of the
affair and advised them to attack the whites. That night the
Indians went to war and began to raid all the settlements along
the river. Aineas took possession of all the cash part of the loot
and buried it in several places. Many whites were killed. At last

TEIT) THE FLATHEAD GROUP 369

the Indians were surrounded and surrendered, but Aineas escaped
to friends in the Willamette Valley. His friends told him he would
be hanged if caught, and advised him to go north to Fort Colville,
where he would be safe, and where he had many friends; but he was
anxious to see his wife and child, who had gone to Grande Ronde;
so he went there. Shortly after his arrival some Indians reported
his presence. He was captured and sentenced to be hung. He sent
for his brother, who lived in Willamette, to come and see him; and
he told him where he had buried all the money. After his execution
his brother went to find the money, but on the way he shot and killed
a white man and had to flee. He was caught and hung also. No
one then knew where A‘neas had hidden the money, and probably
it is in the ground to this day. All the Salish tribes remained neutral
during these wars. They refused to attack the whites, nor did they
give the latter any active aid against the hostile tribes. However,
they were gradually becoming more dissatisfied. They had made
treaties or agreements in 1855 with Governor Stevens to relinquish
parts of their lands; but they claimed that the matter had not been
properly settled, and they objected to the land surveys, the building
of wagon roads, and to new settlements, as long as their claims were
not adjusted. A rush of white gold miners to Colville in 1856 (?)
and later, without any regard to Indian authority and rights in the
country, made the Spokan and others resentful. They had not yet
received any payments for their surrendered lands and no reserves
had been set apart for them. They believed that the whites were
playing them false and that the treaties and agreements meant
nothing. By 1858 they had become strongly of the opinion that the
whites did not intend to keep their promises. In that year the
Spokan and Coeur d’Aléne made an alliance for defense and war.
They were to act on the defensive and keep the whites out of their
countries until such time as the Government should settle every-
thing fairly with them. They said they must have their reserves
and payments before any more whites could enter their country.
The Government must not break faith with them. They claimed
the right to defend and rule their own countries. The territories
of other tribes they would not enter as they had no rights or juris-
diction there. They would not attempt to molest or drive out the
whites who were living in the territories of neighboring tribes. That
was a matter for the other tribes to decide. The fighting forces
of the combined Spokan and Coeur d’Aléne are said to have been
about 1,000 men. This probably included about 100 men of other
tribes who were with them—a few Yakima and Paloos refugees,
about twoscore Kalispel, most of them related to the Spokan by
descent or marriage, and a few others from various Salish tribes,
Colville, Okanagon, Pend d’Oreilles, and two or three from the
Thompson country. When Colonel. Steptoe’s force entered their

370 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

country in the'spring of 1858 the Indians met them and asked them
what they had come there for. They answered that they were-
going to Colville and had no hostile intentions. The Indians said
to them, “‘Why, then, are you armed, and why have you cannon with
you? Your intentions must be hostile, and you had better go back
out of our country.” Instead of at once returning, the command
camped and assumed an attitude of war. Next morning, when
there were no signs of their leaving, the Indians attacked them
and drove them out. A running fight ensued to near Steptoe Butte,
where the soldiers made a stand at evening. The Indians intended
to finish the battle at daybreak; but during the darkness of night
some Nez Percé scouts who knew the place well guided the survivors
out through the enemy’s lines, and they escaped. In the morning
the Indians followed them right to the Snake, but did not overtake
many of them. In this engagement the Indians claim to have
taken the soldiers’ camp, with all their outfit and provisions, their
pack train of over 100 mules and horses, a number of cavalry horses,
and arms, including some cannon. They also claim to have killed
over half the command of about 200 mounted men. After this the
Spokan and most of the Coeur d’Aléne went to Chief Lot’s place
on the present Spokane Reserve and held. war dances. In the fall
of the same year Colonel Wright, with artillery and about 1,000
horse and foot soldiers, besides Nez Percé scouts, entered the Spokan
country. The Spokan and Coeur d’Aléne met them and fought
four engagements with this force inside of a week, but had to retreat
after each engagement. However, they managed to take all their
women and children, the wounded, and many of their dead with
them. In one instance they were unable to take all their lodges and
baggage and burned some of them by setting a grass fire behind them.
When the command had nearly reached Spokane Falls the Indians
held a council, and the Spokan, being out of ammunition and their
chiefs at variance, decided to ask for peace. Chief Garry * was
sent to Colonel Wright’s camp to make the arrangements, as he
could speak good English. Most of the chiefs surrendered, part of
the agreement being that the Indians were to deliver up their horses.
The Spokan delivered up most of the horses they had at hand, and
it seems that the soldiers at once shot about a thousand of them.
The Spokan were now quite unable to continue the war, even if they
had wished to, for most of them were without horses and ammuni-
tion. Even in the beginning they had little or no chance of winning,
being armed with old-fashioned muskets and bows and _ arrows.
They were also short of ammunition at the start, and had no means of
replenishing it. On the other hand, the soldiers were equal in numbers

3 Chief Garry was sent when a boy by the fur traders to the Red River settlements in Manitoba, where
he remained several years being educated. He could speak English fluently, and French nearly as well.
He was also very proficient in Chinook and in the sign language.

yy
TEIT) THE FLATHEAD GROUP BY (IE

to the Indians, well armed with up-to-date long-range rifles, well
supplied with ammunition, and, besides, they had howitzers, before
which the Indians could not stand up. In their last council the
Indians debated as to whether they should retreat into the moun-
tains and continue the war, whether they should scatter into a num-
ber of small parties throughout the country, or whether they should
sue for peace and end the war. They decided to sue for peace. It
is said that they lost from 15 to 20 men killed in each of the engage-
ments, and quite a number wounded. The losses of the soldiers are
not known. Some Indians who would not surrender scattered into
various parts of the country and gave up hostilities, while the Coeur
d’Aléne retreated into their own country. After Colonel Steptoe’s
defeat the Spokan knew that a large force of whites would come some
time and try to beat them, so they invited the Kalispel to join them
for defense and war, as the Coeur d’Aléne had done. The Kalispel
called a great council and debated the question for several days.
Several of the chiefs and leading men were against going to war,
and one shaman told the people that the Spokan and their allies
would meet with defeat, as he had noticed some very peculiar hap-
penings among the stars which portended evil for the Indians. One
of the strongest speakers against the Kalispel entering the war was
Michel Revais’s father-in-law. A warrior called Xane’wa was very
angry at his speech, denounced him as a coward, and asked the people
not to listen to him. He told them, “I am going to war; I want to
fight the whites.’”’ A war dance was held, but very few joined. In
the end Xane’wa went to the Spokan with about 25 followers, and
he was the first man killed on the Indian side in the battle of Spokane.
Some soldiers on swift horses ran him down. One caught him by the
hair and threw him off his horse and the others shot him when he
was on the ground. When the war broke out the great majority
of the Kalispel moved into the Salmon River country in British
Columbia. This was a deer-hunting and fishing ground of the tribe.
Some remained there for about two years to be as far away from the
warring Indians and whites as possible. Others of them went over
to the buffalo country.

Spotted Coyote, a famous war chief of the Pend d’Oreilles, was one
of the very few warriors of that tribe who went over to help the Spokan
and Coeur d’Aléne. It was said that he was bullet proof. At the
battle of Spokane he rode the full length of the battle line twice,
challenging the soldiers, and telling them they could not kill him.
They kept firing at him all the time, but he remained unhurt. He
had not seen cannon (howitzers) in action before. A number of
Indians on the edge of a coulée saw the soldiers and mules turn to take
the cannon to a hill. They thought the artillerymen were running
away, so they charged on them. When they got close the soldiers

oie, SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

turned the guns around and fired into them, killing a number of men
‘ and horses, and scattering the rest. When Spotted Coyote saw this
he told the Indians, ‘‘There is no use of our fighting. We can do
nothing against cannon. The whites are far superior to us in their
arms. We must give up fighting and make peace, or leave the
country.’ After this engagement he left the Spokan and returned
to his own country.

In the Nez Percé war of 1877 (?) the Flathead tribes were all
neutral except to the extent that the Flathead furnished some scouts
for the military. According to Revais, the war commenced in the
following way. A number of the Nez Percé, and particularly those
of Chief Joseph’s band, were dissatisfied because the Government
had failed to set aside for them a certain piece of land as a reserve,
which had been promised; but probably this feeling alone would not
have led to war. The immediate cause was that a white man had
killed a man of Chief Joseph’s band and remained unpunished.
This indian had two sons who were young men. Joseph’s people
were camped together and were holding a war dance for practice or
fun. The two sons were taking no part in the dance, but were riding
their horses around in the camp in a wild fashion. A man became
annoyed at them, and, coming out of his lodge, said to them, ‘‘ Why
do you carry on like that? You think yourselves brave, and you run
over my children. If you were men, you would not try to show off
and ride over helpless children, but instead would kill the slayer of
your father.”” That night the two young men went up the creek to
where the white man lived and killed him. They took his race horse
away, and then killed some other settlers on the creek. The whites
reported that Chief Joseph and his people were dancing for war, which
was not true, and a large number of soldiers came up and attacked the
camp. The Indians retaliated, and thus the war commenced. Joseph
and his people traveled to the east. He had about 400 warriors. The
rest of the Nez Percé remained neutral. Joseph made for the Lolo
Pass, followed by a number of soldiers, while another detachment of
soldiers from Fort Missoula tried to intercept him. Along with them
were many squaw-men, most of them married to Flathead women,
and about 40 Flathead warriors who acted as scouts and guides.
They lay in wait on the east side of the mountains; but the Nez Percé
scouts saw them, and their party made a détour through a coulée
beyond the ridge and passed the soldiers before the latter knew that
they were there. When the main party had gone a considerable
distance some of the Nez Percé left as a rear guard shot down on the
soldiers, and only then did they know that the Indians had eluded
them. Chief Joseph went to the Big Hole and later made a circle
and passed both Shoshoni and Crow; but neither of these tribes
would join him. Had he from the beginning gone straight north, either

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 373

on the west or the east side of the Rockies, he could easily have
escaped to the Canadian side; but he expected that some of the Flat-
head, Shoshoni, and Crow would join him, and in this hope went a
roundabout way.

The Flathead tribes were also entirely neutral during the Bannock
war. They never fought among themselves. Feuds between fami-
lies were not common. In war the Flathead and Pend d’Oreilles
claim that they seldom took captives. At least, in later wars they
generally killed all of their enemies, including women and children,
especially if they were Blackfoot, Crow, or other eastern tribes.
A long time ago it is said that they had a few Blackfoot and Shoshoni
captives, young women and boys.. According to the Flathead, the
Blackfoot were the first Indians known to them to acquire firearms
and the Crow were the next.

The following is told of Lewis and Clark, who were the first whites
seen by many of the Flathead. Lewis and Clark met the first Flat-
head (or Salish-speaking people) in the Big Hole country. Some Nez
Percé and others were camped with them. A ceremonial smoke was
held with Lewis and Clark, who sat on the grass when talking with the
Indians. The latter thought they must be cold, and put a buffalo
robe over each one’s shoulders. Later the Indians were surprised to
see them get up and walk away, leaving the robes. They expected
that they would keep them and use them.

VIII. SIGN LANGUAGE

The Flathead were noted as adepts in the sign language, and all
the tribes used it extensively in talking with strangers. The Chinook
jargon was unknown, except in recent times among some of the
Spokan and a few other Indians who had traveled extensively in the
West, or who had been associated with the fur traders of Fort Colville.
However, even at Colville and other interior trading posts, Chinook
was not used a great deal, the principal language being French.
Some Indians spoke a little French. The sign language was also
employed to some extent by the traders, who had learned it from the
Indians. The sign language in vogue was the same as that used by
the Crow and other tribes of the western plains, or only slightly
different.

IX. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

The social organization of the Flathead tribes appears to have been
in general of the same kind as that common to other interior Salishan
tribes, the Kutenai, the Nez Percé, and the Shoshoni. There were
no privileged classes, clans, gentes, phratries, and it is doubtful if
there were societies of any kind. There may have been among the
Flathead one or two companies corresponding somewhat to the dog

374 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 45

soldiers or military and police societies of some Plains tribes, but I
was unable to make sure of this point.

Each tribe formed a unit, the members being bound together by
ties of blood, association, mutual interests, methods of making a liv-
ing, common country, and dialect. Each tribe consisted of a number
of bands, each making its headquarters as a rule in some definite
locality, and composed of families more or less closely related by
blood. The bands, however, had a greater range, or were more
nomadic than those of most Salishan tribes of the Columbia and
Fraser drainage. There are traces of groupings of some of the bands
in larger units, at least among the Spokan and Kalispel. Each band
had a chief and an assistant chief, who gave advice and looked after
the affairs of the band. There was no central authority except the
head chief.. He and other chiefs formed a council and discussed the
larger affairs of the tribe as a whole. The head chief kept the tribal
pipe and other tribal property of a ceremonial kind used in the making
of peace and war. It is uncertain whether the head chief was also a
band chief or whether this chieftainship was a distinct office. As the
exact number of bands that existed long ago is not remembered, the
number of chiefs in each tribe is also unknown. The powers of the
chiefs were in large measure advisory only. The ancient social
organization changed so long ago that very little authentic informa-
tion about 1t can be secured. The disappearance of the separate
bands has been described before. Those of the Spokan and Kalispel
never entirely disappeared. They were retained to some extent when
these tribes were on their home grounds. The political and social
organization now was centralized in the tribe. Instead of a number
of practically independent small bands loosely bound together there
was now a single organization for all. The bands ceased to have any
local or geographical significance. Each tribe had a head chief, a
subchief, and several ‘‘small”’ chiefs; but I did not learn much regard-
ing the functions and duties of the different classes of chiefs. The
head chief is said to have been the leader of the tribe, but as a rule he
consulted the subchief, and often also the small chiefs, before deciding
any matter of great importance. The subchief was an assistant to
the head chief, in whose absence he acted as substitute. If the tribe
divided for any reason, the head chief took charge of one part and
the subchief of the other. The small chiefs had duties somewhat
similar to those of the band chiefs in other Salishan tribes. If the
tribe split up into parties for root digging, berrying, or buffalo hunting,
each going to a different locality, a small chief took charge of each
party. The small chiefs were of great importance in the gathering
of the food supplies and in the overseeing and carrying out of regula-
tions of many kinds. They had to look after the general welfare of
the camp and the safety, comfort, and good conduct of the people.

TEIT| THE FLATHEAD GROUP BD)

They also had surveillance of the guarding and pasturing of horses
and the procuring of firewood. There were fairly strict regulations
regarding camping, fires, firewood, sanitation, herding of horses, scout-
ing, guards, positions of lodges, positions of groups and tribes in the
camp circle, and other matters.

When on the great buffalo hunts and in the main winter camp
there was some kind of division of the men into companies under
leaders for the performance of definite duties. In some cases, at
least, the leaders took orders from the head chief of the party. A
group of young men acted as scouts; another group assisted the small
chiefs acting as a police in camp and on the march. Another group
of older men traveled with the women and children and assisted in
making camp. Another group of young men were horse herders.
Most of these companies were small, numbering perhaps a dozen,
according to the size of the party.

There was some method of ranking ‘‘braves”’ according to war
experience and exploits, and positions were assigned to them when on
the march, when attacking an enemy, and when stampeding buffalo;
but I did not obtain details. There were no temporary hunting
chiefs, as among the Thompson.

I was unable to learn definitely if each small chief always took
charge of the same people, but there are indications suggesting that
the small chief was originally a band chief; and most of the people
who generally followed him in the summer when gathering food were
probably descendants of people of a single, at one time local, band.
Certain small chiefs were wont to go each summer to the same
district, usually with the same families, and these places were
considered their summer homes. A certain band almost invariably
went to the Big Hole Valley to spend the summer, and a branch of
this band nearly always went south to the Shoshoni country. I did
not ascertain with certainty whether each small chief and the people
who generally accompanied him in the summer had regular positions
in the tribal camp circle. All the tribes camped in a circle, especially
when buffalo hunting. When allied tribes were camped together
each had its position in the circle. There was a definite usage re-
garding positions, which may have been geographical in origin.
Thus, if Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead were together, the former
occupied the north half and the latter the south half of the circle;
if Flathead and Shoshoni, the latter were south of the former in the
circle. The dance house, when one was in use, was generally in the
center, or near the center of the circle. This house was also often
used as an assembly house. Generally all the horses were driven
inside the circle at dusk and herded during the night. Many were
picketed and others hobbled. At daybreak they were turned out-

376 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [RTH. ANN. 45

side to graze again. Often there was a considerable amount of grass
within the circle, if the camp had not been long in use.

Cuiers.—Chieftainship was never strictly hereditary. For a con-
siderable time chiefs have been elected. When the head chief of the
tribe died the subchief had the right to succeed him. One of the
small chiefs was elected subchief and a good man of the tribe was
elected to fill the vacancy among the small chiefs. If the subchief
declined the position of head chief he remained subchief and one of
the small chiefs was elected head chief. If the small chief first
selected to be chief refused then another one was asked. On the
death of the head chief his place was always filled by one of the
other chiefs. The main reasons given for refusing the position of
head chief were poverty and unfitness. One would say, ‘I am not
good enough to be the head man of the people.”’ Another would
say, ‘‘I am too poor.” In former times a son not unfrequently suc-
ceeded his father as chief, but seldom did members of the same
family hold a chieftainship for over three generations. Chiefs were
generally superior men, and before election were distinguished for
qualities such as wisdom, social influence, oratory, truthfulness, or
bravery. Dignity, wealth, renown for warlike exploits, and striking
physical appearance were also considered. A loud talker, one
boastful, or who could not control his temper, could not be a chief.
A chief should be considerate in dealings with others, modest in
speech and behavior, quiet, cool, resourceful, and perfectly in control
of himself. He should never talk in a loud voice, quarrel, show
anger, fear, or jealousy. Chiefs’ wives and children also ought to be
unassuming, quiet, dignified, hospitable, to show that they were
really chiefs’ people, and so not disgrace their husbands and fathers.
There were no women chiefs. The chiefs of the Flathead group had
a great deal of influence and were respected and obeyed by their
people. They wielded more power than the chiefs of other Salishan
tribes. Six or seven generations ago the Flathead and Pend
d’Oreilles had each six chiefs—a head chief, a subchief, and four small
chiefs. The Kalispel (probably excluding the Chewelah) had a head
chief, a subchief, and three small chiefs. How the number of chiefs
originated and whether they represent the original number of band
chiefs is uncertain. If they do, then the Pend d’Oreilles probably
consisted formerly of six bands and the Kalispel of five. At the
present day there is said to be a head chief, a second chief, and two
small chiefs for each tribe. The head chiefs of the Flathead as far
as remembered were—

1. Tcé’les keimz’. (‘ Three-Eagles’’), chief about 200 years ago.

2. Kotw'ts keimi’. (‘ Big-Eagle’’), said to have been a son of No. 1. He was
killed by the Blackfoot (ef. p. 362 for an account of his death).

3. Kotitrad’tEat (‘‘Big-Hawk”’), a relative (probably a grandson) of No.- 1.
Killed by the Blackfoot. He was chief when Lewis and Clark came.

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 3H 7h

4. Stremursesemzé’ (“Standing Grizzly-Bear’’), no relative of the preceding
chiefs. He was more than half Pend d’Oreilles and Kalispel in blood. He was
head chief when Michel Revais’s father was young and he died the year the first
priest came (around 1839).

5. (Victor) Skotkoi’xélist’ or Szxwetxweitreltct (‘‘Plenty-of-Horses,’’ from
xweizweit, ‘“plenty’’; xéltst’ or xeltci, ‘‘horse’’), no relation, or only very dis-
tantly related, to any of the preceding. Said to have been partly of T'und’re
descent, and his name of Salish-Tund’re origin. He made the treaty with
Governor Stevens in 1855.

6. (Charlos [or Carlos]) £amze’.ke or stemzaike’ (‘Small Grizzly-Bear Claw’’),
son of No. 5. He was living in 1909, aged 79 years.

There is some confusion regarding Nos. 2 and 3. Revais said he
thought Big-Eagle and Big-Hawk were different names for the same
man. Some say that Big-Hawk succeeded Three-Eagles, while others
say that there was a chief between them. Arli’ was subchief of the
Flathead when the tribe made a treaty with Governor Stevens in 1855.

The same informants gave the Pend d’Oreilles head chiefs as follows:

1. (Alexander) Tz’ methagtltse’ or temetraz.tse’ (‘‘No-Horses’’; from tzmetl,
negative ‘“‘without’’; haziltse’ or xax.tse’, ‘“‘horse’’), said to have been partly of
Tund’xe descent, and his name from the Salish-Tund’ze language. He died a
very old man about 1868 and is said to have had 400 horses. He was the Pend
d’Oreilles chief who made a treaty with Governor Stevens. Chief Alexander
had an elder brother called Tcenko’s‘hwe’ (‘‘Man-who-walks-alone’’). He was
a prominent man in his time. He and Alexander were first cousins to Michel
Revais’s father. Chief Alexander had a daughter who married Chief Louison.
She was second cousin to Michel Revais.

2. (Michel) Hwihietttcé (‘‘ Plenty-of-Grizzly-Bear”: from hwihwizt, ‘“plenty”’;
eltcé’ or Eltsé’, ‘grizzly bear’’), no relative to No. 1. He was a small chief of the
tribe when his predecessor died and was elected head chief after two others—
André and Pierre (or Peter)—had refused. He was probably partly of Tund’ze
descent, as his name is from the Salish-Tuna’re language. He died about 1890.

3. (John Peter) Nca’lqan or Ns@’rlqen (meaning uncertain, but an old heredi-
tary name with suffix -gen ‘‘head”’), son of No. 2. Chief in 1909, aged about 45
years.

The subchief of the Pend d’Oreilles when treaty was made with the
Government in 1855 was Nkaltsz.‘é’ or Nkotitts.é’ (“Big-Canoe’’).

I obtained the following list of Kalispel head chiefs, but possibly
they were chiefs only of the Lower Kalispel.

1. Nv’wards (meaning uncertain), chief before the whites came.

2. Nicolas (?) Ku’lkuls keimi’ or Kulkuls qait’m (‘‘Red-Eagle’’), said to have
been a son of No. 1. He died about 1835.

3. EHtswi'sesom.zé’ (‘‘Standing-Bear’”’).

4. Victor Ntsaka’lta’. (meaning uncertain) or Arla’mqen (meaning uncertain,
but an old hereditary name with suffix -gen ‘‘head’’), died an old man. He was
chief at the time of the war between the whites and the Spokan, and had a docu-
ment given to him in 1859 by the chief of the military, recognizing him as a
friendly chief.

5. Marcellin Tcege’gei (meaning doubtful), chief of the Lower Kalispel in 1909,
and aged about 70.

41383°—30——25

378 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [bTH. ANN. 45

None of these chiefs made any treaty with Governor Stevens.
Nicolas Silemuaxs‘tu’. was subchief in 1909. He is said to be a
descendant of one of the early chiefs. The late chief of the Camas
Prairie or Upper Kalispel on the Flathead Reserve was Red-Eagle,
a relative of Red-Eagle No. 2 of the Lower Kalispel. He died after
1900.

Some chiefs of the Chewelah (or Colville Valley Kalispel) were in
succession as follows:

1. Kwoikwoitemela’ or Kwokwo’ita (meaning uncertain), said to be a Salish-
Tuna'xe word. He was partly of Tund’xe descent.

2. Tcukwi'tsqen (meaning uncertain), an old hereditary name with suffix -qen
“‘head.”’

3. (Tom Peyette) Silemtédtéroi’ (‘Chief Buffalo-Calf’’), said to be a Salish-
Tund’xe name. tdél6rov’ is understood to have meant ‘‘buffalo-calf’’ in the
Salish-Tuna’xe tongue. This man’s father was partly of Twnd’xe descent.

My informant did not know the names of the recent chiefs of the
Chewelah.

The chief of the Kutenai who made treaty with the United States
Government and obtained a share in the Flathead Reserve was
AMneas Kwotiteni’ (“Big-Knife”). This is his Pend d’Oreilles name,
not his Kutenai name. He was a tall, strong man. His father was
an Iroquois and his mother belonged to the Kutenai of Windermere,
British Columbia. His son, also called Kwotitzeni’, was chief of the
Kutenai on the Flathead Reserve in 1909, and lived at Dayton Creek,
near Flathead Lake, where the Kutenai are settled.

I did not obtain any list of Spokan chiefs. It seems that each
division of the Spokan had a chief and some small chiefs. Long ago
there was no head chief proper, although, according to some, the
chief of the Upper Spokan was considered the leading chief of the
three divisions. After the tribe teok up buffalo hunting the Upper
Spokan had a head chief, a subchief, and small chiefs like the Flathead,
and it was customary to recognize the head chief of the Upper Spokan
as head chief of all the Spokan. When the divisions were combined
in hunting, traveling, and war, the divisional chiefs of the Middle
and Lower Spokan and the subchief of the Upper Spokan were all
classed as subchiefs, and ranked in the same way. In making treaties
with the Government and in the war with the whites in 1858 Garry
of the Upper Spokan was recognized as head chief of all the Spokan.
At this time the subchief of this division was Po’lotqzn (an hereditary
name). The chief of the Lower Spokan when the tribe made treaty
was Hwistpo’ (‘Walks-Outside”’). He was a brother of Oliver Lot
Kotitko’ (“Big-Star’’), late chief of the Lower Spokan. Spaié’r,
a tall man, was chief of the Middle (or Hangman’s Creek) Spokan
in- 1908, or at least of those on the Flathead Reserve. Each tribe
on the reserve continues to have its own chiefs. Besides the regular
chiefs, there were a number of war chiefs and dance chiefs in each

rer] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 379

tribe. Sometimes, at least, there was a head war chief and a head
dance chief. In some cases the regular chiefs were also war chiefs
and hunting chiefs, and some of them were also sometimes dance
chiefs. There may also have been some men who were special chiefs
or permanent captains of companies or groups of various kinds, but
I did not obtain sufficient information on this point.

Names.—Personal names were similar in character to those of the
neighboring Salish and Plains tribes. On the whole, they differed
from those of the Thompson, Shuswap, and more northern and
western Salish tribes in having far fewer names with regular name
suffixes, such as are employed by the Thompson: -ésqet (‘“‘cloud’’),
-éllst (“‘stone’’), -gen, -qain (“head’’), -t’tsa (“robe”). Long ago
names of this class were more abundant than they are now. The
names of most men were derived from dreams, and many of them
were connected with the guardian spirit. A great many other names
were derived from exploits or personal characteristics, and a few were
nicknames. If a man were very wealthy he might take the name
““Many-horses’”’; if he had killed many enemies he might be called
“Killed-many’’; and so on. As among the Thompson, a man some-
times showed his modesty by taking a name meaning exactly the
opposite of the characteristic for which he was noted or for which he
wished to be distinguished. In some cases he took a name of this
kind, or it was given to him, in irony. Names of this sort were
common. Thus a man very wealthy in horses might be called ‘ No-
horses.” If very wealthy in every way, his name might be “ Poor-
Man” or “Beggar.’’ Sometimes a distinguished man was given a
name as a mark of honor, and the man adopted it if he saw fit. These
names generally had to do with exploits, particularly in war. Names
derived from dreams or connected with the guardian spirit were taken
from visions seen or given in dreams, from the personal appearance
of the guardian spirit, or from directions given by him. Some were
names given by the guardian spirit and told to be used, and others
were names of the guardian spirit himself. Adjectives such as
“big,” “little,” “red,” “black,” ‘“‘blue,” “spotted,” were frequent in
these names. Many were obtained at puberty, but some were taken
later in life. Any name, once adopted, could become an hereditary
name. Following are a few names:

Tona'sqet (‘ Cloud,” an old hereditary name), a celebrated chief of the
Okanagon long ago. The name is also used by the Spokan.

Sazsazrpeqai'n (‘ Head,” an old hereditary name), a former noted chief
of the Nespelim. The name occurs also among the Spokan.

Stskezstcv’. (possibly ‘‘Blue-Man’’), a former prominent chief of the Lower

Spokan.
Eleme’uxs sprkane’ (‘‘Chief-of-the-Sun’’), a former chief of the Lower Spokan.
(Isaac) Kwotsprkane’ (‘‘Black-Moon’’), a late dance chief of the Flathead.

380 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (ETH. ANN. 45

(Big Sam) Nkattsz‘é’ (‘‘Big-Canoe’’), a Flathead chief, a leader of dances.
His name is that of a former Pend d’Oreilles chief who was his relative. (See
Pend d’Oreilles chiefs, p. 377.)

(Moise) Kwe'ltseme’ pstsemaxa’ (“ Door-of-the-Grizzly-Bear”’), a chief and
judge of the Flathead, 1909.

(Louison) Kwulkwulsni’na (‘‘Red-Owl’’), a chief and judge of the Flathead,
1909. ‘‘Red-Owl” was also his father’s name. The other judge of the Flathead
in 1909 was Louis Pierre.

(Moise) Tittstu‘tsu’ (““Crawling-Mountain’’),a former subchief of the Flathead.

Sxu'tesemexé’ (‘Grizzly-Bear Track’’), a subchief of the Flathead when Big-
Eagle was head chief (see p. 362); also the name of a celebrated Flathead shaman
and prophet born about 1790 (see p. 384).

Tdtetemi’ or Yétetemi’ (‘‘Good-Chief”’), a rich man of the Flathead. As an
irony on his name, Revais stated that he killed his sister with a knife on a Christ-
mas night, two years afterwards killed his wife, and later killed another wife.

Other names of the Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead were ‘‘Spotted-

Coyote,” “Red-Hawk,” ‘ Buffalo-Bull,” ‘‘Red-Horns,”’ ‘“‘Red-Bull.”’
» SLAVERY.—Slavery was not prevalent among the Pend d’Oreilles

and Flathead. Long ago the only slaves were a few captives of war,
consisting of young women, boys, and girls, who were adopted into
the families to which they belonged, and were treated well. Some of
them were Blackfoot and Shoshoni. In later times, it is said, there
were no slaves of any kind, as the Flathead and Pend d’Oreilles did
not trade in slaves, and never took captives. They preferred to kill
rather than take prisoners; and members of enemy tribes at their
mercy after a battle were either killed or allowed to escape. It is
said that the Spokan, however, had a number of slaves at one time,
some of them captives of war, and others procured in trade from
Columbia River tribes and at The Dalles.

Smoxine.—There is no tradition of a time when these tribes did
not smoke. Some tubular pipes were used very long ago, but pipes
of. the elbow type, the simple bowl] type, and the type with platform,
have been in vogue for a long time. Some pipes of the elbow
type had flanges along the outside of the bowl, which were some-
times serrated. Pipes were made of soapstone of various colors, red
and black being the most common. Catlinite was procured from
Plains tribes and also from the Shoshoni. A red soapstone, duller in
color than catlinite, was obtained near Pend Oreille Lake; a brown
kind from the Coeur d’Aléne country; and occasionally green, yellow,
white, gray, and mottled from western tribes. Black soapstone was
common in the Flathead country. In ceremonial smoking the pipe -
was always passed around sunwise. Before smoking it was often
pointed with the stem toward the four points of the compass and the
earth and sky, or whiffs of smoke were blown in these directions.
After smoking, in some ceremonies, the pipe was laid down to cool
on a buffalo skull. A kind of wild tobacco was used in smoking,
probably the same kind as was used by the Thompson and Shoshoni.

TET} THE FLATHEAD GROUP 381

X. BIRTH, CHILDHOOD, PUBERTY, MARRIAGE, AND
DEATH

Twrns.—There were no regulations regarding twins. They were
not treated differently from other children. Their parents did not
live apart with them, and there were no twin songs.

Basy Carrrers.—The oldest style of carrier among all the tribes
consisted of a short board, to which the baby, after being wrapped,
was strapped. The upper end of the board did not reach to the
baby’s head. These boards had no hoops. Drains were used for
male children only. A high board carrier came into use about 1800.
According to Revais, it was adopted on the advice of the French-
Canadian employees of the fur companies, who told the Indians to
use a higher board so as to keep the child’s head more steady. Soon
afterwards a very high board ' came into universal use among all the
Flathead tribes as well as among the Coeur d’Aléne, Nez Percé, and
others. It is said that bark carriers were never used, although they
were known to be used for young infants among the Coeur d’Aléne,
Colville, and other western tribes. Carriers of basketry or wicker-
work were never used. Navel-string pouches were in common use.

Heap Derormation.—The Flathead tribes never deformed the
heads of infants. They used no pressure or straps of any kind on
babies’ heads. It was impossible to press the heads of infants on the
short board carriers formerly used. Revais said that in very early
times none of the Salish tribes, nor the Nez Percé, pressed the heads
of babies. He considered that the custom spread up the Columbia
from the coast, as it was universal among the Chinook, Wishram,
and Wasco. The Klickitat, Tenaino, and all the tribes bordering on
the Chinookan people, also pressed their heads, but generally to a
much less degree. The custom was also found among the Taighpam,
Umatilla, Wallawalla, Cayuse, Yakima, and Columbia, but in a still
less degree, and it was not practiced by all families. The custom
appears to have gained ground along Columbia River, for probably at
one time none of these tribes flattened their heads except the Wishram
and other Chinookan tribes. Before the custom went out of vogue
it had also spread to the Coeur d’Aléne and Nez Percé, some of whom
flattened their heads slightly.

In a later communication Mr. Teit says: ‘‘All the tribes except
the Coeur d’Aléne claim that no head flattening was practiced in
early times, for it was impossible with the old-style board carrier.
After the introduction of the long board carrier more or less flattening
occurred in all the tribes using them. The Coeur d’Aléne made use
of a pad of stiff skin attached to the carrier, which was tightened
over the baby’s head when it slept, to keep the head from moving.
This is said sometimes to have caused slight flattening of the head.

1 See Mason, ‘‘ Cradles of the American Aborigines, ’’ Washington, 1889, fig. 18, a Spokan carrier.

382 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (RTH. ANN. 45

The Nez Percé are said to have had the same arrangement, and some
of them purposely flattened their children’s heads by severe tighten-
ing of the pad. Many people in all the tribes below or west of the Nez
Percé flattened their children’s heads to some extent, but only from
The Dalles down were heads flattened severely.”

Pusertry.—Puberty customs and ceremonies were similar to those
of the Coeur d’Aléne and neighboring Salish tribes. Young men
fasted, prayed, exercised, and kept vigils until they acquired one or
more guardian spirits. They obtained songs from them, as among
the other tribes.

Marriace.—Marriage customs were like those of the Coeur d’ Aléne.
A great many men had two wives, and some more. A marrying
dance was in vogue. Revais said he had known five or six women
who died as old spinsters.

MorHEr-IN-LAW Tasoo.—Unlike the Coeur d’Aléne, the Flathead
had no mother-in-law or father-in-law taboo. Brothers and sisters
were not expected to speak obscenely in each other’s presence. A
brother who talked obscenely within hearing of his sister, and vice
versa, was severely reprimanded; and if he persisted or customarily did
this, he was no longer respected by the people.

Customs Rrecarpinc Women.—Long ago menstruating women
had to live apart in a tent by themselves. In later days they were
allowed to live in the same tent, but apart from their husbands.
Now it is said they cook food and live with their husbands, as
among white people.

BuriaLt.—Burial was the method of disposing of the dead among all
the interior Salish tribes. The corpse was sewed or tied up in mats,
skins, or robes, and placed outside on a scaffold or in the branches of
trees until ready for burial. As soon as the people had gathered and
a grave had been dug, it was buried in the ground, preferably in sandy
knolls, or in the rocks at the base of a rock slide. In olden times
stones were piled on the top of graves. The pole by which the body
had been carried was erected over the grave. Sometimes also one or
more small poles in form of a tripod were erected to mark the spot.
Offerings were tied to these poles. If the burial took place in a strange
country no stones or poles were used, and all marks of the burial were
obliterated. This is said to have been chiefly so that no enemy might
find the grave and desecrate it in any way or take the scalp of a person
lately buried. To deceive enemies, horses were ridden and driven
back and forth over the grave, as well as over the ground for a con-
siderable distance around; so that it became difficult to tell the exact
spot of the burial. (See p. 363.)

Another method was to bury in the camp circle and to light a fire
over the grave, so that it had the appearance of one of the ordinary
fires of the circle. A number of small camps were also made to de-

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 383

ceive enemies. On examining the place people would think a party
had rested there for a short time, judging by remains of small fires,
cut wood, and tracks.

XI. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES

Rexicion.—A belief was held by the Flathead that there are three
worlds, one above the other, the middle one being the earth on which
we live. A great and good chief, who is the source of life, lives in the
upper world and rules it, while the chief in the underworld is of an
evil disposition.

Another somewhat similar belief was that there is a great tree,
the roots of which sink far into the earth, and the top of which
reaches the sky. The great good chief Amo’tken sits on top of the
tree, while the bad chief Amte’p sits at the root within the earth. All
the good people go to Amo’tkren’s country when they die, and the evil
ones to Amte’p’s country.

The Flathead prayed to Amo’tken, but not to Amte’p. The former
makes rain and snow, makes everything go right on earth and in the
sky, makes food plentiful, and tries to benefit people. Amte’p is
mysterious, and often tries to harm people, to blight the crops, and
make game and food scarce. The wicked beings of mythological
times who formerly inhabited the earth live with him. Spirits still
haunt the lakes, rivers, and mountains where they once lived, and do
harm to people.

Amo’tken is the deity who sent Coyote into the world to make life
easier for the people. The Flathead believed that souls go north to
the entrance to Amo’tken’s country. Coyote lives in an ice house at
the gate through which souls pass. Some Pend d’Oreilles think that
souls followed the main streams north to the gate of the spirit land.
The Kalispel say that souls follow the streams first north and then
west to the spirit land, in just the same direction as the main river
runs. Others say that souls follow the streams to the sunset land,
where the shades live, and disappear there, Just as sun and moon do.
The east is considered the region of birth and life, the west that of
death and mystery. The mythological tales of the Flathead tribes
are closely related to those of the Plateau tribes to the north, west,
and south. They also show some relationship to tales of the Plains
and Algonquian tribes. Coyote was the culture hero.

Giants, Dwarrs, erc.—Beliefs in races of giants and dwarfs were
held, as among the surrounding tribes. Dwarfs are called ‘small
people,” while the name for giants is the same as that used by other
Salishan tribes. Different kinds of spirits are said to haunt certain
lakes and parts of the mountains. They are similar in character to
the “land mysteries” and ‘‘water mysteries” of the Thompson.
Offerings were made to them to obtain good weather, good hunting,

384 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [em ANN. 45

and immunity from harm of any kind when people were within or
near their sphere of influence.

GUARDIAN Sprrits.—Guardian spirits were of the same classes as
among the Coeur d’Aléne. At puberty, every one endeavored to obtain
one or more of them, and for this purpose went through a long course
of training. Bathing in running water, fasting, praying, and keeping
vigil in lonely places were prominent features. Every one obtained
one or more songs at puberty. Some were received directly from the
guardian spirit, others were heard in dreams or visions. When not
obtainable in this way, songs were occasionally composed by the
novice in secret. Some songs were merely modifications and new
variations of those already known to the people as a whole. The
themes were usually suggested by something seen during the vigils or
while training. <A song might begin with the words, ‘I saw a bear,”’
and so on. Sometimes songs expressed the desires or expectations of
the person, and might begin with the words, ‘‘May my friend the
eagle come!” ‘“‘May such and such happen!” ‘‘May I see such and
such a thing!’ “May I do this or that!’ Songs were also composed
in later life after notable dreams, important events, or war exploits.
There were also some songs composed for fun, with words of a comic
nature.

Men kept skins, feathers, hairs, claws, and other parts of animals and
birds, which were representations of their guardian spirits, and also
charms, roots, etc., in medicine bags of leather, rawhide medicine
cases, or small specially made parfléches. When going to battle many
men carried their medicine cases, while others affixed feathers or skins
of their animal guardians to their hair or clothing.

Brerpacues.—There were a few cases of men dressing and acting
like women. As arule, they became shamans, and cured sick people.
They lived alone, did not marry, did not go to war, dressed in poor
clothes, and never bedecked their persons gaudily. They dressed
and did up their hair like women. They did all kinds of woman’s
work, and no man’s work. Young men sometimes visited them and
joked with them, but they held no familiar intercourse with either
sex. Occasionally, to please the men, they would dress in men’s
clothing for a day and then resume their ordinary clothing. It is
supposed that they were told by their guardian spirits to live as women
do. Revais knew two who went by the women’s names of Marguerite
and Julianne. One began to dress and act like a girl when 7 or 8
years old, and the other when 10 or 11. Both were full-sexed males,
and not hermaphrodites.

SHAMANS.—Shamans and beliefs connected with shamanism were
similar to those of the Coeur d’Aléne and other Salishan tribes. A
noted shaman and prophet of the Flathead was Bear-Track, who died
about 1880, aged over 90 years. If the people could not locate buffalo
they asked his help. After gathering all the young men together he

TEIT) THE FLATHEAD GROUP 385

would take his drum and sing, making them all join in the song.
After singing a while, he would say, ‘‘The Piegan have made medicine
and keep the buffalo. I will break their medicine and make the
buffalo come. In four days the buffalo will arrive, and you will see
many of them.’’ Buffalo never failed to be found or seen in the time
and numbers he stated. Sometimes Bear-Track would say to the
chiefs or to the people, ‘‘The Crow [or Blackfoot, as the case might be]
are on their way to steal horses. They will be here to-night. Make
ready and kill them.”’ His prophecies always proved to be true.
He could tell when battles would be fought, foresee the results, and
the numbers killed. He could tell where friendly and hostile camps
were, and where and when persons would be found or met. The
Crow and Blackfoot knew him well, and were very much afraid of him.
If some of them happened to hear his drum they would run back and
give up the attempt to take horses. They believed he could see them
as soon as he began to drum and sing. Many hostiles, as soon as
they learned he was in the camp, would at once leave and abandon
the attack. They believed he could frustrate all attempts to take
horses and scalps; and that if they tried to open a fight they would
certainly be killed.
Misstons.—Nominally almost all the people of the Flathead tribes
are Catholics, but they do not appear to be as much under the control
of the church as, for instance, the Coeur d’Aléne. Revyais told me
the following about missions. The first priests to come west of the
Rockies to the Columbia or Oregon country were the two Blanchets
and De Mars from Canada. The first missionary among the Flathead
was Father De Smet. He had no fixed headquarters, but traveled
about among the Indians. A special mission was founded in the
Bitterroot Valley about 1840 or 1841; but it was given up after a few
years, on account of Indian wars and the frequent raids made for
stealing horses and cattle. Father McGraney ' was the first resident
priest of the mission. He moved to Oregon about 1842 or 1843.
In 1848 (?)? Father Hogan founded a mission at Kalispel and had a
church built there. The mission at this place was given up and
transferred in 1854 to the present one on the Flathead Reserve at
St. Ignatius. Some of the Iroquois who settled among the Flathead
interested them in the white man’s religion and in the Bible, and
persuaded them to send to St. Louis for priests. Four young Flathead
men started in 1831 and reached St. Louis, where they wintered.
Two of them died there, and the other two set out for home in the
spring, but never reached there. It is supposed they were killed or
captured on the road. Some authorities say seven men started—
three Flathead and four Nez Percé. Three of them turned back, two

1] give the name as it seemed to be pronounced by Revais.
2 Revais seemed to be sure of some dates, and not so sure of others.

386 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH. ANN. 46

died in St. Louis, one died on the way back, and only one, a Nez
Percé, reached home. In 1835 the tribe sent another delegation
headed by old Ignace, an Iroquois. They returned safely. In 1837
they sent a third delegation, who were all killed by the Sioux. In
1839 the fourth delegation went, consisting of one Flathead and one
Iroquois. They brought Father De Smet the same or the following
year. A large escort of Flathead, Pend d’Oreilles, and Kalispel, and
some Nez Percé met Father De Smet near the Wyoming boundary.
The following year more priests came, and a Flathead escort met
them at the Wind River Mountains. There was no permanent mis-
sion among the Spokan until about 1865 or later.

CEREMONIES AND Dances.—There appears to have been a con-
siderable number of ceremonies connected with war, and many
different kinds of dances, among the Flathead tribes. Among the
Spokan, and probably the other tribes, there were two periods, each
lasting two or three weeks, in which the whole tribe assembled for
feasting and dancing. One gathering, probably the principal one,
was about midsummer, and the other about midwinter. Warriors
recounted their exploits. The people wore their best clothing and
decorated their horses. In some places the winter gathering was
much less important and confined often to bands. Singing formed
an accompaniment to all dancing. Deer hoofs and other rattles,
rasps, sticks, and drums were used for beating time.

Sun dance.—The sun dance of the plains was not adopted, although
the Flathead especially were well acquainted with its performance
among eastern tribes. A sun dance something like that of the Coeur
d’Aléne was kept up by the Spokan as a distinct dance, often per-
formed by itself. Among the Pend d’Oreilles and Flathead it was
combined with the praying dance, at least in later times, and obscured
by it. Thus, although these tribes performed a dance at the time
of the solstice, when the sun was observed to turn, the dancing and
prayers were the same as in the praying dance, and it seems that the
sun was not directly addressed (?). The people prayed, danced, and
sang with intervals of rest and feasting. Offerings were made in
some places and many of the paintings were symbolic of the sun.
The dancing lasted from one to four days. The sun was addressed
as chief, father, great mystery (?).

Some of the Flathead held their summer sun dances in conjunction
with Shoshoni and it seems that these Flathead had a more
elaborate dance than the Salish tribe farther west.

Praying dance.—The praying dance was held several times during
the summer, often four times. The people danced in a circle, one
behind another and following the sun’s course. They made the
same signs while dancing as the Thompson and Coeur d’Aléne, and
prayed and talked to Amo’tken to keep them well and preserve them

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 387

from harm. The dancers sang while dancing. There was no drum-
ming or loud cries in this dance, which was of a solemn character. I
did not learn whether it had any’connection with the belief in the
return of souls, or with other beliefs entertained by the Shuswap and
Thompson regarding souls; but there were some vague beliefs of this
kind among the Kalispel and Pend d’Oreilles. Long ago a dance was
held for four days in the wintertime, generally in January, at which
prayers were offered, but it is not clear whether this was the sun dance,
the praying dance, or another somewhat similar dance. At this
dance or some other dance, offerings of tobacco and old clothes were
made and hung on a pole.

First-fruits ceremony and harvest dances—In olden times all the
Flathead tribes had first-fruits or harvest ceremonies, which were
combined with dancing. The chief painted his face, called his
people together, and prayed to Amo’tken to continue giving them
good crops and prosperity, abundance of food and facility in gathering
it and immunity from sickness. He thanked him for the present
crops, and made him an offering of the first fruits on a dish. He then
sang a song, and the people danced. Afterwards the chief called on
the men to sing. They sang in turn, the people dancing to each song.
The women did not sing individually, but while dancing joined in
each song. In some places these ceremonies and dances were per-
formed during the summer and autumn as each principal variety of
roots or berries was gathered. In other places the ceremonies were
performed less frequently or only at the beginning of the harvest
season.

Hunting dances, buffalo dance —I did not hear of any horse dance
to celebrate the period when horses are fat and buffalo hunting was
about to begin, but a buffalo dance was performed in conjunction with
the war dance before any large party went buffalo hunting. Another
kind of dance relating to buffalo hunting was sometimes performed
when buffalo were scarce. Generally a shaman who had power over
the buffalo was requested to take charge of the dance.

Guardian spirit—A “‘medicine”’ dance was performed every winter.
Men sang their guardian-spirit songs and danced. Some people did
not sing, but shamans always did so. In later days only a few men,
generally those who had powerful guardians, sang at this dance.
There was no praying, and Amo’tken was not addressed. Usually
the dance lasted four days. This dance and some others were said
to produce cold weather or wind. Some think it had the power of
preventing sickness among the people and destroying ‘“‘bad medicine”
made by shamans of other tribes.

Turkey and other animal dances——Dances were performed in
which the dancers imitated the actions of birds and quadrupeds, but
it is not clear whether the dancers were members of any societies or

388 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS (ETH. ANN, 45

dancing organizations. In later days the turkey dance was intro-
duced, the dancers wearing feather bustles, and imitating the walking
and actions of the wild turkey. The dancers stooped forward,
walked stiff legged, held one hand up to the forehead and the other
back at the backside. Most of the animal dances were named after
the animals imitated, such as deer, bear, dog, raven, chicken. Some
of the leaders of these dances wore regalia appropriate to each dance.

Marrying dance.—The marrying dance went out of use at an early
time. It was nearly the same in form as that of the Coeur d’Aléne.
The young women danced in one line and the young men opposite
them in another line within touching distance. When the song
commenced the two lines moved in opposite directions. All carried
short sticks or batons. When a man chose a girl he touched her on
the shoulder with a stick. If she refused him she struck the stick
off with her stick.

Round dance or squaw dence.—The women form a circle or a three-
quarter circle close together, and sometimes join hands. They
move round sidewise, following the sun’s course, and bringing one
fcot up to the other with a jerk. The drummers usually stand in the
middle of the circle and move around slowly, in the same manner
as the dancers do. Occasionally the drummers sit. They and the
dancers sing together. In one of these dances which I witnessed
four drummers stood back to back, facing the dancers, and turned as
the dancers did, so that their faces were nearly always toward the same
part of the circle. The women formed a wide and complete circle
on the outside, except at one place, where a gap was left wide enough
to allow a person to pass through easily. Many of the dancers
joined hands; others put their hands on each other’s shoulders or
around each other’s waists. As soon as the drums started all went
round singing. Presently a woman among the spectators took up
a man and led him through the opening in the circle to the space
inside between the dancers and the drummers. Here they went
round together in the same way as the other dancers. Several other
women among the spectators did the same, and also some women in
the original dance circle left it and took up partners. The couples
in the inner circle joined hands or locked arms, and went round in
pairs close together. After a time the music stopped and the dancers
stood still. Presently it started again, and they continued. This
pause was a notification that the next time the music stopped the
dance was at an end. At the end of the dance all took their seats
except the couples who had formed the inner circle. These now
formed in a line. The dance chief advanced toward them and
asked each woman in turn what she intended to pay her partner for
dancing with her. The chief then called out in a loud voice that so
and so would pay such and such an amount to her partner for dancing

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 389

with her. Most of the payments were small, such as tobacco, fifty
cents, a dollar, a handkerchief, etc.; but anything may be given;
a blanket, a horse, etc. After a rest the dance started up again and
continued in the same way as before, with only this difference, that
the men who were chosen as partners in the last dance now returned
the compliment to their erstwhile partners by taking them up to
dance and giving them presents in return. Most of the men re-
turned a little more than the value they had received from the women.
Occasionally this dance is called at the request of any man who says
he would like to see the women dance. Then only the women dance.
They generally do so in their best style, both in dancing and singing;
and at the end of the dance the man may donate perhaps five dollars
to the women, the amount being divided equally among them by the
dance chief. This round or women’s dance is said to have been
introduced recently by visiting Cree or Ojibwa—about 1895 or 1900.

Begging ceremony.—I saw a kind of begging ceremony performed by
some Cree who were visiting the Flathead. The performers wore
masks with long noses (some of them seemed to resemble black bears),
and they carried bows and arrows and bags. They passed around all
the tents of the Flathead camp circle; and as the occupants of each
became aware of their approach they placed food outside for them.
This food the performers approached with exclamations and grunts,
and pretended to stalk and shoot, as if it were game. Finally they
deposited all in the capacious bags they carried for the purpose. The
performers sang, beat drums, danced, and went through many antics,
as they passed from one tent to another, and were followed by a
crowd of children, who enjoyed the fun.

Ceremonies and dances in connection with war.—The Flathead had
numerous ceremonies and dances connected with war, including
several kinds of war dances, meeting dances, scalp dances and victory
dances. It seems that there was a dance in anticipation of war,
another before going to war, one before going on a raid, one before
making an attack, and one when expecting to be attacked. Each was
a little different in character from the others. The Flathead also had
several kinds of horse and foot parades. The scalp dance was much
the same as among the Coeur d’Aléne and there was a special cere-
mony for the meeting and conducting of warriors who returned to
camp with scalps. In this or another ceremony the scalps were car-
ried on one or more long poles. Ceremonies similar to those of the
Coeur d’Aléne were performed when organizing war parties and
parties going on horse-stealing raids. One or more of these ceremonies
consisted of singing and the beating of a buffalo robe with sticks in
front of each lodge. Before going*to war the men who were to under-
take the expedition went around the camp circle on horseback all
night, singing. Recruits joined them as they went around. The

390 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS LETH. ANN. 45

women followed, joining in the singing. These organizing or recruit-
ing ceremonies were always followed by a war dance. Generally
before a public dance of any kind was to be held the drummers beat
the drums for about an hour without singing. This was a signal that
a dance was to be held, and for all those who wished to attend to dress
and get ready. The Flathead tribes, as already stated, used the
coup stick and counted coup; and there was a grading of warriors
according to valor. At any gathering the rank of a warrior (accord-
ing to his exploits) could be told by the decoration of his person and
the symbolic or ceremonial objects he carried. Some of these objects
were a stick with a crooked end; a spear decorated with eagle feathers,
the blade of which was stuck in the ground; a short (?) stick with
decorated hoop at the end; decorated clubs, quirts, rattles, pipes,
specially decorated sashes, arm bands, headbands, and _ garters.
Strips of otter skin or ermine, tails of animals, and eagle feathers
appear to have been the chief attachments for decoration. Chiefs
and leaders of dances could also be told by the emblems they wore
or carried. Certain men carried no weapons of offense or defense.
These were the ‘‘fearless men,’’ who could go into the thick of battle ~
and come out uninjured. Some of them carried medicine shields
and rattles and sang. The shields were not used for fending off
arrows or thrusts. I did not learn whether these men formed any
society and whether the ranking of warriors was determined by
membership in age societies.

A long coup stick was used for striking or touching friends in a
meeting ceremony. If a party of people were approaching on a
friendly visit, even when they were known to be coming and were
undoubtedly friendly, a number of mounted warriors went out to
meet them. When within sight they advanced toward them in a
line abreast, singing. When within a few hundred yards they broke
into a gallop and charged on the visitors as if in war. When within
striking distance they all reined up their horses short, and one of
them tapped the leader of the visitors on the shoulder with the stick.
This is said to have meant that he chose him as a friend.

When a scout came back loping his horse and singing it was known
he had seen something. A party of men, old and young, went to
meet him. They advanced in a line, singing; and when they met,
one touched him on the shoulder with the long coup stick. When
touched, he said ‘‘ Ye’-e”’ if he had seen people, and “ Pu’-w”’ if he
had seen buffalos.

The following formed part of a ceremony connected with the re-
counting of war deeds. The chief who was to recount his war
exploits planted his ceremonial stick or spear in the ground and sat
down beside it. A number of young men squatted or kneeled near by
around a bunch of feathers that lay on the ground. The chorus of

TeIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 391

drummers began a song and beat the drums. The music changed,
and the young men stood up. It changed again, and they all gathered
in the center. They went forward and back in this way four times,
and then around in a circle sunwise. One of the young men left
the others and danced around the bunch of feathers, while his com-
panions continued to dance in a circle outside of him. He danced
toward the feathers and backed away again. He did this four times,
each time approaching nearer. The third time he almost touched
the feathers, and the fourth time he picked them up. The music
stopped, and the dancers walked to where the chief was in the west,
and, after giving the feathers to the chief, sat down. The chief now
stood up and placed his hand on the upright spear which was still
stuck in the ground. Now he recounted each warlike deed, stated
whom he had killed, wounded, and counted coup on, giving all the
circumstances. He spoke slowly and plainly. At each pause in the
recount the drums beat, “tat, tat, tat—tat!’? At some parts of the
narration they beat more loudly, as if giving emphasis or applause.
When the chief had finished he hung the feathers up on a pole or
post. While he was doing this the chorus sang a special song.
The chief then took his seat, and the music ceased.

I did not succeed in getting the exact meanings of the several
parts of the ceremony, such as the signification of the feathers, the
dancing around the feathers, and the special drumbeats.

At the Fourth of July dances on the reserve I saw Chief Moise recount
his experiences in battles with the Blackfoot and Crow. He appeared
wearing only moccasins, breechclout, necklace, armlets, and head-
band. His whole body was painted yellow except the right leg below
the calf, which was painted red. He explained that he painted this
way because the deeds he narrated took place on the Yellowstone in a
great battle with the Blackfoot. He held in one hand a ceremonial
weapon like a spear, the blade of which he stuck into the ground. It
had a large iron head and was wrapped with otter skin from the blade
to the end. The butt end was bent over and formed a loop. This
ceremonial weapon was a token of his bravery. Only a man who had
advanced in battle to within touching distance of the enemy in the
face of superior numbers was entitled to carry this kind of spear
at the dances and parades.

All these dances are now practically pastimes and very little of
their old meaning remains.

In the war dance the chorus consists of six or more men, who sing
and drum. They sit on the west side of the dance circle. The dance
chief stands to the east, and carries a ceremonial whip. The dancers
squat or sit on the outer edges of the dancing place, the spectators
around them and the drummers on the outside. When the music
starts the chief passes around the circle, following the sun’s course,

392 SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [eTH. ANN 45

with a hopping step, flourishes his whip, and calls, “ Hwi’1, hwu’a!”
(“Start!” or “Go!’’). He taps or whips gently many of the dancers
as he passes along. They immediately arise, and, passing into the
dancing space, begin to dance. The dance step consists in stamping
one foot twice, then taking a step forward and stamping the other
foot twice. Experts advance quite rapidly in this way. An older
dance step was more like a hop, and old men sometimes dance in
this way yet. Many dancers nowadays wear feather bustles, as in
the turkey dance, and bend forward considerably in the dance.
Most men have their legs more or less bent, but some dance holding
themselves very straight. Some go straight forward, while some of
the very active young men go more or less zigzag, at the same time
twisting their bodies sidewise or half around, and alternately stooping
forward close to the ground and then straightening up again. The
dancers move in a body to the east, return, and repeat; while the
chief dances contrariwise to the other dancers, passing around them,
and sometimes out and in through them, encouraging them. The
earliest way of dancing was for all the dancers to advance in a circle
counterclockwise. Some of the dancers utter war cries—exclamations
and grunts. After dancing for a time the music stops for a minute
and the dancers stand in their places. This is a signal that there will
soon be a pause in the dancing. The music continues again for about
five minutes and the dance proceeds. When the music stops again
all walk to the edge of the circle and rest. After a while the music
starts again; and the chief rises and goes around, urging the men
with his whip, as before. They begin to dance. In a short time the
music ceases for a minute, and the dancers stand still. Again the
music starts very loudly, and the dance continues until the next rest.
Thus it lasts for hours with short intervals of rest, and all the dancers
perspire profusely. Some dancers carry weapons.

In the old style of war dance all bore weapons and the dancers
advanced making motions as if looking for the enemy, looking for
tracks, scanning the horizon, attacking an enemy, stabbing with spears
and striking with tomahawks. The dancers dress in their best clothes
and best bonnets. In the old-style dance the dancers performed in
their war dresses or in very little clothing. Some had oniy moccasins,
breechclout, and headdress. Others wore a shirt besides. Those
who had bare legs wore garter rattles and ankle rattles of deer’s
hoofs, and armlets and wristlets were worn by those having bare
arms. Rattle belts and rattle pendants and hand rattles were also
used. Small bells are used nowadays instead of the hoof rattles.
The face was painted and the hair done up as for war. Red was the
color of the common face paint; but stripes of red, yellow, and black
were common. The legs were often painted yellow or white. Nowa-
days men with short hair often use a narrow headdress of short hair,

TEIT] THE FLATHEAD GROUP 393

cut an even length, set with a bunch of colored feathers fastened to
their own hair, forming a kind of ridge on the top of the head. This
headdress is of comparatively late introduction, and is in imitation of
the roached heads of the Pawnee and southern Indians. Some also
wear wigs made of tresses of hair woven or glued together, which reach
a long way down the back. This may be in imitation of a style of
hairdress formerly in vogue among some eastern tribes. In the
old-style war dance many kinds of headdresses were used. Besides
bonnets of eagle-tail feathers, which were common, headdresses of

FIGURE 39.—Design illustrating dance

entire skins of birds, head skins of animals, and others set with buffalo,
antelope, and deer horns, were in use.

A parade ceremony, performed by men only before the war dance,
was as follows. The dancers congregated outside of the camp circle
to the north. Some of them dressed here for the dance. They
marched on foot and entered the camp circle from the east, singing as
they went along. They headed toward the dance house, which was
near the center of the camp circle, marching first west, then describing
a circle against the sun south, east, and north, then advancing west
some distance, and again describing a circle. In this way they

41383°—30——26

394. SALISHAN TRIBES OF THE PLATEAUS [ETH, ANN. 45

marched in four circles (fig. 39) before reaching the dance house.
They entered it through the east entrance and sat down in a circle, or
immediately began to dance contrasunwise.

Another parade ceremony often took place in the morning, before
the dances commenced. Men, women, and even children participated
in it. The procession formed outside of the camp circle to the
north and entered the circle from the east. All the people were
mounted, and riders and mounts were decked in the finest possible
style. Sometimes the men formed in one line and the women in
another. At other times the men rode ahead and the women and
children behind. The people described four circles sunwise around
the inside of the camp circle, each time going at a faster gait. At
last the men broke into a fast lope toward the dance house, the
women following and striking their hands against their lips, calling
‘‘ Lel-el-el-el!”* At the dance house the men jumped off their
horses, and, rushing in, began to dance, while the women and boys
took charge of their horses. The men now danced, and the rest of
the people scattered.

Many of the dances and ceremonies of the Flathead group were
similar to dances and ceremonies of other interior Salish and of the
Shoshonean tribes especially.

Current Bewiers, Cuarms, ptc.—There was no belief that lizards
chased people, as among the Thompson. According to Revais, this
belief belongs to the tribes of the interior, along Columbia River, and
south into Oregon and perhaps California. The people, however,
were afraid of black spiders. They thought that when a spider bit
a person it lodged something like a ball in the body, which passed
right through to the opposite side, as a ball or arrow does. The part
bitten began to smart and turned red, and the side of the body oppo-
site where the ball lodged also turned red. The charge was very
poisonous, and a person often died within an hour after being bitten.
Horses were also killed by spiders.

Charms, consisting of certain plants and roots, were used for obtain-
ing good luck, protection, success in love, and wealth. The same or
other plants in different combinations were used for bringing bad
luck, sickness, and death to an enemy. Besides charms of this kind,
poisons were used. Ifa woman wanted to poison a man she went to
a graveyard and obtained a small piece of a rotten corpse, with which
she anointed berries or other food that the man would eat. Another
method was to hang a large black toad by the legs to a branch,

3 Said to be a call used to encourage the men. When the men were fighting and fell back, the women
called in this way, and the men, becoming ashamed, returned to persevere in the fight. Among the Thomp-
son this ery is used by the women, and sometimes also by the men, to a person who falls down in the war
dance, who retreats before a foe, or who is being beaten. It shows disapproval and conveys a sense of
degradation, somewhat like the exclamation ‘‘Shame!’’ Some Thompson claim that it is the same call
as that used to dogs when calling them to eat, and therefore the same as denouncing a person as a dog.

TEIT} THE FLATHEAD GROUP 395

to put a small cross stick in its mouth to keep it open, and sometimes
also a skewer through its body. A cup was placed underneath to
catch the poison which ran from its mouth, the toad being left hanging
until dead. Some women, instead of this, put the toad on a flat rock,
placed another flat stone on top, and crushed it to death. The
juices of the body were then collected and put on food to be eaten by
the person to be poisoned. When a person ate toad poison his
stomach was spoiled, he lost his appetite, and died as if in consump-
tion. Women sometimes poisoned men through jealousy.

AUTHORITIES CITED

(a) Trt, JAMEs. The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. Mem. Amer.
Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 11 (Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 1, pt. 4),
pp. 168-392. New York, 1900.

(6) Sprnppen, Hersert J. The Nez Percé Indians. Mem. Amer. Anthrop.
Asso., vol. 11, pt. 8, pp. 165-274. Lancaster, Pa., 1908.
(c) WissteR, CLARK. Material culture of the Blackfoot Indians. Anthrop.
Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. v, pp. 1-175. New York, 1910.
Costumes of the Plains Indians. Ibid., vol. xv, pp. 39-91. New
York, 1916.

(e) Turt, James. The Shuswap. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. rv (Jesup
North Pacific Expedition, vol. 11, pt. 7), pp. 443-789. New York, 1909.

(f) Lewis, Aubert Burexty. Tribes of the Columbia Valley and the Coast of
Washington and Oregon. Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Asso., vol. 1, pt. 2,
pp. 147-209. Lancaster, Pa., 1906.

(g) Smiru, Hartan I. Archaeology of Lytton, British Columbia. Mem. Amer.
Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 11 (Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 1, pt. 3),
pp. 129-161. New York, 1899.

(d)

(h) Archaeology of the Thompson River Region. JIbid., pt. 6, pp. 401—
442. New York, 1900.
(2) The Archaeology of the Yakima Valley. Anthrop. Papers Amer.

Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. v1, pp. 1-171. New York, 1910.
(3) Lowin, Roperr H. The Northern Shoshone. Ibid., vol. m1, pp. 165-306.
New York, 1909.

(k) Tart, James. The Lillooet Indians. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. rv
(Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 1, pt. 5) pp. 193-300. New York,
1906.

(1) WissueR, Cuark. Riding Gear of the North American Indians. Anthrop.

Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. xvi1, pp. 1-88. New York, 1916.

(m) Trrt, JaMes; Goutp, Marran K.; Farranp, Livinaston; and SPiInpDEN,

Hersert J. Folk-Tales of Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes. Mem. Amer.
Folk-Lore Soc., vol. x1. Lancaster and New York, 1917.

(n) Trt, James A. Edited by Franz Boas. The Middle Columbia Salish,
University of Washington Publications in Anthropology., vol. 1, no. 4,
pp. 83-128.

(0) Hagperuin, H. K., Terr, James A., and Roperts, Heven H., under the
direction of Franz Boas. Coiled basketry in British Columbia and
surrounding regions. Forty-first Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn. Wash-
ington, 1928,

396

TATTOOING AND
FACE AND BODY PAINTING OF
THE THOMPSON INDIANS
BRITISH COLUMBIA
JAMES A. TEIT}

EDITED BY

FRANZ BOAS

14)

CONTENTS

IMtrOoduUclOLyes=e aos se Ee aR et ofan es Nake RT Se Bye
aLOOINn pane tes ee ne Sa ee Ao ee se ee ee
Pantsrorsbodystattooed= =.= == 2455-52 255520 s2 3

Distribution of tattooing -_______~ eee ee ine Seat ee oe ee
Metihodsrotetattooing srs she see ers

NO CRLOTAUAULOOIN Deena Joe Se 2 es Be ee
Objecthofetattooing eee ac) 22 o5 ese oe eee
Wesion sma mene ns ee Hee ue MEE so ee ee ea
Desionsionuthe:lace ss saa Se ee

Designs on other parts of the body___________________-

eee gach leefahy qapsbatn ayia ees = eee ON es ae ee eee
Ornament alecesi os meee see eee ee
Dan Cem esi gis See Sean ee sa Pee ee ee ee
Guardian spirit dance designs_______-______4.___.--_-_.-__-=--.
rea MeGesl onsen = eae | yaoi Berea te Fe ee
Sham amnySeCes] Crises om eee ee eee oe a ee ee
Nanni Olmstesigistes: 2 hoe 2a i eon se eee
Othergdesi ons ems attests. Fe nol we BS a
ipaintinesformedicinalspurposes-—-—---=-.----=--.-----._---

VOC (Oe co es eS tl ;

Page
403
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404
404
405
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405
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408
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411
418
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427
428
431
433
438
439
835

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

Facial paintings of the Thompson Indians_-___________________----
Facial paintings of the Thompson Indians_______________________-
Facial paintings of the Thompson Indians_______________. _______-
Facial paintings of the Thompson Indians__________________-____-
Facial paintings of the Thompson Indians___________________-___-
Facial paintings of the Thompson Indians_ ~~ ~~ Fe eae ee

. Facial paintings of the Thompson Indians_______________________-
. Face and body paintings of the Thompson Indians________________
. Face and body paintings of the Thompson Indians_____________-__-

TEXT FIGURES

. Facial tattooing of the Thompson Indians_______________________-
. Facial tattooing of the Thompson Indians____________-_____-_----
- Body designs of the Thompson Indians______________--._----.----
. Body designs of the Thompson Indians_____________-__-----------
. Body designs of the Thompson Indians______-_-___-_------------
body designs of the Thompson Indians___._-.---.--.--.---------
. Compound designs on wrists and forearms of the Thompson Indians_
. Body tattooing of the Thompson Indians

Page
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424

409
410
411
412
413
414
416
417

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TATTOOING AND FACE AND BODY PAINTING OF THE
THOMPSON INDIANS, BRITISH COLUMBIA

By James A. Tritt

Edited by Franz Boas

INTRODUCTORY

Since writing on the Thompson River Indians in 1895 and 1897 ' I
have made extended inquiry into the subjects of tattooing and face
and body painting among the tribe. Investigations of this subject
are beset with difficulties because the customs have fallen into disuse
so long ago that there is now a general lack of knowledge. I also
found the Indians reluctant to give explanations of tattoo marks occur-
ring on their own persons. Since about 1858, when white influence
became strong, painting of the face and body has gradually gone out
of use, until now it is rarely practiced even by the elderly people
and practically not at all by the rising generation.* In like manner
face and body tattooing has disappeared. Tattooing on the arms
and wrists persists but less extensively than formerly and in a modified
form. It has lost most of its original meaning and tends more and
more to be practiced in the same way as among the whites. The
decline of tattooing and painting is to be ascribed to the changed
mode of life of the Indians and to the discontinuance of their former
social practices, particularly those connected with war, religion, sha-
manism, and puberty. Tattooing and painting were intimately con-
nected with all of these. Even if their dances alone had been kept
up, much might still have survived. Nevertheless, a number of
people remain who were in close contact with the older generations,
persons aged from 10 to 30 years in 1858, and although they do not
carry down all the knowledge of their fathers, still some of them have
retained a fair amount of knowledge, and from them my information
has been obtained. One of the best informed persons was a shaman
named Baptiste Ululamé’llst,° ‘Iron stone,” and much of the follow-
ing information was gathered from him. A great deal has also been

1 The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 11 (Publications of the
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol.1, pt. 4), pp. 163-392, New York, 1900.

2 About 1884 I should judge fully 50 per cent of the tribe painted more or less frequently. At that timea
larger percentage of women painted than men. Face paint on children was common.

3 This man died about 1902 from result of exposure while trapping beaver. When a young man he had
traveled extensively, east as far as Kootenai and Montana, and southward some distance into Oregon.

403

404 TATTOOING AND PAINTING——-THOMPSON [ETH. ANN. 45

gleaned from others, nearly all of which is in close agreement with
what I learned from Baptiste. As there is general accord in the state-
ments of all the best informants, I think the body of information may
be accepted as fairly accurate. The period specially dealt with, if
not otherwise stated, is that prior to 1858; generally speaking, from
about 1840 to 1860.

TATTOOING

Formerly there was no one in the tribe much past the age of puberty
who was not tattooed on some part of the body, and even at the present
day there are very few people over the age of 25 who have not one or
more tattoo marks on the arms or wrists.

Parts or Bopy TaTrroorep

By far most of the tattooing done was on the front of the arm and
the back of the wrist. It was fairly common on the lower legs,
generally the outside parts midway between the ankles and knees,
and rather rare on the back of the hands. It occurred only occa-
sionally on the upper arm and upper leg. It was very rare on the
neck, breast, shoulders, and ankles, and seems not to have been
applied at all on the back, sides, stomach, and feet. On the face it
was confined mostly to the cheeks and chin, but was fairly common
around the corners of the mouth, and used occasionally around the
outside corners of the eyes. It appears to have been exceedingly
rare, or not to have occurred at all, on the forehead or on other parts
of the face. On the nose it only occurred with cheek lines which
crossed the bridge of the nose.

Tatrooinc AccorDING TO-SEX

Tattooing on the trunk was confined to men. On the arms and
legs it was equally prevalent in both sexes. Men tattooed the hands
more often than women; women tattooed the wrists more often than
men. On the face it was fairly common among women and rare
among men. At the present day tattooing on the wrist appears to be
much more frequent on women than on men. On the arms it is about
equally frequent in both sexes. On the hands it is uncommon, and
is used almost exclusively by men. In 1884, when I first came in
contact with the tribe, about 1 among 25 or 30 of the Upper Thompson
women were tattooed on the face, and possibly about twice that num-
ber of the Lower Thompson. Of these all except two or three were
40 years old or more. The exceptions were women between 20 and
30. At this time I recollect having seen only a single man, well
along in years, with tattoo marks on the face. It is said that in some
bands women with facial tattooing were more numerous than in others,
and the same is said of families. The Indians state that in no band

TEIT] TATTOOING 405

was there ever one-fourth of the women tattooed on the face, and in
some bands considerably less. They say that in some bands no men
were tattooed on the face, while in other bands one or two might

be met with.
DisTRIBUTION OF TATTOOING

It is claimed that marking of the arms and wrists was about equally
prevalent in all the Thompson bands, and among the neighboring
Lillooet, Shuswap, and Okanagon. Face tattooing was more frequent
among the lower bands of the Thompson than among the upper,
possibly also among the Lillooet and noythern Shuswap more than
among the Thompson and Okanagon. It was most common among
the Chilcotin and Carrier. Many of the men and almost all of
the women of these tribes had tattooed faces. It is also said to
have been more common among the Lower Fraser tribes than among
the Thompson, and to have been in vogue among the Yakima and
Klickitat. According to the Shuswap it used to be very common
among the Sekanai. Baptiste told me that although tattooing on the
body was no more common among the Kalispel than among the
Thompson, he had sweat-bathed with a Kalispel man about the year
1859 who was tattooed all over the front of the body.

Meruops or Tarrooina

As stated in my previous paper on the Thompson Indians,* the
common method of tattooing was with needle and thread. The
thread was blackened with powdered charcoal and drawn under-
neath the skin. Fine needles made of bone or cactus spines were
used for making dots. The figures were drawn on the skin with wetted
charcoal and pricked over with cactus or other thorns. These were
tied in small bunches, generally with their points close together and
of equal length. Needles, porcupine quills, and sharp bones were
also used. At the present day steel needles are used entirely in both
processes.

AGE FOR TATTOOING

All the marks on a person were tattooed at various times, beginning
about the age of puberty and extending through early manhood and
womanhood. Ornamental tattoo designs were occasionally made at
the age of about 8 years. As a rule the first marks were made just
after puberty. There were no ceremonies attached to tattooimg nor
payments made to the operators. Persons of about equal age tattooed
each other, particularly companions and comrades. Girls tattooed
girls, and boys boys. There were no specialists in the art among
either sex. The marking was done more or less in secrecy. No special

4 The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. m (Publications of
the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 1. pt. 4), p. 228, New York, 1900.

406 ‘ TATTOOING AND PAINTING—THOMPSON ‘[ETH. ANN. 45

medicines were applied to the parts, either before or after the operation.
Very young girls were sometimes tattooed by their mothers. Infants

were not tattooed.
Oxssects OF TATTOOING

Tattooing, although done in a large measure for ornament, never-
theless was also intimately connected with the religious beliefs of the
people. Purely ornamental marks were comparatively rare. The
objects of tattooing and of face and body painting were alike, and may
be stated as follows:

1. For ornament and among young people to make themselves more
pleasing to the opposite sex.

2. In connection with marriage, to show fidelity and love, and to
make it enduring.

3. In connection with puberty and the acquirement of guardians,
to insure success, health, or protection; as a record or offering; as an
ordeal to show courage; as a preventive against weakness and pre-
mature old age.

4. In connection with dreaming and the guardian spirits, to ward
off death and cure sickness.

5. For identification, or as a property mark on slaves.

Some persons say tattooing was like a nice permanent painting or
ornament, like the wearing of a necklace or bracelet. Face tattooing
was done entirely for ornament. It appears, however, from what I
have learned from some Lillooet, that it may have had a different.
meaning.’ Wrist tattooing was chiefly for ornament.

The most common use of tattooing appears to have been in con-
nection with puberty ceremonials, dreaming, and the acquirement of
the guardian spirit.

Some couples shortly after marriage tattooed marks on each other.
Generally the same mark was tattooed on each. The arms were
generally chosen, but sometimes the legs or other parts. Like other
private marks, such as those obtained in dreams, their meaning was
not always obvious. They were supposed to show that husband and
wife belonged to each other. They were a symbol of their mutual
attachment and fidelity. They were also supposed to bring good
luck in their married life, and to make their love enduring.

Adolescents tattooed marks on themselves partly as a record of their
ceremonies and partly to insure good luck and health. Thus some
marks represented objects connected with their ceremonies, such as
the sweat house, the stones of the sweat house, and fir branches.
Others represented objects of a mysterious nature seen during their
training, such as mountains, stars, the moon, etc. Still others were
representative of dreams or visions. In a few cases the picture of the

5 See James A. Teit, The Lillooet Indians, Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 1v (Jesup North Pacific
Expedition, vol. 1), New York, 1906, pp. 298, 299, and 300.

sani TATTOOING 407

guardian spirit may have been tattooed also. Others were symbols
of their desires.

Girls sometimes marked figures of men on their arms to help them
to secure a good husband. The arrow represented hunting, the wheel
gambling. Marks of this character occurred chiefly on the arms and
legs, but were also fairly common on the wrists. Most of them were
made toward the end of the training period. The character and
meaning of this class of tattooing was similar to paintings on garments
of adolescents, and to the records painted by them on bowlders and
cliffs.®

Tattooing, like scarification,’ was also looked upon as a means of
making young people courageous, able to endure pain, and strong.
For this reason lines were tattooed on arms and legs that these
should be strong. Many of these patterns consisted of four hori-
zontal lines, one above the other. Woodworm designs were used for
the same purpose.*

Tattooing also served preventive or curative purposes. Sick or
wounded were sometimes instructed by the guardian spirit in a
dream to cure themselves by tattooing a certain mark on some part
of the body. The meaning of these marks was not always known
to outsiders. The man himself generally knew, but not always, as
his guardian might tell him to make a mark of a certain shape or
figure without telling him the exact meaning. Sometimes the patient
was also told on which part of the body to apply the tattooing. Body
marks were mostly of this kind, and adults made them more fre-
quently than young people.

Some people tattooed their slaves with marks on the hands or
other parts, partly to show their ownership, but chiefly for purposes of
identification in case of escape.

According to war stories, captives were sometimes given their
liberty for the purpose of taking home the news of the slaughter of
their companions. They were marked by cutting on their bodies
some device representative of the victorious tribe.°

The Indians aver that tattooing on the faces of women did not
signify that they were marriageable or married. Neither did tattoo-
ing of any kind stand as a sign of bereavement, distinction, or rank.
There were no special marks belonging to tribes or families, and no
tattooing had any connection with mythological designs or social
standing as it did on the coast, or served purposes of measurement as
in California.

6 See Thompson Indians, pp. 311 to 321, and 380.

7 See Shuswap Indians, James Teit, The Shuswap, Mem. Am. Nat. Hist., vol. rv (Jesup North Pa-
cific Expedition, vol. u, pt. 7), New York, 1909, p. 590.

§ See Thompson Indians, pp. 378, 379.

® For one instance, see Shuswap war with Sikanai, James Teit, The Shuswap, Mem. Am. Mus. Nat
Hist., vol. rv (Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. u, pt. 7), New York, 1909, p. 547.

408 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—-THOMPSON [ETH. ANN. 45

DESIGNS

Most tattoo marks were single figures, but combinations also
occurred, particularly on the wrists. In face tattooing the designs
on one side of the face always corresponded to those on the other
side, but in no case were the marks on one arm the duplicate of
those on the other, and even on the wrists this was rarely the case.
Most persons had more marks on one arm or leg than on the other.
It appears there was a preference for marking the right arm, and also
the right leg. Some people were not marked at all on the left side.
The number of distinct figures on one person was seldom more than
five or six, and often not more than two or three, but the number of
separate marks, if all dots and lines, etc., were counted, was some-
times considerable. The marks were nearly all small, even the com-
pound designs seldom exceeding 7 cm. in any direction. <A few
designs consisted of straight and curved lines and were larger.

Designs on the face—Among the Thompson facial designs con-
sisted of lines only. These were generally straight, but occasionally
curved lines were also used. Excepting those on the cheeks, they
were usually from 1 to 3 cm. in length. The following marks include
all that any of my informants could remember having seen within
the tribe. A single design on the face was the most common, two
designs fairly common, three designs rare, and four designs hardly
ever occurred. (Fig. 40.)

A. A single line from near the center of the lower lip, extending
down over the chin, and two similar vertical lines extending down
from near each corner of the mouth.

B. Double lines as in A.

C. Three to seven diverging lines about equidistant from each
other, extending downward from the lower lip over the chin. One
woman said she had also seen just two lines, one below each corner
of the mouth.

D. Two straight lines extending backward from each corner of
the mouth.

E. Two or three diverging lines in the same places.

F and G. The same as D and EF, extending backward from the
outer corner of each eye.

H. Two vertical lines on each cheek from 3 to 5 em. in length.

I. 'Two horizontal lines on each cheek, 3 to 7 cm. in length. Occa-
sionally they were only about 1 cm. apart.

J. A single straight line extending from near one ear to the other
across the bridge of the nose. Sometimes the line, commencing
low down near the lobes of the ears, had a somewhat triangular
appearance.

kK. A pair of straight lines across each cheek from the side of the
bridge of the nose to near the lower part of the ear.

TATTOOING 409

“TEIT]

fol s m7 a
(GC eS

S
f

t z . fo Sere
Ga

FIGURE 40.— Facial tattooing of the Thompson Indians

41383°—29—_97

410 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—-THOMPSON [ETH. ANN, 45

L. A pair of curved lines on each cheek, commencing at the side
of the bridge of the nose, extending backward toward the ear, and
ending near the corners of the mouth.

M. A single curved line, or occasionally a double line, on each
cheek, extending from the alae of the nose upward over the cheek
bone and ending opposite the lower part of the ear. (Fig. 41.)

N. A design seen by Baptiste on the face of an Okanagon woman
about 50 years ago consisted of a straight line across the face like J,
from which three vertical lines déscended over each cheek to the jaw.
He did not know the meaning of this mark but suggested it might
mean ‘‘Rain coming from the sky.” (Fig. 41.)

yyy
a J
yy)
gen
eee

FIGURE 41.—Facial tattooing of the Thompson Indians

I did not obtain any specific names for these face designs excepting
for C, which is called ‘‘Eagle’s tail,’’!? and L and M, which are called
“Rainbow.” The terms applied to the other designs are all descrip-
tive, such as, for instance, ‘‘Mouth tattoo double line,’ ‘Mouth
tattoo three lines,” applied to D and F£. One person told me that
tattooed lines from the mouth and eyes were the same as “rays.”
My informants said that designs A to G were by far the most common,
and used by both men and women, although the faces of men were
rarely tattooed at all.

Hhad been seen only in a few cases, among women; J had been seen
on a couple of men belonging to Lytton and neighborhood; J only on

10 T obtained this name from the Shuswap, and the Lillooet told me they had also heard it called by this
name.

EIT] TATTOOING 411

women; K had been noticed in a few cases on both men and women;
LI on two or three men; M on a man from Lytton, and another of
the Fraser River division. I, myself, have seen A to E on a number
of women, and there is little doubt these were the most common
marks. I have also seen J on two or three women.

Of the above designs the Indians say A and K were also used by the
Lillooet,’ Shuswap,” Chiloctin,® Carrier,* and possibly also the
Okanagon; A to J were used by the Lower Fraser people. Accord-
ing to Shuswap informants,** A to K were used by the Sekanai,'® and
they think also most of them by the Cree '*; Z and M they think were
also used by the Carriers, and possibly by the Chilcotin and Sekanai
as well. All the tattoo designs, excepting a few, later borrowed from
the whites and used on the arms, are said to be old, and there is no
direct evidence of any borrowing. It is possible, however, that some
of the face designs may have been introduced through coast and
Athapascan influence.

Designs on other parts of the body.—The following embraces all the
information I have been able to obtain regarding tattoo designs on the

eae
ae ~Trw*
1G 2. 3. 4,

FIGURE 42.—Body designs of the Thompson Indians

arms, wrists, and other parts of the body, and their interpretations.
The numbers correspond with those of the sketches. (Fig. 42.)

1. A straight horizontal line is generally called an “earth line,”
especially if it is placed underneath some other figure. It represents
the earth.

2. One to four straight lines one above the other. Said in some
cases to mean “‘snakes.’’ (See also tattooing to prevent weakness,
p- 407.)

3. A wavy or zigzag line explained as ‘‘woodworm” and “snake.”
As a rule the short ones are ‘‘woodworms” and the longer ones
‘“snakes.”’ Those with a cross at the opposite end represent the
“‘rattlesnake.”’

4. A wavy line or zigzag with a straight line under it is generally
explained as a “‘snake going over the ground” or ‘“‘snake tracks on
the ground.”’ The straight line shows the snake’s association with
the earth.

11 L. ec. (see p. 406, note 5), p. 221, 222.

12 L. c. (see p. 407, note 7), pp. 511, 512.

13 See Shuswap Indians, 1]. c., pp. 778, 779.

14 See Father Morice, The Western Denés.

15 According to the Shuswap the Sekanai tattooed the face more than any other people they know, more
even than the Carrier and Chilcotin.

16 For what seems to be design J, see Alexander McKenzie, Voyages from Montreal through the
Continent of America, vol. 0, p. 87, New York, 1902.

412 TATTOOING AND PAINTING-——-THOMPSON [RTH. ANN. 45

5. The same figure as 4, but with the straight line touching the
zigzag line, is generally called ‘‘mountains,”’ but is also explained in
the same way as No. 4.

6. The same figure as No. 5, but with the points of the triangles
more acute, is called ‘‘arrowheads”’ and also ‘‘mountains.”’

7. A simple triangle, or the same with a short line at right angles
to it from the middle of the base, is called ‘‘arrowhead.”’

8. Figure of an “arrowhead” with a long line as ‘‘shaft,’’ and some-
times short lines at the opposite end representing “‘feathers,”’ is called
“arrow.”

9. The same figure as Nos. 4 and 5 but with straight lines on both
sides, often explained as ‘“‘mountains,’’ and sometimes as ‘“ wood-
worm boring in a log,” or ‘‘borings of a woodworm.”

10. iene parallel lines, the middle one thicker than the others,
mean a ‘river and its bank.’

| <—— |
Bs eee 0 A ee a a
5. 6. lip 8.
NAINISZ eae = Rug A — oe — eo — a ae
o% OMe, hale 12,

e eee Pm Oe ei

FIGURE 43.—Body designs of the Thompson Indians

11. A line of dots is explained as “tracks.”

12. A line made up of short lines with dots between them is ex-
plained as a ‘‘string of dentalia and beads.”

13. Single dots (various sizes) and groups of dots are called “stars.”
Some of them represent constellations of stars.

14. Dots with four or more radiating lines are also called ‘“stars.”’

15. A simple circle is sometimes explained as a “cloud.”

16. Two concentric circles as a “lake”’ or ‘‘mountain pond”’ with
its shores.

17. The same as No. 16 with four short lines connecting the two
circles is explained as the ‘“‘ring”’ or “wheel” used in ‘‘rolko’larem”
or other games.”

18. A circle filled by a cross is also explained as a “ring” used in
games. Some informants say if made large it represents a ‘‘sweat
house.”’

19. A circle with four radiating lines, one opeseue the other, and
the same with a doti in Bebe center Tepresents the ‘‘sun.”’

7 See mnGnpeon Indians, I. ¢., pp. 274, 275.

rert| TATTOOING 413

20. A circle with a line across it is generally meant for the ‘‘moon.”

21. The same as No. 20 with another circle round the outside is
said to be ‘‘moon and halo,” ‘‘moon in its house.”

22. A half circle and a crescent are also called the ‘‘moon.’

23. A line forming a half circle, ends pointing toward a straight
line, is explained by some as a “hill’”’ or ““mound” and by others as
a “rainbow” and ‘‘earth line.”

24. An arched line resembling a horseshoe or inverted letter U is
doubtful. One person explained it as a variation of the ‘‘rainbow
another said it represented a ‘‘rock”’ or ‘‘cliff.”

25. A single or double line forming’ a crescent represents the
“‘rambow.”

26. A plain or wavy line forming an angle represents the
worm” or “borings of the woodworm.”

27. A triangle with five short lines projecting from the base line
is said to have frequently had the meaning of ‘‘grizzly bear,” ‘‘bear’s
foot,” or “bear’s tracks.”

23
,

“Wwood-

el Reel Berths Tae

FIGURE 44.—Body designs of the Thompson Indians

28. A figure like an hourglass is uncertain in meaning. One person
said it might represent ‘‘tipis.”’

29. A diamond-shaped figure generally in double lines was ex-
plained as a ‘‘lake”’ or ‘‘lake and shore.”

30. Two crossed lines are variously interpreted as ‘“‘crossing of
trails,” ‘“‘the cardinal points,” ‘‘log across a stream,’
ing each other” and a “‘star.’

31. Several crossed lines (generally four) are called a “star.”

32. Two crossed lines, one line longer than the other, or one arm
nearly twice as long as the others, represent the ‘‘morning star.”’

33. Crosses in double lines are also interpreted as ‘‘morning star.”

34. A cross with a small half circle pointing outward from the end
of each arm, the same with triangles instead of half circles, and the
same with short lines at right angles to the ends of the arms. Mean-
ing unknown.

35. A figure with five points and a short thick line at the base is
explained as a ‘flower’? growing in the mountains, used as a love
charm.

“clouds cross-

’

(as

414 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—-THOMPSON [ETH. ANN. 45

36. A line with a shorter line at right angles across one end is called
a “root digger.”

37. A line crossed at each end by short lines, each with two points
projecting outward. Meaning unknown.

38. The same with three points. Meaning unknown.

39. The same as No. 37 but points projecting inward. Meaning
unknown.

40. The same as No. 39, but in the center of the main line-a dia-
mond-shaped figure. Meaning unknown.

41. An oblong figure divided in two by a line, or having a short
line half across the middle. One person said it might represent
the marked bone used in the lehal game.

42. A rectangle divided by lines into four, six, or eight minor rec-
tangles is said to represent the ‘‘stones’’ used by adolescent youths
when sweat bathing.

43. A square inclosing a cross or triangle. Meaning unknown.

44. Meaning unknown.

—S+ TT »— +t 3—E 3 O35

36. 37. 38. 39 40.

Sal Ea EEEE! $¢y Spd el eee

ara

an CN = LS oS eae a
45. 46. 47. 48.

FIGURE 45.—Body designs of the Thompson Indians

45. A figure like the upper half of No. 44. Meaning doubtful.
One person said the flatter one of these figures might represent a
“bow.”

46. A lozenge or oval shaped figure with a short line projecting
outward from each end. This generally meant a ‘‘bark canoe.”

47. An oval-shaped figure with a long thick line at one end repre-
sents a ‘“‘paddle.”

48. A long line with short sloping lines projecting from both sides
represents a ‘‘fir branch.”

49. A line plain or wavy around the wrist is called a “‘bracelet.”’
The same above the elbow, an ‘‘armlet’’; the same above the ankles,
an ‘‘anklet’”’; below the knee, a ‘garter’; around the neck, a
“‘necklace.”’

50. The figure of a ‘“‘man”’ tattooed in rude outline represents the
future husband of a girl and is supposed to bring luck in securing a
good husband.

51. Figures of animals, such as ‘‘otter,’”’ ‘coyote,’ “timber wolf,”
“eagle,” etc.

TET] TATTOOING 415

52. Representation of a ‘“‘bow”’ or ‘‘bow and arrow.”

53. Representation of a ‘‘tree.’’

54. Representation of a ‘‘basket.”

I have not secured drawings or explicit details of Nos. 49 to 54, so
I can not reproduce them. No doubt there were many other marks
in use formerly, but those enumerated represent all I have seen myself
or heard of from others. Of the marks described here I remember to
have seen Nos. 1 to 15, 17, 22 to 26, 30, 32 to 35, 37 to 42, 44, 45,
and 48.

Nos. 1 to 6 and 9 appear to be much more common than any of the
others. Nos. 10 to 14, 23, 32, 35, 37, 41, 46, and 49 also occur at
least in a number of cases at the present day.

Nos. 35, 37, 39, and 40 have been noticed on the wrist only. Nos.
4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 38 were used chiefly on the wrists but all or
most of them occurred occasionally on the arms as well. Nos. 1, 2,
3, and 13 occurred frequently on hands, wrists, arms, legs, and the
body. No. 49 occurred on the wrists, arms, neck, legs, and ankles;
Nos. 23, 24, and 25 on the hands, wrists, and arms; No. 26 on the
hands and chest; No. 51 on the arms and body. The rest of the
marks were made chiefly on the arms. Some say Nos. 7, 8, and 11
were also used on the legs.

It is said that Nos. 7, 8, 17, 18, 34, 37, 38, 39, 40, 46, 47, 51, 52,
and possibly 42 were used by men only. Nos. 35, 36, 44, 45, 50, 54,
and possibly 48 by women only, the rest being used by both sexes.

In recent years, owing to contact with the whites, some new tattoo
marks have become the fashion among both men and women. These
consist of marks similar to some of those in use among the whites,
such as hearts, flags, words, letter, rings around the fingers, etc. It
has become fairly common for Indians to have their ‘‘white names,”
their initials, or their horse brands tattooed on the arms. The brands
consist of letters or geometrical figures.

Compound designs were frequent, especially on the wrists and fore-
arms. Many of these were arranged so as to give an artistic
effect, although some of them, such as the first three in Figure
46, might have had an added meaning through the combination of
the various elements. Thus the first two designs might mean
“the morning star appearing over a hill,’’ commemorative of some-
thing that happened when the star was seen in this position, or of a
similar occurrence seen in a dream. The ‘“‘flower’’ over the double
line inclosing a wave line in the lower part of the right hand column
of Figure 46 may designate a mountain flower. Other designs were
evidently purely ornamental, and the arrangement of many lines
and woodworm designs were partially so.

‘A very few cases are remembered of compound designs on the body.
One old man had a line encircling the neck and a vertical line from

416 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—THOMPSON [ETH. ANN. 45

it extending some distance down the chest. (Fig. 47,6.) Another old
man had two straight lines following approximately the collar bones,
and vertical lines depending fromit, one above each breast. (Fig. 47, c.)
Another younger man had a pair of wavy lines (fig. 47, d) on the
chest, and some other lines which are not distinctly remembered.
These designs were considered to represent necklaces and pendants,
but their entire meaning is not quite certain. Figure 47, e, shows
three short lines on the chest.

The Kalispel man seen by Baptiste had the only example known
of large designs in tattooing, and on this account he was considered
remarkable. He had figures of two wolverines (facing each other)
covering his chest and stomach, and figures of two ducks above them
across the fronts of the shoulders. He also had a design on his upper
right arm representing ‘‘woodworms”’ or ‘‘snakes.’’ (Fig. 47, a.)

ARAM EN

<———- WAND END

tes
=
es peste ie

FIGURE 46.—Compound designs on wrists and forearms of the Thompson Indians

—_ ——

It may be remarked here that a number of the tattooed designs
bear a close resemblance to designs occurring on basketry, beadwork,
weapons, painted bags, clothes, etc.’* Here belong Nos. 2, 6, 7, 9, 10,
12, 26, 28-30, 32, 33, 37-39, 40, 43, and perhaps others. No. 24 is
similar to the ‘‘navel’’ design on navel string pouches. Nos. 1-3, 8,
13-16, 19, 23, 25, 27, 30-32, 48, 50-54, and possibly others, resemble
rock paintings.”®

There appears to be no tradition relating the origin of tattooing
and I have not found any mention of the custom in the mythological
tales I have collected. The common words for tattoomg and tattoo

18 See The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, | c., pp. 200 to 203, 212, 215 to 218, 240, 242, 244, 252, 263,
265, 266, 313, 378, 380, 382, 384, 385. The Shuswap, pp. 478-81; Coiled Basketry in British Columbia and
Surrounding Region, Forty-first Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1928, Plates 78-92.

19 See The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, I. c., pls. xrx and xx; The Shuswap, l. c., p. 591; The
Lillooet Indians, 1. ¢c., pl. rx.

TEIT|

TATTOOING

FIGURE 47.—Body tattooing of the Thompson Indians

417

418 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—THOMPSON [ETH ANN. 45

mark in the Thompson Indian language seems to be related to one of
the words for dentalia. Red ocher or charcoal were sometimes rubbed.
into cuts made at puberty. These formed no designs.

FACE AND BODY PAINTING

Face and body painting was universal among the Thompson In-
dians. Most people washed and painted every day. Some painted
the face every day, while others did so only as they had leisure or as
occasion required. Some changed the designs almost every day,
while others adhered very closely to certain styles. Everyone painted
more or less. The face was painted much oftener than the body. A
few of the young people would change their face paint several times
during a day.

The colors applied were several shades of red, yellow, blue,
white, and black. Green and a few other tints may have been used
occasionally. By far the most common color was a rich brownish
red.” Vegetable stains were not in favor for face or body painting,
although common enough among the Lillooet. Powdered micaceous
hematite was employed to some extent, and imparted a shiny, spark-
ling appearance. Dry paint was much used, but most painting,
including all the finer work, was done with paint mixed with water or
grease. Sometimes the skin was wet with water or grease and dry
paint rubbed on. Paint pencils were also used. Some designs were
made by painting the skin with one color and then scraping the paint
off where desired with teeth and pieces of shell. Patterns were also
made with the points of the fingers, paint brushes, and paint sticks.
As a rule people painted each other when fine or intricate designs
were attempted. Before the introduction of looking-glasses, water
and what appeared to have been sheets of mica were used. Most
people carried small paint bags attached to the belt, which they
replenished from larger ones kept at home. Paint mortars and mix-
ing dishes were found in nearly every house.”!

Most of the people nowadays have very vague ideas of color
symbolism. <A few of the old men I have met laid much stress on it.
With the passing away of the present generation of old people, all
knowledge of it will practically disappear. Color had the following
meanings.”

Red signified ‘‘good”’ in a general sense. It also expressed life,
existence, blood, heat, fire, light, day. Some say it also meant the
earth. It appears also to have had the meaning self, friendship,
success.

20 For materials used as paints, see Thompson Indians of British Columbia, I. c., p. 184; Shuswap, 1. c.,
pp. 475, 476; Lillooet Indians, 1. ¢., pp. 204, 205; also additional information in this paper.

21 See Thompson Indians of British Columbia, 1. ¢., pp. 184, 202.

22 See Color symbolism, Lillooet, 1. ¢., p. 291.

Tet] PAINTING 419

Black had a meaning opposite to that of red. It meant evil, death,
cold, darkness, night. Probably also the lower world. It appears
also to have implied “person the opposite of self, enemy, antagonism,
and bad luck.”

Yellow had the general meaning of an earth color. It stood for the
earth, and whatever is connected with it—grass, trees, vegetation,
stones, soil, water, land and water mysteries, sickness coming from
the earth. When an “earth line’? was painted yellow it meant
simply the earth, if painted red or black it meant something addi-
tional—something good or bad associated with it. Sometimes yellow
was used synonymously with red for fire, day, daylight, dawn, and
the heavenly bodies. :

Green was used in the same sense as yellow but was probably more
strictly an earth color. It was seldom or never used for fire, day-
light, dawn, and the heavenly bodies. Occasionally it was used for
rainbow. It was little in vogue, and long ago possibly not used at all
in face painting.

Blue had the meaning of a sky color. It was used for the sky or
upper world in contradistinction to yellow for the earth and black
for the underworld. Sometimes the sun, moon, stars, lightning, and
rainbow were made blue, but more frequently they were made yellow
or red. Sometimes it depended on the background, or the other
nearest colors. Blue was considered the proper color for sky and
clouds. A few people appear to have used blue in the same sense as
black, but not black in the sense of blue.

White had the meaning of a “spirit” color, and stood for ghost,
spirit world, dead people, skeleton, bones, sickness, coming from the
dead.

Brown had the same significance as red, and gray the same as
white.

It seems that there was a vague recognition of red as a color for
the east and black for the west, partly arising from the connection of
these quarters with the sun and partly from notions regarding the
dead. The sun set in the west; souls were drawn to the west; the
departed dead will eventually return from that direction. Possibly
in like manner white may have represented the north and yellow the
south(?). Likewise there appears to have been some slight association
of green as a color for spring, yellow for summer, white for winter, and
red for fall, but Ihave found no trace of this recognition in painting.
It is doubtful if these ideas were applied in painting.

Color symbolism appears to have occurred more strongly in face
and body painting than in other painting. In painting on bags,
clothes, weapons, etc., it was much less recognized, and in embroidery
with colored beads, quills, etc., only to a very slight extent. In
basketry it did not occur at all, In these connections colors were

420 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—THOMPSON [ETH. ANN. 45

generally arranged for effect only, irrespective of any symbolic
meanings that might be attached to them. Occasionally there was
an attempt both in painting of objects and in embroidery to reproduce
the true natural colors. A red flower would be made red, a yellow
one yellow, a leaf green, a shell white, etc., and this tendency seems
to be growing in the silk work of the present day, but as a rule this
method was neglected, the colors being arranged for decorative effect.
In face and body painting even the ordinary or proper symbolic colors
of some objects were set aside for those expressing the ideas of good,
bad, earth, and sky. Numerous examples of this will be found in the
designs to be here discussed.

The object of painting was nearly the same as that of tattooing.
Much of it was for ornament, but much also had a strong connection
with religion, dreams, guardian spirits, cure of disease, protection,
prayers, speech, good luck, war, or death. It was often difficult to
distinguish between a painting used purely for ornament and one
having other significance. Almost the same symbols or designs and
colors were used in all cases. The old Indians say when they saw a
man with his face painted they could not always determine the object
of the painting, whether for mere ornament or for other purposes.
As a rule middle-aged and old people painted less for ornament than
young people. If young persons painted with small, elaborate de-
signs in various colors it was usually for ornament and to fascinate
the opposite sex. Dream paintings were very common. Among
elderly people, as a rule, representations of dreams alone were painted
and nothing added for mere ornament. On the whole men used a
greater variety of color than women.

The Indians do not agree in their explanations of the preference
for red for body painting. Some account for it by the meaning of
red; others simply say that it is customary; still others point out
that it is the most striking color, or that red paint was most easily
obtained.

As painting has now practically gone out of use, knowledge of
designs formerly in use and their significance will disappear with the
present generation of old people. A generation ago much more
information could have been gathered. The following includes all I
have been able to learn about designs and their meanings. I divide
them into classes according to their objects as my informants gave
them to me.

ORNAMENTAL DeEsIGNS

1. Nearly every one painted a narrow red stripe along the parting
or partings of the hair. Many people also painted a red streak over
the hair of each eyebrow. These paintings are said to have been for
decorative purposes only, but it seems probable they were also
regarded as in some degree protective.”

4 These paintings appear to have been common to all the interior Salish tribes.

TEIT] PAINTING 421

2. All the designs of facial tattooing * were also used in facial
painting, and were not confined to any particular color. As in
tattooing, they are said to have been used for decorative purposes
only. I obtained interpretations of several designs used in the ghost
dance and in other connections which appear to be identical with
some of those used in tattooing.”

The following are said to be chiefly ornamental, although some of
them may have been partly ‘‘dream”’ designs.

3. Lower part of face from nostrils down red, rest of face blue.
Across the brow from temple to temple two parallel red stripes
inclosing about six red dots. The hair above the ears daubed with
red. This design is said to represent a headband, probably of loon
skin. The blue is a cloud and the red a lake (possibly meaning cloud
resting on a lake). A variation of this painting had yellow instead of
blue. In the latter case the design on the brow might not be a repre-
sentation of a headband but a symbol of the loon itself (possibly the
loon on the lake or on water). The red might then stand for the
earth or a cliff near the lake. Used by men. (PI. 5, a.)

4. The lower part of the face blue, the upper outline of the painted
area wavy, higher at the nose, lower alongside, higher again on the
cheeks, and lower at the ears. Said to mean a cloud rising from the
ground. In one instance a man with this painting had two feathers
erect in his hair, one above each temple. The quill parts and the
tips of the feathers were painted blue, the lower three-fourths red.
Used by men. (PI. 5, 0.)

5. The right side of the face red, including the side of the nose and
excluding the nose. On the brow and chin the painting extended a
little to the left. Some said it represented the ‘“‘moon,’’ while others
suggested a “lake” or a “gulch” as the probable meaning. Used
byamens (PI. 5.\c,.c’.)

6. The forehead and temples above the eyebrows red, or in other
cases yellow. Painted blue, it meant the sky or a large cloud.
Painted yellow or red, it stood for a large mountain. Used by men.
(BE 5, d.)

7. Lower part of face to level with mouth red. From it on the
left side four vertical lines in the same color extending to a little
above the level of the nostrils. On the right side four similar lines
in yellow (sometimes in blue). This painting represented the earth
or a valley with trees. According to one person the lines might also
mean cliffs. Used by men. (PI. 5, e.)

8. Both sides of face red from eyes down, excluding nose, mouth,
and chin. Four to eight horizontal stripes scratched out of the paint
on both sides. Some say this painting signifies rays of light pene-

25 See facial tattoo designs, figs. 40, 41.
26 Compare Nos. 35, 36, 40, 41, 42, 62, and corresponding explanations.

422 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—THOMPSON [ETH. ANN. 45

trating through clouds (shining out of the clouds). Used by men.
(les, 7)

9. A straight stripe of red or blue across the eyebrows from hair
line to hair line means the sky.

10. A large round spot on the center of each cheek, and sometimes
another in the center of the forehead, represented clouds, and if
yellow, clouds near the earth or fog. Fog, however, was seldom
represented by round spots, which were representative of cumulus
clouds. One person said spots also stood for stars, the only difference
being that those meaning clouds were larger than those meaning stars.
(Pl igs)

11. The entire chin painted red or yellow might mean the earth or
the shadow of a cloud on the earth. <A design used by women.
CPL) i)

12. The whole of each cheek painted red in somewhat rounded
outline. This painting was merely for ornament and had no other
known meaning. It was the common face painting for women.
Ce Syste0 a)

13. Right half of brow red, left half of chin blue or black. Cumulus
clouds. Used by men. (PI. 5, 7.)

14. A figure of a bull elk or a buck deer (with antlers) in red on each
cheek, heads facing toward the nose, and the same symbol of the sun
asin tattoo mark No. 19 in red on the middle of the brow.”” Used by
men. 2"(PING6;"a)s

15. The nose painted red meant a mountain ridge or peak, particu-
larly one in which the golden eagle (possibly also the thunderbird)
had its home. One man who remembered the use of this painting also
had on his brow a narrow horizontal blue stripe with red triangles in
solid color rising from it. Above this, just below the hair line, were
two narrow horizontal stripes of blue. This brow design was a
duplicate of that on the headband he sometimes wore. The triangles
represented sharp mountains or possibly arrowheads and the blue
lines above, the sky. The headband belonging to this man was set
all round with eagle tail feathers painted blue at the tips and with
red lines underneath. Many of the feathers were cut on the edges in
different designs. Used by men. (PI. 6, 0.)

16. The chin and jaw and sometimes also the throat red, blue,
yellow, or black. The painting ended on the upper lip at the outer
margins of the alae of the nose. It is said to represent a cliff or a
large bowlder. Used by men. (PI. 6, c.)

17. The lower part of the face below the nose red, the color rising
over the cheeks alongside the ears to the temples. This represented

2 This is probably a dream design. ‘Things seen ina dream are considered good omens. On the other
hand, possibly the sun and deer may have been guardian spirits of the person, or the deer may have been
painted on the face for good luck or propitiation by a hunter in the same way as the bear design, No. 99
(p. 438).

TEIT] PAINTING : 423

a gulch, particularly where the grizzly bear made his home. A man
who often used this painting wore a grizzly claw necklace in conjunc-
tion with it, or instead of the necklace sometimes painted a repre-
sentation of it in red, or red and blue or black, around his neck. Used
by men. (PI. 6, d.)

18. A rather large dot in red on each cheek, with spokes radiating
from it all around, represented the sun. Used by men. (PI. 6, @.)

19. Figure of a crescent on end in red on the right cheek meant the
moon. Used by men. (PI. 6, f.)

20. Right half of face red, left half yellow or blue. Considered to
represent a mystery lake having two colors of water. Used by men.

21. A small or a large red dot on the center of each cheek and the
same on the middle of the brow. Occasionally the dots were double.
Some say this painting is for mere ornament; others say it may mean
stars. Used by women. (PI. 6, g,9’.)

22. A small red dot on the center of each cheek and the same on the
middle of the chin. A red cross on the center of the forehead is con-
sidered to represent the morning star and the dots other stars. Used
by women. (PI. 6, h.)

Of these designs Nos. 1 to 5 and 11 to 18 are from Nkamtci’nemux"
informants, or were noticed among that division formerly. Nos. 21
and 22 were noted among both Okanagon and Upper Thompson..
The rest are Upper Thompson in general. Nos. 3 to 8 and 13 to 20
are remembered as having been used by men, Nos. 11, 12, 21, and 22
by women, and the balance by both sexes.

Dance Drsicns

A number of designs are remembered in connection with the ghost
or religious dance.** Many stripe designs were used in this dance
and some of them were evidently peculiar to it. Designs symbolic of
celestial bodies and phenomena were used. Designs connected with
the guardian spirits were apparently never used. Many of the
designs had reference to prayers, speech, sight, and hearing. Some
people did not always use the special dance designs but used orna-
mental designs, especially those symbolic of clothing. Some others
painted their faces and sometimes also their bodies all in one color—
red, white, or micaceous hematite. It appears red was by far the most
common color in this dance. According to some, black was not used
at all, while others assert narrow black stripes alternating with red
were occasionally used by some warriors. White paint and micaceous
hematite were used to a moderate extent, while blue and yellow were
used but little. The Lillooet used yellow and white to a considerable
extent in this dance, and among the Shuswap white was in vogue almost

25 See particulars of this dance, Thompson Indians of British Columbia, 1. ¢., pp. 350 to 354.

424 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—-THOMPSON [ETH. ANN. 45:

as much as red.” Mention has been made of some ghost (?) dance
designs in The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, pages 350 and
351, and illustrations of seven of them will be found there in Figure
291. The following are interpretations of these suggested by the
Indians. I also give their descriptions and interpretations of a
number of others.

23. (Commencing with the upper left hand sketch, fig. 291.)
This design may mean clouds and rain, rays descending from above,
something good or beneficial descending, such as health or something
prayed for. The extension to the ear may show that it has some
reference to hearing.

24. Has the same meaning as No. 23 but there seems to be included
a symbol of the sun. It may mean a rain cloud crossing the sun.

25. This painting appears to represent ascending rays. It may
mean prayers or something else ascending; the setting sun or the
sun’s rays on the earth. It appears also to have some connection
with sight.

26. Thought to represent a cloud line. It may be symbolic of a
cloud or bank of clouds with the sun’s rays ascending from behind
it. The lower line probably represents the earth. The painting
may have some connection with speech. Two persons considered
this design symbolic of the rising sun.

27. This painting may represent lightning or a rainstorm.

28. Uncertain, but it may mean a cloud line or a cloud with rays
of the sun shining on its side.

29. The upper line may mean the sky and the lower one a cloud.
The vertical lines are rays with the same meaning as in No. 23.
The same two men who considered No. 26 a representation of the
rising sun said this design was the reverse, and signified the setting
sun. These designs were nearly always in red, the vertical lines
always so, the horizontal lines occasionally in other colors.

30. Alternate vertical stripes of red and yellow or red and white
covering the whole face. White and blue in alternate stripes occurred
in a few cases. According to a Lillooet shaman these signified rays.
They may have represented people.

31. Rather wide stripes of micaceous hematite arranged vertically
and covering the whole face. As No. 30, they signified rays.

32. The whole face red, the paint scratched off here and there with
the finger nails, forming a design of vertical stripes. This has the
same meaning as Nos. 23, 30, and 31.

33. The face red all over, and numerous round spots painted on it
with micaceous hematite; said to mean stars.

34. A circle in red around each eye, and a wavy line descending
from them the full length of the face. The meaning is not quite

2 See The Shuswap, |. c., pp. 603 to 605; see also The Lillooet Indians, 1. c., pp. 283 to 285.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATES

FACIAL PAINTINGS OF THE THOMPSON INDIANS

PLATE 6

FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

FACIAL PAINTINGS OF THE THOMPSON INDIANS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 7

FACIAL PAINTINGS OF THE THOMPSON INDIANS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 8

FACIAL AND BODY PAINTINGS OF THE THOMPSON INDIANS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PEATE:

FACIAL PAINTINGS OF THE THOMPSON INDIANS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 10

FACIAL AND BODY PAINTINGS OF THE THOMPSON INDIANS

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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 11

FACIAL PAINTINGS OF THE THOMPSON INDIANS

| BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE?

FACIAL PAINTINGS OF THE THOMPSON INDIANS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 13

FACIAL AND BODY PAINTINGS OF THE THOMPSON INDIANS

TEIT] - PAINTING 425

certain, but is said to be connected with sight or the expectation to
see. Somesay the circles represent the eyes and the lines are symbolic
of woodworms or strength, and the whole may be a prayer for strength
of the eyes. The person using this painting may have wanted his
powers of vision increased so that he might see supernatural beings,
or he may have wanted sore eyes to be made well. (PI. 7, a.)

35. A circle in red around the right eye (possibly either eye) and
two horizontal lines on each cheek extending from the nose to the
ear, sometimes from the mouth to the ear. The circle represents
the eye or sight. The double lines are uncertain. It was suggested
they they mean prayers if emanating from the mouth.*° Some con-
sider them to be equivalent to tattoo marks (viz, copies of tattoo
marks) and to serve merely as ornaments. (PI. 7, 6, b’.)

36. Two short diverging red lines extending outward from the
corner of each eye and another short line connecting the eyes above
the nose; a red line encircling the lips, and two short lines extending
outward from it at each corner of the mouth.*! Some think these
lines mean a prayer for both eyes to have good power of vision,
and for the mouth to receive whatever may be desirable; others
consider these marks to be copies of tattoo designs. The line be-
tween the eyes means both eyes, and the circle round the mouth
means the mouth. (PI. 7, c.)

37. A red stripe along the hair line and following the lower edge of
the jawbone, the rest of the face covered with vertical red stripes
connecting the encircling line. The central stripe which extends
down the nose is crossed by a short line at right angles on the middle
of the forehead. This design is stated to signify the sun’s rays
shining on the earth. The cross on the brow is symbolic of the sun.
GElE7. d.)

38. The chin red and a red area on each side of the face covering
the whole cheek near the ears and coming to a point at the nose just
above the nostrils. Represents shadows of clouds. (PI. 7, e.)

39. The same painting as No. 23 only the horizontal line often
made heavier and the vertical lines made fine and extending down
over the jawbone and chin. Sometimes the latter were diagonal
instead of vertical, and sometimes also a thick horizontal line in blue
occurred on the brow parallel to the one across the nose. Supposed
to mean sky, cloud line, and descending rain. (PI. 7, f, f’, f’’.)

40. A square shaped red area covering the greater part of each
cheek, and a red line about an inch wide extending obliquely down
over the sides of the chin from each corner of the mouth.” The

30 See Tattooing, fig. 40, D, J, and K.
31 See Tattooing, fig. 40, G, D, FE, and F.
32 See Tattooing, fig. 40, 4 and B.

41383°—29—28

426 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—THOMPSON [ETH. ANN. 45

latter are said to represent prayers or speech and the marks on the
cheeks cloud shadows. (PI. 7, g.)

41. A red line about an inch wide running from the nostril to the
ear on each cheek; another from the corner of each eye across the
temples, and the same marks at the mouth as No. 40. The meaning
is not quite certain. One person said these lines were just the same
as the similar tattoo marks, and like them were for ornament;
others declared they had some connection with seeing, smelling,
tasting, eating or speaking, and hearing. The cheek lines were
interpreted as cloud lines or cloud strata. One man said the whole
painting was a tadpole design representative of the tadpole, which
was a woman’s guardian. Baptiste said lines were sometimes
painted at the eyes partly for ornament and partly to have good
luck in seeing (viz, to see something good; or that the eyes might be
good). In the same way lines from the mouth might mean good
speech (viz, that nothing but good should be spoken, or that the
mouth should be used for speaking good, or speaking effectively).
(BUS7e 1)

42. Similar lines at the eyes and mouth as No. 41. The same
explanations were obtained. Both cheeks painted red with a con-
necting line across the bridge of the nose. A red line about an inch
wide extending horizontally across the forehead, and a group of about
six short fine yellow lines extending from it to each eyebrow. The
design on the cheeks means shadows of clouds on the earth. The
brow painting is uncertain but most informants thought it represented
rays of the sun. (PI. 8. a.)

43. The forehead painted red, a large dot below each corner of
the mouth, and a red line between them extending from the lips
down over the center of the chin, a cross on each cheek, the vertical
arm thicker than the horizontal arm. The latter represents clouds
crossing the sun. The chin design is a symbol of the red-winged
flicker which is thought to be related to the thunder. The brow
design is a cloud. (PI. 8, 0.)

44. Two parallel red lines extending horizontally across the fore-
head and connected by numerous short fine lines in white or yellow.
A vertical line almost 5 cm. wide extending nearly the full height
of each cheek. A large red or blue area covering the chin, and
sometimes also the throat. The last-named design represents a rain
cloud, that on the cheeks pillars of clouds or clouds standing on end,
that on the forehead is an imitation of a headband set with quills
or dentalia. (PI. 8, c.)

45. A wide horizontal band in yellow across the forehead or the
middle of the face represents the ‘‘Milky Way.” White was some-
times used instead of yellow. (PI. 8, d.)

33 See Tattooing, fig. 40, A, B, G, and J.

TEIT} PAINTING 427

46. A red stripe extending across the upper part of the forehead
and the whole chin painted red. The chin design represents cumulus
clouds, the brow design stands for a cirrus cloud. <A noted chief of
the dances generally painted this way. He also had his hair next
to the head powdered with red ochre. He frequently appeared
almost naked at the dances, and the following is remembered as his
usual body paint.

47. A triangular figure on the chest composed of two red lines
commencing one on each side of the neck and uniting at the stomach.
Between these stretched six or eight horizontal lines at equal distances
apart. This painting was supposed to mean cirrostratus clouds.

48. The upper left arm and the right forearm, including the wrist,
thumb, and backs of the hand and fingers were painted red. These
designs were said to be shadows of mountains. This was known to
be one of his guardians.

49. He had a red ring around each leg below the knee, and numer-
ous red stripes extending from it to the ankles, all around the legs.
This design was supposed to represent long fringes of leggings. He
wore a buckskin apron or breechelout, which with the belt were
painted red all over the outside, and when he wore moccasins they
were without embroidery, and generally painted red. Some of these
designs were also used by other men. (46 to 49 on PI. 8, e.)

50. Another body painting used by a prominent dancer consisted
of a triangular area in red covering most of the chest. The wide
base was just above the stomach, and the apex at the throat. This
design represented either a mountain or the shadow of a mountain.

51. Parts of dancers’ bodies devoid of clothing were generally
painted with vertical stripes or with dots in red color. Sometimes
white, yellow, and micaceous hematite were used instead of red, and
in rare instances these colors were intermingled with red. Some
people when they did not use the above designs painted imitations
of clothing and ornaments on the body. A few men and a very few
women powdered the tops of their heads with dry red paint and
some put birds down (occasionally powdered with red paint) on the
top of the head when they commenced dancing.

Of the above designs Nos. 34 to 37 are remembered as used by
men, Nos. 32 and 50 by men, particularly certain dance chiefs,
Nos. 46 to 49 by a noted dance chief, Nos. 38 to 44 by women,
and the rest by both sexes. A number of these designs (especially
Nos. 30 to 41) may possibly have been used on other occasions.

GuaRDIAN Spirit Dance Destans

52. In the ceremony or dance in which men sang their guardian
spirit songs the women and those not taking a prominent part
appeared with their faces painted all red. The men who were to

428 TATTOOING AND PAINTING-——THOMPSON [ETH. ANN. 45

sing and dance appeared painted each in his own way. Much body
painting was used, and the designs on both face and body were quite
varied, and many of them hard to interpret. All colors were used,
and the designs were representative of the guardian of each person.
The paintings on some men represented animals and birds. Many
designs, however, were symbolic. I did not obtain any copies of
paintings used at this dance, partly because very few if ‘any are
remembered with certainty, and partly because the Indians aver
they were the same in character as those used by shamans, and also
by men in general who were given dreams by their guardian spirits.
The only difference appears to have been that pictures of the guard-
ians themselves were frequently painted on the body.

Dream DESIGNS

53. The following designs are directly connected with dreams and
the guardian spirits. A sick man was once told by his guardian to
paint as follows so as to become well: The forehead red and a red
area on the front of the chin extending down to the throat. A
vertical line of black extended down the middle of the chest, and
adjoining it on the right a similar line of red which formed the base
line for three other lines forming a half circle on the right side of the
chest. The outside one was blue, the middle one yellow, and the
inside one red. The inside of the left lower arm and part of the hand
were red. On the back of the hand and wrist were six horizontal
red lines. On the right (or left?) side of the face was painted a snake
in red with its head toward the ear. This represented the man’s
guardian speaking to him. The design on the forehead represented
a cloud and that on the chin probably the shadow of a cloud, the
chest design, a rainbow, and the lines on the wrist may have meant
snakes. Possibly his snake guardian painted in this manner itself,
and may have advised the man to paint likewise. This man at the
same time painted his medicine bag red and attached a snake skin
painted red to his hair. (PI. 8, f.)

54. A man wounded by a grizzly bear was instructed by his guard-
ian how to paint in order to make the wound heal quickly. He
placed the figure of a bear in yellow on the back, with the head
toward the left shoulder, where the principal wound was. Streaks
of red paint were drawn with the finger tips. They were arranged
irregularly, most of them vertical and covering the whole face, and
the left side of the body down to the hips including the upper left
arm. This represented blood or blood flowing. He also painted
his war club red all over. (PI. 8, g.)

55. Beings called spapa’la were represented occasionally in face
and body painting, probably in most cases when a person had dreamed
of them. As a rule in representations of these all the feet, legs,

TEIT] PAINTING 429

hands, arms, and neck were painted red. Sometimes a red streak
was painted down each side of the body from the neck to the tip of
the shoulders, and from the armpits to the hips, connecting the
painted area referred to. A horizontal line was made the length of
each eyebrow and similar lines just below the eyes. The nose was
painted red and a red ring made around the mouth. Part of the
hair was also painted red. The paintings varied a little in different
cases. They were representative of the bodily appearance of these
people, either as popularly believed or as seen in dreams. Some
people may have used the spapa’lta painting because they had
actually seen these beings.

56. The appearance of giants *“* was also sometimes imitated in
painting by persons who had seen or dreamed of them. The fore-
head and nose were painted black, the rest of the face red excepting
a horizontal black line underneath each eye and the same below
the mouth. The top of the head was sometimes painted red. The
arms to the shoulders were black and the hands either red or black.
The body was painted black from a little below the thighs up to a
level with the armpits, sometimes up to the neck, leaving a small
bare space at each shoulder. The legs were black from the knee or a
little above the knee down to the ankles, and sometimes extending
down over the instep and ending in three points on each foot in the
direction of the toes. The points represented toes. Some people
said the giants had three toes on each foot. The leg painting repre-
sented leggings of black bearskin. The body painting represented
a bearskin shirt held up by straps over the shoulders, such as are
believed to be used by giants. The arm painting represented sleeves
fastened with straps to the shirt or around the neck. Black lines
representing these straps were also sometimes painted on the body.
The brow paint represented a bearskin headband. The feet were
also sometimes painted black, representative of bearskin moccasins.
The red on the face was probably either in the nature of an offering
or was protective for the purpose of counteracting the large amount
of black used, or to prevent harm accruing to the person who had
dreamed of giants.

57. A man after seeing the water mystery of Nicola Lake painted
almost all his body black except the face, which was red. He also
drew a picture of the mystery, showing the kind of hair it had, or
headdress it wore.

58. A man was told by his guardian to paint his face in the follow-
ing manner whenever he had had a bad dream: Four horizontal lines in
red the full width of each cheek. Crossing these, four half circles
in red, meeting from both sides in a red band on the chin. The

3% See description of these in Thompson Indians of British Columbia, 1. c., pp. 340, 341; Shuswap, |. ¢., p-
599; and Lillooet Indians, |. c., p. 276.

430 TATTOOING AND PAINTING——THOMPSON [ETH. ANN. 45

meaning of this design is uncertain. Crossings of some kind or a
counteraction against the dream was suggested. (PI. 9, a, a’.)

59. Another man was told in a dream to paint as follows: Four
vertical red stripes on each cheek made by drawing the tips of the
four fingers down the cheek, and four similar stripes crossing them at
right angles. The meaning of the design is uncertain. It is evi-
dently related to the preceding. A well-known Nkamtci/nemux"
warrior named Sowdérerken, who died about 1880, used this design,
the vertical lines red and the others black. This was his war paint,
and was also a dream design originating with himself or a relative
after whom he was named. It was considered a battle picture repre-
sentative of strife and wars. (PI. 9, b.)

60. A noted hunter calied 7'sa@’la, having had a bad dream about
grizzly bears, painted a circle in red around his face. He stated
this was to ward off the danger portended in the dream. (PI. 9, ¢’.)

61. A Nkamtci’nemuc” had a vision in which he was told by his
guardian to paint as follows: A blue streak over each eyebrow.
The right half of his chin red and the left half black (or blue). A
large triangle in red with point toward the nostril covered the left
cheek. Short alternating lines in red and yellow projected from the
upper side of the triangle. On his right cheek four vertical red and
yellow lines extended from the cheek bone to the lower jaw. The
painting above the eyes probably stood for clouds or the horizon.
The chin design represented a mystery lake with two colors of water.
The design on the left cheek represented a mountain with trees, and
that on the right cheek the tears of the earth. The earth or earth
spirit was one of this man’s guardians. (PI. 9, d.)

62. A woman after dreaming of weeping and sorrow painted two
narrow lines from below each eye down over the face to the sides of
the chin. One line red and the other black on each side. She painted
her chin red, and made vertical lines on it by drawing deer’s teeth
(attached to the bone) over the paint. The lines underneath the
eyes were probably symbolic of weeping tears. Red, meaning good,
offset the black, or weeping. It was, as it were, like placing joy to
counteract sorrow. The chin painting is uncertain, but probably had
a meaning connected with the cheek painting. (PI. 9, e.)

63. A woman said by some to have been a widow, and by one per-
son to have dreamed that she was widowed, painted the upper part
of her forehead red and the lower part yellow. Below each eye were
four vertical red lines of medium length. Her hair up to about the
place where it would be cut if she became a widow was painted red.
The brow painting represented the day dawn and the lines below the
eyes tears. (PI. 9,f.)

64. The following painting was seen on an adolescent girl before the
completion of her training. The knots of her hair right and left were

TEIT) PAINTING 431

painted red. Two red lines extended over the forehead horizontally,
enclosing about six short vertical lines. A short, thick, vertical streak
of red below the eye on each cheek with five fine horizontal lines
extending from it toward the ears. Two thick diverging lines
from the corners of the mouth down over the chin. These may have
represented her first prayers. The cheek designs probably represent
hands and fingers, and the brow design is an imitation of a headband
set with dentalia. Probably part of these paintings were connected
with dreams she had had.** (PI. 9, g.)

SHAMAN’S DESIGNS

The: following regarding paintings used by shamans was obtained
mostly from two old shamans.”

65. The warrior’s painting (pl. 9, 6) was the common face paint of
the Nkamtci’nemux” shaman A’lusken who died about 1870. He
also frequently painted both his hands and wrists red. Meaning
not certain.

66. The old Nkamtci’/nemux" shaman Ta’rsa, who died about
1900, generally painted his face, neck, and chest red. He was
white headed and usually painted his hair red. When he wanted to
dream or when under engagement with a patient he painted this way,
sometimes for days and weeks continuously. When he had no
patient he generally did not paint at all.

67. Another old Nkamtc?’/nemucx” shaman named Ye’luska, who was
killed about 1906, sometimes painted his hair, neck, and upper
part of chest red, leaving his face free of paint. The exact or full
meanings of these paintings were only known to the shamans who
used them, but they were probably instructed by their guardian
spirits to paint thus to insure success.

68. Some other shamans are known to have painted as follows:
The whole brow and the whole chin red, a streak along the nose con-
necting the two fields, a large irregular spot of white on each cheek.
Occasionally the whole design was in white, and sometimes yellow or
black was substituted for red. This design was known as a skull
design and represented ghosts. It is said to have also been used by
some men as a war painting, just as the rib design was also used by
warriors. It was a fairly common design among shamans, and some
men used it after they had dreamed of ghosts. (PI. 9, h, h’.)

69. Both feet, both hands, and top of head red. This was used
by some shamans when going in search of souls, to insure success and
protection. The shaman used his feet in traveling the spirit trail and
other dangerous places after souls, and his hands to seize the souls
and bring them back. The painting on the head appears to have had

36 For dream designs used by Shuswap see The Shuswap, I. c., pp. 606 to 609.
37 For shaman’s designs used by Shuswap see The Shuswap, l. c., p. 601.

432 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—THOMPSON [erH. ANN. 45

some connection with his own soul; I could not learn exactly what.
The painting of the extremities appears to have been for protection
quite as much as for success. (PI. 10, a.)

70. A rather wide red ring painted around the neck, others around
both wrists and both ankles, had practically the same meaning as
No. 69. The design was used for the same purposes. (PI. 10, 0.)

71. A semicircular stripe in black extending across the chin and
jawbone, the ends turning up near the ears. The right hand painted
red (or yellow) and the left hand black. The face design is said to be
an inverted rainbow. The whole painting seems to deal with evil
influences or death, but the exact connection is not plain. A certain
shaman painted this way when about to pull sickness out of a patient.
CPle 10,263)

72. A shaman who may have dreamed of this painting or have
been told to paint in this manner by his guardian spirit painted as
follows when treating a patient. He sometimes changed the colors
but the designs generally remained the same. The forehead was
black or blue; the left cheek, left jaw, and chin formed a single area in
yellow or white; a black band 10 or 12 cm. wide encircled the left
arm from the wrist up; nearly the whole upper nght arm was black.
The brow design represented a cloud, and the cheek-chin design, if
white, a silvery mist which rises from the ground; if yellow, a disease
which appears in the form of a mist. The meaning of the arm paint-
ings is uncertain. (PI. 10, d.)

73. A shaman who had been ‘‘shot’’ with sickness by another
shaman was advised by his guardian spirit to cure himself by paint-
ing in the following manner: The right hand and back of lower right
arm red; the right side of the chest red; on the left side of the chest
six horizontal red stripes enclosed by a red line at the ends; part of
the face below the eyes red, and some red paint on the hair. Two
black and one red feather attached to the hair on the top of the head
and fastened so that their ends leaned to the left. The meanings of
these designs are unknown. (PI. 10, e.)

74. A shaman of the Szazai’ux who had the rattlesnake for a
guardian and who was very successful in the treatment of rattle-
snake bites wore, when treating a person who had been bitten, a
headband of rattlesnake skins with many rattles pendent therefrom.
He also wore rattles attached to strings around his wrists and neck.
He painted his face sometimes all red, sometimes red with some
black spots around the chin, and occasionally his whole face was
covered with short lines, and dots in black, red, and. yellow, which
was supposed to be representative of a rattlesnake’s skin.

TEIT] PAINTING 433
Warrior’s DESIGNS

In war dances each man painted according to his own liking.
Some of the designs were symbolic of war, but most of them were
dream designs connected with the guardian spirits. Those men who
danced the scalp dance painted their faces all black. The members
of some war parties painted each his own way. In other war parties
it was customary for members to relinquish their individual painting
and use a common design to distinguish more easily friend from foe in
battle. A man did not have the right of habitually using black in his
face paint unless he was known to have killed an enemy. <A person
intending to kill some one showed his intention by using more or less
black in his face paint. Warriors who had once killed were supposed
to be always ready to kill again. The following are remembered as
paintings used by warriors.

75. The whole face painted black betokened the person had killed
some one.

76. A common watrior’s design was the right side of face red and left
side black. This might have the meaning of good luck or life to self
and bad luck or death to the enemy. (PI. 11, a.)

77. The upper part of face (from the nostrils up) red and the lower
part black was also a common war paint and was used by whole war
parties of Nkamtci’/nzmuz” on several occasions. This has nearly the
same meaning as No. 76. It might mean good luck and victory to
self, bad luck and defeat to the enemy, self to be on the top and enemy
below. (PI. 11, 6.)

78. The same painting as No. 77 with the addition of a cross on
the brow, said to be symbolic of the sun or morning star. The sun
may have been the warrior’s guardian or it may have had some
meaning in connection with war. It was painted in black, blue, or
yellow. The painting was sometimes used by Nkamtci/nemux” war
panties, (Pl. 11,.c.)

79. Alternate stripes of red and black covering the chin and jaw-
bone. The number of lines varied according to the extent of area
covered and the width of the lines. The warrior may have been told to
paint this way by his guardian spirit but some people looked upon this
as a kind of war picture, the black stripes representing the enemy, or
all the stripes the men of the opposing forces. Possibly in some cases
the black stripes may have indicated the number of people killed by
the warrior in his lifetime. It is said that a long time ago some
warriors painted such records on their faces or bodies. (PI. 11, d.)

80. Ared stripe following the ridge of the nose its entire length and
alternate red and black stripes extending from it horizontally over

33 In connection with painting it must be remembered that among the Thompson, Shuswap, and other
inland Salishan tribes, the right side of the body was the good side, the right hand the good hand. See
Lillooet Indians, 1. ¢c., p. 291.

434 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—THOMPSON [eTH. ANN. 45

each cheek. The uppermost stripes on the cheeks were always red
and the lowest ones black. Four stripes was the common number on
each cheek, but sometimes there were more. This painting has
practically the same meaning as Nos. 77 and 79. It may also be a
rib design, which was a favorite among warriors. It may be the
latter and still have the additional meanings of No. 79. (PI. 11, e.)

81. Alternate vertical stripes of red and black covering the entire
face (sometimes only from the eyes down). This had about the same
meaning as the preceding patterns.

82. Stripes as in No. 81, arranged horizontally. It had the mean-
ings of the preceding.

83. A red stripe about 5 em. wide down the right side of the face
and the same in black on the opposite side. Sometimes a band of
red joined them at the brow. This was considered a painting illustra-
tive of war or battle, like No. 79, and its meaning was practically the
same as that of No. 76. The red line on the brow probably had
reference to joining in battle. (PI. 11, f.)

84. Brow painted red and chin black, with red stripes over the nose
and cheeks, some of these connecting the two. This had the mean-
ings of Nos. 77 and 83. Joining in battle and victory; success for
one’s self; ill luck for the enemy. (PI. 11, g.)

85. Four wide horizontal stripes across the whole width of face,
blue on the brow, red across the eyes, eyebrows and upper part of
nose, yellow on the chin, and black filling the space between red and
yellow. The red and black stripes are considered to have the same
meaning as in No. 77. The yellow represents the earth and blue the
Sky ae Cb aulues)

86. Vertical stripes of red covering the whole face. Meaning
unknown. :

87. Horizontal stripes of red covering the whole face. Meaning
unknown.

88. Vertical stripes of red on right side of face and horizontal
stripes of black on the left side. This had nearly the same meaning
as Nos. 76 and 77. It was like a wish for victory.

89. Vertical stripes on one side of face and horizontal stripes on the
other, all in red or all in black. Meaning unknown.

Most of the above paintings were used by warriors on the warpath
or when about to start out. They were also used at other times, as
when a warrior thought or dreamed of his former deeds. Some of
the designs were peculiar to certain men, while others were used by a
number of individuals. _

The following designs are remembered as having been used by
dancers in the war dance. No doubt some of them were also used on
the warpath and on ordinary occasions. Many of them were prob-
ably connected with dreams and guardian spirits, some may have

TEIT] PAINTING 435

been copies of paintings which had been used on some former occasion
when the warrior had been specially successful, and thus the painting
for him had come to be considered lucky.

90. The right side of face red with spots of white scattered over the
whole area, or spots made by wiping out the red color. The left side
of face painted white with red spots. Sometimes black spots were
used instead of red. The spots are thought to represent stars but

. the full meaning of the painting is unknown. (PI. 11, 7.)

91. The face above the root of the nose black with yellow or blue
spots; the rest of the face red with black or white spots. The upper
part of the painting may mean darkness or night with stars. The
meaning of the lower part is unknown. (PI. 11, 7.)

92. A narrow red stripe following the hair line from ear to ear. A
cross in the center of the forehead and the rest of the brow covered
with red spots; the right side of face red from eyes down, and the other
side black. The lower painting has the same meaning as No. 76.
The dots on the brow represent stars, the cross the morning star, and
the half circle either the sky line, horizon, or dawn. (PI. 11, k, k’.)

93. A painting nearly the same as No. 92 inverted: Red on the
right side of the face from the nostrils up and black on the left side;
a red line from the lobe of one ear to that of the other, like a strap
under the chin; a red cross over the mouth, the upright arm extending
from the nose to the point of the chin, the ends of the other arm near
the lobes of the ears. The meaning of the upper part of the painting
is the same as that of No. 76. The significance of the lower part is
unknown. (PI. 12,4, a’.)

94. The upper part of the brow red and a red streak extending
from it down the ridge of the nose to the mouth; a red ring around the
right eye, and two red lines from near the corner of the eye slanting
downward to the ear; another red line from the nostril to near the
lobe of the ear; a red line from the middle of the upper lip across the
jaw and another from near the middle of the lower lip equidistant
from it. The same design in black is on the left side of the face. A
rather large black spot is on the chin. The significance of this paint-
ing is uncertain. Baptiste was the only informant who essayed an
interpretation. He considered it to express good luck to the person
and bad luck to his enemy. The person painted this way probably
because he thought the painting might help him to attain these
results. Possibly his guardian may have directed him to paint this
way to secure success in his undertaking. He thought the brow
painting meant a cloud, or at least something above which helped him.
The red line down the nose might also represent a cloud or something
from above which was to help him or had spoken to him. He thought
this because the line reached the mouth, and also separated the black
from the red in his face paint. It was the same as separating the good

436 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—THOMPSON [ETH. ANN. 45

from the bad, or himself from his enemy. The ring and lines at the
right eye meant he was to see favorable signs, those from the mouth
that he would speak appropriately; the line from the nose that his
sense of smell, the line reaching the ear that his sense of hearing would
have gratifying impressions. The same lines in black meant the
reverse. All his senses were to aid him or act to his advantage while
those of his enemy would act reversely. He could think of no expla-
nation for the black spot on the chin, except that it might have some
reference to the enemy being vanquished. (Pl. 12, 0d.)

95. A noted-war chief is said to have painted in the following
manner at the war dance. He appeared naked excepting a plain
buckskin breechclout, a necklace and a headband made from the
feet skin of a grizzly bear. The large claws of the front feet projected
from it at either side. To the front of the headband were attached
two large eagle tail feathers, leaning to opposite sides after the
manner of shamans’ headbands.** Feathers and headband were
daubed with red. His back hair was tied in a knot at the back of the
neck, while his front hair was done up in a stiff cue and projected
forward a little over the edge of the headband between the two
feathers. The horn was stiffened with clay and came to a sharp
point at the top. It was painted red excepting a black ring around
the middle. At each side of the base a white spot was painted.
His brow was painted with two narrow horizontal lines across it.
(The color of these is forgotten.) Both ears were red and a narrow
red line was under each eye. On his face was painted a raven in
solid black. The beak extended up to between his eyes, the body
covered his nose and upper lip, and the wings spread out on his
cheeks. The tail consisted of five diverging lines on his chin. Sym-
bols of two snakes in black were drawn vertically on the side of the
left cheek and a symbol of the sun also in black on his right cheek.
His right arm below the elbow, including the hand, was red. On his
left arm just above the elbow were two parallel rings in black about
8 em. apart. The space between was filled in with alternate
vertical lines of red and black. His ribs were painted alternately
red and black and a red streak extended down his backbone from the
nape of the neck to the small of the back. His left foot and his right
foot and leg from the knee down were painted black. His necklace
consisted of grizzly bear claws attached to a narrow strip of fur, and
from the middle of it in front depended two narrow tails of twisted
otter skin which reached to the ankles. The grizzly bear, the eagle,
and the raven were known to be guardians of this man. The sun
and snake may also have been his guardians. The other designs
were explained as follows: The painting on the brow, clouds; the

38 See Thompson Indians, 1. ¢., fig. 183.
49 See Tattooing, Eagle-tail design ‘‘C”’ (fig. 41).

TEIT] PAINTING 437

rib design on chest and back was common among warriors; on the
left arm, according to some, an imitation of an armlet; but the mean-
ing is uncertain. The red below the eyes and on the ears may have
been made to secure good luck in hearing and seeing. The painting
on the right arm meant blood. It was fairly common for warriors,
to paint this way. Some say it did not mean blood but was done to
obtain strength and good luck for the right arm and hand. The
black painting of the lower legs and feet was common among warriors,
as it helped concealment when approaching the enemy. (PI. 13, a.)

96. Another man wore headband, breechclout, and moccasins.
His brow was painted black; the right hand red, and six black rings
around the right wrist; a black line around the waist connected a
number of vertical black lines reaching halfway to the knees; a ring
below each knee connected similar stripes extending halfway to the
ankles. He wore deer-hoof rattles around his ankles. The brow
painting is said to mean a cloud. The hand painting may mean
blood or success for the hand when used in battle. The meaning of
the wrist painting is uncertain, but it probably had some connection
with the hand. The waist painting is probably an imitation of a
belt with pendants or long fringes; the knee paintings were imitations
of garters with pendent rattles or long fringes. (PI. 13, 6.)

97. The painting of another warrior was as follows: Vertical black
stripes covering part of both legs and the face. The entire chest
covered with stripes, alternate red and yellow on the right side, and
black on the left side, all the lines placed diagonally, those on one
side slanting toward those on the other. A red ring around the left
arm near the shoulder and red lines running from it down to the elbow
where the ends all changed to yellow. The back of the right hand
was black. One informant said he thought the lines were all weather
designs representing flying clouds or rain. The diagonal lines on
the chest might mean ribs or rib designs, and that on the arm lightning.
One man said the hand painting might mean death, while Baptiste
thought it meant a land mystery. (PI. 13, c.)

98. A certain man is remembered to have painted as follows after
killing an enemy: The entire face was black; the right arm between
wrist and elbow black. A ring of yellow around the left wrist and
around the elbow with alternating stripes of red and yellow con-
necting them. A semicircular design on the upper part of the chest
consisting of a yellow outside line, and inside vertical lines in red
and yellow. Designs like No. 96 on both legs below the knees, but
the vertical designs reached the ankles. The leg designs are said
to represent the long fringes of leggings. The chest design is said
to be symbolic of the sun. I could obtain no explanation of the
arm designs. (PI. 13, d.)

Nos. 59 and 68 were also used by warriors.

438 TATTOOING AND PAINTING—-THOMPSON [eTH. ANN. 45
OTHER DeEsIGNs

The following paintings appear to have been used for various
reasons: to show deference, as offerings, for propitiation, to obtain
success, or for protection. None of them appear to have any con-
nection with the guardian spirits.

99. When looking for a grizzly bear some hunters painted a triangle
with from three to five lines projecting from the base on each cheek.
The color was either red or black. This design was the grizzly bear’s
footor track andsymbolic of the grizzly bear. It was expected to bring
success to the hunter and also to propitiate the bear.“* (PI. 12, ¢,c’.)

100. The face painted red all over and the same design scratched
out on each cheek. (PI. 12, d.)

101. The impression of a painted hand on each side of the face,
also sometimes on the body. The colors were red, black, or yellow.
This was a good-luck design. Some hunters when searching for
bear used it instead of the grizzly design. It was used by men on
various occasions. One Indian said the hand design was for good
luck in the same way as the horseshoe among the whites. (PI1.12,e,e’.)

102. The face painted red all over, or occasionally from the eyes
down, also dry red paint put in the hand and the latter rubbed
roughly over the face, the paint thus being thicker in some places
than others. This painting was very common, and used more or
less by everybody, old and young, of both sexes. Many persons, if
they had a bad dream, immediately painted the face red. This was
supposed to help ward off the danger and make the dream ineffec-
tive, and to protect them from harm. Nearly all the women used
this painting when digging roots, and to a less extent when picking
berries. It was thought to give them success and protection, help
them to find roots, and to dig them more easily; also to preserve
them from harm while engaged in their avocations. The Indians
believed danger lurked in every place. It appears also to have been
in the nature of a propitiation of the earth. Nobody approached
places where land and water mysteries were located without first
painting the face red. If they neglected this the mysteries might
be angry and do them harm by casting a spell of sickness or bad
luck on them. The face was painted all red when offerings were
made to mysteries or spirits of certain localities, when offering the
first fruits to the earth, when partaking of the first berries and to-
bacco, and on other ceremonial occasions. Adolescents painted in
the same way, also the parents of twins.” Some hunters searching
for game, men spearing large fish in the wintertime, dancers at
ceremonies and potlatches, and some men trapping, all used this

41 See the Shuswap, I. ¢., p. 602.

42 For other references to paintings, see Thompson Indians ]. c. pp. 225-228, 267, 268, 344, 350, 351, 361,
368; Lillooet Indians, 1. c., pp. 221, 235, 257, 260, 261, 266, 267, 279, 284; and Shuswap l.c., pp. 502, 511,
601, 602, 606, 608; (Chilcotin) 778, 779, 789.

TEIT] PAINTING 439

painting. It remains almost the only painting still used. A person
going on strange ground for the first time also used this painting.

103. The face is painted black all over, or rubbed with the black-
ened hand. Hunters, when they killed a bear of any kind, blackened
the face like a warrior who had killed an enemy. This was con-
sidered a mark of respect as well as a token of death. It put the
bear in the same category with human beings. Some men, when
they intended to hunt or kill bear, rubbed black paint over the face,
possibly as a mark of respect. Others when about to spear large
trout in the wintertime did the same. A few men did this whenever
they attempted to kill or capture any animal considered powerful.
Some women when digging or cooking Balsamorrhiza roots blackened
the face with dry charcoal or with soot. This root was hard to dig,
and difficult to cook properly, therefore it was treated as mystery
when it was ‘‘killed.”’

PaInTING FOR MEDICINAL PURPOSES

Painting was prescribed by shamans for their patients. Red was
the color almost altogether used. Most of these paintings were
derived from the dreams of the shaman, and were similar in character
to dream and shamans’ designs. Some were different, such as spots
painted over places where there was pain, lines above and below
these places, circles around wounds or sores. I have not obtained
any individual records of these, although they were in use until
quite recently, and probably are still to a slight extent. Sometimes
the shaman did the painting and sometimes the patient or his friends
were directed to do it. Scars and marks of old wounds were often
painted over with red, probably to make them more conspicuous,
and also as a protection from injury by shamans gazing at them, as
these parts were to some extent more vulnerable. Sometimes a
fresh wound had a ring painted around it, and as soon as it healed
red paint was put on it regularly for some time. Some people
painted the skin red wherever it appeared unnatural or diseased.
Paint mixed with oil was supposed to be good for the skin, and hinder
it from getting too dry or wrinkled. Oil alone was sometimes used
for the same purpose, especially after baths or if the skin was un-
naturally dry. Rough or chapped skin was well rubbed or painted
with pencils of deer’s back fat, kept for the purpose. Sometimes a
little dry red paint was rubbed over the greased part. Dry red
paint was applied to the face and hands in very cold weather. It
was supposed to keep out the cold and prevent freezing. Black
circles were made around the eyes to shade them and prevent them
from being injured by the glare of a strong sun, bright lights, or
glittering snow. Sometimes lines above and below the eyes were
made instead of circles.

FAS

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ETHNOBOTANY OF
THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF
BRITISH COLUMBIA
BASED ON FIELD NOTES BY JAMES A. TEIT

EDITED BY

ELSIE VIAULT STEEDMAN

41383°—30——_29 441

FOREWORD

In compiling this work I have arranged the plants according to the
uses made of them by the Thompson Indians. The plants are arranged
under the following subheads: Medicines, foods, plants chewed, non-
medicinal drinks, kinnikinnicks, manufactures, dyes, scents, charms,
miscellaneous ceremonial plants, and plants mentioned in mythology.
The subhead, foods, I have further subdivided upon a botanical basis
into roots and underground stems; stems above ground; leaves and
flowering tops; fleshy fruits; and nuts and seeds. The same proce-
dure has been used in each subhead, viz, alphabetical arrangement
of plants by Indian name; with literal translation in quotation marks,
if known; followed by the white man’s common name; and that fol-
lowed by the Latin binomial. In the spelling of Indian names Mr.
Teit’s orthography has been adhered to, although many of the render-

ings are obviously approximations only.
443

ay
a Jul

bal apo

= {ris ce Autortyts tus

NCHS Gh irehes ef enagit i Fh ve ares
Prfishiih SUT AE BEd ED a:

CONTENTS

Glossary of terms in relation to disease_________________________-
istkotaplantssused:as medicines. =-=-— === == = === _--_=--______
elanisnusedgastOOdM amas) = 225 sees ee oes Be ee oe

Underground stems_______-_ ee Bo PERS Meee, Se yee arch ay
Stems above ground, leaves, and flowering tops__________________-
Wleshivetruits; berries; drupes-— == -22—-2--2---=-_______----____2-=
INUitsFan CSCC dss es toe meee ee on ey ee oe ee Se
Plantsionsparts of plants chewed_.--_--/* = -§-_-___=_==-___-_----_--
Plants made into nonmedicinal drinks____________-_-__--------------
zlamismusedetOnssMmokin ge | oi eet eee
Eiantsmuscdempmanutactures=— 2225-025. 002-22)-- 2-2-2 -5--- 22
Plants used in making dyes and paints_____---_-_---------------------

Plants used as scents_-_---.-------=- Fae ok aed ee a
lancSEuUSede OGD Uni CAtlONee es" senna Pee eo eee
BlamiismuscGbasmcChATMs see. == se =e ee a eS Se ee ee re oh
Plants concerning which there are special beliefs__-_--_---------------
iiantsementionedaim my tholopy (2-= 2285 4-5-5 2- So
BaTSOnOUsEplAniicaieeses san Neen dra Woot ae ooh a So a a
Plants used especially as horse and dog medicines_-_-_-___-__--_---____-
Pl anusmusedeastOOdubyeanimalss= = eet eee = ee ee ee
Alphabetical list of families with genera and species_____-_____-__-____-

Page
447
455

477
477

835

v we

" = ee aes! Sidi iin

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF
BRITISH COLUMBIA

Basep on Fietp Notes By JAmMeEs A. TEIT

Epitep spy Evstr ViaAuLT STEEDMAN

INTRODUCTION

The Thompson Indians” are one of the Salishan tribes who occupy
large portions of the interior of British Columbia and of the States
of Washington, Idaho, and Montana. Their language is closely
related to that of the Shuswap who adjoin them on the north and
east. The Thompson have absorbed a small Athapascan tribe
formerly living in the Nicola and Similkameen Valleys. There has
also been some mixture with coast Indians by way of Fraser Canyon,
and traces of the coast culture have crept in by this way. In fur-
trading days they were known as ‘‘Couteau”’ or ‘‘Knife”’ Indians.
The habitat of the tribe is both within and east of the Cascade Range
of mountains, in southwestern British Columbia. The extent of the
tribal territories is quite limited. About two-thirds of the population
is located in the dry belt, east of the range, where they have perma-
nent villages in the valleys of the Fraser, its principal tributary the
Thompson, and a smaller tributary of the latter, the Nicola. The rest
of the tribe live mainly in the Fraser Canyon within the Cascade
Mountains. They are divided into the Upper and Lower Thompson,
the latter comprising those who live in the Cascades and the Fraser
Canyon, and the former those who inhabit the dry belt east of the
range. The Upper Thompson are divided into four minor divisions,
namely:

1. The Indians of Lytton and vicinity, designated as the Lytton
band. They call themselves the ‘‘real’? Thompson. The country
below Lytton is called Uta’mkt, meaning ‘‘below”’ or “‘to the south.” ’

2. The Upper Fraser band, which includes the people along Fraser
River above Lytton.

3. The Indians of Spences Bridge and vicinity, called the Spences
Bridge band. This name may be applied also to those people along
the Thompson River from Lytton to Ashcroft.

2 See James A. Teit, The Thompson Indians, in Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol.
1, Leyden.
> The name of the division is Uta’mkt, not Uta’maqt, as Mr. Teit used to write.—F. Boas.

447

448 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

4. The Nicola band, made up of those people along the Nicola
River from a few miles above Spences Bridge to above Nicola Lake.

The culture of the tribe as a whole is similar to that of the northern
plateau area. Much of the old material culture has passed away
under the modern environment. Formerly the chief dependence of
the tribe was hunting, trapping, fishing, and root and berry gathering.
Now they depend mainly upon farming. The extent of their agricul-
ture is limited by the size of the reserves. Working for the whites
for wages is done whenever work is obtainable. Basketry continues
to be a leading industry.

Generally speaking, the climatic conditions within the Cascades
and the valley known as the Canyon of the Fraser are nearly the same
as those of the adjoining parts of the coast, where the rainfall ranges
from 45 to 65 inches per annum in the lower altitudes, but there is a
greater snowfall and less rain than on the immediate coast. The
temperature is also slightly cooler than on the coast, except possibly
in the middle of summer. East of the Cascades the opposite climatic
conditions prevail, and the climate around Spences Bridge and Ash-
croft is known as the driest in British Columbia, the annual rainfall
rarely exceeding 5 inches. The temperature in the low valleys is
moderately cold in winter, the thermometer dropping to zero or
below, and in summer rising to over 100 degrees in the shade. The
spring is generally early and there is very little snowfall in the valleys.
Irrigation is necessary for the raising of crops.

Owing to the greatly diversified physical features and climatic
conditions of the country inhabited by the tribe, and particularly
its sharp division into a dry belt and a wet belt, the flora of the region
is naturally rich and varied.

As may be expected in a mountainous country with elevations up to
and over 9,000 feet, the flora varies in each section according to altitude,
forming several distinct floral zones between the low valleys and the
alpine heights above the timber line. Even in the arid plateau, where
elevations seldom exceed 4,000 or 5,000 feet, there is a great difference
between the flora of the dry sandy valleys and the grassy areas above,
which form the range for horses and cattle. The wet or Cascade
belt, where not altered by fires, is heavily forested from the valleys
up to the timber line. The principal trees are fir, spruce, hemlock,
white pine, dogwood, birch, and willow. On the other hand, the
dry belt or plateau country is open. The most‘distinctive vegetation
is sagebrush, rabbit brush, and a few yellow pines and poplars. This
gives rise to grassy park-like slopes, dotted with pine and fir and
groves of aspen. At a still higher altitude the country becomes more
thickly forested, the principal trees being black pines and firs, but
grass continues and there is little underbrush.

reiT] INTRODUCTION 449

Since plants meant so much to the people, it is not surprising that
they @new and named many useful plants of their environment.
Their method of nomenclature was similar to ours, in that they named
them according to their use; from special characteristics, as size,
shape, color, pubescence; from their general habit of growth; and
from their resemblance to other plants. To exemplify: Plants named
from use; iie’litd’nel means “cough plant,” a species of Anten-
naria. which is chewed to allay coughs and colds; mala’men r’na
tsati’n means ‘medicine for rattlesnakes,” a species of Euphorbia
which is believed to cure snake bites, particularly rattlesnake bites;
mala’mren Ene skwi’sit means “medicine for those who give birth.’
This is an unidentified plant, a decoction from which is believed to
lessen the pain of women during parturition; curcuriza, Ribes
hudsonianum, means ‘‘erizzly bear berry”’ and is eaten especially by
bears; tezptcepsawil, Lithospermum angustifolium, means ‘Indian
paint”? and was used as a facial paint; zasx ast, Hierochloe odorata,
means ‘‘scent body” and was used to scent bags, baskets, clothing,
hair and body; cé’xamens a. tlx“6’manx, Linum perenne, means ‘body
wash of adolescents”? and was so used at the time of puberty; .nzka
keka, an unidentified plant, meaning ‘‘rotten smell,’’ was avoided or
believed to have some special power because of its odor which re-
sembled that of rotten animal food; poskaétp, Pentstemon scouleri,
means ‘‘humming-bird plant”? because humming birds frequented it
for its nectar; to cite one more example, Tarus brevifolia, the western
yew, was called tskwinekétp, meaning “‘bow plant.”

The following exemplify plants named from some special char-
acteristic: Achillea millefolium, because of its finely pinnatifid leaf
was named “chipmunk’s tail’; Leptarrhenia amplexrifolia, called
pelpelei.te”, means ‘‘thick leaf”? and is descriptive of its coriaceous
leaves; the plumose style of Gewm triflorum evidently was noted and
expressed in its name, which means “‘shaggy head”’; the inflorescence
of Pentstemon confertus is an interrupted spike and this character is
set forth in its Indian name skomkemoxke’ken meaning “little rounded
lumps’’; the dense bristles on the stem and heavy pubescence of the
whole plant of Ribes lacustre was observed and expressed in its name
sdpusé’lp, meaning “hairy face or surface plant.’’ Tomentum is
commonly described by the term “gray” and if the leaf or stem or
some particular part of the plant is especially tomentose it is known by
a term meaning ‘‘gray leaf” or “‘gray stalk.’ Mentzelia laevicaulis
bears fruits armed with stout barbed prickles. Its name means
“able to stick”; Prunella vulgaris is called .stzkor’lkorlt tek spa’kem,
meaning “blue flower.”” Larix occidentalis seems to have been named
from its beautiful reddish staminate cones which are in striking
contrast to its black stems in the spring before the tender green
needles come out. It is called tce’kwelzer, meaning ‘‘reddish.”

450 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [eTH. ANN. 45

Arnica latifolia is another plant named from its color, tokaletqai’.n,
which is the Indian name meaning ‘yellow head (flower).” ®

The taste of the useful part of a plant was often a basis of naming
as: Leptotaenia dissecta, named taxqai.n, meaning “bitter head (root) ”’
from its bitter fleshy root; Cascara sagrada, whose bitter bark was
used, was named from that character, taxrtarei’uk, meaning ‘bitter
wood.” Amelanchier alnifolia, named taxtexo’xsa, meaning “little
bitter berry,” combines a description of size as well as taste. Odor
or fragrance sometimes suggested a name for a plant: A species of
Abies is called tlartlex ha’ka, meaning ‘‘sweet branch,” and Merochloe
odorata is called xa’srast, meaning ‘‘scent,” from its fragrance.

Names of plants sometimes originated from a belief in their relation-
ship to each other. The Thompson believed relationship to be based
upon association in a locality just as members of a village community
living together were related. They were considered as comrades or
life neighbors living in the same place, in the same way. Pedicularis
bracteosa is often found growing with species of Epilobium, and the
Thompson Indian expressed this in its name skikens a. sha’ket,
meaning “companion of Epilobium.’”’ These are but distantly
related, but because of their association in woods and along banks
the Indian considered them relatives; Streptopus roseus, named sk7-
kens a. ka’ luat, means “companion of Vagnera racemosa.” These
both grow in woods or low wet grounds and at the same time are
genetically related, both belonging to the lily family. This associ-
ation of plants was important enough among the Thompson to have
a name for it, nkelsnara, meaning “their staying or being together.”’
A similar term was used by them, skiken, meaning ‘‘companions.”

Some plants which had certain physical characteristics in common
were designated as snuka, meaning “friends.’”’ There were over
fifteen of these. Artemisia canadensis was recognized as a definite
species called sozlé’lp. Two or three other true species of Artemisia
were recognized as resembling it. These were not given separate
names but were considered related and were spoken of as snakas
a sozlé’lp, meaning “friends of Artemisia canadensis.” In this and
many other cases they actually linked together plants either gen-
etically related or closely allied. Another example of true relation-
ship between species is with Potentilla anserina, which is called
by a name meaning “friend of Potentilla glandulosa.” Another
of these many examples is snikas a poskaé’lp, which means “‘friend of
Pentstemon scouleri,”’ the name for Pentstemon douglasir.

The names were often of a generic character. Thus itie’lita’nel
was the name among the Thompson for the genus Antennaria.
They distinguished between three species of Antennaria; Antennaria
microphylla, Antennaria rosea, and Antennaria luzuloides, by adding
a brief description to bring out the distinction.

TEIT] INTRODUCTION 451

Among the Thompson a single plant was often known by two or
more names but one name was always more descriptive and therefore
more commonly used. Sometimes the converse was true, j. e., the
same name was given to two or more plants but more usually was
used especially to describe one species.

General resemblance between two plants was sometimes a basis
for naming a plant. For instance, a yellow species of Geum is called
nkukware mus ké’ken, meaning “little buttercup flower.’’ Here there
is no close relationship as the buttercup and Geum belong to different
families. Another similar example is that of Gaillardia aristata, called
soxomgé’ken, meaning ‘‘little Balsamorhiza flower.’’ These two
plants are both members of the Compositae family but belong to two
different tribes within the family. Habenaria leucostachys was called
skametsi’pa, meaning ‘‘Erythronium-leaved”’ because of a resem-
blance in their leaves. They are both monocotyledons, but of
different families. From this system of naming plants ‘‘companions
of” and “friends of”’ it is evident that they placed together a number
of plants which were genetically related.

Besides believing in a relationship between the plants themselves
the Thompson had observed that there was some relation between the
plant and its environment. That plants which grew in or near water
did not grow in the plains, and that the meadow flora differed from
that of the forest, were not only observed but described by words in
their language. They even had general group names to express these
facts—names for plants inhabiting water or marshy places, the mea-
dow, the plain, the forest, or the alpine regions. This resembles one
of the classifications made by the ancient Greeks. For example, they
named Kalmia polifolia from its habitat which is usually marshy
eround; its name petcpetci’kisa kokot’imex means “leaves of watery
or wet ground.”

Various habits of growth of the plant were sometimes made manifest
in its name; Clematis columbiana named ketzaus ni’nas a rai'imer
meaning ‘‘entwining or crossing the upper country or hills.” Sedum
spathulifolium named leklekl.pei’.st tek spa’kem, meaning ‘sticking
to rocks flower,” is another example. This name is well chosen from
its habit of growing in and around rocks. Anemone occidentalis is ably
described in its name sisiepé’ pans, meaning ‘‘standing up around the
hills.”’

The gum which exudes from one of the species of Abies is chewed
and is called by the descriptive term skaama’l.k, meaning “tree milk.”

A large number of plants growing in his vicinity were known to the
Thompson Indian for their special uses, either as food or medicine,
or for some other purpose, such as dye,- fiber, material for some
particular manufacture, or special use in a ceremony.

452 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

The poisonous qualities of many plants were known and _ these
must many times have been learned by the death of the experimenter.
Many of these poisonous plants had medicinal value, if used with
caution, and the Thompson used them accordingly. Of course certain
men and women knew more than others concerning the names of the
plants, their activities and uses, and their poisonous qualities; but
the average individual of the community would know probably twice
as many and twice as much concerning the plants of his vicinity as
would a white man living in any country district. Contact with the
white man has so changed the mode of living of the Indian that this
can not be said of the present generation.

The Thompson knew that plants had the power to cure and heal,
but magic played an important part and formed a large accompani-
ment to any medicinal treatment. Although wonderful qualities
might erroneously be ascribed to a plant, the Indian would often know
and make use of its real properties. Many times several different
medicines could be used for the same disease but a choice was usually
made based upon accessibility or some personal feeling regarding its
efficacy. The poisonous plants and their antidotes were generally
known by most of the population; but always by the cld men and
some of the old women of the tribe. In a pharmacopoeia of the
Thompson we find a large number of plants and particular values
attributed to each one; as purgative, laxative, emetic, astringent,
diuretic, sedative, and so on. A number of the Indian medicines are
the same as ours and some of ours have been derived from them.

Plants bearing any kind of an edible tuber, small or large, were
utilized by the Thompson. Many of the bulbs that were eaten
were scarcely any larger than a hazelnut—so small that the white
man would never pay any attention to them. To the Thompson
all underground tuberous structures were ‘‘roots.’’? No distinction
seems to have been made between bulbs, stem tubers, rhizomes, and
corms. That is not at all surprising, as the main difference is usually
in the internal structure, and this can only be learned by sectioning.
Such knowledge is of no practical value when employing them only as
food and this is seldom a part of the knowledge of the untrained
white man. Besides tuberous roots and stems, other parts of the
plant were used. Flower heads were eaten; as flower buds of the
Mariposa lily, because of their sweet taste due to the nectar glands.
Tender succulent shoots were also eaten; as in the case of the cow
parsnip and salmon barberry. These young shoots were pulled,
peeled, and consumed raw with great relish. The cambium layer
of certain plants was also a favorite food, especially in the spring
when it is present in the plant in the greatest amount. The gym-
nosperms are particularly used in this way; the black and yellow pine
and the firs may be mentioned especially. Every kind of fruit was

TEIT] INTRODUCTION 453

used and, like the root, size made little difference. Of all of these
parts enumerated, the tuberous roots and underground stems, and the
fleshy fruits, were the most commonly known edible parts of plants
and in greatest abundance among the Thompson.

Work with plants among the Thompson, as among most primitive
people, has always been done by the women, the standing of the
women in the tribe making no difference. The obtaining of wild
plant food was always their care. The women knew most about the
edible plants, as to uses and distribution and time of ripening, while
the men seemed to know more about their medicinal values and the
special performance connected with administering them. The
knowledge of each parent was passed on to the child, who was taught
to know the plants and what they would yield. Fleshy fruits and
seeds were gathered in special baskets or vessels—special, in that
various fruits were placed in vessels differing from each other as to
material, size, shape, and kind, and these vessels were not used for
any other purpose. The seeds of species of Pinus were important
as a source of food wherever they were found along the west Pacific
coast. The seeds were beaten out of the cones and eaten raw or
roasted. They were often roasted and stored in pits for later use.
Of succulent fruits, the service berry, Amelanchier alnifolia, and
species of Lepargyrea, seemed to be the most important and were
preserved in great quantities by the Thompson. Currants, rasp-
berries, and rose hips were also very popular. The rose hips are
exceptionally large in British Columbia and throughout Canada.

Ceremonies were observed by the Thompson before and after the
gathering of roots or fruits. The former were conducted to insure
and increase productivity, the latter as a thanksgiving. The root of
the Balsamorhiza sagittata was held in great veneration by the
Thompson Indians, and the women at the time of digging could
not indulge in any sexual intercourse. It was customary for the
young people particularly to address the plant whose parts they
were eating for the first time that season with a prayer or supplication.

To a certain extent they were cognizant of the seasonal vegetative
changes, for in their language they had some words describing them.
The growth of the plant at various times was noted and described.
Plants were not believed to be dead in winter, but were thought to
have stopped growing during that period. They did not try to
account for these facts, but it is quite obvious that they had observed
them.

It is doubtful whether or not they had any accurate knowledge
of sex in plants.' There is a suggestion of some idea of it among
them, but it is an incorrect conception which, however, is explainable.

1 Tt is interesting to note that a scientific concept of sex in plants was not thoroughly conceived by us until
fairly recent times, i. e., not until the seventeenth century.

454 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

They seemed to connect greater size with the male. Special mention
is made of a particular ceremony in connection with the birth of
twins. If a male and a female were represented in the twins, the
man especially chosen for this ceremony held what they called a
““male”’ fir branch in one hand and a “female” fir branch in the other.
The ‘‘male”’ fir branch was the one with the carpellate cones, which
are larger than the staminate cones, which in turn represented to them
the female. There is no difference in the branches or the leaves, so it
seems that they must have ascribed to the cones sexual significance.

Abnormal characters, mutations and sports were noted but seldom
accounted for, except that sometimes they were considered as the
spirit of the plant showing itself in this special and unusual way.
There is no evidence that spines and prickles were considered as
special characters, but very good use was made of them as probes,
needles, and pins. The Thompson used the spines of Crataegus
columbiana as pins and made fishhooks from them. Those of
Crataegus douglas were shorter and finer and used to probe ripe
boils and ulcers.

To summarize: The Thompson Indian named the plants found in
his vicinity. His system of naming was similar to that of the white
man, based upon use; general description of the plant, as to color,
size, fragrance, general habit, etc.; resemblance to other plants; and
actual relationship between the plants themselves and between the
plants and their environment. In this way he unconsciously devel-
oped what might be considered a generic and species classification.
He knew the general structure of the plant well enough to recognize
sports and mutations, but did not try to account for their existence.
Vegetative changes of the different seasons were observed. He must
have had a considerable amount of experience, as most of the plants
of his vicinity and all parts of these plants were known for some par-
ticular use, or regarded by him as useless because they yielded no
product, and the poisonous ones were used for their medicinal virtue
and taken in a way to do no harm.

The Thompson Indians made some use of very many plants;
medicinal and food were the most important, but ceremonial uses
were many. In manufactures, plants were used as material of con-
struction, for their fibers, and for making dyes.

From the descriptive names given the plants, and from the careful
way the Thompson Indian distinguished between very similar plants,
it may be inferred that he had observed much of the external varia-
tions of plants. He knew the essential facts concerning them, and
his knowledge, although not systematized, was practical and thorough
and considerably greater than that of the average white man.

TEIT] ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS 455
PLANTS USED AS MEDICINES

Plants were used most exterisively in the treatment of cramps,
stomach disorders, colds, wounds, venereal diseases, and menstrual
disorders.

The parts of the plants most commonly used were the roots, stems,
and leaves. Seeds, which are also rich in alkaloids and other princi-
ples, were not so commonly used.

The most usual means of preparation for internal use was in the
form of a decoction: Often doses were given of the dried fresh ma-
terial. External application in the form of a poultice was a common
method employed; also rubbing with a lmiment. An important dis-
tinction between their medicine and ours is the lack of combination.
In theirs, only seldom more than one plant made up the medicine.

Different plants, different parts of plants, and varying means of
preparation were utilized in different ailments. It is also interesting
to note that small amounts or weak decoctions were used for certain
diseases, while stronger and larger doses were given in cases of other
troubles. For example, a mild decoction of the wood of Symphori-
carpos albus was used for washing babies, while a stronger decoction
was used for cleansing sores. They had also observed that certain
medicines, although curing one ailment, might harm the patient in
other ways, and special precaution had to be taken by administering
weak doses. In some cases too large a dose might mean death.
This is true of Actaea arguta. A decoction of the roots was considered
a cure for syphilis and rheumatism, but if given in too large doses
caused poisoning which sometimes resulted in death.

We can classify very definitely the various uses of the medicinal
plants by the Thompson. Practically all disorders of the body were
given treatment by them. All forms of colds and coughs, diuretic
troubles, stomach and bowel disorders, pains in various parts of the
body, swellings, and rashes, treatment of wounds, bleeding, paralysis,
snake bites, and venereal diseases were given various treatments by
internal administration of decoctions or by the external application
of poultices or washes. Rheumatism and syphilis seem to have been
very prevalent, judging from the number of plants used as possible
cures. Menstruation and*childbirth were given special medicinal
attention. There were several different washes made for the bathing
of babies for improving the infant’s health, often owing to the belief
of magical results from these baths.

Specific examples of all the above remarks follow in the list of
medicinal plants. A pharmacopceia of any group of primitive peoples
would be composed of a large number of plants and many of them
would be found in use to-day. Of 160 plants used medicinally by
the Thompson Indians about 30 are also used by us to-day, such as
species of Valeriana, Pentstemon, Erigeron, Solidago, Helianthus,

456 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [TH. ANN. 45

Prunella, Mentha, and the many conifers. I have mentioned briefly
the white man’s uses of each plant of the Thompson so far as I was
able to ascertain them.

I give first a list of terms in relation to disease.

GuossarRyY OF TERMS IN RELATION TO DISEASE

elieilitsya epee ee bs Sen, el re ae Colds, coughs.

kestawt' Ex nkomeltses - — — ~—- Indigestion and loss of appetite.

COUN Ste See, Sear ane Se Tumor.

KAVOM QRS = ae ere ena Headache.

TRUBS TDN (hs eB se Sore feet.

TMOLGNUE Ta ee 2 ne The general term for medicine of any kind.
TLELGIVE TOG Medicinal plant; any plant used as a medicine.
MUELGMO SLE = eee en Any medicine used for the hands.

MELE MOGUL EN a ee Any medicine used for the head or hair.
TUEVOTLOMCS UE) ar Any medicine used for the chest.
MELGMUICE NER = el ee Any medicine used for the back.

TRACE URE iT) 2 ae Consumption of the lungs. This disease is said to

have been rare formerly but common since the
whites came to the country.

TUL CLG LAL CLG ee a Any sickness with sharp internal pains.

TUD GULCH K eae te ee Se Swellings in the groins. Often appearing with
syphilis.

TCU DCE See ee eee A disease in which there was swelling around the
thighs. This was known in olden times.

ETLLCUCAU OK Se oe eee Nose bleeding.

NULODe lista se = at Beene ae Swelling of the stomach due to a kind of dyspepsia.

MO WO jiNi2 = Sao e teases oa— Constipation.

TO OU d Ss i ae Retention of urine.

TUG UCU Ne. LSU Bad breath; sour stomach.

DOME Es Sen ete saeco eee Smallpox, chickenpox.

ESRTOUSRTO USO es ee Veneral diseases. These were unknown before the

SHTOtSNGts@ ee i coming of the whites.

so'qa tek mala mEn=-.-2-=— Any medicine which is boiled and the decoction of
which is used internally or externally.

.S nice era ae id pe dh A disease in which the body became covered with
large blotches.

EStSUCETLCUN Ee Le ee eee Consumption of the flesh or bones. The word

means ‘‘one’s self disappears.’”’ This disease oc-
curred among the Indians in olden times, but it
was uncommon. Medicines were of no avail in
this disease, which could only be cured by sha-
mans or by the individual’s guardian spirit.

TSESTLSI A em otee Shans CR A disease of spreading and eating sores, some of
them reaching the bone.
SSUULISE MN set ee ee Any kind of sickness in which there is vomiting; but

the word is used especially in cases of vomiting
of blood or of bile. The word means ‘‘ vomiting.”

LO ULSCOVALS a Diarrhea.

cu tsem ta pit lace oes Sickness in which there is vomiting of blood. It is
applied to hemorrhages of any kind.

CU ISHN ta StOKGle toe =e =e Disease in which green material is vomited up.

With some Indians this was chronic. A bilious
stomach trouble. The word means “vomiting
green or yellow.”

TEIT] PLANTS USED AS MEDICINES 457

List or Puants Usrep sas MEDICINES

a’luska, a’leska; black hawthorn; Crataegus douglasii Lindl.
The sap, wood, bark, and sometimes the roots are boiled and the decoction
is drunk as a stomach medicine. The spines are used as probes for ripe
boils and ulcers.

2 ¢

céramens a’ .tle“d’meEx; wash of adolescents.”

co’orpa.®
cux“cux"hwa'tp, cuc“cuc“hwe'tp; “erizzly-bear plant”; bearberry;
honeysuckle; Lonicera involucrata Banks.

A few people apply this term to Ribes hudsonianuwm and some people of
the Lytton band apply it to Ribes viscosissimum. After the leaves have been
boiled and washed they are applied to any part of the body that is swollen,
Sometimes the leaves are bruised before boiling, as in so doing their strength
is greatly increased. A decoction of the leaves and twigs is used as a liniment
also.

elietitu’net; * “cough or cold plant.”’
haqoétp; cow parsnip; Heracleum lanatum Michx.

The roots resemble parsley in shape. They have an unpleasant odor and
acrid taste. A decoction is made by boiling and used as a purgative and
tonic. A strong decoction is used occasionally as a remedy for syphilis.
It also has a ceremonial use as a wash for purification. This root is used
by the white man as a stimulant and carminative.

hi’kamen; “thing used for rubbing (on something)”; Helianthus sp.

This term is occasionally applied to sunflowers. It is not a real name

but may be applied to anything used for rubbing on a surface or painting.
hoithoi’t, how’thwel, héthwé’t, hothwa’it; goatsbeard; Aruncus acumi-
natus (Dougl.) Rydb.

A decoction is prepared from the roots and is drunk by some people for
swellings, indigestion, and general stomach disorders. Others use it for
colds and influenza. The Uta’mkt claim it was especially beneficial during
the late epidemics of the Spanish influenza. The stalks are also used exter-
nally as an ointment rubbed on swollen parts of the body. They are burned
and the ashes mixed with grease. Some of the Uta’mkt are said to use it
to relieve paralysis.

Spiraea tomentosa is used by the white man but for very different purposes;
as an astringent and tonic and for gonorrhea and hemorrhages. I do not
know of any use of Aruncus acuminatus.

hux“xa'x.p;° Ceanothus velutinus Dougl.

The stems and leaves are boiled and the decoction is drunk to cure dull
pains in any part of the body. The decoction is also used as a wash or
liniment applied to painful parts of the body. Often the medicine is used
internally and externally at the same time. Four or five branches and the
same number of branches of Lepargyrea canadensis are boiled together
slowly for a night and a day. The decoction is drunk as a remedy for
gonorrhea. The dose consists of three large cupfuls taken each day for
three or more days. It is said to cure only the milder forms of this disease.

2 See under .skwelka’i.ns a. tlr“6’meEz, p. 467. 4 See under ilielita’nel, p. 458, and sisitinel, p. 466.
3 See under .shwd’opa, p. 466. 5 See also under tcweElsta’ml, p. 475.

41383°—30——30

458 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [erH. ANN. 45

hurhwit’zem; ‘‘many kinds.”
This is a term sometimes applied to the plant otherwise known as
.sxozxozd' Etx". This term is a peculiar one for a plant name.

taxa’ tp, iax“é’x™.tp; snowberry; Symphoricarpos albus (L.) Blake.
The stems are boiled and the decoction is drunk as a remedy for ‘stomach
troubles. A decoction of the roots is also used by some people probably for
the same purpose. The Uta’mkt use a mild decoction of the wood for
washing babies, as it is thought to keep them healthy. A strong decoction
of the wood is used for washing sores.
the’ hita’ net,’ iii’ lita’netp; “cough plant’; Antennaria sp.
This name is given to at least four and probably more kinds of Anten-
naria: A. microphylla Rydb.; A. rosea Greene; A. luzuloides T. & G., and
A. parvifolia Greene. When necessary, the Indians differentiate them by
description. The stems and leaves are chewed for coughs and colds. Some
chew any part of the plant or sometimes the whole plant. The piece
chewed is then swallowed. Some chew several bites and swallow them all
together.

v.ge’ tp, iqya’tp; ® ‘“aik plant”; bearberry; Arctostaphylos wva-ursi (L.)
Spreng. ;

This is a low evergreen shrub bearing bright red berries. A decoction of
the leaves and stems is made and used as a wash for sore eyes. It is also
drunk as a diuretic and tonic for the kidneys and bladder. The root is
occasionally used. A decoction is prepared as a remedy for blood spitting.
This plant will be found in any materia medica. The leaves are used in
the same way as by the Indian. It has nephritic properties.

i.ge.tpé.’tp; “r.qge’.lp plant” or ‘“aik-plant’’; twin flower; Linnaea
borealis L. and Linnaea borealis americana (Forbes) Rehder.

This plant was so named by the Thompson because of its resemblance to
z.qe’.tp, but botanically they are not closely related, as they belong to different
families. A decoction is drunk as a medicine. The part of the plant used
and its special use were not ascertained.

gai’ .xétp; unidentified. ;

This is an unidentified bush which grows in the Fraser Canyon and on
the Cascade Mountains. A decoction is drunk as a physic in the same way
as Cascara sagrada. It is said to be almost as effective.

‘

kakateté’tx”; ‘three leaves’’; bunchberry; Cornus canadensis L.

The name ‘‘three leaves” is puzzling, as neither the leaves nor bracts
are in threes but most commonly in fours or sixes. The leaves are burned,
and the ashes are crushed to a powder and sprinkled on sores. Sometimes
the leaves are toasted before the fire until dry and brittle and are then
powdered and applied by sprinkling on the sores. This species of Cornus
is not used by the white man but Cornus florida is used as an astringent,
stimulant, tonic, and an emetic. :

kalua.t’oé; ‘real ka’luat’’; false Solomon’s seal. Vagnera racemosa
(L.) Morong.

A decoction of the rhizomes is drunk as a stomach medicine and also by
women during the menstrual period. Some consider the roots of the plant
to be chiefly a woman’s medicine. The dried rhizome is used as a uterine
stimulant by the white man.

6 See also kawa’ueElp, p. 459, and spg£ara’lp, p. 470.
7 This is an Asiatic and European species not native to North America.
8 See also kawa/weElp, p. 459, anu spEaza’lp, p. 470,

ret] PLANTS USED AS MEDICINES 459

kalila a’iuk; “owl wood”’; unidentified.
Species of a large fungus which grows chiefly on old fir trees. It is used
as a medicine, but its particular use was not learned.

ka’luwnt, ka’luat; these names were applied to five or more closely
related plants, namely: Streptopus amplexifolius (L.) DC., Vagnera
racemosa (L.) Morong, Vagnera stellata (L.) Morong, Disporum
oreganum (S. Wats.) W. Miller, and Disporum sp.
When necessary to differentiate, the Indians did so by description. A
decoction of the roots of Streptopus amplexifolius and probably of all the
above is used as a remedy for internal pains.

kapucxa’tp; “nut plant or hazelnut plant”’; Comandra pallida A. DC.

In this case the fresh roots are washed and mixed with woman’s milk

and used as a wash or salve for inflammation of the eyes in particular, and for
sore eyes generally.

ka’tia; devil’s club; Echinopanax horridum (J. E. Sm.) Dene. & PI.
The fresh stems are crushed and soaked in water. This is drunk as a
medicine for indigestion and stomach troubles. It is also used as a tonic
and blood purifier. For this purpose the stems are cut in small pieces and
boiled, and the decoction is drunk. In this form it also has laxative proper-
ties. Another use is as an ointment. The stems are burned and the ashes
mixed with grease, and this is then rubbed on swollen regions.

ka/uku; sagebrush or wormwood; Artemisia tridentata Nutt.

A decoction is prepared from small stems or twigs and leaves. It is drunk
for colds and also for consumption and emaciation. For colds, the leaves
are given special treatment, and the decoction is drunk while hot. <A pad is
made of them and tied to the nostrils or sometimes the latter are loosely
plugged with the leaves. For reviving a patient, the leaves are bruised in
the hand and held to the nose from time to time as we would use smelling
salts. To overcome bad smells, as, for instance, in burying corpses, the
nostrils are plugged with the leaves. The odor from the volatile oil given
off, when the leaves are crushed, is very pungent and penetrating. This
plant is commonly used by whites for colds and rheumatism.

kawa'urtp; Symphoricarpos albus (L.) Blake.

This name is used chiefly by the Uta’mkt. It is also called 7’azra'ip,

under which name it has already been described.
qepqa’p tek spa’kem; “soft flower’; anemone; Anemone occidentalis
S. Wats.

This name is a descriptive term which may be applied to many other
flowers which are soft and delicate. The root or the whole plant is boiled,
and the decoction is drunk for stomach and bowel troubles.

kx'tzaus ni’nas a xad’imex; “entwining or crossing of the upper coun-
try or hills”; Clematis columbiana T. & G.

So named because it grows at higher altitudes than Clematis ligusticifolia.
This plant is used as a head wash and for scabs and eczema in the same way
as Clematis ligusticifolia, but is considered to be less effective.

ketzaus ni’na; ‘entwining or crossing’’; western virgin’s bower; Cle-
matis ligusticifolia Nutt.

So named because of the climbing and twining nature of the plant on

trees and rocks. <A mild decoction is drunk as a tonic or remedy for general
disorder or out-of-sorts feeling.

460 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

ki/ko, kikau; valerian; Valeriana sitchensis Bong. and Valeriana
sylvatica Banks.

The roots are boiled and the decoction is drunk for pains and as a remedy
for colds. Among the Utaé’mkt especially the fresh stems and leaves are
washed and applied to cuts and wounds. The roots alone or the roots with
the rest of the plant are often pounded into a pulp and applied to cuts,
wounds, bruises, and inflamed regions. The fresh leaves are chewed and
thus mixed with saliva and put on cuts and other wounds. Often the dried
roots are crushed into a fine powder and then sprinkled on the wounds. It
is said by some of the older Indians that in the early days the warriors
always had some of the roots in their medicine bags to be handy when
needed. This was also a valuable horse medicine and it had ceremonial
uses as well. Several species of Valeriana are used by the white man but
not these two used by the Indian.

ki'lka’tces; wild ginger; Asarum caudatum Lindl.
A decoction of the rhizomes is drunk as a tonie for the stomach and as a
remedy for indigestion and colic. Fifty or more years ago a drug from the
rhizomes was used for colic by the white man.

kokomxend' pa; “ chipmunk’s tail’; yarrow; Achillea millefoliwm L.
So named because of the feathery appearance of the leaves which are
thought to resemble the tails of chipmunks and squirrels. The whole plant,
including the roots, is boiled. The decoction is drunk as a tonic or remedy
for slight indisposition or general out-of-sorts feeling. The decoction is also
used as a wash for sore eyes. Other uses are as a wash for chapped or
cracked hands, pimples, rashes on the skin, and for insect and snake bites.
The wash is prepared by bruising the plant or by crushing it into a pulp,
then mixing it with cold water. Another method of using it is by toasting
the leaves, or the stems and leaves, before the fire until dry and brittle and
crushing them into a fine powder. This powder is then sprinkled on sores
and- eruptions of the skin. The leaves and flowering tops are an old-time
medicine of the white man, having tonic and stimulant properties especially.

kona’tp, kéné’l.p; false hellebore; Veratrum californicum S. Wats.

A small quantity of the roots are dried, then burned, and the ashes are
boiled for a long time. This decoction is taken in small doses for blood
disorders, and particularly for syphilis. At the present day the ashes of
the root are sometimes mixed with bluestone crushed to a powder. The two
are boiled together and the decoction is drunk in small doses for syphilis only.
The dried root of this or of some very similar mountain plant is sometimes
scraped or grated and the fine scrapings are used as a snuff to produce
sneezing and clear the head when suffering from a cold.

kon’ zl, qo’nel, kon’ etp; spatterdock; Nymphaea advena Soland.

The stems or roots, or both, are boiled and drunk when cold as a remedy
for internal pains. The fresh leaves were used as a poultice, as they were
said to have a drawing and a healing effect. They were bruised slightly and
placed on wounds of any kind, on cuts, or on sores. The leaves were changed
every two or three hours. Sometimes they were dried, then crushed into a
powder which was sprinkled on cuts, wounds, and running sores.

kucnmé'tp, kauxema'tp; Rocky Mountain rhododendron; Rhododen-
dron albiflorum Hook.

The bark is seraped off the trunks and boiled. The decoction is drunk
as a stomach remedy. The wood is sometimes reduced to charcoal, crushed
very fine, and then mixed with grease and applied to swellings.

TeIT] PLANTS USED AS MEDICINES 461

kwa’tkwelp; giant arbor vitae; Thwa plicata D. Don.
PIs ; Va Pp
A decoction of twigs or small branches is boiled in conjunction with twigs
of Cornus pubescens. This is drunk by women after childbirth.

kwei’ .te“etp, kwoite“etp; Pacific dogwood; Cornus nuttallii Audubon.
In this plant the sapwood, or the inner bark, or the bark as a whole is
boiled, and the decoction is drunk for stomach troubles. The Uta’mkt
claim that if the decoction is made too strong or is drunk in too great quan-

tity spitting or vomiting of blood may ensue.

kwe.ti’net, kwekweti’net; “blue or dark colored plant’’; unidentified.

This unidentified plant was used as a medicine, but for what special

purpose was not learned.
kwikwikené’temex, kweka.kené’temex; Geranium viscosissimum F. &
M. and Geranium richardsonii Fisch. & Trautr.

The meaning of this name is uncertain. By some Indians it is thought
to mean ‘“‘red flower sack’’; other Indians think the name may be connected
with that for ‘‘arrow”’ because of the beaks which form after the perianth
withers. The Indians differentiate between these two geraniums by naming
the colors of their flowers. Geranium viscosissimum has pink-purple petals
while Geranium richardsoni has white petals. The plants are said to have
some medicinal value but no specific use was learned.

kwoé’t, kwo.it; shore pine; Pinus contorta Dougl.
The gum which is exuded by the cones and bark has many uses. It is
_ boiled and mixed with melted deer’s fat and applied to the body for rheu-
matic and other pains. An ointment is made by melting it in conjunction
with the best of animal fats. After a thorough mixing it is applied to the
body to relieve aches of all kinds and soreness in muscles and joints. The
ointment is also applied to the throat, sides of the neck, and sometimes to
the back and chest to relieve congestion in those parts. Coughs, colds,
and sore throats are also treated with this ointment. It is often applied
after sweat bathing or in front of a hot fire by being rubbed into the body
vigorously with the hand. This treatment is one that is often used by the
white man to-day.
kwoikwoixa'n, kwokwoira'n, kwekwoira’n; “blue foot’’; aster; Aster
foliaceus Lindl.

The meaning of this name is not clear. The name is applied by some to
two or three kinds of aster and Erigeron having blue flowers. It seems
the Uta’mkt also call one of the Arnicas with a yellow flower by this name.
A decoction of the roots is used as a remedy for swelling of the stomach.
It is also used for dyspepsia, indigestion, and loss of appetite. A stronger
decoction is prepared by mixing with an oily brew obtained from boiled
salmon and drunk as a remedy for syphilis.

kwokwoimi’lzux, kwokwoime'lezix, kékoi.ne’temex, kozkozkenétr“amiz,
kweikwoikenitemer, kwoikwoimitemetex; ‘blue bag or sack”’ or
“blue flower sack or vessel”; Lupinus rivularis S. Wats. or Lupinus
polyphyllus Lindl.

The first of these names seems to be a general one, the second is in vogue
chiefly among the Spences Bridge band, the third is used by some of the
people of the Lytton band, the fourth is common among the Nicola people
and others, and the fifth was used by women of the Thompson band. The
plant is used as a medicine, but its particular use was not. learned. All the
blue lupines come under the above names and have a medicinal use.

462 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [pTH. ANN. 45

lektekt.pev’ st tek spa’kum; “sticking to rocks flower”; Sedum spathuli-
folium Hook.

This name is a descriptive one and well chosen because Sedwm spathuli-
folium very often grows between and on the rocks. This name is not only
used for Sedum spathulifolium but is often applied to other plants which
also grow in rocky places. A heated decoction of the entire plant is used
for washing babies, especially when they are cross, as it is said to have a
soothing effect. -

tlasé’tp, tlesa’.tp; great silver fir; Abies grandis Lindl.
The bark and gum are boiled and the decoction is drunk as a physic.
A very strong decoction is drunk as a remedy for gonorrhea. A decoction
of the sap, sap wood, and gum is used for the same purpose.
A decoction of the bark is used as a wash for sore eyes. The gum is also
used for sore eyes, a little of it being put in the corners of the eyes each night.
tlexthi’.za, tlaviti’nza; ‘sweet berry’’; northwestern serviceberry;
Amelanchier alnifolia Nutt.
This variety of Amelanchier bears very sweet berries. Other varieties
are very sour. The bark is boiled and the decoction is drunk for stomach
troubles.

tlectlexha’ka; ‘sweet branch”; Abies sp.

This is well named because of the delightful fragrance of the fir due to its
resin. ‘This is the most fragrant of the conifers. The young shoots and
also sometimes the bark are boiled and the decoction is drunk for stomach
troubles and as a tonic.

tli’xen; horsetail; Equisetum sp.

Several species of Hquisetum are used. The stems are burned and the
ashes used as a remedy for burns. The ashes are sprinkled thickly over the
burn and kept in place with a bandage. The ashes are also mixed with
animal greases or oils and smeared over burns.

mala’mrn z'na tsa ti’n;*® “medicine for rattlesnake’; spurge; Eu-
phorbia glyptosperma Engelm.

The fresh plant is rubbed on all snake bites but is used especially for
rattlesnake bites. The plant is said to grow only in those parts of the
country where rattlesnakes are found. It has a milky juice which is char-
acteristic of the genus.

mala’menen xskwi'sit; © “medicine for childbirth’; pipsissewa;
Chimaphila umbellata occidentalis (Rydb.) Blake and Pyrola L. sp.,
or rattlesnake plantain; Peramiwm decipiens (Hook.) Piper.

In this case the same name is given to plants of no relationship, one being
a monocotyledon and the other a dicotyledon. They may have confused
them because of a resemblance between their leaves or given them the same
name due to the fact that they were used for the same purpose. This
name may be used for any medicine which relieves women at childbirth:
It sometimes is called zskwi’ sit amald’ mens, meaning “childbirth’s medicine.”
The plant is used fresh or dried and is chewed by the women shortly before
and at the time of parturition. A little is swallowed from time to time and is
said to make confinement easy.

9 See also spa’pitl, p. 470. 10 See under ziziec’us, p. 476.

TEIT) PLANTS USED AS MEDICINES 463

mala’mern En Eskwi' sit, or mala’men En éxkwi' sit; “medicine for child-
birth, medicine for those who give birth.”

This plant is unidentified. A decoction of the whole plant is drunk hot
by women during parturition to make it less painful.

mala’mens Es’otza’tza,"' or Esho.tsho’.tsa; “medicine of syphilitics®;
baneberry; Actaea arguta Nutt. and Actaea eburnea Rydb.

A decoction of the roots is drunk as a remedy for syphilis and rheumatism,
and some believed it to be a cure for emaciation. Great care is taken in
preparing the medicine as it is dangerous if too strong a decoction is made
and some people can only take very weak doses.

mala’mrn z’na kozkoza’ap; “medicine for the ?”’; orpine; Sedum
divergens 5. Wats. and Sedum spathulifolium Hook.

A decoction of the whole plant is given to children to relieve constipation.

mr’qa’; death camas; Zygadenus elegans Pursh.

The root is baked in ashes, or occasionally toasted before the fire, and
pounded up fine. It is then thoroughly mixed with water or grease and
rubbed on parts of the body which pain, especially the back and feet. Some-
times the dry powder is rubbed on the affected parts.

mélamia’ psten; “medicine for the posterior’’; Sedum sp.

This is a term rather than a real name and is applied to all species of
Sedum because of their use for piles. A decoction is used as a wash for
piles, or some people use the plant as a poultice.

me'lemené'tp; * “medicine plant’’; unidentified.
mokasd’ etp, mokasi’zetp, mokmokase’s.tp, mox“mox“kasé'lp; worm-
wood; Artemisia dracunculoides Pursh.

This is used in the steaming out process which is a very common means of
treating disease among the Indians. This would be an excellent means of
cure were it not for the rigorous treatment which follows the sweating and
occasionally causes the death of the individual. A considerable quantity
of the entire plants or the fresh stems and leaves are gathered. A sufficient
number of stones are collected and heated red-hot on a fire as for an ordi-
nary sweat bath. Smooth waterworn stones are chosen. When they are hot
they are arranged so as to make as smooth a surface as possible. Such a
bed of stones is made the full length and breadth of the person to be treated.
Fine, dry sand is collected and spread over the stones until their surfaces are
just covered. The fresh plants are spread evenly on the top of the hot stones
and sand until they form a thick bed, generally about 6 inches in depth.
The patient lies naked and full length on top of the plants and is covered
with a blanket to keep in the heat and steam. He lies there for several
hours, perspiring freely, until the stones become cool. Generally a flat
sandy place is chosen for making these steam beds. Sometimes the stones
are buried in the sand until their surfaces are almost completely hidden.
A fire of the necessary size is then built over the stones and kept burning
until the stones and sand are thoroughly heated. This treatment is for
rheumatism, stiffness of the joints and muscles, aching bones or muscles,
and sometimes for sprains. The steaming is probably truly helpful, but
directly after rising from this steam bed they usually dash into an ice-cold
stream, which sometimes has a fatal result.

11 See also .skwei.t tek mala’m En, p. 467. 12 See under w’pvi’pt, p. 475.

464 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [eTH. ANN. 45

A decoetion of the whole plant or sometimes of the stems and leaves is
used as a bath for women after childbirth. The patient sits in the warm
decoction.

A decoction is also used as a head wash and for bathing the temples and
head when suffering from a headache.

nkuk’axemus ké’ken; ‘little buttercup flower”; avens; Gewm sp.

It is so named because of the resemblance of the flower to Ranunculus
glaberrimus. It is used for the steam bath like Artemisia dracunculoides for
rheumatism, aching muscles and bones, and stiffness in the joints. A dif-
ferent species, Gewm rivale, is used in the same way by the white man.

nxcara’.p; rockeress; Arabis drummondir A. Gray.

The whole plant is boiled and the decoction is drunk as a diuretic or
kidney and bladder medicine and for pains in the small of the back, which
are often caused by kidney disorder. A very strong decoction is taken as
a remedy for gonorrhea. The fresh plant is crushed and used raw as a
poultice on sores of any kind. Sometimes the fresh plant is roasted until
brittle, then crushed fine, and sprinkled thickly on running sores. The
dried plant is powdered and used in the same way.

dloltce’tcztp; quaking aspen; Populus tremuloides Michx.

A number of stems or branches of very young trees are boiled slowly for
about forty hours. When cool, the patient sits in the decoction for several
hours at a time and washes his body with it. He also drinks several cupfuls
of the fresh decoction each day. This is continued for two to four days as
a remedy for syphilis. The drinking of the decoction is continued for a
much longer period, and if the patient has pains in his bones or any swellings
the bathing is continued for a much longer period at intervals. A decoction
of the roots is drunk for the same disease and also for another unascertained
purpose. The ashes of the wood when mixed with water are used for rub-
bing on swellings or mixed with grease and used for the same purpose. A
medicine is prepared from the stem by the white man. It is used especially
for rheumatism.

papad’ Exken, or papad’exken tekmaladmen; ‘graybody”’ or “gray-
bodied medicine”; Eriogonum heracleoides Nutt.

This name is applied to other gray-colored plants, especially species of
Eriogonum. In most of these the stems, leaves, involucres when present,
and the perianth are densely tomentose or villous, giving them a grayish
color.

papaei.'tx”; “oray leaf”; everlasting; Antennaria sp.

This is an uncommon name used by the Uta’mkt for everlastings. The

Upper Thompson Indians sometimes apply the name to Phacelia leucophylla.
papaer’ txe“s a catimer; “gray leaf of the hills’’; everlasting; Anten-
nari sp.

This name is applied to the everlastings which grow on the mountains.

papaer’.tx“s a zata’n; ‘“eray leaf of the shores or valleys’’; everlasting;
Antennaria sp.

This name is applied to the varieties of Antennaria which grow in the low

valleys.
papaer’ .tr“ta stcekqar.’n; “gray leaf the red headed or red flowered’’;
rose everlasting; Antennaria rosea Greene.

EIT) PLANTS USED AS MEDICINES 465

papaer’ tx” ta hixhi.’x; “the smelling gray leaf’’; pearl everlasting;
Anaphalis margaritacea (L.) A. Gray.

The uses of the Antennarias as medicines are given under zlie’litté’n El and

sisitu’ nel.
papaw’ pa; * “gray stalk’’; silky phacelia; Phacelia leucophylla Torr.
pata’nel; * “gray plant’; Eriogonum sp.
pelpeler.’te"; “thick leaf”; Leptarrhenia amplexifolia Ser.

So named because the leaves are coriaceous. The fresh leaves are chewed
and then put on wounds and sores for healing purposes.

petcpetci'k.ls a kokow'imexr; “leaves of watery or wet ground”’; bog
kalmia; Kalmia polifolia Wang.

A decoction of the leaves is used as a medicine but in what particular way
was not learned. The white man uses a preparation from the leaves. It is
astringent, and in large doses poisonous.

peEtspu’tsken; “shaggy head?”’; Geum triflorum Pursh.

This name may have been given to the plant because of the plumose
style. This name is used chiefly by the Nicola division of the tribe. For
uses see under skapkenke’ken and .sopopke’ken.

poponé’tp; wormwood; Artemisia frigida Willd.
It is used as a medicine, but the specific use was not learned.
poskaé'tps a cai’imex; “humming-bird plant of the hills”; Pentstemon
douglasvi Hook.

A decoction of the fresh plant is used as a wash for sore eyes the same as

Pentstemon scoulert.
poskaé’tp; “humming-bird plant’’; pentstemon; Pentstemon scouleri
Dougl.

It is so named because the humming bird is fond of the plant. The stems,
flowers, and leaves are boiled and the decoction is drunk as a remedy for
kidney trouble and sore back. The fresh plant is soaked in cold or warm
water and used as a wash for sore eyes.

poxamin, poxamine’tp; fleabanes; Erigeron compositus Pursh, Erige-
ron filifolius Nutt., and Erigeron sp.

This name may be applied to other plants used as powders for sores.
The plant is chewed and spit on the sores. It is said to be used also as an
internal medicine, but nothing specific was learned. Several species of
Erigeron are used by the white man but none of the above.

po’xporrtp; longleaf willow; Salix interior Rowlee.

The roots are used medicinally, but it has not been learned for what

particular ailment.
pi’netp; Colorado juniper; Juniperus scopulorum Sargent.
The berries are sometimes eaten fresh in small quantities as a diuretic or

as a medicine for the bladder. The berries of other species are used in like
manner by the white man.

13 See .spapa’ or spapaii'pa, p. 470.
14 See .spati’nel, p. 470.
18 Another Indian name for this Pentstemon is co’oEpa, p. 457.

466 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [erH. ANN. 45

sd’ Etské’tp, .sev.'tské’tp; raspberry; common red raspberry; Rubus
pubescens Raf. and Rubus strigosus Michx.

The leaves are boiled and the decoction is drunk as a remedy for blood
spitting and for the vomiting of blood. A decoction of the root is drunk
as a tonic for the stomach. The white man employs a preparation from the
light red berry which acts as a mild laxative.

.sa’'tketp; western yellow pine; Pinus ponderosa Dougl.
The gum which is exuded along the stem is boiled and mixed with melted
bear’s fat, and the ointment thus made is used for sores and for inflamed
eyes.

.shwo'opa; “bushy stem’’; unidentified.
Little was learned concerning this plant. It was referred to as the “stone
seed plant”? by a few Indians. It was used for itching piles, but no infor-
mation was obtained concerning parts used or application.

sisiepdu’s,'® sisirep du’s, sisiep aus; “sticking up (or erect) around’’;
Eriogonum sp.
These are names of three species of Hriogonum which have whorled leaves.
sisiepé’ paus, siepa’us ts axat’imerx”; ‘standing up around the hills”’;
Anemone occidentalis S. Wats.

It is used as a medicine, but no special purpose was learned. These names
are also used for various species of Hriogonum.

sisita’nat; " “woven”; everlasting; Antennaria microphylla Rydb.
This name is sometimes applied to the Antennarias in general by many
of the Spences Bridge and Nicola Indians.

sitskoné’tp; smooth sumac; Rhus glabra occidentalis Torr.

A decoction of the stems (and roots, according to some people) is drunk
as a remedy for syphilis. It is said to be a powerful medicine and dangerous
if made too strong. The fresh root is chewed in small portions for a sore
mouth or a sore tongue. It is interesting to note that the white man uses
a preparation from the dried fruits for throat troubles and spongy gums.

sgapié’tp; bald-hip rose; Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt.
The stems are boiled and a decoction is drunk for general indisposition
and as a tonic. The bark is sometimes boiled and a decoction used as a
wash for sore eyes.

skapkenke’ken; '® “hair (of head) flower”; Geum triflorum Pursh.

Probably so named because of the plumose style. Some of the Indians
apply this term to Thalictrum occidentale, and it is not clear whether the
uses given for the plant refer to one or the other.

The roots are slightiy boiled and the decoction is drunk as a tonic.

A stronger decoction is used as a wash and as a bath for removing stiffness
and pains in different parts of the body. ° Gewm triflorum is used as a plant
for steaming in the same way as Artemisia dracunculoides.

ski'kens a mokasd’ rétp; “companion of Artemisia dracunculoides.”’

The stems and leaves are used as a medicine, but for what purpose has
not been ascertained.

16 See under .spatu’nzl, p. 470.
17 See under ilieliti’nel, p. 458, and papaei’.tr, p. 464.
18 See under petspu’'tsken, p. 465, and sopopke’kEn, p. 469.

ret] PLANTS USED AS MEDICINES 467

ski’/kens a .sha’ket; “companion of Epilobium”’; woodbetony; Pedicu-
laris bracteosa Benth.
Some people seem to apply this term to all the species of wood betony and
differentiate them by descriptive terms, such as ‘‘large’’ and ‘‘small,”’ etc.
The plant is used medicinally, but preparation and use in particular are
not known.

ski/kens a .shaket tek tea mé’mat; ‘small companion of Epilobium”’;

wood betony; Pedicularis racemosa Dougl.
Nothing was learned of this plant save that it had a medicinal use.
ski'kens a ka’luat; ‘companion of Vagnera racemosa”’; twisted stalk;
Streptopus roseus Michx.
A decoction of the root is used as a medicine, but no more definite infor-
mation was obtained. The white man uses dried rhizome as a uterine stimu-
lant.

ski/kens lki’ko; ‘companion of ?’’?; marsh marigold; Caltha rotundi-

folia Greene.
The fresh plant was chewed and spit directly on wounds. Sometimes it
was crushed and placed on the wound as a poultice. It is said to have a
cooling effect and to reduce inflammation.

skomkemorke’ken; “little rounded lumps or clusters flower’’; pentste-

mon; Pentstemon confertus coeruleo-purpureus A. Gray.

It is so named because the inflorescence is an interrupted spike. This
term is also applied to a smaller plant, probably Pentstemon procerus. The
roots are boiled and the decoction is drunk as a purgative. <A decoction of
the outer bark is said to be a remedy for stomach troubles.

skumetsa’ pa; “Erythronium stalk’’; Habenaria leucostachys Wats.
Probably so named because of a resemblance to Erythronium grandiflorum.
The term is also applied by some to the Cypripediums. A decoction is
used as a body wash. When heated it is used as a bath for rheumatism.
It is also used for steaming out the disease in the same way as Artemisia
dracunculoides.

skwe'i.t tek mala’m en; ® “fruit medicine’; Actaea arguta Nutt.
skwelka’inten; “thing for pouring on the head”’; polemonium; Pole-
monium humile R. & S. and Polemonium elegans Greene.
This name is used for any hair or head wash. The plant is so called
chiefly by the Nicola division of the tribe.
A decoction of these plants is used as a wash for the head and hair.

skwelka’i.ns a .tle“o'’mex; “head or hair wash of pubescents’’; prairie
flax; Linum lewisii Pursh.
The flowers, leaves, and stems are soaked in warm water and used as a

wash for the head by pubescents, especially female. It is believed to be
good for the hair and when used on the skin it increases its beauty.

skwoié’lux", skwoie’lux; tobacco; Nicotiana attenuata Torr.
A decoction of the plant is used as a wash for the head to remove dandruff
and prevent the falling out of the hair. Some Indians think its use will
keep the hair from turning gray until very late in life. They say they think

19 See mala’meEnseEs’ otz’atza, p. 463.

468 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [erH. ANN. 45

the use of soaps procured from the whites for washing the head and hair
causes the latter to become dry, scanty, and prematurely gray. When the
Indians used only their own head washes and oils and method of treatment
for the hair people had very fine hair and it did not turn gray until they
were very old.

smeé’.kel, .smé’keil, .smékel, smékel kwomé’ma .shixhi'xs, smékel
zozbrtshixhi'xs, smékelé’6e; Ptiloria tenuifolia (Torr.) Raf.
This is used as a medicine but it was not ascertained in what way.
snukao’és a poskaétp; “Real friend of Pentstemon scouleri”’; pentste-
mon; Pentstemon douglasvi. Hook.
It is occasionally used as a medicine in the same way as Pentstemon
scoulert.
snukaé'és .sha’ket; “real friend of Epilobium’’; willow-weed; Epilo-
bium sp.
This is a small variety of Hpilobium but it has not been identified. It is
used medicinally by some but for what special purpose was not learned.
It is not very extensively used by any of the groups.

sni/kas a hwesa’nek; “friend of ?”’; loco weed; Oxytropis sp.
These plants are used for steaming the body in the same way as Artemisia
dracunculoides. ‘They reduce swellings and relieve rheumatic conditions.

sni/kas a ikvetp; “friend of the Arctostapylos wva-ursi’’; myrtle
pachistima; Pachistima myrsinites (Pursh) Raf.
The leaves are slightly boiled and used as a poultice on swellings. A

poultice of these leaves is also occasionally used to allay pains in any part
of the body.
snikas a ké’nel tek temmake’ken; “friend of small flowered?”’;
unidentified.

This unidentified plant has small white flowers resembling those of a
water lily, and the plant grows in the water or in very wet places. That it
is used medicinally is all that is known.

sni’kas a mogasé’tp; “friend of Artemisia dracunculoides”’; Artemisia

sp.
An unidentified species. Used medicinally.
snt'kas a pesamé’n; “friend of ?”’; Erigeron sp.

The plant is toasted before the fire until it is dry and brittle. It is then
crushed and mixed with grease to form a salve which is rubbed on parts of
the body affected with pains or swellings, especially swollen glands and sore
throat. The fresh plant is mashed up into a pulp and used as a poultice
for the same purposes as above. The raw plant is sometimes chewed for a
sore throat.

snikas a poskaé’'tp; “friend of Pentstemon scouleri”’; Phacelia men-
ziesii Torr.

A decoction is used by some people as a medicine but for what special
purpose was not ascertained.

sni’kas a .sha’ket; “friend of _Epilobium’’; goldenrod; Solidago
decumbens Greene.

This term is also applied by some people of the Lytton band to Pedicularis
bracteosa. A decoction is drunk as a tonic in cases of loss of appetite.

TEIT] PLANTS USED AS MEDICINES 469

’

sni’kas smé’ket; “friend of Ptiloria’’; unidentified.
This is used as a medicine in the same way as Ptiloria tenuifolia.
sni’kas a sorté’tp; “friend of Artemisia canadensis”; Artemisia sp.
This name is applied to a small species of Artemisia. A decoction of the
root, and sometimes the whole plant, is used as a medicine.
snikas a sd’xom; ‘friend of Balsamorhiza’’; Helianthus sp.

sni’kas a soxcomké’ken;*® “friend of Gaillardia aristata.”’
sna’kas a soremke’ken tek ara zumké’ken;” ‘large flowered friend
of Gaillardia aristata.”’

sni’kas a teiwaksi’netp; “friend of Anemone multifida”’; Anemone
sp.
Its specific uses as a medicine were not learned.
sni’kas a xi’lavil; “friend of Potentilla anserina”’; cinquefoil; Poten-
tilla glandulosa Lindl.
A decoction of the whole plant (some say excepting the roots) is-drunk
as a tonic for general out-of-sorts feeling. The leaves are slightly. boiled
and the decoction is drunk as a stimulant.

sopopapetx”; “little hair leaf or foliage”; Gewm triflorum Pursh or
an unidentified plant.
There is a difference of opinion as to this name. Some say it is Geum

triflorum while others say it is a name for a different plant which is uniden-
tified.

sopopke’ken; * “little hairy or bushy flower”; avens; Geum triflorum
Pursh.

This is so named because of the plumose stigma.

sopusé’tp; “hairy face or surface plant”; prickly currant; Ribes
lacustre Poir.

Probably so named because of dense bristles on the stem and berries and
the whole plant is more or less pubescent.

A decoction of the roots and scraped stems is drunk for general indispo-
sition. A decoction of the wood cut in small pieces is drunk as a tonic for
the stomach. The cambium layer is soaked in water and used as a wash
for sore eyes.

-soxomgé’ken; “little Balsamorhiza flower’’; common perennial
gaillardia; Gaillardia aristata Pursh.

This is so called because of a resemblance of the flower to that of Balsam-
orhiza.

The plant is boiled and the decoction is drunk for headache and general
indisposition.

soxomga’i.n; * “Balsamorhiza head or flower”; sunflower; Helian-
thus petiolaris Nutt. or Helianthus lenticularis Dougl.

It is said to be so called because it resembles Balsamorhiza sagittata and

Gaillardia aristata. The leaves are made into a powder or into an ointment
and used on sores and swellings.

20 Helianthus sp.; for uses see under sozomqai.n, p. 469.

21 Helianthus sp.; for uses see under soromquai.n, p. 469.

22 See also snii’kas a s0’rom and snii’kas a soromkéken, p. 469.
23 Not always distinguished from snikas a s0’zom.

470 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN, 45

séxs0'scem; “little Balsamorhiza’”’; Helianthella douglasii T. & G.
No specific use or preparation was learned for this plant.
sdéxsd’stEms a 2atct’n;* ‘Helianthella of the low valleys”; Helian-
thella sp. or Helianthus sp.
soula’lp, siizlé’tp; Artemisia canadensis Michx.
The whole plant is boiled and a decoction is drunk as a remedy for diarrhea.
A decoction of the root is used as a medicine but for what special purpose
was not learned. The fresh or the dried leaves are boiled and the decoction
is drunk by women after childbirth to hasten their recovery. The dried
leaves are kept carefully wrapped up or are put in a sack during the winter.

spapa’, spapau' pa, .spapaer’.te”; “gray or burnt gray color,” ‘gray
tail or stalk,” “gray leaf”; phacelia; Phacelia leucophylla Torr.

Women drink a decoction of this plant as a remedy for difficult menstrua-
tion.

spapit; * “low spread out’; spurge; Euphorbia glyptosperma Engelm.

This name is suggested by the low spreading or prostrate habit of the

branches of Euphorbia glyptosperma.
spatsen; “hemp, thread, or rope”’; hemp dogbane; Apocynum canna-
binum L.

So named because of the use made of the bark. A decoction of the root
is used as a medicine but for what purpose was not learned. Its uses other
than medicinal are many. The dried rhizome is used in many ways by the
whites. Some of its uses are as a diuretic, emetic, expectorant, and as a
heart stimulant.

spati’ net,” spata'netp; “gray plant”’; Eriogonum androsaceum Benth.,
Eriogonum heracleoides Nutt., or Eriogonum sp.

The stalks and leaves of all three Eriogonums are toasted until brittle.
They are then crushed to a fine powder, mixed with grease, and rubbed on
swellings. Sometimes the plant is burned and the ashes mixed with grease
and used in the same way. A mild or medium strong decoction of the whole
plant, including the roots of Eriogonum heracleoides, is drunk for general
indisposition. A stronger decoction is used as a cure for syphilis. Some
people also drink a decoction for internal pains of any kind, especially those
of the stomach. The entire plants are also used for steaming the body in
the same way as Artemisia dracunculoides.

sprara’tp, sp.axétp; *” snowberry; Symphoricarpos racemosus Michx.

BLOG

spetsené'lp, spetseni’tp; “hemp or thread plant’’; milkweed; Ascle-
pias speciosa Torr.
So named because sometimes a fiber was obtained from it. The Uta’mkt
call Apocynum androsaemifolium by this name. The root is boiled for a
short time and the decoction is drunk for general out-of-sorts feeling and
emaciation. It is said to be very dangerous if made too strong. The
milky juice which is characteristic of this family is removed from the stem
and rubbed on the face as a cream to make the skin clear and light. Asclepias
tuberosa is used by the whites for pleurisy, pneumonia, and consumption.
Its use is similar to the Indian use of A. speciosa. In both casés the root is
the part used.

24 See soromqai.n, p. 469. 26 See sisiepa’us, p. 466, and papad’ErkeEn, p. 464.
2 See under malamene’natsati’n, p. 462. 277 See under iaz “é’z.lp, p. 458, and kawa’welp, p. 459.

TEIT} PLANTS USED AS MEDICINES 471

sta’x; “bitter”; willow; Salix sp.
This is a dwarf willow with yellow catkins. It has not been identified as
to species.
A decoction is used hot as a wash for the body or the person may sit in a
bath of it. It subdues pain and reduces swellings. It is much used by the
Uta’mkt as a hot bath for sore or swollen feet.

.stceko’qsa;*8 “little red or reddish rounded”’; Spiraea pyramidata

Greene.
It is said to be so named because the plant turns red in the fall. A de-
coction of the stems, leaves, and flowers is drunk as a tonic.
.stco.gemetp; “berry plant”; northwestern serviceberry. Amelanchier
alnifolia Nutt.
A warm decoction of the stems and twigs was drunk by the women after
childbirth. It was also used as a bath for the women to sit in.
The fresh bark was washed, boiled, and the decoction drunk as a tonic.
A very strong decoction of the bark is drunk warm by the women imme-
diately after childbirth to hasten the dropping of the afterbirth.

.stekor’lkorlt tek spa’kem; “blue flower’’; selfheal; Prunella vulgaris L.

This term is used by the Uta’mkt and may be applied to any blue flower.

The plants, bruised or unbruised, are soaked in cold water and after some
hours the water is drunk as a tonic for general indisposition. It is said
some people drink the decoction hot. This plant is used by the white man
to-day for its tonic properties.

.stelta’laux; * “trailing”; wild sarsaparilla; Aralia nudicaulis L.

This is so named because the plant trails along the ground, sending up
only 30 em. or so of stem proper. The rootis about 30 cm.long. It has an
aromatic odor and taste.

A decoction is drunk as a tonic and for the blood and pimples. It is also
used in cases of lassitude and general debility. A medicine is prepared from
the root and used as a stimulant and alterative by the white man.

steptepw’ za, steptepuzaa’lp; “blackberry,” ‘‘ blackberry plant” ; north-
ern black currant; Ribes hudsonianum Richards.

The stems and leaves are boiled and the decoction is drunk for stomach
troubles. It is also used for colds and sore throats.

.stexa’tp; heartleaf-willow; Salix cordata Muhl.

The fresh bark is used for bruises and for eruptions of the skin. The
manner of preparation was not ascertained.

.stlopei’Ek, stlupéi’uk; “twisted or twisting wood”; honeysuckle;
Lonicera ciliosa (Pursh) Poir.

This is well named because of the twisting and entwining nature of the
plant. The thicker stems are peeled and boiled and the decoction is drunk
as a tonic.

sululé’k”.t, .sululé’k.t, .sululé’k.t, or .sululé’k.ts avat’imer; “nettle or
stinging plants of the hills”’; nettle; Urtica lyallii S. Wats.

The first two terms are applied to nettles and many plants which sting
or poison by touch. It is used to relieve stiffness and soreness of the joints
and muscles. The plant is teased up, then dipped in water, and rubbed on
the affected parts.

28 See under tcektcako’ksa, p. 475. 2° See teltal6z, p. 473.

472 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

sululé’k.t, .sululé’k.ts a zatci’n; “nettle of the low valleys”; poison
ivy; Rhus rydbergu Greene.
No specific medicinal use was learned. The name is probably due to the
effect of the plant upon the skin, as it is not a nettle nor does it resemble the
nettle plants.

sululé’k.ts a skurkwiet; ‘nettle of the high mountains’; nettle;
Urtica sp.
This is a small kind of nettle growing on the high mountains. It is prob-
ably a stunted form of Urtica lyallii and is used in the same way.

swupqai.n; “bushy head’; Solidago decumbens Greene.

It.is said to be so named because of its thick or bushy inflorescence.

The whole plant, including the roots, is boiled and the decoction is drunk
as a remedy for syphilis by both the Upper and Lower Thompson Indians.

sxetsiné' tp, .sx“etsiné’lp; Grossularia irrigua (Dougl.) Cov. & Britt.

The roots are boiled and the decoction is drunk as.a tonic for the stomach.

sxozrozd etx“; °° “sharp leaf’; spiraea; Liietkea pectinata (Pursh)
Kuntze. ie

The Uta’mkt give this name to Lietkea pectinata and say they do not
use the plant for any purpose. The Upper Thompson Indians give the
name either to this plant or to Hydrophyllum sp.

The fresh plant is crushed and used as a poultice on sores. A decoction
is drunk for pains in the belly or abdomen. Women are said to use it as a
remedy for profuse or prolonged menstruation.

.sx0’zem, .sxdzEmé’tp; “lather or froth plant’’; russet buffalo berry;
Lepargyrea canadensis (L.) Greene.

So named because the Indians make a froth from the berries. A small
percentage of saponin is present in the whole plant and a foam can be made
by crushing and mixing with water.

The root is boiled and the decoction is drunk as a physic or purgative.
A strong decoction of the dried stems and leaves is used as a physic. A
decoction of the bark is used as a tonic for the stomach.

sxu’lta malamia’sten; ‘scraped or milled eye medicine’; Pacific
trilium; Trillium ovatum Pursh.

The root is dug up in the fall, cleaned, and dried. It is used for sore
eyes. The dry root is scraped and the fine powder dropped into the eyes
or blown off a piece of bark or the finger or palm of the hand into the eyes.

taxqai’.n; “bitter head” root or flower; Leptotaenia dissecta Nutt.

It is said to be so named because the root is bitter. The fleshy part of the
dried root is crushed into a fine powder and sprinkled on wounds and fresh
sores to heal and dry them up. The fresh root is roasted or baked until
dry or brittle and then crushed into a fine powder and sprinkled on sores,
boils, and any eruptions of the skin.

The powder of the fresh or the dried root is mixed with melted skunk’s
fat and smeared on burns. It is said to be very healing.

tarpaé'tp;* “bitter gray plant’’; red-osier dogwood; Cornus pubes-

cens Nutt. or Cornus stolonifera Michx.
This is merely another name for these two plants.

30 See also stceko’qsc, p. 471, with which it is sometimes confused. 31 See tcrktcekokiauk, p. 475.

TEIT] PLANTS USED AS MEDICINES 473

taxtaxei’uk; “bitter wood”; cascara buckthorn; Rhamnus purshiana
DC.

The bark of this plant is used and the medicinal name is cascara sagrada.
It is the same which is used so much by the white man as a laxative. The
Indian makes a strong decoction of the bark and sometimes the wood. It
is used by them as a physic and a milder decoction is used as a laxative.

telta’lox; * “trailing.”

te’pamen, te’pemen; ‘‘a thing used for sprinkling, powdering, or dark-
ening’’; pentstemon and fleabane; Pentstemon confertus Dougl.,
Erigeron filifolius (Hook.) Nutt., and Erigeron sp.

This term is given to powders sprinkled on wounds and sores and to
plants used for making these powders. With some people the plants named
are specially known as “‘te’pemens”’ and are called by this term to the
exclusion of other names. The stems and leaves are toasted until brittle,
then they are powdered and sprinkled on sores, ulcers, cuts, and wounds.

tla’ko, la’qo; ‘‘wild celery”; Peucedanum nudicaulis (Pursh) Jones.
A strong decoction of the whole plant or the stems and leaves is drunk
as a remedy for colds and fevers.

tokaletqai’.n; ‘yellow head or flower’’; arnica; Arnica latifolia Bong.

So named because of the yellow ray flowers. This name was sometimes

given to some other kinds of Arnica. It was used as a medicine, but the
special use was not ascertained.

toktokerletke’ken; ‘little yellow head or flower”’; buttercup; Ranuncu-

lus douglasii Howell.

This was so named because of the yellow petals and much smaller flower
than the head of the Arnica.

A decoction was used, warm or cold, as a body wash to remove stiffness
and soreness of the muscles and bones. It was also used for steaming the
body in the same way as Artemisia dracunculoides for rheumatism and
body pains. It was frequently used as a sweat bath wash.

isatend’ pas axdi’imex; ‘rattlesnake tail of the hills”; Gewm triflorum
Pursh.
This is another name for Geum triflorum.® It is called rattlesnake tail
because its leaf somewhat resembles that of Chaenactis douglasit.

tsdtena’ pa; ‘‘rattlesnake tail’; Chaenactis douglasii (Hook.) H. & A.
It is so named because of the form of the leaf which is thought to resemble
a rattlesnake’s tail with the rattles.
A decoction of the entire plant is drunk as a remedy for any kind of
swellings. Some say it should not be applied to external boils or tumors.
A milder decoction is drunk asa tonic for the stomach and lassitude. A
stronger decoction is used as a wash for chapped or cracked hands, pimples,
or any skin eruptions. It is sometimes applied to insect and snake bites.

tsa’uzaten, tsa’usaen; ‘‘a thing for washing with’’; loco weed; Astraga-
lus purshii Dougl.; Astragalus sp.; Oxytropis monticola A. Gray;
Oxytropis sp.
32 See under stel ta’lauz, p. 471. 33 See .sopopke’ken, p. 469.

41383°—30——_31

474. ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [eTH. ANN. 45

This term is applied to all of the above plants. The different plants are
distinguished by descriptive names, such as axaumit’ pa ta ts@uzatEn, meaning
“Jarge-stemmed tsauzaten” and na’xom tek tsd’uzaten, meaning ‘true
tsa’uzaten.’’ A decoction of the whole plant is used as a wash for the head
and hair. It is also used to bathe the body and to improve the skin and
stimulate the circulation. The white man uses a juice which exudes from
the stem of one or two species of Astragalus as an emmollient and as a pro-
tection to excoriated surfaces.

tsek.penwa'ten, tsqgepenwe'len, tsqepenwa'welen, tskeke’prenwe'len;
“able to stick,” “able a little to stick,” ‘“‘little stick plant’’;
stick-seed, smooth-stemmed Mentzelia, Mentzelia laevicaulis T. &
G.; Lappula hispida Greene.

The latter plant is so named from the fruits which are armed with stout
barbed prickles. Some species of Mentzelia have stems armed with hooked
stinging hairs, but the species laevicaulis is smooth stemmed, being merely
minutely pubescent.

These plants have medicinal uses, but no special information was obtained.

tsemtsé’ Elp; Sericotheca sp.
This is probably another name for Sericotheca discolor.

tsiquké’tp; American elder; Sambucus canadensis L., Sambucus caerulea
Raf.

The fresh bark is teased out and a wad of it is put in the hollow of a
tooth to stop it from aching. It is used by the white man as a stimulant,
a carminative, and an alterative. It is sometimes used for rheumatism and
erysipelas.

tsitsertsaxt; common juniper; Juniperus communis L.

An infusion of the twigs is used for washing sore eyes. The small branches
are boiled and the decoction is drunk as a tonic for the stomach and also as
a wash for sore eyes. The berrylike fruits are also of value in that they
contain water, albuminoids, and carbohydrates.

tsiwaksa'netp, teiwaksé’netp, teiawaksu’net; “bleeding nose plant”’;
anemone; Anemone multifida Poir.

The leaves are used for plugging the nose to stop bleeding. A bunch of
the fresh plant in flower is placed across the nostrils or held to the nose to
stop bleeding. If the bleeding is slight or intermittent a plant is plucked
and held to the nose like smelling salts from time to time. In Europe the
plant is used in a similar way.

ska’ tp, .tsqé’lp; Douglas fir; Pseudotsuga mucronata (Raf.) Stidw.

The twigs, or preferably the young shoots, are boiled and the decoction
is drunk as a diuretic. The young shoots are reduced to ashes and mixed
with a good quality of melted deer’s or other animal’s fat and used as a
general ointment or salve. The tips of the boughs with the needles are
burned to ashes and the latter are used as a remedy for rheumatism or
“moving pains in the bones.’”’ The burned or half-burned ashes or coals
are placed on the affected part, lighted, and allowed to burn slowly into
the flesh. Those who lack the nerve to use this heroic treatment themselves
are held by their friends during the process. All parts of the body subject
to the pains are treated similarly in turn.

TEIT] PLANTS USED AS MEDICINES 475

Ordinary charcoal from any part of the tree is sometimes used in the
same way, small portions of the hot coals being placed on the affected parts.
The branches of the young trees or the small branches, preferably the tips
of the older trees, are heated over the fire and laid on any part of the body
for rheumatic pains, cramps of the muscles, or any other such ailments.
The heat is kept up by renewing repeatedly several branches which are
being constantly prepared for the purpose. This remedy is much in vogue
for the treatmerit of colic or cramps in the bowels or in the stomach. If
the branches are very hot they are wrapped in something before laying on
the body. Sometimes a thick pad of them is put in a thin sack and then
laid on the body.

tsdtené’tp; Rocky Mountain maple; Acer glabrum Torr.
The wood and bark are boiled and the decoction is drunk for nausea or
sickness which has been caused by smelling a corpse.
tsxaza’tp; spruce; Picea engelmanni (Parry) Engelm.
The young shoots are burned and the ashes are mixed with melted deer’s
fat and used as a general salve or ointment.

teaa’la, tse’.ta; American wild mint; Mentha canadensis L.

A decoction of the leaves and tops is drunk as a remedy for colds, pains,
and swellings. It is also used for steaming the body for rheumatism and
severe colds. The method of treatment is the same as that described under
Artemisia dracunculoides.*4 The oil that is obtained from the leaves and
tops is used by the white man as a carminative, stimulant, and antispasmodic.

tcaweku’pa; “Lilium columbianum tail or stalk”’; columbine;
Aquilegia formosa Fisch.
A warm or cold decoction of the whole plant is used as a wash for the hair
and scalp.
tcektceku’ksa, tcektcako’ksa; spiraea; Spiraea pyramidata Greene.
This is another name for Spiraea pyramidata. For its uses see .stcekoqsa.
terktceko’kiduk; ‘little redwood”; red-osier dogwood and dogwood;
Cornus stolonifera Michx. and Cornus pubescens Nutt.

The names seem to be applied to both the species of Cornus. The wood,
bark, or leaves, or all of them are boiled and the decoction is drunk by the
women after childbirth. A decoction of the sapwood or of the twigs is
boiled in conjunction with the twigs of Thuja gigantea and is drunk by the
women of the Uta’mkt after childbirth.

tee’kwelex; ‘reddish’; larch; Larix occidentalis Nutt.

The name is not clear. The only reddish part of the larch is its young
staminate inflorescence. The decoction is used as a wash or bath for babies.
It is believed to make them strong and healthy.

tewelsta’m; *° Ceanothus velutinus Doug}.
This is another name for Ceanothus velutinus and is used only by the
Spences Bridge division and is said to be really a Shuswap name.
upali'letza; ‘bushy skin or covering”’; unidentified.
It is used as a medicine, but no particulars were learned as to its use or
preparation.

34 See moka sa’ Elp, p. 475. 35 See under huz» za’zp, p. 457.

476 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [eTH, ANN. 45

aup’a' pt; *© “thick or bushy”; unidentified.

The stems and leaves of the plant are toasted until brittle, then crushed
very fine. The powder is mixed with grease or with tree gum. It is used
as an ointment for pains in the legs and for rheumatism. Sometimes the
fresh plant is crushed and applied as a poultice for rheumatic swellings.

wawagar’.n; pipsissewa; Chimaphila umbellata occidentalis (Rydb.)
Blake.

A decoction of the leaves is drunk as a tonic for general indisposition.
It is considered by the white man to have tonic properties.

wupuper’ te”; “bushy leaves”; avens; Geum sp.
The roots are used as a medicine, but no particular use was learned.

wup”’upke’qen; ‘“‘bushy or clustered head” or flower; pentstemon;

Pentstemon confertus coeruleo-purpureus A. Gray.

This name is also given to another plant with a large bushy head which
is unidentified. It is said to be used as a medicine, but no particulars con-
cerning its use were learned. Pentstemon confertus is more commonly known
by the name .skomkemoze’ken. Its particular uses are given under this
name.

xa’ srast, xas.é’etsa; ‘‘scent’’ or “body scent”; Hierochlog odorata (L.)

Wahlenb.

An infusion and also a decoction are used as washes for the hair and body.

cilaxila’ pa; ‘ Potentilla anserina stalk’’; avens; Geum sp.

It is said to be so named because it closely resembles Potentilla anserina.
Both have yellow flowers.

A strong decoction of the root is drunk for the measles, smallpox, chicken
pox, and any disease which develops a rash. If the decoction becomes dark
colored it will drive the sickness out as a rash or pox. If after long boiling
the decoction does not become dark it will not be effective. The Indians
say that during the last smallpox epidemic no one died who used it.

xozvozer’ tr”; *" “sharp leaf”; Luetkea pectinata (Pursh) Kuntze.
zene’ x", zen’ .«“; water hemlock; Cicuta vagans Greene.

Men, both the sound and the sick, sometimes eat very small portions of
the fresh or dried root. They first take a drink of prepared salmon oil or
of the oil from the brew in which salmon heads have been boiled. The
effect is at first distressing. The person has more or less severe pains and
vomiting usually follows. The evil effects disappear completely in about
three days or less and are followed by a feeling of exhilaration or of energy
and perfect wellness.

ziziet’us,® zezed’us; “encircled’’; pipsissewa; Chimaphila umbellata
occidentalis (Rydb.) Blake.

It is said to be so named because of the arrangement of the leaves encircling
the base of the stem. The fresh plant is crushed into a pulp and applied
as a poultice to swellings, especially to those of the legs and feet. A warm
decoction of the leaves is drunk profusely by women immediately before and
after childbirth. Its use for this latter purpose is not very general. The
first name is used by Lower Thompson Indians, the second by the Upper
Thompson Indians.

36 See under mElemeEné lp, p. 463. 38 See under mala’meEn En Eskwisit, p. 463.
37 See under szozzrozd’Etr4, p. 472.

reIT] PLANTS USED AS FOOD 477

zél.kié’tp; western chokecherry; Prunus demissa (Nutt.) Walp.

The bark is boiled and the decoction is drunk as a tonic. Women are
said to take it to strengthen them after childbirth.

zou’t; unidentified.

This name is given to two plants, both unidentified. One of these, the
real zow’t, is said not to grow in the Thompson Indian country but in the
Okanagon country within the United States and beyond to the south.

This plant is used as a remedy for colds. A decoction of the stems, fresh
or dried, is drunk. The dried stems are chewed or sniffed like smelling salts.
Some say the fresh stems may be used as well as the dried ones.

PLANTS USED AS FOOD
Roots

Roots and underground stems as well as berries and other fruits
have always been used by the Thompson. In their mythology
they speak of living on game, roots, and berries. Few plants with
edible roots have been overlooked by them. They have been used
as food, for chewing, medicine, dyes, for basket material, and cordage.
The finding, digging, and gathering was woman’s work. The abun-
dance and nutritive value of fleshy roots and underground stems
makes them particularly important as a source of food and many
of them are rich in medicinal properties. Their abundance is
accounted for by the Thompson River tribes as due to a powerful
woman. who lived at Lytton. She was taken away by a great chief,
some say the Sun. She wanted to leave provisions for her people
so she dropped edible roots at Botani, saying that “‘ Roots will grow
in abundance in this place; and all my children shall repair here to
dig them.” ** Although roots are not as perishable as fruits, they
readily decompose if not subjected to treatment after digging, so the
Thompson preserved them along with underground stems for future
use, usually by desiccation. The roots were hung up to dry after
being strung on shredded bark or grass. After proper drying they
were stored in or near their habitations or in caches. The fresh roots
were eaten raw or cooked, but as a rule the roots received at
least a little cooking, as it adds greatly to their taste and digesti-
bility. They were either boiled or more commonly roasted. The
same method of cooking was employed with the fresh as with the
dried roots and usually large quantities were cooked at a time.
Ovens were made in the earth and the roots were baked.® An-
other method of cooking was by boiling in vessels made of cedar
root or birch bark. The water was made to boil in the usual way
by insertion of red-hot stones. They were also steamed by pouring

38 Folktales of Salishan and Sahaptin tribes. Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society, vol. x, 1917,
p. 21.

40 Detailed description of these ovens is given in James Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,
Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 1, 1900, pp. 236, 237.

478 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [eTH. ANN. 45

water over hot stones and having the roots so arranged as to be
surrounded by the steam as it was given off. Usually they were
cooked with meats or sometimes flavored by cooking other plants
with them. For example, some roots were flavored with the flowers
and stems of Fragaria californica. Very often roots were combined
with berries and animal fat, especially deer fat, all being boiled
together. Deer’s blood, a delicacy, was sometimes added to such a
combination. Roots, however, were not as often used with animal
fat as berries. Although the Indians still gather, preserve, and cook
the roots as of old, they do not use them in large quantities but
mainly supplementary to other foods.

The digging stick was the only implement used in digging the roots.
The ground where the roots were dug was considered common prop-
erty. The calendar is based upon moons which shine during seasons
when roots were ready to be dug or berries or other fruits were ready
to be picked. At Spences Bridge the ‘‘seventh moon” was desig-
nated as ‘“‘the people dig roots’? moon.

In listing the plants I have separated the roots and underground
stems botanically; but, so far as their importance, use, and prepara-
tion are concerned, there is no difference between roots and under-
ground stems.

Among plants with edible roots that were used by the Thompson
we may note the most important:

Peucedanum, of which there are over 40 related species; many of
these are found growing along the Pacific coast. A great number of
them have edible fleshy roots, often over an inch in diameter, whitish
flesh, full of starch, some sugar, albuminoids, and mucilage. A faint
celery taste is observable, and although they are usually cooked they
are palatable raw.

Balsamorhiza or balsam-root bears a very solid deep root with a
thick rind. This, as well as Peucedanum, is not only important as
a food but also as a medicine. It is palatable raw or cooked. Even
the young stalks and seeds are sometimes used.

Lewisia rediviva, bitterroot, is another important Thompson Indian
food. Its roots are thin and twisted and the rind is very bitter,
hence the common name “ bitterroot.’”?’ The inner part is white and
farinaceous, lacks sugar, and is palatable only after cooking because
of too much bitterness in the raw state. Other roots used extensively
by the Thompson follow:
hatce’ius, hatce’us, atce’ius; tied or fastened; unidentified.

This plant is so named from the form of the roots which are connected

together one below the other. The roots are cooked before eating.
hweshwesa’nrk, hwesa'nek, x“wisé’nak; “ anointed belly ;” unidentified.
The meaning of this name is not clear. The roots are cooked and eaten.

TEIT] PLANTS USED AS FOOD 479

ka’kema, a’kema; Peucedanum sp.

This plant is probably some species of Peucedanum. It looks very much
like tla’ko but has a much smaller leaf. Some of the Indians said it was a
kind of onion, but more thought it to be a kind of large celery like tla’ ko.

Both the fusiform roots and succulent stems are eaten by the Nicola and
Uta’mkt people.

halztsi’pa; carrots tail; unidentified.

This name was given to the plant recently because it resembles the wild
carrot; but the old people had another name for it. A few were found
growing near the Thompson, a few near Lillooet, and some near Douglas
Lake. The roots are seldom eaten but are used as a charm with deer’s fat
for success in hunting.

ka’lkel, qa,zqe,2, qa.lkil, ska’"ke’; unidentified.

The first name is the most common form. It is also sometimes referred
to by still another name, tsapo'lemka. The plant has a root very much
like that of taxqai’.n, but it differs in being smaller and long and narrow.
It is found below and attached to the roots of some taxqai.n. The root is
sweet and mealy. It is always cooked.

kokwe'la; Peucedanum macrocarpum (Nutt.) Jones.

The thick root is used as a food. It is often combined with the bulb of
Lilium columbianum and salmon roe. All three are boiled together. The
salmon roe had to be buried first.

This plant is mentioned in mythology; the man, 7T’suwntia, being the off-
spring of the connection of this root with a woman. The Lytton traded
this to the Lower Thompson band.

tla'ko, laqgo; Peucedanum leiocarpum Nutt.

Older Indians claim the roots were formerly eaten but do not form an

important part of their diet now.
tlkapend' pa; bitter root; Lewisia pygmaea (A. Gray) Robinson.

The roots are eaten by some. Others say that eating the roots causes

insanity. This is a recent belief, however.
tlkipen, tlkupend’e; bitter root; Lewisia rediviva Pursh.

The thick, fleshy taproot is eaten and is traded by the Lytton band to
the Lower Thompson. The Okanagon traded these roots also to the Lower
Thompson in exchange for dried salmon.

metsai’i, metsa’i, me.sa’7; unidentified.

Nothing other than the name and fact that the root is eaten was learned
concerning this plant.

metso’la; unidentified.

It has a long narrow root which is eaten. Some say that the root and
base of the stem are both eaten.

npo'pokxen; thistle; Cirsium edule Nutt.
The large roots are cooked before eating.
paax“ha'nk, pax“ha’nk; ‘passed belly” or “roundness.”

This name is given to plants of kokwé'la whose roots have become shrunken
and are not as full as the others. The term is sometimes applied to any
plant whose roots are not as full as is expected.

480 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

shui’ pis, sx"wi'pis; thistle; Cirsium hookerianum Nutt.
The deep thick root is cooked before eating.
Sshwi'tok; sweetroot; Osmorhiza nuda Torr.

The thick aromatic roots are eaten. They are known for their delicate
flavor and are especially appetizing because of their aromatic character.

skerke'rz; prickly pear; Opuntia polyacantha Haw.

The roots and little bulbs adhering or growing to them are eaten. They
are best when gathered in the spring. Like sni/tken, they are cooked in an
earthen oven, then they are peeled, and the inside is eaten. The inside of
the stalks or growing parts are also eaten in the same way.

sni’'tken; “root of .tskd’nelp or sd’xom”’; balsam root; Balsamorhiza
sagittata (Pursh) Nutt.

The roots are eaten and sometimes the whole plant. The Indians enjoy
the whole plant when young but will eat it at any age when hungry.

sni’kas a .tlki’pen, thipens a xad'imex; bitterroot; Lewisia columhi-
ana (Howell) Robinson.

The roots, which are very fieshy but branching and rather coarse, are
eaten by the Nicola and Thompson but are not eaten by the Lytton Indians.
This plant bears a large number of small white flowers tinged with pink.
As many as 32 blossoms have been counted on one plant.

so’rom; *' balsam root; Balsamorhiza sagittata (Pursh) Nutt.
stlanga’i.n; waterleaf; Hydrophyllum occidentale A. Gray.

The root is always cooked before eating. Cattle commonly eat this.

scomilera.

This name is given to protuberances on sni/tken roots. They are cut off,
cooked, and eaten.

taxqa’i.n; “bitter root or head”’; Leptotaenia dissecta Nutt.
The root is very large so is usually split, then strung, and dried. It is
then cooked when needed.

tsapo’'lemqa.
This is another name for the large roots of taxqa’t.n.
tse’kelespo’, si’kalzspo; thistle; Cirsium undulatum Nutt.
The roots are cooked before eating.

tcepawé'l, terptcepsawil; “bloody,” ‘“‘long-flowered stone seed”’; grom-
well; Lithospermum angustifolium Michx.
The name means ‘‘bloody.’”’ So named because of the red ends of many
of the roots.
The roots, which are large and deep rooted, are cooked before eating.

xanara'i.n; bugleweed; Lycopus uniflorus Michx.
The roots are eaten but never in the raw state.

xi'laxil; silverweed; Potentilla anserina L.
These roots form a part of the Indian’s diet, raw or more often cooked.

41 See sni’tkEn, p. 480.

TEIT| PLANTS USED AS FOOD 481

UNDERGROUND STEMS

e’te'wa, et.hkwa; camas or quamash; Quamasia quamash (Pursh)
Coville.

This is one of the most valuable native edible bulbs of the Indian of the
Pacific coast. It is sweet and nutritious; very abundant and larger than
many of the other bulbs. It is globose and about 3 cm. thick. It is always
cooked, as it is very insipid when eaten raw. After baking it resembles a
chestnut in appearance and taste. The plant is very attractive, bearing
beautiful light-blue flowers. It is a favorite food of the Indians, being
eaten by those of California, Oregon and the northwestern plateaus. In
some cases it is mixed with Alectoria jubata, a dark thread-like lichen.

gaka’uax, ga’wax, mua’la; fritillary; Fritillaria lanceolata Pursh.

The thick scaly bulbs are cooked before eating.

kala’ua, kela’wa; nodding onion; Allium cernuum Roth.

The thick lance-ovoid bulb, often purplish in color, is eaten after cooking:
The plant is very abundant. The bulbs of all species are eaten. Its
volatile oil gives it a very strong scent.

kalai’pa, kalauau’pa, kakwa’mtca; onion tail or leaf; cluster lily;
Triteleia grandiflora Lindl.

The first name was given by the Nicola people. The last two names are
used by the Lytton Indians. This plant bears many flowers on a stalk.
Twenty-one blue blossoms have been counted on one plant. The globose
bulbs are fibrous-coated and were eaten formerly but are not used as a food
now.

makaé’rza; sagebrush mariposa; Calochortus macrocarpus Dougl.

The coated starchy corms are eaten by both Indians and whites. The

plant is very abundant all along the Pacific coast.
.nke’kaka; prairie wild onion; Allium stellatum Ker.

The Uta’mkt eat the ovoid bulbs which have a very thin coat and are
reddish in color. The other Indians seldom eat them.

shi’celka; bulrush; Scirpus sp.

This plant has a wide distribution along the Pacific coast. The thick,
fleshy rootstocks of one species were baked and eaten. It is called ‘‘tule”’ in
the Pacific States.

st’.tea (Lytton), .nsi.tea (Lytton), .sci.teo (Spences Bridge), .stci’tco
(Uta’mkt); ‘‘very large plants of kakwa’mtca’’; cluster lily; Trite-
leia grandiflora Lindl.

The very large bulbs are eaten by the Lytton, Spences Bridge,and Uta’mkt
Indians.

ska’ mete, .ska’matc; glacier lily; Erythronium grandiflorum Pursh and
Erythronium grandiflorum parviflorum Wats.

The small membranous-coated corms are cooked and eaten. They are
too small to be used by the white man. They are only a little larger than
a peanut.

smel.mé'l, smel.mé’l; fritillary; Fritillaria sp.

The flower of some species of Fritillaria have checkered markings on the

perianth and these markings gave the flower its name from the Latin

fritillus, meaning chessboard. The Thompson Indians, Similkameen, and
Uta’mkt eat the bulbs.

482 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

sraée’Em (best form), .sxai’.im, .sx,aii’am, .sxait’Em, .sx,ai’'em;
cluster lily; Triteleia grandiflora Lindl.

The above names may be given to different varieties of T'riteleia grandi-
flora. The Spences Bridge Indians say that it is related to 7. grandiflora
but differs from it in that it grows low, bears only one blue flower, and grows
in a different habitat, viz, the valley. Other Indians say that the other
names apply to smaller nonflowering or seldom flowering varieties. They
eat the bulbs.

ca/ak; bracken; Pteridium aquilinum (L.) Kuhn.
The rootstock is cooked and eaten.
tata’ En, tatiznipa; spring beauty; Claytonia lanceolata Pursh.

Some Lytton Indians apply the name tattiznipa to Moneses uniflora.
The corm, which is small and oval, is eaten. It is sometimes called Indian
potato.

tea’wek, tea’wak; panther lily; Lilium parviflorum (Hook.) Holz.

The thick scaly bulbs are eaten. The bulbs of Lilium columbianum Han-
son and salmon roe which has previously been buried are boiled with this
and the combination makes a favorite dish.

tsapi’as, tsEpi’as, tsepe’as; onion; Allium acuminatum Hook.
The thick coated spherical bulbs are eaten. They are borne solitary.
tseltselka’ia; ‘root of kou’t’”’; broad-leaved cat-tail; Typha latifolia L.

The farinaceous rootstock forms an important part of the Indian’s diet,

It is seldom eaten by the white man.
tst’kwa, tsu’kwa, tsi’kua; bracken; Pteridiwm aquilinum (L.) Kuhn.

A kind of brake but not the common brake. The rootstock is considered
very nutritious. It is liked by the Indian but not by the white man, who
in cases of necessity sometimes eats it.

wetsama’t; water parsnip; Sium laeve Walt.

This plant often grows in water with the leaves submerged; then they are
twice or thrice pinnatifid. The rootstock or rhizome is the part eaten.
Cattle often eat this.

xc“ald’ureza, c“ala’uxoza; fritillary; Fritillaria pudica (Pursh) Spreng.

This is one of the first plants to be dug in the spring. They bear bulbs

of numerous small rounded scales, which make them a satisfactory food.

Stems ABpove Grounp, Leaves, AND FLowERING Tops

awa; black moss; Alectoria jubata Acharius.
The whole plant, a true lichen, is cooked and eaten.

eli'la; salmonberry; Rubus spectabilis Pursh.

The young shoots are very fleshy and sweet and are eaten whenever they
can be found.

Young shoots of eli’la are called lelax“i’n.

ha’ko, ka’qgo; cow parsnip; Heraclewm lanatum Michx.

The young stalks are pulled, peeled, and eaten raw. They resemble our
rhubarb but are not so succulent and are much more fibrous. It is a com-
mon food of cattle.

ka'kema, a’kema; Peucedanum sp.

This plant was not identified as to species. The Indians call it a kind of
celery. Some, however, claim it to be a kind of onion. Both the roots and
stalks are eaten.

TEIT] PLANTS USED AS FOOD 483

qi’mis, ga’mas, gé’més; variety of mushroom; Agaricus sp.

This mushroom is very large and grows around Lytton and is found west
of Lytton also. The mushrooms are plucked, strung, and hung up to dry.
When wanted, they are cut in pieces, peeled, and eaten raw. Sometimes
they are roasted for a few minutes.

kuslei’a; unidentified.
The leaves of this plant are fern-like in appearance and always green. It
grows on dead trees, rocks, and in moss. The young leafy shoots are eaten.
lelaxi’n; * ‘“‘young shoots of eli’la’
Pursh.
ti’tka; ‘“‘variety of mushroom”’; Agaricus sp.

This, like ki’mis, is plucked, strung, and dried. Before eating it is cut

into pieces, peeled, and eaten raw or slightly roasted.

; salmonberry; Rubus spectabilis

tla’ko; wild celery or Indian consumption plant; Pewcedanum leio-

carpum Nutt.
The stalks are peeled and eaten as celery. The plant is thought to have
medicinal properties, which have been discussed under medicinal] plants.

makad’rza; sagebrush mariposa; Calochortus macrocarpus Dougl.
The flower buds are eaten and are very sweet, due to nectar glands.
Often the unopened flowers are picked and eaten raw.

metlka’i; ‘“‘variety of mushroom”’; Agaricus sp.
Nothing was learned concerning this plant other than that the mushroom
was eaten. It was probably treated in the same way as ki’ mis.

mitcakxi’n; white-bark raspberry; Rubus leucodermis Dougl.
The young shoots were eaten especially by the Uta’mkt.
nti’; lodgepole black pine and shore pine; Pinus murrayana Balf.
and Pinus contorta Land.

The name .ntud’uk was often used, meaning “‘cambium layer.” This
cambium layer and the sap of the black pine are eaten especially in the
spring when they are most abundant. The Indians frequently used the
term .ntutié’nem when referring to this plant. It means “‘to gather and
eat .nti’.”

In the spring the cambium layer was removed from other trees, as the
western yellow pine, Pinus ponderosa Dougl.; the spruce, Picea sp.; the
great silver fir, Abies grandis Lindl.; and the Douglas fir, Pseudotsuga mucro-
nata (Raf.) Sudw.

These are all Gymnosperms. Of the Angiosperms only the quaking
aspen, Populus tremuloides Michx., and sometimes the alder, Alnus rubra
Bong., were used as a source of cambium. To obtain it the bark was sepa-
rated from the tree by a piece of horn or wood and the cambium was then
scraped off with a sharp bone or horn implement. Now it is scraped off
with a steel knife.

sha’ket, .shaketé’lp; “leaf,” ‘‘stalk’’; blooming sally; Epilobiwm

angustifolium L.
The young shoots are eaten raw, chiefly by the Uta’mkt.

42 See eli’la, p. 482,

484 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

shi’xelka; bulrush; Scirpus sp.
The pollen and flowering spikes of a species (not learned) of Scirpus were
occasionally eaten. Children in the country delight in eating this when
they find it.

skaama’l.k; “tree milk’’; fir; Abies sp.

The fir trees have great quantities of resin which is exuded from the
needles, branches, and cones. It congeals and these masses of gum, very
sweet and pleasing to the taste, are collected and chewed. After chewing a
while it is swallowed. This gum is enjoyed by the white man.

.sneleko’s; vegetable oyster; Tragopogon porrifolius L.

This name is particularly used by the Nicola and Spences Bridge Indians.
Some plants yield a latex which when exposed to the air coagulates, and the
Indians chew this mass. Tragopogon yields such a latex, and the Indians
break the plant at the base of the stem: The sweet, milky juice exudes
and dries in a lump. It is chewed and later swallowed. Two or three
other plants are used in the same way, but the names of these were not
learned. This is a species of the white man’s common vegetable salsify.

sni’kas a tla’ko; ‘friend of tla’ko”’; Peucedanum leiocarpum (Nutt.)
Jones.
This seems to be the same plant as tla’ko. It may be a different variety.
It smells like tla’ko and the flowers and plant in general seem to be the
same. The stalks are eaten like those of tla’ko.

sd’xom, sd’xEm;* balsam root; Balsamorhiza sagittata (Pursh) Nutt.
The young scapose stems are a favorite food of the Indians. The stalks
were soaked in water for twenty-four hours before eating. They were peeled
and eaten raw.

.stsé’uxe, ststi’xe> western yellow pine; Pinus ponderosa Dougl.
The outer bark is removed from the young twigs and the cambium is
eaten. See under .nti’.

stsa’mka; balsam root; Balsamorhiza sagittata (Pursh) Nutt.
The roots bear a thick edible crown which is cut off and chewed or sucked
by the Indians. See also sd’xom.

sza’tkel, .sxitke’t; common blackeap; Rubus occidentalis L
The sprouts or young shoots of the bushes are pulled and eaten like
rhubarb.

tséwe'ta; Peucedanum leiocarpum Nutt.
There is some doubt about this plant. Some say the name refers to “leaves
of tla@’ko”’ and that the leaves are eaten. Others say not, but no other
information was obtained.

wa’ zEza; balsam root; Balsamorhiza sagittata (Pursh) Nutt.

This name refers to the young stalks with leaves of snitken. They are

eaten raw but are often boiled.
No Indian name.

The Indian and botanical names of this plant were not obtained. The
plant grows in damp, wet, or watery places and comes up early in the spring.
The leaves were gathered and eaten raw. They taste like lettuce.

No Indian name; cactus; Opuntia sp.

The Spences Bridge band peeled the stems of a species of Opuntia and

either baked them in the ground ovens or steamed them.

43 See under .stsii’mka, p. 484.

re1t] PLANTS USED AS FOOD 485

Fiesuy Fruits, Berries, Drures

Fleshy fruits, exemplified by berries and drupes, have always made
up 4 great part of the vegetable food of the Indian. They are the
most conspicuous of the food parts of a plant and are the most palat-
able of all foods eaten in the raw state, and together with roots and
underground stems made up the vegetal food of the Thompson.
In the main they were gathered from wild plants which were found
growing in the vicinity. Berries have always been picked by women.
In one of the myths of the Nicola Valley describing the adventures
of the coyote, he is described as having been heard crying by women
picking berries. Also in a story of two Lytton girls who had been
stolen by giants they are described as being happy because the giants
took them to a place where they could pick plenty of huckleberries.”

Almost every variety of plant yielding a fleshy edible fruit was
used by the Thompson. Among those yielding the greatest amount
and having the greatest distribution are the service berry, bullberry,
blueberry, chokeberry, raspberry, thimbleberry, blackberry, goose-
berry, strawberry, currant, bearberry, elderberry, and hawthorn
berry. The saskatoon, Amelanchier alnifolia, although sometimes
called service berry is really a small pome, and® was one of the great
favorites and of wide distribution, growing in almost the entire
temperate region of the United States. Species of the buffalo berry,
Shepherdia, are also of wide distribution and were always eaten when
obtainable.

The fruit of salal, Gaultheria shallon, was another favorite. Rose
hips, chokeberries, gooseberries, elderberries, currants, blackberries,
and wild grapes were perhaps those most commonly gathered on the
Pacific coast. The picking, preparation, and storage was always done
by the women.

The keeping qualities of fruits are not very good. The best way
to keep them is by drying, but they are not so palatable after drying.
Instead of being strung up to dry, as the roots so often were, the
berries and rose hips were dried by being exposed to the sun on mats.
They were turned at intervals so that all surfaces would be equally
exposed. Sometimes the Lytton band of the Thompson used smal]
frames made of split cedar wood for drying cakes made from the
berries. Making cakes of berries was a common way of preparing
them for eating. These cakes were made by boiling the berries by
the usual means, i. e., hot stones in a cedar-root or birch-bark vessel.
After boiling, the berries were mashed or kneaded and then spread
thickly on a table of pine needles or other leaves and exposed to the
sun and wind to dry. The juice which had boiled out of the berries
was poured over them as they dried, forming cakes. Any juice in

Folktales of Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes, Memoirs of American Folk-Lore Society, vol. x1, 1917, p.- 22.

486 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [eTH. ANN. 45

excess was drunk. Berries were often combined with animal fat,
especially deer fat. The two were mashed with pestles on large flat
stones and sometimes boiled together.

The moons were divided partly according to the food that was
to be gathered. The Spences Bridge band named the “eighth
moon” kwzkwé’kwait, which is the diminutive plural of kwd’it,
meaning ‘‘ripe’’; therefore it meant ‘‘a little ripe.’ The ‘ninth
moon” was called térwanzei’kéntin, meaning ‘‘middle time,”’ when all
the berries were ripe. All the bands had some such division of the
seasons. They were very particular that the berries were picked
only when ripe. An older custom among the Upper Thompson,
now gone out of date, was to choose a woman of the tribe (or in some
cases she might volunteer) to watch the berry grounds and when ripe
to notify the other women of the tribe. The berrying grounds, just
as the root-digging areas, were considered common property and
whoever wished might pick from any patch during the harvest season.

The particular plants yielding fleshy fruits gathered and eaten by
the Thompson follow:

a’luska, a’leska (sometimes used as a term for the tree), a’leska
(sometimes used m referring to this tree); “fruit of ka’nzlp”’;
black hawthorn; Crataegus douglasw Lindl.
This is commonly known as the thorn or haw tree. The drupe-like pome
is eaten. It is black and smooth. Another species is recognized by the
Indians. See nkwi’tka. These fruits are also eaten by the white man.

ev’ak, di’ek; “berry of tké’lp”; bearberry; Arctostaphylos uva-ursi
(L.) Spreng.
The drupes are bright red, so they are very tempting looking. They are
eaten fresh and sometimes boiled in soups.
eli’la; salmonberry; Rubus spectabilis Pursh.
The fruit, a raspberry, is eaten. There are two varieties; one, which is

better flavored, bears salmon-yellow fruits; the other bears reddish-black
fruits. This is also a favorite fruit of the white man.

&’mex”, &’miix, é’m ux“; whortleberry; Vaccinium oreophilum Rydb.
The small black nodding berries are eaten.

kazin“\'n, .skazixi’n, .skazixnené'lp; ‘berries of ka’luat’’; false wild
Solomon’s seal, starry false Solomon’s seal, twistedstalk; Vagnera
racemosa (L.) Morong., Vagnera stellata (L.) Morong., Streptopus
amplexifolius (.) DC.

The berries are very inviting in appearance and many are found on one
plant. Great quantities of them are eaten. .skazixenélp is an Uta’mkt
name, meaning ‘‘real or large ka’luat.”’

kokoo’ za, koko’za; unidentified.

The Indian name and the fact that the berries were eaten are all that was

learned concerning this plant.
ké’kwet, ke’kwet, kyer’kywet; mountain ash; Pyrus sitchensis (Roem.)
Piper.

The small bright red berries which grow in long clusters are occasionally

eaten,

TEIT] PLANTS USED AS FOOD 487

kokama’us; ® bald-hip rose; Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt.
korwa’p; Oregon crab; Malus fusca Raf.
This fruit, a small fleshy pome, is eaten to some extent by the Uta’mkt.
It is purplish when ripe, and tart.
ki’kens; cranberry bush; Viburnum pauciflorum Pylaie.
This shrub bears very few fruits. The small drupes are globose and light
red. They are very acid but are eaten nevertheless.

kumtce’n.s; American cranberry bush; Viburnum trilobum Marsh.
This is sometimes called the high-bush cranberry tree and grows on the
high mountains in mossy swamps. The true cranberry is a vine, while this
is a shrub growing as tallas 3 meters. The fruit is avery large acid red berry.
kwo’qwoxr, .sko’kwax; blackberry; Rubus macropetalus Doug].
The sweet blackberries are eaten by both the Indian and the white man.

laa’za; squaw currant; Ribes cereum Dougl.
This bush is known as the earliest leafing shrub in the spring in the Upper
Thompson Indian country. The fruit is a bright orange-red insipid berry.

li’tse; blueberry; Vaccinium sp.
These plants bear large bluish-black berries with few seeds. They are
eaten in large quantities. Most species are gathered by the white man also
lérihi’ eza, tlariii’eza; ‘‘little sweet berry’’; saskatoon; Amelanchier
alnifolia Nutt. |
This is another variety of the service berries and the drupes are eaten
wherever found. See under sihi’s.

mé.’teak; whitebark raspberry; Rubus leucodermis Dougl.
The fruit is dark reddish-purple, nearly black, with a bloom; hemi-
spheric. The berries are eaten.
nsnuslé’lepa; American strawberry; Fragaria vesca americana Porter.
This large wild strawberry is one of their favorite fruits. It is also a
favorite of the white man. It has been naturalized from Europe.
nkwé'tka; hawthorn; Crataegus columbiana Howell.
The scarlet pear-shaped pome is eaten. The Indians have distinguished
two varieties of this and each has its name. See a’luska.
sd/itsk, .se’itsk; raspberry; Rubus sp.
The species of this plant was not learned. The berries were gathered and
eaten.
sEmazi'tsren; ‘‘variety of huckleberry’”’; Vaccinium ovatum Pursh.
This plant bears sweet reddish-black berries, sometimes with a bloom.
They are much gathered by the Indians.
.shwi'sa, .shwi’za; red-flowered currant; Ribes sanguineum Pursh.
The Uta’mkt and Lytton peoples especially eat these berries. They are
black and densely glaucous, making them a grayish black. The berries are
very sweet but insipid.

45 See sqapié’lp, p. 488.

488 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS fern. ANN. 45
sthi’s; ‘good face or surface or berry’’; saskatoon; Amelanchier
alnifolia Nutt.

These small berrylike pomes are very juicy. The outer skin is purplish
with a heavy bloom; sometimes it is 5 mm. thick. The Indians distinguish
between six different varieties by name. The white man eats these fruits
but not in quantity.

ska’ti'x, sketi’x; blackberry; Rubus macropetalus Dougl.

This is a creeping plant with a slightly elongated hemispheric fruit. The
Indians gather it whenever they can find it, as it is sweet and juicy. It is
nearly black with a slight bloom.

ské’to’; this is the same as ska‘ta’x.
ska’u, .sqea’u, .skya’/u; mountain ash; Pyrus sitchensis (Roem.)
Piper. .

This variety of mountain ash has larger red fruits than many of the others.
They are eaten but are not a staple. Some of the Upper Thompson Indians
do not eat them.

sqapié'tp; bald-hip rose; Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt.

The fruit is berry-like in appearance. The true fruits, the achenes, are
buried in the calyx-like enlargement of the receptacle. The fruits are small,
about 6 mm. long; ellipsoid. They are occasionally eaten but are more
often strung and used as beads by the children.

sqgokié’p; California strawberry ; Fragaria californica Cham. & Schlecht.
The berry was usually eaten fresh. Sometimes it was washed and dried
and stored for winter use.
sqoqwa'u, skukwa'u.
These names are applied to varieties of Rosa gymnocarpa and the fruits
are used like those of the latter.
st’kem; white-flowering raspberry; Rubus parviflorus Nutt. or Rubus
nutkanus Mog.
This fruit is gathered in large quantities. It is a red juicy fruit about
2 cm. broad. It is sweet and of an exceptionally pleasant flavor. It is
eaten by the white man in great quantities from the State of Washington
up to Alaska.
snikiépa'psa; saskatoon; Amelanchier alnifolia Nutt.
This is a mountain variety of Amelanchier alnifolia. It also bears edible
fruits.
sd.pu's, sd.pusé'lp; “hairy face plant’’; prickly currant; Ribes lacustre
Poir.
The berry is small and black. It is eaten especially by the Uta’mkt.
spazu’s; cherry; Prunus emarginata (Dougl.) Walp.
The oblong drupe is bright red and looks delicious, but it is not eaten very
much because of its bitterness.
spékpa’k; saskatoon; Amelanchier alnifolia Nutt.
This plant is a mountain variety of Amelanchier alnifolia. The drupes
are very sweet. They are gathered and often cured for keeping.

TEIT] PLANTS USED AS FOOD 489

.stcd’.qem; “‘berries of .stco.gemé’lp or kweistemélp”’; saskatoon;
Amelanchier alnifolia Nutt.

This is the common service berry with the small berry-like pome. The
fruits are gathered in great abundance, eaten fresh, and many preserved
for future use.

sted’ .kems a snaiy’; “berries of iaxé’alp”’; snowberry ; Symphoricarpus
albus (.) Blake.

The fruits are very attractive in appearance. They are globular, white,
and large; about a quarter of an inch in diameter. They are called ‘‘dead
people’s berries,”’ or ‘‘berries of the dead,”’ as they are thought to be poison-
ous and fatal if eaten in any numbers.

stelta@’laux; wild sarsaparilla; Aralia nudicaulis L.

The berries are borne in great numbers in umbels. They are not eaten
to any great extent, although the fruits are thought to have tonic properties.
The white man does not eat them but gathers them with their stems for
decorative purposes.

steptepa’ za, .steptapi’za; “northern black berry’’; black currant;
Ribes hudsonianum Richards.

This is the common name for Ribes hudsonianum, but some apply it to
Lonicera involucrata. The berry is eaten by the Indians, but it is especially
sought by bears.

.stseqa’ pet; “berry of skapié'lp”’; bald-hip roseberry ; Rosa gymnocarpa
Nutt.

This plant is a variety of Rosa gymocarpa. The fruit is eaten but not
in any great numbers.

Stsi’kuk, .stséuk; European red elder; Sambucus racemosa L.

The searlet drupes form a part of the Indians’ diet. Some of the Lytton
Indians call this plant .nkokwaxemé'lp.

sxé.tsi’n, xe.tsi’n; gooseberry; Grossularia irrigua (Dougl.) Cov. &
Britt.
The berries are mainly eaten fresh.
sxé’.zem; ‘to froth’; buffaloberry; Lepargyrea argentea (Nutt.)
Greene.

These scarlet drupe-like fruits are edible but sour. They are eaten fresh

and also preserved for winter use.
cuxcuxri’ za; bearberry honeysuckle; Lonicera involucrata Banks.

These berries are black and not eaten. In fact, they are said to be poison-
ous if more than two or three are eaten. This name is also given to Ribes
hudsonianum.

cuxcuctiza; ‘“erizzly-bear berry’; northern black currant; Ribes hud-
sonianum Richards.

This is a globose berry, resinous-dotted, and is eaten sparingly by some
and not at all by others. It is eaten especially by bears. Lonicera involu-
crata is also known by this name.

cuxccuchweé'lp, .skwerts a cuccurhwélp; “fruit of currant”; currants;
Ribes hudsonianum Richards; and Ribes viscosissimum Pursh.

Most people use the first term as a synonym for cuxcurt’za. Some Lytton
people apply the term only to Ribes viscosissimum. The Uta’mkt use the
second term for Ribes viscosissimum. This currant has a black berry which
is very dry, and not pleasant to eat.

41383°—30—— 32

490 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

ta’ka, takaétp; salal; Gaultheria shallon Pursh.

The Uta’mkt say they adopted this name from the Stalo language. The
fruit is berry-like, formed of the fleshy calyx inclosing the capsule. It is
black or a dark purple. The Uta’mkt eat it a great deal. It has a very
pleasant taste.

tarpa’; ‘‘bitter gray’’; red-osier dogwood; Cornus stolonifera Michx.
The drupes are whitish or lead color. They are not used very much as
food as they are rather bitter.
taxtexo’rsa; ‘‘little bitter berry’’; saskatoon; Amelanchier alnifolia
Nutt.
This name is used for one of the many varieties of Amelanchier alnifolia.
See under sthi’s.
textaka’lus, tektaka’las; unidentified.
This plant was not identified. The fruit, a red berry, is eaten mainly by
the Uta’mkt. The plant is found only on the higher mountains.
tcektcekd’ki & uk; “little redwood’’; western dogwood; Cornus pubes-

cens Nutt.
The little white drupes are eaten occasionally.
tsaltsa’la; big whortleberry and whortleberry; Vaccinium membra-
naceum Dougl. and Vaccinium ovalifolium Smith.

This name is given to both the above kinds of Vacciniums. The berries
look and taste very much alike. These are especially sweet, so are favorite
fruits.

tsa’lza, cini; “tart berry’’; Oregon hollygrape; Berberis aquifolium
Pursh and Berberis nervosa Pursh.

Both of these plants are called tsa’lza, but sometimes cini is used for
the prickly or curled tsa’lza and tsa’lza is used to designate the tall or
smooth tsa’/lza. The berries of Berberis aquifolium are pear shaped, black,
with a bloom. Berberis nervosa bears globose berries, a purple-black with
a white bloom. The latter are very atid, which accounts for the name,
meaning “tart berry.”

tsi’quk, tst/kwuk; blueberry elder; Sambucus caerulea Raf.

The fruit of this plant is a black berry-like drupe of three to five nutlets.
Its surface is very glaucous. A great deal of this fruit is eaten fresh and
much of it is dried for future use.

tedktcek"o' za, teoktcekéksa; ‘‘red berry”’; red whortleberry; Vaccinium
parvifolium Smith.

The berries are bright red, acid, but of an agreeable flavor. The Indians
gather them in great quantities.

x“wu'ie“wek, x“wii'x"wak; Vaccinium sp.

This is some species of Vaccinium. The berries, as of all other kinds of

Vaccinium, are eaten.
zol.ka’; western chokecherry; Prunus demissa (Nutt.) Dietr.

The dark purple drupe is used by the Indians as part of their diet. The

fruit is sweet but slightly astringent.

reIT] PLANTS USED AS FOOD 491

Nuts anp SEEDS

From the knowledge at hand the Thompson Indians do not seem
to have used as many plants for their nuts and seeds as Indians of
other areas. Many of the common plants yielding edible nuts and
seeds, as species of Helianthus * and Chenopodium, and Pinus mono-
phylla, were not found in the limits of the Cascade area of the Thomp-
son. Several species of Juniperus yield edible berry-like cones and
are eaten by most Indians, but there is no evidence that the Thompson
ate them. The seeds of Pinus ponderosa were eaten to a slight extent,
but their favorite seed was a large one, that of Pinus albicaulis. The
cones were gathered after the seeds matured, early in the fall. The
scales were tightly closed. To make them open, the cones were
spread out on the ground and exposed to the sun. Very soon the
scales opened and the seeds were forced out by knocking the cones
against a hard surface. Many were cached in dry places for future
use. They were eaten raw or roasted. They were usually more
palatable after being roasted, usually in hot ashes. Many were
stored after roasting. The seeds were often combined with berries,
especially the service berry, and eaten at once or stored. In many
cases the seeds were parched and pounded into a fine flour in a mortar.
This flour was mixed with water, forming a mush. The few seeds
and nuts that the Thompson gathered were from the following plants:
kapa'x, kapi’er atp; hazelnut; Corylus californica Rose.

These nuts are not only eaten but they also constitute an article of trade.‘”

They are often shelled in small quantities by putting them inside their
moccasins and running on them.

metlamens a mi'kto.

The name of this plant was not ascertained. It resembled a vetch in form
of growth and bore fragrant blue flowers. The plant was picked and dried,
then powdered in a mortar with the boiled brains of deer. This was mixed
with mi’tko seeds and the whole mixture thoroughly pounded and again
mixed. This concoction had a fine flavor, much like that of nuts. The
plant was plentiful in Nicola.

mi'kto; ‘‘seeds of balsam root”’; balsam root; Balsamorhiza sagittata
(Pursh) Nutt.

The ripe seeds (which are really inclosed in the fruit, an achene) are often
eaten raw. The seeds are sometimes pounded in a mortar and the flour
mixed with other foods. After cleaning them they may be prepared still
another way. They are put in a basket with deer’s fat or grease and boiled
with hot stones, then allowed to cool. The cooled mass is made into small
cakes and eaten.

stsi’k", .stse’.k; yellow pine; Pinus ponderosa Dougl.
The seeds, which are of fairly good size, are eaten, but notin great quantities.
The seeds of reasonable size of any pine afford a great supply of food for
the Indian as well as for the white. They are commonly called “nuts.”

46 The sunflower has been introduced along with the cucumber and their seeds are now eaten, but it is
a recent introduction and no Indian name has been given to either of these plants.
47 See Pinus albicaulis, p 492.

492 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [eTH. ANN. 45

Many are of considerable size, as that of th Pinus monophylla, and nutri-
tious, being especially rich in oil. They are often bitter if eaten raw, so they
are usually roasted.

No Indian name; whitebark pine; Pinus albicaulis Engelm.

The distribution of this tree is very limited. It is found mainly in the
Cascade Mountains and vicinity. It is a scraggly tree with nearly white
bark; hence the common name, whitebark pine. Its cone bears large,
edible seeds which are a favorite food of the upper divisions of the Thompson
Indians. They were often cooked, either in the ovens or roasted over the
fire. They were sometimes preserved for winter use by cooking, crushing,
and mixing with dried service berries. They were kept dry in sacks until
needed. Often the Lower Thompson Indians would exchange hazelnuts
for these pine seeds.

No Indian name; Helianthus sp. and Cucumis sp.

The seeds of the cucumber and of the sunflower were eaten in quantities,
especially by the children, but these have been introduced. They are not
native to this area. No Indian name was obtained for them, and their intro-
duction must have been fairly recent. ;

PLANTS OR PARTS OF PLANTS CHEWED*

The Indians chewed gum quite extensively. In every area we find
a few plants yielding either a sticky substance which, upon being
exposed to the air, coagulates, or a gummy substance being exuded
from the stems of trees as in the case of so many of the conifers.
Many of the Compositae family also yield a gummy substance in
their stalks which may be gathered and chewed. The Thompson
used four or five plants because of their milky juice, which flowed
out and solidified when stem or root was broken. The other great
source was the gum exuded by the conifers of that region. These
gums were sometimes chewed as medicines, which I have described
before.

The specific plants used by the Thompson follow:

selielita’nel, elié’lita’nel; * “cough or cold’’; everlasting; Antennaria
sp.
mala’men En Eskwi'sit, *® “medicine for childbirth”; rattlesnake-
plantain; Peramium decipiens (Hook.) Piper.
skwaati’nelp, .skwati’nelp; “chew or thing for chewing plant’’;
hawkweed; Mieracium sp.
Two or three species of Hieraciwm are used for chewing for pleasure.
Large leaves of the larger plants are broken off and a milky juice exudes at
the breaking point. ®This coagulates and becomes gummy. It is sometimes

chewed to cleanse the mouth. Pieces of the green plants are often broken
off and chewed.

.snalaqo’s; * unidentified.

48 See under plants used as medicines, p. 457.
4? Chewed the same as .skwatt’nElp, p. 492.

ret] NONMEDICINAL DRINKS 493

_.snelreko’s; vegetable oyster; Tragopogon sp.

This term is especially used by the Nicola Indians and refers to several
plants chewed by the Indians besides salsify. The base of the stem is broken
and a sweet, milky juice exudes. When dry, it is chewed with great
enjoyment by the Indians.

sni’kas a pesami’n; fleabane; Erigeron sp.

The particular species of Hrigeron was not learned. The whole plant is
dried and chewed mainly as a remedy for sore throat.

soxemkekens a xat'imexr; Agoseris villosa Rydb.

The stem is full of a milky juice which exudes when broken. After solidi-
fying, it is removed and chewed as gum by the Indians.

.ststi’mka; balsam root; Balsamorhiza sagittata (Pursh) Nutt.
The part of the root from which the stem grows is cut away and sucked
and chewed. It is said to relieve hunger.
tce’kwelax; ‘‘red’’; western larch; Larix occidentalis Nutt.
The gum which exudes from the trunk and branches is chewed for pleasure.
2vVx"hwaélp, .st’rwa; western white pine; Pinus monticola Dougl.
The trunk and branches of this tree exude a gummy substance which is
collected and chewed.

PLANTS MADE INTO NONMEDICINAL DRINKS

While water has always been the most important drink of man, it
has never been the only one. The juice of fruits and the sap of
trees have also been used as beverages. The Thompson Indians
seldom drank fresh water with their meals, but drank that in which
the meat or food had been prepared, or other drinks made from certain
plants. None were used to exhilarate or stimulate nor were any
plants used to prepare alcoholic drinks. An infusion of the leaves,
stems, and roots was prepared from about a dozen plants. These
were used to quench the thirst. Plants yielding medicinal drinks
have been listed and described under the chapter on medicines.
The list of plants used by the Thompson for nonmedicinal beverages
follows:

igé’ lp; bearberry; Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.) Spreng.
The leaves and young stems are just brought to a boil or merely immersed
in boiling water and drunk as a tea.
peEtspu’'tsken; “shaggy head’’; avens; Geum triflorum Pursh.
The roots are boiled and drunk as a tea.
skapkenke’ken; “hair (of head) flower,’’ Gewm triflorum Pursh.
This is another name for Geum triflorum. It is commonly called tassel
flower.
sqoqwa'u, skukwa’u; bald-hip rose; Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt.
A tea is made by boiling the young leaves and stalks.
skomkemovke’ken; ‘little rounded lumps or cluster flower’’; pentste-
mon; Pentstemon confertus Dougl., coeruleo-purpureus Gray.
A tea is made by boiling the dried stems and leaves. When to be used as

a tea care must be taken not to boil the drink too long. If boiled too long,
it acts as a purgative.

’

494 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

sni’kas a xi’laxil; ‘friend of Potentilla anserina’’; cinquefoil; Poten-
tilla glandulosa Lindl.
A tea may be made by boiling the whole plant or just the leaves. It is
slightly stimulant.
.stceko’qsa, stcektca’koksa; ‘little red or reddish rounded”; spiraea;
Spiraea pyramidata Greene.
A drink is made by boiling the stems, leaves, and flowers.
steko" lko'lt tek spa’kem; “blue flower’’; heal all; Prunella vulgaris L.
This plant soaked in cold water makes one of the most common drinks
of the Indians. It has a very wide distribution and is often used as a tonic
by the white man.
tla’ko, ta’qo; Peucedanum leiocarpum Nutt.
The leaves, stems, and flowers are dried, put in water, and brought to a
boil. It is very frequently drunk.
‘tsqé'lp, .tska’ lp, .tskelpa’ka; “leaves and branches’’; Douglas fir;
Pseudotsuga mucronata (Raf.) Sudw.
A drink is made by boiling the young twigs with their leaves. It has
tonie properties.
tsi’tsrxtsaat; common juniper; Juniperus communis L.
A drink is prepared by boiling the stems and leaves. It is used as a tea,
especially by the Uta’mkt.
wawdgqai.n; pipsissewa; Chimaphila wmbellata occidentalis (Rydb.)
Blake.
The stem and roots are boiled and drunk as a tea. The herb is common
in this area.
zizier’us, zezed’us; ‘“‘encircled”’; pipsissewa; Chimaphila umbellata
occidentalis (Rydb.) Blake.
The first name is used by the Lower Thompson Indians, the second by the
Upper Thompson Indians. A tea is made of the leaves.

PLANTS USED FOR SMOKING

The Thompson used a genuine tobacco plant found growing wild
in the warmest valleys of that region, Nicotiana attenuata Torr. The
leaves are much narrower and finer on the stem than in Nicotiana
tabacum L., the common tobacco of cultivation. The preparation
was simple. After flowering, the leaves were gathered, dried, and
often greased. These leaves were seldom smoked alone, but mixed
with leaves of other plants. Jqé’.lp, the bearberry (Arctostaphylos
uva-urst (L.) Spreng. was preferred whenever obtainable and its
leaves were dried and roasted before being mixed with the Nicotiana
leaves. The plants used for smoking other than tobacco are generally
called ‘“kinnikinnick,’’ an Algonquian word meaning ‘‘what is mixed
by hand,” and refers to tobacco combined with leaves or roots of
some other plant to add to the flavor or to reduce its strength.
Thompson Indians also mixed the leaves and roots of valerian and
bearberry with the tobacco; sometimes, as in the East, dogwood bark

re1T] PLANTS USED IN MANUFACTURE 495

and arrowwood were added. One of their words, manz, is a general
term applied to any leaves or parts of plants prepared to be used as
kinnikinnick. The Thompson Indians claim that their people have
always smoked. Recently both men and women smoke, but several
generations ago it was considered a privilege of the men, with the
exception of a few women who claimed to be ‘‘strong in medicine”
and for that reason were allowed to smoke. The following six plants
were commonly used as kinnikinnick:

igé.lp; bearberry; Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.) Spreng.

The leaves are dried and toasted and used as a kinnikinnick with tobacco
in smoking. The plant is often called ¢’ak which means “‘berry of the
kinnikinnick.” The leaves of this plant are preferred by the Indian to any
other as an addition to the tobacco leaves.

ki/ko; valerian; Valeriana sylvatica (Banks) Richards and Valeriana
sitchensis Bong.

Both the roots and the leaves are dried and powdered and a small portion
mixed with the tobacco as a flavoring. Some men always use it; others
never use it.

sqoqwa'u, skukwa'u; bald-hip rose; Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt.

The leaves and bark are dried, toasted, powdered, and smoked. Their use
as a kinnikinnick, however, is occasional. It is more often used as a drink.

skwoié'lux, skoié’lux; tobacco; Nicotiana attenuata Torr.

The leaves of this plant are the most important source of tobacco. They
are dried and toasted before being smoked. They are often greased to keep
the leaves from getting too dry. Leaves of the bearberry (Arctostaphylos
wa-ursi (L.) Spreng.) were usually dried, toasted, and mixed with them.

sma’'ng; this term is applied to any prepared tobacco.
tcektceko'kiduk, tarpa; dogwood; Cornus pubescens Nutt and Cornus
stolonifera Michx.
The leaves are smoked, but not to any great extent.
tsaltsdlasé'lp; whortleberry; Vaccinium ovalifolium Smith. and Vac-
cinium parvifolium Smith.
The leaves of these and several other kinds of Vaccinium are used as a
kinnikinnick.

PLANTS USED IN MANUFACTURE

Plants were always an important element in the manufactures of
the Indian. Because of its nature, wood was the most useful part of
the plant used. In many areas where it was plentiful it furnished the
material for habitations, and among the Thompson Indians it formed
the framework of their semisubterranean huts. They used it almost
exclusively for hafting their implements and weapons; for making
vessels; for dugout canoes; for snowshoes; for the baby carrier; for
framework for roofing; for fishhooks; for bows and arrow shafts; for
drums; for clubs and other implements.

Fiber was obtained from the inner bark or the bast of the roots and
stems of some plants, Thuja gigantea especially. It was made into

496 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [erH. ANN. 45

rope, twine, and thread, and used in making mats, bags, nets, blankets,
and clothing. Basketry was another important plant product. The
leaves and young twigs were often used as bedding and as padding.

There follows a list of the plants so used with their particular uses:

ki’" lka’tces; wild ginger; Asarum caudatum Lindl.
The whole plant is used as a bedding for infants.

kokwé'la; Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt.
The leaves, which are very finely divided, are used as a padding, especially
on the child carrier. They are supposed to make the child sleep and in this
way adds greatly to the comfort of the mother.

koute’ tx, koxnte’i.tz, kwite’i.te; common cat-tail; Typha latifolia L.
The stalks of these plants made excellent bedding. The stems and leaves
are stripped and made into bags and mats. Floor mats and tabie mats are
almost exclusively made of Typha and Scirpus.

kwa’tkwelp; giant arbor vitae; Thuja plicata D. Don.

The roots are shredded and used in making basketry. The inner bark
is removed and made soft by rubbing and beating. It is then split into
strips of the desired width and used in the manufacture of rain cloaks,
aprons, capes, bags, mats, and similar articles. It is used especially by the
Uta’mkt. They also use the outside bark for covering their lodges and as a
temporary flooring for the lodges. The outer bark is frequently used to
kneel and sit on in the canoes; and crude vessels are made of it for bailing
out the canoe when such an emergency arises. The bark when piled up
often made a bed inside the lodge. The dug-out canoes were made from
this tree by the Lower Thompson Indians.

kweistemé'lp; saskatoon; Amelanchier alnifolia Nutt.

This is probably the real name as it is a very old name for Amelanchier
alnifolia. Another name is .stco’.gemélp. The wood of this small tree is
very much used in making handles and tools, as it is very hard. The root
diggers are always made of it when it is available.

kwe'itxelp, kwoi’trelp; Pacific dogwood; Cornus nuttallii Audubon.
The distribution of this dogwood is very limited. It is found mainly in
British Columbia, locally running as far south as northern California. The
wood is often used by the Indians for making bows. The handles of imple-
ments are often made from the wood of this shrub.

kwo’es, kwo'is, ko’ .1s; silverberry; Elaeagnus argentea Pursh.
The inner bark is stripped off and shredded and used as a fiber in making
nets, mats, and clothing. The seeds are strung and worn as necklaces.

kwoe’t, kwo.1’t; shore pine or lodgepole pine; Pinus contorta Doug. or
, p

Pinus murrayana Balf.

This name is given to this pine, which is used in manufactures, but very
little information as to specific uses has been obtained. The lodgepole pine
is famous for its perfect unbroken slender trunk and is a favorite for building
wherever such poles are desired. The pitch of the trunk mixed with grease
is used with Hquisetwm stems for smoothing and polishing of steatite pipes.

tlnsé’lp, tlxsa’ lp; great silver fir; Abies grandis Lindl.

The bark is used for covering lodges and making canoes. The smaller
branches with their fragrant leaves are often used for bedding. A tem-
porary flooring in the lodges is sometimes made from the branches. tlzx-
tlexha'ka, meaning ‘‘sweet branch,”’ is another name for this fir.

50 See also .shiiz’ Elka p. 498.

TEIT] PLANTS USED IN MANUFACTURE 497

tlena’l.t; tule; Scirpus sp.

These grass-like herbs are used extensively in ‘the weaving of coarse bags,
nets, and especially for table mats and those which are used to cover the
floors of the lodges.

tlixen; horsetail; Equisetum sp.

Equisetum with its jointed stems is used for smoothing and _ finishing
soapstone pipes. A mixture of grease and pitch from the black pine is
sometimes used with the Equisetum. The stems are also used for sharp-
ening and polishing bone.

tlorka’*;*! reed grass; Phragmites communis Trin.
The stems are one of the most commonly used basketry materials.
ma’musken, ma’meEsken; spreading dogbane; Apocynum androsaemi-
folium L.

The first name is used by the Upper Thompson Indians. This herb yields
from its inner bark a fiber which is used as thread and as twine for binding
and tying.

metmetsé’ nlp; rock spiraea; Sericotheca discolor (Pursh) Rydb.
The wood is used for cuirasses, armor in general, and the making of arrows.

mi'ler, melmi’lex; balsam poplar; Populus tacamahacca Mill.
This wood is especially used for the sides of riding and pack saddles.
nhoi'tlaren, .nho’itlexen, nho’itlexrin; common reed; Phragmites
communis Trin.

This reed makes an excellent material for weaving baskets. As it grows
very tall it has a long culm. It is also smooth and of a glossy cream color.
Because of its attractive appearance it is seldom dyed. It is sometimes
cut in different lengths and dyed different colors and used interspersed with
beads of seeds for necklaces and on fringes of dresses.

nkoka'cen tek spa’kem; “star flower;” fleabane; Erigeron salsugi-
nosus (Hook.) A. Gray.
This plant is used as a pattern in basketry. It has a simple erect stem

terminating in the conventional head of the Compositae, making it more
easy than many other plants to reproduce.
nkwé'tka; hawthorn; Crataegus columbiana Howell.

This shrub is armed with spines which are used as pins and in the manu-
facture of fishhooks. They also make excellent probes for ripe boils and
ulcers.

dloltcé’tcelp; quaking aspen; Populus tremuloides Michx.

Dugout canoes were made from this by the Upper Fraser band, al-
though this is a heavier wood than the cedar which was used by the Lower
Thompson Indians.

pakla’n;* cherry; Prunus emarginata (Dougl.) Walp.

The bark is softened by pounding, split, and used in making baskets,

mats, and bags.
poponé' lp; fringed wormwood; Artemisia frigida Willd.

In smoking skins the fuel which makes a smoldering fire and a great deal
of heavy smoke is most desirable. For that reason this sagebrush is often
used, especially by the Nicola band.

5! See .nhoi’tlaren, p. 497. 52 See spazii’s, p. 498

498 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

po’xporelp; longleaf willow; Salix longifolia Muhl.
The stems, which are slender, tough, but pliable, are used as withes.
The bark was sometimes used in weaving saddle blankets.

pu'nelp; Colorado juniper; Juniperus scopulorum Sarg.
The wood is used for making bows, drums, and clubs. It is sometimes
used for hafting implements.

shaketé'lp, shaket; “leaf”; fireweed; Epilobium angustifolium L.
The Uta’mkt are said to use this for string. The particular part of the
plant which yielded the fiber was not learned but the fibrous inner bark was
probably treated and made into string.

shu'velka;* common cat-tail; Typha latifolia L.

The flowering spikes become very light and fluffy at the time of fruiting
because of the many hairs attached to each little fruit. These fruiting heads
form an excellent substitute for down and are so used in stuffing pillows
and making comfortable beds by the Indians.

sikwa’m, sukwa’m; cedar; unidentified.

The botanical name was not obtained, and as “cedar” is applied to many
of the conifers it is difficult to make a guess with any accuracy. It is possibly
Thuja plicata or Juniperus scopulorum. The outer bark, which in either of
these trees is very thick and fibrous, is used as a thatch for the bark lodges,
and to a lesser extent for covering the earthen floor.

The name .sléats is applied to the inner bark which is shredded and used
in making mats.

si’tselp; vine maple; Acer circinatum Pursh.

This maple is found only west of the Cascade Mountains. Its southern
limit is northern California. The Indians use the wood for making snow-
shoes.

sgapré'lp; bald-hip rose; Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt.
The wood is especially used for making arrows and the hoops of baby
carriers. It is also used for making handles.
sqe'qe’'z; prickly pear; Opuntia polyacantha Haw.
The seeds are strung and worn as necklaces.
spa’tsrn; spreading dogbane; Apocynum cannabinum L.

This is sometimes known as Indian hemp, so called because the Indians
used its fiber so much. The inner bark is collected in the fall and when
treated is very soft but exceedingly strong. It is used for making rope,
twine, nets, snares, garments, and thread. It is even used for stringing bows
when sinew is not available. This was traded in large quantities to the
Spences Bridge band by the Okanagon.

spazu’s; cherry; Prunus emarginata (Dougl.) Walp.

The bark is very much used in basketry. It is especially used for imbri-
cation of baskets made of shredded roots of Thuja gigantea. The bark is
also used for binding bows in the middle and ends for strengthening them
and at the same time the contrast of the wood of the bow and the bark bind-
ing makes a decoration.

sprtsEené'lp, spetsenilp; milkweed; Asclepias speciosa Torr.

The Lower Thomspon Indians use this name for ma’musken. Its inner
bark is fibrous and is used for thread and binding or tying.

53 See also koute’.tr, p. 496.

TEIT] PLANTS USED IN MANUFACTURE 499

spezentlten; wild rye; Elymus triticoides Buck.

The culms are occasionally used in basketry as a substitute for Phragmites.

staxé'lp, nstexa’lp; willow; Salix sp.

The bark of the dead trees is used in making bags, mats, capes, aprons,
and fiber blankets.

.stlopei’ ek; honeysuckle; Lonicera ciliosa Poir.
A fiber is obtained from the stems and is used as thread or twine.
.stsi/k™.stse’.k; western yellow pine; Pinus ponderosa Doug].

The Lytton and Upper Fraser bands make their dugout canoes almost
entirely from yellow pine. This is a heavier wood than cedar, which was
used by the Lower Thompson Indians. It also split more easily than
the cedar. The dry cones of this pine are considered very good for making
a fire for smoking skins. Usually these cones are mixed with fir bark to
make the best smoke.

sululé’q.t; ‘any plant which stings.”

sululé’¢.ts a cai’imue"; ‘stinging plant of upper country”’; nettle;
Urtica lyallii Wats.
The inner bark is stripped from the wood and the Uta’mkt make a very
strong string from it. ‘
tsemtsé’ elp;** rock spiraea; Sericotheca discolor (Pursh) Rydb.
tskineké'lp, tskuinekélp; “bow plant”; western yew; Taxus brevifolia
Nutt.
The wood of the yew is especially used by the Uta’mkt for making bows.
The other Indians use it for this purpose but not to such a great extent.
tsdtené'lp; Rocky Mountain mapie; Acer glabrum Torr.
The wood is especially used in making snowshoes and bows.
tsxazé’lp; Engelmann spruce; Picea engelmanni (Parry) Engelm.
The bark has many uses. Baskets and utensils of all kinds are made

from it. Canoes are covered with it, and the roofs of the lodges are often
thatched with it.

tsra’nem; sword fern; Polystichum munitum Presl.

tcektceké’k i duk, tax pa’a; “little redwood,” “‘bitter gray’’; Cornus
stolonifera Michx. and Cornus pubescens Nutt. :
Cornus stolonifera gets its name, “‘little redwood,” from its bright red-
purple smooth branches. Cornus pubescens is given an Indian name meaning
“oray’’ because of its whitish silky pubescence on branchlets and leaves.
The wood is used, but for what purpose it was not learned.
This fern was very often copied in basketry designs.

ta’ex;° cherry; Prunus emarginata (Dougl.) Walp.

wa’xaseElp; Lewis mock orange; Philadelphus lewisi Pursh.
The wood is used especially for making combs.

xoi'tlaren or .nxoi’tlaren; common reed; Phragmites communis Trin.
This name was given to Phragmites communis because it was so often

used as a design in ornamenting baskets. The term could, however, be
applied to any grass used in the same way. See also .nhoi'tlarEn.

5 See mEtmeEtséElp, p. 497. 55 See spazi’s, p. 498.

500 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [eTH. ANN. 45

x“wi'kosten é'lp; mountain hemlock; Tsuga mertensiana (Bong.)
Sargent.

The branching of the hemlock is so flat and the leaves are so fragrant

that it makes an excellent material for bedding.
26lkué'lp, zélka’; chokecherry; Prunus demissa (Nutt.) Walp.

The wood is used for handles, especially on root diggers. The bark is
shredded and is used in ornamenting the rims of baskets by being woven
in under the coiling.

No Indian name; Rocky Mountain maple and Pacific yew; Acer
glabrum Torr. and Taxus brevifolia Nutt.

Twigs of these shrubs or small trees were used whenever obtainable in
making the frames of snowshoes.

No Indian name; wormwood and sagebrush; Artemisia sp.

No single name is used for sagebrush. The Indians recognized several
species in their medicines and each species has a name. Any species might
be used in the making of the quiver cases, which were quite frequently
made of twined sagebrush twigs. The bark was used in making saddle
blankets woven like floor or table mats. Sometimes the roots were dried
and kept for future use. The most common sagebrush is Artemisia tri-
dentata, so probably this is the one most frequently used for this purpose.
The Indian name for this species is ka’uku.

No Indian name; red cedar; Juniperus virginiana L.

For making a heavy smoke this is excellent as a fuel and is often used by
the Indians in smoking skins. It is often combined with sagebrush by the
Nicoia band, especially when they desire a very dark skin.

No Indian name; woodbetony; Pedicularis bracteosa Benth.

The leaves, which are from 5 to 12 centimeters long and parted into
narrow lanceolate or linear divisions, are often used by the women for
designs on their baskets.

PLANTS USED IN MAKING DYES AND PAINTS

Plants were one of the most important sources of dyes and paints
used by the Thompson, but have now been almost entirely supplanted
by those of the white man. The Thompson have a word hi’kamen
which is a general term meaning paint. A red stain was obtained
from many fruits, as the raspberry, pokeberry, and elder. The
strawberry blite yielded a bright red stain from pressing its calyx
and pulpy fruit. This was sometimes used as a dye on woods,
clothing, and skins, but it was not permanent. The Indian paint
plant yielded a very brilliant red dye from its roots, but it quickly
faded to a dark purple. The crimson hairs on the fruits of the
smooth sumac were used, but were not considered a success. An
unidentified lichen yielded a red after being heated; another source
of red was obtained from the bark of the red alder. A bright coloring
matter was extracted from the outer cortex of the roots of the holly
grape. Green and blue dyes were claimed to have been obtained by
boiling rotten wood. <A green dye was said by some Indians to have
been obtained from an alga, but the plant was never identified. It
was described by them as ‘‘a green slime growing in the water,”

TEIT] PLANTS USED IN DYES AND PAINTS 501

which would certainly signify an alga. A yellow dye was obtained
from a yellowish lichen, Hvernia vulpina.® This was also used to
paint either the body, wood, or skins.

The materials to be used as paints were first mixed with melted
deer fat and heated. The fingers or small sticks were used in apply-
ing the paint. Heated Opuntia when obtainable was used to make
the paint remain longer on the face. The use of mordants was known
to the Thompson. They used urine and a native alum.

Dyes and paints were used to dye textile materials, skins, and bark.
Paint was used on their bodies, on implements, and on vessels of
pottery, skin, and bark. Plants yielded dyes for both skins and the
materials used in basketry and blanket weaving. Of course most of
the colors of the baskets were those of the material itself, as light
brown of the shredded spruce root; a rich, glossy dark brown of the
stems of the maidenhair fern; a shiny cream color of the squaw
grass; and a light yellow of the peeled twigs of young willows. The
young twigs of some of the trees, as the red alder, supplied another
natural contrasting color, a reddish brown. A black or dark gray
was commonly obtained by burying in mud.

The specific dye plants and their uses follow.

hi’kamen.
This is a term which is applied to anything used for rubbing on or making
@ veneer or paint.

kapuxa’lp; “nut plant”; hazelnut; Corylus californica Rose.
A bluish dye is made from the root.

kelulaei’uks a x“wik’ estene'lp; ‘“‘owl wood of hemlock”’; an uniden-
tified fungus.

A fungus which was not identified but found growing on hemlock and fir
trees is used as a red paint after treatment by fire. The paint after the
necessary preparation is called fcokt, meaning ‘‘red.”

kolomé’ka; “light yellow branch”’; wolf’s moss; Evernia vulpina (L.)

Acharius.

This is the largest and showiest lichen found along the Pacifie coast,
being bright yellow. It is used as a dye and as a paint on the skin. Some
pubescents use it as a face paint by simply dipping it in water or wetting
the skin and applying it dry. It is also used as a paint on wood. This is
the noted ‘‘ulf-mossa”’ of the Swedes. It is believed by them to be poison-
ous to wolves. They powder it, mix it with powdered glass, and smear it
on dead animals which the wolves eat. It is supposed to kill them. The
Swedes also use it as the Indian does, as a bright yellow dye.

kwa’tkwelp; giant arbor vitae; Thuja plicata D. Don.
Twigs and leaves are used as a green dye.

kuné’lp; ‘‘red’”’; red alder; Alnus oregona Nutt.

So called because the twigs are reddish-brown. The bark is used as a red
dye. It is also used in tanning skins. After boiling for a short time it is
allowed to cool, then the skin to be tanned is soaked in the solution. The
skin at the same time is dyed. This is done especially among the Shuswap.

56 This lichen is used by many peoples as a source for yellow dye.

502 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

métcaké'lp; whitebark raspberry; Rubus leucodermis Doug.
The juice is squeezed from the fruits which are a dark reddish-purple or
nearly black and used as a stain.
sdv’tské'lp, sev’. tské'Up, raspberry; Rubus pubescens Raf.
The juice of the fruits is used as a stain.
* sitskoné'lp; smooth sumac; Rhus glabra L.

The drupelets are covered with crimson hairs.. The Indians report having
tried to use the fruits as a source for a red dye, but did not consider the
result satisfactory.

spok.xi’ns a veld’e; ‘scales of raven’s foot”; larkspur; Delphinium
menziesii DC.

This larkspur has very dark blue flowers. Some say they are used as a
paint and as a dye for clothes while others say they have tried it but have
found it useless.

tsa’lza; “tart berry’; Oregon hollygrape; Berberis aquifolium Pursh.
The outer cortex of the roots is peeled off and a bright coloring matter is
‘ extracted from it.
tceptcap kani'la, tezptcep kone'lp; ‘bloody head’’; strawberry blite;
Blitum capitatum L.

The calyx becomes bright red and pulpy in fruit. By crushing, a red
stain or paint is obtained and used on the face or any part of the body. It
is also used on clothes, wood, and skins.

tceptcepsawi'l, tcepsawé'l; “Indian paint” or “bloody”; gromwell;
Lithospermum angustifolium Michx.

So called because of the red ends of many of the roots. The roots are
dipped in hot grease and used as a paint, but the red color fades to a dull
purple, so it is not a very successful dye. It was particularly used for paint-
ing dressed skins. It was also used as a facial paint.

Another plant source of a dye was from an alga which was simply described
as ‘‘a green slime growing in the water’’ and no Indian name was obtained for
it. Some of the Indians said they used it as a green dye.

PLANTS USED AS SCENTS

Among the many plants having a more or less permanent fragrance
only the following seven are found to be used by the Thompson.
These are tied on the body, in the hair, to the arms, or on the clothes.
Judging from these few plants, those with a penetrating scent rather
than the sweet-smelling ones are preferred, as Chenopodium botrys
or Jerusalem oak, and Mentha canadensis or Canada mint. The
whole plant of these two specimens is covered with many little oil
glands, and the odor is pungent rather than sweet.

ka’luat, ka’'luwet; twisted stalk; Streptopus amplexifolius (L.) DC.
Smilacina racemosa and S, stellata are also called ‘‘ka’luat.’”?’ The Uta’mkt
say that as many as three of four plants are called ‘‘ka’luat.”” The root or
the whole plant is said by some to be used as a scent, being tied to the body,
or on the clothes, or in the hair.

kuxemé'lp, kauxema’'lp; Rocky Mountain rhododendron; Rhododen-
dron albiflorum Hook.
The plant was used as a scent, but nothing was learned as to parts used or
in what way they were used.

TeIT] PLANTS USED FOR PURIFICATION 503

sxasé'Itsa
tead’la, tse’.la; American wild mint; Mentha canadensis L.
Due to the many little oil glands in the stem and leaves, this plant is very
fragrant and is one of the most extensively used plants for scents.
tla’ko, la’qo; Peucedanum leiocarpum Nutt.
The stems and sometimes the whole plant is used as a scent.
casxaste’lp; ‘‘xasxast plant”’; Jerusalem oak; Chenopodium botrys L.
This common plant is glandular-pubescent and viscid throughout, making
it strongly scented, and is used in great quantities as a scent. It is wound in
necklaces and stuffed in pillows, bags, pouches, and baskets. The Indians
often tie it on their clothes and in their hair, or wear it in little skin bags tied
to parts of their clothing.
rasrast, .sxasé’ltsa; ‘‘scent”’ or ‘‘scent-body’’; sweet grass; Hierochloe
odorata (L.) Wahlenb.

This sweet-scented perennial grass is greatly used as a scent, being woven
in bags and baskets. Like Chenopodium botrys, it is used as a scent for
clothing, the hair, and the body. Its fragrance is very lasting. It is com-
monly tied in the hair and on neck and arm ornaments.

zozue'lp, zou’t; ‘‘thick. tree”; white alder; Alnus rhombifolia Nutt.
The stems are slightly fragrant and are sometimes used as a scent.

PLANTS USED FOR PURIFICATION

The following plants were used in the preparation of drinks, washes,
and baths in connection with sweat bathing in sweat houses. They
were employed not only because of a tonic and general health-giving
effect but also because of the belief in a magical purifying power.
Warriors, hunters, and others used them when supplicating the
deities for success in war, hunting, and gambling. It was believed
that cleanliness and purity of body were powerful aids to prayer,
that the thorough purifying of the body from time to time tended
toward immunity from disease, and also aided in hunting because it
removed the human smell that scared the game. For similar reasons,
many of the washes were used by widows and widowers and by
adolescents during their puberty ceremonials. Some of the washes
used by the latter, especially by girls, were believed also to be of special
value in making the skin fair and smooth and the hair luxuriant and
glossy.

The general method of using these washes was to have them in
baskets or buckets just outside the sweat house. After steaming the
body, the person poured some of the medicine over his head and
continued washing the rest of his body with his hands or with fir
twigs, sometimes tied together, dipped in the wash and used as a
sponge or brush. Besides sweating and washing, part of the purifica-
tion processes consisted of vomiting, purging, and massaging with
the hands or with fir twigs, and slapping and beating the body with

———

5 See zaszast, p. 503.

504 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ere ANN. 45

the hands or with branches, inhaling the aroma of certain plants

and drinking decoctions prepared from special plants.*®

céxameEns «a .tle“o'’mex;*® “body wash of pubescents”’; prairie flax;
LTanum lewisit Pursh.

ha’qo, haqoé'lp, hakotci’nzm; ‘‘to gather and eat ha’so”’; cow parsnip;
Heracleum lanatum Michx.

The large fleshy roots are boiled and the decoction is drunk by young
warriors and hunters when purging and purifying themselves. It is also
drunk by widows and widowers at frequent intervals during their period of
widewhood. On reaching puberty youths drink it in conjunction with or
alternately with a dedoction of Lepargyrea canadensis.

kalulad’iuk; ‘“‘owl wood,” Polyporus abietinea Fries.

This fungus grows on fir trees especially and the spores which the Indians
call powder is used by young men for rubbing on their bodies to give them
strength.

kwoe’t, kwo.i't; shore pine or lodgepole pine; Pinus contoria Dougl. or
Pinus murrayana Balf.

The lodgepole pine is known by either of the above names, common or
botanical. The resinous exudation is mixed with the best animal fat and
smeared on the body after a sweat bath.

dloltcé’tczlp; quaking aspen; Populus tremuloides Michx.
A decoction is made from the bark and rubbed on the body of adolescents.
sa’uxtsaten, se’ursaten, tse’ucsten; “thing for washing with”; Astra-
galus purshii Dougl. and Oxytropis campestris spicata Hook.

These names are given to both of the above plants. It is disputed as to
which is the real one. A decoction made from the roots is poured on the head
in the sweat house and it is also drunk in the sweat house. It is thought to
help in the purification of the individual.

skametst’ pa, skametcei’.tx", skametcu’pa; ‘‘Erythronium leaved’’;
orchid; Habenaria leucostachys S. Wats.

This plant is so named because the leaves resemble those of Erythronium.
The whole plant is boiled and the decoction is used as a wash after the puri-
fying sweat bath; the plant is also sometimes used as a steaming plant, the
process of which is described under medicinal plants.

sqapié'lp; bald-hip rose; Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt.

Twigs are put in the beds of widows and widowers during the period of
their widowhood. The larger branches are used for sweeping evil influences
out of graves before burial.

skapkenke’ken; “hair (of head) flower”; avens; Geum triflorum
Pursh.

A decoction made from the roots is used as a body wash in the sweat

houses and baths of any kind connected with purification.
skwelqa'ns a. tle“d’mex; © “head or hair wash of adolescents”’; prairie
flax; Linum lewisi Pursh.

The flowers, leaves, and stems are soaked in cold water (sometimes warm)
and used as a head and face wash, especially by girls at puberty to make
them pretty and their hair and skin smooth and fair.

58 For information regarding the puberty ceremonies and those connected with sweat bathing and widow-
hood, see J. A. Teit, Fhe Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific
Expedition, vol. m, pp. 311-320.

59 See .skwel gai’nsa .tlxz0’mer, p. 504.

60 See cé’ramens a .tlxv 0’ mET, p. 504,

TEIT] PLANTS USED AS CHARMS 505

spata’nel; Eriogonum heracleoides Nutt.
A decoction of the whole plant is made and used as a ceremonial wash in
the sweat house.
sululé’qt; nettle; Urtica sp.
This name is applied to any of the nettles. They are made into a wash
which is poured on the body after the sweat bath.
.sxd.zemé lp; ‘froth plant”; russet buffaloberry ; Shepherdia canadensis
(L.) Greene.

A decoction of the fresh or dried stems and leaves is drunk in the sweat

houses by young men, hunters, and warriors for purification.
toktokrletke’krn; ‘‘yellow little head”’; buttercup; Ranunculus doug-
lasii Howell.

A decoction of the whole plant is used as a body wash and as a wash for
purification in the sweat house.

tsqé'lp, .tskelpa’ka; “leaves and branches of’’; Douglas fir; Pseudotsuga
mucronata (Raf.) Sudw.

The branches and smaller twigs are boiled in water and used as a body
wash by young men and women, especially young hunters and warriors, at
the time of taking a sweat bath.

tsi’ tsextsaat; common juniper; Juniperus communis L.

The stem with the whorls of small leaves are boiled and used as a body

wash by hunters, warriors, and widowers.
tsxazé'lp; Engelmann spruce; Picea engelmanni (Parry) Engelm.

The needles and tips of branches are boiled and the wash is used by hunters,

warriors, and young men reaching the age of puberty.

PLANTS USED AS CHARMS

Charms play an important part in the life of the Thompson Indians.
They consist of plants or parts of plants, animals or parts of animals,
parts of human beings, and of minerals and other objects which are
used in a special way. Some of the uses of charms are to insure long
life, to obtain friendship, regard, love, wealth, and success in the
hunt and in other undertakings. They are also used as preventives
of headaches and other common ailments. The use of charms to
gain love and success in war and hunting was perhaps most extended.
Plants used as charms are often worn in the form of necklaces
or around other parts of the body. Praying over the charm before
wearing was usual. The charm was also frequently rubbed on some
part of the body. The following 17 plants were used as charms:

kalztsa’ pa; “carrots tail’’; unidentified.

This plant is unidentified and called by this name because it resembles
the carrot plant. It is probably a species of Daucus. This is a recent
name, the older people calling it something else. They do not have a wide
distribution nor are they found anywhere in great numbers.‘ A few were
found growing near Botani, a few back of the Thompson, a few near Lillooet,
and formerly some near Douglas Lake. The root was not eaten but with

41383°—30—_33

506 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [erH. ANN. 45

deer’s fat was used as a charm for hunting. The root was tied to a piece of
fat taken from a deer’s back and prayed over by hunters who asked that the
deer they were to hunt would become blind and tame so that they might
be easily shot. Sometimes a hunter would simply tie the root around his
neck and wear it as a charm for good luck when hunting.

ki’ko; valerian; Valeriana sylvatica Banks and Valeriana sitchensis
Bong.

A decoction is made of the whole plant and is drunk by hunters. They
also wash their bodies with it, believing that after this treatment the deer
will become tame and the hunter will be able to approach them easily. The
Indians believe that after washing in this decoction the deer can not smell
them.

kwotlo’t lasa; calypso; Cytherea bulbosa (L.) House.

These are sometimes used as charms.

nkuk“acemuske’ken; “little buttercup flower’; avens; Gewm L. sp.
So named because of yellow flowers like the nkukvaxemu’s buttercup.
Occasionally this was used as a charm plant.

Shakete’lp; ‘willow weed”; Epilobium L. sp.

This unidentified species of Hpilobium is used as a charm for good luck
in gambling. The root, which is small and round, is considered to be
especially efficacious as a charm.

skametsa’pa; ‘Erythronium leaved”’; orchid; Habenaria leucostachys
S. Wats.

So called because its leaves resemble those of Erythroniwm. This
charm plant is used by men for washing guns to insure good luck when
hunting. Young men use it as a wash to make them lucky, good looking,
and sweet smelling. Women use this wash hoping to gain a mate and have
success in love. Both sexes use it to obtain riches and property. When
they dig up the plant they chant, ‘‘ Friend, I want wealth and much property.”’
They believe if prayed to and treated in the right way this plant will bring
wealth and great possessions.

skwaati’'n, .skwati’nelp; “chew or thing for chewing”; hawkweed;
Mieracium sp.
The root is used as a charm.
spokgere'ns.sae, .spol.xi’ns; © “scales of crow’s foot”; shooting star;
Dodecatheon jeffreyi Moore.

The flowers are used by women to obtain the love of men and to help
them control men. They are also used as a charm to obtain wealth and to
make people give presents to the charmer.

spok.ci’ns a xeld’e or xala*; “scales of raven’s foot”; larkspur;
Delphinium menziesu. DC.
Women use this plant as a charm to help them obtain and hold the affection
of men.
sxola’eken; ‘buck (deer) flower’; small yellow ladyslipper;
Cypripedium parviflorum Salisb.
This receives its name from the resemblance of its lanceolate brown sepals

to deer’s antlers. Some Indians call this plant ‘‘a friend of the skametst’' pa”’
because of a general resemblance.

61 See tcokte e’t. sk, p. 507.

TEIT) SPECIAL BELIEFS 507

str’ ptepazk trek .snaleko’s; unidentified.

Some Indians say this is the same plant as .snalekos6'é but neither has
been identified. The roots are used as a charm by married couples to keep
them from quarreling and separating.

teaa’la, tse’.la; American wild mint; Mentha canadensis L.
This is used as a charm, but just in what way was not learned.
tcaweki’pa; ‘“‘teawek-leafed or stemmed’’; columbine; Agquilegia
formosa Fisch.

This is so named because of a resemblance in general appearance to
Lilium columbianum. Women use this plant as a charm to gain the affec-
tion of men and both sexes use it to retain wealth and possessions. It is
also considered good luck in gambling.

tcdktce’t.sk ;* “little red’; shootingstar; Dodecatheon jeffreyi Moore.

Dodecatheon jeffreyi is sometimes called by this name, probably because
of its purplish red corrola. The other name, however, is considered the
proper one.

tlkipend'pa; bitterroot; Lewisia pygmaea (A. Gray) Robinson.
This plant is thought to bring luck in gambling.
tsauzaten; loco weed; Astragalus purshii Doug}.

The flowers and leaves on the stems are tied in a bunch and used for bring-
ing back the luck of fishing nets, traps, snares, guns, or any other such devices,
which had been contaminated by a widower touching or using them. The
net must be touched four times and also the surface of the water where it is
to be used. Decoctions of this and various other plants are poured over
nets, traps, snares, and guns which seem to have lost their luck. Rosa
gymnocarpa Nutt. is also used in the same way.

vilaxila’ pa, xelarela’pa; ‘‘tail or growing part’’; avens; Geum sp.

This name is given to a species of Gewm which was not identified. It is

used by men as a charm for gaining a woman’s affection.

PLANTS CONCERNING WHICH THERE ARE SPECIAL
BELIEFS

Besides plants used as charms, we find plants concerning which
there are special beliefs. For example, some plants when used as a
shampoo are thought to produce a wealth of hair; infants may be
made to rest quietly at night if certain roots are placed in their bed-
ding; other plants, if chewed, are considered to be effective in check-
ing storms; the armpits may be made to smell sweet by applying
leaves of still other plants; the balsam-root plant is very important
in that there are several beliefs connected with it and many taboos
observed in relation to digging and cooking it. From these varied
examples it may be seen that there is no one way to classify these
beliefs. Among the Thompson the following 18 plants have some
special significance if used in a prescribed way:

céramens a .tlrd’mex; prairie flax; Linwm lewisii Pursh.
A young girl would frequently wash her face and head with a decoction
of the stems and flowers of the wild flax. She believed that this would give
her a wealth of hair and a beautiful, fair face.

62 See spokEre’ns .sde, p. 506.

508 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [RTH ANN. 45

kakwa’mtca; Triteleia grandiflora Lindl.

This is the Lytton name. The best form is said to be .sxaié’zm. The
Indians believe this plant gives power. They put the bulb, which they call
the root, into the medicine bag, believing that it will make the medicine bag
more potent.

ki’lka’tczs; wild ginger; Asarum caudatum Lindl.
The whole plant, including the roots, but sometimes only the stems, are
put in the bedding of infants when they are restless or ill, and this is said
to make them quiet or well.

kokwé'la; Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt.
In times of gales or strong winds the root of this plant is chewed and spit
out against the wind. A calm is expected to follow. The shamans also
use this plant. They prescribe eating the root as a cure for childless women.

kwo’qwox, .sko’kwox, .sko’kwé'x; blackberry; Rubus macropetalus
Dougl.
It is the general belief that if any of the berries of this plant drop into a
creek or brook they become fish.

kwo'es, kwo'is, ko’.is; silverberry; Elaeagnus argentea Pursh.

When twins were born the father chose a young man to sing when they
first cried. To be so chosen was considered a great honor and privilege.
The man, as a part of his make-up, must wear a headband of the bark of
Elaeagnus argentea if he could obtain it. He must hold a fir branch in each
hand. He held a ‘‘male”’ fir branch in the right hand and a ‘“‘female”’ fir
branch in the left hand if both sexes were represented in the twins. Their
use of these terms ‘‘male”’ and ‘‘female”’ in regard to plants and parts of
plants is very curious. It was not clear to Mr. Teit what the Indians
meant by it. They often used it. It seems that the size of the flower and
branch was the basis of their classification. They call the branches bearing
the staminate cones female and those bearing the carpellate cones male.
This would agree with the above conclusion, as the carpellate cones are the
larger and are considered by them to be the male.

Widows and widowers after the death of the mate immediately donned a
narrow headband of the bark of this tree.

munqa’a; death camas; Zygadenus elegans Pursh.

Hunting or trapping for about a month can not be done successfully by a
man who has a daughter reaching puberty. He has to snare a grouse, cut
off its head, remove its eyes, and in their place put two small roots of this
plant and another in its mouth. If this were not done he would not be able
to snare any more grouse.

panawe'urten; gromwell; Lithospermum pilosum Nutt.

This is a term applied to Lithospermum pilosum and other plants which
are used for inflicting sickness or bad luck on persons. The root is prayed
over and some of the plant or any part of it is put on the person, or in his
clothes, or in his bed. Many people will never knowingly touch plants
used as ‘‘panawé’urten”’ for fear that it may bring them harm. They
are considered mystery plants and liable to hurt anyone who touches them.

. sa’tkelp; western yellow pine; Pinus ponderosa Dougl.

When washing, a girl must stick four needles of the yellow pine into the
flesh under her arms until it bleeds. At the same time she prays that her
armpits and all her skin will always smell sweet. Frequently a girl will
wash her face and head with a decoction of the tops of the yellow pine,
believing that this would give her a smooth and fair skin and an abundance
of hair.

TEIT] SPECIAL BELIEFS 509

ska’mete es snikie’p, ska’metes a snkie’p; ‘‘skamete of the coyote”’;
broom rape; Orobanche fasciculata Nutt.

This is often called cancer-root. It is parasitic on the roots of various
plants. It is said to bring bad luck to anyone who plucks it. If anyone
should be so unwise as to keep any in their house they would lose all their
possessions.

sqgokié’p; California strawberry ; Fragaria californica Cham. & Schlecht.
Pads of the leaves of this plant were made and worn under the armpits,
believing it would make them smeli sweet.

soxomke'ken; “little sorom (balsam-root) flower’’; common perennial
gaillardia; Gaillardia aristata Pursh.

This is used for divination. If a person is sick the whole plant is boiled
for a considerable time and if the decoction remains whitish or clear the
person will die. If the decoction is reddish or well colored the person will
get well.

sd’xom; balsam root; Balsamorhiza sagittata (Pursh) Nutt.

There are a number of restrictions referring to the use of this root, which
is thick and edible. Women must abstain from sexual intercourse while
cooking or digging it and no man may come near the oven where it is being
baked. When they go out to dig the root they usually paint their whole
faces red or else paint large red or black spots, one on each cheek. It is
difficult to cook these roots and still more difficult to know when they are
done. When they successfully cook the roots they sometimes say that the
success has been attained by the coyote urinating on them.

It is the custom for all the young people before eating any berries or
roots for the first time that season to address a prayer to the balsam root:
“T inform thee that I intend to eat thee. Mayest thou always help me to
ascend, so that I may always be able to reach the tops of mountains, and
may I never be clumsy! I ask this from thee, balsam root. Thou art the
greatest of all in mystery.”’ If a person were to omit this he would be
unable to get up in the morning.

spazu’s; cherry; Prunus emarginata (Dougl.) Walp.
When many red worms are found in the wild cherries the Lower Thomp-
son believe this a sign that there will be many salmon.

steptepa’ za; “blackberry”’; northern black currant; Ribes hudsonianum
Richards.

Sprigs of the currant were thought to have a quieting effect upon the
child, so they were placed in the baby’s carrier.

tlasé’Ip, tlesa’. lp; great silver fir; Abies grandis Lindl.

Branches of the fir were used each morning by the young girl in stroking
her head and her back, praying at the same time that these parts of her
body would never tire of carrying burdens. Her legs and feet were also
stroked with the fir branches and prayed over that they might not tire when
she was walking long distances. Her moccasin strings were also so stroked,
with the belief that this might keep them from breaking. During her
period of training the girl was supplied with two large branches of the fir
tree and she had to pick the needles off one by one, praying that she would
never be lazy. These branches were placed on the roof of her hut, and it
was not an easy task to perform daily. Also, four large fir branches were
so placed before her hut that going in and out she had to step over them,
and the first four times she went in or out she addressed the branches, saying:
“Tf I ever step into trouble or step unknowingly into the magical spell of
some person, may you help me, O fir branches, with your power!’

510 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

tli’xen; horsetail; Equisetum sp.

The hollow stem of the Equisetum was used by young girls to hold lice
as she picked them from her head on each four days. On the last day the
stem with its contents was thrown into a stream. As it floated away the
girl prayed that in after years she might not be troubled by lice on her
head or on any part of her body. This was usually done during the
ceremonies that were connected with reaching puberty.

No Indian name; sagebrush; Artemisia sp.

Bark of the sagebrush was used by a young girl to wipe her mouth after
eating as the use of her hand for such a purpose would cause hair to grow.
A bunch of sagebrush was always hanging from her neck for this special
use. Cedar bark might be substituted for the sagebrush. No definite
species seems to have been used.

PLANTS MENTIONED IN MYTHOLOGY

In the mythology of the Indian, plants are not as important as
animals. They do not commonly represent great chiefs or heroes,
nor do the phenomena of plant life appear to any great extent.
Plants of great economic importance in an area, or abundant in that
area, will be found to be referred to repeatedly in their folklore; for
example, the fir tree among the Thompson, the cedar and cottonwood
among the Plains, the corn among the Pueblos and other areas, and
the tobacco among many tribes, such as the Pima.

There are only eight plants specifically mentioned in the mythology
of the Thompson and in most cases they are simply casual references.
For example, in the myth accounting for the origin of fire, the coyote
is said to have stolen it; and at that time he wore a headdress of
‘‘vellow pine”’ shavings and long fringes of dry ‘“‘cedar”’ bark. These
caught fire and he ran away with it and in escaping the ‘“‘grass”’
and ‘‘trees’”’ caught fire and have been able to burn ever since. The
specific plants found mentioned by the Thompson follow. There
are, of course, many others mentioned, but only in the most casual
way, as explained in the ‘Origin of Fire”? myth.

hitchiteawi’'l; ‘cutting or cut vessel;”’ an unidentified grass.

This grass is unidentified as to genus and species. It grows in swampy
places and its leaf has a very sharp edge, hence the name hitcpzem, meaning
“to cut.” It is mentioned in their mythology as being used by the coyote
for cutting.

kokwé'la; Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt.

This is mentioned in their mythology. The man, Tsuntia, is said to be
the offspring of the connection of this root with a woman.

kéné’ lp; false-hellebore; Veratrum californicum 8S. Wats.

This plant is usually considered to be poisonous if eaten, but is mentioned
in their mythology as being efficacious in counteracting the power of an
enemy. The use of it was by external application.

snikiépu’psa; ‘‘little-coyote berry;’’ northwestern serviceberry;
Amelanchier alnifolia Nutt.

This plant is repeatedly mentioned in their mythology as food for the

coyote. It is the poorest tasting of the service berries. :

TEIT] POISONOUS PLANTS 511

sxaie’em; Triteleia grandiflora Lindl.

These bulbs, called ‘‘roots’’ by the Indian, are mentioned in one of the

myths as saving a family from starvation.
tata’en; spring beauty; Claytonia lanceolata Pursh.

In the mythology of the Nicola Valley, Coyote when traveling came upon
some tatté’en “‘roots.’”’® He was hungry and there was no game to kill, so
he dug up a big tattw’en “root;”’ in the hole left he saw people walking.
He repeated his action and still saw people walking, so he concluded he was
in the sky country and these ‘‘roots”’ were stars.

tla’xen; horsetail; Equisetum sp.
In their myths this is referred to as the canoe of the coyote.

POISONOUS PLANTS

It is interesting that the Thompson Indians have noted some 17
plants as being poisonous if eaten. Some of them, as the bearberry
honeysuckle, Lonicera involucrata, have very tempting berries. The
snowberry, Symphoricarpos, is another such example. They have
also realized that some of these poisonous plants may be utilized if
treated properly, as the false hellebore, Veratrum californicum,
because of medicinal properties in its root. A decoction is prepared
and a very small dose will often be used as a medicine, but to eat the
root would probably mean death. Small or weak decoctions are
frequently prepared from poisonous plants and taken as medicines.
Great caution, however, is observed to avoid overdosing because of
the danger of poisoning. The root of Zygadenus elegans, death camas
(so named because of its resemblance to the true camas, Quamasia),
causes poisoning, but they apply it externally after making it into a
poultice for reducing inflammation. <A species of Ranunculus is used
to poison arrow points. The medicinal use of poisonous plants has
been fully discussed in the chapter on medicines. There follows a
list of the known poisonous plants with their particular beneficial
uses as discovered by the Thompson:

cuxcurt’ za, cuxcuchwé'lp; bearberry honeysuckle; Lonicera involucrata
Banks.

The first name is the common one for Lonicera involucrata. The Uta’mkt,
however, use the latter term. The berries are never eaten as they are thought
to be poisonous. They are black and not united, so differ in appearance
from other Lonicera fruits.

taxé’cu.lp; * snowberry; Symphoricarpos albus (L.) Blake.
The stem and roots are used medicinally but the berries are never eaten.
They are considered deadly poisonous if more than two or three are eaten.

kawau’ elp.©

83 Botanically, these ‘‘ roots’’ are corms.
6 See also .stcé’qEemsa snaiyi’, p. 513.
65 This is an Uta’/mkt name for .stc6’gemsa snaiyi’.

512 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [eTH. ANN. 45

kona'lp, kéné'lp; false hellebore; Veratrum californicum S. Wats.

The root is used medicinally but the decoction prepared must be taken in
small doses or the patient will be poisoned. The plant is generally con-
sidered poisonous if eaten in large quantities.

mala’mens Estotza’tza or Esho.tsho’.tsé; western red baneberry and
ivory baneberry; Actaea arguta Nutt. and Actaea eburnea Rydb.

A decoction of the roots is drunk as a medicine but in very small doses
as it is poisonous. Some people can not stand the full-strength dose and
have to have a decoction prepared which is very weak.

mapga’a; death camas; Zygadenus elegans Pursh.

The bulb of this plant is very similiar in size and shape to that of the true
camas (Quamasia) which is a most highly esteemed food plant. The bulb
is the part which causes human poisoning but the leaves are usually fatal to
cattle. Dizziness, nausea, and profuse vomiting are the usual symptoms.
If the person fails to vomit freely death usually follows. All of the Indians
avoid eating the bulb, or root as they call it, of this plant. The root mashed
and applied externally is effective in relieving and reducing inflammation.

mokasd'rlp, mokmokasz’slp; wormwood; Artemisia dracunculoides
Pursh.

This is very important medicinally but it is said to be poisonous if it enters
the blood. As it is applied externally, there is often danger that it may
cause blood poisoning.

nakanakai’ elp; ceanothus; Ceanothus sanguineus Pursh.

This plant is known by all the Indians for its strong smell. They do not

say it is poisonous but they never use it.

neEkakekaka; “rotten or cheese-like smell’’; unidentified.

This name was given by the Lytton Indians to this unidentified plant
which resembles kalaw’pa. It was avoided because it had a very bad smell,
but it was not known whether it was poisonous or not.

nku'kaxremu’s, nki'kwaremu’s, nkwaremi’s, kwokwaxemu’'s; butter-
cup; Ranunculus glaberrimus Hook.

This is one of the first plants to blossom in the spring. The flowers alone,
or sometimes the whole plant, are washed and rubbed on arrow points as
apoison. Ranunculus sceleratus is sometimes used if Ranunculus glaberrumus
is not available.

pu'nelp; Colorado juniper; Juniperus scopulorum Sarg.
A strong decoction is made from the berries and used to kill ticks on horses.

sitskoné'lp; smooth sumac; Rhus glabra occidentalis Torr.

The decoction, which is used as a remedy for syphilis, is a powerful and
dangerous medicine as it is poisonous if made too strong or taken in too
large doses.

snikas a kwokwaremu’s; Ranunculus sp.

Several buttercups are used as a poison on arrowheads, as Ranunculus
glaberrimus. They were not identified as to species, but three of them
were differentiated by the following descriptive terms: skaikekaketx“, “round
leafed”; swilawilate’'tx, diminutive of ‘‘fringed leaf”’; . shahittlatletx“, dimin-
utive of ‘‘serrated leaf.”

TEIT] HORSE AND DOG MEDICINES 513

sprtsené'lp, spetseni’lp; “hemp plant”; milkweed; Asclepias speciosa
Torr.
This is a Lower Thompson Indian name for ma’musken. The root is
medicinal but is poisonous unless small amounts are taken.

. sted’gems a snaiyi’ ;* “berries of the dead’’; Symphoricarpos racemosus

Michx.
. sululé’ gts a sattct’n; “nettle of valleys”; Rhus sp.

This plant was unidentified as to species, but it belonged to the poison ivy
group. The leaves were used as a medicine but it was not learned in what
way. The plant was known to be poisonous to some but others could
even eat the leaves with no ill effects.

tciwaksii’nelp, tsiwaka’nelp; ‘bleeding nose plant”; Anemone mul-
tifida Poir.

Strong decoctions of the whole plant were used for killing lice and fleas.

2Eneé’ux, zEnt 'x,; water hemlock; Cicuta vagans Greene.

Roots of this plant are known by most of the Indians to be poisonous to
both man and animals. Some say they have eaten the roots after first
drinking oil. Pains and vomiting followed but in about three days all ill
effects had disappeared and they felt better than ever before. If the person
trying this treatment should omit the oil death would result.

PLANTS USED SPECIALLY AS HORSE AND DOG
MEDICINES

There are no special medicines used only for horses and dogs, as
the Indians have recognized that the different medicines used by
themselves for swellings, sores, bruises, and cuts of various sorts are
equally efficacious in the treatment of animals. Plants are prepared
in the form of washes, ointments, and powders and used on the
animals in the same way as on human beings. Some people occasion-
ally give internal medicines to horses and dogs. When given, they
are decoctions of the plants which are used as tonics and laxatives by
the Indians for their own ailments. Formerly, valuable hunting dogs
were steamed and sweated and bathed in the same way as the Indians
steam and sweat themselves. For fresh swellings caused by too much
pressure of the riding or pack saddle, human urine is much used as a
wash. The urine is applied as soon as the swelling is noticed. The
following plants are frequently used as medicines for horses:

ki’ko; valerian; Valeriana sylvatica (Banks) Richard and Valeriana
sitchensis Bong.
A decoction of the roots is used as a lotion to reduce swellings and also as
a wash for galls, sores, and wounds.
taxrga’i.n; Leptotaenia dissecta Nutt.
The dried root is crushed into a fine powder or it may be grated. This is
sprinkled thickly on sores and less thickly on wounds and raw spots pro-
duced by chafing. The sores are first thoroughly washed with warm water.

65 See iarvér»-lp, p. 511.

514 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

. sa'tk’elp, tsi’tl.ts esdtkelp; “gum of Pinus ponderosa’; western
yellow pine; Pinus ponderosa Doug].

The best gum, which is white, is melted and mixed with an equal quantity
of animal fat of good quality, preferably that of deer. The two are cooked
together slowly in a pan and stirred until thoroughly mixed. While quite
hot it is poured on sores after the latter have been cleaned with warm water
and soap. This is a special means of treatment for old running sores. The
application is repeated at intervals of two or three days until the sore has
partly healed. After this ordinary ointments and powders are used to com-
plete the healing. The horse is not used until the sore is well healed and if
possible it is turned out on green pasture.

PLANTS USED AS FOOD BY ANIMALS

The following few plants were observed by the Indians to be fre-
quently eaten by animals. They cover forage and fodder plants,
plants yielding berries and other fruits for wild animals, as well as
fleshy roots and rhizomes. In the list are also several plants which
yield nectar enough to be a source of food for the humming bird.

cuxcuct’ za, cuxcuxd’ za; ‘‘grizzly-bear berry’; northern black currant;
Ribes hudsonianum Richards.

Berries form a large part of the food of bears and these black currants
are especially sought by them.

igé’ lp; bearberry; Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.) Spreng.

This is often called et’/ak which means ‘‘berry of 7ké'lp.”” The fruits,
which are not berries but delicious bright red drupes, are known to be a
favorite deer food.

ké.koi.ne'lemex,” kozkozkené'leemizx, kweikwoi keni’lemex, kwoikwot
milemelex; “blue bag or sack” (Lytton and Spences Bridge
name); a Lytton name; “‘blue vessel or bag” (Nicola name);
Thompson band name; Lupinus sp.

These names refer to lupines in general. Lupinus rivularis and L. poly-
phyllus are often distinguished by name, the many other species mainly by
description. Deers feed on these lupines and they are an important fodder
for horses and to a less extent for cattle.

kokoimi'lziiz, kwokwoimileziz; Lupinus sp.

This is another name given to the lupines. It is known to the Indians

as a favorite horse feed.

nhatz, nx“a’.tz, naxd’.tz; sedge; Carex rostrata Stokes.

Some rushes (Juncus) are also referred to as .nxa’.tz. The sedges, like
the grasses, are forage plants. This particular species grows abundantly in
boggy places.

nlii’mux, .nli’imes a sé’ma; ‘.nli’imes of the whites’; milk vetch;
Astragalus giganteus Pall., Astragalus decumbens A. Gray.

These names are applied to clovers, pea vines, and vetches in general,
but especially to the plants named. All of the Leguminosae group make
excellent forage for animals, but Astragalus is considered a particularly rich
horse and deer feed.

The Indians differentiate between the different plants by using descriptive
terms meaning white-flowered or red-flowered.

——

67 Abbreviated form of the following names.

TEIT] PLANTS USED AS FOOD BY ANIMALS ol

ntella'timer; vetch; Vicia sp.
There are several vetches which are found in the area and they are com-
“mon forage plants.
nteli’imex, .s.nteli’imexr; American vetch; Vicia americana Mubhl.
This name is especially given to Vicia americana. It is a fodder plant
for horses and cattle. It is not known to be used in any other way. This
is a rather tall species, growing as high as 1 meter.
ntallu’timer; vetch; Vicia sp.
This is a diminutive form for the smaller or shorter pea vines.
ntol.ti’imexr; “congealed on the earth”; Spirogyra sp.
Spirogyra is used as a bait in fishing. Algae in general are used in this way.
ntél.ta’tko; ‘congealed blood in the water’; water knotweed;
Polygonum amphibium L.
This Polygonum grows along the ground near lakes. Its flowers are used
as bait for trout.
npakema’tko; “water flower.”’
This term is applied to any flowers growing in or near the water.
pesEnwlten; wild rye; Elymus triticoides Buckl.
This makes good pasturage and is sometimes cut for hay. It is rare west
of the Cascades but is common in the interior.
poskaé'lp; ‘““humming-bird plant’”’; pentstemon; Pentstemon scouleri
Dougl.
_ This name is also used when referring to Pentstemon douglasii, which is a
dwarfed high-altitude form with relatively broad and short leaves. Both
bees and the humming bird frequent this plant for nectar.
siékEmo’é, .sié’gem; ‘“‘real or common grass’’; slender wheat-grass;

Agropyron tenerum Vasey.

The second term is the name for grass in general. Agropyron tenerwm
makes an excellent forage and is sometimes cut and fed to horses as hay.
sni’kas a iké'lp; “friend of iké’lp;” myrtle pachistima; Pachystima

myrsinites (Pursh) Raf.
This low-branching evergreen shrub supplies food for cattle in winter.
They feed on the long narrow leaves when other food is scarce.
.nteltél tu’imex;® “congealed blood of earth’’; water knotweed;
Polygonum amphibium L.
solépse'lt six, sélépdi’l.ses; “mountain sheep’s grass,” ‘“‘bighorn-ram
grass’’; sedge; Carex sp.
This is so named because the mountain goat eats it. It is a general forage
plant.

spEzeni'lten;® wild rye; Elymus triticoides Buckl.

)

steptepa’za, .steptapa’za; “‘blackberry’’; northern black currant;
Ribes hudsonianum Richards.

Ribes hudsonianum is called by most people “curcuxi'za.”’?’ Some apply
the above name to an entirely different plant, the bearberry honeysuckle,
Lonicera involucrata. Both plants supply food to the bears in the form of
their abundant black berries.

68 See .nt6l.ta’tko, p. 515. 6° See pesEni'ltEn, p. 515.

516 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 45

Stel’ mex, .stEli’imer .stpé’k spa’kems; pea; Lathyrus sp.

The first term applies to any species of Lathyrus, the second is used for
Lathyrus ochroleucus, which has an ochroleucous corolla. The other species
are differentiated mainly by the color of the flower also.

.stlopet’ rk, .stlupeiuk; ‘twisted wood”; honeysuckle; Lonicera ciliosa
Poir.

The flowers have a great deal of nectar, so they are frequently visited by
bees, and especially by the humming bird. The long trumpet-shaped corolla
is very well adapted to the bill of the little humming bird.

tcuinlsta’m; Ceanothus; Ceanothus velutinus Dougl.

This small shrub is extensively eaten by deer; in fact,a common name for
it is deer brush. The Indians sometimes call it hur«zxa’rp.

teltela’imex; “trailing on ground”’; pea; Lathyrus nuttallii S. Wats.

This is another species of Lathyrus which is eaten by deer and horses.
All plants of this family make very good forage for animals.

tilemi'lp, ti’lemé’lp; honeysuckle; Lonicera ciliosa Poir.

This is the name given to Lonicera ciliosa by the Uta’mkt. The name is
also applied to Astragalus decumbens *® by the Upper Thompson Indians.
The Uta’mkt have observed that the flowers are rich in nectar and are visited
by bees and humming birds.

tlorka” ; common reed; Phragmites communis Trin.
This is a forage plant, but is not eaten when other food can be obtained.
tse’uasten, se’ursaten, sa’uctsaten; “thing for washing with’’; loco
weed; Oxytropis campestris spicats Hook. and Astragalus purshii
Dougl.

These terms applied to both of the above plants. Either name was dis-

claimed as the real one. They are both common forage plants.
tsa’memens a po’ska; ‘“‘thing sucked by humming bird’’; columbine;
Aquilegia truncata Fisch. & Mey.

This name is also applied to Aquilegia formosa, but the more common
name for Aquilegia formosa is tcawEkt’ pa. The above name is applied to
several other plants which the humming bird is fond of, including Pentstemon
scoulert. This particular Aquilegia is a favorite flower of the humming bird.

wopke’kena; ‘‘little thick or bushy head”’; brome grass; Bromus sp.

This is so named because of the large many-flowered spikelets in panicles.
When in bloom with the lateral styles and plumose stigmas it does resemble

a “bushy head.’”’ The spikelets are eaten by horses and at times the whole
plant forms a forage crop.

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF FAMILIES WITH GENERA AND
SPECIES USED BY THE THOMPSON INDIANS

CRYPTOGAMS

Agariceae. Polypodiaceae.

Agaricus sp. Polystichum munitum.
Equisetaceae. Pteridium aquilinum.

Equisetum sp. Polyporaceae.
Parmeliaceae. Polyporus sp.

Alectoria jubata. Zygnemaceae.

Evernia vulpina. Spirogyra sp.

70 See under .nlii’i muz, p. 514.

TEIT] FAMILIES WITH GENERA AND SPECIES 517

PHANEROGAMS

Aceraceae.
Acer circinatum.
Acer glabrum.
Amygdalaceae.
Prunus demissa.
Prunus emarginata.
Anacardiaceae.
Rhus glabra.
Apiaceae.
Cicuta vagans.
Leptotaenia dissecta.
Heracleum lanatum.
Osmorhiza nuda.
Peucedanum leiocarpum.
Peucedanum macrocarpum.
Sium suave.
Apocynaceae.

Apocynum androsaemifolium.

Apocynum cannabinum.
Apocynum sp.
Araliaceae.
Aralia nudicaulis.
Echinopanax horridum.
Aristolochiaceae.
Asarum caudatum.
Asclepiadaceae.
Asclepias speciosa.
Asteraceae.
~ Achillea millefolium.
Anaphalis margaritacea.
Antennaria microphylla.
Antennaria rosea.
Antennaria sp.
Arnica latifolia.
Artemisia dracunculoides.
Artemisia frigida.
Artemisia tridentata
Aster foliaceus.
Balsamorhiza sagittata.
Chaenactis douglasii.
Cirsium edule.
Cirsium hookerianum.
Cirsium undulatum.
Erigeron compositus.
Erigeron filifolius.
Erigeron salsuginosus.
Gaillardia aristata.
Helianthella douglasii.
Helianthella sp.
Helianthus lenticularis.
Helianthus petiolaris.
Helianthus sp.
Solidago decumbens.

Berberidaceae.

Berberis aquifolium.

Berberis nervosa.
Betulaceae.
= Alnus oregona.

Alnus rhombifolia.

Corylus californica.
Boraginaceae.

Lappula hispida.

Lithospermum angustifolium.

Lithospermum pilosum.
Cactaceae.

Opuntia polyacantha.

Opuntia sp.
Caprifoliaceae.

Linnaea borealis.

Lonicera ciliosa.

Lonicera involucrata.

Sambucus caerulea.

Sambucus canadensis.

Sambucus racemosa.

Symphoricarpos albus.

Viburnum pauciflorum.

Viburnum trilobum.
Celastraceae.

Pachystima myrsinites.
Chenopodiaceae.

Blitum capitatum.

Chenopodium botrys.
Cichoriaceae.

Agoseris villosa.

Hieracium sp.

Ptiloria tenuifolia.

Tragopogon porrifolius.
Convallariaceae.

Disporum oreganum.

Streptopus amplexifolius.

Streptopus roseus.

Trillium ovatum.

Vagnera racemosa.

Vagnera stellata.
Cornaceae.

Cornus canadensis.

Cornus nuttallii.

Cornus pubescens.

Cornus stolonifera.
Crassulaceae.

Sedum divergens.

Sedum spathulifolium.
Cruciferae.

Arabis drummondiil.
Cyperaceae.

Carex rostrata.

Scirpus sp.

518 ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON INDIANS

Elaeagnaceae.

Elaeagnus argentea.

Lepargyrea argentea.

Lepargyrea canadensis.
Ericaceae.

Artostaphylos uva-ursi.

Gaultheria shallon.

Kalmia polifolia.

Rhododendron albiflorum.
Euphorbiaceae.

Euphorbia glyptosperma.
Geraniaceae.

Geranium richardsonii.

Geranium viscosissimum.
Grossulariaceae.

Grossularia irrigua.

Ribes cereum.

Ribes hudsonianum.

Ribes lacustre.

Ribes sanguineum.

Ribes viscosissimum.
Hydrangeaceae.

Philadelphus lewisii.
Hydrophyllaceae.

Hydrophyllum occidentale.

Phacelia leucophylla.

Phacelia menziesii.
Liliaceae.

Allium acuminatum.

Allium cernuum.

Allium stellatum.

Calochortus macrocarpus.

Quamasia quamash.

Erythronium grandiflorum.

Fritillaria lanceolata.

Fritillaria pudica.

Lilium parviflorum.

Triteleia grandiflora.
Linaceae.

Linum lewisii.
Loasaceae.

Mentzelia laevicaulis.
Malaceae.

Amelanchier alnifolia.

Crataegus douglasii.

Crataegus columbiana.

Malus fusca.

Sorbus sitchensis.
Melanthaceae.

_ Veratrum californicum.

Zygadenus elegans.
Menthaceae.

Lycopus uniflorus.

Mentha canadensis.

Prunella vulgaris.

Nymphaeaceae.
Nymphaea advena.
Onagraceae.
Epilobium angustifolium.
Epilobium sp.
Orchidaceae.
Cypripedium parviflorum.
Cytherea bulbosa.
Peramium decipiens.
Peramium repens.
Habenaria leucostachys.
Orobanchaceae.

Orobanche fasciculata.
Papilionaceae.
Astragalus decumbens.
Astragalus giganteus.
Astragalus purshii.
Lathyrus nuttallii.
Lathyrus sp.
Lupinus polyphyllus.
Lupinus rivularis.
Oxytropis campestris.
Oxytropis monticola.
Vicia americana.
Vicia sp.
Pinaceae.
Abies grandis.
Abies sp.
Juniperus communis.
Juniperus scopulorum.
Juniperus virginiana.
Larix occidentalis.
Picea engelmanni.
Pinus albicaulis.
Pinus contorta.
Pinus monticola.
Pinus murrayana.
Pinus ponderosa.
Pseudotsuga mucronata.
Taxus brevifolia.
Thuja plicata.
Tsuga mertensiana.
Poaceae.
Agropyron tenerum.
Bromus sp.
Elymus triticoides.
Hierochloe odorata.
Phragmites communis.
Polemoniaceae.
Polemonium elegans.
Polemonium umbellatum.
Polygonaceae.
Eriogonum androsaceum.
Eriogonum heracleoides.
Polygonum amphibium.

[ETH. ANN. 45

TEIT]

Portulacaceae.
Claytonia lanceolata.
Lewisia columbiana.
Lewisia pygmaea.
Lewisia rediviva.
Primulaceae.
Dodecatheon jeffreyi.
Pyrolaceae.

Chimaphila umbellata occidentalis.

Ranunculaceae.
Actaea arguta.
Actaea eburnea.
Anemone multifida.
Anemone occidentalis.
Aquilegia formosa.
Aquilegia truncata.
Caltha rotundifolia.
Clematis columbiana.
Clematis ligusticifolia.
Delphinium menziesii.
Ranunculus douglasii.
Ranunculus glaberrimus.

Rhamnaceae.
Ceanothus sanguineus.
Ceanothus velutinus.
Rhamnus purshiana.

Rosaceae.
Aruncus acuminatus.
Fragaria californica.
Fragaria vesca americana.
Geum triflorum.
Geum sp.
Luethea pectinata.
Potentilla anserina.
Potentilla glandulosa.
Rosa gymnocarpa.
Rubus leucodermis.
Rubus macropetalus.
Rubus nutkanus.

LIST OF GENERA AND SPECIES 519

Rosaceae—Continued.
Rubus occidentalis.
Rubus parviflorus.
Rubus pubescens.
Rubus spectabilis.
Rubus strigosus.
Spiraea pyramidata.

Salicaceae.

Populus tacamahacca.
Populus tremuloides.
Salix cordata.

Salix interior.

Santalaceae.

Comandra pallida.

Saxifragaceae.
Leptarrhenia amplexifolia.

Scrophulariaceae.
Pedicularis bracteosa.
Pedicularis racemosa.
Pentstemon confertus.
Pentstemon douglasii.
Pentstemon scouleri.

Solanaceae.

Nicotiana attenuata.

Typhaceae.

Typha latifolia.

Urticaceae.

Urtica lyallii.
Urtica sp.

Vacciniaceae.

Vaccinium membranaceum.
Vaccinium oreophilum.
Vaccinium ovalifolium.
Vaccinium ovatum.
Vaccinium parvifolium.

Valerianaceae.

Valeriana sitchensis.
Valeriana sylvatica.

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF GENERA AND SPECIES USED

BY THE THOMPSON

INDIANS

CRYPTOGAMS

Agaricus sp., p. 483.

Alectoria jubata, pp. 481, 482.
Equisetum sp., pp. 462, 497, 510, 511.
Evernia vulpina, p. 501.

Polyporus sp., p. 504.
Polystichum munitum, p. 499.
Pteridium aquilinum, p. 482.
Spirogyra sp., p. 515.

PHANEROGAMS

Abies grandis, pp. 462, 483, 496, 509.
Abies sp., pp. 450, 451, 462, 484.
Acer circinatum, p. 498.

Acer glabrum, pp. 475, 499, 500.
Achillea millefolium, pp. 459, 460.
Actaea arguta, pp. 463, 467, 512.

Actaea eburnea, pp. 463, 512.
Agaricus sp., p. 483.

Agoseris villosa, p. 493.
Agropyron tenerum, p. 515.
Alectoria jubata, pp. 481, 482.
Allium acuminatum, p. 482.

520 ETHNOBOTANY OF

Allium cernuum, p. 481.

Allium stellatum, p. 481.

Alnus oregona, p. 501.

Alnus rhombifolia, p. 503.

Alnus‘rubra, p. 483.

Amelanchier alnifolia, pp. 450, 453,
471, 485, 487, 488, 489, 490, 496, 510.

Anaphalis margaritacea, p. 465.

Anemone sp., p. 469.

Anemone multifida, pp. 469, 474, 513.

Anemone occidentalis, pp. 451, 459.

Antennaria luzuloides, p. 450.

Antennaria microphylla, pp. 450, 466.

Antennaria rosea, pp. 450, 464.

Antennaria sp., pp. 450, 458, 464, 492.

Apocynum androsaemifolium, pp. 470,
497.

Apocynum cannabinum, pp. 470, 498.

Aquilegia formosa, pp. 475, 507, 516.

Aquilegia truncata, p. 516.

Arabis drummondii, p. 464.

Aralia nudicaulis, pp. 471, 489.

Arctostaphylos uva-ursi, pp. 458, 468,
486, 493, 494, 495, 514.

Arnica latifolia, pp. 450, 473.

Artemisia canadensis, pp. 450, 470.

Artemisia sp., pp. 468, 469, 500, 510.

Artemisia dracunculoides, pp. 463, 464,
466, 467, 468, 470, 473, 475, 512.

Artemisia frigida, pp. 465, 497.

Artemisia tridentata, pp. 459, 500.

Aruncus acuminatus, p. 457.

Asarum caudatum, pp. 460, 496, 508.

Asclepias speciosa, pp. 420, 498, 513.

Asclepias tuberosa, p. 470.

Aster foliaceus, p. 461.

Astragalus decumbens, pp. 514, 516.

Astragalus giganteus, p. 514.

Astragalus purshii, pp. 473, 504, 507,
576.

Astragalus sp., p. 473.

Balsamorhiza sagittata, pp. 453, 468,
480, 484, 491, 498, 504.

Berberis aquifolium, pp. 490, 502.

Berberis nervosa, p. 490.

Blitum capitatum, p. 502.

Bromus sp., p. 516.

Calochortus macrocarpus, pp. 481, 483.

Caltha rotundifolia, p. 467.

Carex rostrata, p. 514.

Carex sp., p. 515.

Cascara sagrada, p. 450. |

Ceanothus sanguineus, p. 512.

Ceanothus velutinus, pp. 457, 475, 516.

Chaenactis douglasii, p. 473.

THOMPSON INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 45

Chenopodium bortys, pp. 502, 503.

Chimaphila umbellata occidentalis, pp.
462, 476, 494.

Cicuta vagans, pp. 476, 513.

Cirsium edule, p. 479.

Cirsium hookerianum, p. 480.

Cirsium undulatum, p. 480.

Claytonia lanceolata, pp. 482, 511.

Clematis columbiana, p. 457, 459.

Clematis ligusticifolia, p. 459.

Cogswellia nudicaulis, p. 473.

Cogswellia macrocarpa, pp. 479, 496, 510.

Comandra pallida, p. 459.

Cornus canadensis, p. 458.

Cornus florida, p. 458.

Cornus nuttalli, pp. 461, 496.

Cornus pubescens, pp. 461, 472, 475,
490, 495, 499.

Cornus stolonifera, pp. 472, 475, 490,
495, 499.

Corylus californica, pp. 491, 501.

Crataegus columbiana, pp. 454, 487, 497.

Crataegus douglasii, pp. 454, 457, 486.

Cucumis sp., p. 492.

Cypripedium parviflorum, p. 506.

Cytherea bulbosa, p. 506.

Delphinium menziesii, pp. 502, 506.

Disporum oreganum, p. 459.

Disporum sp., p. 459.

Dodecatheon jeffreyi, pp. 506, 507.

Echinopanax horridum, p. 459.

Elaeagnus argentea, pp. 496, 508.

Elymus triticoides, pp. 499, 515.

Epilobium angustifolium, pp. 483, 498.

Epilobium sp., pp. 468, 506.

Equisetum sp., pp. 463, 497, 510.

Erigeron sp., pp. 465, 466, 473, 493.

Erigeron compositus, p. 465.

Erigeron filifolius, pp. 465, 473.

Erigeron salsuginosus, p. 497.

Eriogonum androsaceum, p. 470.

Eriogonum heracleoides, pp. 464, 470,
505.

Eriogonum sp., pp. 465, 466, 470.

Erythronium grandiflorum, p. 481.

Euphorbia sp., p. 449.

Euphorbia glyptosperma, pp. 462, 470.

Evernia vulpina, p. 501.

Fragaria californica, pp. 478, 488, 509.

Fragaria vesca americana, p. 487.

Fritillaria lanceolata, p. 481.

Fritillaria pudica, p. 482.

Fritillaria sp., p. 481.

Gaillardia aristata, pp. 451, 469, 509.

Gaultheria shallon, p. 490.

TEIT]

Geranium richardsonii, p. 461.

Geranium viscosissimum, p. 461.

Geum triflorum, pp. 449, 465, 466, 469,
473, 493, 504.

Geum sp., pp. 451, 464, 476, 506, 507.

Grossularia irrigua, pp. 472, 489.

Habenaria leucostachys, pp. 451, 467,
504, 506.

Helianthella douglasii, p. 470.

Helianthella sp., p. 470.

Helianthus lenticularis, p. 469.

Helianthus petiolaris, p. 469.

Helianthus sp., pp. 457, 469, 470, 492.

Heracleum lanatum, pp. 457, 482, 504.

Hieracium sp., pp. 492, 506.

Hierochloe odorata, pp. 449, 476, 503.

Hydrophyllum sp., p. 472.

Hydrophyllum occidentale, p. 480.

Juniperus communis, pp. 474, 494, 505.

Juniperus scopulorum, pp. 465, 498,
512.

Juniperus virginiana, p. 500.

Kalmia polifolia, pp. 451, 465.

Lappula hispida, p. 474.

Larix occidentalis, pp. 449, 475, 493.

Lathyrus nuttalli, p. 516.

Lathyrus sp., p. 516.

Lepargyrea sp., p. 453.

Lepargyrea argentea, p. 489.

Lepatgyrea canadensis, pp. 472, 504.

Leptarrhenia amplexifolia, pp. 419, 465.

Leptotaenia dissecta, pp. 450, 480, 513.

Lewisia columbiana, p. 480.

Lewisia pygmaea, pp. 479, 507.

Lewisia rediviva, pp. 478, 479.

Lilium columbianum, pp. 475, 479,
482, 507.

Lilium parviflorum, p. 482.

Linnaea borealis, p. 458.

Linnaea borealis americana, p. 458.

Linum lewisii, pp. 467, 504, 507.

Linum perenne, p. 449.

Lithospermum angustifolium, pp. 449,
480, 502.

Lithospermum pilosum, p. 508.

Lonicera ciliosa, pp. 471, 499, 516.

Lonicera involucrata, pp. 457, 489, 511,
515.

Luetkea pectinata, pp. 472,476.

Lupinus polyphyllus, pp. 461,514.

Lupinus rivularis, pp. 461, 514.

Lupinus sp., p. 514.

Lycopus uniflorus, p. 480.

41383°—30—_34

LIST OF GENERA AND SPECIES

521

Malus fusea, p. 487.

Mentha sp., p. 455.

Mentha canadensis, pp. 475, 502, 503,

507.

Mentzelia laevicaulis, pp. 449, 474.

Moneses uniflora, p. 482.

Nicotiana attenuata, pp. 467, 494, 495.

Nicotiana tabacum, p. 494.

Nymphaea advena, p. 460.

Opuntia polyeantha, pp. 480, 498.

Opuntia sp., p. 484.

Orobanche fasciculata, p. 509.

Osmorhiza nuda, p. 480.

Oxytropis sp., pp. 468, 473.

Oxytropis campestris, p. 504.

Oxytropis campestris spicata, pp. 504,
516.

Oxytropis monticola, p. 473.

Pachistima myrsinites, pp. 468, 515.

Pedicularis bracteosa, pp. 450, 468, 500.

Pedicularis racemosa, p. 467.

Pentstemon sp., p. 465.

Pentstemon confertus, pp. 449, 473,
476, 493.

Pentstemon confertus coeruleo-purpu-
reus, pp. 467, 476, 493.

Pentstemon douglasii, pp. 450, 465, 468,
515.

Pentstemon procerus, p. 467.

Pentstemon scouleri, pp. 449, 465, 468,
515.

Peramium decipiens, pp. 462, 492.

Peramium repens, pp. 462, 492.

Peucedanum sp., pp. 479, 482.

Peucedanum leiocarpum, pp. 479, 483,
484, 494.

Peucedanum macrocarpum, pp. 479,
496, 508.

Phacelia leucophylla, pp. 464, 465, 470.

Phacelia menziesii, p. 468.

Philadelphus lewisii, p. 499.

Phragmites communis, pp. 497, 499,
516.

Picea engelmanni, pp. 475, 499, 505.

Picea sp., p. 483.

Pinus albicaulis, pp. 491, 492.

Pinus contorta, pp. 461, 483, 496, 504.

Pinus monticola, p. 493.

Pinus monophylla, pp. 491, 492.

Pinus murrayana, p. 483.

Pinus ponderosa, pp. 466, 483, 484, 491,
492, 508, 514.

Polemonium elegans, p. 467.

522

Polemonium humile, p. 467.

Polygonum amphibium, p. 515.

Polystichum munitum, p. 499.

Polyporus abietinea, p. 504.

Populus tacamahacca, p. 497.

Populus tremuloides, pp. 464, 483, 497,
504.

Potentilla anserina, pp. 450, 469, 494.

Potentilla glandulosa, pp. 450, 469, 494.

Prunella sp., p. 455.

Prunella vulgaris, pp. 449, 471, 494.

Prunus demissa, pp. 477, 490, 500.

Prunus emarginata, pp. 488, 497, 498,
509.

Pseudotsuga mucronata, pp. 474, 494,
505.

Pteridium aquilinum, p. 482.

Ptiloria tenuifolia, pp. 468, 469.

Pyrola sp., p. 462.

Pyrus sitchensis, pp. 486, 488.

Quamasia quamash, p. 481.

Ranunculus douglasii, pp. 473, 505.

Ranunculus glaberrimus, pp. 464, 512.

Ranunculus sp., p. 512.

Ranunculus sceleratus, p. 512.

Rhamnus purshiana, p. 473.

Rhododendron albiflorum, pp. 460, 502.

Rhus glabra, p. 502.

Rhus glabra occidentalis, pp. 466, 512.

Rhus rydbergii, p. 472.

Rhus sp., p. 513.

Ribes cereum, p. 487.

Ribes hudsonianum, pp. 449, 457, 471,
489, 509, 514, 515.

Ribes lacustre, pp. 449, 469, 488.

Ribes sanguineum, p. 487.

Ribes viscosissimum, pp. 457, 489.

Rosa gymnocarpa, pp. 466, 487, 488,
489, 493, 495, 498, 504.

Rubus leucodermis, pp. 483, 487, 502.

Rubus macropetalus, pp. 487, 488, 508.

Rubus nutkanus, p. 488.

Rubus occidentalis, p. 484.

Rubus parviflorus, p. 488.

Rubus pubescens, pp. 466, 502.

Rubus sp., p. 487.

Rubus spectabilis, pp. 482, 483, 486.

Rubus strigosus, p. 466.

Salix sp., pp. 471, 499.

Salix cordata, p. 471.

Salix interior, p. 465.

Salix longifolia, p. 498.

Sambucus caerulea, pp. 474, 490.

Sambucus candensis, p. 474.

ETHNOBOTANY OF THOMPSON

INDIANS [ETH. ANN, 45

Sambucus racemosa, p. 489.

Scirpus sp., pp. 484, 497.

Sedum divergens, p. 463.

Sedum spathulifo'ium, pp. 451, 462, 463.

Sericotheca sp., p. 474.

Sericotheca discolor, pp. 474, 497, 499.

Sium laeve, p. 482.

Smilacina racemosa, p. 502.

Smilacina stellata, p. 502.

Solidago sp., p. 455.

Solidago decumbens, pp. 468, 472.

Spiraea pyramidata, pp. 471, 475.

Spiraea tomentosa, p. 457.

Spirogyra sp., p. 515.

Streptopus amplexifolius, pp. 459, 486,
502.

Streptopus roseus, pp. 450, 467.

Symphoricarpos albus, pp. 458, 459,
489, 511.

Symphoricarpos racemosa, pp. 458, 513.

Taxus brevifolia, pp. 449, 499, 500.

Thalictrum occidentale, p. 466.

Thuja gigantea, pp. 475, 495, 498.

Thuja plicata, pp. 461, 496, 501.

Tragopogon porrifolius, p. 484.

Tragopogon sp., p. 493.

Trillium ovatum, p. 472.

Triteleia grandiflora, pp. 482, 508, 511.

Tsuga mertensiana, p. 500.

Tsuntia, p. 479.

Typha latifolia, pp. 482, 496, 498.

Urtica lyallii, pp. 471, 472.

Urtica sp., pp. 472, 505.

Vaccinium membranaceum, p. 490.

Vaccinium oreophilum, p. 486.

Vaccinium ovalifolium, pp. 490, 495.

Vaccinium ovatum, p. 487.

Vaccinium parvifolium, pp. 490, 495.

Vaccinium sp., pp. 487, 490.

Vagnera racemosa, pp. 450, 458, 459,
467, 486.

Vagnera stellata, pp. 459, 486.

Valeriana sp., pp. 460, 495, 513.

Valeriana sitchensis, pp. 460, 495, 506,
518.

Valeriana sylvatica, pp. 460, 495, 506,
513.

Veratrum californicum, pp. 460,511, 512.

Viburnum pauciflorum, p. 487.

Viburnum trilobum, p. 487.

Vicia, p. 515.

Vicia americana, p. 515.

Vicia sp., p. 515.

Zygadenus elegans, pp. 463, 508, 511, 512.

THE OSAGE TRIBE
RITE OF THE WA-XO/-BE

BY
FRANCIS LA FLESCHE

ane

Pinch

Neier Ye

ae
ti

T= AV CDIWE KS

fae,

Uta ithia
aed A ee

CONTENTS

Page
TOMO CLUC ULO Nee eee ee oe ee mh A Se a eens RSS 529
Part 1. Sones oF THE WaA-X0’-BE
HERS CVCOU SOND Sie tent nee ee ae eae cna aoe SUA Eigse 541
SONPSIOsCheRWiA-KOL- D6 Sak erie son a Seer ee a A 541
Ceremony of blowing on the symbolic skins_____ Ee ea ne be abe NE: 544
ShapineatlemMOCCasllss == seen ae eee eee eee eee 547
piheise win teases aap oe ee ie PS 548
BIERMOCCASINEWIi=HF l= Cie mae ee Ee 8 Se ee ye Bee 550
INGOLNIMEN Gol thepNO,— Kae eee tee a aes Pe So Nd ee 554
SIen ODMR Wiike P1-e Sie er ee ee Se tl 556
HOOLSLEDEWLiehl-Cse me Ss ont. Soi ae atte a bs te SE 558
Donewolsvandinpuat his fireplaces 24 = 2a a= teense se we eee 565
Hive ORIN Ce SOM eee ie ees et ne ee UE nd SY sta TY ie 566
AVVO) HIMES O11 2S terete eaeees eet ree ee ee eee ee cee 571
fsolatedjsong.of the Hawk == 22.2 9. ese ee ee Pe ee 574
Wic-ci-erand'songsof the rattle. _.. 42.24.2424 2 ee ee cle 579
Nonesporthemhite ofeVigil ess. = oe See ee ee 586
IMakiumotofsthegBOwees 22 os een 22 ee ee ee 593
IS DURIGESOM Gs eres a mame oe ler Se mare By wove ey Scan ayes YG 596
Songs of the meridian sun________-___-~- oe es Ane ales een 599
Intileysongs:o1 the sunes_---. a2 --2-- = a ea e002
Hish= turtle songs seen ee ci ee, 3a ee a pes 605
AVVO LES 11 9S eee ee re ee er eee ee aS 606
Delzingyibheuw.a/-do2=be.2 ===. 22S iSsio lee ce ne dk beeen becacee 608
Dream wi’-gi-e_________- So net Opal ER OS Sens va Se aS 610
Sone srofew alin Cee ete see Se ee oe ee See a ete 614
Wi’-gi-e of the Beaver and the thirteen willow saplings____________~ 616
NOM PeOrmun em aC OS=) Ca yee ee ee eee eee 619
(CO WASONG Seen ey eee yee ie Se ee ee 621
IB Uial ORSON es <ape eae Bean teh a e e Oe ee 623
“UUVN) (SHbre, SY ONaY aS Se aa al a ee ne 639
Buia lORsOn Seat a.) ere teen ne ye Se ee SS 640
IDCerssOn ee tay teats ate. oe Bee te re eS ea ee SIs 643
Blacks Bear songs. 2-422 2-2==— Fe Sages oe SR ee 644
Wi’-gi-e and songs of the rush for charcoal_____--____---_--_-_-_-- 646
Wi’-gi-e of the Black Bear, the Puma, and the Eagle______________ 647
DONCSTONst Nese LCLS se = a ee ee ee ee ee nee 654
SONPSEOMUNCISLATS sewee re ee ye open = ee ee ee ee ee 658
sthersreatieveningsOngs . a 8 oe ee ee ee eee eee 659
siheslittlevevening sonpsss-*- sea 2" 8 3-225 sees sn esse oho oe cae ok 661
semSN AK GISON DS eee e ss = een ee ayn ee ee 8 Me 663
The great rain songs, with wi’-gi-e_____-_-------..---------------- 665
itheplittlesraineson ss! 2298. See eS ee eee Se 669
Songs of making one strike the other____________---_---_--_------ 672
monesolereleasing) the;AllOWS == ee = a= = a ee eee eee 675
Vii CLOLVASOUP Sees = ae eee Sos Mae See So See een oa ean ee 676
Sonevotsclosinsuthe.cereMoly2s= 5225552622222 se 22s ee eee ae 677

526 CONTENTS

Part II. SHrinr DEGREE

Introduction
Weaving of the rush
The initiation

Part III: Osage VERSION

Two rites given in the Osage language___--_-------------.--===

Parr IV. Lirrrat TRANSLATION

Literal translation of the two rites into English_______________--

Try Gee sce ga a ye Rae ee Séeses

Distributing thesym bolic arvicles se = a ee ee ee
<Ehe: WeaVier lcs 256 = 2 SM 2 Se eee ee Age OS ine seear ea ae eres eer hoed enreer tee
Rush wilesices = © 2 So Aes 2 cy eens See et ee = ee eee ee
Phev Hi" sdsenwdi!=pi-e2 es ae a Se er ee a
Lhe weaverisilamentation==—- 2265-5 — ee ae 5 eee ee ee eye
Song of sorrows. 2542 32 3 oe ee eee ane re
Whe: Ca: wilsgi-e. 2. 22 22 225 2 Stee eked leashes, hh 4 en som Nee
The: Moccasiniceremony. 222 so a ea eee ry
‘bhe: Moccasin wi'<ei-e2 == sess eee eee ee eee
MheKi! sno®wil-ei-e- = a ee ee ee we
Approach to the House of Mystery___.____-.___-___-_---_-_----
heb Gotstep*wil-pi-e2 222-22) eae Oe eee 2 ee eee
Changing of the.ceremonial moccasins____--_.----_------------
‘Lhe walk onithessevenvanimal:skins@ 22-2 Shas 22222 soe
Ceremonial opening:of the:shrines= 22. 222222) 22-2 ees see
Songs:ofithemattles ee ee ee a ee ee ee eee ees
Rattle wil-gi-e) of thesHon -pa pens]s a= 22s. one = Stes ae = ete
Rattle wi'-gi-e of the Wa-zha’/-zhe gens__________-_----__------
The wailing songs:and- ceremony 2-2 --_—_ | 2-21 eae es
Makin gyofttbhe: new. shtin C= ase ee ee
Wi'-gi-e of the making of the new shrine_______---_------------
‘The tobacco wit-ei-e = a2 ° eas- Sa ee ee oe eee

Page
681
682
684
686
687 .
688
691
695
696
697
699
700
704
707
798
709
709
710
710
711
713
715
716
718
723

729

805
835

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

MEO CVE Oa ieee eae x es tee ee Cre ee Ae oe ee
eNO asdecoraved ss = kee a 2 SN Se ee ee ee
eexowkatwith hands. on shrine-=]-__2______--_-__-__-_=__-=_______-
mitlawkawithsoutspread wingss—=_ = ---_=__------.--=_____-_-__.--
. Gourd rattle
MCL OWaDC) tena A be ee. ee i en akan ee ee hee ee Bo
eaVWVoman standing by her corm patcb=__ = 2_. "= -_-_- = _=_._-__---.-
BRS UUINC ul eters a eee eran i eet os anne WE as co NEA a Se oe
eXOu- Kasandssyimbolic treeus ast eases eek oa eek Boeke cess e nee
mPrUSHEMA LOG NeW, SUMNe Sema) = SS 2 eee a ee ee
4. a, Shrine and symbolic rope; 6b, Mat showing cord knots in each end__
obrinetaken apart. -.-----___ ae een aS ees Oe ee ee es
wmilhoom'stakevand slats. 222-222 22-2 soe sae nee eae -<---
meKCiezNinw d= (SO tale nen ae ee Ue es Sew sok ne oo eee
REA CONBIGLN Caen n ao eter a Ne re a en se is oe ae we oe SR ee

MeL aceromCeneMmony a. = 222222 se6 oon oo ee ke Soe ae eee esse
‘Syobol of the sun’s path across: the earth__...-_---_-_-.--_--_.--

Page
528
554
562
562
576
576
624
624
682
682
682
682
686
686
686
686

563
669

Mons
Age asi
Rank

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 14

SAUCY CALF

fe
1
i
: ¢
—
1
t
'

THE OSAGE TRIBE: RITE OF THE WA-XO’-BE

By Francis La FiescHe

INTRODUCTION

Tse-zhi”’-ga-wa-da-i"-ga, Playful-calf, is thename of the Osage Indian
who recited into the dictaphone for the purpose of recording the tribal
ritual entitled Wa-xo’-be A-wa-tho", Singing of the Wa-xo’-be songs,
or songs relating to the Wa-xo’-be. The ritual is the first of the two
that are presented in this volume, which is the third on ‘‘The Osage
Tribe.”

The “Songs Relating to the Wa-xo’-be” is a degree that stands
first in the order of the seven tribal war rituals as observed by the
Tho’-xe (Buffalo Bull) gens of the Tsi’-zhu great division. (See 36th
Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 152.) The Tho’-xe gens, of which Tse-
zhi"’-ga-wa-da-i"-ga is a member, is one of two gentes who are jointly
credited with the introduction of the hawk to stand as a symbol of
the courage and valor of the warrior (36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 65);
the other gens is the Ni’-ka Wa-ko"-da-gi, Men of Mystery.

Tse-zhi"’-ga-wa-da-i" is one of the sacred names belonging to the
Tho’-xe gens. Its correct translation as above given is Playful-calf,
but through an insufficient knowledge of the English language the
name was translated by an interpreter as ‘‘Saucy-calf.”’ This name
attached itself to the genial man to the time of his death. One day,
as Wa-tse’-mo”-i" and I stood talking about a certain line of a wi’-gi-e
he had given me, a neighbor of his joined us. The conversation
ended abruptly and I turned to the neighbor and said to him:
“Brother, can you tell me the meaning of the name Tse-zhi"’-ga-wa-
da-i"-ga?”’ He quickly replied, ‘‘It means Saucy-calf, but look,
look!” and he pointed at a calf that leaped and gamboled around its
mother that was tethered to a wagon not far away. ‘‘That’s what
the name means, Saucy-calf,” he said. J could see the playfulness
of the calf but not its sauciness. However, as the man had become
generally known among his Indian and white friends by the name
“‘Saucy-calf’”’ the queer mistranslation will be used in this volume
for the sake of brevity instead of his lengthy Indian name.

Saucy-calf (pl. 14) was a man in middle life, agreeable in manners
and of a kindly and hospitable nature. A few years before this
work on ‘“‘The Osage Tribe” was begun he came to Washington as
a member of the Osage Council that came to discuss with the Com-

529

530 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

missioner of Indian Affairs important matters pertaining to the
development and the use of certain tribal properties. During the stay
of the council in this city I spent many evenings with the Osage men
and we never wearied of talking about the Osage and the Omaha, their
tribal rites, religious customs, ceremonials, gentile organization, etc.

One evening I went to see the Osage and found Saucy-calf sitting
in the assembly room alone. The others had gone out to the various
places of amusement. Saucy-calf did not go out because, he said,
he wanted to spend the evening with me and learn more about the
Omaha who from our talks, he observed, had many customs in
common with his own people. He desired particularly to know if
the Omaha had a corn rite. I told him of the ceremonial distribution
of four grains of consecrated corn every spring to each family of the
tribe as a notice that the time for planting had come, and I sang for
him the corn song which was given a prominent place in the group
of buffalo songs that were sung in the night after the surround of a
herd during the ceremonial hunting. (See 27th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.,
pp. 261-309.) He then gave me the information that the life sym-
bols of his gens, the Tho’-xe, were the buffalo, the various colored
corn, the squashes that were wedded to the different colored corn,
and certain medicinal plants. To that gens belonged the mythical
story of the great bull that miraculously gave to the people the corn,
the squash, and the medicinal plants. (See 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.,
pp. 279-281, wi’-gi-e, lines 54 to 110.)

After giving me this information the old man said: ‘‘My son, the
ancient No?’-ho"-zhi"-ga have handed down to us, in songs, wi’-gi-e,
ceremonial forms, symbols, and many things they learned of the
mysteries that surround us on all sides. All these things they
learned through their power of ‘wa-thi’-gtho",’ the power to search
with the mind. They speak of the mysteries of the light of day by
which the earth and all living things that dwell thereon are influ-
enced; of the mysteries of the darkness of night that reveal to us all
the great bodies of the upper world, each of which forever travels in
a circle upon its own path, unimpeded by the others. They searched,
for a long period of time, for the source of life and at last came to
the thought that it issues from an invisible creative power to which
they applied the name ‘Wa-ko"’-da.’

“There are some things that are not spoken of by the No*’-ho?-
zhi®-ga in the rituals they made, things that are not confided to the
thoughtless and irreverent, but are discussed only by men who are
serious minded and who treasure the thoughts that are sacred and
mysterious.

“There is one expression that has often set me to thinking and it
is this: The ancient No®’-ho"-zhi"-ga have likened the arch of the
sky to a great head in which are contained all of the things above;

LA FLESCHE] RITE OF THE WA-XO’-BE ipl

within this head life is conceived and put into bodily forms of all
kinds. This thought is symbolized by the shrine ceremonially made
of woven rush for the safe-keeping of the Wa-xo’-be, the symbol of
the courage of the warrior, which is the central figure in some of the
tribal war rites. The upper part of the shrine is made to symbolize
the arch of the sky with all that it contains, the figure woven on the
flap represents ‘the single stars, the stars that move in groups, like
the Ta tha’-bthi", Three Deer (Orion’s belt), the Wa’-ba-ha, Litter
(the Big Dipper), the Ta-pa’, Deer’s Head (Pleiades), and the
Wa-ci-da U-zho"-ge, the Path (Indicator) of the Ripening of All
Fruits (Milky Way). The under part, the pocket of the shrine,
symbolizes the earth where life takes upon itself bodily forms of all
kinds.” !

When the visiting Osages were about to leave Washington for
Oklahoma I went to bid them good-by, but they had all gone out.
In a few minutes Saucy-calf returned alone and we at once fell into
conversation concerning the two tribes, the Omaha and the Osage.
As we passed from one subject to another the old man asked: ‘Are
the men of your tribe tattooed as are those of my tribe?”’ ‘‘Only the
Omaha women are tattooed,” I replied, ‘‘on the forehead, the chest,
and the back of the hands.”’ I then gave some of the details of the
Omaha ceremony and explained their symbolic significance. ‘The
round spot put upon the forehead was the symbol of the sun; the
mark on the chest represented the morning star; the picture of the
turtle on the back of the hand meant a long, well-protected, and
fruitful life.” I also told him that the man who desired to have the
ceremony performed and these symbols tattooed upon his daughters
paid a fee to each member of a society called ‘‘Ho",” meaning Night.
The title indicates that the members of the order had been specially
favored by the Mystery God of Darkness. The man who desired
to have the ceremony performed had not only to give the fee to each
member but was also required to provide 100 red-handled knives
and 100 awls. Just here Saucy-calf broke in, saying: ‘‘That is like
the special fee required in a ceremony we call €a’-tha-ge Ga-xe, The
Making of the Woven Rush (Shrine). For this ceremony there must
be provided 70 kettles, 70 red-handled knives, and 70 awls. (See
p. 684.) The meaning of the tattoo marks of your people must be
the same as those used by my people. There are many little things
in the tattooing that stand for one thing or another, but they all
mean that the person tattooed will live to be very old, have children,
grandchildren, and great grandchildren, and an endless line of de-
scendants. We know that the acts themselves have no mystic force,

1 Wa-xthi’-zhi gave the same description of the symbolism of the shrine as given by Saucy-calf, and
made the further statement that the space between the upper and the under parts of the shrine which

represents the space between the sky and the earth is called ‘‘i-u’-thu-ga,”’ cavity of the mouth. Both
Saucy-calf and Wa-xthi’-zhi are recognized authorities on the tribal symbols and rites.

532 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH, ANN. 45

but the symbolic marks ceremonially put upon the body stand as a
supplication to a higher power to bestow these blessings upon the
person tattooed.”’

After a few moments of silent reflection the old man continued:
“Many of the sayings of the No*’-ho"-zhi"-ga who lived long ago
have come down to us and have been treasured by the people as
expressions coming from men who had been in close touch with the
Mysterious Power whom the people had learned to worship and to
reverence. Moreover, the men who uttered these sayings had long
since departed for the spirit land and were regarded by their de-
scendants as Wa-ko"’-da-gi, that is, as sacred and mysterious persons.
These sayings had been transmitted in ritual form and during the
passage of years had been jealously guarded against desecration by
those persons who had succeeded in memorizing them and had taken
care to teach them only to such pupils as manifested a proper spirit
of reverence for things sacred. My people, particularly those of the
younger class, are becoming indifferent to these old-time rites. Those
who still have an interest in them and manifest a desire to be initiated
in the various degrees of the rites are becoming fewer and fewer.
It looks as though the sayings of the ancient men will soon be lost
and forgotten. Perhaps some day you will come to Oklahoma and
then I can recite to you the rituals of my own To"’-wo"-gtho" (gens)
for you to write them upon paper and that much of our tribal rites
can be preserved. I know it is not the practice of the No®’-ho?-
zhi®-ga to teach a person these things without the prescribed for-
malities or without fees, but, in all seriousness, I think that some,
at least, of the rituals ought to be put on paper, so that Osage men
and women of the future may know what their ancestors thought
and said and did.”

I made no reply to the old man’s suggestion, for at that time I was
not in a position, nor was I prepared, to undertake such a study as
his suggestions implied.

Not long after Mr. F. W. Hodge, who at that time was ethnologist
in charge of the Bureau of American Ethnology, requested me to
undertake the study of ‘‘The Osage Tribe.’”’ With some hesitancy
I consented to do the work, knowing well that even for a member of
the American Indian race there would be obstacles in the way of
securing information concerning tribal rites that govern the religious
side of Indian life; rites that were held not only in reverence but
also in superstitious awe. On going to my field of work the only
ray of hope that gleamed in the distance for me was the suggestion
referred to above made by Saucy-calf, and also a service I was able
to perform for Wa-tse’-mo®-i", who had asked me to write for him the
titles of the wi’-gi-es and songs of a certain ritual that he would
dictate to me. He explained that he expected to be called upon to

LA FLESCHE] RITE OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 5a

initiate a member of his gens in the Wa-xo’-be degree of the tribal
rites and that instead of using the counting sticks he preferred to
have a written record, as it would insure against any mistake in the
established order. The list I made for him proved later to be sub-
stantially the same as that given by Wa-xthi’-zhi. (See 36th Ann.
Rept. B. A. E., p. 153.) In this work I have undertaken both
Saucy-calf and Wa-tse’-mo"-i" rendered valuable assistance in secur-
ing some of the ancient rituals.

On the day of my arrival on the Osage reservation in Oklahoma
the first man I met was Saucy-calf, who pressed his hand upon his
mouth, a sign of surprise and astonishment; then, as he gave my
hand a friendly grasp of welcome, he said: ‘‘I knew you would come!”
A few days later this old man took me to his home. As we began
our study of Osage rites he remarked, ‘‘ You will notice as we proceed
that my memory of these rituals is misty and sometimes I shall be
obliged to lead you back and forth. It is a long time since there
has been any occasion for me to recite any of these rituals. The
words and the songs are like birds, they fly away for a time, but
they come back again. Now the first thing to do is to write down
the titles of the songs of the ritual called Wa-xo’-be A-wa-tho',
Singing of the Wa-xo’-be Songs, with which we will begin our work.
You have the advantage of knowing how to write. Our ancestors
knew not the art of writing, but they put into ritual form the thoughts
they deemed worthy of perpetuating.”

The task we entered upon was both laborious and tedious, as we
were without a dictaphone, but the old man was kind and patient
through it all, as he was determined to make good his word. We
had not gone far when he paused to say:

“In some of these initiatory rites the initiator and the initiate
bear to each other the ceremonial terms ‘father’ and ‘son,’ following
the idea that a father is in duty bound to instruct his son in the
mysteries of life. Therefore, in speaking to me, you shall say,
‘T"-da-dsi-e’,’ father, and I shall say to you, ‘Wi-zhi"-ge’,’ my son.”
We continued to use these ceremonial kinship terms to the time of
Saucy-calf’s death, as it was pleasanter to so address each other
than by personal names, which to the Indians is a rude custom.

Saucy-calf made a counting stick which he held in his hand all the
time he worked going over the titles of the songs. Each song was
represented by a line marked across the stick and the songs having
a common title were arranged in groups which ran up the stick on
both sides. The old man began at the lowest group on the front
side of the stick and recited upward until he reached the top, when
he turned the stick over lengthwise and recited upward from the
lower part of the back side.

One day as he was reciting the titles of the songs to me there was
a prolonged pause as I waited, pencil in hand. This pause was

534 THE OSAGE TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 45

unusual for such a wide-awake man and I wondered if he was sud-
denly taken sick. When I looked into his face there were tears on
his cheeks. When he had composed himself he looked at me with
a smile and said: ‘‘My son, a sudden remembrance of the old No’-
ho?-zhi®-ga brought tears to my eyes. They were kind to me, those
old men, when I was working hard to learn from them these sacred
songs. As they sat around the fireplace I fed the fire to make it
shed light and warmth and I ran to the spring to fetch water for
them when they were thirsty. By these little services I won their
affection and they were gentle and patient with me when they taught
me.”’

This tender remembrance of his teachers marked the gentle side
of the old man’s nature, and he was kind to me as I strove to record
his words, even as the venerable No®’-ho-zhi"-ga had been to him.

One afternoon in the autumn of 1910, as I sat in a corner of the
agency office, which the superintendent had courteously set apart
for my use, putting my notes in order, Saucy-calf drove up to the
office in his buggy and called me out to him, when he said: ‘‘My son,
I am to take part in the initiatory ceremonies of one of the tribal
rites and I want you to go with me. You must prepare yourself to
be gone about three days.” It did not take me long to get ready
and soon we were on the road talking about the sayings of the ancient
No” -ho*-zhi’-ga. The old man drove slowly uphill and downhill,
toward the village of the Pa-gi-u’-gthi", Dwellers-on-the-hill-top, to
the trading post called Gray-horse (see 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.,
fig. 1, p. 46), in order that he might teach me some of the wi’-gi-es.
We were passing a bunch of gumweed (Silphium laciniatum) that
stood by the roadside and Saucy-calf, touching the stalks with his
whip, asked: ‘‘What do your people call this plant?” ‘‘We call it,”
I answered, ‘‘zha’-pa-hi, bitterweed. The root is used for medicine
and the young people chew the gum that oozes out of the stalks.
What do the Osage call it?’”? I asked. He replied, ‘“‘We call it
mi’-to-(ga)-xthe hi, faces-the-sun, because the blossoms of this plant
turn toward the sun from morning until night. The boys and girls
chew the gum that comes from the stalks.’ In this way, as we
drove along, we compared the Omaha and Osage names and uses of
various plants.

At Gray-horse we were the guests of Wa-zhi"’-ga-ca-be (Black-
bird), one of the prominent men. On the first two days, after our
arrival late at night, certain preliminary ceremonies were performed
which I did not witness. Long before sunrise on the morning of the
third day Saucy-calf and Blackbird arose and prepared themselves
for the ceremonies of painting and dressing the Xo’-ka (initiator).
Saucy-calf did not feel at liberty to invite me to the ceremony, but,
he told me to stand close to the house so that I could see the cere-

LA FLESCHE] RITE OF THE WA-XO’-BE Heo

monial approach of the Xo’-ka, his candidate, the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka,
and the Sho’-ka, to the place arranged for the full ceremony. Saucy-
calf thought it important for me to see this processional approach
as it was full of symbolic meaning and significance. When these
principal actors of the drama had taken their places and all the
No”-ho™-zhi"-ga were about to enter the ‘‘House of Mystery,”
Saucy-calf hastened to find me and said: “‘I have arranged a place
for you by my side during the ceremony; follow me closely.”’

We took our seats and during the pause before the exercises began
Saucy-calf said, ‘‘You have seen the processional approach and now
I want you to give special attention to the other we’-ga-xe (dramatic
acts) that occur throughout the ceremony, for they are full of mystic
meaning. It will be a little confusing for you at first, but keep your
book and pencil ready and don’t be afraid to write down the things
that areimportant. Pay no attention to the songs; we will take them
up later. The we’-ga-xe are the processional approach, which you
have just seen; the counting of o-do"’ (military honors) by the
Wa/’-do?-be, chosen by the candidate; the striking of the center of
the earth by the candidate; the acts to be performed by the
Xo’-ka when he symbolically connects the sun’s pathway with
the center of the earth marked by the candidate; the acts to
be performed by the Xo’-ka with the cottonwood tree to be
planted in the marked center of the earth; the acts of the Xo’-ka,
who shoots westward the symbolic arrows representing day and night
that stand for the continuity of life.”

Had Saucy-calf been less patient and not given me the order of
the dramatic acts at the beginning of the ceremony, I would have
become hopelessly bewildered, for some of the acts included several
different parts that had to be performed simultaneously by the
various actors. For instance, the singer sings the songs pertaining to
the counting of the o-do’; the members of the war gentes of the
Tsi’-zhu division recite the wi’-gi-e of the 13 sun rays that symbolize
the o-do™’; the members of the Ho*’-ga subdivision of the Ho?’-ga
great division recite the wi’-gi-e of the 13 black-bear footprints that
symbolize the o-do™’; the Wa-zha’-zhe subdivision recite the wi’-gi-e
that relates to the 13 willow saplings used for counting the o-do™;
the candidate touches the heads of the No*’-ho"-zhi"-ga with the
ceremonial pipe and the symbolic hawk and wails as he goes from
man to man; the women members of the order also wail. All of
these acts are given simultaneously and would be confusing and
meaningless to a stranger like myself or to a member of the tribe
not initiated into the rite.

Not only did my instructor give me the order of the we’-ga-xe,
but as the ceremony proceeded he kept me informed as to what was
to follow as each dramatic act was performed. The object of Saucy-
calf in having me witness the ceremony did not fail of its purpose,

536 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

for gradually it became clear to me that the rite as a whole was of
a cosmic character; that it was a dramatization of the movements
of certain cosmic forces whose combined power brought forth mate-
rial life upon the earth and set it in perpetual motion.

It was a daring thing for an Osage to do, the bringing of a stranger
into the House of Mystery and making a seat for him in a place
belonging to Saucy-calf’s own gens. This act betokened the sin-
cerity of Saucy-calf’s desire to have the entire rite permanently
recorded in order that the conceptions of his ancestors as expressed
in their religious rites might not be altogether lost in the changes
that were steadily coming over his people.

Beside the act just spoken of, the earnestness of Saucy-calf in his
desire to have the tribal rites recorded manifested itself in other
ways. Not long after the performance of the Wa-xo’-be ceremony
at Gray-horse, when Saucy-calf and I were at work on the ritual,
he paused for a few minutes in serious thought, then he said: ‘‘My
son, death comes when we least expect it to take us away. It offers
us no choice in the manner of our going. To-day I work with you
in a happy spirit; to-morrow death may come to take me away.
But whether it comes to-morrow or whether it comes later it may
be well for you to seek the friendly acquaintance of two men who
are well informed on the tribal rites in order to continue this work.
The older of the two is the best, and he is competent to explain to
you the things that may be obscure in meaning.”

This talk had a depressing effect upon me and set me to thinking
how I should get along without Saucy-calf, but he quickly resumed
his cheerful manner and put me in a better frame of mind by telling
me of amusing incidents that sometimes take place in a ceremony,
arising from the blunders of an inexperienced Xo’-ka, which made the
No”-ho"-zhi"-ea present forget their obligation to maintain their
dignity in such a place and break out in a roar of laughter. Such a
blunder happened during the ceremony that I witnessed at Gray-
horse, but on this occasion the No®/-ho®-zhi"-ga present received a
rebuke from a certain member of the order which brought them back
to a proper sense of their duty.

One morning, just as we were about to begin the day’s work, the
old man fixed his eyes upon me as a smile spread over his kindly
face, and I wondered what was coming; then, still smiling, he quietly
said: ‘‘My son, objection is made to my giving you the ritual. The
ritual is mine by purchase and the right to teach it to a friend is also
mine. There are some things, however, that must be given thought
looking toward the continuance of this work. We are both feeling
our way as we go along to avoid annoyance by meddlesome persons.
We want to go on with the work, but it may be well to rest until the
talk is blown away by the winds.”’

This information was a bit disconcerting to me, although I expected
to meet some difficulty and had prepared myself for it. The old

LA FLESCHE] RITE OF THE WA-X0’-BE BY

man kept his eyes fixed upon my face as though to gather from it
the thoughts that played within. I gathered my notes together and
rose to go. ‘‘I"-da-dsi-e’,”’ I said to him, “I am going back to the
office to do some work there through the day, but I shall come back
to-morrow morning early, and then I shall tell you something inter-
esting.”” We parted at the door, when he said: ‘‘My son, I shall
expect you to-morrow morning.”

On the following morning I was at Saucy-calf’s house. He had
just finished his breakfast and had begun to paint his face for the
day. His greeting was as cordial as ever and he insisted on my
taking the big rocking-chair while he sat on the floor and with mirror
in hand proceeded with deliberate care to put on his cheeks and other
parts of his face the proper tinge, using for his brush a bit of otter
skin. This painting, which usually took an hour or more, was
decorative as well as ceremonial, but with all this he did not forget
that he must be entertaining, and he opened conversation with his
deer-hunting days and his knowledge of the habits of the little
animal, but, as we were on a vacation, I did not bring out my note-
book and pencil. However, I made mental notes when he became
particularly interesting. At last the symbolic face painting was
done, but to complete the ceremonial picture the old man carefully
put on his head his otter-skin cap, to the back of which was fastened
a fluffy eagle feather dyed red to represent the dawn that is symbolic
of a long and faithful life. This done, he brought out from some-
where a box of cigars and we smoked. Then the old man looked
into my face with a smile in which I read a question, to which I
promptly made reply. ‘‘I"-da-dsi-e’,’”’ I said, ‘‘we are both very
tired and I think it would do us lots of good to take a trip to Wash-
ington.” He was completely taken by surprise, and his questioning
smile ripened into a hearty laugh as he exclaimed: ‘‘ Run away from the
objector! Who would have thought of it?’”? The old man looked
hard at the burning end of his cigar as he spoke again: ‘‘My son,
give me three days to prepare and to arrange for the care of my ponies.
We will go; we will work on the ritual and no one shall interfere.”

For a fortnight or so, on our arrival at Washington, Saucy-calf and
I worked undisturbed on the Wa-xo’-be ritual. No one could be
better pleased than my friendly instructor when the work was done
and he knew that one ritual, at least, of those formulated by the
ancient No®’-ho?-zhi"-ga had been ‘‘put on paper’ and permanently
recorded. In Washington our work had progressed more rapidly
than in Oklahoma because Secretary Walcott had kindly permitted
us to use his own dictaphone.

It was Saucy-calf’s desire, so he said, to record all the rituals in
which he had a proprietary right. One day as he was auietly thinking

41383°—30——35

538 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

he said to me: ‘‘My son, I shall have you record: only those rituals
that belong to me as a member of the Tho’-xe gens.” He felt the
need of refreshing his memory for our future work, and to that end
he returned to Oklahoma, where, in February, 1912, he suddenly died.

His loss as a historian of the tribal rites was great, but fortunately
I had learned from him the names of the various degrees of the rites,
so that I was enabled to inquire intelligently concerning them of the
men he had recommended to me for future work. Death had, in
truth, taken Saucy-calf away, but the voice of the old man, though
he has been dead many years, is still held captive by the dictaphone
and can be heard to-day singing the songs and reciting the rituals
of the Wa-xo’-be degree of the tribal rites as they were taught him
by the ancient No*’-ho®-zhi"-ga of the Tho’-xe gens.

PART I. SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE

539

PART I. SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE

THE SEVEN SONGS
Wa-xo’-BE A-wa-THO™
(SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE)

As in the ritual of the No*’-zhi"-zho" (rite of vigil) degree of the
tribal rites, the songs of the Wa-xo’-be degree are divided into two
great groups, the first of which is called Wa-tho"’ Pe-tho"-ba tse,
The Seven Songs, and is spoken of as belonging to the Ho"’-ga great,
division; the second group is called Wa-tho" Sha-pe tse, The Six
Songs, and is recognized as belonging to the Tsi’-zhu great division.

Saucy-calf, in giving the sequential order of the songs of the
Wa-xo’-be degree as fixed and used by the No*’-ho"-zhi"-ga of the
Tho’-xe gens, began with the song that relates to the ceremonial
unfolding and opening of the bags and woven rush case in which is
enshrined the Wa-xo’-be, the hawk, consecrated for use as an emblem
of the courage and valor of a warrior. For the first group Sauey-
calf counts 18 songs and for the second 15. The fixed order of the
ritual songs as observed by the Tho’-xe gens is as follows: ”

WA-THO’’ PE-THO*-BA TSE
(THE SEVEN SONGS)

1. Wa-xo’-be Thu-shke Wa-tho", Songs of Opening of the Shrine.
2. U-dse’ U-gi-no"-zhi" Wa-tho", Song of the Commander Standing
at his Fireplace.
Ga-co"’-i"-xts1 Wa-tho", Early Morning Songs.
. Sho"’-ge Wa-tho", Wolf Songs.
Gthe-do” Wa-tho® U-ko"-dsi, The Isolated Hawk Song.
. Pe’-xe Thu-ca-bi Wa-tho", Songs of Taking up the Rattle.
. Wa-tho" Pi-zhi, The Mysterious Song. (First song of the
No?”’-zhi"-zho" group.)
8. No®’-zhi"-zho" Wa-tho", Songs of the Rite of Vigil.
9. Mi®’-dse Ga-xe Wa-tho", Making of the Bow Songs.
10. Wa-no"’-xe Wa-tho", Spirit Songs.
11. Mi Tho’-to® do® Wa-tho", Songs of the Mid-heaven Sun.
12. Mi Wa’-tho® Zhi"-ga, Little Songs of the Sun, or Mi A’-po-ga
Wa-tho", Afternoon Songs.
13. Ho-ke’ Wa-tho” I-ta, Song of the Ho-ke. (Meaning obscure.)

SIE Ot HR

2 The I»-gtho»’-ga and the Wa-ca’-be gentes of the Ho»’-ga subdivision begin the count of their order
of the songs with the Tsi Ta’-pe Wa-tho®, Song of the Processional Approach to the House of Mystery.
(See 39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 77.)

541

542 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

14. Sho®’-ge Mo?-zho? Op-she Wa-tho", Songs of the Wanderings of
the Wolf Over the Land.

15. Wa’-i" Xa-ge Wa-tho", The Weeping Song.

16. Wa-thu’-ge Wa-tho", Song of the Seizing (of the Wa’-do"-be, the
warrior chosen to recount his military honors).

17. Ka’/-xe Wa-tho", The Crow Songs.

18. Tse Wa-tho", Buffalo Songs.

WA-THO’’ SHA-PE TSE
(THE SIX SONGS)
19. Tse-do’-a Ni-ka I-no®-zhi® Wa-tho", Songs of the Kising of the
. Buffalo Bulls and Men.
20. Ta Wa-tho", Deer Song.
21. Wa-ca’-be Wa-tho", Black Bear Songs.
22. No®-xthe’ I-ki"-dse Wa-tho", Songs of the Fight for the Symbolic
Charcoal.
23. Ni’-dsi Wa-tho", Songs of the Water. (Crossing a river.)
24. Wa’-tse Wa-tho”, Star Songs.
25. Pa’-ce do" Wa-tho" To"-ga, The Great Evening Songs.
26. Wa-po’-ga, Owl, or Pa’ge do" Wa-tho" Zhi"-ga, Little Evening
Songs.
7. We’-ts’a Wa-tho", Snake Songs.
8. Ni-zhiu’ Wa-tho® To*-ga, The Great Rain Songs.
9. Ni-zhiu’ Wa-tho® Zhi"-ga, The Little Rain Songs.
0. Ki-ka’-xe I-ki-tsi" Wa-tho", Songs of Making them Strike Each
Other. (The symbolic club and a scalp.)
31. Mo” Gthu-stse-dse Wa-tho", Songs of Drawing the Symbolic
; Arrows.
32. Wa-tsi’ A-dsi Wa-tho", Victory Songs.
33. U’-thu-ce I-no-zhi"-bi Wa-tho", Song of the Rising of the Par-
ticipants (to depart).

Hi"-ci’-mo"-i", who was also a member of the Tho’-xe gens, had an
old counting stick among other ceremonial treasures which he declined
to part with. However, for a small fee he consented to give the
names of the groups of songs having in common the same title, which
eroups were represented by marks on his counting stick. The number
of the titles and the order given by Hi"-c¢i’-mo"-i" agreed with those
given by Saucy-calf with two exceptions. ° Saucy-calf included in his
list a group of songs called No®-xthe’ I-ki"-dse Wa-tho", which does
not appear in Hi®-gi’-mo"-i"’s list. The explanation of this difference
accidentally came about as follows: One day when Saucy-calf and I
were out walking we were met by Hi®-¢i’-mo*-i", who shook hands
with me, and after the usual greetings he said to Saucy-calf: ‘‘I hear
that you are giving to this man our version of the Wa-xo’-be A-wa-
tho" ritual. No one can dispute your right to give it away, but in

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 543

doing so you should not make any changes in the ritual but give it
in the same form as it had been handed down to us.”’ Saucy-calf did
not speak but gave the man a steady, questioning look, to which
Hi®-ci’-mo"-i" responded: ‘‘ You have added to the ritual the No™xthe’
J-ki®-dse Wa-tho" (line 22), which does not belong to the Tho’-xe
gens.”’ Saucy-calf then replied: ‘“‘It is true that originally the No*-
xthe’ I-ki"-dse was not in our version of the ritual, but years ago a
man of the O’-po" gens offered himself as a candidate for initiation
in the Wa-xo’-be degree of the tribal rites, but he asked that the
Tho’-xe version of the ritual be used instead of that of the O’-po'.
The No”-ho"-zhi’-ga of that gens requested my father to act as
Xo’-ka at their initiation ceremony and he consented to do so. For
this favor they gave to my father the right to use the No®-xthe’
I-ki"-dse, and it is by his authority that I have been using the songs
in this ritual.”

Later, when To®-wo?-i’-hi-zhi*-ga and Wa-xthi’-zhi were asked if
they had heard of Saucy-calf’s story, they replied that they had, and
they gave the further information that those two gentes, the O’-po®
and the Tho’-xe, complimented each other by one initiating a member
of the other into the mystic tribal rites. This mutual exchange of
ceremonial honors is called, ‘‘ Ki-xo’-ka,’’ they initiate one another.

The other difference is in the closing two songs which Hi-¢i’-mo?-i%
gave but one title, Wa-tsi’ A-dsi, while Saucy-calf separated the two
by giving the last one a subtitle, U’-thu-ce I-no?-zhi"-bi, and counted
it as a song standing by itself. (Lines 32-33.)

Hi®-ci’-mo*-i" started to go, when Saucy-calf said: ‘‘Stand a mo-
ment, my younger brother. Tell me, are you well informed on the
various parts of the Wa-xo’-be degree which we are discussing?”’
“T am,” replied Hi"-ci’-mo™-i". ‘‘Then,”’ said Saucy-calf, ‘‘tell me,
will you, how many different kinds of animal skins are required for
use as symbols in the ceremony?” ‘‘There are four different kinds,”
Hi?-¢i’-mo"-i" promptly replied. ‘‘No, my son,” said Saucy-calf,
using, humorously, the ceremonial kinship term, ‘‘seven animal skins
are required,” they are, counting on his fingers:

1. I*-gtho’-gthe-zhe zhi"-ga, the little mottled lynx.

Sho"’-ge hi? tu, the dark gray wolf.

I"-gtho’’-ga do-ga, the male puma.

Wa-ca’-be do-ga, the male black bear.

Wa-dsu’-ta to"-ga, the great animal (buffalo).

Wa-dsu’-ta gi-hi, the yellow animal, the elk.

Wa-dsu-ta zhi"-ga, the little animal, the deer.

‘These are the seven sacred animal skins, my son. Do net forget
this if ever you are called upon to act as master of ceremonies in this
ritual.”

MID ot ym o8 ty

5AA THE OSAGH TRIBW (wit, ANN, 45
CnnwMony Ov Buowtng on Dun SymBnonie SKINS

The ceremony first performed by the No"-ho"-zhi"-ea, at an initia-
tion in the Tho’-xe version of the Wa-xo’-be degree, according to
Saueyecalf, is called No"-ni’ A-tha-sho-dso, literally, tobacco smoking
upon, ‘This Gitle is understood by all Osages who have some knowl-
edge of the tribal rites to mean the ceremony of blowing tobacco
smoke upon the pelts of the seven animals chosen by the ancient
No"™-ho"-zhi"-en for use in the rites as emblems of courage. The
candidate chosen for initiation into the mysteries of the degree is
required to furnish the seven symbolic pelts. In the early days seven
yoars were allowed the candidate within which to make this collec-
tion for the reason, iis thought, that in those times when the arrow
was the only effective weapon known to the Osage, these animals,
particularly the lynx and the puma, were difficult to procure. Since
the introduction of firearms by traders the task has been less dificult
for a candidate, so that he could procure the pelts within three years
and be ready for his initiation.

The following ts a free translation of the No"-ni’ A-tha-sho-dse
Wi/-ei-e as recited by Sauey-calf in the dietaphone:

THN Wi'-GI-"
COsage verdion, p. 7b) Tteral tranetation, p. 807)

I. What shall the little: ones make to be their symbol of courage,
as they travel the path of life? it has been said, in this house.

2. The little mottled tvnx that les outstretched, they said,

3. Tle who is their grandfather, a person of ereat courage, they shall
make to be their symbol of courage, it has been said, in this
house,

4. At break of day

5b. My erandfather (the Lynx) rushed forth to attack

6. A deer with curved horns.

7. My

in death,

grandfather struck the deer and made it to lie outstretched

8S. My erandfather approached the fallen deer

9 With an ate of exultation:

10. Tle gave a ery of triumph, and spake, saying:

11. When, toward the setting sun the httle ones

12. Go forth to strike the enemy,

13. In this very manner they shall always triumph,

i4. Their hands shall ever be upon the foe, as they travel the path
of life,

15. Here he made a curve (or bend), it has been said, in this house.

16. And what shall the littl ones make to be their symbol of courage,
as they travel the path of life? it has been said, in this house,
(7. The dark eray wolf that les outstretched, they said,

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO/-BE 545

18.

He who is their grandfather, a person of great courage, they shall
make to be their symbol of courage, it has been said, in this
house.

. At break of day

. My grandfather (the gray wolf) rushed forth to attack

. A half-grown deer,

. Within the very bend of a river.

3. My grandfather brought the deer to the ground, to lie outstretched

in death.

. Whereupon he gave a cry of triumph, and spake, saying:

. When the little ones go forth to strike the enemy,

. In this very manner they shall always triumph.

. When they make my hands to be their hands

. Their hands shall ever be upon the foe, as they travel the path

of life.

. Here he made a second curve, it has been said, in this house.

. And what shall the little ones make to be their symbol of courage,

as they travel the path of life? it has been said, in this house.

. The male puma that lies outstretched, they said,

. He who is their grandfather, a person of great courage,

. They shall make to be their symbol of courage.

. At break of day

. My grandfather (the male puma) rushed forth to attack

. The dark-horned deer that lies outstretched,

. Within the very bend of a river.

. My grandfather brought the deer to the ground, to lie outstretched

in death.

. He uttered a cry of triumph, then spake, saying:

. When the little ones go forth to strike the enemy,

. In this very manner they shall always triumph.

. Their hands shall ever be upon the foe, as they travel the path

of life.

. Here he made a third curve, it has been said, in this house.

. And what shall the little ones make to be their symbol of courage,

as they travel the path of life? it has been said, in this house.

. The male black bear that lies outstretched, they said,
. He who is their grandfather, they shall make to be their symbol

of courage.

. At break of day

. My grandfather rushed forth to attack
. A hummock of no particular size,

. Which he tore up in many pieces;

. The little insects that dwelt therein

. He crushed between his teeth,

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45:

3. And at the left corner of his mouth

The blood of the insects trickled down.

. He uttered a cry of triumph, then spake, saying:
. When the little ones go forth to strike the enemy,

In this very manner they shall always triumph.

58. Their hands shall ever be upon the foe, as they travel the path

of life.

. Here he made a fourth curve, it has been said, in this house.

. What shall the little ones make to be their symbol of courage, as.

they travel the path of life? it has been said, in this house.

. The great animal (buffalo bull) that stands, they said,

He who is their grandfather, a person of great courage, they shall
make to be their symbol of courage, it has been said, in this
house. .

. At break of day
. My grandfather (the bull) went forth to an attack,
5. Upon the top of a high cliff

Which he tore and made to fall.

. He uttered a cry of triumph, then spake, saying:

. When the little ones go forth to strike the enemy,

. In this very manner they shall always triumph.

. Their hands shall ever be upon the foe, as they travel the path

of life.

. What shall the little ones make to be their symbol of courage, as

they travel the path of life? it has been said, in this house.

. The yellow animal (the elk) that stands, they said,

He who is their grandfather, they shall make to be their symbol
of courage, it has been said, in this house.

. In the open prairie, where trees grow not,

He fell upon the sun-gazers (gum-weed stalks) that stand,

And brought them to the ground, reducing them into a twisted
knot.

He uttered a cry of triumph, then spake, saying:

When the little ones go forth to strike the foe,

In this very manner they shall always triumph.

Their hands shall ever be upon tue foe, as they travel the path
of life.

. What shall the little ones make to be their symbol of courage,

as they travel the path of life? it has been said, in this house.

. The little animal (the deer) that lies outstretched, they said,
. He who is their grandfather, although he has no gall,

. They shall make to be their symbol of courage.

. He it was who came upon four villages.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 547

86. Close along their borders he ran swiftly without harm.

87. Even when he runs close to the borders of a village,

88. The arrows of his pursuers flying about him,

89. He escapes all dangers.

90. He it was who said: When the little ones make of me their
symbol of courage,

91. They shall always escape dangers,

92. So shall it be even with one of the little ones;

93. They shall cause their hands to be ever present upon the foe,
as they travel the path of life, it has been said, in this house.

THE Ho®-BE’-cu
(SHAPING THE MOCCASINS)

At sunrise of the day succeeding the one during which the smoke-
offering ceremony was performed the No*-ho"-zhi"-ga meet again
at the house of the candidate to perform the ceremony next in order,
called Ho®-be’-cu, literally, -Ho"-be, moccasins; gu, cut. This title
is understood as meaning the cutting into shape of the material to be
used in making the symbolic moccasins to be worn during the cere-
mony by the Xo’-ka and the Sho’-ka as a part of their sacerdotal
attire.

When the No"’-ho®-zhi"-ga have entered the house and taken their.
places in the gentile order as described on page 562, the A’-ki-ho”
Xo’-ka places in the hands of the Sho’-ka two pieces of buffalo skin,
one piece larger than the other, also a blanket with other articles of
value, and directs him to place them before the headman of the
Tse-do’-ga I"™-dse (Buffalo-bull-face) gens. The Sho’-ka,.. as
instructed, carries these articles to the headman of the gens, who
lays aside the blanket and other goods that were offered to him as
fees for the part he is to perform. The Sho’-ka then spreads upon
the ground in front of the headman of the gens the larger piece of the
buffalo skin, hair side down, placing beside it an awl and some sinew.
The Sho’-ka kneels facing the skin and the headman of the gens
as he holds a knife poised ready to perform his part and thus waits
for the headman of the gens to begin the recitation of his wi’-gi-e.
The headman of the gens now begins to recite the Ho®-be’-cu Wi’-gi-e,
in which he is joined by all the members of the gens. The recitation
is not in unison, for each man recites independently of the others.

At the end of line 13 the Sho’-ka places the point of the knife upon
the center of the square of the skin, then draws with it a line to the
edge of the skin at his right, which is for the east.

The Sho’-ka again places the point of the knife on the center of
the skin; at line 26 he quickly draws toward himself a line to the
edge of the skin, which is for the south.

548 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

The recitation proceeds, and at line 39 the Sho’-ka puts the point
of the knife upon the center of the skin, then draws a line to the edge
at his left, which is for the west.

The recitation goes on without pause and at line 52 the Sho’-ka
again puts the point of the knife upon the center of the skin, then
draws a line away from him to the edge, which is for the north.

The recitation continues to line 71 without action by the Sho’-ka,
but as lines 72 to 77 are being recited the Sho’-ka actually cuts the
larger square piece of skin, beginning at the center and following
the line first made. This cut implies a determination to destroy the
chief of a hostile tribe.

During the recitation of lines 78 to 82 the Sho’-ka cuts the skin,
following the second marking. This act implies a determination to
destroy the woman of a hostile tribe who is honored for her virtue
and who gives birth to children of tribal rank.

The cut made by the Sho’-ka during the reciting of lines 83 to 87
follows the marking of the third line. This act implies a determina-
tion to destroy the warrior of a hostile tribe who is honored for his
military prowess. Ne

During the reciting of lines 88 to 92 the Sho’-ka cuts the skin,
following the fourth line he had made. This act implies a determi-
nation to destroy the woman of a hostile tribe who has given birth to

her first child.
THE SEWING

As lines 93 to 98 are being recited the Sho’-ka takes up the awl
and sinew and roughly sews together the edges of the square piece of
buffalo skin and finishes the left foot of the first pair of moccasins,
being careful to give this foot six stitches. The thrust of the awl
implies a determination to destroy the young man of a hostile tribe
who is in the period of adolescence. The strand of sinew used for
sewing the edges together symbolizes the sacred snake (the rattle-
snake).

As lines 99 to 104 are being recited the Sho’-ka takes up the piece
of skin for the right foot and hastily sews together the edges in the
same manner as the first, excepting that to this foot he is careful to
give seven stitches. The awl thrust implies a determination to
destroy the maiden of a hostile tribe who is in the period of adoles-
cence. The strand of sinew used symbolizes the red-bellied snake.

As lines 105 to 110 are being recited the Sho’-ka quickly sews
together the edges of the third piece of skin for the left foot of the
second pair of moccasins. The awl thrust implies a determination
to destroy the warrior of a hostile tribe who is honored for his military
prowess. The sinew used symbolizes the spotted-bellied snake. The
Sho’-ka gives this foot six stitches.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 549

At the recitation of lines 111 to 116 the Sho’-ka sews together the
fourth piece of skin for the right foot of the second pair. The awl
thrust implies a determination to destroy the woman of a hostile
tribe who has given birth to her first child. The sinew used sym-
bolizes the white-bellied snake. The Sho’-ka gives to this foot seven
stitches.

In this ceremonial manner are fashioned the two pairs of moccasins
to be used in the ceremony by the Xo’-ka. Both pairs are emblem-
atic of the life journey of the people as a tribe, a journey which is
made in company with the sun who forever travels from the east
to the west, across the sky above, across the middle of the earth
below. The first pair is worn by the Xo’-ka as he, with his candidate,
joins (figuratively) the pale dawn who ever comes as herald to
announce the approach of the great god of day. Slowly the Xo’-ka
and his candidate move with the dawn to the place prepared for the
ceremony, a place emblematic of the earth and also of the sky across
which the sun is to travel.

Upon the arrival of the two at the west end of the place of cere-
mony the Xo’-ka pauses while he slips off the first pair of moccasins
and puts on his feet the second pair, an act which signifies that they
are about to join the god of day and to start with him upon his west-
ward journey.

Lines 52 to 65 relate to the pair of symbolic moccasins to be worn
by the Sho’-ka during the entire ceremony. These he cuts and
sews in the same way as the first pair, but at the close of the recita-
tion of the wi’-gi-e. To the left foot he gives six stitches and to the
right seven. The strand of sinew used symbolizes the pink-bellied
snake.

Lines 66 to 71 relate to the knife used by the Sho’-ka when cutting
the skin. This knife represents the left horn of the young buffalo
bull, which also serves as a symbol in the arrangement of the tribal
organization. The left side of this symbolic animal is the Tsi’-zhu
great division and the right side is the Ho"’-ga great division. The
young bull stands (figuratively) facing the east and as it stands thus
the Tsi’-zhu side is to the north and the Ho®’-ga side is to the south.

When formulating the rites designed to hold together the people
as a tribe the ancient No”™-ho"zhi"-ga gave serious thought to the
internal and external dangers that beset the pathway of the tribal life.
They clung steadfastly to the idea that the people of the two great
divisions in order tosuccessfully meet and overcome these dangers must
become one in mind and one in action. This idea having become
fixed, the No"’-ho"-zhi?-ga sought to implant it in the minds of all
the people. To this end these ancient seers visualized this idea by
creating a svmbolic man. This they did by using for the body of
the man the two great tribal divisions, the Tsi’-zhu and the Ho”-ga.

590 THE OSAGE TRIBE fern. ANN. 45
The position of the symbolic man, when not in action, was facing the
east whence comes the sun whose path, typifying the path of life,
lies across the heavens to the west; consequently the Tsi’-zhu great
division formed the left side of the man’s body and the Ho’’-ga great,
division the right side; but when the tribe arose as a war unit for
defense the symbolic man turned, faced the west, the place of death,
and the two great tribal divisions reversed their position with the
turning of the symbolic man, who then stands for the war side of the
tribal organization.

Sections 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, and 9 refer to the feet of this man whose
strength is in the united power of the two great tribal divisions, the
Tsi’-zhu and the Ho”’-ga.

Tur Ho’-sr’-gu Wi’-Gi-r
(THE MOCCASIN RITUAL)

(Osage version, p. 733; literal translation, p. 809)

1. What shall the little ones make to be their foot? they said to
one another.
2. The turtle whose tail has upon it six serratures
3. They shall make to be their foot, they said.
4. When they make this turtle to be their foot,
5. They shall by this act enable themselves to become free from
all causes of death.
6. Their foot shall not be hurt by harmful grasses,
7.. They shall crush with the weight of their foot the harmful
erasses as they travel the path of life.

8. What shall the little ones make to be their moccasin strings?
they said to one another.

9. The sacred snake (rattlesnake) that lies outstretched,

10. They shall make to be their moccasin string, they said.

11. When they make the sacred snake to be their moccasin string

12. They shall enable themselves to become free from all causes of
death, :

13. They shall have a moccasin string that will never break as they
travel the path of life.

14. What shall the little ones make to be their foot? they said to
one another.

15. The red-breasted turtle that sits upon the earth,

16. They shall make to be their foot, they said.

i7. When they make this turtle to be their foot,

18. They shall by this act enable themselves to become free from
all causes of death,

19. Their foot shall not be hurt by the harmful grasses,

20. They shall enable themselves to crush with the weight of their
foot the harmful grasses, as they travel the path of life.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 551

21.

bo No bo bk
Or He CO bo

1)
for)

bo iw)
[e,4) “J

w ow
— ©

ww
Oo bo

wo w w
IAN wee

WS)
[e.¢)

39.

48.

What shall the little ones make to be their moccasin string?
they said to one another.

. The red-bellied snake that lies outstretched,
. They shall make to be their moccasin string, they said.
. When they make the red-bellied snake to be their moccasin

string,

. They shall enable themselves to become free from all causes of

death.

. They shall have a moccasin string that will never break, as they

travel the path of life.

. What shall the little ones make to be their foot? they said to

one another.

. The spotted-breasted turtle that sits upon the earth,
29.
. When they make this turtle to be their foot,

. They shall by this act enable themselves to become free from

They shall make to be their foot, they said.

all causes of death.

. Their foot shall not be hurt by the harmful grasses,
. They shall enable themselves to crush with the weight of their

foot the harmful grasses, as they travel the path of life.

. What shall the little ones make to be their moccasin string?

they said to one another.

. The spotted-bellied snake that lies outstretched,
. They shall make to be their moccasin string, they said.
. When they make the spotted-bellied snake to be their moccasin

string,

. They shall enable themselves to become free from all causes of

death,
They shall have a moccasin string that will never break, as they
travel the path of life.

. What shall the little ones make to be their foot? they said to

one another.

. The white-breasted turtle that sits upon the earth,

. They shall make to be their foot, they said.

. When they make this turtle to be their foot,

. They shall by this act enable themselves to become free from

all causes of death.

. Their foot shall not be hurt by harmful grasses,
. They shall enable themselves to crush with the weight of their

foot the harmful grasses, as they travel the path of life.

. What shall the little ones make to be their moccasin string?

they said to one another.
The white-bellied snake that lies cutstretched,

552 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

49. They shall make to be their moccasin string, they said.

50. When they make the white-bellied snake to be their moccasin
string,

51. They shall enable themselves to become free from all causes of
death,

52. They shall have a moccasin string that will never break, as they
travel the path of life.

53. What shall the little ones make to be their foot? they said to
one another.

54. The pink-breasted turtle that sits upon the earth,

55. They shall make to be their foot, they said.

56. When they make this turtle to be their foot,

57. They shall by this act enable themselves to become free from
all causes of death,

58. Their foot shall not be hurt by harmful grasses,

59. They shall enable themselves to crush with the weight of their
foot the harmful grasses, as they travel the path of life.

60. What shall the little ones make to be their moccasin string?
they said to one another.

61. The pink-bellied snake that lies outstretched,

62. They shall make to be their moccasin string, they said.

63. When they make the pink-bellied snake to be their moccasin
string,

64. They shall enable themselves to become free from all causes of
death,

65. They shall have a moccasin string that will never break, as they
travel the path of life.

66. What shall the little ones make to be their knife? they said to
one another.

67. The young male animal (buffalo bull) that stands upon the
earth,

68. The left horn of that animal,

69. They shall make to be their knife, they said to one another.

70. When they make the left horn of that animal to be their knife,

71. The young men shall have a knife that will always be sharp and
ready for use, as they travel the path of life.

72. Upon what shall the little ones do their cutting? they said to
one another.

73. Toward the setting sun there dwells a tribe,

74. Verily, it is the man who governs the people of that tribe,

75. Upon whom the little ones shall always do their cutting.

76. When they do their cutting upon this ruler, i

77. They shall always do their cutting with ease, as they travel the
path of life.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 553

78.

(ey
80.
81.
82.

83.

84.
85.
86.
87.

88.

Sor
90.
Oe
92.

93.

94.
95.
96.
Sis
98.

93%

100.
101.
102.
103.
104.

105.

106.
107.

Upon what shall the little ones do their cutting? they said to
one another.

It is upon the woman who gives birth to children of tribal rank,

That they shall do their cutting.

When they do their cutting upon that woman,

They shall always do their cutting with ease, as they travel
the path of life.

Upon what shall the little ones do their cutting? they said to
one another.

It is upon the man who is honored for his military prowess

That they shall do their cutting.

When they do their cutting upon that man,

They shall always do their cutting with ease, as they travel the
path of life.

Upon what shall the little ones do their cutting? they said to
one another.

It is upon the woman who has given birth to her first child

That they shall do their cutting.

When the little ones do their cutting upon that woman,

They shall always do their cutting with ease, as they travel the
path of life.

Upon what shall they perforate the skin to make the stitches?
they said to one another.

Toward the setting sun there dwells

A young man who is in his adolescence.

It is upon him that they shall perforate the skin.

When they perforate the skin upon that young man,

They shall always perforate the skin with ease, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

Upon what shall they perforate the skin to make the stitches?
they said to one another.

Toward the setting sun there dwells

A maiden who is in her adolescence.

It is upon that maiden that they shall perforate the skin.

When they perforate the skin upon that maiden,

They shall always perforate the skin with ease, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

Upon what shall they perforate the skin to make the stitches?
they said to one another.

Toward the setting sun there dwells

A man who is honored for his military prowess.

41383°—30——36

554 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

108. It is upon that man they shall perforate the skin.

109. When they perforate the skin upon that man,

110. They shall always perforate the skin with ease, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

111. Upon what shall they perforate the skin to make the stitches?
they said to one another.

112. Toward the setting sun there dwells

113. A woman who has given birth to her first child.

114. It is upon that woman that they shall perforate the skin.

115. When they perforate the skin upon that woman,

116. They shall always perforate the skin with ease, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

K1’-No’
(ADORNMENT)

The ceremony next in order is called Ki’-no", the adornment, and
is understood by men familiar with the rites to mean the adornment
of the Xo’-ka (pl. 15), the principal officer of the ceremony, by put-
ting upon him certain symbols.

Before sunrise on the morning succeeding the day during which
was performed the ceremony of making the symbolic moccasins the
candidate ceremonially paints the face of the Sho’-ka with charcoal,
puts upon his head a deer’s tail headdress, ties to each of his arms a
strip of calico, and gives to him the symbolic pair of moccasins to be
worn by him through the ceremony. When this duty was performed
the Sho’-ka was sent to the house of the Xo’-ka to give him formal
notice that his candidate was about to come to take his initiation.
When going upon this errand the Sho’-ka carries with him a filled
pipe, not only as his badge of authority but also to offer it to the
Xo’-ka to smoke as an expression of his determination to faithfully
perform his obligation as initiator. This ceremonial notice was given
the Xo’-ka three times.

At the fourth time the candidate, the Sho’-ka, and the A’-ki-ho®
Xo’-ka together go to the house of the Xo’-ka. The candidate car-
ries in his arms the Wa-xo’-be, a puma skin, one of the two pairs of
symbolic moccasins, and other ceremonial articles to be put upon
the Xo’-ka as his sacerdotal attire. These three men enter the house
and take the places prepared for them. The Sho’-ka then presents
the ceremonial pipe to the Xo’-ka, who smokes it as the Sho’-ka
touches with a live coal the tobacco contained within the bowl.

The fourth formal smoking of the pipe by the Xo’-ka having come
to a close, the ceremonial adornment of the Xo’-ka with the sacred
emblems begins. Following the instructions of the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka
(master of ceremonies), the candidate takes a pinch of red paint from

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 15

XO’KA DECORATED

' nee

Cane
ay

Way,

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0/-BE 555

a deerskin pouch, rubs it upon the palms of his hands, and then lifts
his hands, palms outward, toward the sun rising amidst the crimson
dawn. The A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka then begins to recite for the candidate
and the Xo’-ka, the Ki’-no" Wi’-gi-e. At line 4 the candidate passes
his hands over, but without touching, the face and body of the
Xo’-ka, who sits partly nude. At the close of line 9 of the first
section the candidate hurriedly paints red the face and body of the
Xo’-ka.

~The A’-ki-ho® Xo’-ka then recites the second section, when the can-
didate takes up a downy plume secured from the wing or tail of an
eagle and holds it in readiness. When line 14 is reached he quickly
fastens the feather to the Xo’-ka’s scalp lock atthe crown of the head,
so that the plume stands firmly upright. This plume has a dual sym-
bolic significance: (1) It is a sacred emblem of life which the initiate
is entitled to wear at all times. The wearing of it is a supplicatory
act and expressive of a desire for the continuity of the life the initiate
enjoys. (2) For ceremonial purposes in the initiatory rites it stands
for the god of dawn, the beginning of day. The recognition of the
god of dawn is now merged in the rites that pertain to the sun, the
god of day.

As the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka proceeds to the third section of the wi’-gi-e
the candidate takes up a gorget made from the shell of a fresh-water
mussel. The gorget is suspended upon a narrow woven neckband of
buffalo hair. The band was thus made before the advent of the
European. It is now woven of worsted yarn, an article introduced
by white traders. (See 39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 74.) The
shell gorget has a dual significance; it symbolizes the sun which alone
of all things in the universe, it is believed, endures forever. The
mussel is also a symbol of long life. In the wi’-gi-e the mussel is
made to travel up the river of life and to successfully pass each of
the seven great turns in its entire length. During all this long journey
up the river the mussel remained under water, thus manifesting a
power which none of the other gods possess. At the end of the
seventh of the sections that relate to the story of the mussel and the
river of life the candidate slips upon the neck of the Xo’-ka the woven
neckband, so that the pearly surface of the gorget is displayed as it
hangs on his breast.

When the fourth section of the wi’-gi-e is reached the candidate
puts upon the wrists of the Xo’-ka a pair of woven wristbands referred
to as buffalo hair bands. These represent captive’s bonds.

During the reciting of the fifth section the candidate puts around
the waist of the Xo’-ka, over the puma-skin robe, a woven girdle,
referred to as a captive’s girdle.

At the final section of the wi’-gi-e the candidate puts upon the feet
of the Xo’-ka the first pair of moccasins referred to in line 86 as
captive moccasins and in line 88 as life moccasins.

556

CHONAARWH

10.

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

K’-no’ W1'-ai-8

FREE TRANSLATION

. What shall the little ones make to be their emblem of life? they

said to one another.

. The god of day who sitteth in the heavens,

. He who verily appears anew each day,

. The little ones shall make to be their emblem of life.
. He it was who said: Even the greatest of the gods

Have not the power to gaze upon my face.
When the little ones make of me their emblem of life,

. Even the greatest of the gods
. Shall not have the power to gaze upon their faces, as they travel

the path of life, it has been said, in this house.

What shall the little ones use as a plume to typify life, they said
to one another.

. The god of day who verily appears anew each day

. Has at his left side

. A plume-like shaft of light,

. It is that shaft of light the little ones shall use as a plume to

typify life,

. Then shall they have a plume that will stand firmly in its full

strength of life, as they travel the path of life.

. Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

. What shall the little ones use as a gorget? they said to one another.
. It is this mussel (the shell gorget),

. He who never fails to pass the first bend of the river of life,

. The little ones shall use as a gorget.

. Then shall they free themselves from all causes of death, as they

travel the path of life, it has been said, in this house.

. (The words of this line are archaic and untranslatable).

. It is this mussel (the gorget),

. He who never fails to pass the second bend of the river of life,

. Who said: Even the greatest of the gods

. Have not the power to hold their breath longer than I.

. So shall it be with the little ones,

. Even the greatest of the gods

. Shall not be able to hold their breath longer than they.

. It is this mussel

. Who never fails to pass the second bend of the river of life.

. Even the greatest of the gods

. Have not the power to hold their breath as long as the mussel.
. So shall it be with the little ones,

. Even the greatest of the gods

. Shall not have power to hold their breath longer than they, as

they travel the path of life, it has been said, in this house.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO/-BE Nave

37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.

43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.

50.
dl.
52.
53.
54.

55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.

62.
63.
64.
65.

66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
F/ile
Tee
faye

It is this mussel

Who never fails to reach the third bend of the river of life.

So shall it be with the little ones,

They shall never fail to pass the third bend of the river of life

Even the greatest of the gods

Shall not have the power to hold their breath longer than they,
as they travel the path of life, it has been said, in this house.

It is this mussel

Who never fails to pass the fourth bend of the river of life.

It was he who said: Even the greatest of the gods

Have not the power to hold their breath longer than I.

When the little ones make of me their bodies,

Even the greatest of the gods

Shall not have the power to hold their breath longer than they,
as they travel the path of life, it has been said, in this house.

It is this mussel

Who never fails to pass the fifth bend of the river of life.

It was he who said: When the little ones make of me their bodies,

Even the greatest of the gods

Shall not have the power to hold their breath longer than they,
as they travel the path of life, it has been said, in this house.

Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

It is this mussel

Who never fails to pass the sixth bend of the river of life.

It was he who said: When the little ones make of me their bodies,

They shall never fail to pass the sixth bend of the river of life.

Even the greatest of the gods

Shall not have the power to hold their breath longer than they,
as they travel the path of life, it has been said, in this house. ©

It is this mussel

Who never fails to pass the seventh bend of the river of life.

It was he who said: When the little ones make of me their bodies,

They shall never fail to pass the seventh bend of the river, as
they travel the path of life.

(The words of this line are archaic and untranslatable).

The little ones shall make of me their bodies.

It is this mussel who said:

I never fail to pass the seventh bend of the river of life.

When the little ones make of me their bodies,

They shall never fail to pass the seventh bend of the river.

Even the greatest of the gods

Have not the power to hold their breath longer than I.’

558 THE OSAGE TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 45

74. When the little ones make of me their bodies,

75. Even the greatest of the gods

76. Shall not have the power to hold their breath longer than they,
as they travel the path of life, it has been said, in this house.

77. What shall the little ones use for a wrist band? they said to one
another.

78. It is the wrist band of a captive

79. They shall always use.

80. It is the wristband by which they shall free themselves from all
causes of death, as they travel the path of life.

81. What shall the little ones use as a girdle? they said to one another.

82. It is the girdle of a captive,

83. They shall always use.

84. It is the girdle by which they shall free themselves from all
causes of death, as they travel the path of life.

85. Behold these moccasins,

86. They are the moccasins of a captive,

87. Which they shall put upon their feet.

88. They are the moccasins by which they shall free themselves from
all causes of death, as they travel the path of life.

Footster W1’-GI-E

At the conclusion of the ceremonial adornment of the Xo’-ka, as
above described, the Xo’-ka, the candidate, the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka,
and the Sho’-ka rise to go out of the house, the Sho’-ka leading.
The procession halts when it has gone a few paces from the house,
the Sho’-ka standing a short distance in advance; the Xo’-ka holds
in his hand a little ceremonial pipe, while at his left stands the
A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka ready to prompt, for at this part of the ceremony
the Xo’-ka must himself perform the acts. At his right stands the
candidate, holding in his arms his Wa-xo’-be. The Xo’-ka sings the
song called Tsi Ta’-pe Wa-tho”, song of approach to the house, and
immediately follows it with the first section of the following wi’-gi-e,
the title of which Saucy-calf gave as Wa’-ci-thu-ce Wi’-gi-e, the
Footstep W1’-gi-e.*

At the close of the recitation of the first section of the wi’-gi-e the
Xo’-ka takes from the bowl of his pipe a pinch of tobacco and tosses
it over his left shoulder; a second pinch he tosses over his right
shoulder; a third pinch he drops on his left foot; a fourth pinch on

3 For some unexplained reason Saucy-calf did not give the song in his account of this ritual. As it was
my first experience in recording the Osage rites I was ignorant of the fact that there was a song to the pro-
cessional approach to the ‘‘House of Mystery.’’ Later, not long after Saucy-calf’s death, I called Wa-
xthi’-zhi’s attention to the omission and asked, ‘‘Did not the Tho’-xe gens have the song?’’ He replied
that all the gentes had the song and used the same music, although some of the gentes made slight changes.
in the words. (See 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp. 82, 289.)

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0’-BE 559

his right foot. This done, the procession moves on toward the House
of Mysteries. A second halt is made, when the song is repeated, the
second section of the wi’-gi-e recited, the four pinches of tobacco
tossed and dropped as above described. The procession then moves
on, when a third halt is made, the song repeated, the third section
of the wi’-gi-e recited, the pinches of tobacco tossed and dropped.
The procession moves on and halts near the entrance, at the western
end of the north side of the House of Mysteries, when once more the
song is sung, the fourth section of the wi’-gi-e recited, the pinches of
tobacco tossed and dropped.

THE WI’-GI-E
(Osage version, p. 737; literal translation, p. 812)

FREE TRANSLATION
1

1. Toward what shall the little ones take their footsteps, as they
travel the path of life? they said to one another.
2. It is toward a little valley
3. They stand ready to take their footsteps, it has been said, in this
house.
4. Truly, it is not a little valley they have in mind,
5. It is toward a group of animals (buffalo),
6. They stand ready to take their footsteps, it has been said, in this
house.
7. Truly, it is not a group of animals they have in mind.
8. When the little ones go forth
9. They shall always take their footsteps in this manner.
10. It is toward a little house
11. They stand ready to take their footsteps.
12. Truly it is not a little house they have in mind,
13. It is your little shrine [in low tone to the candidate who carries
in his arms his Wa-xo’-be],
14. Which you are carrying thither.

15. Toward what shall the little ones take their footsteps, as they
travel the path of life? they said to one another.

16. It is toward a second little valley

17. They stand ready to take their footsteps, it has been said, in this
house.

18. Truly it is not a second little valley they have in mind,

19. It is toward a second group of animals

20. They stand ready to take their footsteps, it has been said, in this
house.

560 THE OSAGE TRIBE ber. ANN. 45

. Truly it is not a second group of animals they have in mind.
. When the little ones go forth

. They shall always take their footsteps in this manner.

. It is toward a second little house

. They stand ready to take their footsteps.

. Truly it is not a second little house they have in mind,

. It is your little shrine (see line 13),

. Which you are carrying thither.

(OC NO es

Bae SSE NS ISS

GON SD Or

29. Toward what shall the little ones take their footsteps, as they
travel the path of life? they said to one another.

30. It is toward a third little valley

31. They stand ready to take their footsteps, it has been said, in this
house.

32. Truly it is not a third little valley they have in mind,

33. It is toward a group of animals

34. They stand ready to take their footsteps, it has been said, in this
house.

35. Truly it is not a third group of animals they have in mind.

36. When the little ones go forth

37. They shall always take their footsteps in this manner.

38. It is toward a little house

39. They stand ready to take their footsteps.

40. Truly it is not a third little house they have in mind,

41. It is your little shrine (see line 13),

42. Which you are carrying thither.

43. Toward what shall the little ones take their footsteps, as they
travel the path of life? they said to one another.

44. It is toward a fourth little valley

45. They stand ready to take their footsteps, it has been said, in this
house.

46. Truly it is not a fourth little valley they have in mind.

47. It is toward a fourth group of animals

48. They stand ready to take their footsteps, it has been said, in this
house.

49. Truly it is not a fourth group of animals they have in mind.

50. When the little ones go forth

51. They shall always take their footsteps in this manner.

52. It is toward a fourth little house

53. They stand ready to take their footsteps.

54. Truly it is not a fourth little house they have in mind,

55. It is your little shrine (see line 13),

56. Which you are carrying thither.

LA FLESCHE} SONGS OF THE WA-XO/-BE 561

To the uninitiated, and even to most of the initiated, the Foot-
step Wi’-gi-e is vague as to meaning, but to the men who have given
serious thought to the tribal rites the wi’-gi-e has a clear and definite
meaning. It teaches that all tribal affairs must always be conducted
in a ceremonial and orderly mode of procedure, so that the dignity
of the people as an organized body may be properly maintained and
reverence expressed toward that Mysterious Power whence comes
life and all divine blessings. For instance, in the tribal buffalo hunt
all of the successive acts from the first choosing and sending out of
runners to find a herd of sufficient size to supply all the people with
food; the report of finding such a herd to the proper officials; the
organization of a body of officers to enforce order when the hunters
approach the herd; the sending forth of the tribal herald to give notice
to the hunters to prepare for the chase; the approach of the hunters
to the herd; * all of these acts must be ceremonially conducted by
the recognized tribal authorities.

Such is, substantially, the theme of the Footstep Wi’-gi-e handed
down from the ancient No*’-ho"-zhi"-ga, in cryptic form, for the
preservation of tribal order and authority.

The first line of each section reverts back to the ancient No"’-ho?-
zhi"-ga, who sat around their sacred fireplace in contemplative silence
as they pondered over their task of formulating the tribal rites.

The second, third, and fourth lines refer to the allegorical story of
the Hi’-ca-da gens who sent a runner out to explore the country for
something that might be useful to the people as they travel life’s
pathway. Four times the runner was sent out, and each time he
reported that he had been to a valley, thus measuring by valleys the
distance he had traveled.

The fifth, sixth, and seventh lines refer to the finding of the buffalo,
upon which the people of the tribe are to depend for the maintenance
of life. :

The eighth and ninth lines indicate the orderly and ceremonial
manner in which the groups of buffalo must be approached in order
to insure the success of the chase. By these two lines the ancient
No” -ho*-zhi"-ga have emphasized the importance of the orderly and
religious manner in which the hunters must approach the herds when
they go to the chase.

The tenth, eleventh, and twelfth lines refer to the house wherein
the councils and the ceremonies are to be held, whether they relate
to peaceful or to warlike pursuits.

‘The Omaha tribal buffalo hunting rites required four ceremonial pauses to be made in approaching
the herd determined upon for the chase. At each pause the officials conducting the approach sit abreast,
fill the ceremonial pipe, and smoke as a supplicatory act by which appeal is made to Wa-ko»’-da that the
hunters may be protected from accident or from controversies that might lead to bloodshed and the dis-
turbance of peace. During these pauses the police officers hold back the hunters at a respectful distance
from the officers performing the rites so that there may be no confusion in the proceedings. It is said these
tedious ceremonies have their practical side; the four pauses also give to the hunter who may be delayed
by accident a chance to catch up and to take part in the chase. (See 27th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 281.)

562 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

The thirteenth and fourteenth lines impliedly refer to the formid-
able foes that must be overcome in order that the people might enjoy
in peace the products of the chase. (See 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.,
p. 212, lines 1-257, and p. 208, lines 1447-1542.) They also refer
expressly to the emblem of military authority, the sacred hawk,
folded in its shrine and carried by the candidate.

For this traditional service two offices were conferred upon the
Hi’-ca-da gens who belong to the Ho?’-ga subdivision of the Ho’’-ga
great division, namely, the office of conducting the rites by which
runners are chosen to go out to find the herds of buffalo and the
office which entitles a man to take part in the war councils. (See
36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 218, lines 227-257.)

The approach that follows the fourth pause, with its ceremony,
brings the four men within the space prepared for the rite at the
western end of the Tsi’-zhu side, or, to use the ceremonial term, at
the left side of the House of Mystery looking eastward. (See dia-
gram, fig. 2, 39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.) Here the four men pause
while the Xo’-ka recites the wi’-gi-e. (39th Ann. Rept. B.A. E.,
p. 84.) At the close of the recitation the Sho’-ka removes from the
scalp lock of the Xo’-ka the white plume he has been wearing and
puts in its place a red plume. The red plume was taken by the
Sho’-ka from inside the left foot of the second pair of symbolic moc-
casins, it having been placed there for this act. With a backward
movement of the left foot the Xo’-ka slips therefrom its moccasin,
an act which, in the wi’-gi-e, is made to be expressive of the determi-
nation to destroy the adolescent youth and maiden of any hostile
tribe that might obstruct life’s pathway; in the same manner he
slips off the moccasin from his right foot, an act expressive of the deter-
mination to destroy the warrior of a hostile tribe who is honored for
his military achievements, and the woman who has given birth to
her first child. The Sho’-ka then puts upon the feet of the Xo’-ka
the second pair of symbolic moccasins, beginning with the left foot.

At the close of this ceremony the procession moves on toward the
east by twelve stages, at each of which the A’-ki-ho® Xo’-ka, who
now conducts the ceremony, announces for the Xo’-ka in a loud
voice his arrival at a particular spot (see 39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.,
p. 86), in the same manner as a successful Do-do’’-ho"-ga of a war
party triumphantly entering the village. The twelfth stage brings
the men to the eastern end of the House of Mystery, where each
man takes his ceremonial seat, facing the west; the place of the
Xo’-ka is the middle, the candidate with his Wa-xo’-be on the right,
the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka on the left, and the Sho’-ka on the right of the
fireplace. (Fig. 46.)

When the four men are seated the Sho’-ka takes from the candi-
date his Wa-xo’-be, places it on the ground before the Xo’-ka, the

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 16

XO-KA WITH HANDS ON SHRINE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 17

HAWK WITH OUTSPREAD WINGS

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO/-BE 563

head of the bird within the shrine toward the Ho"’-ga side of the house;
next he puts before the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka a gourd rattle and a bundle
of tally sticks with which to keep count of the songs. These tally
sticks are made, consecrated, and kept for ceremonial use; they are
regarded as belonging to the same class of articles treasured for
symbolic purposes. Wa-tse’-mo*-i" recited in full the wi’-gi-e in
which appears the mythical story relating to the origin of the tally
sticks which are made of willow, a tree that is the life symbol of the
Wa-zha’-zhe subdivision. (39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp. 164-170,
lines 327-506.)

Having performed these duties, the Sho’-ka takes his seat.

The Xo’-ka, following the instructions given by the A’-ki-ho®
Xo’-ka, places his hands on the shrine, one hand ateach end. (PI. 16.)
The A’-ki-ho® Xo’-ka then proceeds to sing the Song of Opening the

NORTH

DIVISION

es
WEST QD) Fireplace FireplaceQM ¢ EAST
HON'GA DIVISION °
“© WA-ZHA'ZHE HON'GA
SSS SSS
TIGEES 4a alsao it TL ne ea

SOUTH
FIGURE 46.—Place of ceremony

Shrine. The song is entitled Wa-xo’-be, the shrine; Thu-shke, to
untie; Wa-tho”, song.

For a better understanding of the ceremonial acts that accompany
each stanza of the song it may be well to give a brief description of
the movements that attend the singing.

First stanza: The Xo’-ka lays both hands upon the shrine, one at
each end.

Second stanza: The Xo’-ka turns the shrine endwise, so that the
head of the hawk within the shrine is toward the Tsi’-zhu side. The
second stanza is sung four times in order to complete the prescribed
number of turnings, for the head of the hawk must be turned twice
toward the Tsi’-zhu and twice toward the Ho’’-ga great division of
the tribe. At the close of these movements the Xo’-ka takes off the
hanging strap of the shrine and lays it aside; then he opens, without
ceremony, the buffalo-hair bag and lays that aside; next he opens
the deerskin bag; and lastly the woven rush case, from the pocket
of which he removes the hawk in its deerskin pouch. In the opening
of the three bags the mouth of each bag must be away from the
Xo’-ka and in taking one bag from the other the withdrawal must
be made with a forward movement for the reason that each move-
ment has a cosmic significance and no cosmic body moves backward.

564 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45)

Third stanza: The Xo’-ka puts the tips of his fingers on the knot
of the narrow thong that closes and holds together the mouth of the
pouch in which the hawk is kept. At the close of the stanza he
unties the knot. This act is called thu-shke, untie.

Fourth stanza: The Xo’-ka, at the close of this stanza, loosens the
thong so that in opening the mouth of the pouch it may open freely
and without a catch.

Fifth stanza. At the close of this stanza the Xo’-ka opens wide the
mouth of the pouch so that the hawk may freely pass out through it.

Sixth stanza: This stanza speaks figuratively of the symbolic hawk
as being born.

Seventh stanza: At the close of this stanza the Xo’-ka gently
grasps the head of the bird and takes it from the pouch as a child is
gently taken at its birth.

At the close of the Song of Opening the Shrine, and the ceremonial
acts with which the Wa-xo’-be, the sacred hawk, is brought into the
light of day, the No"’-ho"-zhi"-ga members of the initiating gens,
the Tho’xe, enter the House of Mystery in single file and take their
seats at the eastern end, back of the candidate, the Xo’-ka and the
A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka. Then follow the No’-ho"-zhi"-ga members of the
Ho"’-ga great division. This division is divided into two parts.
(1) The Ho"-ga with its various gentes, representing the dry land
of the earth; (2) the Wa-zha’-zhe with its gentes, representing the
water part of the earth. The members of these two subdivisions take
their seats at the south side of the house. Then the No”’-ho"-zhi"-ga
members of the Tsi’-zhu great division, representing the sky, with
its great cosmic bodies, enter and take their seats, according to gentes,.
along the north side of the house.

Two lines only of the song are translated.

Sone 1

(Osage version, p. 739)

M.M. He — 66 Transcribed Ror graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

Gry See et ee |

Tsi-go hi-tho®-ba bi the - e thi-to" tse i - the he,

ce ie See eee ast

Tsi-go hi-tho"-ba_ bi the - e thi-to® tse i - the he,

he.

Tsi-go hi-tho™ba bi the - e thi-to® tse i - the

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 565

1
FREE TRANSLATION
1

He is about to come into the light of day,
Let him be touched with gentle hands.

He is about to come into the light of day,
He will turn himself from side to side.

3
He is about to come into the light of day,
Let the cord of the mouth be untied.

He is about to come into the light of day,
Let the mouth unfold and be opened.

5
He is about to come into the light of day,
Let the mouth be opened wide.
6
He is about to come into the light of day,

Let him pass through and be born.

He is about to come into the light of day,
Let him be taken with gentle hands.

STANDING aT His FIREPLACE

(Osage version, p. 739)

The title of the next song in order is, Standing at His Fireplace;
U-dse’, fireplace; U-gi-no"-zhi", standing at his; Wa-tho", song.
The song refers to the head of a throng of people journeying together
who rises at break of day and stands at his fireplace as he gives
his commands. The song refers particularly to the principal com-
mander of a body of warriors. Two lines only of each stanza of this
song are translated, as the other lines are repetitions.

566 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

Sone 1

(Osage version, p. 739

M.M. a — 88 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
—" ro oF
°—~—~—°—e-# ee > =
frome =Ea = o—e =
Gee | Z a Co f P IES i c 3 7 .
A the the o® - ho®-badse-the ha the the, O®-ho® - ba dse -the

a SIN a (ese ema A
Gre é Z = = — = Jape ae
ha the the,O"-ho®-ba dse the ha the the, O"-ho®-ba dse - the
5 ae ete = a
[Gus Spa fete et

7
ha the the, A the the o®- a - ba dse-the ha the the, OP -ho® -

[Grete See bee —s al

ba dse-the ha the the, OP-ho®-ba dse-the ha the the,O"-ho" - ba dse.

FREE TRANSLATION

Look you! ’tis day, kindle ye the fire,
The day has now come; kindle ye the fire.

Look you! Arise and sit ye up,
Arise, arise, and sit ye up.

Look you! bestir yourselves, make ready,
Bestir yourselves, make ready.

Look you! move forward, begin the journey,
Move forward, begin the journey.

Earty Morninea Sona

The title of the song next in order is, Early Morning Song; Ga-
go”’-i"-xtsi, early morning; Wa-tho", song.

The song is like a hymn of adoration to the sun, an object that
has ever been the wonder of the Osage people, and to which they
gave a reverential place in their solemn rites, not in adoration of the
sun itself, but as the visible manifestation of the presence therein of
a higher power. They glorified its regularity of movement; the
matchless color it displays as it rises mysteriously from behind the
eastern horizon; its journey to the center of the heavens; and thence
to the western horizon behind which it vanishes in mystery.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO/-BE 567

The regularity of movement, the display of color by the object
adored, are referred to by certain gentes in their respective versions
of the “ Ki’-no"”’ or ‘‘Adornment Wi’-gi-e.”’

TSI’-ZHU WA-SHTA-GE
(A SUBGENS)

10. The god of day as he approaches
11. Strikes the heavens with a bright red glow,
12. That red glow shall be for the painting of the bodies of the little

ones.
TSI’-ZHU. WA-SHTA-GE
(BA’-PO SUBGENS)

2. The god of day who sitteth in the heavens,

3. Who never fails to appear at the beginning of day,
4. Puts forth from the left side of his body

5. A fiery crimson glow.

Sho"’-ge-mo"-i", who recited this version of the wi’-gi-e, men-
tioned only the left side of the sun, the left being the Tsi’-zhu side
of the symbolic division of the tribe. He does not mention the right
side of the sun, as that side belongs to the Ho”’-ga side of the symbolic
division.

IX-GTHO’’-GA GENS
4. Verily the god who reddens the heavens as he approaches,
5. They (the little ones) shall make to be their sacred color as they
go forth upon life’s journey.

THO’-XE GENS

2. The god of day who sitteth in the heavens,
3. He who appears anew each day,
4. The little ones shall make to be their emblem of life.

(The wi’-gi-es here referred to are in the 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.,
p. 286; 39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 252; 39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.,
p. 74; and on p. 556 of this volume.)

The theme of the Early Morning Song is the coming forth of the
sun into the visible world from beyond the horizon which lies hidden
in mystery. The coming of the sun is in this version likened to the
coming forth of the human race from the invisible to the visible world.
The song gives to the sun the form of the human body. The part
that first appears is its head, then its arms; its body; its legs; and,
lastly, its feet.

I spoke to Saucy-calf of this order given in the song as being the
reverse of that given in other tribal ritual songs and asked him the
meaning of the difference. ‘He replied by a downward, sweeping

568 THE OSAGE TRIBE (RTH, ANN. 45

gesture with his hands and said that the order given in the Early
Morning Song and in other songs of the ritual refers to the birth of
man. The order given in the rituals of other gentes which begins
with the feet and ends with the mouth refers to the growth of man,
to his life’s journey from infancy to old age.

The translation of the first three lines of each stanza will suffice to
give the meaning of the song.

Sona 1
(Osage version, p. 739)
M.M. pi ry Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
a ee =a aes SS ee ees
E Se ee ==: = Se =e ———7 =a
(e
Tsi-go hi ta i -kshe no® hot, Tsi - go Xi - tho® -
EE GEES pemacered ROE oora oh
E SaaS SP Sear =e ny aallk= a
Oi gs ig Pie wy giegs se Tal yobs
wv oa awe
be hi -ta i®-kshe no®, Pa tse the hi ta i®-kshe no® © ho,
ase el AN SSN ma
= See ets
<n a ao oA inet Loner bearer y Sot

Tsi-go hi-tho®-be hi ta i® ksheno®, Pa tse the hi ta i® - kshe

Gass Smee se ire os!

Sit -o -6-
cs > . .
no®, Tsi-go hi ta i®-kshe no®, Tsi-go hi-tho®-be hi ta i?-kshe no®.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
He who is in the heavens is coming anew,
Coming anew into the visible world,
His head appears first as he approaches.

2
He who is in the heavens is coming anew,
Coming anew into the visible world,
His arms appear as he approaches.

He who is in the heavens is coming anew,
Coming anew into the visible world,
His body appears as he approaches.

4
He who is in the heavens is coming anew,
Coming anew into the visible world,
His legs appear as he approaches.

5
He who is in the heavens is coming anew,
Coming anew into the visible world,
His feet appear as he approaches.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 569

In Song 2 of the Early Morning Songs the sun is personified and
made to speak of his going forth into the visible from the invisible
world in obedience to a command; of his coming forth with all the
potential strength of his head, his arms, his body, legs, and feet.
In these two songs and in other songs of like character the ancient
No”’-ho®-zhi"-ga aimed to express the idea that the sun and all other
forms into which life flowed in obedience to the commanding will of
an unseen power move together in their endless journey. This
power is continuous in its action; therefore the sun and all attendant
life come anew each day and continue to travel upon an endless path.
This idea is also expressed by the No®’-ho*-zhi"-ga in the dramatic
action of the ceremony. The Xo’-ka, who sits beside his candidate
at the eastern end of the house facing westward, takes the part of
the sun in the great life drama; the candidate represents not only
human life but all other forms of life that move apace with the sun on
its endless journey.

Two lines only of each stanza are translated.

Sona 2
(Osage version, p. 740)
Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
= 4‘ AN r
—e js \ Nase Apel
EES. a
Boe ag

E - tho®-be hi tse ha bi no® ho®, Pa tse bthe tse bthe a-

——
as iS 2 + SI

a a es
thi? he no® hoz, Pa = bihe tse bthe a-thi? he he, Bthe a-thi®

oe -o aa 0 Mes ae Rally a re no ee” Mehr eer
he no" ho®, Pa _ tse bthe tse bthe a-thi® he he, E - tho®-be hi

——= a =
oe -0-

, we oe es we
tse ha bi no® ho®, Pa_ tse bthe ‘$i bine a-thi? he no® ho®.

FREE TRANSLATION

It is said that I must go into the visible world,
My head shall be first to appear.

It is said that I must go into the visible world,
My arms shall be next to appear.

41383°—30——_37

570 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45.

It is said that I must go into the visible world,
My body shall then appear.

4 E

It is said that I must go into the visible world,
My legs shall also appear.

It is said that I must go into the visible world,
My feet shall at last appear.

The third song of this group carries one back to the ancient No*’-
ho™-zhi®-ga, who sat around their hallowed fireplace contemplating
the mystery of life. These men, in their mind’s vision, beheld the
onward movement of life as the onward movement of the sun that
never fails to come anew each day from the unseen to the visible
world, adorned in a color that awakens and pleases the sense of beauty.
In their mind’s vision they saw beauty and joy in human life and
craved its continuity. Alongside all this they also saw the tragedies
and the sorrows of life; that, at times, the best of their men must
go and kill and be killed in order that the individual and the tribal
life might continue. They likened such a movement to a plunge
into the mysterious darkness of death. The conflict over, the living
emerge from the darkness and return to the light of day.

In this song those men of the ancient days have attempted to
portray such a return. They represent the people of the village as
seeing in the distance the warriors returning, signaling their victory,
over which they rejoice.

The first stanza tells of the emergence from the darkness and of
the military honors won.

The second stanza speaks of the warriors returning, girdled with
the trophies of the conflict.

The third stanza pictures the returning warriors as moving in two
lines, each representing one of the two great symbolic tribal divisions.

The fourth stanza tells of the finding of the men of the enemy and
of their defeat.

or
~I
—

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’'-BE

Sone 3
(Osage version, p. 740)

M.M. a= 104 Transcribed from graphophone by ©. Wakefield Cadman.

SS = —_ — -
eS fee Se a oe es eae ae a |
SSF oe J -.- 6 ages:

o
-da hi-tho™-be a-gthi bi the, E- a hi tho" - be a-gthi bi the

c ae —\y lt i
a— = 12 Gee Ne {
= Ns Bea 4 =a a { ZS ia :
ra - =o @ é e eo op ee

he the, EK - da wa-tse to® agthi bi the,

Goo tll

E - da wa-tse to" a-gthi bi the the, E-da_ hi-tho®-be-gthi bi the.

FREE TRANSLATION
1 Zs

Look you! they return to the visible,

They return to the visible,

Behold! they come with honors won in battle,
They come with honors won in battle,

Look you! they return to the visible.

Look you! they return to the visible,
They return to the visible,

Behold! they come girdled with trophies,
They come girdled with trophies,

Look you! they return to the visible.

Look you! they return to the visible,
They return to the visible,

Behold! they come as in a forked line,
They come as in a forked line,

Look you! they return to the visible.

Look you! they return to the visible,
They return to the visible,

Behold! they return, having found men,
They return, having found men,

Look wou! they return to the visible.

Wour Sones

The group of songs following the Early Morning Songs is called
Sho’-ge Wa-tho"; Sho®’-ge, wolf; Wa-tho", songs. The name
Sho"’ge is also applied to the domesticated dog.

572 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

These songs refer to the eight men chosen as active commanders
of the warriors when a large war party is ceremonially organized;
four commanders for the warriors of the Tsi’-zhu great division and
four for those of the Ho"’ga great division. These commanders are
subordinate to the Do-do"’-ho"-ga, whose office throughout the
expedition is that of a mediator between Wa-ko"’-da and the people
of the tribe by whom he is chosen for that duty. Only in the first
stanza of Song 1 are these commanders referred to as men. In the
other four stanzas they are spoken of as wolves.

These commanders are spoken of as wolves because they are men
of great fortitude; men who, like wolves, are ever alert, active, and
tireless; men who can resist the pangs of hunger and the craving for
sleep and who can also overcome nostalgia, that disheartening mental
condition that sometimes seizes a man and unfits him for military
duty.

The word Ho"’-ba, day, which is frequently used in the two wolf
songs, is not used in its ordinary sense but as an expression of an earnest
desire that the commanders shall be made to be as tireless as is the
day, in order that they may be able to succeed in their undertaking.

Only two lines of each stanza of Song 1 are translated.

Sone 1

(Osage version, p. 741)
Transcribed from graphophone by C, Wakefield Cadman.

[ bo = ~ = =e = Nema Neath = —— |
; #9 6-6 =a eS ——~—
= ese = anna, ——
-6- -6 -6-
Ho®-ba wa-dsi thea ba e no®, Ho®-ba wa-dsithea ba e no®,
—_——__—_ —
FG = za |
arama we = = eee pics| Noees eee
v > — = 6 2 = a -e- = =

Ho®-ba wa -dsithe aba e no®, Ho®-ba wa - dsithea ba e no’,
? 4

Ni-ka do- bathea ba e no®, Ho®-ba wa - dsitheaba e no,

N oN
SE = —|- — a = ea
o vw s vw Ce eg: 3 ag:
Ho® - ba wa - dsi the a ba e no®

FREE TRANSLATION
1
On what day shall they begin their journey,
The four men who are to go forth.
D)

On what day shall they begin their journey,
They who are to go like blue-gray wolves.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 573

3
On what day shall they begin their journey,
They who are to go like black wolves.

4
On what day shall they begin their journey,
They who are to go like brown wolves.

On what day shall they begin their journey,
They who are to go like yellow wolves.

In Song 2 a commander is represented as speaking; speaking of
the mystery amid which move the day, the man, the wolf, and which
makes them all akin. The song implies an appeal to this mystery,
the invisible power that controls the actions of all life in whatever
form. The commander, conscious of his own limitations, craves the
enduring qualities of the ever-moving day, and those of the wolf
who, undaunted, travels far and wide over strange lands.

Four lines of the first stanza and one line from each of the other
four will suffice to give the meaning of the song.

Sona 2
(Osage version, p. 741)
M.M. a 106 Transcribed from graphophone by ©. Wakefield Cadman.
4. — @ o @ fe ff — ; =e |
ile vi
Eg a === 7
Tlo® - ba ge dsi mo®-bthi® a - thi® he = no®a,

eS Se ea

Ilo"-ba_ e - ki- the mo®-bthi® a -thi® he no", Mo?-bthi® a - thi™ he no®,

= S== =

mo®-bthi® a-thi® heno® haa. Sho®-ge to no™® e - ki- the

lon
{3—N NaN =
+ SS ed
ee SS AE
@ os e gs slat
mo" - bthi® a - thi® heno®, Mo® -bthi® a- thi® heno®,
to = ee ee eee
=ho = SS S Shea |
Sa a 3 oN eae NES 7
ante os = a oe

mo?-bthi® a - thi" he no®, Ho®-ba ge dsi mo®-thi® a- thi®

es el ( 3) r
Ca hoe Ness Nese Nee Ne Ree Nah N | |
ee: E
i

he no" a, Hot-ba e - ki -the mo®-bthi® a-thi® he no®,

574 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

FREE TRANSLATION
1

Lo! I am ever traveling with the day,

With the day I am traveling as its kin,

I am ever traveling, ever traveling,

With the gray wolf I.am traveling as its kin.
2

With the black wolf I am traveling as its kin.

3
With the roan wolf I am traveling as its kin.

4
With the yellow wolf I am traveling as its kin,

5
With the white wolf I am traveling as its kin.

IsoLaTED SONG oF THE Hawk

The title of the next song sung by the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka is Isolated
Song of the Hawk. The title in Osage, Gthe-do”’ Wa-tho® U-ko"-dsi,
isolated or standing alone or apart from others.

There is no intimation as to what particular part of the tribal
rites this song refers, but it may be said that the song belongs to two
gentes, namely, the Ni’-ka Wa-ko"-da-gi, Men of Mystery, gens who
made of the hawk their life symbol and took from it their sacred
gentile names (see 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp. 278-279, lines 30-53),
and also to the Tho’-xe gens. These two gentes are jointly credited
with the ownership of the hawk symbol, representing the courage of
the warrior. (See 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp. 64-65.)

The Osage warrior adores the hawk for the power he displays
‘when ‘‘far above the earth he spreads his wings,” in search of his
prey; for his courage and the intrepidity with which he drops upon
his victim and strikes it with unerring precision. (PI. 17.)

When about to attack the foe the Do-do’’-ho*-ga of a war party
puts upon the back of each of his eight commanders a hawk, then
gives the signal for the attack. There can be no turning back, no
turning aside, for the warrior must charge straight upon the foe.

When old Saucy-calf sang this song his face brightened with pleas-
ure as though he saw at a glance all the movements of the hawk and
the impetuous charge of the warriors upon the enemy.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 575

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 742)
M.M. A = 88 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
D 1 SE
Faery ee
Mo-i® - ka ga-wa thi® he no®, the mo®-zho® the ge
oe SSS
SS pS
at ae oes
he bthea-thi" he no", A the the he the, E_ the mo®-zho® the ge
he bthea- thi" he aie - the -e mo? - i2 - ka

-6-. ye > ar = + —
ga-wa thi? he no®, E themozho"thege he bthe a-thi® he no®,

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Far above the earth I spread my wings,
Over these broad lands I fly,
A the, the, he the,
Over these broad lands I fly,
Far, far above the earth I spread my wings,
As over these broad lands I fly.

2
Far above the earth I spread my wings,
As over these grassy plains I fly,
A the, the, he the,
Over these grassy plains I fly,
Far, far above the earth I spread my wings,
As over the grassy plains I fly.

Far above the earth I spread my wings,

As over the wide valleys I fly,

A the, the, he the,

Over these wide valleys I fly,

Far, far above the earth I spread my wings,
As over these wide valleys I fly.

Far above the earth I spread my wings,

As over the great forests I fly,

A the, the, he the,

Over the great forests I fly,

Far, far above the earth I spread ‘my wings,
As over the great forests I fly.

576. THE OSAGE TRIBE [ern. ANN. 45:

Far above the earth I spread my wings,

As over the lofty trees I fly,

A the, the, he the,

Over the lofty trees I fly,

Far, far above the earth I spread my wings,
As over the lofty trees I fly.

6
Far above the earth I spread my wings,
As over the high hills I fly,
A the, the, he the,
Over the high hills I fly,
Far, far above the earth I spread my wings,
As over the high hills I fly.

The song following the Isolated Song of the Hawk is called Song of
Taking the Rattle, Pe’-xe Thu-ge Wa-tho"; Pe’-xe, rattle; Thu-ce,
taking; Wa-tho", song.

This group composes one wi’-gi-e and five songs. Up to the rattle
songs the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka does not use the rattle to beat time to
the music, but as he sings he strikes his thigh with the palm of his
hand to accentuate the time. The assistant singers who sit at his
left use bunches of the tally sticks which they strike against each
other and make a clashing sound like that of gourd rattles.

The gourd rattle (pl. 18) to be taken up and used from this time
on is a sacred symbol of the Ho*’-ga U-ta-no"-dsi gens, whose
people did not come from the sky but always belonged to the earth,
as told by their origm myth. (See 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp.
59-61.) These people, the Ho®-ga U-ta-no™-dsi, used for their
weapons the four winds that were destructive to life.

The name Ho”’-ga U-ta-no"-dsi may be interpreted thus: Ho’’-ga,
a sacred object, or something that occupies the most prominent
place among things sacred; U-ta-no"-dsi, isolated, or an object that
occupies a place that is apart from the other sacred objects. In
other words, the name Ho”’-ga as here used refers to the earth that
occupies a great space by itself and is surrounded by other Ho"’-ga
that move in the heavens, singly and in groups, as the sun, the moon,
the morning and evening stars, and also the various constellations.

The wi’-gi-e is a cryptic reference to the military organization of
the Ho"’-ga U-ta-no"-dsi, an organization which it held before the
reorganization took place. (See 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp. 65-67.)
In those days the Ho®’-ga U-ta-no"-dsi had seven fireplaces (gentes),
and it may be that the tribe mentioned in the wi’-gi-es as having
seven divisions refers to the ancient war organization of the Ho"’-ga
U-ta-no"-dsi.

A few words concerning the emblematic character of the cere-
monial gourd rattle of the Ho’’-ga U-ta-no"-dsi may be helpful toward

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 18

GOURD RATTLE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 19

CROW BELT

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE BY fF

a clearer understanding of what the authors of the tribal rites intended
it to represent.

The ancient No"’-ho®-zhi"-ga when formulating the tribal rites
persistently held up before the people the fundamental principle that
in all their activities as an organized body, a tribe, they must have
unity of purpose and unity of action.

They gave iterative emphasis to this fundamental principle for
the reason that during their long years of contemplation of the great
cosmic bodies that move through the heavens in orderly precision
they had discerned the strength and power of this principle. More-
over, they thought they discerned that all cosmic and other move-
ments in the sky and upon the earth were governed and guided by an
All-controlling, though unseen, Power.

At the time when the No”’-ho"-zhi"-ga formulated the tribal rites,
rites observed even down to the present day, these ancient men had
no written literature to shed a light from the past upon their days of
thoughtful search, nor could they fix in writing the thoughts that
played in their minds as they sat around the sacred fire in silent
contemplation of the cosmic wonders that on every side surrounded
them. Nevertheless the men of the days gone by used means,
although crude in character, by which to transmit to their posterity
something of what they had learned from nature’s open book.

Thus these old men formulated for their people rites composed of
wi’-gi-es, spoken passages in which was set forth the relation in which
the tribe stood to nature in all its various forms. These wi’-gi-es
were frequently accompanied by dramatic action and broken by
songs that illustrated the meaning or intent of the spoken words.
The underlying principle that had led to the formulating of these
rites was embodied in a symbol.

This symbol was the figure of a man, perfect in physical form,
possessed of mental powers and the ability to express thought. This
symbolic man stood as the unification of the two great tribal divi-
sions, the Tsi’-zhu representative of the sky with its cosmic bodies,
and the Ho"’-ga, the earth into which life descends to take on bodily
forms.

When the tribe was at peace with all the world the face of the
symbolic man was always turned toward the east whence arises the
sun, the great life symbol. As he thus stands his left side is toward
the north, the place of the Tsi’-zhu great division, representing the
sky, and his right side toward the south, where is the Ho"’-ga great
division, representing the earth with its teeming life on land and in
water. When the tribe goes forth to war against its enemies to pro-
tect the life of the people, their cultivated fields, or their hunting
grounds, then the symbolic man who represents the tribe as a unit
in purpose in its action turns and stands facing the west, the direc-

578 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45:

tion of the darkness of death. His left side is then turned to the
south and his right side toward the north.

This turning of the symbolic man of the tribe is mentioned in all
the rites, controls the movements of the two great divisions of the
tribe, and emphasizes the unity of purpose and action of the tribe
in peace and in war.

The gourd rattle, the symbolism of which is the theme of the
wi’-gi-e belonging to this group of songs, was the official insignia of
the Ho®’-ga U-ta-no"-dsi, which was at the head of the military
affairs of the tribe in the early part of its ceremonial life. The
Ho’-ga U-ta-no"-dsi was a tribal division having seven fireplaces
(gentes), as have at the present time the Tsi’-zhu great division and
the Ho"-ga and Wa-zha’-zhe subdivisions of the great Ho*’-ga
division of the tribe. It appears that at the reorganization, referred
to in the first volume of this work (36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp.
59-63), the number of gentes of the Ho?’-ga U-ta-no"-dsi was reduced
to one gens, to which was given a new office, but the property right
to the insignia of the gourd rattle, with its songs, was undisturbed
and still remains with the Ho"’-ga U-ta-no"-dsi gens and is counted
as one of its life symbols.

The gourd rattle symbolizes a head; this symbol has two aspects.
In one it represents the head of a puma, a symbol of the relentless
fire of which the charcoal is a sign when a warrior puts it upon
his face in preparing to attack the enemy. In the other aspect it
represents the head of a man, figuratively, the seventh gens of the
Ho’’-ga U-ta-no"-dsi, the head of the division.

When, at an initiation, the Rattle Wi’-gi-e is recited by a member
of the Ho®’-ga great tribal division, the rattlers within the rattle
were referred to as being the teeth of the right jaws and the handle
of the rattle as the right forearm of the symbolic animal or man.

If the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka recited the wi’-gi-e as a member of the
Tsi’-zhu great tribal division, he would designate the rattlers as the
teeth from the left jaws and the handle of the rattle as the left fore-
arm of the symbolic animal or man. (See secs. 1 and 2 of the wi’-gi-e. )

Thus the fundamental principle of the unity of the tribe in purpose
and in action is emphasized in the rattle, the ancient life symbol of
the Ho"’-ga U-ta-no™-dsi.

This fundamental principle of unity of purpose and of action was
expressed, as has been shown, in various ways in the tribal rites,
but it was set forth clearly by a symbolic pipe in the custody of aie
Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no", a war gens of the Wa-zha’-zhe subdivision of
the Ho’’-ga great tribal division.

The bowl of this pipe is of black pipestone; under the bowl is
carved the face of a man. On the thong which holds the bowl and
stem together are threaded seven native beads made of shell, to

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 579

represent the Ho"’-ga great tribal division, and on the same thong
are strung six native copper tubes to represent the Tsi’-zhu great
tribal division. This unique symbolic pipe, both by its workmanship
and symbolic decoration, shows that it was made before articles of
European manufacture were in use by the Osage, but the organiza-
tion of the tribe as it is known to-day was even then in active exist-
ence.

The first act performed by the warriors when preparing to go to
war is to seek divine aid by certain ceremonial acts, the first of which
is to call upon the head of the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no® gens to lay
before the council the sacred pipe in his custody. Upon the per-
formance of this duty the council proceeds to select a man who is
to act as mediator between the people and Wa-ko"’-da. When this
man accepts the office of Do-do"’-ho"-ga the sacred pipe is solemnly
filled and then placed in the hands of the mediator whose duty it is
to offer it to Wa-ko"’da. Within the sacred pipe was placed, figura-
tively, the prayers of all the people of the two great tribal divisions.

To perform this sacred duty, undisturbed by human activities, the
Do-do"-ho"-ga goes far away from the village to the hills, where he
remains thinking only of the prayers of the people to Wa-ko"’-da, to
whom he cries continually, carrying in his hand the prayer-pipe.
For the period of seven days he must fast and cry, resting only at
night.

Thus by the use of the symbolic pipe the ancient No®’-ho"-zhi"-ga
brought together in the pipe the people of the two great tribal divi-
sions with their cry for aid, and Wa-ko"’-da, to whom they offered
their prayers vicariously.

Wi’-GI-E anp SonGs oF THE RATTLE

(RECITED BY A TSI’-ZHU)

(Osage version, p. 742)
THE WI’-GI-E
1

1. What shall the little ones make to be their rattle, as they travel
the path of life? it has been said, in this house.

2. There dwell together a people who are divided into seven villages
(gentes),

3. It is the seventh one of these villages, the odd one in number,

4. Whose head

5. They shall make to be their rattle,

6. Then shall they travel the path of life, free from all causes of
death, it has been said, in this house.

7. When they use the rattle against those seven villages,

8. They shall easily overcome them, as they travel the path of life.

580 THE OSAGE TRIBE [RTH. ANN. 45
2,

9. What shall the little ones make to be the handle of their rattle?
10. There dwell together a people who are divided into seven villages,
11. It is the seventh one of these villages
12. Whose left forearm
13. They shall make to be the handle of their rattle.

14. When they make the forearm of the seventh village to be the
handle of their rattle,

15. They shall travel the path of life, free from all causes of death.

16. When they use the rattle against those seven villages,

17. They shall easily overcome them, as they travel the path of life.

18. What shall the little ones make to be the rattlers of their rattle?

19. In the direction of the setting sun

20. There dwell together a people who are divided into seven villages
(gentes),

21. It is the seventh one of these villages

22. Whose teeth of the left jaws

23. They shall make to be the rattlers of their rattle.

24. When they use the rattle against those seven villages,

25. They shall easily overcome them, as they travel the path of life.

. Verily at that time and place, they said,

. Behold the opening at the top of the rattle,

. Which they did not make without a purpose.

. They made the opening in order that their petitions may readily
pass to Wa-ko"’-da.

30. Behold the opening at the lower part,

31. Which they did not make without a purpose.

32. They made the opening in order that their petitions may readily

pass to Wa-ko"’-da.

ba er)

io)

oO wo Ww wy

33. Behold the dust that stirs within the rattle from each stroke,
34. Which they did not make without a purpose.

35. There are peoples toward the setting sun

36. Who have possessions.in great numbers,

37. They have made that dust to represent all those spoils.

6
38. They gave the first stroke of the rattle,

39. When the hollows of every part of the earth.
40. Trembled with the shock of the blow.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 581
7
41. They gave the second stroke,

42. And all the little creatures of the earth
43. Became deafened with the shock of the sound.

44. They gave the third stroke,
45. And all the little creatures of the earth
46. Fell and lay scattered over the length and breadth of the land.

47. They gave the fourth stroke,
48. And all the little creatures of the earth
49. Became motionless throughout all the land.

The first song of the group of Rattle Songs refers to the hawk.
Birds of this species were the life symbol of the Ni’-ka Wa-ko?-da-gi
gens, so that to the members of this gens all hawks were sacred.

The first two stanzas of this song refer to the black hawk and the
red hawk. These are not realistic birds, but they are symbols. The
black hawk represents the night. It is spoken of first because it is
the greater of the two, for out of the darkness of the night proceed
the mysteries of life. The red hawk typifies the glowing color of the
luminous day. These two, the god of night and the god of day, are
forever coming and going, and it is to this endless recurrent movement
that the song refers. The third and fourth stanzas mention the
eray and the little hawk. These are also cosmic symbols.

The translation of two lines of each stanza will suffice to give the
meaning,

582 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

Sona 1
(Osage version, p. 744)
M.M. Ae 80 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
ee, eR
— GE GIDE ae
bag 9 —9— 90 290
B-b ee ere fe ee =
saa ee SS
The-thw bala, 2. |. fe fo do® hitho®-baa ..
a SS a
eS =oaees = SNe Nee fe
Resi y ie a ro
hi-tho® ba do", The-thu ba a... hitho®-bado® the-thu
255 2 == :
= =— {I
a Bog A
er 1 Se See ee Seen Ge Beer leer 7
SOG
ba a, He-tho"®-ba do® the-thu ba a, he-tho® -
=z
2 | == o—- Se = |
(oan cael oe as aoe foe =e
owe ym
—
be e a Wa-zlu" - ca -be gthe-do® — gie-e
DN ae =
Sees eal
oo SNe at etl gees elo
2 ap te Oe oo 7 oe
he-tho®-ba do® the-thu ba a, . . He-tho®-bado®" the-thu ba a,

= ata {Pe dl

rr ee ee ee ee a
—~
ee,
He-tho®-ba do® the-thu ba . a_ he-tho™ - bee tho.

FREE TRANSLATION

At this place he shall appear, he shall appear,
The black bird, the hawk shall appear.

At this place he shall appear, he shall appear,
The red hawk, the hawk shall appear.

At this place he shall appear, he shall appear,
The gray hawk, the hawk shall appear.

At. this place he shall appear, he shall appear,
The little hawk, the hawk shall appear.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 583

It was explained that the theme of the second and third songs of
this group is the birth of mankind.

In this general creative movement man is seen emerging from the
invisible to the visible world. The actual appearance of the fathers
of the Osage people is definitely spoken of in these two songs.
Although their emerging to view in this world is not definitely stated,
it is implied in the words that picture the appearance.

There is no expression in either of the songs of emotion or of marvel;
only the bare fact is given of the appearance of the fathers as they
came to view.

A translation of two lines of the first song and one line from each
of the other four stanzas will give the import of the song.

Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 744)

Transcribed from graphophone by C. jeans Cadman.

: ic
poe paar ie (=s 9—o-—9—0 a in —
rat 2 —_ y— y—+— — 3

a a
J2-da-di he-tho®ba-bi tbe, i8-da-di he-tho®-ba bi ee [2 -

——— : = a e 7 SS == oat |

da-di he-tho™ba bi- the, i8-da-di he-tho®ba bi the he

a \ —, x x
a
eG Sr a I = CS Fa Re as

the, Pa- to®thi®he-tho®-ba bi the, pa-to®-thi® he-tho®-ba bi the, I@

SS soe S222 =Ss=— |
te eee eee =
da-di he-tho™-ba bi the, i® -da-di he-tho™ba bi the.

FREE TRANSLATION

My fathers appeared, they appeared,
Their heads first appeared, first appeared.

2
Their arms first appeared, first appeared.
3
Their bodies first appeared, first appeared.
. 4
Their legs first appeared, first appeared.
5
Their feet first appeared, first appeared.

584 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45.

Sone 3
(Osage version, p. 744)
M.M. ae 88 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
————— =p @- £ es g a)
et 4g a
- aes - di hi - tho®-ba bi tho" -de, hu - wa - the
3
or SSS
eo ag = =
to®-thi® he no, Hu -wa - the. to®-thi® he no®,
— eae
E = = == =e = =
hu - wa - the - thi? nee - da - di hi
a {__|
eEeEeee taser sssee
tho™-ba bi tho®- de, pa no? - thin, to®-thi® he no®,
= SSS ==!
(== 2S fe 1-6-6 -6@ |
Hu-wa-the to®-thi® he, j2-da-di hi - tho®-ba bi tho de.

FREE TRANSLATION

When my fathers appeared, how did they appear?
Their heads first appeared, their heads first appeared.

When my fathers appeared their arms first appeared.

When my fathers appeared their bodies first appeared.

When my fathers appeared their legs first appeared.

When my fathers appeared their feet first appeared.

In composing the fourth and fifth songs of this group the ancient
No” -ho®-zhi?-ga seem to have been suddenly struck with the marvel-
ousness of the coming of their ancestors, their emergence from the
unseen to the visible world.

The people sing of their fathers with fervor, particularly in the
fifth song. When their ancestors emerged from the unseen world
they appeared with a perfect physical structure, with the additional
capabilities of thinking and of bringing to pass, capabilities not
possible to the animals who also drew their life from Wa-ko"’-da.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 585

Hence the fathers of the Osage are spoken of as Wa-ko"-da-gi, men
of mystery.

The A’-ki-ho” Xo’-ka sings the fifth song with vim and the Xo’-ka
rises and joyfully dances to the rhythm of the music.

The translation of two lines of the first stanza of the fourth! song
and one of each of the other four stanzas is here given.

Sone 4

(Osage version, p. 745)
M.M. A= 88 Transcribed from graphophone by ©. Wakefield Cadman.
o SSS] o
° 2 a 2 i a2
Pea
Wa-ko"-da -gi he-tho™ba bi tho” de, hu - wa - the

to®-thi?he no", Hu-wa-the. . aL Ti he no®, hu-wa -the
E =s— 8 f= a
———s a ae ae ate
to®-thi® he, Wa -ko® - da - gi ta - tho®-ba_ bi tho" de,
SSeS as :
ai ; a 4 -| ——
o—-e o_o
pa no®- thi® . to®-thi® he no®, Hu - wa - the
=== = SS
—_@—@—_-6 = o—o—_e.—
to®-thi® he the, wa-ko® -da-gi he -tho™ba bitho® de.

FREE TRANSLATION

When the Wa-ko"-da-gi appeared, how did they appear?
Their heads were the first to appear, the first to appear.

Their arms were the first to appear, the first to appear.
3

Their bodies were the first to appear, the first to appear.
4

Their legs were the first to appear, the first to appear.
5

Their feet were the first to appear, the first to appear.

Three lines only of the first stanza of the fifth song of this group
and one of each of the other four stanzas are given.
41383°—30——38

586 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 5

(Osage version, p. 745)
M.M. i — 88 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman. -

e — ° ee
a
Pauw SS ee ee

Wa-ko® -da-gi he -tho®-ba bi tho® de the, Hu-wa-the to®-thi®

he no® hi no®, the the pano® the to®-thi® he no®,
Ss ==
Gi othe ea = = cs

[Sa oe —- @—@

A the the pa no® the to®-thi® he no®, A the the he the.

ee ee

A the the pa no® the to®-thi? he no®, A the the pa
eee ieate Sess fa raeee!
KAN
@
Ge Ss 4g é a 3
no® the to®-thi® he no, oe ko®- da - gi he-tho®-ba bi tho® =

FREE TRANSLATION

1
When the men of mystery appeared,
What part of their bodies was the first to appear?
Look you, their heads were the first to appear.
,
Look you, their arms were the first to appear.

3
Look you, their bodies were the first to appear.

4
Look you, their legs were the first to appear.

5
Look you, their feet were the first to appear.

Sones or THE Rite or VIGIL

The title of the next group of five songs is, Songs of the Rite of.
Vigil; No®’-zhi"-zho", Rite of Vigil; Wa-tho", Songs.

The rite of vigil, it is said, was instituted by the people of the
Mo"-shko" (crawfish) gens of the Ho®’-ga subdivision of the great
Ho"’-ga tribal division. Sometimes the people of this gens speak
of themselves as Mo"-i"’-ka-zhi"-ga, Little-earth, a name that refers
to the various colored soils of the earth the crawfish (according to
the myth) revealed to the people in order that they might use them
as a sign of the presence of Wa-ko"’-da in the earth as well as in the
sky, when they offer their supplications. (See 36th Ann. Rept.
B. A. E., pp. 116-117; also pp. 169-172, lines 434-524.)

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 587

A detailed explanation is given in the second volume of this work
as to the occasions on which the Osage observe the Rite of Vigil.
(See 39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 41.)

The first song of this group as a subtitle, Wa-tho", Song; Pi-zhi,
meaning in ordinary usage bad, but as used in the Subtitle the w ail
is a trope for mysterious.

The No*’-ho”-zhi"-ga, who represent the entire tribe, when about
to organize a war party, select a man to act as De do" -ho*-ga.
This man, in his turn, chooses from his gens a Xo/-ka, a master of
ceremonies, who must ine versed in all the details of ‘he war ritual.

The song points to the first act of this “master of ceremonies,”
who instructs the Do-do"’-ho"-ga that he must withdraw and errlnde
himself from every human association in order that he may perform
the rite of vigil. This means that he is to go far away from home
and be in solitude when he offers to Wa-ko"’-da the supplications of
the people in behalf of their proposed hazardous undertaking. The
supplicatory prayers of the people are contained, figuratively, in the
pipe which is to be continually carried by the Do-do"’-ho®-ga.

For seven days and nights this Do-do"’-ho"-ga must be watchful
and wakeful and must abstain from food while amid his physical
and mental anguish he continues to appeal to Wa-ko"’-da in behalf
of the people.

If on any of the days mentioned in the song some sign should be
given that his prayers are heard the Do-do’-ho"-ga becomes at
liberty to return to the House of Mystery wherein he had been
instructed to take the rite of vigil.

A translation of two lines from each stanza will be sufficient to give

the meaning of the song.
Sone 1

(Osage version, p.745)

Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

eazsanes ===

Wa -xpa-thi® tha thi2 - e, Ho® wi® zho® do
Sie cnant e-sha bi® do “ee gue thi® tha thi® she
a SSS — coe “\ =
,
ewe.
Ho® wi® zho® do® gthi e-sha bi? do a, eed tha thi®
== =a
See a ae ee a ee eee |
Wee ae St Se SSS
——, -6- -o° - 6& wz ae

she e. Ho® wi® zho"do® gthie-sha bi® do ho.

588

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

FREE TRANSLATION

Go thou, and pass through the period of anguish,
To return, mayhap, on the first night.

Go thou, and pass through the period of anguish,
To return, mayhap, on the second night.

Go thou, and pass through the period of anguish,
To return, mayhap, on the third night.

Go thou, and pass through the period of anguish,
To return, mayhap, on the fourth night.

Go thou, and pass through the period of anguish,
To return, mayhap, on the fifth night.

Go thou, and pass through the period of anguish,
To return, mayhap, on the sixth night.

Go thou, and pass through the period of anguish,
To return, mayhap, when the number of days is completed.

In the second song the man delegated to offer the prayers of the
people is represented as speaking. He speaks of the sanctity of the
bits of the soil of the earth he puts upon his forehead and head as a
sign that he recognizes the earth as one of the abiding places of

Wa-ko"™-da.

The word ki’-no™ which is used in the song means a ceremonial
adornment with a sacred sign.

A translation of two lines of the first stanza and one line of each
of the other stanzas will suffice to give the meaning of the song.

M.M. g=84

Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 746)
Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

—

aby
SS Se Fea PF seas

- no®

a Bie a do" xti tha, I2-de _ to

=e z 2 a a5 wR ell

ki
Zs
Gm te E
tha a

do® xti tha, Ki - no® ie ap no® a don x Ae

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 589

FREE TRANSLATION

I adorn myself, adorn myself with the sacred sign,
Upon my face I put the blue soil, the sacred sign.

2
Upon the hair of my head I put the sacred sign.
3
A waving line I put upon my face, a sacred sign.
4
Upon my smoothed hair I put the sacred sign.
5
A straight line I put upon my face, a sacred sign.
6
Upon my hair, whitened with down, I put the sacred sign.

In the third song that portion of the No*’-ho*-zhi*-ga who estab-
lished the sacred tribal rites of the Osage are represented as addressing
the general membership of the order, who are told that it is obligatory
upon all the No”’-ho"-zhi"-ga when preparing themselves about sun-
rise to enter the House of Mystery to adorn their face and head with
the sacred signs and also to fast throughout the ceremonies that
follow. This part of the ceremony is called No*’-zhi"-zho®, the Rite
of Vigil.

The first stanza refers to the blue soil of the earth which is put
upon the forehead and upon the top of the head; the second and
fourth, to the act of putting the clay upon the hair of the head; the
third and fifth stanzas, first, a waving line which typifies those
northern and southern parts of the earth which the sun in its west-
ward course does not pass directly over but which are touched with
the life-giving power of the sun as it passes; second, a straight line
which typifies the straight path of the sun over the earth from east
to west; the sixth, to the eagle down which a No”’-ho"-zhi"-ga puts
upon his head when he prepares to enter the House of Mystery.

A translation of the first two lines of the first stanza and one line
from each of the other stanzas will suffice to give the meaning of the
song.

590 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45
Sone 3_
(Osage version, p. 747)
M.M. pi 84 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
ea oe a a a aE eaveses 4—t
= [9 Pasion Place ae [Sa : aoe
Ge oe et ce Yaigeo =f a4
Wi - e gino ki-no® wi-ta u - the ha bi noe ~ hozs

Wi - e ci no®it-de to the u - the ha bi no®
—— ee i
[ ‘pa =| —= ffs as = ———— er a =
Se, Joa poe esl
ho®, U -_ the ha bi no® ho®,
Ditty ON SONS Nome =a
foe SSS SSS |
Sc a | C

e ci no® it - detothe U, .-/ | the;,;,sha, sbi; 4, n08.,,
; FREE TRANSLATION

1
You are one of us and use our sacred signs,
You must put upon yourselves the sacred blue soil.
2
You must put upon your hair the sacred sign.
3
You must put upon your face the waving line.
4
You must put upon your smoothed hair the sacred sign.
5
You must put upon your face the straight line.
6
You must put upon your head the white down, a sacred sign.

The fourth song of the No"’-zhi"-zho" group differs from the third
only in the music and in a few of the words. The song represents
the head of the order as addressing the younger or subordinate mem-
bers, telling them of the signs with which they had adorned them-
selves in order to indicate them as being a part of the No"’-ho™-zhi?-ga
order.

A translation of two lines of each stanza will suffice to give the
meaning of the song.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 591

Sone 4
(Osage version, p. 747)
M.M. ll 88 Transcribed from graphophone by C, Wakefield Cadman.
eG
2 a a a Ge =f
ee =
es eee ii kom vi 7
¢)

Wi-e gi mno® ki -no® wi - if she - the ha

2
N

haan a Pae
=

bi: no? ho®, Ki-no® wi -ta she o -the ha _ bi

== ————= ——

a 2B cCwreweeOr le
no® ho®, Ki-no® wi-ta she o-the ha bi no® ho,

7 — =

. Wi-e gi no? in ~-s de to the — she o - the

CSS . Js ass = ao

ha bi no® ho®, Ki-no® wi-ta she o-the ha bi no®ho®,

——— SS

Wi-e gi no? ki-no® he —o- as ha a noo ot im

FREE TRANSLATION

The sign on your face marks you as one of us,
The blue soil on your face marks you as one of us.

The sign on your head marks you as one of us,
The blue soil on your hair marks you as one of us.

The sign on your face marks you as one of us,
The waving line on your face marks you as one of us.

4
The sign on your head marks you as one of us,
The soil on your smoothed hair marks you as one of us.

The sign on your face marks you as one of us,
The straight line on your face marks you as one of us.

The sign on your head marks you as one of us,
The white down on your hair marks you as one of us.

592 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

The fifth song represents a member of the No"-ho®-zhi"-ga as
expressing his contentment that he has put upon himself the sacred
emblems of the order and invites the members to look upon him as
having fulfilled the requirements of adornment.

A translation of two lines from each stanza will suffice to give the

meaning of the song.
Sone 5

=a (Osage version, p. 748)

M.M. ahs 88 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman,

Ki - no® the mo" the gi-do"-be tha, E . the the

Gass Se ae aes

mo"? the gi-do™ - be the, the gi-do"- be, -de to

the . the mo” the gi-do"- be tha, . the the

ee
6 6?

mo® the gi-do® - be tha, Ki-no® the mo®-the gi-do®-be.

FREE TRANSLATION

Look you, I am adorned with the sacred emblems,
Adorned with the blue soil of the earth.

2
Look you, I am adorned with the sacred emblems,
On my hair is the sacred soil of the earth.
3
Look you, I am adorned with the sacred emblems,
Adorned with the waving line, the sacred emblem.
4
Look you, I am adorned with the sacred emblems,
On my smoothed hair is the sacred soil of the earth
5
Look you, I am adorned with the sacred emblems,
Adorned with the straight line, the sacred emblem.
E ;

Look you, I am adorned with the sacred emblems,
On my hair is the white down, the sacred emblem.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 593

MakING oF THE Bow

The next group of three songs bears the title Mi®’-dse Ga-xe
Wa-tho", Songs of Making of the Bow. Mi®’-dse, bow; Ga-xe, make;
Wa-tho”, songs.

The theme of the first song of this group is the conclusion of the
rites and ceremonies by which a war party is ceremonially organized,
when the chief commander is ready to march against the enemies of
the tribe. The duty imposed upon this officer is to pray continually
for his men and for the success of the undertaking. To enable the
Do-do”’-ho"-ga, the holy commander, to perform his duties with
freedom, eight subordinate officers are chosen to perform the actual
duties of commanders. These officers are chosen from the warriors
of the two great tribal divisions, four from the Tsi-zhu and four from
the Ho"’-ga

The words of the song imply that the chief commander, the Do-
do”’-ho"-ga, is speaking of the completion of the rites instituted by
the No*’-ho*-zhi"-ga; of the ceremonial pipe which he carries; of the
ceremonial war club, which typifies all the war clubs of the warriors;
of the ceremonial knife, which typifies all the knives to be used by
the warriors; of the scalp that is tied to the shrine; of the bows and
his men; of the arrows of the warriors; of the standards carried by
the subordinate commanders; and of the sacred eagle down used in
the ceremonies. All of these articles are regarded as the property
of the Do-do”’-ho-ga, as are also all the honors attending the success
of the expedition, the trophies, the captives, and spoils taken by his
warriors.

A translation of two lines of each stanza will suffice to give the
meaning of the song.

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 748)
M.M. es 84 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Sateen
x
==

E-da_ sho" ba fe mo®-bthime tha, - da

oe . =
eecagcaasc a

mo2-bthi® da a ha tha, I - _ ba thi® a-do®sho® ba do® mo®-bthi®e

a ell
sae Sra

tha, E -da_ sho® bado® mo®-bthit-e tha, E -da mo®-bthi® da.

594 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH, ANN. 45

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Lo, the rites are ended, I march against the foe,
Bearing the mystic pipe, I march.

2
Lo, the rites are ended, I march against the foe,
Bearing the mystic club, I march.

. Lo, the rites are ended, I march against the foe,

Bearing the mystic knife, I march.

4
Lo, the rites are ended, I march against the foe,
Bearing the mystic scalp, I march.

5
Lo, the rites are ended, I march against the foe,
Bearing the bows, I march.

6
Lo, the rites are ended, I march against the foe,
Bearing the arrows, I march.

7
Lo, the rites are ended, I march against the foe,
Bearing the standards, I march.

Lo, the rites are ended, I march against the foe,
Bearing the symbol of spoils, I march.

The theme of the second song is the selection of he Do-do"’-ho®-ga
by the No”’-ho"-zhi®-ga, to whom that officer speaks. He refers to
his selection as bearer of the mystic pipe in which are placed (figura-
tively) the prayers of the people; to the ceremonial articles used in
the rites and also to the weapons of his warriors.

A translation of one line from each stanza will suffice to give the

meaning of the song.
Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 749)

M.M. Al — 84 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
cE b5 7 eee : ==
—_9—y ' =f te z —
ey - pane occ cael od RSP acne
Wi-e - o® - ba hi-a dse i-ba thi® o02-shpa - hie the the,
eo oy SS
=
a ee era
Wi-e . . on-ba_ hi-a dse i- ba thi® of nen the the,

2 Sa eS ===

Pe
WwW - ba hi-a dse i- ba thi? of Sahpae hivethe the.

LA FLESCHE]

SONGS OF THE WA-X0’-BE 595

FREE TRANSLATION

At dawn you made me bearer of the mystic pipe.

At dawn you made me bearer of the mystic club.

At dawn you made me bearer of the mystic knife.

At dawn you made me bearer of the mystic scalp.

At dawn you made me bearer of the bows.

At dawn you made me bearer of the arrows.

At dawn you made me bearer of the standards.

At dawn you made me bearer of the symbol of spoils.

In the third song the Do-do"’-ho"-ga warns the foe of his coming
to destroy them, the peoplé having determined in solemn council to
move against the enemy. The No’-ho*-zhi"-ga are represented in
this song as bringing their mystic pipe and other ceremonial articles
to the assembly.

A translation of two lines from each stanza will suffice to give the

meaning

of the song.

Sone 3
(Osage version, p. 749)

Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman,
TER I

Sn ga ——
seal Saeco ns we a

ie + ——-—
eS ee | E ~| Pas
° = J t *, — o
—e cd] ( ie zi o=8 a oe

Du-da the ts’e wi-the -e he - e,

SS ee +. a
eas aS aa

Z-ba gtha-thi® the-thu ki-ctu ba do®, Ts’e wi - the - e du - da

‘Gra
the

2 = |

i ae

ts’e wi- the -e, Du- da _ the ts’e wi- the-e he-e.

596 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

FREE TRANSLATION

Look ye, I come to slay you, to make you die,

The holy men have assembled, bringing their mystic pipe.
2

Look ye, I come to slay you, to make you die,

The holy men have assembled, bringing their mystic club.
3

Look ye, I come to slay you, to make you die,

The holy men have assembled, bringing their mystic knife.
4

Look ye, I come to slay you, to make you die,

The holy men have assembled, bringing their mystic scalp.
5

Look ye, I come to slay you, to make you die,

The holy men have assembled, bringing the bows of the warriors.
6

Look ye, I come to slay you, to make you die,

The holy men have assembled, bringing the warriors’ arrows.
a

Look ye, I come to slay you, to make you die,

The holy men have assembled, bringing the standards.

Sprrir Soncs

The next group of songs in order is called Wa-no"’-xe Wa-tho*.
Wa-no*-xe, Spirit; Wa-tho", Songs.

The belief in a future spiritual state of existence is strong among
the Osage people. This belief is expressed in the spirit songs here
given and in those of the I"-gtho"’-ga gens recorded in the second
volume (39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.) on ‘‘The Osage Tribe.” It is
also expressed by the ceremonies attending the dismissal of the spirit
of a man who has died a natural death or one who was killed in
battle. The office of conducting the spirit ceremonies belongs to the
I’-ba-tse Ta-dse or Wind gens. The ceremonies will be described in
detail in a later volume.

The words of the first song of this group imply that the singer
speaks of his visits to the land of spirits.

A translation of two lines from each stanza will suffice to give the
meaning of the song.

LA FLESCHE| SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 597

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 750)

M.M. Ae 76 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

5 te se =————

Wa-no"- xe a-dsi bthe do® -dsi pshi thi® hi® do,

(pee a ae ee

Wa-no® -xe a-dsibthe do®, e - dsi pshi thi? hi" do,

ree S242 on eeli |

Wa-no®-xe a-dsi bthe eG, e - dsi_ pshithi® hi?

Ho®-ba_ hi-a hi < do?, e - dsi pshi thi® hi? do,

Fag et tee S555: = =|

Wa -no®-xea - dsi bthe aon, e - dsi pshi thi? hi" do.

FREE TRANSLATION

Often in my travels I come to the land of spirits,
As day approaches I travel and come to the land of spirits.

Often in my travels I come to the land of spirits,

As the sun drops, I travel and come to the land of spirits.
3

Often in my travels I come to the land of spirits,

In my dreams I travel and come to the land of spirits.
4

Often in my travels I come to the land of spirits,

As a spirit I travel and come to the land of spirits.

The second spirit song has but one stanza. The theme of the
song is the spirit path which every living creature must finally take
on entering the unseen world.

The singer speaks of his footprints as being already upon that
mystic path, even as he lives.

598 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH, ANN. 45

Sone 2

(Osage version, p. 750)

M.M. a= 88 Transcribed from eG by C. Wakefield Cadman.
@ _ —_
= ea ——— a 0 aera
6 iE p— === i ——
ang ot sae Sa
Wa- no? -xe u-wa- ci - gthe ae min-kshi® do.
=n aoT|
= = |
Wa-no®- xe u - zho® - ge tho kshe no®,
(9 Ele | Sean [= =
Phyo Pps ee Sd ee
U - wa - i - gthe xtsi mi®- ae dom : :
=e
-| bK- Rol
iG Se xl
Wa-no®-xe u-wa-¢i - gthe xtsi mi®-kshi® do = eOe

FREE TRANSLATION

Lo, my footprints are even now upon the mystic path,
The spirit path that ever lies before us,

Verily my footprints are on that path.

My footprints are even now upon that mystic path.

In the third song of this group there is no mention of a spirit or
of the spirit land, but the theme of the song is of the sorrow that
fills the heart of the singer as he approaches the House of Mystery
where are assembled the holy men; they of the Sacred Eagle; they of
the Red Eagle; they of the Shining Eagle; and they of the Little
Eagle, who are about to perform the solemn rites.

A translation of two lines from each stanza will suffice to give the
meaning of the song.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 599

Sone 3
(Osage version, p. 750)

M.M. g=— 84 Transcribed from graphophone by C. vawakopeld Cadman.

33 ee ewes bee a=

Ho®-ga dsi bthe do® no® ee ie n, Ho®ga dsi

Ga Se =

bthe do® no? wa - ae thi no®, Ho®-ga_ dsi

fe: ie

bthe do® no® wa-xpa-thi® oie e, Xu - tha ho® -

[GaN ra opie

ga, Ho®-ga_ dsi bthe do®no® wa-xpa-thi® he no", Ho®-ga dsi

ces poe nie

es
bthe do® no® Sa he no®, Ho®-ga dsi bthe don mOo:

e!
alt
ua
LLL)

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Sorrow fills my heart as I go to the holy men,
To those of the Sacred Eagle.

2
Sorrow fills my heart as I go to the holy men,
To those of the Red Eagle.

3
Sorrow fills my heart as I go to the holy men,
To those of the Shining Eagle.
4
Sorrow fills my heart as I go to the holy men,
To those of the Little Eagle.

Sones or THE MERIDIAN SUN

The group of songs following the spirit songs is called Mi Tho-to?-
do® Wa-tho®. Mi,sun; Tho-to"do®”, vertical; Wa-tho", songs; songs
of the meridian sun.

The theme of the first song of this group is the rite performed by
the Do-do”’-ho"-ga of a war party whereby he seeks for a sign in the
meridian sun that will give him hope for success in his hazardous
undertaking. This rite is performed on approaching the home of the
enemy when there is most need for courage.

A translation of two lines from each stanza will suffice to give the
import of the song

600

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 751)
M.M. = 84 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
5 aaa £ ——=) ‘com : |
a ieee oe ees oe sa
Wi-e’ ki - ko® - ce ta ae iN the hi tha,
Doe 3 == nt al
a a o— 6 = ——— fe 4 ee i
ra 22 ae eee =f =
Wisse "ki >ko®— ¢e ta thi? he the hi tha,
BES = SE Re
E PDR oe — eR e ome o |. |
SESS ESE ae 7
Mi- wa - ga- xe _ the ta thi® - he the hi tha
= } | wa } i i may
ET RSE a 2 |g ana) fe Sze
or: * 8 ee | poe ee — |
Wi-e ki- ko" - ¢e ta -thi? - he the hi tha,
7 SSS es —— |
nies OS Sea?" Seer” Gently” aaa Ta 6 ear oe pecs ear nial | WO eee) |
mI OS Oe Oe Fw, ig: =
Wi-e ki - ko® - ¢e ta thi? <=he the hi tha.

FREE TRANSLATION

I go to learn if I shall go on
To learn of the sun if I shall go on.

“

I go to learn if I shall go on
To make the foe to lie reddened on the earth.

I go to learn if I shall go on
To make the foe to lie blackened on the earth.

4 .

I go to learn if I shall go on

To make the earth brown with the bodies of the foe.
5

I go to learn if I shall go on

To make the foe to lie scattered on the earth.
6

I go to learn if I shall go on

To make their bones to lie whitened on the earth.
a

I go to learn if I shall go on

To make their locks to sway in the wind.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 601

The second song of this group implies that the Do-do"’-ho"-ga has
received the desired sign that he is to proceed upon his journey to
punish the troublesome foe. Encouraged by a hopeful sign from the
meridian sun, he continues his journey and assumes the title Wa-ko®-
da-gi, man of mystery.

A translation of two lines from each stanza will suffice to give the
import of the song.

Sone 2

(Osage version, p. 751)

M.M. = 88 Transcribed from graphophone by ©. Wakefield Cadman,
ee - oe
z P= 55) = : Z ; | = f a e |
a = C (C “—

Wa-ko® - da- gi mi tho-to® xti do® mo® - bthia

—= Seay
EGgpp ee 2S ee
—— =a es

a-thi? he the, Da- ge wa-the mi tho-to® xti do® bthi® a -

, SSS SS es

SS - e-
thi? he the the, E tha ha- we, . e, tha ha we.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Verily, by the meridian sun, I, as a man of mystery, go
To fall, unawares, upon the foe.

2
Verily, by the meridian sun, I, as a man of mystery, go
To make the foe to lie reddened on the earth.

3
Verily, by the meridian sun, I, as a man of mystery, go
To make the foe to lie blackened on the earth.

4
Verily, by the meridian sun, I, as a man of mystery, go
To make the earth brown with the bodies of the foe.

5
Verily, by the meridian sun, I, as a man of mystery, go

_ To make the foe to lie scattered on the earth.

6
Verily, by the meridian sun, I, as a man of mystery, go
To make the bones of the foe to lie whitened on the earth.

Verily, by the meridian sun, I, as a man of mystery, go
To make the locks of the foe to wave in the winds.

41383°—30——39

602 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

The theme of the third song of this group is the continuance of the
march of the Do-do"’-ho*-ga, with his warriors, toward the enemy
with all confidence that he will overcome.

A translation is given of two lines from each stanza of this song.

Sone 3
(Osage version, p. 752)
RECITATIVO. Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
—_—@ a
a a ee a
i
Mo® -thi? a - thi? he no? ho® dsi tho ho ho,
SS SSS ae ae
Se oo ee ee et ee
SEE rd ee OE gg Serge
= fa ees:
— Mo®-thi? a - thi? he no® ho? dsi tha a-thi® he no® ho®,

Da- ce wa-the mo®-thi® a-thi® he no® ho® dsi tho ho.

FREE TRANSLATION

Onward I march toward the foe,

To fall upon them unawares.
2

Onward I march toward the foe,

To make them to lie reddened on the earth.
3

Onward I march toward the foe,

To make them to lie blackened on the earth.
4

Onward I march toward the foe,

To make the earth brown with the bodies of the foe.
5

Onward I march toward the foe,

To make them to lie scattered on the earth.
6

Onward I march toward the foe,
To make their bones to lie whitened on the earth.

a
Onward I march toward the foe,
To make their locks to wave in the winds. is

LittLe SONGS OF THE SUN

The next group of three songs is called Mi Wa-tho™ Zhi-ga.
Mi, sun; Wa-tho®, songs; Zhi®-ga, little; little songs of the sun.
There is also a subtitle to this group, Mi A-po-ga, Wa-tho™. Mi,
sun; A-po-ga, downward; postmeridian songs. These titles are com-

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 603

plex as to their significance. They probably refer to the birth of the
hawk, the mythical child of the goddess of night and the god of day,
of the godlike greatness of the sun at dawn, of its dominance at mid-
day, and its unabated greatness as it travels downward to the west.

The words of these songs were given in the first volume (36th Ann.
Rept. B. A. E.) of the work on ‘‘The Osage Tribe” (pp. 63-64) in
order that the story of the reorganization of the tribe might be
unbroken. They are now repeated in their proper place in the ritual
of the Wa-xo’-be as given by Saucy-calf. This old man took pride
in the accuracy of his work when he conducted the ceremonies of
the tribal rites and as he gave me the Wa-xo’-be ritual he felt troubled
lest it be not recorded in the way he had given it. He was willing to
give the ritual because he knew that it was going to be lost as the
people came more under the influences of civilization. The old man
was much amused when he gave the songs of the birth of the hawk
and told me the mythical story of that event. The No"-ho*-zhi"-ga
of his gens had something to do with the birth of the blackbird and
he knew the purposes of its institution in the tribal rites, that there
was nothing in it of a supernatural character, yet the very people
who made the symbolic article became afraid of it, thinking that it
had become possessed with power to do harm.

Two lines only of the first song are translated; the other two songs

are given in full.
Sone 1

(Osage version, p. 752)

Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

- Se

Wie gi -ctu the ha_ bi no®
Wie gi - ctu ha hone
Ssh = = 2 ==
ee : iE =
ne er
eet
Gthe-do" ksheno® § gi-c¢tu bi the ha bi not
p See Ses S= SS
—fi- ; an
a= SS SS
hom, Gthe-do® ksheno® gi - ctu bi the ha bi no®

ease: Tee Saree eee

vw Lada ae 7
ay Wie gi-g¢tu_ bi the ha bi® noo hon,

604

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

FREE TRANSLATION

1
I go to the call of those who are assembled,
To the call of those who are gathered around the hawk.
2
I go to the call of those who are assembled,
To the call of those who are gathered around the blackbird.
3
I go to the call of those who are assembled,
To the call of those who are gathered around the One of the Night.
4

I go to the call of those who are assembled,
To the call of those-who are gathered around the One of the Day.

Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 753)

M.M. g— 84 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

Ty-da. —shitG-dosq],, ai%= dashitdon. a: ho, . E-da
2 oe eee eel =
= = |

gthe - do® kshe noo i-- da =

bi2 do hi? do hi? do . Ofer. - dahi® do < ho.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
He is born! He is born!
Behold, the hawk, he is born,
They have said. They have said,
He is born!

He is born! He is born!
Behold, the blackbird, he is born,
They have said. They have said,
He is born!

He is born! He is born!
Behold, he is born of the One of the Night,
They have said. They have said,
He is born!
4
He is born! He is born!
Behold, he is born of the One of the Day,
They have said. They have said,
He is born!

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO/-BE 605

Sone 3
(Osage version, p. 753)
M.M. = 84 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
= a = ee es oy ee ee fe 2 |
| E v — 1 is =F rs ema 7 j=
E the da -do® he the he _ the, E da gthe-do®
-_@-|]-* #9 9+ #9 \—N Sa ae" a
Ge — =a (ooo — Se :
kshe no®, I- da-the ha ba i® do, i-da-the ha
—————————————— =n : —=-- =
6 =e |p a He A2=h— (C=. ||
Geiger hepa tfy-e— gf dg J
_— —
ba i? do, Ha-we tha he, da-do® he. . the.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Lo, it has come to pass,
Behold, the hawk that lies outstretched,
Is now born they proclaim. Is now born they proclaim.
Welcome! be it said. Lo, it has come to pass.

2
Lo, it has come to pass,
Behold, it is of the One who is of the Day,
He is born they proclaim. He is born they proclaim.
Welcome! be it said. Lo, it has come to pass.

3
Lo, it has come to pass,
Behold, the blackbird that lies outstretched,
Is now born they proclaim. Is now born they proclaim.
Welcome! be it said. Lo, it has come to pass.

4
Lo, it has come to pass,
Behold, it is of the One who is of the Night,
He is born they proclaim. He is born they proclaim.
Welcome! be it said. Lo, it has come to pass.

Fisu-TurtTLte Sone

The title of the song next in order is Ho-Ke’ Wa-tho"; Ho-Ke’, fish-
turtle; Wa-tho", song. The name Ho-Ke’ is archaic and its true
meaning has become obscured by careless transmission. I asked
Saucy-calf its significance and he replied, ‘“‘It is Ho, fish; and Ke,
turtle, of course.” He gave a hearty laugh as he explained that the
meaning had become lost and the No”’-ho®-zhi*-ga formed the habit
of defining the name as Ho-Ke’, fish-turtle.

Hi®-ci’-mo®-i", a member of the Tho’-xe gens, gave me the title
of the songs belonging to this ritual. When he came to this one I
asked him the meaning of the title. With a smile he said, “ Fish-
turtle, of course, but nobody knows its real meaning.”

606 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

It would appear, however, from the theme of the song that it is a
part of the group of wolf songs which follow it. The theme of each
song in the group is mo®-zho", land.

A translation of one line of the Fish-Turtle Song, which has but
one stanza, will suffice to give its meaning.

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 754)

M.M. P| = 88 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

Ae oo oe Sioa Roe Nelo aay Bag seeg ere =

-p-C-4— ime A sé... 6—_s_ PL oe )
e—4 via im =a ave 5 @

-da mo®2-zho®a - do® dsi the he the, E-damo®-zho®a - do®

E
[iy eee ee

dsi the he the, Ho-ke mo®-zho®a-do"® dsi the he the,
Se
D = area $= E= q
E - Cente mo2-zho® a - do® dsi the he the.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Lo, there lies the land whither I am going.

Wo.ur Sonas

The group of songs next taken up by the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka is called
Sho"’-ge Mo"-zho”’ Op’-she Wa-tho®; Sho®’-ge, wolves; Mo®-zho”’,
lands; Op’-she, march upon; Wa-tho", songs; songs of the wolves
who march upon the land.

The theme of these two wolf songs is the authority conferred upon
the eight commanders of a war party, four chosen from the Ho"’-ga
great tribal division and four from the Tsi’-zhu great tribal division.
These two songs refer only to the four commanders chosen from the
Tsi’-zhu division, the Tsi’-zhu being in this ritual the initiating divi-
sion. The eight commanders form a council to designate each day
the lands over which the warriors are to march.

There is another group of wolf songs in which are mentioned these
eight officers. (See 39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 126.)

Of Song 1 the first stanza is translated in full and two lines of each
of the other stanzas,

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0’-BE 607

Sone 1

(Osage version, p. 754)
M.M. AS 96 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman,
———
a oe =
Mo®-zho® thu - wea-thi? he no® ~ wa - zho®- gi - the
-D
ca 2 =a
a oe eee =l
a - thin he_ the, Mo® - zho® thu - we a-thi® he no®
2S, aD
= =F BA = |
SSeS
wa-zho®-gi - the a-thi®he the, Ni-ka do-ba mo®-zho®
—h~ =z — a ae
b- fe St SS Ste == Se |
= ae
thu-we a-thi® he no®, Wa-zho®-gi - the a-thi® he the, Mo2-

Ge = neat SS “ AN =||
——o—es- os, ee See =i
ee so
zho® thu-wea-thi® he no®, mo®-zho® thu - we a-thi® he no®.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
’Tis mine to say on what lands the warriors shall march,
’Tis mine to say on what lands the warriors shall march,
’Tis mine, as one of four men, to say on what lands
The warriors shall march,
’Tis mine to say on what lands the warriors shall march.
2
’Tis mine, I the gray wolf, to say on what lands
The warriors shall march.
3
’Tis mine, I the black wolf, to say on what lands
The warriors shall march.
+
’Tis mine, I the brown wolf, to say on what lands
The warriors shall march.
5
’Tis mine, I the yellow wolf, to say on what lands
The warriors shall march.
6

’Tis mine, I the white wolf, to say on what lands
The warriors shall march.

The theme of Song 2 of this group is the same as that of Song 1.
In Song 2 no mention is made of the lands over which the warriors

608 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

are tomarch. In this song each of the four commanders (the wolves)
is represented as singing of his general authority as a commander.
A translation of two lines of each stanza will suffice to give the
meaning of the song.
Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 754)

Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
M.M. ples 132. Drum beats in 8th notes.

i gE { =e
fe e 3 [-A—\ a =
ee a ae

Hi - tho - wa-he-no® wa-zho"- gi - thea-thithe no®, Hi -

=I *K—3 Sees 4
a ear J é é oh + —
tho - wa - he no® wa-zho® - gi - the a-thi2 %

| f
Ge
ue
Bi
“at
“a7
MH
rtf
oy
“a7
eee
eL y
fs

+ — @ a
Sho2® - ge to ‘o® wi-e a-thi2 he no®,
EGP: —— 4 {D204 D-5t eee
A A Le 7
—— Ss Ee 7
Hi - tho - wa-he no® wa - zho® - gi- the a-thi® he no®.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Upon me has fallen the authority to speak,
Upon me, the gray wolf.

2
Upon me has fallen the authority to speak,
Upon me, the black wolf.

3
Upon me has fallen the authority to speak,
Upon me, the brown wolf.

4
Upon me has fallen the authority to speak,
Upon me, the yellow wolf.

Upon me has fallen the authority to speak,
Upon me, the white wolf.

SEIZING THE Wa’-DO"-BE

The next group of songs is entitled Wa-thu’-ce Wa-tho"; Wa-
thu’-ge, to seize or to take; Wa-tho", songs; freely translated, seizing
of the Wa’-do"-be, the warrior who was chosen by the candidate to
recount his o-do™, or the military honors, 13 in number, which is
required to count at this ceremony.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 609

Before the A’-ki-ho® Xo’-ka begins to sing he formally announces
to the No’’-ho"-zhi"-ga that he has arrived at this point of the cere-
mony, saying: ‘““Ha! No*-ho®-zhi"-ga, Wa-thu’-ce Wa-tho® a-tsi i"
do. The ga Wa’-do™-be tsi ga-xa bi a, No®-ho"-zhi®-e’.’’ Ho!
No” -ho"-zhi"-ga, I have come to the Wa-thu’-ce Songs. Here, at this
time, the Wa’-do"-be is made to come, O No?’-ho"-zhi-ga.

At the close of this announcement the Xo’-ka rises and informs the
No”-ho-zhi"-ga that he has performed all the acts required of him
to make complete the ceremony of initiation; that he has presented
to the warrior who is to act as Wa’-do™-be and recount his o-do™’,
a horse, together with other valuable goods, which have been by him
accepted. Thereupon the No*’-ho?-zhi"-ga signify their approval by
saying, ‘‘How!”

The Sho’-ka then prompts the candidate as to the part he is to
perform during the singing of the Wa-thu’-ce songs. Following the
Sho’-ka’s instructions, the candidate crosses over to the south side
of the House of Mystery to his Wa’-do"-be, where he ‘‘seizes’’ the
warrior by the edge of his blanket and conducts him to a place cere-
monially prepared for him at the west end of the house. (See
fig. 46, p. 563.) A horse led by a lariat is brought to the Wa’do*-be
as a part of his fee.

In the autumn of 1910 I was present at the giving of the Wa-xo’-be
degree of the tribal rites to Alex Tallchief, jr., by Henry Tallchief,
both belonging to the Tse-do’-ga I"-dse gens. Ni’-ka-wa-zhi"-to"-ga
of the Po®’-ka Wa-shta-ge gens was chosen to act as Wa’-do™-be.
At that time the following little byplay took place: The candidate
came toward the warrior, who pretended not to see him, and feigned
much surprise when he was seized by the blanket and forced to rise
and follow the candidate. The horse that was to be presented to the
Wa’-do"-be had been brought in; then it was led away while the
candidate returned to hissplace beside the Xo’-ka.

The Sho’-ka brought to the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka a bunch of willow
saplings which he divided into two parts, one containing seven and
the other six. The A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka crossed the lower ends of the
bunches of saplings and handed them to the Sho’-ka without saying a
word. The Sho’-ka put these in the hands of the candidate, obsery-
ing the same manner that they had been put into his hands. He
then directed the candidate to take them to the Wa’-do™-be and
place the saplings on the ground before him, keeping the two bunches
of saplings as they had been handed to him. Having performed
this duty, the candidate then returned to his place at the right of
the Xo’-ka.

At this initiation I"’-do-ka, the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka, used the same
ritual as here given by Saucy-calf. As soon as the candidate had
taken his seat the Sho’-ka arose, took from the shrine the symbolic

610 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

hawk and the sacred pipe, and put them in the hands of the candidate,
who went over to the Ho"-ga side of the house and began wailing
as he passed from man to man touching the heads of the men, two
at a time, with the sacred symbols. When the candidate began. to
wail the women members of the order lifted up their voices and wailed
with the candidate and the men began to recite the A’-ho"-btha-bi
(dream) Wi’-gi-e.
Dream W1’-GI-E

Saucy-calf regretted that he could not recite the dream ritual in
ceremonial or wi’-gi-e form for the reason that his memory of it had
become indistinct, owing to the fact that a long time had passed
since he had officiated as A’-ki-ho® Xo’-ka at the tribal rites. How-
ever, in his usual cheerful manner, he voluntarily gave it in para-
phrase, which, although fragmentary, contains suggestions as to the
significance and purposes of the ritual. I asked the old man for the
meaning of its title, ‘‘A’-ho™-btha-bi,”’ and he replied, ‘‘Things of
which to dream.’”’? He explained further that when the warriors
were about to organize for war they chose a man to act as repre-
sentative, not only of the warriors but of all the people, to offer to
Wa-ko"’-da their prayers for divine aid in the hazardous undertaking.
In performing this duty the representative of the people must observe
the rite of vigil for a period of seven days, during which he must
keep his mind fixed upon Wa-ko"’-da and the things mentioned in
the dream wi’-gi-e. If the man performing this rite dreams of any
of these things he may interpret the dream as a sign that the prayers
are accepted by the Mysterious Power.

Saucy-calf prefaced the paraphrase of the wi’-gi-e with a part of
the tradition of its origin as handed down by his gens, the Tho-xe,
as follows:

“In the olden times, far beyond memory, it was the habit of the
young men to walk through the village in groups of three or more,
painted in gala style and dressed in all their finery. Each man car-
ried upon his arm an i’-tsi" (war club), which had no significance
beyond that of a mere ornament designed to set off the fine clothes
and accompanying decorations, for the thought of war was not in
the minds of these young men.

“One day, as the sun passed midheaven and was on its downward
course, a man came out of his house and stood at the left of the door
thoughtfully watching the groups of young men who strode through
the village, conscious only of their pleasing appearance. Their
stature, the manner in which they carried their war clubs, the firmness
of their footsteps, all suggested strength. Their proud bearing
stirred the admiration of the observing man, but the thought of the
uselessness of it all came upon him as he murmured to himself,
‘O’/-ga-xe i"-ge’ (there is in it no profit),

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 611

“The sun went down, leaving the land in shadowy gloom, but the
man stood, unmindful of the time, being held by the thought that in
some way the latent strength of the ‘newly grown men’ should be
awakened and directed to a useful purpose. Suddenly a conscious-
ness of the stillness of the village broke upon him and he became
aware that half of the night had already passed, and wondering if
the thoughts that had so disturbed his mind might not themselves
be idle, he turned to go into his house with the hope that sleep might
drive them away. But, alas, stronger than ever they crowded upon
him, so that instead of entering he dropped to the ground at the left
of the door and sat leaning against the side of his dwelling, when at
last sleep overcame him. When he awoke the sun was shining in
his face and he said to himself: ‘Day has come, and all the thoughts
that took so strong hold on my mind have come to nothing, so I will
think no more of them.’ He entered his dwelling and ate his morn-
ing meal in silence. Soon a feeling of unrest came upon him and he
. went to the hills, where he wandered all the day long. The sun
went down and the shadow of night covered the land as the man
approached his village. When he came to the little ridge formed by
the ashes thrown along the outskirts he paused as though undecided
about his movements. He dropped to the ground and lay reclining
against the ridge all the night long in restless sleep. The chill of the
morning awakened him; he sat up and saw the dawn rising. Reach-
ing his hand to the ground, he took from it a bit of the soil which he
moistened and rubbed it on his head and forehead as though in the
act of mourning, for he was sore distressed in mind. Then he arose,
left the village that he might go where he could be quite alone and
ery to Wa-ko*’-da for some sign as to the meaning of the thoughts
that had taken possession of his mind in so mysterious a manner.
For six days he wandered without eating or drinking, always crying
to the mysterious and invisible power known to him and to his people
as ‘Wa-ko"’-da.’ On the morning of the seventh day the man
tottered to his feet, for his strength was nearly gone. He said to
himself: ‘For six days I have kept vigil and cried, and nothing has
come of it. I will go to my home before I die, for I feel as though
death is near.’

“He started for home, but he was obliged to stop frequently, for
he was weak from hunger and thirst. He came to a brook and broke
from a yellow willow tree a branch to use as a staff. All day he
traveled until the sun went down. As the gloom of dusk came he
found himself where two footworn paths jomed and became one,
leading to the village. With a sigh of exhaustion he fell to the ground,
saying: ‘Death must be near; I can go no farther. I will he here.
If in the night I die, my brothers will find me when the morrow comes.’

“Tt was not long before the man’s eyes began to close with the
sleep of exhaustion, when he heard sounds like the voices of men

612 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

speaking in low tones. Strengthened by the hope that his brothers
had come to seek for him, the man lifted his head and looked around,
but could see no one. Once more his eyes began to close, for his
weary body craved rest; again he was aroused by the sound of
rustling grass as though disturbed by approaching feet. He raised
his head, believing that his brothers had indeed come in search of
him, but the sound died away and he could hear nothing save his
labored breathing. When he was nearly unconscious he heard foot-
steps coming toward him and he felt sure that his brothers had indeed
come; but as he looked to see, the sound of the footsteps ceased.
Again he lay down and was about to fall asleep, when he was aroused
by the heavy thud of a foot close to him. He looked up as quickly
as he could but saw nothing, nor could he hear any sound. Then he
said to himself: ‘In some way I have displeased Wa-ko®’-da, and in
this way he is making me feel his anger. I will listen no more to
these strange sounds.’

“The man covered his head with his robe and as he was falling
into a quiet sleep his feet were suddenly kicked violently aside as by
a heavy foot, and a strange voice spoke:

“Srranaer. Arise! In your vigil and your cries you have fixed
your thoughts longingly upon all the peoples of the earth. Turn
your face this way and look upon me.

“The Man. My grandfather, I turn my face and I look upon you.

“STRANGER. In what aspect do you see me?

“The Man. My grandfather, I see you standing before me having
in your arms seven pipes, each one adorned with human hair.

“SrraNGcer. In your vigils and your cries you have fixed your
thoughts longingly upon all the peoples of the earth. These pipes
shall be yours. In your journey toward the setting of the sun you
shall use these to make your enemies to fall.

‘“‘(The man, in fear, turned his face away and again the voice spoke.)

“Stranger. Turn your face this way and look upon me.

“The Man. My grandfather, I turn my face and I look upon you.

“STRANGER. In what aspect do you see me?

“The Man. I see you standing before me, and clasped firmly under
your left arm I see a number of sacred birds (hawks, symbols of
courage), each of which is folded in mysterious wrappings.

“Srrancer. In your vigils and in your cries you have fixed your
thoughts longingly upon all the peoples of the earth. These sacred
birds shall be yours. In your journey toward the setting of the sun
you shall use them to overcome your enemies.

‘(The man in fear turned his face away, and again the voice spoke.)

“SrraNnGcer. Turn your face this way and look upon me.

“The Man. My grandfather, I turn my face and look upon you.

“STRANGER. In what aspect do you see me?

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 613

“The Man. My grandfather, I see you standing before me as
though in the midst of the sky, your naked body, in every part,
tinged with the crimson color of the dawn.

“STRANGER. In your vigils and cries you have fixed your thoughts
longingly upon all the peoples of the earth. The crimson color that
you have seen upon my body shall be yours. In your journey toward
the setting of the sun you shall use it to make your enemies fall.

“(The man turned his face away in fear, and again the voice spoke.)

“Srraneaer. Turn your face this way and look upon me.

“The Man. My grandfather, I turn my face and look upon you.

“S?RANGER. In what aspect do you see me?

“The Man. My grandfather, I see you standing before me; cling-
ing to your body are animals of all kinds, their faces turned toward
me.

“SrraANGER. In your vigils and in your cries you have fixed your
thoughts longingly upon all the peoples of the earth. The animals
you have seen shall be yours. In your journey toward the setting
of the sun you shall use them to make your enemies to fall. Turn
your face this way and look upon me.

“The Man. My grandfather, I turn my face, I look upon you.

“STRANGER. In what aspect do you see me?

“The Man. My grandfather, I see you standing before me as an
aged man with wrinkled brows and bent shoulders; a white downy
feather adorns your head, and pressed against your breast is a little
pipe, from the stem of which smoke issues with a hissing sound.

“Srrancer. In your vigils and your cries you have fixed your
thoughts longingly upon all the peoples of the earth. The little pipe
you have seen shall be yours. In your journey toward the setting
of the sun you shall use it to make your enemies fall. You shall live
to see your brows furrowed with wrinkles and your shoulders bent
with age. Turn your face this way and look upon me.

“The Man. My grandfather, I turn my face, I look upon you.

“SrrancerR. In what aspect do you see me?

“The Man. My grandfather, I see you standing before me. At
your side stands a little house (a ceremonial sudatory).

“Srrancer. In your vigils and your cries you have fixed your
thoughts longingly upon all the peoples of the earth. The little
house you have seen shall be yours. In your journey toward the
setting of the sun you shall use it to make your enemies fall. Turn
your face this way and look upon me.

“The Man. My grandfather, I turn my face and look upon you.

“STRANGER. In what aspect do you see me?

“The Man. My grandfather, I see you standing before me, and
firmly grasped in your right hand I see a war club.

“SrraNGeER. In your vigils and in your cries you have set your
thoughts longingly upon the peoples of the earth. The war club

614 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

you have seen shall be yours. In your journey toward the setting
of the sun you shall use it to make your enemies fall. Turn your
face this way and look upon me.

“The Man. My grandfather, I look upon you.

“STRANGER. In what aspect do you see me?

“The Man. My grandfather, I see you standing before me. In
your right hand is firmly grasped a wa-xthe’-xthe (a symbolic
standard).

“S?rRANGER. In your vigils and in your cries you have fixed your
thoughts longingly upon all the peoples of the earth. The standard
you see shall be yours. In your journey toward the setting of the
sun you shall use it to make your enemies fall.’’ ®

Sones or WAILING

The A’-ki-ho® Xo’-ka and his assistants sang the Wa’-i"-xa-ge song
when the candidate and the women began to wail and the No”’-ho®-
zhi*-ea to recite the dream wi’-gi-e.

Wa-xthi’-zhi explained that the wailing of the candidate was an
appeal for long life and an endless line of descendants; the reciting of
the dream wi’-gi-e was in the nature of a supplication to Wa-ko"’-da
that the cry of the candidate might be heard and his prayer granted;
the wailing of the women was in remembrance of their husbands or
sons who had gone to the spirit land and whose places they filled in
the organization of the No”’-ho"-zhi"-ga.

While it is true, as explained by Wa-xthi’-zhi, that this entire
ceremony is in the nature of a supplication, it is also clear that it
is a dramatization of the rite of the seven days’ vigil which a man is
required to take who is chosen to offer the appeal of the people for
divine aid in overcoming their enemies, as also the continuance of
the rite throughout the entire war expedition.

The pipe referred to in the first stanza of the Wa’-i"-xa-ge Song
contains (figuratively) the petitions of all the people and is in the
possession of their priestly representative throughout the seven-day
period of the rite and throughout the entire war expedition. The
other stanzas mention certain ceremonial articles used in the war
rites.

A translation of two lines from each stanza of the first song are
here given.

5 This ritual is given in full, in wi’-gi-e form, by Wa-xthi’-zhi, in 89th Ann, Rept. B. A. E., pp. 138-144.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 615

Sone 1

(Osage version, p. 755)

M.M. Ale 92 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
55 =r aa
a —— ;
geet ===
- xa - ge bthe do nn im a, I - ba thi® a-do" bthe do hi®
= \ es
GaSe
@ o—e
ho, I- ba thi® a-do® bthe do hin do, Bthe
Nae Nees
OM pre Ree ===e =
3—7 -—F
do ho® do a, I- ba thi® a-do® bthe do® hi®
pe] maeals
6_65.- a SS | , = H
E Soe g og sg ig Og NNN

:8; a ee
I -bathi® a-do®bthedohi® do,A -xa-ge bthe dohi® do as.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
I ery to Wa-ko*’-da for aid as I go forth,
Bearing the mystic pipe I go.

‘2,
I ery to Wa-ko’da for aid as I go forth,
Bearing the mystic club I go.

3
I ery to Wa-ko"’-da for aid as I go forth,
Bearing the mystic knife I go.

4
IT ery to Wa-ko®’-da for aid as I go forth,
Bearing the mystic trophy I go.

5
I ery to Wa-ko®’-da for aid as I go forth,
Bearing my bow I go.

6
I cry to Wa-ko®’-da for aid as I go forth,
Bearing my arrows I go.

Uf
I ery to Wa-ko®’-da for aid as I go forth,
Bearing the mystic standards I go.

I ery to Wa-ko»’-da for aid as I go forth,
Bearing the symbol of trophies I go.

When the candidate had touched the heads of all the No®/-ho®-
zhi®-ga sitting on both sides of the house he stood still but continued

616 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

to wail, as did the women, until the last word of the Dream Wi’-gi-e
had been spoken. When all had become quiet the candidate resumed
his seat at the right of the Xo’-ka.

After a brief pause the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka again took up his rattle
and began to sing Song 2, which is a call to the Wa’-do”-be to retrace
his steps, meaning, that he must now count his o-do” in the order
that he had won them. As the Wa’-do"-be arose he picked up one
of the bunches of saplings, the one containing six, and began to count.
At the same moment all the No”’-ho*-zhi?-ga present began to recite
three different wi’-gi-es. The No”’-ho*-zhi?-ga of the Ho’-ga sub-
division of the Ho”’-ga great tribal division recited the Wi’-gi-e of
the Thirteen Footprints of the Black Bear. (See 39th Ann. Rept.
B. A. E., pp. 148-151.) The No?®’-ho®-zhi*-ga of the Wa-zha’-zhe
subdivision of the Ho®’-ga great division recited the Wi’-gi-e of the
Male Beaver and the Thirteen Willow Saplings. (See 39th Ann.
Rept. B. A. E., pp. 151-154.) The No*’-ho®-zhi®-ga of the Tsi’-zhu
great division recited the Wi’-gi-e of the Thirteen Sun-rays. (See
39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp. 170-171.) The No*”’-ho"-zhi*-ga of
the Tho’-xe and the Ni’-ka Wa-ko"-da-gi gens recited the Wi’-gi-e of
the Male Beaver and the Thirteen Willow Saplings as here given by
Saucy-calf.

As the singing of the second and third songs of this group con-
tinued without pause, and the reciting of the three wi’-gi-es took
place at the same time, the Wa’-do?-be, in a steady, deliberate, and
even voice recounted his o-do™, seven for the Ho"’-ga great division
and six for the Tsi’-zhu great division. The Wa’-do*-be dropped a
sapling on the earth at his feet as he finished giving the history of
the o-do” it represented.

Wi’-GI-E OF THE BEAVER AND THE THIRTEEN WILLOW SAPLINGS
(Osage version, p. 755; literal translation, p. 815)

Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,
The male beaver
At the left side of one end of his house,
Lay with moistened soil upon his face.
He spake, saying: The soil upon my face
I have not put there without a purpose.
When the little ones go toward the setting sun against their
enemies, :
8. It shall serve them as a sign of their appeal for divine aid to
overcome with ease their enemies.
9. From the left side of his house
10. The male beaver
11. Pushed forth, rippling the surface of the water,

NOP we

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 617

12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.

And he spake, saying: Behold the ripples upon the water,

Which I have made to be the sign of old age.

May even one of the little ones

Live to see his skin furrowed as the ripples on the water.

The splashing of the water as I push forth

Is not without a purpose,

The voices of the little ones, lifted in appeal, shall be heard by
Wa-ko"’-da, as are the splashes I make on the water.

“

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

. The male beaver came to a bend of the river,

. Where stood a yellow willow tree,

. Which he quickly cut down,

. Then spake, saying: This act of cutting down the tree

. Is not performed without a purpose.

. The people who dwell toward the setting sun

. I have made this fallen tree to represent.

. May even one of the little ones

. Enable himself to cut down with ease his enemies, as he travels

the path of life.
3

. After a pause

. He started to drag the tree.

. Against the current of the river

. He dragged the tree.

. Splashing with his tail the surface of the water as he pushed forth,
. He spake, saying: These splashes of the water

. Are as my voice that is heard by Wa-ko"’-da.

. So shall it be with the little ones,

. Their voices, lifted in appeal, shall always be heard by Wa-ko"’-da.
. After a pause

. He put at the left side of the entrance of his house

. The lower part of the trunk of the willow tree.

. After a pause,

. At the right side of one end of his house,

. The male beaver

. Lay with moistened soil upon his face.

. He spake, saying: The soil upon my face

. TL have not put there without a purpose.

. When the little ones go toward the setting sun against their

enemies

. It shall serve them as a sign of their supplication for divine aid

to overcome with ease their enemies.
41383°—30——40

618 ; THE OSAGE TRIBE [erH. ANN. 45

49.
50.
dl.
52.
53.
54.
55.

56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.

64.

65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
ae
72.
73.

74.
75.
76.
a.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.

Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,
From the left side of his house,

The beaver pushed forth, rippling the surface of the water,

Then spake, saying: Behold the ripples upon the water,

Which I have made to be the sign of old. age.

May even one of the little ones

Live to see his skin furrowed with age as the ripples on the water.

The beaver came to another bend of the river,

Where stood a yellow willow tree,

Which he quickly cut down,

Then spake, saying: This act also

I have performed not without a purpose.

There dwell toward the setting sun many people,

It is for the counting of these people I cut down this tree.

When the little ones go toward the setting sun against their
enemies,

And they appeal for divine aid, they shall always overcome their
enemies with ease.

After a pause

He started to drag the willow tree.

Against the current of the river

He dragged the willow tree.

Splashing the surface of the water with his tail as he pushed forth,

He spake, saying: The splashes that I make as I push forth,

Are as my voice that is heard by Wa-ko"’-da.

So shall it be with the little ones,

Their voices, lifted in appeal, shall always be heard by Wa-ko"’-da.

Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

The male beaver,

From the left side of his house,

Pushed forth, rippling the surface of the water,

He reached another bend of the river,

Where stood a yellow willow tree,

Which he quickly cut down.

Then spake, saying: This act also

I have performed not without a purpose.

There dwell many people toward the setting sun,

It is for the counting of those people that I have cut this tree.

When the little ones go to cut down their enemies,

They shall always cut them down with ease, as they travel the
path of life.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0’-BE 619

7
87. After a pause
88. He went on and reached the seventh bend of the river,
89. Then spake, saying: This bend of the river, also,
90. I have made to represent the honors of the warrior.
91. The little ones shall use this river’s bend for counting their honors.
92. When they use it to count their military honors,
93. They shall count with ease their honors, as they travel the path

of life.
SonGc oF THE WaA’-DO°-BE

The second song has two stanzas. The words are addressed to the
Wa/’-do"-be, the man of valor chosen by the candidate to recount the
deeds he performed when he fought in defense of the tribe. ,

By the first stanza the honored warrior is commanded to go to the
place prepared for him, there to travel again (retrospectively) the
path of honor he had made in his warlike career.

In the second stanza the Wa’-do™-be is commanded to go to the
seat of honor and there count, one after the other, the thirteen mili-
tary honors he has won, in accordance with the tribal rites.

A free translation of one sentence of each of the two stanzas of the

song is given. . ;
ONG
(Osage version, p. 758)

ReEcITATIVO Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
a Sian 9 ices 9 anaes a5 NaseastS = N
| & __ 4
E 2S ae a =
a .

U - gi - ha ©) = dsi: tho, u- gi- ha e- dsi_ the,

oe tomer |New] . = | H @ @

=e
u - gi- ha e - dsi_ tho. Tha-wa-wa e -dsi_ tho,
SSS eS Sy ESSE !
Oe oo

tha - wa - wa e - dsi tho, tha - wa-wa e- dsi tho.

FREE TRANSLATION
1
Go thou and travel again the path thou hast made.
2
Go thou and count in sequence the honors thou hast won.

The third song has 13 stanzas. These are divided into two groups,
one containing six and the other seven stanzas. The group of six
stanzas is for the Tsi’-zhu great division and that of seven stanzas
for the Ho”’-ga great division. When the ceremony is given by a
gens of the Ho”’-ga great division the group of seven stanzas is sung

620 THE OSAGE TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 45

first, and when the ceremony is given by a gens of the Tsi’-zhu
division the group of six stanzas is sung first. Saucy-calf, who gave
this ritual, belonged to a gens of the Tsi’-zhu, so he sang first the
group with six stanzas.

In order to avoid repetition, the seven stanzas only are here given,
the words of all the stanzas except the seventh being the same.

The numbers given throughout the seven stanzas may be read as
ordinal numbers, thus: First, second, third, etc. They refer to the
willow saplings to be used by the Wa’-do"-be in recounting his o-do™
(military honors) at the singing of the song. The words of the song
are addressed to the Wa/-do™-be and as though offering to him the
saplings one by one.

The words of two lines of each stanza of this song are freely trans-
lated. In the last or seventh stanza the ordinal number is not used
for the reason that the Osage word for the ordinal form of the number
seven contains four syllables, so that the word does not fit the music,
therefore the word ‘‘e’-no””’ is substituted, a word which means the
last one to complete the prescribed number.

Sone 3
(Osage version, p. 758)

M.M. @=22 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
ae aaa aITEOS Ea
SEs 3 . c a Deen Pisa arin — e a= 6 = a
4 ime =U E vi DI ———-s
Ni-ka no® do®. . ga wa-do®-be, . ga wa-do®-be, . Wit-
aN (Pe
=e ee as He — SS TE E @- @ _@ - |
eo ae o-—@ ee a 2
Fa o-——@ @ po 4 D E af —4 a1 A E i VI
xtsi thu - ca, . wit-xtsi thu-¢a, . Ni--ka no® do. . ga
h—S—|——-8—-B-- 8 c——-A—4 N
; a= 4 \ fia A + —
Gia SSS aa
oH
wa-do® - be, . Wit-xtsithu - ¢a, . wit-xtsi thu-¢a, . Ni -

<r i a ar os

ka no? do® . ga wa-do®-be. . wit-xtsi thu ga.

Ce Se

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Thou art a man, O Wa’-do®-be, O Wa’-do®-be,
Take thou the first of these, the first of these.
2

Thou art a man, O Wa’-do"®-be, O Wa’-do-be,
Take thou the second of these, the second of these.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 621

3
Thou art a man, O Wa’-do"-be, O Wa’-do®-be,
Take thou the third of these, the third of these.
4
Thou art a man, O Wa’-do®-be, O Wa’-do®-be,
Take thou the fourth of these, the fourth of these.
5
Thou art a man, O Wa’-do®-be, O Wa’-do®-be,
Take thou the fifth of these, the fifth of these.
6
Thou art a man, O Wa’-do"-be, O Wa’-do®-be,
Take thou the sixth of these, the sixth of these.
if

Thou art a man, O Wa’-do®-be, O Wa/’-do®-be,
Take thou the final oné of these, the final one.

Crow Sones

At the close of the Wa-thu’-ce songs Saucy-calf gives the following
notice: ‘Ha! No?’-ho?-zhi"-ga Ka’-xe Wa-tho" a-tsii® do. Ni’/-ka
Xo-be A-ka the ga ni tha-to" bi" do.” “‘O No”’-ho?-zhi"-ga I have
come to the Crow songs. At this time the holy men drink water.”’
Thereupon the women bring in water and the ‘‘holy men,” in accord-
ance with ancient custom, proceed to refresh themselves and to wash
from their faces the sign of the rite of vigil which they had put on
their faces before the dawn.

The Sho’-ka and his assistants also bestir themselves and apportion
to the families of the holy men the provisions supplied by the can-
didate and his relatives, first serving the Wa’-do"-be a large portion.
The activity in the serving of cold water and food to the holy men
at the singing of the Crow songs, of which there are two, is a dramati-
zation of the scenes that take place upon a battle field when the
conflict is over, and the combatants, both the living and the slain,
have departed.

The theme of the first Crow song is the person (the crow) who first
approaches the abandoned field of conflict where le the bodies of
the slain. In the song the crow is represented as speaking while he
approaches to feast upon the fallen warrior, from the back, from the
left side, from the breast, and, lastly, from the right side.

In this song two men only are mentioned as having gone. Saucy-
calf could not explain what was meant by this, but thought it meant
one of the slain from each side, as the bodies of the slain on both
sides are left upon the field of combat.

A free translation is given of three lines from each stanza.

622 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 759)
M.M. »| — 88 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
oS So a oe 2 ee
Pau Se Te pee
Ge 7 ae Y

i - ka tho®-ba tha do® he nod, A he the _ ni - ka tho® -

Pa cee eee eres

ba tha do” he no®, A he the ni- katho®-ba thado® he no®, Da-
SS __ SS Sees ——+—+*
ee Se See Ness ot |
o | ; = =! : - 4 =
‘Gu es =r f He ae oa ran | Pia ae soe eet Eo

ce rie to® wa-tha-pa-pa ha-dsibthe hi# do, Ni - katho®-ba a, a

SSS i
Ss 3
Pe ree See |
te +egeeneds
da-do® he, Da-c¢e ta to® wa-tha-pa-pa ha-dsi bthe hi® do.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Lo, two men have gone to the spirit land,
A he the, two men have gone to the spirit land,
I go to feast upon their backs with zest.

2
Lo, two men have gone to the spirit land,
A he the, two men have gone to the spirit land,
I go to feast upon their left sides with zest.

Lo, two men have gone to the spirit-land,
A he the, two men have gone to the spirit land,
I go to feast upon their breasts with zest.

Lo, two men have gone to the spirit land,

A he the, two men have gone to the spirit land,

I go to feast upon their right sides with zest.
The second Crow song, which Saucy-calf next takes up, when he
acts as A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka, is descriptive of the actions of the crows
when feasting upon the bodies of the slain warriors. The first stanza
refers to the cries of the birds as they spring into the air and tear
each other in fight over the bodies of the fallen. The second stanza
refers to the ravenous manner in which they feed. The third refers
again to the fighting and to the way in which the birds tumble through
the air in their struggles. The fourth to the peaceful manner in
which the crows depart from the battle field, flying abreast by twos,
having satisfied their hunger.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 623

In the He-thu’-shka ceremonies of many of the Siouan tribes the
warriors who are the most valorous are permitted to wear, in the
form of a belt, a symbolic decoration called Ka’-xe, or crow. (PI.
19.) This military decoration symbolizes the scenes pictured in
these crow songs.

A translation of one line from each stanza will suffice to make
clear the meaning.

Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 759)

Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

° X x
a a a eT a ee
7. —— a

Ka - xe ga - tse tho®-ba dse ki - gthi - xa - xa,
— Crea et > J =
Date 6. ese 6 [B= <3 8B i
a © 6-6 —¢.
Ka-xe ga-tse tho®ba dse ki -gthi- xa-xa, Ka - xe
= ON
a ——
ga - tse tho® - ba dse ki - gthi - xa - xa.
EGS? ——— a ———— 3 SSS ESS |
co dis
Ka - xe ga - tse tho®-ba dse ki - gthi - xa - xa,
eee 1 + = - i _ —)—-y
rau = ia a iS
et -g.
Ka - xa ga - tse tho®-ba dse ki - gthi - xa - xa.

FREE TRANSLATION
1
The crows fight and scream where lie the two.
2
The crows eat with zest where lie the two.
3
The crows wrestle in the air above the two.
4
The crows, in pairs, leave the place where lie the two.

BuFrFraLo Sones

Two themes are united in the group of songs next in order. The
first theme is of an animal life form, the buffalo, and the second is
of a vegetal life form, the maize. These two forms of life are held
by the Osage and cognate tribes as specially sacred, for they are

624 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

recognized as special gifts from Wa-ko"’-da, the power that is the
source of all forms of life. This composite group of songs bears the
title Tse Wa’-o", Buffalo Songs. The myth (36th Ann. Rept. B. A.
E., p. 279, lines 54-110), which tells of the buffalo and the maize,
implies that the buffalo was first to become the principal food supply
of the people and later the maize took an important and a permanent
‘place in the secular and religious life of the tribe.

The maize must be ceremonially planted by a woman; therefore
when the buffalo and the maize songs are to be sung the candidate’s
wife and her uninitiated woman relatives are invited to be present
in order to receive instructions in the rites which must be observed
when planting the maize. (See 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 192.)

The annual tribal buffalo hunt of the Omaha was always conducted
with elaborate and solemn rites (27th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp. 270-
309), as was also the ceremonial planting of the maize. (See same
report, pp. 261-270.)

In both of these related tribes the duty of preparing the soil and of
planting the seeds of the maize belongs strictly toa woman. (PI. 20.)
If a man assists, he must work under the direction of the woman who
is the owner of the field. This sacred duty of attending to the maize
has a dual significance; it is the woman who conceives and brings
forth the child to its place in the physical world. No one is, there-
fore, better fitted than she to perform the sacred symbolic act of
preparing the soil, planting therein the seed of the maize, and helping
it to come into the light of day. :

When Saucy-calf is about to sing the buffalo and maize songs he
gives the following notice to the members of the order: ‘‘No*’-ho®-
zhi?-ga! Tse Wa’-o" a-tsi mi®-kshi® do. The ga ki’-no" tsi ga-xa
bi-a, No®-ho®-zhi-e’!”’ which, translated into free English, means:
“No?-ho"-zhi"-ga! I have come to the Buffalo Songs. On arriving
at these songs it is customary to have the ki’-no”™ present, O No”-
ho?-zhi?-ga!”’

The Sho’-ka, who has gone to gather the women, reenters, followed
by the wife of the candidate and her friends, who take seats in front
of and facing the Xo’-ka, the A’-ki-ho” Xo’-ka, and the candidate to
be instructed in the rites pertaining to the ceremonial planting of the
maize.

The first song of this composite group relates to the coming of the
buffalo from the mysterious invisible world to the material and
visible world. The first two stanzas imply the creation of the male
and female with their full procreative powers; the third stanza speaks
of the birth of the young buffalo; the fourth stanza refers to the
completion of this creative act, the appearance of the father, mother,
and the little one in the material world, in the light of day.

A free translation of all the five lines of the first stanza and two
lines from each of the three other stanzas will suffice to give the
meaning of the song.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 20

WOMAN STANDING BY HER CORN PATCH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 21

STANDARD

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 625

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 760)
ReEciTaTIvo Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
io
oe
is [_— = ——# ° o =f -e fe —
oe ee a a ee oe ee a
Wi - tsi - go ho no® - zhia bi no® a hit do,
fN
oo) ef o = a = =

i 7—" —e o o — SS
a =

A ho wi- tsi - go ho no®-zhi® bi no® a. hi® do,

SS Set eS
ee aa i = a 27
—————$———

wi-tsi-go ho no®zhi® bi no® a hit do

SS —~ ———— —
eee eee

Mi the he, mi the he no®zhi® bi no® ahi® doe

—s— ss? = ——

ho, Do - ga no®-zhi® bi no® a hit do ho

FREE TRANSLATION

1
My grandfathers are rising,
A ho! my grandfathers are rising,
A ho! my grandfathers are rising,
I shall go to them, go to them, when they have risen,
When the males have risen.

2
I shall go to them, go to them, when they have risen,
When the females have risen.

3
I shall go to them, go to them, when they have risen,
When the young one has risen.

I shall go to them, go to them, when they have risen,
And come into the light of day.

The first and second songs of this group differ in both character
and expression. The first song indicates a thoughtful, contemplative
mood, having for its object the performance of an act that will
greatly affect the welfare of the people; the music of the song expresses
dignity, solemnity, and a reverence for the power that gives thought
to a vast and far-reaching movement. The words of the second song,
the rhythm, and quick time of the music indicate a happy spirit that

626 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

rejoices at the actual coming of the buffalo into the material world,
together with the promise of continuance through natural increase
for the lasting benefit of the tribe.

A free translation of the first stanza in full and two lines of each of
the other stanzas of the second song is given.

Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 760)

M.M. AS 92 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi® bi no®, Wi- tsi - go a Be bis non:

nt ee re ae ——

Wi- tsi - go no®- zhi2 no no®-zhi® bi

SSS sy

Do-ga-e no®-zhi® bi no®, do-ga-e

pier pS]

no2-zhi® bi no® A ha, no®-zhi? bi no", A ha,

FREE TRANSLATION

My grandfathers rise, they rise,

They rise; Look ye! they rise,

Look ye! Look ye!

The males rise, the males rise,

Look ye! they rise. Look ye! Look ye!

The females rise, the females rise,

Look ye! they rise. Look ye! Look ye!
3

The little one rises, the little one rises,

Look ye! the little one rises. Look ye! Look ye!
4

In the light of day they stand, they stand,
Look ye! they stand. Look ye! Look ye!

The third song of this group differs from the second only in the
music. The words and rhythm have the same tone of happiness at
the coming of the buffalo into the visible world. Saucy-calf gave
only the first and fourth stanzas of this song, leaving the words of the
second and the third to be implied.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0’-BE 627

It is the practice of the singers of the ritual songs to give only the
first and last stanzas of the songs that have the same theme and
which dwell upon the same subject. This practice is called ‘ Pa-ci
a-ki’-tha-ha thu-ce,”’ taking only the first and the last.

The first and fourth stanzas are translated in full.

Sone 3
(Osage version, p. 760)
M.M. — 96 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
et @. =a: a
2 — —
—— ap 7 Vaganae i,
Wil —= tsi -—- §£0; wi - tsi - go no® - -zhia da

Do - ga no®-zhi® da a ha no®- ae da

FREE TRANSLATION

1
My grandfather, my grandfather rises,
Look you! he rises; look you! he rises,
Look you! he rises; the male rises,
The male rises; look you! he rises.

My grandfather, my grandfather rises,

Look you! he rises; look you! he rises,

Look you! he rises; he stands in the light of day,
He stands in the light of day. Look you! he stands.

It was explained by Saucy-calf that the fourth song of this group
speaks of the readiness of the buffalo to come to the material world,
into the light of day, and that all things necessary to be accomplished
for their coming are completed.

A free translation is given of the first stanza and one line from
each of the other stanzas,

628 z THE OSAGE TRIBE [pTH. ANN. 45

Sone 4
(Osage version, p. 761)

M.M. g= 96 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

roars ee Zee =|

Wi-tsi-go ho tsi no®-zhi®-ethe he the, E-ni-the he tho-he mi

b es
Sa sea SS Sees

the the, e- ni-the the, -ni-the he tho-he mi
= iy ae ee ee Te
b—e ee ae ee of =— et ——» aoe |
Se Se er
the the, E - ni - the m3 do - ga no®-zhit-e the he,

“FREE TRANSLATION

My grandfather comes and stands,

It is done, soon shall I go! It is done,
It is done, soon shall I go,

It is done! I, the male, stand

It is done! I, the female, stand.
3

It is done! I, the little one, stand.
4

It is done! In the midst of day we stand.

The fifth song dwells upon the continued approach of the buffalo
to the world that is sensible to the sight as well as to the touch.

The music and the words of the song denote happiness and faith
that the buffalo will come into the world, not once; but for all time.
The final stanza sings of that day. A word, 0°’-ba, is here used in
two senses, namely, the light of day into which all things come and
live, and the attainment or the accomplishment of a desired end.
The bringing of the buffalo from the world of mystery into the mate-
rial world was for a definite purpose, and when that purpose was
accomplished the object stood in the light of day, as a thing com-
pleted.

All of the lines of the first stanza are translated and one line from
each of the other three stanzas.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 629

Sone 5

(Osage version, p. 761)

M.M. Al 96 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

Mo2 - im - kau -ho® - ge dsi tha thi®- she no, Tho -

geno" do-ga gi ta bi the the he the, Do-ga gi ta bi the

: o
=
v v
the, Tho - ge no® do - ga gi ta bi the the he.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Along the borders of the earth ye move,
Amidst the visible forms the male will come,
The male will come,
Amidst the visible forms the male will come.
2

Amidst the visible forms the female will come.
3
Amidst the visible forms the little one will come.
4
Amidst the visible forms, in the light of day they will come.

The next two songs, the sixth and seventh, bear the subtitle
Wa-dsu’-ta Gi-bo" Wa-tho”, Songs of Calling the Animals.

In many of the Siouan tribes there are rites by which the people
call the buffalo to come to their aid in the struggle to maintain life.
From the words of the ritual songs of this character a stranger who
is not familiar with the Indian ceremonial mode of thought and
expression would fall into the belief that the supplications for aid
were addressed to the animal itself, but a closer, thoughtful study
would lead him to the understanding that the call for aid was made
through the animal to the Mysterious Power that gave it life and
form.

The ancient No*’-ho®-zhi"-ga who composed these songs mention
the buffalo in the sequential order of their creation as dictated to
them by wa-thi’-gtho", or a carefully studied reasoning, namely, the
male first, the female next, and lastly the little one. While by the
final stanza they call the three in their triple relationship to come
nto the light of day, the call is, in reality, a song of adoration of the
power that made the light of day for the benefit of all living creatures.

630 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

By the same process of reasoning as that of the Osage men the
ancient No’-ho®-zhi"-ga of the Omaha, a cognate tribe, arranged in
the same order the stanzas of their buffalo calling songs.. In the
final stanzas of the two Omaha songs here referred to is used the
word te’-xi, which means difficult to accomplish. The word, however,
as used here is an expression of those men of the ancient days, of
their marvel at the accomplishment of so great an act by Wa-ko"’-da
as the bringing into existence a living creature of such widespread
usefulness. (See 27th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp. 291-295.)

All of the lines of the first stanza of the sixth song are given a free
translation and one line only from each of the three other stanzas is

translated.
Sone 6
(Osage version, p. 761)

M.M. ae 96 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

pistes Nest aeeee = alae
pe fea @ @ @ @
Gre os 22 ae a = =

Mi - cu-dse, mi-cu-dse gi ba thi? a ha, Wi - tsi - go

Se aes

gi ba thi? a . ha ge the | he, A ha ge the he
Lar ae: pe a = —s—____—e— 6—- @

Do - gau- tha gi ba thi® a ha, Wi - tsi - go
FSS SSS Ss SS SS
<p —4-8—— 6 — 9 — 6 ps so 9 os F

gi ba thi? a . ha _ ge the he, A ha ge the he.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
O ye with new-grown hair, new-grown hair, come,
My grandfathers, come ye, come ye,
Come ye hither, come;
Come ye with the males, come ye;
My grandfathers, come ye hither, come ye;
Come ye hither, come.
2

Come ye with the females, come ye.
3

Come ye with the little ones, come ye.
+

Come ye with the day, come ye.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0’-BE 631

In the seventh song the ancient No*’-ho"-zhi®-ga continue to call
to the buffalo, the valued gift coming from Wa-ko"’-da, the Giver of
Life. Those men of the ancient days gave to this song words that
are undisguised and can be understood by any person having a
knowledge of the language. The music has a mysterious tone which,
to them, was one of reverence and of adoration.

Sone 7
(Osage version, p. 762)
M.M. A= 88 Transcribed from cas wires by mG Wakefield eee
oe 2 a Zp ae
Fa: = atea® 9 . or = ——a|
Gi ba dse ha tho 0, gi iF dse ha_ tho, Gi
= oS SSS S|
== eae E
a Z
ba dse ha tho 0, gi ba dse_ ha tho? "I - wi=
re Sees
the tha ha tho-o0, do-ga no® ha tho - 0, . ai ba dee
Be 3 :
es = eat ” = ~~
Sh ee + ae =e = =F
——, Ne een 2 -6- i Se es
ha tho - <a ON erg Da, dse ha tho.

FREE TRANSLATION

Come ye hither, Come ye hither;
Come ye! Come ye!

Where I may see thee, ye of the males,
Come ye hither! Come ye hither!
Come ye! Come ye!

Where I may see thee, a of the females.
3
Where I may see thee, ye of the little ones.
4
Where I may see thee, here in the light of day!

In songs 1 to 7 of this group the ancient No"’-ho*-zhi"-ga have
attempted to give expression, in music and words, to their belief in
the coming of the buffalo from the unseen to the visible, material
world, not of its own accord but out of and guided by a divine
creative mind.

This belief concerning the source of the life, not only of the buffalo,
but of life in all its forms, fixed itself firmly upon the minds of the
Osage men of the ancient days after they had spent years of studious

632 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH, ANN. 45

thought upon the activities of nature, upon the great cosmic bodies,
and particularly upon those of the ern and the sun.

The buffalo was an animal of widespread usefulness. It gave to
the Indians of the plains food, clothing, and shelter. It was given
prominence in the myths, rieuintiat sacred songs, tribal ceremonials,
and the gentile organizations. itn the tribal hunting of the buffalo
the herd was approached with solemn rites, always with recognition
of the Great Creative Power that brought this sacred animal to man.
(See 27th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp. 280-283; 36th Ann. Rept. B. A.
E., pp. 262-582, lines 303- -582..)

The theme of the eighth song is the actual arrival of the buffalo
to the visible world, into the light of day.

The song is in the form of a little drama. The first stanza dwells
upon the shooting of the buffalo by man; the second, upon the death
of the animal; in the third, the man is joined by another who: is
asked to assist and to hold steady the hind leg as the first man per-
forms the task of cutting up the flesh; in the fourth, he is asked to
hold steady the head; in the fifth, he is asked to hold the foreleg.

A translation of one line only from each stanza will suffice to give
the meaning.

Sona 8
(Osage version, p. 762)
M.M. = 88 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman,
es
; 4 —=# aes eae eal as
Tsi - go ki - da bi - no, ki- da bi - no2,
ied eed yg S$ — 1 —

3 a —
ee eee eee es
Ki - da bi - no, ki-- da__ibi no2 ha,

alee at

Ki - da bi no, ki-da bi- no®, Ki-da bi no® ha.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
My grandfather ® I have shot, I have shot.

My grandfather I have killed, I have killed.
3 :

Hold for me his leg, hold for me his leg.
4

Hold for me his head, hold for me his head.
5

Hold for me his arm, hold for me his arm.

° The kinship term, grandfather, is not used here in its ordinary meaning but as a trope for a feeling of
reverence for the divine power that brought the animal from the realms of mystery to a material existence.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 633

Before passing to the Osage song next in order it may be well to
call attention to the relationship of Song 8, just given, to certain
Omaha buffalo songs. The Osage and the Omaha tribes are closely
related linguistically and have the same cultural peculiarities. The
first two stanzas of the Osage song dwell upon the shooting and killing
of the buffalo; the third, fourth, and fifth stanzas upon the cutting
up of the flesh of the animal for convenience in carrying it to camp.
Thus the Osage use two themes in this one song.

Years before the Osage work was begun the Omaha buffalo-hunting
rite was recorded. Among the songs of this rite are two that corre-
spond to the Osage buffalo song above referred to. The theme of
the eighth song of the Omaha buffalo rite (see 27th Ann. Rept. B. A.
E., p. 305) is the same as the first and second stanzas of the eighth
song of the Osage. The Omaha song is descriptive of a bit of the
scene of the hunting field when the chase is over. It makes a picture
of the hunter who is seeking for the animal he had wounded with his
arrow. The words of the song, freely translated, are as follows:

One I have wounded, yonder he moves,
Yonder he moves, bleeding at the mouth.

One I have wounded, yonder he moves,

Yonder he moves, with staggering steps.
3

One I have wounded, yonder he moves,

Yonder he falls, yonder he falls.

The ninth song of the Omaha rite (see 27th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.,
p. 306) corresponds to the third, fourth, and fifth stanzas of the
Osage song and is descriptive of the work of removing the skin and
cutting up the flesh of the animal killed. In both the Osage and °
Omaha songs two men are represented as performing the work,
although one man could do it without assistance. The assistant is
called by the Osage ‘‘U-ki’-stse-k’i",’”’ he who is entitled to half,
and by the Omaha “‘te’-t’e,’’ he who is entitled to a portion. A
free translation of one line only of this Omaha song will suffice to
give the meaning.

1
Hold for me the foot, my son, hold for me the foot.
2

Hold for me the head, my son, hold for me the head.
3
Hold for me the tail, my son, hold for me the tail. ;
The close resemblance of the Osage and Omaha buffalo songs is
not accidental. For certain political reasons a number of gentes
41383°—30——-41

634 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

withdrew from the great Osage tribe and in later times became known
as the Omaha tribe. For a long time, however, these gentes retained
the old gentile name ‘“‘Ho”’-ga,” but they finally adopted the dis-
tinctive name of Omaha, or Upstream People. When these gentes
departed from the Osage tribe they took with them their gentile
versions of the tribal rites, including the buffalo songs, thus leaving
gaps in the old Osage No”’-ho®-zhi®-ga arrangement of the ancient
tribal rites. (For tradition of the separation see Nineteenth Internat.
Cong. Americanists, 1915, pp. 459-462.)

The ninth song of this group is the first of the Songs of the Maize.
It is thought that the No"’-ho"-zhi"-ga represent the people as speak-
ing in this song, each for himself or herself, the men who guard the
village and the women who work in the fields.

The words and the music of the song express joy at the awakening
of the earth from its long winter sleep; the smoke arising from the
fields where the women are preparing the soil for planting; the sight
of the long rows of little hills within which are to be put the precious
seeds from which the people hope for a rich harvest; the sight of the
young stalks as they spread their blades in the winds and take their
place amid other living forms; the sight of the bright light of day
that touches every form of life and urges each onward toward
maturity.

Amid all this awakening, this activity of life, the old No*’-ho®-
zhi*-ga perceived a first token of the presence of the Divine, Creative
Power, a presence that is indicated by some visible mark, like foot-
prints upon the earth’s surface.

All the lines of the first stanza are translated and the last two
lmes from each of the other three stanzas.

Sone 9
(Osage version, p. 762)

M.M. | =— 96 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
iY Ima lee ee ia Nexen = !
aeieas pe 6
E ee yp
Mo®-i®-ka tse- ga ge no® dse . he, Wi-tsi- go a- ci -

Dos | ae pt SS
as ae ai
gthe sho-dse ge, To"- be mo®-bthi?-ethe he the, Sho-dse ge to® -

ee ee es

be mo®-bthi®-e the, Tho ge no® sho-dse ge To" - be mo®-bthi®-e the he.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO/-BE 635

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Amid the earth, renewed in verdure,
Amid rising smoke, my grandfather’s footprints
I see, as from place to place I wander,
The rising smoke I see as I wander.
Amid all forms visible, the rising smoke
I see, as I move from place to place.
2
Amid all forms visible, the little hills in rows
I see, as I move from place to place.
3
Amid all forms visible, the spreading blades
I see, as I move from place to place.
4

Amid all forms visible, the light of day
I see, as I move from place to place.

The tenth song of this group is expressive of a feeling of reverence
for woman, a feeling akin to that of adoration, for it is she upon
whom nature has imposed the sacred duty of motherhood.

Jn this song the No"’-ho"-zhi"-ga have represented the woman as
speaking of her task of planting, cultivating, and harvesting the
maize for food for her children. This plant must bear the fruit
which the children must eat that they may live and the woman has
learned that the plant will require as much care from her as the little
ones in order to bring it to maturity and fruition.

Stanzas 1 to 5 are descriptive of the work of preparing the soil to
receive the seeds to be planted. Stanzas 6 to 8 refer to the sacred
act of the woman and to the seeds she must plant in the seven con-
secrated hills. Stanzas 9 to 17 tell of the successive stages of the
growth and fruition of the plant. Stanzas 18 to 20 speak of the
harvesting that brings joy in the woman’s house and to the day that
marks the fulfillment of her duty.

A translation of one line from each stanza will give the meaning
of the song.

636 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 10
(Osage version, p. 763)

M.M. e= — 100 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

es = —_——- ——

A - ci-gthe he sho-de no®-zhi?-e the he the,

Se tay ee ee Se
—— =~ “_@ @ 9 o @ o——
a eas sf

- ci - gthe he sho -de nozhit-e the he _ the,

o— @ o——9

ee eee =
ee a= = eae

A -gci-gthe . he sho-de no®-zhit-e the, A - gi - gthe
ee eae in vi = Somers frase
he sho - de no? - zhi®-e the he.

FREE TRANSLATION
1
Footprints I make! Smoke arises from their midst (burning of the old stalks).
9

“a

Footprints I make! The soil lies mellowed.

Footprints I make! The little hills stand in rows.
4

Footprints I make! Lo, the little hills have turned gray.
5

Footprints I make! Lo, the hills are in the light of day.
6

Footprints I make! Lo, I come to the sacred act.

| 1

Footprints I make! Give me one (grain), two, three, four.
8

Footprints I make! Give me five, six, the final number (7).
9

Footprints I make! Lo, the tender stalk breaks the soil.
10

Footprints I make! Lo, the stalk stands amidst the day.
11

Footprints I make! Lo, the blades spread in the winds.
12

Footprints I make! Lo, the stalks stand firm and upright.
13

Footprints I make! Lo, the blades sway in the winds.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 637

Footprints I make! Lo, the stalk stands jointed.
15

Footprints I make! Lo, the plant has blossomed.
16

Footprints I make! Lo, the blades sigh in the wind.
17

Footprints I make! Lo, the ears branch from the stalk.
18

Footprints I make! Lo, I pluck the ears.
19

Footprints I make! Lo, there is joy in my house.

3 20

Footprints I make! Lo, the day of fulfillment.

In the Omaha song of the maize (see 27th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.,
pp. 262-269) the sacred plant is represented as speaking of its suc-
cessive stages of growth, from the formation of its roots to fruition
and its use by man as food.

In the eleventh song the No"’-ho"-zhi"-ga represent the woman as
being in a thoughtful mood upon the arrival of the season when the
seeds she had planted amidst her footprints should have grown to
maturity and fruition. As she plans to visit the field her thoughts
run back to the time when she finished making the little hills in
which to plant the seeds of the maize. She follows again, in memory,
the plant in its various stages of growth, from the time it pushed
upward through the soil and spread its leaves in the sun to the time
when the stalk strengthened and stood with broad leaves swaying in
the four winds; to the time when it stood in full maturity, crowned
with yellow blossoms. She pictures in her mind the ripening ears
reaching out like arms from the stalks, and she fancies herself stand-
ing in the clear day of reality, the day of the fulfillment of her motherly
duty.

All the lines of the first stanza are translated and one line from
each of the other stanzas.

638 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH, ANN. 45

Sone 11
(Osage version, p. 764)
M.M. 7 — 96 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
—————————— :
SS Se

Do" - be the tse the he, do®-be the tse _ the,

for ee ee

A - gi- gthe no® ho® do? - be the tse the he

E eS jn ere ere

he the, Gthe-ca ge no"® ho? do®-be the tse the he,
cope et | =f
bp? —_# #9» o— [2 o— #9 9» 9 {|
J yy :
Do®-be the tse the he, do®-be the tse the the he.

FREE TRANSLATION

I shall go to see, I shall go to see,

The footprints I have made, I shall go to see,
I shall go to see, I shall go to see,

The hills standing in rows, I shall go to see,

I shall go to see, I shall go to see.

The stalks with outspreading leaves, I shall go to see.
3

The stalks standing upright, I shall go to see.
a

The leaves swaying in the wind, I shall go to see.
5

The yellow blossoms, I shall go to see.
6

The overhanging ears, I shall go to see.
of

The final day of my task, I shall see.

in the twelfth song the woman, the tiller of the soil, is represented
as hastening to the field with light footsteps. As she enters the
field she stands with exultant pride amidst the rustling leaves of the
fruit-laden stalks crowned with yellow blossoms. She gathers some
of the fruit for the evening meal. When she finds red, blue, or

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 639

speckled ears she keeps them separate for the little ones and antici-
pates the joy of hearing their cries of delight when they see the corn.
With a heavy load, but a light heart, she hastens homeward, enters
her house and meets the demonstrations of joy in the ‘‘ Welcome
home.”’ To the mother it is a day of contentment.

One line is translated from each stanza of this song.

The music is the same as that which accompanies the tenth song.

Sone 12
(Osage version, p. 764)
FREE TRANSLATION

1
Footprints I make! I go to the field with eager haste.
2

Faotprints I make! Amid rustling leaves I stand.
3
Footprints I make! Amid yellow blossoms I stand.
4
Footprints I make! I stand with exultant pride.
5
Footprints I make! I hasten homeward with a burden of gladness.

6
Footprints I make! There’s joy and gladness in my home.

7
Footprints I make! I stand amidst a day of contentment!

At the close of this song, when Saucy-calf presides as master of
ceremonies, he speaks to the No"’-ho"-zhi"-ga in a voice that all can
hear: :

“Ha! No®-ho™-zhi"-ga, Tse Wa’-tho" the ga she’-no"i"do. Wa-
tho” Sha-pe thi"-kshe, No™-ho"-zhi"-ga, a-tsi a’-to™-he i" do. Wa-
ga’-xe the she-to™ ha a-the’ta a-ka i" do. A’-ki-hi-dse go"-tha thi?
he no*-e!.

“Ha! No®-ho"-zhi®-ga, this closes the Buffalo Songs. I have now
come to the “Six Songs.’’? Henceforth, many of the songs will be
accompanied with ceremonial forms and acts. Therefore, you will
give us all your attention.”

The Buffalo Songs, just given, close the first part of the Ritual
known to the No”’-ho®-zhi?-ga as the “‘Seven Songs.”

THE SIX SONGS

The second part of each ritual belonging to the tribal war rites
bears the title Wa-tho™ Sha-pe tse, The Six Songs. The mythical
story of its institution and its symbolic character is given in detail
in the 39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp. 205-206. Therefore it will not
be necessary to repeat it here.

640 THE OSAGE TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 45

BuFraLo Sones

The Six Songs, as given by Saucy-calf, begins with four buffalo
songs, bearing the common title Tse-do’-a Ni’-ka I-no®-zhi® Wa-tho®.
Tse-do-a, Buffalo; Ni-ka, Men; I-no®-zhi", Stand-by; Wa-tho®,
Songs; freely translated, Songs of the Buffalo, the Stand-by of Men.

At the singing of these songs the Xo’-ka, A’-ki-ho® Xo’-ka and the
candidate rise and stand throughout the singing. The theme of these
songs tells of the coming of the buffalo from the unseen to the visible
world in order to give support to the lives of men.

The third and fourth lines of each stanza of the song are translated.

Sona 1
(Osage version, p. 765)
M.M. - — 100 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
ba #9 — 9a .
gels
— y—-}— Ff

Wi-tsi - go no®-zhi® bi no®, Wi-tsi - go no®-zhi® bi no®,

—————

— —- 6 @
Wi- tsi - go no? - -zhi® bi no® shot, Pa - hi btha-zho®
—p TT: = aca
)- IN N PG E — [|
en eS a
nee: Se. ww) ow cenlue:
no® zhi® bi no, . Wi- tsi - go no®- zhi® bi noa,

FREE TRANSLATION

Lo, my grandfathers rise and stand,
They of the shaggy mane, rise and stand.

Lo, my grandfathers rise and stand,

They of the curved horns, rise and stand.
3

Lo, my grandfathers rise and stand,

They of the humped shoulders, rise and stand.
4

Lo, my grandfathers rise and stand,

They whose tails curl backward in anger, rise and stand.
5

Lo, my grandfathers rise and stand,

They, the four-legged ones, rise and stand.
6

Lo, my grandfathers rise and stand,
They who paw the earth in anger, rise and stand.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0’/-BE 641

In the second song of this group the buffalo are represented as
advancing from the unseen to the visible world. The third and
fourth lines of each stanza are translated.

The music is the same as that of Song 1.

Sone 2
(Osage version, p, 765)
FREE TRANSLATION
1

Lo, my grandfathers are advancing,

They of the shaggy mane, are advancing.
9

“

Lo, my grandfathers are advancing,
They of the curved horns, are advancing.

Lo, my grandfathers are advancing,

They of the humped shoulders, are advancing.
4

Lo, my grandfathers are advancing,

They whose tails curl in anger, are advancing.
5

Lo, my grandfathers are advancing,

They, the four-legged ones, are advancing.
6

Lo, my grandfathers are advancing,
They who paw the earth in anger, are advancing.

The third song represents the buffalo as rising with cheerful quick-
ness, to move to the visible world. Two lines from each stanza are
translated.

Sone 3
(Osage version, p. 766)
M.M. J= 96 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
a ee eae i
—- —, _ er =e
ee = =
Wi-tsi- go no®-zhi" tsi- tha, . Wi-tsi - go no®-zhi®
o—
SSS aa == —— =
a
tsi - aie thi? ha, Pe hi anne eR - tsi - tha, Wi -
ae == SS
———+——_—_#
tsi - go no®-zhi® tsi - tha, . Wi - tsi- go no®-zhi2

Ss ‘poe Ree
a a 6 Z al
eee ———
tsi- tha thi® ha, Pa-hi btha-zho® no®-zhi® tsi-tha thi® ha.

642 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Look you, my grandfathers rise,
They of the shaggy manes, rise quickly.
2
Look you, my grandfathers rise,
They of the curved horns, rise quickly.
3
Look you, my grandfathers rise,
They of the humped shoulders, rise quickly.
4
Look you, my grandfathers rise,
They whose tails curl in anger, rise quickly.
5
Look you, my grandfathers rise,
They, the four-legged ones, rise quickly.
6 ec
Look you, my grandfathers rise,
They who paw the earth in anger, rise quickly.

In the fourth song the rising of the buffalo is again referred to.
They are represented as approaching from every corner of the earth,
the west, east, south, and north. The song is an expression of joy
at the coming of the animals so useful to the life of men.

It has been stated elsewhere that when the Omaha separated from
the Osage tribe the people took with them their version of certain
parts of the tribal rites. (The Omaha version of this buffalo song
is given in the 27th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 293.) In the Osage
version which deals with the same theme the herds are said to be
approaching from the west, east, south, and north, whereas the
Omaha song tells that the buffalo are to come from ten different
directions of the earth, each direction being given a stanza in the
song. In the eleventh stanza they are represented as coming from
‘‘o"’-oe-da,’’ from every direction. This phrase, 0°’-ge-da (from every
direction), was consecrated to use as a personal gentile name by the
Ho’’-ga gens and is given to children of this gens to this day.

The third and fourth lines of each stanza of the fourth Osage song
are translated.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 643

Sone 4
(Osage version, p. 766)
M.M. le 84 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

Sm = = = | a= S| =

Wi-tsi-go hono®-zhi® da ha, Wi-tsi - go es arene da,

Wi-tsi-go ho no®zhit ne ma No®-zhia ane ha, mo®-ha ta

= a |

- zhi" da, Wi - tsi - go ho no®- zhi? daa ha,

FREE TRANSLATION

Look you, my grandfathers rise to come,

They rise and come from the land of the west.
2

Look you, my grandfathers rise to come,

They rise and come from the land of the east.
3

Look you, my grandfathers rise to come,

They rise and come from the land of the south.
4

Look you, my grandfathers rise to come,
They rise and come from the land of the north.

DeEER SonG

The song next in order is the Ta Wa-tho", Deer Song. Ta, deer;
Wa-tho", song. Ta is the modern Osage name for the deer; the
archaic name is ta’-xtsi. The archaic name for the deer is used in
Song 6, in the Puma version of the Ni’-ki No®-k’o" Ritual. (See
39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 191.)

Saucy-calf sang but one deer song, although in the list of songs
permanently fixed by the No”-ho*-zhi"-ga he gives the number as
four. Hi*-ci’-mo®-i", of the same gens, gives three in his list. The
name of the deer appears in the song only in the title.

This song refers to the choice of the deer as one of the seven animals
chosen for use in the tribal war rites as symbols of courage. The
deer, having no gall, is not a courageous animal, yet it so happens
sometimes that when hotly pursued by the hunter he will run into
the village amidst the houses and escape harm as though by some
supernatural influence. It was because of its fleetness that the old
No”’-ho*-zhi"-ga gave the deer a prominent place in the war rites.
(See lines 81-83, p. 546.) Two lines of the first stanza and one of
each of the other stanzas are translated.

644 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 767)

M.M, = 92 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

pe A See

Hiu - wa-ge no®-no"-ge the, Hiu-wa-ge no®-no"-ge the, Hiu -

== eS ieee
SS Pal y—y Sj

wa-ge no®-no?-ge re Hiu - wa-ge no"®~- no® - ge, O -
— =|
ho-o the no®-no® - ge the, Hiu - wa - ge no® - no? -
es nee
“ps o © e o—_ @ o o——_>|—__}
4 + I i t = _-———_- ——___—___—_}-
z E v Wi ete ee Poa ee a
ge the, Hiu - wa - ge nos = note = ee.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
O where shall I run? where shall I run?
O ho, amidst these houses I shall run.
2
O ho, I run along the rear of the houses.
3
O ho, amid the light of day I run in safety.

Buack Bear Sones

The next group of songs is called Wa-ca’-be Wa-tho”, Black Bear
Songs. These songs refer to the close of the great war ceremony
that takes place in the House of Mysteries, after which the warriors
march toward the country of the enemy. While the office of setting
up the House of Mysteries was specifically conferred upon the Black
Bear gens, it was understood that the Puma, a kindred gens, was
included in the appointment. (See 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 62.)

The black bear and the puma are both symbols of the fire that
knows no mercy when once it takes a destructive course. The sign
of this ruthless quality is charcoal made from the redbud tree which
was consecrated for the purpose. The warriors when about to attack
the enemy blacken their faces with the sacred charcoal, and he who
neglects to put upon his face this sign is ignored when honors are
conferred upon the men who had performed the prescribed acts of
valor.

In each stanza of the two songs here given an archaic term is used
which could not be translated or analyzed by any of the men who

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0’-BE 645

gave the tribal rituals. Saucy-calf expressed the belief that the
archaic term ‘‘wa’-ca-ki-the”’ refers to a person or a group of persons
appointed to perform certain mystic acts by which success may be
brought about in a tribal enterprise. The term is also frequently
used in the penalty wi’-gi-es, wherein certain birds, animals, and
insects are appealed to to punish, by supernatural means, any person
who may violate his initiatory obligations. (See 39th Ann. Rept.
B. A. E., pp. 47 and 51.)
Two lines from each stanza of this song are translated.

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 767)

MM. 84 Transcribed from graphophone Be C. Wakefield Cadman.
Moe=
@____» 9 ee ee
———————— — :
Wa-ca - ki- the shpa - no®- tha bi the he, Shpa -
—————
——_———— ; =
—_—_4e—_4r— oS as

no2 - tha bi the he, shpa-no®-tha bi the he, Shpa -

ere ae
i the

the he the, Ca -

no® - tha bi

o—4=6-— * PP
= =e: =a
ty
be - to®-ga_ shpa-no® - tha bi the he, Shpa - eee tha bi the.

:
—

e FREE TRANSLATION

1
You have closed the mystic rites, O Wa’-ca-ki-the,
You have closed the rites, O Great Black Bear.

You have closed the mystie rites, O Wa’-ca-ki-the,
You have closed the rites, O Great Puma.

The second song of this group refers again to the closing of the
final mystic rites performed by the No*’-ho®-zhi"-ga within the
House of Mysteries set up by the Black Bear and the Puma gentes.
The closing of the rites is a signal to the warriors that they are to
hold themselves in readiness to march against the enemy. The
warriors with their weapons are figuratively assembled in the House
of Mysteries.

A translation of three lines from each Mire will suffice to give the
meaning of the song.

646 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 2
Keres version, p. 767)

Transcribed from aman eae by C. Wakefield Cadman.

goa

Wa - ca - ki- the shpa- no? - on bi the, Ha - dsi

(ESS SS SSI

tha . bthe do® he _ the the, Ha - dsi tha bthe do® he

cout See ee eae

the he the, Ca-be-to®-ga shpa-no®-tha bi the, Ha - dsi tha

geo SS SES Il

bthe do® he, Wa-ga - ki- the shpa-no® - tha bi the.

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Thou hast closed the mystie rites, O Wa’-ca-ki-the,
Wheresoever thou goest, there I shall go.
Thou hast closed the mystic rites, O Great Black Bear.
2

Thou hast closed the mystic rites, O Wa’-ca-ki-the,
Wheresoever thou goest, there shall I go.
Thou hast closed the mystic rites, O Great Puma.

Wi’-Gi-E AND Sones oF THE RusH FOR CHARCOAL

The next group of songs is called No®-xthe’ I-ki"-dse Wa-tho?,
Songs of the Rush for the Charcoal. It is an epitome of the Fire
Ritual that belongs to the great war ceremony which is performed
when the two tribal divisions organize a war party to go against a
common enemy. In preparing for the ceremonies that pertain to
this ritual two great fires are built in the morning while it is yet dark.
Around these fires are gathered the warriors, each man stripped of
all clothing excepting the loin cloth and moccasins. At a signal given
by the two priests who conduct the ceremony, the warriors rush upon
the fires, striving to secure a burning brand from which to gather
the sacred charcoal which he must use to blacken his face when about
to fall upon the foe. In a later volume the ‘Fire Ritual’ with all
its ceremonial acts will be given in its established place in the great
war rite called Wa-sha’-be A-thi".

Saucy-calf gave only four songs belonging to this rite, including
the charcoal wi’-gi-e, although in his formal list of the ritual songs
he gave the number as 10.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 647

The black bear, the male puma, and the golden eagle are men-
tioned in the charcoal wi’-gi-e as the animals who gave to the “little
ones” the sacred symbolic color (black) to use in their war rites.
While these animals and the color of the charcoal are brought into
prominence in the ritual, they are solely as the color emblem of a
mysterious force—fire. This force, fire, has a dual character; it is a
destructive power, and it is a beneficial power. When the warrior
blackens his face with the symbolic charcoal as he is about to attack
the enemy the color (black) symbolizes the destructive character of
fire. To that characteristic of fire the appeal is made. The act of
putting the black on the face is equivalent to the warrior taking a
vow to show no mercy to his enemy.

The fire emblem is clearly set forth in the Thirty-sixth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 192, lines 1000-1005,
in which the puma is represented as speaking. The lines are here
quoted:

1000. I am a person whom the little ones may well choose to be a
symbol of their courage.

1001. Thereupon he expanded his tail as though in great anger and
spake,

1002. Saying: Behold the dark tip of my tail.

1003. The little ones shall make of it a symbol of fire.

1004. When they make of it a symbol of fire.

1005. They shall have fire that can not be extingtished.

And on page 193, lines 1025-1029, the black bear is represented as
speaking as follows:

1025. The Black Bear spake, saying: I am a person whom the little
ones may well choose to be a symbol of courage.

1026. Behold my outspread claws,

1027. I have made them to be as my flames of fire.

1028. When the little ones make them to be their symbols of fire,

1029. They shall always have fire that can not be extinguished.

Wr’-ci-r oF THE Buack Berar, THE PuMA, AND THE EAGLE
(Osage version, p. 768; literal translation, p. 817)

1. What shall the little ones use as charcoal? they said to one
another, it has been said, in this house.

2. Then arose the male black bear with a stubby tail, and spake,

3. Saying: I am a person who is fit to be used as charcoal for black-

ening the face.

. When the little ones make of me their charcoal,

. Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use in their life’s journey.

. The color of the tip of my nose, which is black,

. Is fit for the little ones to use for blackening their faces.

When they use this to blacken their faces,

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THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

. Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use in their life’s journey.
. When they go against the enemy who dwell toward the setting sun,
. And use the color as a symbol of their supplications for divine aid,
. Their prayers shall always be readily granted, in their life’s

journey.

. Then shall they always succeed in making the foe to fall.

. The color of the edges of my mouth, which is black,

. Is also for use as a symbolic color.

. When the little ones make use of this as a sacred color,

. Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use to blacken their faces.
. When they go toward the setting sun, against their enemies,

. And use this color as a symbol of their supplications for divine aid

Their prayers shall always be readily granted.

. Then shall they always succeed in making the foe to fall.

The color of the tips of my ears

Is also fit for use as a symbolic color.

When the little ones use it as a sacred color,

Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use to blacken their faces.

. When they go toward the setting sun, against their enemies,
. They shall use the color as a sign of their supplication for aid.
. Then shall they never fail to make fall the foe, as they travel the

path of life.

. The color of the hair along the ridge of my back, which is black,
. Is also fit for use as a symbolic color.

. When the little ones use it as a sacred color,

. Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use to blacken their faces.
. When they go toward the setting sun, against their enemies,

. They shall use the color as a sign of their supplication for aid.

. Then shall they never fail to make fall the foe.

. The color of the tip of my tail, which is black,

. Isvalso fit for use as a symbolic color.

. When the little ones use it as a sacred color,

. Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use to blacken their faces.
. When the little ones use it as a sacred color,

. As they go toward the setting sun, against their enemies,

2. They shall use it as a sign of their supplication for divine aid.

. Then shall they never fail to make fall the foe.

. The color of my toes, which is black,
5. Is also fit for use as a symbolic color.
46.
. Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use to blacken their faces.
48.
. They shall use the color as a sign of their supplication for aid.

When the little ones use it as a sacred color,
When they go toward the setting sun, against their enemies,

Then shall they never fail to make fall the foe.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 649

ol.

52.
53.

54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.

60.
61.
62.
63.

64.

65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
dole
72.
73.
74,

75.
76.
il.
78.
US
80.
81.

82.
83.
84.
85.
86,
87.
88.

What shall they use as charcoal? they said to one another, it has
been said, in this house.

Then the male puma spake,

Saying: I also am a person fit to be used as charcoal for blackening
the face.

When the little ones make of me their charcoal,

Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use in their life’s journey.

The color of the tip of my nose, which is black,

Is fit for the little ones to use for blackening their faces.

When they use this for blackening their faces,

Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use, in their life’s journey.

The color of the edge of my mouth, which is black,

The little ones shall use as a symbolic color.

When the little ones use this as a sacred color,

Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use to blacken their faces.

What shall they use as charcoal? they said to one another, it has
been said, in this house.

Then spake the eagle, the faultless in plumage,

Saying: I am a person who is fit for use as charcoal.

The color of my beak, which is black,

They shall also use as a sacred color.

I am a person who is ever under the watchful care of Wa-ko"’-da.

May some of the little ones also

Come under the watchful care of Wa-ko®’-da.

When they make of me their sacred charcoal,

As they go toward the setting sun, against their enemies,

They shall never fail to make the foe to lie low.

The color of the feathers on the crown of my head, which is black,
Shall be as charcoal to the little ones a symbolic color.

When the little ones make of me their charcoal,

Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use to blacken their faces.
When they go toward the setting sun, against their enemies,
They shall use it as a sign of their supplication for aid.

Then shall they easily make fall their foe, in their life’s journey.

The black tip of my tail

Shall also be as charcoal to them.

When they make of it their charcoal, a symbolic color,

Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use to blacken their faces.

When they go toward the setting sun against their enemies

They shall use this color as a sign of their supplication for aid.

Then shall they easily make the foe to fall, in their life’s journey.
41383°—30——42

650 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

89. The color of my feet, which is black,

90. Shall also be to them as charcoal, a symbolic color.

91. When the little ones make of it a sacred color,

92. Black indeed shall be the charcoal they use to blacken their faces.

93. When they go toward the setting sun, against their enemies,

94. They shall use it as a sign of their supplication for aid.

95. Then shall it be easy for them to make the foe to lie low, as they
travel the path of life.

The three songs of this group relate to the hereditary office of the
men of certain gentes to assemble the various symbolic articles to
be used in the fire ceremony and the reciting of the rituals pertaining
thereto.

These articles are feathers from the immature golden eagle to be
used in the making of the dark standards; feathers of the mature
eagle to be used in making the white standards. (Pl. 21.) Eight
standards are made, four for the commanders chosen from the Tsi’-
zhu great tribal division and four for the commanders chosen from
the Ho"’-ga great division; the eight standards; the deerskins which
are to be attached to the lower part of each of the standards; the
sacred wood (redbud) to be burned to make the symbolic charcoal to
be used by the warriors on the successful day hoped for.

A translation of two lines from the first stanza and one line from
each of the other stanzas of the song is given.

Sona 1
(Osage version, p. 771)
M.M. P| — 96 Transcribed from graphophone by ©. Wakefield Cadman.
5 — gt pees =| <—- Noel
bp Ot a esa | —¢—o Se Ss as ge
REE ES Pl Ca —— ee Jaze
Ni-ka gtu bi wa ~- tho? te he tha, He tha,
) ba ee gS = 4 =
E auem ees eae
e - he tha, he tha e tha he tha, Ss = aa bi wa -
Fa SS See a ee
@ H i i a Cal my
ASD saeaed peer een a maa Va Saorett ace
tho® te - he tha, He tha, . Cane he tha,

: Pra fS aE os -, pis. ss = =|

he tha e thahe tha, Ni- ka ¢tu_ bi a - & z he tha.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 651

FREE TRANSLATION
1
Let the men gather here to sing, I say!
Isay! Isay! I say!
2
They who have the sacred bird, I say!
3
They who have the mystic standards, I say!
. +
They who have the golden eagle, I say!
5
They who have the deerskins, I say!
6
“They who have the mystic fires, I say!
a
They who have the nrystic charcoal, I say!
8
They who have the day of success, I say!

After a short pause the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka sings the second song,
when the Xo’-ka rises and dances to the music.

Lines 1 and 2 of the first stanza and 1, 2, and 3 of the other
stanzas are translated.

Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 771)
M.M. g—92 Transcribed from graphophone by C, Wakefield Cadman.
areeaee =
Ni- ka ctu bi -tho® te, he he wa-ni - da,
fe za secre . —_——_—S—$— —$?$ $$
a = 1 |
rE he wa - ni - a he the,
Saree erie Som greene fae wee celine =:
See ae ee ee
Ce aa == =

Ni-ka ctu bi wa-tho® te, He he wa-ni - da, e he wa-ni-da,

SS es SE Se ——_
—————s = Nera —————
== =: es Ss ===
Ni - ka ctu bi wa - tho" te, he he wa - ni - da.

652 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH, ANN. 45

FREE TRANSLATION

1
The men here gathered shall sing, they alone,
They alone, e he the he the,

2
The men here gathered shall sing, they alone,
They alone, e he the he the,
They who have the sacred bird shall sing.

3
The men gathered here shall sing, they alone,
They alone, e he the he the,
They who have the standards shall sing.

Tne men here gathered shall sing, they alone,
They alone, e he the he the,
They who have the white eagle shall sing.

5
The men here gathered shall sing, they alone,
They alone, e he the he the,
They who have the deerskins shall sing.

6
The men here gathered shall sing, they alone,
They alone, e he the he the,
They who have the mystic fire shall sing.

The men here gathered shall sing, they alone,

They alone, e he the he the,

They who have the mystic charcoal shall sing.
8

The men here gathered shall sing, they alone,
They alone, e he the he the,
They who have the day of success shall sing.

As the second song is coming to a close the Sho’-ka places in the
hands of the Xo’-ka a standard made for this ceremony. The
A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka goes on to the third song without pause while the
Xo’-ka continues to dance, holding aloft the standard. The chorus
sings louder, the rattles are beaten faster, and the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka
calls to the Xo’-ka: “Dance, young man! You may never have
another chance to dance before these people!”’

The officiating priest who recites the wi’-gi-e and sings the songs
at the fire ceremony points to the fire with his standard when he
comes to the third line of the sixth stanza of this song. Then the
warriors rush upon the flames with war cries and snatch from each
other the burning brands.

At the end of the last stanza in this ceremony the Xo’-ka with a
dramatic motion tosses the standard toward the Deer gens of the

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 653

Wa-zha’-zhe subdivision as he cries out: ‘‘Wa-zha’-zhe, Ta-tha’-xi,
ha ta ni kshe do", ga ke gi-do"’-be tsi-gtha thi" ho!’’ ‘Oh! Deer’s
lung of the Wa-zha’-zhe, what-doest thou! look upon this, an emblem
of thy making!’’ Whereupon the member of that gens who had made
the standard picks it up, takes it to his seat and then recites the
wi’-gi-e relating to the emblem.

The first and third lines of each stanza of this song are translated.

Sone 3

(Osage version, p. 772)

ee sneer ee from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman,
M.M. g—100 pea uf
Se
——— pg =
Ha - a S Ch ith aa ant = i,

TES Sto eesene: pe

Ha-ni- da, ha-ni-da hi hi i, Ni-ka ctu bi tha ha-no® tse he the,

33 23
a
Hee oS iar a a eel

ee ee ee
Ni-ka ctu bi tha ha-no® tse he, Ha-ni-da, ha-ni-da hi hi i,

FREE TRANSLATION
“i
They alone, they alone, hi hi-i,
The men here gathered shall stand alone.
9

They alone, they alone, hi hi-i,
They who have the sacred bird shall stand alone.
3
They alone, they alone, hi hi-i,
They who have the standards shall stand alone.
+
They alone, they alone, hi hi-i,
They who have the white eagle shall stand alone.
5
They alone, they alone, hi hi-i,
They who have the deerskins shall stand alone.
6
They alone, they alone, hi hi-i,
They who have the mystic fires shall stand alone.
ue
They alone, they alone, hi hi-i,
They who have the mystic charcoal shall stand alone.
8
They alone, they alone, hi hi-i,
They who have the day of success shall stand alone.

654 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

SonGcs oF THE WATERS

The next group of songs is the Ni’dsi Wa-tho”, Songs of the Waters.
When a war party comes to a stream that looks dangerous these
songs are sung as supplications to Wa-ko"-da, the Holy One, for
permission to cross safely and without harm. Certain water animals
are also appealed to for strength and courage, for Wa-ko"-da had
given to them a power not given to man, that of successfully over-
coming the dangers of angry waters. These animals are: (1) The
A’-hi®-thi"-ge, the wingless, or the finless one. No definite informa-
tion could be obtained as to what fish is meant, but Saucy-calf
believed it to be the eel; (2) the sacred beaver. This animal is at
home in both land and water and is a powerful swimmer; (3) the
great otter, whose home is in the water and on the land and is known
to be one of the strongest swimmers; (4) and the great turtle, who
is another swimmer who is never afraid of dangerous waters.

Three land animals are also appealed to because they are known
to be great and courageous swimmers. When crossing a river too
deep to be waded the warriors make little boats of the skins of these
animals into which they put their shrines and clothing and tow them
as they swim across. These animals are: (1) The great black bear,
who is mysterious in its habits; (2) the great puma, possessed of great
courage; (3) the sacred gray wolf, an animal always tireless and alert.

Three lines of each stanza of this song are translated.

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 772)

M.M. c= = 88 Transcribed frcm graphophone by ©. Wakefield Cadman.
OE
iB a © 5 epee eel ==
Gon 3 vi cE : e E @ |6 @ 6 = 6—-g-
i = SS
A
Wa-ko® -da ho® - ga, ni a-dsi wa - kshi tha, Ni
a S=f See a
D f SS E_ == o
Gaa> a = o— ‘ 5 za iN jN ae ao: te re
a-dsi wa-kshi cis a es pata wa- ee ries a fal A - hi® thi®-ge
Deere See
| bh @ “6 9 6 a —S s ==
=H ; A
Uae eee (Sa ae
wi - tsi - go, Ni a-dsi wa-kshi tha,

2a) Sa Nenana =
EQ eet i
, a a a — +e eee ee

a-dsi wa-kshi tha, Wa-ko"-da ho®- ga ni a-dsi wa-kshi_ tha,

LA FLESCHE]

SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE

FREE TRANSLATION

1
Wa-ko®’-da, thou holy one, permit us to cross this water,
Permit us to cross, permit us to cross,
Thou wingless one, thou who art our grandfather.

2
Wa-ko»’-da, thou holy one, permit us to cross this water,
Permit us to cross, permit us to cross,
Thou Sacred Beaver, thou who art our grandfather.

Wa-ko®’-da, thou holy one, permit us to cross this water,
Permit us to cross, permit us to cross,
Thou Great Otter, thou who art our grandfather.

Wa-ko»’-da, thou holy cne, permit us to cross this water,
Permit us to cross, permit us to cross,
Thou Great Black One, thou who art our grandfather.

5
Wa-ko"’-da, thou holy one, permit us to cross this water,
Permit us to cross, permit us to cross,
Thou Great Puma, thou who art our grandfather.

Wa-ko»’-da, thou holy one, permit us to cross this water,
Permit us to cross, permit us to cross,
Thou Great Wolf, thou who art our grandfather.

Wa-ko»’-da, thou holy one, permit us to cross this water,
Permit us to cross, permit us to cross,
Thou Great Turtle, thou who art our grandfather.

In the second song the warriors address the animals mentioned in
the first song, calling upon them for aid in crossing the angry waters.
Four lines of the first stanza and two lines of the other stanzas of this
song are translated.

656 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

Sona 2
(Osage version, p. 773)
M.M. d= = Se 8 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
=f hee ——o—-—9+ o>
== SS are ee a, ye ars
Tsi - go ni u-ho® - ge dsi mi-kshi® da,
a SS eee

—— ==

Niu-ho® - ge dsi mi-kshi® da, EH me the tha, e tha

——_——= - === ————_— |

he the he the, A - hit thi® - gee, Ni u-ho® -

Grp Al 1 ej]

ge dsi mi-kshi® da, EE tha he tho, e tha

FREE TRANSLATION

O grandfather, here I stand at the water’s edge,
Thou Finless One,
Lo, at the water’s edge I stand,
Look you, look you.
2
Thou Sacred Beaver,
Lo, at the water’s edge I stand.

3
Thou Great Otter,
Lo, at the water’s edge I stand.

4
Thou Great Black One,
Lo, at the water’s edge I stand.

5
Thou Great Puma,
Lo, at the water’s edge I stand.

6
Thou Sacred Wolf,
Lo, at the water’s edge I stand.

7
Thou Great Turtle,
Lo, at the water’s edge I stand.

The third of the water songs speaks in definite terms of the dwelling
place that is in a great lake of the land and water animals appealed
to for aid.

The idea that land animals as well as water animals dwell in great
bodies of water is common among some of the Siouan tribes. This

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0/-BE 657

belief is expressed in the mystic rites and in the ordinary myths. In
the ritual of the Omaha Shell Society it is definitely mentioned. (See
27th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 514.)

Two lines of each stanza of this song are translated.

Sone 3
(Osage version, p. 773)
M.M. “ela 132 Transcribed from sarees by C. Wakefield Cadman.

Re aie. - pen ba he - tho® - a7 thu ba he

SSS a

tho®-be no®, A-- hi® thi? - ge dse - to® dsi ton i -

Ce =

The - thu ba _ he -tho®-be _no®, A - hi? thim-ge dse -

22 === ee

to" dsi to® he-tho®- i i The-thu ba _ he-tho®-be no®.

FREE TRANSLATION

Here he shall appear, he shall appear,
Out of the great lake the Finless One shall come.

Here he shall appear, he shall appear,

Out of the lake the Sacred Bear shall come.

ey 3

Here he shall appear, he shall appear,

Out of the lake the Great Otter shall come.
4

Here he shall appear, he shall appear,

Out of the lake the Great Black One shall come.
5

Here he shall appear, he shall appear,

Out of the lake the Great Puma shall come.
6

Here he shall appear, he shall appear,

Out of the great lake the Sacred Wolf shall come.
7

Here he shall appear, he shall appear,
Out of the lake the Great Turtle shall come.

658 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

SONGS OF THE STARS

The group following the Songs of the Waters is the Wa’-tse Wa-
tho", Songs of the Stars.

The two songs here given belong to the Tho’-xe gens and both
songs refer to the morning star. The Tsi’-zhu Wa-no®, a war gens,
has two cosmic war symbols, a single star and a constellation,
namely, the Red Star (Pole Star) and ‘‘The Wolf that hangs at the
Side of the Heavens”’ (Canis Major).

Wa’-tse is the archaic name of the stars; the modern name is
Mi-ka’-ke. The first song has only one stanza.

A translation of one line of the stanza will be sufficient to give the

meaning.
Sone 1

(Osage version, p. 774)

M.M. re — 84 Transcribed from graphophone by C, Wakefield Cadman.

a ee

hi - tho® - ba gthi -no® - zhi? - e, Wa -

—
ee eee Ee eT
= ofa es ea naa A ee IE gy ~——-$ y fase

tse hi-tho®-ba gthi-no®-zhi® -e, Wa - tse hi-tho™ ba gthi-no®-zhit-e,Wa-
ee ee ee ee ee a

sc ee 7m eee ree Fe
tse hi - tho® - ba gthi- nom - zhi - e, Wa -

5 ee

tse hi-tho®-ba gthi-no® - zhi™-e, Wa - tse hi- tho? ch gthi-no®-zhi®-e.

FREE TRANSLATION
Lo, the star again appears, yonder he stands.

The second song has only one stanza. A translation of one line
will suffice to give the meaning of the song.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 659

Sone 2

(Osage version, p. 774)

M.M. = 81 Transcribed from graphophone by C. eee Cadman,
a =p —8. — e g
=e = pe 7 y 22=
- tse ki - wa - wa gthi -no® - zhi? - e, Wa -

ee
ee a Cass oe, 6 6.| e
go ee ee

Soa =

tse ki-wa-wagthi-no®zhit-e,Wa - tse ki-wa-wa gthi-no®-zhi® -e,Wa-
—_—eé— se
@- o e e- __@ @ 2 :
— a = —— E =
tse - ki - wa - wa gthi - no® -"zhi? - e, Wa -

tse ki-wa-wa gthi-no®-zhi"-e,Wa-tse ki-wa- wa gthi-no®-zhi®-e.
FREE TRANSLATION

Lo, the star! Yonder he stands with throbbing brilliancy.
Tue Great Evenine Sones

The next group of songs is the Pa’-ce do™ Wa-tho" To"-ga, The
Great Evening Songs.

The words of the Great Evening Songs are clear but are obscure
as to what part of the tribal rite they refer. Saucy-calf passed them
without any remarks. Both songs perhaps refer to the Night People
or to some rite of the people of the Night gens, the sixth of the Tsi’-zhu
gentes (see 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 53), and to the people of all
the gentes who have put symbolic marks upon their foreheads and
bodies. The night is regarded by the Osage and the Omaha tribes
as one of the greatest of the mystic, cosmic powers.

Among the Omaha there still exists a society called Ho’ I-tha’e-
the, Men Who Have Been Favored by the Night—that is, men who
have been permitted by the great night power to live, to bring up
their daughters, and to put upon their foreheads, chests, shoulders,
and hands the life symbols, the sun and the stars, the former repre-
senting day and the latter night.

Only lines 1 and 5 of the stanzas of this song are translated.

660 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 774)

M.M. les — 76 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

(Ee

Ho® e-dsia- ka do® dsi the hi? do, A ho® e- dsi

GQal= 22s

a-ka do® dsi the hi2 do, A ho® e-dsi a-kado® dsi the
2 SSeS SS]
‘6 t
hi" do, Dsi the hi® do, pe ba-xthe - xthe dsia -
|\——_@——_@—__ = 4 ll |
5 ae ee ee eres
—
ka do® dsi the hi? do, A ho® e-dsi a-ka do® dsi the hi® do,

FREE TRANSLATION

To the people of the night I am going,
To the people whose foreheads bear a mystic mark.

To the peopie of the night I am going,
To the people on whose bodies there are mystic marks.

Lines 1 and 4 of the stanzas of the second song are translated.

Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 774)
M.M. alee 108 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
—— fi —, — ‘$-°— 2 |
y SS ep —
on e- dsia - ka esha bi? do, Ho® e - dsia -
= a epee
ee re ee es eee ee Cl
e-sha bi® do, Ho® e- dsia - kae-sha bi® do,
= =|
sl ===
Pe mine Satie xthe - as dsi a - ioahan e-sha bi® do, Ho® e -dsia-
es: =|
SS chp he SS er aes State *

ka e-sha bi® do, Ho" e-dsia - ka _ e-sha bi®

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO/-BE 661

FREE TRANSLATION

There are peoples of the night, you have said,

Peoples whose foreheads bear a mystic mark.
2

“

There are peoples of the night, you have said,
Peoples on whose bodies there are mystic marks.

Tue Lirrte Evenine Sones

The next group of songs is the Pa’-ce-do® Wa-tho" Zhi®-ga, Little
Evening Songs, or Wa-po’-ga Wa-tho®, Songs of the Gray Owl.

In each of the three songs of the Little Evening Songs the chief
commander of a war party is represented as speaking. This officer,
who acts as mediator between his warriors and the Mysterious Power
that governs all things, travels apart from his men throughout the
day and at night he stands alone, far away from the camp, to listen,
in the gloom of evening, for the word of approval that might come
through the medium of the gray owl, the horned owl, the gray wolf,
or the peculiar sounds made by a snake.

It is implied by the words of the first song of this group that the
chief commander listens for the voices of the owls or the wolf or for
the sounds made by the snake during his nightly vigil and accepts
as_a favorable answer to his supplications the first one of these he
hears.

The first two lines of each stanza of this song are translated.

Sone 1

(Osage version, p. 775)

|x Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
M.M. ¢—80 ————

Pag Cente—at hae ods ese ae a tha “tsi — the he
oF ae a a eT Oe = x
= oe 7 ase vi D >
he the, Wa-po-gae tha pa-ceuthaga . . . . tha tsi -
—_—. ——- 9s —_,- , :
Ss er
——_——#: 5 sss o_o —_ o_o
SS eee
he =: = 2 = he’ the; “Tsi'-*the “he the Wa - po - ga-e

5 Nera Nos Nee Nee
Petpet = =

tha pa - ce u-tha - tsi - the

662 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

FREE TRANSLATION

Hark! JI hear a voice in the evening gloom,

Lo! it is the gray owl who speaks in the dark of evening.
2

Hark! I hear a voice in the evening gloom,

Lo! it is the horned owl who speaks in the dark of evening.
3

Hark! I hear a voice in the evening gloom,

Lo! it is the gray wolf who speaks in the dark of evening.

$
Hark! I hear a sound in the evening gloom,
Lo! it is the snake who moves in the dark of evening.

Sone 2 °
(Osage version, p. 775)
M.M. ale 80 Transcribed from graphophone nas C. Wakefield Cadman.
Poe = Seas ee
Pa- ce u - tha-ga.. the tse the he the, Wa- po -
Ve: Yap emanated Veer aaa je Se
[ 4 a aay, == =f=e— =e ee ee 2s
ga-e An pa-¢eu-tha - pale jah ora tse the
a = =e — oe
i A AS A EME —
the {the he the, Wa-po - ga-e tha pa -ceutha -
aan ee
4 Sas = == ial
“i a 2
the tse . . The tse the the the

FREE TRANSLATION

. 1
Lo! from the dark of the evening I am bidden to go,
It is the gray owl who speaks, bidding me go.
2
Lo! from the dark of the evening I am bidden to go,
It is the horned owl who speaks, bidding me go.

3
Lo! from the dark of the evening I am bidden to go,
It is the gray wolf who speaks, bidding me go.

4
Lo! from the dark of the evening I am bidden to go,
It is the snake who, from the gloom of night, signals me to go.
Three lines of the first stanza of the third song and two lines of
each of the other stanzas are translated.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0’-BE 663

Sone 3

(Osage version, p. 775)

M.M. A 92 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
= ny —. -
2 2202 =| hea 4
———_) ites bese = oe 2 @ |
Ni-ka wi? ho®-da - do? i-e hi-the to®2-no®, Ni - ka
ts a or SS — bs a (ES
a_i u ee ek eer 9 ae ae
a aby Se eae al
wit ho®-da-do® i-e hi - the to®, I-e hi-the to® no®

; | e Cd 5 = 2 iN j eee

wa-po -ha - ga, Pa-ceu-tha - ga i-e hi-the to®

=a a Eeee fafa i - s oS = =H

cu -~e- ~~ ~@
noo, Ni-ka wi® ho® - da - do® i-e hi-the to® no®.

FREE TRANSLATION

Lo, a man speaks, telling me of my success,
’Tis the gray owl who speaks to me,
. Amid night’s gloom he gives to me the word.
9

’Tis the horned owl who speaks to me,

Amid night’s gloom he gives to me the word.
3

’Tis the gray wolf who speaks to me,

Amid night’s gloom he gives to me the word.
4

*Tis the snake who gives to me the signal,
Amid night’s gloom he gives to me the sign.

Tue SNAKE SONGS

The next group of songs is called We’-ts’a Wa-tho", Snake Songs;
literally, he-who-kills; Wa-tho", songs. These songs refer to those
snakes that have a death-dealing power. The rattlesnake is referred
to particularly. The name We’-ts’a is applied to the harmless as well
as to the poisonous snakes.

Two peculiarities of the poisonous snake are mentioned in these
songs, namely, its skill in secreting itself in the grass and the quick-
ness with which it reveals itself and strikes. The first song refers
to the rattlesnake, the second song to the other venomous snakes.

The first and third lines of each stanza of the first song are trans-
lated.

664 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 776)

dranseribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

— 96
gy 2 SS

Hi-tho"-be tsi-gthe he the, hi-tho®-be tsi-gthe he the,

oF a
= [> a ieee ae
cys = : se a mea cease f oa

Hi -tho® - oo tsi- ion ete he the, Pe - xe wi® hi-tho®-be
a 3s
= SSS =]
eas seer aes

tsi-gthe he the, Hi-tho®-be tsi-gthe he the, hi-tho®-be
Fourth measure, second stanza

— 3 a D 3 eae? —
= a | 5 See o— 0— 0—5
ggg ak SS |

tsi-gthe he the.
FREE TRANSLATION
1

Look you! how quickly it reveals itself, reveals itself,

A rattle 7 reveals itself.
7

Look you! how quickly they reveal themselves, reveal themselves,
Four rattles 7 quickly reveal themselves.

In the second song the venomous snake is represented as speaking
of itself.
The first and fourth lines of each stanza are translated.
Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 776)
M.M. — 100 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

Nisei Nez Nea Noes Nees Nee fre
icf = ae oe ee a 2 2 o=- 0 — Oo
=

Wa -ko®-da - gi wi-e mi-kshe no® ho®, Wa-ko®-da- gi wi-e

Seen
eS SS Se

mi- kshe no®, Wi-e mi-kshe no® ho®, Bei- tha zhi wi-e

AT BUSES:
D6 2 0—e— es =e Se ree miamemet Kee! Rael Oo

mi -kshe no® ho®, Wa- ko" -da - gi wi-e mi-ksheno®, Wi-e mi-kshe
Nresean] Si eg ha aa aa Sea SE OE ep
: N al Se eae
———————
o—— -
wee Se & tT — |.
no2 hot, Wa - ko® - da - gi wie mi - kshe no®.

7 The name “rattle” is used as a trope. The real name of the rattlesnake is ‘‘she’-ki.”’

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 665

FREE TRANSLATION
1

Lo, it is I, the mysterious one,

I am he who is invisible to all.
)

Lo, it is I, the mysterious one,
I, who makes them to lie low in death.

THe Great Rain Sones

Ni-zhiu’ Wa-tho" To"-ga, The Great Rain Songs, is the title of
the next group. As here given, this group is composed of three
songs, including a wi’-gi-e, which is first recited.

The wi’-gi-e dwells upon the punishment meted out by supernatural
means to a candidate who violates his initiatory vow. The swallow,
the great dragon fly, and the great butterfly are mentioned as the
mystic avengers. These three creatures of the air are appointed to
guard the vows of a candidate and to impose the penalties when a
candidate violates his vows and treats the ‘‘little ones” with con-
tempt.

These guardians of the penalties are ever at the back of the candi-
date, or hover around his head from the time he makes his vow, but
the moment he violates his vow they let fall upon him the awarded
penalty.

A little pipe is used when calling upon these guardians to impose
the penalty that follows the violation of the obligations.

All of these avengers are associated with the rain and thunder
and travel amidst the winds that rush in advance of the approaching
storms. They are spoken of as possessing a power of discernment
from which no harmful act can be concealed.

THE WI’-GI-E
(Osage version, p. 776; literal translation, p. 818)

1. It has been said, in this house,
2. That an avenger of the little ones,
3. Amid the winds of the west,
4. My grandfather, the avenger, travels.
5. Even amidst the winds that rush before the storms,
6. He travels and moves
7. With a power of discernment from which no evil act can be
concealed.
8. It is he who is chosen to guard with watchful care the penalties.
9. It is the swallow,
10. My grandfather, who travels amidst the winds,
11. Verily with a power from which no evil act can be concealed.
41383°—30——43

666 THE OSAGE TRIBE [erH. ANN. 45

12. He stands ever at the back of the man who takes the vow,

13. Or ever hovers about his head.

14. Even as the man violates his vow and goes upon his life journey,
unmindful of his broken vow,

15. The skin of his face shall become sallow and of sickly hue;

16. Blood shall gush from his nostrils with twirling motion,

17. Even as the man goes upon his journey, unmindful of his broken
vow, ;

18. His spirit shall be suddenly taken from him, when demanded.

19. The avenger of the little ones
20. Shall forever stand.

21. Amidst the winds of the rising sun,

22. Amidst the rushing winds that lead the storms,

23. The great dragonfly,

24. My grandfather, moves and travels

25. With a power from which no evil act can be concealed.

26. He it is who is chosen to guard with watchful care the penalties.

27. As the man who violates his vow goes upon his life journey,

28. The dragonfly ever follows at his back,

29. Or ever hovers around his head,

30. Making the skin of his face to become sallow upon the breaking
of his vow,

31. Making the blood to gush from his nostrils, when it is demanded.

32. Thus will he punish the man who breaks his vow, even to the
taking of his spirit.

33. The avenger of the little ones
34. Shall forever stand.

35. Amidst the winds of the north,

36. The great butterfly,

37. My grandfather, moves and travels

38. With a power from which no evil act can be concealed.

39. He it is who was chosen to guard with watchful care the penalties.

40. He is ever at the back of the man who makes the vow,

41. He ever hovers around his head.

42. Upon the violation of the vow he makes the face of the candidate
to become sallow,

43. Makes the blood to gush from his nostrils with a twirling motion,

44. He even takes from the man his spirit, when it is demanded.

45. The avenger of the little ones
46. Shall forever stand.

LA FLESCHE] - SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 667

47. Amidst the winds of the south,

48. Amidst the rushing winds that lead the storms,

49. The little mystic pipe,

50. My grandfather, moves and travels

51. With a power from which no evil act can be concealed.

52. He is ever at the back of the man who makes the vow,

53. Ever hovers around his head.

54. Upon the breaking of the vow he makes the face of the man to
become sallow,

55. Makes the blood to gush from his nostrils, in a twirling motion,

56. Even takes from the man his spirit, when it is demanded.

The first song is descriptive of the approaching thunderclouds, of
their varying colors and awe-inspiring movements. The power that
moves the clouds with fear-inspiring, angry violence is addressed’ as

“orandfather.”’
Two lines of each stanza of the first song are translated.

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 778)
M.M. Als 120 Transcribed from graphophone by ©. Wakefield Cadman.
=> 9——6 SO \
-——_ - @ e r Al 4 : —
(a =e
Wi - tsi - go. gi ta ba the the he the,
a | ai
= a # o o c= 1 a = =
} y F : : 4
v aa ati
Wi - tsi - go gi ta ha the the he the,
See Nee NN
4 + =
-)—e 6 e a @ —— = q i ps
—@ @ @ @

-
ily
te
ah
Wl
iil
ell
|

Wi - tsi - go

——

SSS
Mo" - xe ca- bea gi ta ba the the he the,

ae =]
Sa ee er A = == = oN
«+ :
Wi - tsi - go gi ta ba the the he the.

668 THE OSAGE TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 45

FREE TRANSLATION

Lo, my grandfather is coming,
Darkening the heavens with black clouds.

Lo, my grandfather is coming,
Amid gray clouds that overspread the sky.

Lo, my grandfather is coming,
Amid yellow clouds that overspread the sky.

Lo, my grandfather is coming,
Amid angry clouds rolling through the sky.

The second song is descriptive of the movements of the approaching
clouds with flashes of lightning, ever controlled by the Mysterious
Power.

Two lines from each stanza are translated.

Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 778)

M.M. a 92 Transcribed from graphophone by ©, Wakefield Cadman.
—o® 4 ——. Tale “ ty iy Cc Ny
_——+——@—+- ——9—|-8 =| oo aa
rea Eran 5 F ee ~o os “o—# =

Ne
Wi-tsi-go gi ta ba the he, Wi-tsi- go gi ta ba the

° =~ NN
: F o ° @ 7) SE | e aaa s——|
Fa | { ls aa AES = reed f a el

@ a C
he the he - e,Gi’ ta bathe he, Ga-niu ha, ha gi
\=5 See meer =m
ae eS Sie et
[Ga os oo ee et ct Sh
= -6- -6- -6-

ta ba the he, Wi-tsi-go gi ta ba the he the he the.
FREE TRANSLATION
1
Lo, my grandfather is coming,
Moving hither and thither with the winds. -
2
Lo, my grandfather is coming,
Lightening up the heavens with fire.
33
Lo, my grandfather is coming,
With jagged bolts of lightning.
4
Lo, my grandfather is coming,
With the gray clouds moving onward.
5
Lo, my grandfatner is coming,
Swiftly, swiftly through the heavens.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0/-BE 669

Tue Lirrte Rain Sones

The group following the Great Rain Songs is the Ni-zhiu’ Wa-tho”
Zhi®-ga, the Little Rain Songs.

The first song has a composite significance: First, the seizure of
the sky by the earth. This act is indicated by a symbolic mark, a
dent made on the ground with a ceremonial club. Second, the path
of the sun from the eastern horizon to the midheavens, thence to the
western horizon. These paths are indicated by two straight lines,
made on the ground with the club. Third, the spreading of the sun’s
life-giving touches to the earth, upon the right and the left side of
the path. These touches of the life-giving power of the sun are shown
by undulating lines made upon the earth with the club. (Fig. 47.) |

The five stanzas of this song are accompanied by dramatic acts
performed by the candidate and his Xo’-ka. When the A’-ki-ho®
Xo’-ka comes to the song the
Sho’-ka takes up a club which
he puts in the hands of the
candidate, then leads him to a
certain spot on the Tsi’-zhu
side of the House of Mystery
(fig. 46) and instructs him as
to what he is to do when the
singer comes to the third line
of the first stanza. The Sho’-ka
gives a signal to the A’-ki-ho"
Xo’-ka, who then begins to
sing. ‘

At the third.line the candi-
date strikes the earth with the Fic. 47.—Symbol of the sun’s path across the earth
end of the club, imitating as
he does so the roar of the thunder; then he puts the club down on
the dent made in the ground and returns to kis seat.

The Xo’-ka then picks up the club and the singer goes on to the
second stanza. At the third line the Xo’-ka strikes the dent made
by the candidate, imitating the sound of thunder, and quickly makes
a straight line westward.

Without pause the singer goes on to the third stanza, and at the
third line he again strikes the central spot and with a quick motion
makes a waving line northward.

The singer proceeds to the fourth stanza; at the third line the
Xo’-ka strikes the central spot and quickly makes a straight line
eastward. ,

The singing continues and at the third line of the fifth stanza the
Xo’-ka strikes the central spot and with a violent motion makes a
' waving line southward.

i
|

670 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

The singing ceases and the Xo’-ka goes to his seat having, in this
dramatic fashion, brought together the sky and the earth, the two
great cosmic forces whence proceeds life in all material forms.

The first and third lines of each stanza of this song are translated.

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 779)
M.M. AS 116 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
==

SS eer fe =a
fe San Seen feseeT Gre
= p= = —- cee oe
gee thi®-ga bi to ®-be the ‘tse the the he _ the,

eee ee ee

Wi - tsi - go. thin - ga bi to-be the tse the the he the,

ess fe

-in - ka o -thi®-ga bi to®-be ' the tse the he the,

5 ahaha
Poe. == are ee ae SS
he.

Wi - tsi - go thi® - ga bi to®-be the tse the the

FREE TRANSLATION

1
I go to see my grandfather who is to be seized,
He who is to be seized by the earth I go to see.
2
I go to see my grandfather who is to be seized,
He will mark the earth with a straight line.
3
I go to see my grandfather who is to be seized,
He will mark the earth with a waving line.
4
I go to see my grandfather who is to be seized,
He will mark the earth with a straight line.
5
I go to see my grandfather who is to be seized,
He will mark the earth with a waving line.

At the close of the first rain song the Sho’-ka brings the branch of
a cottonwood tree which he plants in the central mark of the symbolic
figure roughly made by the Xo’-ka, and which represents the unity
of the sky and the earth.

When this was done the Xo’-ka took his place beside the tree (pl.
22) and the A’-ki-ho® Xo’-ka took up the second song which relates
to the cottonwood tree, used here as a symbol of the continuity of
the life jointly given by the sky and the earth.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-XO’-BE 671

At the third line of the first stanza the Xo’-ka touches caressingly
the buds of the cottonwood tree which symbolize the continuity of
life; those on the west side, the north side, the east side, and on the
south side of the tree.

At the third line of the second stanza he breaks off a bud from the
west side of the tree, one from the north side, one from the east side,
and one from the south side, tossing each bud over his shoulder.
The buds represent the distribution of life over the earth.

At the third line of the third stanza he breaks the tree into pieces,
downward from the top to the root. The broken pieces of the tree
represent the natural end of life.

At the third line of the fourth stanza he gathers up the broken
pieces of the tree into one bunch and throws it backward over his
head toward the setting of the sun, a setting toward which all life
forms travel.

All of the acts accompanying the first and the second rain songs
are a dramatization of the activities of the sky and the earth which
affect all forms of life.

A translation of the first and third lines of each stanza of the song
will suffice to give the meaning.

Sone 2

(Osage version, p. 779)

M.M. | = 123 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
——
bt = < f =
Cs Sea Eee eee ee eee —_———
Tsi- go do - ba ha mo® - thia a-kshi - the aes
ae ae © i o o o "
Seg seal ie e era
ee
Tsi - go do - ba ha mo® - thi? a-kshi-the no®,
a Sg Sen gy EIR gy a
! , e 2 ——
Tsi - go zho® thi - to? i-tha - tha mo2® - thima -
‘GS SSS SS SS SS
——é @ @ @ o —
kshi - the no®, Hi tha -a he no,
a a
a er Se —— sane ma
& o- oe -6
Tsi- go do - ba ha mo® - thita -kshi- the no?,

(= = a SS
= ———

Tsi go do - ba ha mo® - thi? a-kshi-the no.

672 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN, 45

FREE TRANSLATION

In four stages my grandfather shall walk around the tree
Touching, touching the buds of the sacred tree.

In four stages my grandfather shall walk around the tree,
Breaking off here and there the buds of the sacred tree.

In four stages my grandfather shali walk around the tree,
Breaking in pieces the body of the sacred tree.

In four stages my grandfather shall walk around the tree,
Throwing westward the broken pieces of the sacred tree.

Sones oF MAKING ONE STRIKE THE OTHER

The group of songs following the Little Rain Songs is called
Ki-ka’-xe I-ki-tsi", freely translated, Making One Strike the Other.

In the first song the warrior is represented as speaking at a time
when the men are about to go forth to attack a troublesome foe.
In the first and third stanzas the warrior speaks of the red hawk
which he holds up as being closest to him, particularly in times of
peril; in the second and fourth stanzas he speaks of the black hawk
also as being close to him when threatened with danger.

Not only do these birds symbolize the courage of the warrior but
they are also emblematic of the unerring precision of the night and
day in their movements, a quality necessary for the fighting man,
and the weapons he must use to overcome his enemy. When going
upon the warpath each commander carries with him one of these
symbolic hawks, and must have it upon him as he charges with his
men upon the foe. :

A translation of the first two lines of the first and second stanzas
will suffice to give the meaning of the song,

LA FLESCHE) SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 673

Sone 1

(Osage version, p. 779)

M.M. a — 76 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
2 ee a a —
——— = ==
a pe ae aa ATL
Gthe-do® zhu-dse da - do® pa - ha thi® he nod,
1 } —
E —e
Sar er 7

' a — ae
o— :
eS
AT ee Seen Ramet Baas fi P .
a-thit-he the he the, Ha-we bthe a- thi® a-thi®-he no®,

Ha-we bthe a - thi® a - thi? - he the be the.
FREE TRANSLATION
1

I am ever close to the red hawk, the bird of courage,
Lo, I go against the foe, having close to me the bird.
2

I am ever close to the black hawk, the bird of courage,
Lo, I go against the foe, having close to me the bird.

The second song, which has but one stanza, speaks of the warriors
returning in triumph, having overcome the foe, and bringing home
the birds, emblematic of courage and precision of action.

A translation of the first and third lines of the stanzas will be
sufficient to give the meaning of the song.

Sone 2
(Osage version, p. 780)

M.M. = 76 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
ee + -
CT)
Fe ST a EE Ca AE RS
ee
Gtha-thi" the-tho gi. bi no®,° the-tho gi bi no2,
Q a SSS >
= ——————————
— -O-1 9 ” s ws: we ;
The-tho gi . bi no® tho® ha a, Gthe-do® gtha-thi®
—~ |
At a ee I SS SS
ae a a
the- tho gi. . bi no®, The - tho Pile ws bi no8,

“——— e a 7 x a vs
fist se bi no® tho® ~— tho® ha.

the - tho

674 THE OSAGE TRIBE fern. ANN. 45

FREE TRANSLATION

Lo, the warriors are coming home,
Bringing home their sacred hawks.

At the third song of this group the Xo’-ka puts upon the cere-
monial club a scalp and holds the two together in his left hand; in
his right hand he holds one of the sacred hawks. With these sym-
bolic articles in his hands the Xo’-ka dances to the song which speaks
of the red hawk and the black bird as coming home in triumph and
standing side by side before the waiting throng. At a signal from
the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka he steps forward, facing the west, holds aloft.
the club and gently strikes the scalp with the hawk (see 39th Ann.
Rept. B. A. E., pl. 11), an act which implies that the courageous
warrior, armed with a club, is able to overcome the enemies of the
tribe.

This act the Xo’-ka performs to each of the stanzas of the song.

One line from each of the first and second stanzas is translated.

Sone 3
(Osage version, p. 780)

M.M. P| = 80 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.
— 8 -_8—— a __ y are wee er ee re
| y— SSS 9g
4 Z —_—— 4 Bos a co ES,
ee UE ——
Gthe-do® zhu-dse the the - tho go"- ce-go" gthi-no®-zhi®-e the he

OE ros ON pods Ered ae Se a ER ee
a aa a See oN en ; ; N N:
[Gre pe =a 3

the, Go®_ce-go® gthi-no®-zhi®-e the he the, go®-ce-go® gthi-no®-zhi®-e,Gthe-do”

| je ee | 8
com 2 ae ee eee oS

-@- \~ -
zhu -dse the the-tho go®- ge -go® gthi-no® - zhi®-e the he
Dees eee -h—e ie —
_ ————--- 2 — — ———— a
= SS
a oe
the, / ‘E the go® - ce -go® gthi-no"-zhi?-e the he
fy
= = oo eee ea f
ye eae AC AED /—s— a te 0 oe

the, Go®-ce-go® gthi-no®-zhi®-e the he the, go®- ce-go" gthi-no®-zhi®-e, Gthe-do"

. ve
zhu- dse the the-tho go"-ce-go" gthi-no-zhi®-e the he the.

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O’-BE 675

FREE TRANSLATION
1

Lo, the red hawk is home, and stands beside the black bird.
2

Lo, the black bird is home, and stands beside the red hawk.

Sones oF RELEASING THE ARROWS

The title of the group of songs next in order is Mo”’-gthu-stse-dse
Wa-tho", Songs of Releasing the Arrows.

These songs with their mystic symbols and dramatic action are
supplicatory in character; they are expressions of a craving for divine
aid toward the perpetuity of the tribal existence and the continuity
of the life of the individual by an unbroken lineage.

As a means of expressing this idea symbolically and dramatically
two arrows are ceremonially made, one painted red to represent day
and the other black to represent night. The breast of the bow to be
used for setting the mystic arrows in flight is painted red and its
back is painted black to correspond in meaning to the symbolic
altows. The office of making the mystic bow and arrows belongs to
a gens of the Wa-zha’-zhe subdivision bearing the name E-no”
Mi*-dse to", Sole Owner of the Bow. The duty of setting the mystic
artrows in flight belongs to the man acting as Xo’-ka, either in the
rite of vigil or the shrine degrees of the tribal rites.

This symbolic and dramatic invocation is addressed to the Mys-
- terious Power in all its abiding places but directly to the day and the
night wherein it makes its everlasting abode.

In the shrine degree, as described by Saucy-calf, the Xo’-ka, when
he releases the two arrows to pursue the day and night, bearing the
message of the people, acts for the red hawk (the bird of day) and
the black hawk (the bird of night).

Saucy-calf gave only one song of this group, although on his count-
ing stick five songs were given to the group.

When the A’-ki-ho™ Xo’-ka comes to this song the Sho’-ka puts
into the hands of the Xo’-ka the symbolic bow and arrows, and also
places around the neck of the Xo’-ka the band attached to the hawk
used in the ceremonies of this degree, so that the symbolic bird hangs
at the Xo’-ka’s back.

When this is done the A’-ki-ho"™ Xo’-ka sings and the Xo’-ka rises
to dance to the music. There are four stanzas to the song, two for
the red and two for the black hawk. At the fourth line of each
stanza the Xo’-ka steps forward, adjusts an arrow to the bowstring,
and (figuratively) releases the arrow and sets it in flight toward the
setting sun to pursue forever the day and night that mark the duration
of all life. (See 39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pl. 16.) The singing and
dancing continue without pause to the end of the four stanzas.

(For music see third song of the group preceding this one.)

The first and the fourth lines of each stanza are translated.

676 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 780)
FREE TRANSLATION

Behold! the red hawk releases the arrow,
Lo, he releases the arrow of the day.

Behold! the blackbird releases the arrow,
Lo, he releases the arrow of the night.

3
Behold! the red hawk releases the arrow,
Lo, he releases the arrow of the day.

Behold! the blackbird releases the arrow,
Lo, he releases the arrow of the night.

Victory SoNnG

The next song bears the title Wa-tsi’-a-dsi Wa-tho", which may be |
freely translated as Victory Song.

The song is in praise of the hawk. This bird symbolizes the
courage and the unity of purpose of the warriors in action, regardless
of the number of men who achieve victory. A war party may be
small or composed of men drawn from the tribe as a whole, but the
hawk represents the spirit that actuates the warrior, irrespective of
the number engaged, and the song glorifies this fundamental quality
of the tribal warriors.

The hawk is here personified as a fighting man. The song speaks
of the parts that are vital to his physical structure, beginning with
the head and ending with the feet. In songs of this character belong-
ing to other gentes the enumeration begins with the feet and closes
with the mouth. Saucy-calf, in explaining the difference of the
order, said, ‘This song refers to the birth of man, and the songs of
the other gentes refer to both the physical and mental growth of
man,”

LA FLESCHE] SONGS OF THE WA-X0O/-BE 677

Sone 1

(Osage version, p. 781)

M.M = —— aL Pe from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

Poe ===. rl ipa ——

He - no® area - ko pa no® ta-bthe tha -

= as
i = pea N =t
SSeS
ys
He -no® pa- thi- ko pa no® ta-bthe tha-to® te, Pa thi- *
N—x~—A— \-
7 ah. jx = : -h—— 4 ==
Grae ae 7 6 = a = ae e
pa no” ta-bthe tha-to" te, He-no" pa-thi - ko pano® ta-bthe tha -

: 5: Ses
SSS Ss ll
to2 te

to® te, He-no® pa-thi - ko. ee no? ta- Spite tha -

Sone or CLosinc THE CEREMONY

The last song of this ritual is called U’-thu-cge I-no*-zhi® Wa-tho?,
which, freely translated, means song by which the participants of
the ceremony rise to go home. At the singing of this song the
No”-ho"-zhi"-ga rise in their places and march out in ceremonial
order, those belonging to the Tsi’-zhu division passing out by the
south side of the house and those belonging to the Ho"’-ga division
of the tribe by the north side.

This song again refers to the hawk, the symbol of the walTior, but
the use of archaic and corrupted words make it practically impossible
to give a literal translation.

When the initiatory ceremony is over the wa-xo’be that had been
used remains in the initiate’s possession until such time as an initia-
tion is applied for by some member of the gens.

678 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 1
(Osage version, p. 781)
M.M. J= 84 Transcribed from graphophone by C. Wakefield Cadman.

[ o2eeeeee aes:

He-no® pa-thi-ko ta, he-no® pa-thi-ko ta hiztho v tho we,

[Grp aa a]

! O - tha - hi- hi - tha, he-no® pa-thi-ko ta ne thonwe.

: N BSE Wasi RE ers es Silt
or ——

He-no® pa-thi-ko ta hi -tho-we, O- tha - hi- hi-tha.

At the beginning of the work Saucy-calf explained that for a long
time he had not attended any of the initiations or had occasion to
recite the rituals; consequently his memory ef the songs in their
éstablished eequental order had become faulty. He made the fur-
ther remark that if he had lost any of the songs it would be those
that are of no particular importance, or would be songs that are
merely repetitions. He did not give all the songs marked on his
counting stick, but he gave enough to indicate what each group of
songs signified.

“In closing this version of the ritual of the shrine as used by the
Tho’-xe gens a fairly accurate picture of this ancient rite has been
given.

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PART II. SHRINE DEGREE

INTRODUCTION

The second part of this volume is a description of the shrine degree
of the great Osage tribal rites. It deals particularly with the inner-
most covering of the shrine which was ceremonially made for the
hawk that symbolizes the courage of the warrior. After the hawk
was formally adopted by the Osage people as a tribal symbol it was
for a long period of time carried without a cover to protect it from
the accidents of travel and camp life. Any material that could be
conveniently secured would have served as a covering for the emblem-
atic bird. When, however, it was finally determined to make for
the bird a suitable and lasting receptacle, the No®’-ho*-zhi®-ga who
had always given careful thought to the tribal rites and to their
symbolic treasures deemed that the sacred shrine should be worthy
and of equal dignity and sanctity with the object to be enclosed
therein.

Accordingly, those men of the ancient days gave to their sacred
emblem, the hawk, child of the sun and the moon, a shrine that was
to typify, not only the earth, but the space between the earth and
the sky; the vast dome of blue wherein move singly or in groups all
the celestial bodies.

It was not an idle fancy nor an unformulated thought that urged
those ‘‘holy men”’ to the determination to make a permanent shrine.
They had during a long period of time been delving into the mys-
teries of nature with its manifold living forms and had at last fallen
into the firm belief that the abode of the Giver of Life is always in
the earth and in the sky wherein the cosmic bodies travel with
unfailing regularity and precision. They were also actuated by the
desire to transmit to their successors their conception of the Giver
of Life and the places wherein that Mysterious Power forever dwells
and moves. They gave expression to these ideas in this peculiar
fashion.

The mystery of all life and the desire for the continuity of the
tribal life played constantly in the minds of the early No®’-ho*-
zhi®-ga. Life was the theme of their rituals and the burden of their
songs.

The two tribal rituals brought together in this volume, namely, the
rite of the hawk and the rite of the emblematic shrine, express two
fundamental ideas, touching the welfare of the Osage people: (1) The
rite of the hawk sets forth the teaching that upon the valor of the

41383°—30——44 681

682 THE OSAGE TRIBE [RTH. ANN. 45

warrior depends the continued existence of the people as an organized
body, and that among the warriors there must be none who lack
courage. (2) That for the desired numerical growth of the people
the favor of the Giver of Life must be sought in the sky and in the
earth where that Mysterious Power forever abides.

The ceremonial shrine for the hawk had three coverings. The
first is a woven buffalo-hair bag, furnished by the Tho’-xe gens; the
second a deerskin bag furnished by the Ta Tha’-xi® gens; the third a
woven rush bag, which is adorned with the symbols of the sky and
the earth, the abiding places of Wa-ko'-da. Consequently, the
woven-rush bag is the holiest of the three coverings and has a ritual
of its own. The kind of rush of which the inner shrine of the sacred
hawk is made must always be furnished by the Mi-ke’-stse-dse
(Cat-tail) gens of the Wa-zha’-zhe subdivision which represents the
water part of the earth.

WEAVING OF THE RuSH

The title of this degree of the war rites is Ga Tha-ce Ga-xe: Ca,
rush; Tha-ce, weave; Ga-xe, make; weaving of the rush. In the
Tho’-xe version of the established sequential order of the seven
degrees of the war rites, as given by Saucy-calf, the Ga Tha-ce Ga-xe
is second in the order, and in that of the I"-gtho"’-ga (Puma) gens,
as given by Wa-xthi’-zhi, it is the fourth in the order.

The ritual of this degree of the tribal rites deals with the making
of the shrine for the wa-xo’-be, the symbolic hawk. First, the No”’-
ho"-zhi"-ga determine to make a shrine for the hawk. Second, the
ceremonial search for suitable material to use in making the shrine.
Third, the finding of the ga-zhi"’-ga (spike rush) for the woof of the
matting out of which the shrine is to be made. Fourth, the finding
of the ha’-do-ga, nettle weed (Urtica gracilis) for the warp. Fifth,
the ceremonial weaving and final making of the shrine. (PI. 23.)

From the three wi’-gi-es that relate particularly to the mythical
story of the shrine it is clear that it was the No"’-ho*-zhi"-ga of the
Wa-zha’-zhe division of the tribe, representing the water part of the
earth, who instituted and conducted the search for the proper mate-
rial to be employed for the making of the shrine. When the decision
was reached to use the ¢a-zhi®’-ga, the rush, for the woof, and the
ha’-do-ga, the nettle weed, for the warp, because of their durable
nature, these articles were declared to be wa-xo’-be (sacred), to
become consecrated to ‘the little ones,’”’ the descendants of the water
people. Later, all the parts of the universe, as represented by the
tribal organization, were included in this rite. The Tsi’-zhu division
was mentioned in direct terms. This division represented the sky,
with all the stars that travel therein, singly or in groups. Also the
Ho"’-ga division which embraced all the dry land with its animal and
plant life.

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XO-KA AND SYMBOLIC TREE

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RUSH MAT FOR NEW SHRINE

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c rope

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a, Shrine and sy

g cord knots in each end

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SHRINE TAKEN APART

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 683

For initiation purposes all the gentes of the tribe were free to use
the ritual of the shrine degree, but the office of conducting the cere-
monies pertaining to the making of the shrine remained in the Wa-
zha’-zhe division and was filled by three of its gentes, namely, the
Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no" (Elder Wa-zha’-zhe), the Ke’-k’i" (turtle car-
riers), and the Wa-ke’-the-stse-dse, cat-tail (Typha latifolia).

The matting out of which the shrine was made was woven in one
piece (pl. 24, 6) but divided by the symbolic designs into two equal
parts, one part representing the sky, the other part the earth. The
two parts also represented night and day. The part that repre-
sented the earth and the sky had conventional designs woven into
the matting and symbolized the clouds that move between the sky
and the earth. The portion of the matting that symbolized the
day is left undyed and is of a very light color. Across the entire
width of this portion of the mat are woven, equidistant, narrow
dark lines that represent night. The pocket in which were to be
placed the hawk and other sacred articles was made by doubling
that part of the matting having on it the symbols representing the
sky and the earth, and was fastened at the ends with cords made of
the nettle fiber, the same consecrated material that had been used
for the warp. The space within the pocket symbolizes the expanse
between the earth and the sky into which all life comes through birth
and departs therefrom by death. The knots fastening the ends of
the pocket of the shrine are not without significance. Seven knots
were tied to the end of the shrine that points, when in ceremonial
position, to the Ho*’-ga division, representing the earth, that the
knots may correspond to the seven songs that are accredited to that
division, and six knots were tied at the end of the pocket that will
point to the Tsi’-zhu division which represents the sky, so as to cor-
respond in number to the six songs belonging to the Tsi’-zhu division.
The act of perforating the holes in the edge of the matting through
which to string the cords for the fastenings was performed with
solemnity and as an expression of the purpose for which the war rite
was formulated. The act of cutting the ends of the cords after
tying the knots was performed in the same solemn manner.

When the hawk was put into the pocket of the shrine its head was
placed toward the end having the seven fastenings and its feet toward
the end having six. After the hawk and other sacred articles had
been put into the pocket the flap that represents day and night was
drawn over the upper part of the shrine and a ceremonial rope was
then wound around the middle. (Pl. 24, a.)

The act of ceremonially removing the sacred hawk from the pocket
of the shrine at an initiation also had its meaning. (Pl. 25.) It not
only symbolized birth but it also symbolized the continuous onward
flow of life.

684 THE OSAGE TRIBE [erH. ANN. 45

Tue INITIATION

Aman to whom a wa-xo’-be has been transferred may elect one of
the seven degrees of the rite into which he desires to be initiated.
When he determines to take the Ga Tha-ce Ga-xe degree he prepares
for it by collecting: (1) One black bearskin. (2) One buffalo robe.
(3) Seventy and sixty (130) copper or brass kettles. (4) Seventy and
sixty (130) sinews. The sinew is taken from the back of the buffalo,
two from each one, so that the candidate would have to kill 65
buffalo in order to secure the required number of sinews, a difficult
task for one man to perform, but he was usually assisted by his
relatives in collecting the fees and the articles required for use in the
initiation. (5) Seventy and sixty (130) awls. (6) Seventy and sixty
(130) red-handled knives.' Aside from the foregoing, the candidate
had to collect 70 and 60 tse-zhu’, side meat of the buffalo, and other
food supplies for the entertainment of the No”’-ho®-zhi"-ga during
the initiation ceremonies.

Before the advent of traders among the Osage it was difficult for
a man to procure all the articles required for the initiation, even
with the assistance of relatives; therefore only a few men could
afford to take more than one or two of the seven degrees of the tribal
rites. The greater number of the people could not take even one
of the degrees, although they could help a relative to prepare himself
to take a degree.

When the man has finally procured the necessary articles and is
prepared to take the chosen degree, he sends by a messenger for the
Sho’-ka (ceremonial messenger) of his gens. Upon the arrival of the
Sho’-ka, the man addresses him as follows: ‘‘My younger brother, I
wish to sing the songs of the Ga Tha-ce Ga-xe and it is to avail myself
of your official services as Sho’-ka that I have sent for you. It will
be necessary for you to have an assistant whom you could choose
from among the members of our gens.”

The kinship term, ‘“‘my younger brother,”’ as here used by the man
when speaking to the Sho’-ka, is employed ceremonially and not as
a blood kinship term. The gentes having the office of Sho’-ka are
always addressed by the other gentes as ‘‘younger brothers”’ during
the performance of a tribal ceremony.

“‘T will now ask you to go to my father,” referring to the man who
had transferred to him the wa-xo’-be, ‘and tell him that I wish him
to come to my house that I may speak with him.”

The man then places in the hands of the Sho’-ka a pipe to carry
while performing this duty in order to show that his mission is official
and authoritative.

1In the tattooing ceremony of the Omaha tribe the man who is to have that ceremony performed is
required to furnish 100 red-handled knives and 100 awls. (See 27th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 503.)

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 685

When the person sent for has come, in response to the summons,
the man speaks to him after the usual greetings, saying: ‘‘My father,
I wish to sing the songs of the Ga Tha-ce Ga-xe, and it is for that
reason I have sent for you, and to ask that you initiate me in that
part of the tribal rite.”’

The term ‘‘my father,” used by the man offering himself as candi-
date for initiation is a ceremonial and not a blood kinship term.

The father, in reply, says: ‘“‘My son, it shall be as you say. I will
act as Xo’-ka for you in the Ga Tha-ce Ga-xe. The first step is to
send your Sho’-ka to the No"’-ho"-zhi"-ga of the two great tribal
divisions, the Tsi’-zhu and the Ho”’-ga, and tell them to assemble at
your house on a certain day.”’

The candidate having fixed a day for summoning the No*’-ho*-
zhi*-ga, the Sho’-ka is again sent out with his official badge, the
pipe, to give notice to the members to come together at a certain day.
The day appointed for the meeting is always set far enough ahead to
give the messenger time to visit the house of every member of the
organization.

On the appointed day the No”’-ho"-zhi"-ga arrive at the place of
meeting. When all have taken their accustomed places, according
to gentes, the Xo’-ka addresses them on behalf of the candidate, his
“son,” saying: “‘O No®’-ho"-zhi"-ga, you have come in response to
the call of my son, and in his behalf I will say that he is ready to
sing the songs of the Ga Tha-ce Ga-xe, and it is for that purpose that
he has called you. He wishes to renew his wa-xo’-be.”’

To this the No”’-ho"-zhi"-ga respond, saying, ‘“‘Ho-we’!’’ which
signifies their approval. The Xo’-ka then directs the Sho’-ka to
bring before him the kettles, awls, sews, knives, and other articles
above enumerated, that have been collected by the candidate for use
at his imitiation. This duty performed, the Xo’-ka directs the
Sho’-ka to bring the wa-xo’-be, which is done.

As in the conferring of the other degrees of the war rite, the Xo’-ka,
whether or not he is versed in the rituals, avails himself of the privi-
lege of having an A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka, or assistant, who must be one
well informed in the rituals, and under whose direction the Xo/’-ka
must act.

When the ceremonial articles collected by the candidate, together
with the wa-xo’-be, have been placed before the Xo’-ka, the leader of
the ‘‘Tsi’-zhu Ho*-ga”’ directs the Sho’-ka to count the kettles,
awls, sinews, and knives. This the Sho’-ka quickly proceeds to do
and reports to the “Tsi’-zhu Ho"’-ga”’ that these articles represent
the full number required for the ceremony. The “Tsi’-zhu Ho®’-ga”’
then speaks a word signifying his acceptance of the report, after
which the Xo’-ka proceeds with the ceremony called Wa-the’-the, the
act of sending. This act consists in taking apart the various articles

686 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

that make up the wa-xo’-be that had been transferred to the candi-
date, that is, the shrine and its contents. Each part is then sent to
the gens which originally contributed it, m order that it may be
repaired, renewed, and reconsecrated.

THe Wa-THE’-THE
(DISTRIBUTING THE SYMBOLIC ARTICLES)

1. If the candidate belongs to the Wa-ga’-be or the I"-gtho”’-ga
gens the Sho’-ka would be instructed to remove from the hanging
strap of the wa-xo’-be, the scalp attached to it, put with it an awl,
a sinew, and a knife into one of the kettles and to place it before the
candidate, as the scalp was contributed by these two related gentes
for use in making the wa-xo’-be.

2. The Sho’-ka is directed to remove from the strap the eagle leg
that is fastened to it, put with it an awl, sinew and knife into one of
the kettles and place it before the Ho"’-ga A-hiu-to”, an Eagle gens.

3. The outer bag, made of the woven buffalo hair, together with
an awl, sinew, and knife, are put in a kettle and set before the Tho’-xe,
Buffalo Bull gens. In making a bag of this kind for a member of the
Ho"’-ga subdivision or a member of the Wa-zha’-zhe subdivision, the
Tho’-xe furnish the hair, always taking it from the right shoulder of
the buffalo bull. If the bag is to be made for a member of the
Tsi’-zhu great division the hair must be taken from the left shoulder
of the bull. This is figurative of the young buffalo bull, one of the
tribal emblems of courage, that is represented in the emblematic
arrangement of the gentes, those of the Ho"’’-ga great division from
the right side of the bull, and those of the Tsi’-zhu great division from
the left side.

4. The deerskin bag next to the buffalo-hair bag, together with an
awl, sinew, and knife, are put in a kettle and sent to the Wa-zha’-zhe
Ta I-ni-ka-shi-ga, Wa-zha’-zhe Deer People.

5. The ceremonial rope wound around the middle of the shrine,
together with an awl, sinew, and knife, are put into a kettle and
sent to the Tsi’-zhu Wa-no", Elder Tsi-zhu, and to the Tee deere
I"-dse, Buffalo Face, two related gentes.

6. The Ca, woven rush shrine, with several kettles, seis sinews,
and knives, are sent to the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no", Ke’-k’i", and the
Wa-ke’-the-stse-dse gentes.

7. The deerskin tobacco pouch, with a kettle, awl, sinew, and
knife, are sent to the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no”.

8. The deerskin pouch which covers the hawk, together with an
awl, sinew, and knife, is placed in a kettle and sent to the Wa-zha’-zhe
Ta-tha’-xi", Wa-zha’-zhe, Deer’s Lungs, and the Wa-zha’-zhe E-no”
Mi"-dse to", Wa-zha’-zhe, who alone own the bow. Two extra
kettles were also sent to these two gentes.

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LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 687

9. The marked counting stick, together with an awl, sinew, and
knife, are sent with a kettle to the Wa-zha’-zhe E-no™” Mi®-dse to”.

10. The wa-xo’-be (hawk), together with an awl, sinew, and knife,
are placed in a kettle and sent to the Ni’-ka Wa-ko"-da-gi, the men
of mystery.

11. To the Mi-k’i” Wa-no", Elder Sun Carriers, and the Ho®
I-ni-ka-shi-ga, people of the night, are sent two kettles, without the
awls, simew, and knife. This was done in recognition of their con-
tribution of the drum as a part of the articles contributed by the
various gentes for the paraphernalia of the rites. The drum was
used at the ceremonies of the Wa-sha’-be A-thi", the great war cere-
mony.

THe WEAVER

At the close of the Wa-the’-the ceremony the leader of the Wa-
zha’-zhe Wa-no” gens, or the candidate, instructs the Sho’-ka to go
for the woman who had been chosen by the candidate to do the work
of weaving the rush mat from which the new shrine is to be made.
(Pl. 26.) The Sho’-ka goes after the woman and ceremonially con-
ducts her to a place in front of the Xo’-ka and his assistant. Then,
at the direction of the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka, the Sho’-ka places before
the woman the buffalo robe, the black bearskin, and other articles of
value which the candidate has procured for her ceremonial use and
for her fees.

The A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka then formally addresses the woman, using an
ordinaty kinship term, when asking her as a great favor to the
No”’-ho®-zhi"-ga to weave for them the emblematic matting. The
woman accepts the office of ceremonial weaver thus offered and
remains seated until she is ceremonially dismissed.

When the woman has consented to act as weaver the A’-ki-ho®
Xo’-ka proceeds to recite a double wi’-gi-e. The first relates to the
plant which forms the woof and the second to the plant from which
the fiber is to be taken and used for the warp. The first of the
wi’-gi-es is called Ga’ Do-ka Wi’-gi-e, the Green Rush Wi’-gi-e; the
second, the Hi®’-dse * Wi’-gi-se, the Linden Wi’-gi-e.

Each part of this double wi’-gi-e is a story of the search for and
the finding of the material to be used for the woof and the warp
used in weaving the mat to form the holy shrine for the sacred sym-
bolic hawk. To the first part is given in six sections the finding of
the woof; to the second part the finding of the material used for the
warp.

2 The name Hi»’-dse is used to this day and refers specifically to the fiber taken from the bark of the tree
for various uses. Out of the trunk of the hi»’-dse-hi, linden tree, bowls used to be made and the name is
applied to china plates since their introduction by traders. The Omaha used the name in a slightly modi-
fied form, Hi»’-de. The people of this tribe also used the bark of the linden for making twine and ropes,
and the wood for bowls and spoons.

688 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

In the younger brother’s efforts to find material for the woof he
brought home (1) the Andropogon furcatus Muhl, white; (2) Andro-
pogon furcatus Muhl, red; (3) Phragmites phragmites; (4) Eleocharis
mutata. These plants the elder brothers rejected as being unfit for
use in making the shrine. One familiar with the qualities of these
plants could readily see why they were rejected. (5) Scirpus occi-
dentalis. Wa-xthi’-zhi explained that this plant was rejected because
it lacked symmetry of form, that is, it is larger at the lower part than
at the top, and with it the weaver could not make a smooth matting;
(6) Eleocharis interstincta. The elder brothers accepted this plant —
because the stalk was very nearly of the same size from the root to
the top and the weaver could do neater work with it. In searching
for material for the warp, the younger brother brought home (1) the
elm whose limbs turned downward; (2) the young white elm. These
were rejected because the fiber could not be used for anything.
(3) Gray linden; (4) red linden; (5) dark linden. These were
rejected because of the coarseness of the fiber, which could be used
only for rough work. (6) Asimina, or Annona triloba. The fiber of
this wood is much finer than that of the other woods brought home,
but (7) the nettleweed, Urtica gracilis, was accepted because its fiber
was finer, stronger, and more flexible than that of the Asimina. It
is said that the fiber of the Asimina was sometimes used as a substi-
tute for the fiber of the nettleweed in weaving the matting for the
shrine.

THe Ca’ Do-xa Wr’-GI-E
(THE RUSH GREEN RITUAL)

(Osage version, p. 782; literal translation, p. 819)

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

. The Wa-zha’-zhe, a people who possess seven sacred fireplaces,

Verily a people among whom there were no cowards,

Spake to one another, saying: O younger brothers,

. The little ones have no material of which to make their shrines.

Go and cause search to be made for the proper materials.

. Even as these words were spoken one went forth

. To the prairie where trees grow not;

. To the tall blue-joint that stood therein,

. And stood close by its side.

. Then, as he returned and stood before his elder brothers, he spake,
saying: How will this serve, O elder brothers?

. They replied: It is not exactly what we want, O younger brother.

— pt

1
~~)

VA. FLESCHE) SHRINE DEGREE 689

13.
14.
15.
16.
Ufa

18.
19:

20.

adke
22.

23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.

30.

31.
32.
33.
34.

35.
36.

37.

38.
39.
40.
41.

42.

Verily at that time and place

The elder brothers spake again, saying: You will cause further
search to be made, O younger brothers.

Even as these words were spoken a younger brother went forth

To a prairie where trees grow not,

To the red blue-joint that stood therein,

And stood close by its side.

Then he returned, stood before his elder brothers, and spake,
saying: How will this serve, O elder brothers?

They replied: Jt is not exactly what we want, O younger brother.

Verily at that time and place

The elder brothers spake, saying: Cause further search to be
made, O younger brothers.

Then, even as these words were spoken, one went forth

To a prairie where trees grow not,

To the marsh-reed that stood therein,

And close by its side he stood.

Then, quickly he returned with it to his elder brothers,

Before whom he stood, saying: How will this serve?

They replied: It is not exactly what we want, O younger brother.

Then, even as these words were spoken, one of the younger
brothers went forth

To the borders of a lake

Where stood the rush with the ribbed stalk,

And close by its side he stood.

Quickly he returned with it to his elder brothers, before whom he
stood, saying: How will this serve?

They replied: It is not exactly what we want, O younger brother,

It is not suitable for the little ones to use for making their shrines.

+9)

Then, even as these words were spoken, one of the younger
brothers went forth

To the borders of a lake,

To the large rush that stood therein,

And close by its side he stood.

He returned with it to his elder brothers and spake, saying: How
will this serve, O elder brothers?

They replied: It is not exactly what we want, O younger brother.

690 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

43. Verily at that time and place,

44. Even as these words were spoken, a-younger brother went forth
45. To the center of a lake

46. Where stood a bunch of slender rush.

47. Seven in number were the stalks in the bunch.

48. Quickly he returned with the bunch

49. To his elder brothers and spake, saying: How will this serve?
50. They replied: That has ever been the object of your search.
51. This shall be to the little ones a sacred plant, O younger brother.
52. Being consecrated to the use of the little ones,

53. They shall make of it a receptacle for their holy emblem.

54. Verily at that time and place

55. The elder brothers spake, saying: Let the plant be cut, O younger
brothers.

56. Then, at that very time,

57. The turtle having seven notches on his tail

58. Came to the bunch of rush having seven stalks,

59. Moved among its roots,

60. And repeatedly shook the stalks.

61. Then, with their heads toward the setting sun,

62. The stalks fell to the earth,

63. Whereupon the elder brothers spake, saying:

64. This shall ever be to the little ones a sacred plant.

65. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

66. The turtle having six notches on his tail

67. Came to a bunch of rush having six stalks.

68. Close to it he came,

69. Buried himself among its roots,

70. And repeatedly shook the stalks.

71. Then, with their heads toward the setting sun,

72. The stalks fell to the earth.

73. The turtle spake, saying: I have made these stalks to fail.

74. It is not without a purpose that I have performed the act.

75. Toward the setting of the sun,

76. Where dwell many people, I have made the stalks to fall.

77. When the little ones make these stalks fall toward the setting sun

78. It shall be easy for them to make their enemies to fall.

79. When they make of this plant a sacred emblem (a shrine),

80. Their wa-xo’-be (the symbolic hawk) shall lie secure within its
folds.

LA ¥LESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 691

OMDNMHUPWN He

Tue Hr’-psz Wr’-ai-5
(THE LINDEN RITUAL)

(Osage version, p. 784; literal translation, p. 821)

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

The Wa-zha’-zhe, a people who possess seven sacred fireplaces,
Verily a people among whom there were no cowards,
Spake to one another, saying: Ho! younger brothers,

. The little ones have nothing of which to make their shrines.

. Even as these words were spoken a younger brother went forth
. To a very little stream,

. Where stood a young elm with limbs growing downward,

Which he quickly brought home to his elder brothers, to whom
he spake, saying:

. How will this serve, O elder brothers?
. They replied: Ho! younger brother,
. It is not fit for the little ones to use in making their shrines.

. Go, and make further search, O younger brother.

. Even as these words were spoken the younger brother went forth
. To a very small stream,

. Where stood a young white elm,

. Which he quickly brought home

. To his elder brothers and spake, saying: How will this serve?

. They replied: It is not fit for the little ones to use in making

their shrines.
3

. Go, and make further search, O younger brother.

. Even as these words were spoken, one went forth

. To the borders of a forest,

. Where stood a gray (sapling) linden.

. Quickly he returned with the young tree,

. Stood before his elder brothers and spake, saying:

. How will this serve, O elder brothers?

. They replied: It is not fit for the little ones to use in making

their shrines.

. It is not exactly what we want, O younger brother.

. Go, and make further search, O younger brother.

. Even as these words were spoken, one went forth

. To the very depths of a forest,

. Where stood a red linden.

. Quickly he returned with the tree,

4. To his elder brothers, to whom he spake, saying: How will this

serve?

5. They replied: It is not exactly what we want.

THE OSAGE TRIBE — [ETH ANN. 45

. You will make further search, O younger brother.

Even as these words were spoken one went forth

. To the very center of a forest,

. Where stood a dark linden.

. Quickly he returned with the tree,

. Stood before his elder brothers and spake, saying: How will this

serve?

. They replied: It is not exactly what we want.

6 -

. You will make further search, O younger brother.

. Even as these words were spoken one went forth

. To the very center of a forest,

. Where stood a papaw tree.

. Close to the tree he stood,

. Then quickly he returned with it,

. Stood before his elder brothers and spake, saying: How will

this serve?

. They replied: Ho! younger brother,
. It is not exactly what we want,
2. It is not fit for the little ones to use in making their shrines.

. Even as these words were spoken one went forth

. To the opposite border of the forest,

. Where stood the nettleweed.

. Close to it he stood,

. Then quickly returned with it,

. Stood before his elder brothers and spake, saying: How will

this serve?

. They replied: Ho! younger brother,
. That which you hold in your hand has ever been the object of

your search.

. It shall be to the little ones a sacred plant, as they travel the

path of life.

. When the little ones make of it their shrine,
. Their wa-xo’-be shall always lie secure within its folds, as they

travel the path of life.

. It shall be to the people of the Tsi’-zhu,

. And to those of the Ho”-ga,

. A sacred plant, as they travel the path of life.

. When they use it to make their shrines

. Their wa-xo’-be shall le secure within its folds, as they travel

the path of life.

LA FLESCBE] SHRINE DEGREE 693

After the recital of the Ga’ Do-ka Wi’gi-e the old rush shrine is
put in a kettle and placed before the weaver, who carries both kettle
and shrine to her house. When the woman departed with the shrine
the No’-ho"™-zhi"-ga adjourned to meet again in four days. This
length of time was considered to be sufficient to enable the weaver
and the other workers to properly finish their tasks in time for the
reassembling of the members.

On arriving at her home the weaver prepares for her task by
partitioning her house so that she can seclude herself while setting
up her loom and doing her work. Her desire to seclude herself was
for the following reasons:

1. The work being a part of a great rite must be performed cere-
monially.

2. While the work is in progress she must go through the rite of
vigil as a supplication for the success of the candidate in all his aims
in life.

3. To be free from her household cares and from all her social
duties.

4. To exclude persons who might be curious to learn the symbolic
designs to be woven into the matting and to put them to profane
uses.

If it was inconvenient for the weaver to partition her house she
erected a small house near her dwelling.

On the following morning, as the ‘‘great star’? appears above the
horizon, the woman arises and goes out for a bit of earth to put
upon her head and forehead as a token of her vigil and supplication.
She moistens the earth and divides it into two parts, one of which
she rubs on the left side of her forehead and the other on the right
side. This she does as a sign that in her supplications for the candi-
date she also includes the two great tribal divisions, craving super-
natural aid for the tribe in its efforts to perpetuate its existence.
Having placed upon herself the sign of vigil, she puts on her buffalo
robe, spreads her bearskin rug before her loom, sits down upon the
rug and waits.

The candidate had also arisen when the ‘‘great star’’ showed itself
above the eastern horizon and had put upon himself the sign of vigil.
Having done this he walked over to the house of the weaver and,
standing before the door, began to wail as men do when they go far
away from the village to take the rite of vigil. On hearing the voice
of the candidate, whom she had been expecting, the weaver begins
her song of lamentation, after which she recites her Ca’ Wi-gi-e,
wi’-gi-e of the rush, and the candidate continues to wail until she
comes to the end. Then he goes forth to the prairies and keeps vigil
through the entire day. The woman takes no food, nor does she
remove from her head the sign of vigil as she steadily works all the
day long.

694 THE OSAGE TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 45

At the time Wa-xthi’-zhi gave this description of the ceremonies
pertaining to the making of a new shrine for the wa-xo’-be, or the
repairing of an old one, it was not possible to get into communica-
tion with the wife of Btho’-ga-hi-ge to whom he referred as having
a knowledge of the wi’-gi-e that the weaver must recite during the
ceremonial weaving of the mat. He declined to recite it himself
because it belonged to the woman’s part of the rite, consequently
there had to be a gap in this particular part of his description. Sub-
sequently Mrs. Btho’-ga-hi-ge was asked if she would be willing to
recite the wi’-gi-e. She replied that she would do so, provided
Wa-xthi’-zhi could be present to prompt her. There were difficulties
in the way of bringing the two together, so any effort to secure the
ritual was not possible at the time.

In the month of January, 1917, when the writer was at Grayhorse
endeavoring to secure information from certain Indians concerning
the rites of the Osage, Ho™-be’-do-ka, an old woman, called upon
him to tell him that she had an i’-ga-gthe da-pa, a set of looms, which
she wished to dispose of. She was informed that the writer already
had a loom presented to him by Mrs. Btho’-ga-hi-ge, but if the writer
could purchase the wi’-gi-e with the loom he would be glad to buy
it. After some hard thinking she replied that she was willing to
recite the wi’-gi-e in order to dispose of the loom, adding that she did
not wish to leave it behind on her death to her son for the reason that
he would be in constant fear of it on account of his children, lest
harm should come to them through inadvertence or misuse of the
sacred articles. To relieve him of this possible embarrassment she
decided to dispose of the wi’-gi-e, although she would prefer not to
do so.

In some mysterious manner old Ku’-zhi-wa-tse (pl. 27), a member
of the Po™’-ka Wa-shta-ge gens, became aware of Ho®-be’-do-ka’s
purpose to dispose of, not only the loom, but the wi’-gi-e as well. He
hastened to the old woman’s house, commanded her to withdraw her
offer, and warned her that by making the offer she placed herself under
a wa’-xpe-gthe, a punishment that would come to her through some
supernatural agency. The old woman was not to be frightened out
of her determination. She boldly told the old man that she under-
stood the meaning of the term wa’-xpe-gthe, and as she had fulfilled
all the obligations she had taken upon herself as a candidate for
initiation into the mysteries of her office she had no fear of punish-
ment. She also said that the knowledge of the wi’-gi-e came to her
by purchase and it was hers to dispose of, the same as any other
property.

Old Ku’-zhi-wa-tse had interfered in the proposed transfer because
the wi’-gi-e in Ho®-be’-do-ka’s possession is a part of the rituals used
by the Wa-zha’-zhe division of which he is a member, and he was
also opposed to making public any part of the No*’-ho*-zhi"-ga rites.

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE °* 695

Ho"-be’-do-ka herself belongs to the Tsi’-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, but
her husband, who was of the Wa-zha’-zhe division, taught her the
rituals and secured for her the office of ceremonial weaver.

Ho™-be’-do-ka gave the weaver’s song of lamentation and the
weaving wi’-gi-e, so that the gap in the Shrine Ritual, occasioned by
the hesitancy of Wa-xthi’-zhi to recite it, is now partly filled.

THE WEAVER’s LAMENTATION

The cry of longing and of desolation uttered by the weaver in the
following song of sorrow is for her relatives who had gone on to the
spirit land and who had been close companions in the joys and griefs

of life.

696 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

Sonc oF Sorrow

Transcribed from graphophone by Alice C. Fletcher.
M.M. g=80. Sung softly and flowingly
—
! |~-

Tite beatsf ff? r f (i
Esgi the dado? go" tha ast o” tha gi tha, Ewa thi? the go” tha
$$ __—___________-fs_j__ ams (=
= SSSaee ~_@ io =f 2 Soe oe a Es
eee = eee ——e a Ee as Se
eee iE ie ik

(
Zhi xtsio" tha gi theno™ wa-xpa thi" a thi” he o” tha Cinthas we cas

et ert + y Sea esas
aS See

@ eo °
eaters Merce Pere See eae eae
thitathi? heo" tha gi tha thi" tha tha ges a-tha. E wa thi? the go” tha
eirs= See . ase = e = PSH

Ros ot ails

Zhi xtsi o” tha gi if no” i Lee ae a-thi? a otha gi tha a - tha.

ja — lee, ze = SSeS: Sree |
Ree Reet Se liea fantGhe

( f
Wa-xpa thi? a-thi? githa githa a-tha a,... a-tha a-tha Pe odo
D.C.

CO ei ec ea ees in alana
I da go" tha xtsi o” tha gi tha Wa-xpa thi? the thi?-gextsio tha — gi tha bino™ no®,

cameras Bee Pel re era

Mimaki |

Wa-xpa thi” i tha the ta thin he o” tha gi tha a-tha a-tha. Wa-xpa thi? i tha the ta

ee — e299 pai
— 5 = [—- p ee A A ET “pe y-||
—e : @ = = - -_—_-——

f os f
thi” he o" tha gi tha E da go" tha xtsio® tha gi tha Wa-xpa thi? the

4 a es a ee BCs — is Pa EE ER Nae ED ET
ata pe

f f f i f
ae -ge xtsio" tha gi tha bi no® Wa-xpa thi" i tha the ta thi? he AG

“ire pees Pee poet eae ree
re re ns : i. A eS fel E a a ae

pores pe 2a Sees: z ee a

mae Gee

a-tha a-tha. E do® tho" the go" tha Zhi-xtsi o" tha gi tha no™ Bie

C2] aa etl

fry Ooms

f bi
Wa-xpa thi® a-thi® he 0" tha gi tha, Lat a-tha a-tha = a-tha.

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 697

FREE TRANSLATION

You have left me to linger in hopeless longing,

Your presence had ever made me feel no want,

You have left me to travel in sorrow.

Left me to travel in sorrow; Ah! the pain, the pain,

Your presence had ever made me feel no want,

You have left me to travel in sorrow; Ah! the pain,

Left me to travel in sorrow; Ah! the pain, the pain, the pain.

a 2 GA GS [=

“a

8. You have left me to linger in hopeless longing,
9. In your presence there was no sorrow,
10. You have gone and sorrow I shall feel, as I travel, Ah! the pain, the pain.
11. You have gone and sorrow I shall feel as I travel,
12. You have left me to linger in hopeless longing.
13. In your presence there was no sorrow,
14. You have gone and sorrow I shall feel as I travel; Ah! the pain, the pain,
the pain,
15. Content with your presence, I wanted nothing more,
16. You have left me to travel in sorrow; Ah! the pain, the pain, the pain

THe Ca’ Wr’-GI-E

After a brief pause, at the close of the Song of Sorrow, the weaver,
breaking in upon the wailing of the candidate, recites the Ca’ Wi-gi-e,
the wi’-gi-e of the rushes.

The application of the name Wa-ko"-da in the wi’-gi-e to the sun,
moon, sky, and to certain phases of the night and day is figurative
and is not to be understood as in the ordinary sense. All of these
phases that come and go with unvarying regularity were looked upon
by the ancient No*’-ho"-zhi"-ga as mysterious and as signs of the
presence within them of the great invisible power to which they had
given the name Wa-ko"-da. To each of these four phases of the
night, and to the sun and to the sky, was given a symbolic line in the
shrine that typifies all the visible universe.

Section 1 speaks of the sun; 3, of the yellowish line which appears
along the eastern horizon and which is first indication of the passing
of night and the coming of day; 4 speaks again of the moon to make
it clear that it must not be confused with the next phase; 5 speaks of
the pallid hue that succeeds the yellow, and indicates that the night
has gone farther away, and that the day comes nearer; 6 speaks of the
crimson line which stretches along the horizon and indicates the
departure of night and the near approach of day; 7 speaks of the
appearance of the sun, the god of day that sits upon the horizon,
adorned in a glory of deep red; 8 speaks of the blue sky across which
the god of day is to make its westward journey; 9 speaks of the blue-
black line which appears along the western horizon as the sun dis-

41383°—30——45

698 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

appears beyond; 10 speaks of the completion of the shrine that is
emblematic of the visible universe, and of life, amidst which the
sacred hawk shall lie in safety.

THE WI’-GI-E
(Osage version, p. 786; literal translation, ’p. 823)
1
1. It is not the great god (the sun) they had in mind,
Although that also is a god, they have said.

3. It is not the great god they had in mind,
The god that is ever spoken of as of the night (the moon),
5. Although that also is a god, they have said.

6. It is a god that is ever spoken of as of the night,
7. The god that comes and lies outstretched in yellow hue,
8. It is the god that lies in yellow, they had in mind.

hia

9. It is not the great god they had in mind,
10. The god that is ever spoken of as of the night (the moon),
11. Although that also is a god, they have said.

12. It is a god that is ever spoken of as of the night,

13. The god that comes and lies outstretched in pallid hue,
14. That lies outstretched in pallid hue, they had in mind.
15. That also is a god, they have said.

16. It is a god that is ever spoken of as of the night,

17. Not the great god (the sun) they had in mind,

18. But the god that comes and lies outstretched in crimson,
19. For that also is a god, they have said.

lord

(

20. It is the great god (the sun) they had in mind,

1. That also is a god, they have said,

2. The god that appears in deep red and sits (upon the horizon),
they had in mind,

23. For that also is a god, they have said.

24. It is the god that hes outstretched in blue (the sky),
25. Whose border is like that of a flower, they had in mind.

IA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 699

26. It is not the afterglow of evening they had in mind,
27. But a god that is ever spoken of as of the night,
28. A god who comes and lies outstretched in blue-black hue.

29. Verily, here lies a new shrine, they exclaimed,
30. A new shrine wherein shall lie, unharmed, the sacred emblem,
they exclaimed. se

_ When the last. line of the wi’-gi-e has been spoken the candidate
quietly goes away to wander in solitude among the hills as he takes
the rite of vigil, while the weaver works upon the shrine.

On the evening of the same day the candidate returns to his Thane
and removes from his head and face the signs of vigil. At the same
time a close relation of the weaver prepares for her a supper. She
then puts away her work, removes the signs of vigil from her head
and face and sends for the candidate to come and take supper with
her, a proceeding that is a part of the ceremony being performed. by
the two. When the candidate has taken the seat assigned to him
the weaver recites a wi’-gi-e (not yet secured) called U’-no" U-tha-ge,
which tells of the symbols that pertain to the reaching of old age.
At the close of the recitation the two partake together of the food
set before them. This ceremony is repeated during the four days
allowed the weaver to finish her task and to make ready the rush mat
for the final ceremony of putting into shape the sacred shrine.

Tur Moccasin CEREMONY

On the morning of the fifth day the Sho’-ka is sent to summon the
No” -ho®-zhi"-ga for the ceremonial making of the symbolic moc-
casins to be worn throughout the ceremony by the Xo’-ka and the
Sho’-ka. The ceremony of smoking the seven animal skins is omitted
from the Ca’ Tha-ge degree of the tribal rites.

In the afternoon the No™-ho™-zhi*-ga assemble at the house of the
candidate. When all have taken their places according to tribal
divisions and gentes, the A’-ki-ho™ Xo’-ka directs the Sho’-ka to
spread in front of the head of the Buffalo-bull-face gens a square
piece of buffalo skin, hair side down, also to lay beside it a blanket
for his fee for reciting the wi’-gi-e relating to the symbolic acts of
cutting the skin into four parts for the shaping of the ceremonial
moccasins. The Sho’-ka then takes a seat on the opposite side of the
buffalo skin, picks up a knife that has been placed there, and sits in
readiness to perform the symbolic acts that accompany the reciting
of the moccasin-cutting wi’-gi-e. Taking this as a signal to begin,
the head of the Buffalo-bull-face gens proceeds to recite the wi’-gi-e, in
which the other members of the No"’-ho"-zhi"-ga join.

700 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

At lines 22 and 23 the Sho’-ka simulates the act of cutting the skin,
beginning at the center and ending at the edge at his right, which is
toward the east; he begins again at the center and goes through the
motion of cutting a line to the edge at his front, which is toward the
south. These express the determination of the warriors to destroy
all the men of any tribe at enmity with the Osage who had won
military honors.

The Buffalo-bull-face man continues reciting, without pause, and at
lines 48 and 49 the Sho’-ka again begins at the center of the skin and
goes through the motion of cutting a line therefrom to the edge at his
left, which is toward the west; he begins again at the center and pre-
tends to cut a line therefrom to the edge on the farther side of the skin,
which is toward the north. These cuts express the determination of
the warriors to show no mercy to a woman of an enemy tribe who
had given birth to her first child.

At line 51 the Sho’-ka puts aside the knife; the Buffalo-face man
continues without pause, and at line 52 the Sho’-ka picks up an awl
which he holds in readiness; then at lines 54 and 55 he pretends to
thrust a hole with the awl through one corner of the skin. This act
expresses the determination of the warriors not to spare the adolescent
youth of an enemy tribe. Lines 59 and 60 are reached and the
Sho’-ka pretends to thrust a hole through the second corner of the
skin. This thrust expresses the determination of the warriors not to
spare the adolescent maiden of an enemy tribe. The thrust through
the third corner of the skin, given at lines 65 and 66, is for the warrior
of an enemy tribe who was distinguished for his military honors.
The thrust through the fourth corner, given at lines 70 and 71, is for
the woman of an enemy tribe who had given birth to her first child.

Tue Moccasin W1’-GI-E
(Osage version, p. 787; literal translation, p. 824)

1. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

2. They spake to one another, saying: The turtle with seven serra-
tures upon his tail

3. We shall make to be our foot, O younger brothers.

4. When we make this turtle to be our foot,

5. And go forth against our enemies who dwell toward the setting
sun,

6. We shall enable ourselves to trample down the harmful grasses.

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 701

32.
. The water snake, they said,

. We shall use for a moccasin string.

. When we use the water snake for a moccasin string

. It will be difficult even for the harmful grasses

. To cut or break the string, O younger brothers, they said to one

. What shall we use for a moccasin string? they said to one another.
. The water snake, they said,

. We shall use for a moccasin string.

. When we use the water snake for a moccasin string

. It will be difficult even for the harmful grasses

. To cut or break the string, O younger brothers, they said to one

another.
>

. What shall we use for a knife? they said, it has been said, in this

house.

. It is the young buffalo bull

. Whose right horn

. We shall use for a knife.

. When we use the right horn of the young buffalo bull for our

knife,

. And go forth against our enemies who dwell toward the setting sun,
. Sharp and effective shall always be our knife, O younger brothers,

they said to one another.
4

. Upon what shall we cut this skin? they said to one another.

. There is, among our enemies, who dwell toward the setting sun,

. A man who is honored for his military prowess.

. It is upon that man we shall cut this skin.

. When we cut this skin upon the men of valor,

. It shall always be easy for us to do our cutting, they said to one

another.

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,
. They spake to one another, saying: The turtle that has six serra-

tures upon his tail,

. We shall make to be our foot, O younger brothers.
. When we make this turtle to be our foot,
. And go forth against our enemies who dwell toward the setting

sun,

. We shall enable ourselves to trample down the harmful grasses.

What shall we use for a-moccasin string? they said to one another.

another.

7FO2 THE OSAGE- TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 45

38.;What shall we use for a knife? they said, it has been said, in this
house.

39. It is the young buffalo bull

40. Whose left horn |

41. We shall use for a knife.

42, When we use the left horn of the young buffalo bull for our knife,

43. And go forth against our enemies who dwell toward the setting
sun,

44. Sharp and effective shall always be our knife, O younger brothers,

“they said to one another.

45. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

46. They said to one another: Upon what shall be cut this skin?

47. There is among our enemies who dwell toward the setting sun

48. A woman who has given birth to her first child.

49. It is upon that woman we shall cut this skin.

50..When we, cut this,skin upon such a woman,

51. It shall always be easy for us to do our cutting, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

52: Upon what shall we perforate this skin? they said to one another.

53. There is among our enemies who dwell toward the setting sun

54. An adolescent youth.

55. It is upon him that we shall perforate this skin, thes said.

56. When we perforate this skin upon the adolescent youth,

57. It will always be easy for us to do our perforating, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

58. Upon what shall we perforate this skin? they said to one another.

59. It is an adolescent maiden, of the enemy,

60. Upon whom we shall perforate this skin.

61. When we perforate this skin upon the maiden of the enemy,

62. It will always be easy for us to do our perforating, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

Wat

63. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

64. They said to one another: Upon what shall we perforate this
skin?

65. It is aman of the enemy who is honored for his military prowess,

66. Upon whom we shall perforate this skin.

67. When we perforate this skin upon the men of valor,

68. It shall always be easy for us to do our perforating, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 703
12

69. Upon what shall we perforate this skin? they said to one another.
70. It is a woman of the enemy who has given birth to her first child,
71. Upon whom we shall perforate this skin.

72. When we perforate this skin upon such women of the enemy,

73. It shall always be easy for us to do our perforating, O younger

brothers, they said to one another.

At the close of the wi’-gi-e the Sho’-ka, without further ceremony,
fashions the moccasins and roughly sews together the edges of the
skin. Three pairs of moccasins are thus made, two pairs for the
Xo’-ka and one pair for the Sho’-ka. The pair to be worn by the
Xo’-ka in the processional approach to the place of the principal
part of the ceremony represents the successive phases of the dawn.
This pair he slips off on reaching the west entrance of the House
of Mystery and slips on the other pair which is placed there for
him. This pair, which he wears throughout the rest of the ceremony,
represents the going forth of the sun on its westward journey over
the earth. (For moccasins, see p. 709.)

While the moccasins are being sewed the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka quietly
instructs the candidate as to how he shall decorate the Sho’-ka
and the Xo’-ka for the ceremonies to be performed on the next day.

On coming to the meeting for the ceremony of making the symbolic
moccasins the No'-ho"-zhi*-ga bring with them all the articles
belonging to the old shrine, and also the new ones that have just
been completed. The old shrine they again put together to be
used in performing the ceremony until the arrival of the time for
consecrating the new one for ceremonial purposes.

When the work on the moccasins is finished and the old shrine
is put together, provisions are distributed to the No®’-ho"-zhi"-ga
from the stores of the candidate and his relations. In olden times
these provisions consisted of jerked meat (130 pieces) with dried
roots of the Psoralea esculenta Pursh and of the Nelumbo lutea, of
which the Osage, Omaha, and other Plains Indians are very fond. In
recent times beef, flour, coffee, and sugar were provided by the
candidate. The wives and daughters enter and carry away the
provisions and the No*-ho®-zhi"-ga adjourn to assemble again on
the next day.

On the following morning, before sunrise, the No®’-ho"-zhi"-ga
assemble at the house of the candidate, where they decorate them-
selves for the final and principal part of the -initiatory ceremony.
From this place the candidate, his initiator (the Xo’-ka) the A’-ki-ho®
Xo’-ka, and the Sho’-ka go to the house of the Xo’-ka, taking with
them the sacerdotal attire to be put on him in preparation for the
performance of the ceremony. The act of clothing the Xo’-ka

704 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

in his ceremonial attire is called Ki’-no", a term which may be
interpreted as meaning the decorating. This term applies prin-
cipally to the act of the painting of the Xo’-ka’s face and body
with red paint, which typifies the sun as it appears just above the
horizon in a glory of red. This ceremony is performed by the can-
didate himself as the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka recites the wi’-gi-e relating
to the symbolic significance of the various articles used for the
Xo’-ka’s ceremonial attire.

The music and words of the songs used in this degree of the rites,
together with a detailed description of the Ki’-no™ ceremony, will
be found in the No®’-zhi®-zho" ritual. (39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E.,
pp. 79-103.) The Ki’-no" wi’-gi-e recited in the shrine degree of
the rites differs in some respects from that used in the No®’-zhi®-zho®
degree and will therefore be given here.

The ceremonial movements that accompany the two wi’-gi-es are
about the same.

Tue Ki’-no™ W1’-GcI-5
(THE PAINTING RITUAL)
(Osage version, p. 789; literal translation, p. 826)

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,
2. They spake to one another, saying: What shall they (the little
ones) use for painting their faces and bodies?
. Verily, of the gods that appear at the beginning of day,
. The god (sun) that never fails to come, clothed in deep red,
5. The little ones shall use for decorating their faces and bodies, as
they travel the path of life,
6. When the little ones use the color of this god to decorate their
faces and bodies,
7. They shall cause themselves to be difficult to overcome by death,
as they journey upon the path of life.
2
8. Verily at that time and place,
9. They spake to one another, saying: What shall the little ones
use for a plume?
10. The god (sun) that never fails to appear at the beginning of day,
11. Has at his right side a plume-like light.
12. That plume-like light
13. The little ones shall use as a sacred plume.
14. When the little ones use this light as a plume
15. They shall have a plume that will not droop or fall for want of life.
16. They shall cause themselves to be difficult to overcome by death.

—

He OO

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 705

17. Verily at that time and place,
18. They spake to one another, saying: What and who is he who is
to be decorated with this shell gorget?
19. He is a captive, they said,
20. Who is to be decorated with this shell gorget, it has been said, in
this house.
+

21. What and who is he on whose arms shall be put these armlets?
22. He is a captive, they said,
23. On whose arms shall be put these armlets.
24. They shall enable themselves to take many captives, as they
travel the path of life.
5

25. What and who is he upon whom shall be put this girdle?
26. He is a captive, they said,
27. On whom shall be put this girdle.
28. When the little ones go forth to take captives,
29. They shall succeed in finding the comely captives, as they travel
the path of life.
6

30. Verily at that time and place,

31. They spake to one another, saying: What and who is he, on
whose feet are to be put these moccasins?

32. He is a captive, on whose feet are to be put these moccasins.

33. When they put on the feet of the captive these moccasins,

34. They shall always succeed in finding the comely captives, it has
been said, in this house.

35. Verily at that time and place,

36. They spake to one another, saying: What and who is he, on
whose body is to be put this robe?

37. He is a captive, they said,

' 38. On whose body is to be put this robe.

39. When they (the little ones) go forth to find the comely captives,

40. They shall never fail to reach old age, as they travel the path of
life, O, younger brothers, they said to one another.

When the Xo’-ka is about to be ceremonially decorated and clothed
he removes his ordinary clothing and sits waiting for the master of
ceremony and the candidate to perform their part of the rite. As the
A’-ki-ho® Xo’-ka proceeds to recite the Ki’-no” Wi’-gi-e, the candidate,
who had put red paint upon the palms of his hands, lifts them, out-
wardly, toward the dawn that is passing through its last phase, grad-

706 THE OSAGE TRIBE [erH. ANN. 45

ually taking on the color of the rising sun; then, as the sun itself
appears and sits upon the horizon clothed in deep red, the candidate
makes a motion as though receiving upon his hands the sun color;
this done, he transfers his hands from the sun to the Xo’-ka and
paints his face and body a deep red. In this manner the Xo’-ka is
made to represent both the red dawn and the sun that is to go on its
life-giving journey from east to west across the blue sky.

The A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka goes on without pause to the second section
and the candidate, picking up a white downy feather taken from the
wing of an eagle, holds it poised over the head of the Xo’-ka, then at
lines 10 to 16 he quickly fastens to the hair of the Xo’-ka, at the
crown of the head, the plume so that it stands upright and firm.
This act is an expression of a wish that the candidate shall be granted
a long and fruitful life.

As the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka goes on to section 3 the candidate quickly
puts around the neck of the Xo’-ka a woven neckband to which is
attached a gorget made from the shell of the fresh-water mussel. The
neckband is put on so that the gorget hangs at the breast of the Xo’-ka.
This gorget is a life emblem which belongs to the Wa-zha’-zhe Cka,
a gens belonging to the Wa-zha’-zhe subdivision representing the
water part of the earth. (See 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 94.) The
gorget represents the sun and also the mussel itself that is enabled by
its hard shell to reach in safety the seventh bend of the great river of
life.

At section 4 the candidate takes up a pair of woven armlets and
fastens them on the arms of the Xo’-ka. These woven bands repre-
sent the thongs the warriors carry when they go on the warpath and.
use them for tying captives when they take any.

The candidate takes up a woven girdle, and as the fifth section
is being recited he puts it around the waist of the Xo’-ka. In former
times the girdle was made of buffalo hair. This article also represents
a captive’s bond.

At section 6 the candidate takes up the first pair of the symbolic
moccasins and puts them on the feet of the Xo’-ka. This pair of
moccasins symbolizes the journey of the dawn that precedes the
approaching sun. The journey of the dawn comes to an end at the
west entrance of the House of Mystery, where the dawn moccasins
are slipped off. Here the Sho’-ka helps the Xo’-ka to put on the
second pair of ceremonial moccasins. These represent the journey
of the sun from the east across the sky to the west, giving life to the
earth as it travels.

As the A’-ki-ho™ Xo’-ka goes on to the seventh section the candi-
date puts upon the body of the Xo’-ka a buffalo robe which makes

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 707

up his full ceremonial attire. In the No®-zhi®-zho", Wa-xo’-be,
Wa-do’-ka and the Wa-zhi"’-ga-o degrees of the tribal rites a puma
skin is used as a robe for the Xo’-ka because those degrees have to do
with aggressive warfare, and as the Shrine Degree is concerned with
the defense of the tribe a buffalo robe is used. This closes the cere-
mony of decorating and clothing the Xo’-ka.

At the close of the Ki’-no™ ceremony the Xo’-ka sings the first
stanza of the rising song. (See 39th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 76.)
Then the Sho’-ka takes him by the arm and assists him to rise. After
the second stanza the candidate, the Xo/’-ka, ihe: Sho’-ka and the
A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka go out of the house and begin their processional
march toward the House of Mystery.

APPROACH TO THE Housre or MyYsTEeRY

The principal ceremony opens with a long procession of the
No” -ho®-zhi"-ga, who move in groups according to their gentes, and
are led by the Sho’-ka, the Xo’-ka and the candidate from the house
of the Xo’-ka to the place set apart for its performance. When all
have come out into the open the Xo’-ka pauses while the Sho’-ka
advances a short distance ahead and stops. The Xo’-ka in this par-
ticular part of the ceremony is denied the assistance of the A’-ki-ho”
Xo’-ka and must himself sing the Tsi Ta’-pe Wa-tho", Song of
Approach to the sacred house, after which he recites the first section
of the wi’-gi-e belonging to the scng. At the end of the last line the
Xo’-ka takes from the little pipe he carries a pinch of tobacco and
drops it on his right foot, which he then puts forward to take the
initial step in the first stage of the approach. The Sho’-ka, who now
remains apart from the Xo’-ka, moves forward again for some dis-
tance and then stops as a signal that the procession has come to the
second stage. The Xo’-ka repeats the Song of Approach and then re-
cites the second section of the wi’-gi-e, at the end of which the Xo’-ka
takes from his little pipe another pinch of tobacco and drops it on his
left foot, which he puts forward to travel the second stage, and again
the whole procession moves forward, the Sho’-ka in the lead as before.
The fourth stage brings the procession to the west entrance of the
grounds set apart for the ceremony.

The music and the words of the Song of Approach are the same
as those used in the No®’-zhi"-zho™ Degree (see 39th Ann. Rept.
B. A. E., p. 80), and will therefore not be repeated here. The words
of the wi’-gi-e as given here are modified and so it will be necessary
to give them in full.

708 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

faot

SOMDNANP WH

Tue Foorsrer W1’-GI-E
(Osage version, p. 790; literal translation, p. $27)

. Toward what shall they (the little ones) direct their footsteps?

they said to one another, it has been said.

. There is, in the direction of the setting sun,
. A valley toward which they shall direct their footsteps.
. In truth it is not a valley they had in mind,

It is a buffalo toward which they shall direct their footsteps.

. In truth it is not a single buffalo they had in mind,

. There are buffalo that keep together in a group.

. It is such a group toward which they shall direct their footsteps. —
. When they direct their footsteps toward such a group,

. They shall always take their footsteps with ease, O younger

brothers, they said to one another.

. Toward what shall they direct their footsteps? they said to one

another.

. There are, in the direction of the setting sun,

. Two valleys toward which they shall direct their footsteps.

. In truth, it is not two valleys they had in mind,

. It is two animals toward which they shall direct their footsteps.
. In truth, it is not two animals they had in mind,

. There are animals (buffalo) that keep together in two groups.

. It is toward such groups that they shall direct their footsteps,

. When they direct their footsteps toward such groups,

. They shall always take their footsteps with ease, O younger

brothers, they said to one another.

. Toward what shall they direct their footsteps? they said to one

another.

2. There are, in the direction of the setting sun,

. Three valleys toward which they shall direct their footsteps.

. In truth, it is not three valleys they had in mind,

. It is three animals (buffalo) toward which they shall direct their

footsteps.

. In truth, it is not three animals they had in mind,

. There are animals that keep together in three groups.

. It is toward such groups that they shall direct their footsteps.

. When they direct their footsteps toward such groups,

. Their little wa-xo’-be

. They shall always bring with them to make easy their footsteps.

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 709

32. Toward what shall they direct their footsteps? they said to one
another.

33. There are, in the direction of the setting sun,

34. Four valleys toward which they shall direct their footsteps.

35. In truth, it is not four valleys they had in mind,

36. There are four animals toward which they shall direct their
footsteps.

37. In truth, it is not four animals they had in mind.

38. There are animals that keep together in four groups.

39. It is toward such groups that they shall direct their footsteps.

40. When they direct their footsteps toward such groups,

41. They shall bring with them their little wa-xo’-be, to make easy
their footsteps.

The mention of the “little wa-xo’-be”’ in lines 30 and 41 in this
wi’-gi-e implies that the wa-xo’-be was also used in the rites pertaining
to the hunting of the buffalo. In this wi’-gi-e no words are used
that would imply a reference to war; indeed a distinction is made
between this ritual and those that pertain strictly to war. In the
rituals that relate to war a puma skin is used for the ceremonial robe
of the Xo’-ka, and in the ritual that has to do with hunting a buffalo
skin is used as the sacerdotal robe of the Xo’-ka. The puma sym-
bolizes the merciless, destructive fire and is a war emblem; the buffalo
is a life-giving, peaceful animal.

The purpose of the ancient No”-ho*-zhi"-ga in formulating the
“Footstep Wi’-gi-es’”’ and ceremonies was to impress their people
with the importance of proceeding in an orderly ceremonial manner
when deliberating upon the question of going forth against the enemy,
or upon the question of going on the tribal buffalo hunt. Only by
observing an orderly procedure in deliberating on all tribal matters
can the people take with tribal sanction, with safety, and with “ease”’
their “footsteps.”

CHANGING OF THE CEREMONIAL MoccasINs

The final act of the processional approach to the House of Mystery
begins at the west end of the house when the Sho’-ka removes from
the head of the Xo’-ka the white downy plume, which may be called
the dawn plume, and replaces it with a red one, which may be referred
to as the day plume. The first pair of symbolic moccasins are then
removed and the second pair put on the feet of the Xo’-ka.

“THe WALK ON THE SEVEN ANIMAL SKINS”

At the close of the plume and moccasin ceremony the Xo’-ka, his
candidate, the A’-ki-ho™ Xo’-ka, and the Sho’-ka enter, passing by
the seven sacred animal skins, that are hung on racks, as they march
toward their place at the east end of the lodge.

710 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

A detailed description of the plume and moccasin ceremony as
performed at the west entrance of the House of Mystery and the
ceremonial approach of the four men to the east end of the lodge
will be found in the Thirty-ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, pages 83-88.

CEREMONIAL OPENING OF THE SHRINE

When the candidate, the Xo’-ka, the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka and the
Sho’-ka have taken their places at the east end of the lodge (see
fig. 46, p. 563), the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka sings the songs of opening the
shrine, while the Xo’-ka opens the sacred receptacle, following the
order of the movements as arranged in sequence in the stanzas of the
song. A detailed description of this ceremony, together with the
songs, is given in the Thirty-ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, pages 88-99.

SONGS OF THE RATTLE

The group of songs next in order includes a wi’-gi-e, with its cere-
monial movements. This group is called Pe’-xe Thu-ge Wa-tho?,
songs of taking up the rattle. A detailed description of the rattle
ceremony, with the wi’-gi-e and songs, is given in the No"’-zhi"-zho”
degree of the rites, in the Thirty-ninth Annual Report of the Bureau
of American Ethnology, pages 114-120. The words of the rattle wi’-
gi-e used in this degree vary in some of the lines from those of the
wi’-gi-e used in the No®’-zhi"-zho" degree and will therefore be given
in full. In the No’’-zhi"-zho" the rattle symbolizes the head of a
puma and the handle its lower right arm. The rattle, in the shrine
degree, symbolizes the head of a man, an enemy, and the handle his
right forearm. Members of the gentes belonging to the Tsi’-zhu
great division, in reciting the wi’-gi-e, speak of the handle as the
left forearm of the man to make it correspond to the left arm of the
symbolic man, whose left side is represented by the Tsi’-zhu.

Wa-xthi’-zhi gave the rattle wi’-gi-e of the Ho”’-ga subdivision to
which his gens (the Puma) belongs; he also gave that of the Wa-zha’-
zhe subdivision which represents the water portion of the earth.
These two wi’-gi-es differ from each other in some of the lines and in
their meaning, also in the strokes directed against. enemy tribes.
The people of the Ho’-ga subdivision direct the strokes against the
adolescent youth, the adolescent maiden, the man who is honored
for his warlike achievements, and the woman who has given birth to
her first child. The people of the Wa-zha’-zhe subdivision direct the
strokes against all the peoples of the enemy tribes.

pietebel

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 711

OmOoIHS of Ww

RatrLtE W1’-Gi-E oF THE Ho*%’-ca Gens
(Osage version, p. 792; literal translation, p. 829)

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,
. They spake to one another, saying: What shall the little ones use

as a rattle?

. Toward the setting sun there are people,

. Who dwell in groups of seven villages.

. It is the odd one in number, of these villages,

. Whose head

. They shall make to be their rattle.

. When they use as a rattle the head of these villages,

. They shall enable themselves to act with ease, as they travel the

path of life, O younger brothers.

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,
. They spake to one another, saying: What shall the little ones use

as sounding gravel for the rattle? they said.

. Toward the setting sun there are people,

. Who dwell in groups of seven villages.

. It is the odd one in number, of these villages,

. Whose teeth, on the right side,

. They shall use as sounding gravel for their rattle, O younger

brothers.

. When they use the teeth of the head of those villages as sounding

gravel,

. As they go toward the setting sun against their enemies,
. They shall enable themselves to act with ease, O younger brothers,

they said to one another.
3

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,
. They spake to one another, saying: What shall the little ones use

as a handle for their rattle?

2. Toward the setting sun there are people,

. Who dwell in groups of seven villages.

. It is the odd one in number, of these villages,

. Whose right forearm

. The little ones shall use as a handle for their rattle.

. When they use the right forearm of this village,

. They shall enable themselves to act with ease, O younger brothers,

they said to one another.

712

49.
. It is a youth in his adolescence

. Toward whom they direct the stroke of the rattle.

. When the little ones direct the stroke of their rattle toward the

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,
. They spake to one another, saying: Behold the perforation at the

top of this rattle.

. That, also,

. Is not put there without a purpose.

. Verily it is as the hollows of all the earth.

. Into which we shall cause all creatures, it matters not whose

little ones they may be,

. To fall as into a snare, O younger brothers, they said to one

another.
5

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,
. They spake to one another, saying: Behold the particles of dust.

within this rattle.

. That, also, is

. Not there without a purpose.

. Toward the setting sun there are peoples,

. Who have possessions of all kinds.

. The dust within this rattle is made to represent those possessions.
. The little ones,

. When they go toward the setting sun against the enemy,

. Shall find and take the possessions, the spoils,

5. In profusion, as they travel the path of life, O younger brothers,

they said to one another.

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

They gave a forward stroke with the rattle,
A stroke they did not make without a purpose.

adolescent youth,

. They shall, with ease, direct their strokes, as they travel ie path

of life, O younger brothers, they said to one another.

. They gave a second stroke with the rattle, as they said:

. It is a maiden in her adolescence

. Toward whom this stroke of the rattle is directed.

. When the little ones direct the stroke of their rattle toward the

adolescent maiden,

. They shall, with ease, direct their strokes, as they travel the path

of life, O younger brothers, they said to one another.

LA ¥LESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 713

59. They gave a third stroke with the rattle, as they said:

60. It is the man who is honored for his military achievements,

61. Toward whom they direct this stroke of the rattle.

62. When the little ones direct their stroke toward the man of valor,

63. They shall, with ease, direct their strokes, as they travel the path
of life, O younger brothers, they said to one another.

64. They gave a fourth stroke with their rattle, as they said:

65. It is the woman who has given birth to her first child

66. Toward whom they direct this stroke of the rattle.

67. When the little ones direct the stroke toward such a woman,

68. They shall, with ease, direct their strokes, as they travel the path
of life.

69. When we use the rattle on going against the enemy

70. We shall always overcome them with ease, as we travel the path
of life, they said to one another.

In the Ho"’-ga version of the Rattle Wi’-gi-e the magic strokes were
given at lines 48, 54, 59, and 64. In the Wa-zha’-zhe version the
strokes were given at lines 39, 45, 53, and 61.

Wa-xthi’-zhi felt free to give the Wa-zha’-zhe version of the Rattle
Wi’-gi-e because both of these subdivisions are as one, the Ho”’-ga
representing the dry land of the earth and the Wa-zha’-zhe the water
portion, and both bore the same general title Ho®’-ga, meaning, as
used here, the great sacred one, the earth asa whole. He was, however,
very careful to avoid giving any songs or wi’-gi-es belonging to the
Tsi’-zhu great division, which he had no authority to give.

RattLe Wi’-Gi-E OF THE Wa-zHA’-ZHE GENS
(Osage version, p. 794; literal translation, p. 831)

1. What shall the little ones use as a rattle? it has been said, in this
house

. Toward the setting sun there is

A group of seven villages.

. It is the odd one in number of these villages

Whose head

. The little ones shall use as a rattle.

When they use the head of this village as a rattle,

. Their rattle shall always remain firm, as they travel the path of
life.
41383°—30——46

714 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45
2

9. What shall they use as sounding gravel for their rattle?
10. Toward the setting sun there is
11. A group of seven villages.
12. It is the odd one in number of these villages,
13. Whose teeth on the right side,
14. The little ones shall use as sounding gravel for their rattle.
15. When they use the teeth of this village as sounding gravel,
16. Their rattle shall ever be resonant, as they travel the path of life.

17. What shall the little ones use as a handle for their rattle? it was
said, in this house.

18. Toward the setting sun there is

19. A group of seven villages.

20. It is the odd one in number of these villages,

21. Whose right forearm,

22. The little ones shall use as a handle for their rattle.

23. When they use the right forearm of this village for the handle,

24. They shall enable themselves to be free from all causes of death,
as they travel the path of life.

25. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,
26. Behold the particles of dust within this rattle.

27. That, also, is

28. Not without a purpose.

29. Toward the setting sun

30. There are possessions (spoils),

31. Which this dust is made to represent.

wy)

32. Verily at that time and place, it has been said,

33. Behold the perforation at the top of this rattle.

34. That, also, is

35. Not without a purpose.

36. It is a place into which all creatures

37. Shall throw themselves as into a snare, so it is said.

38. Verily at that time and place, it has been said,

39. They took up the rattle and gave with it a forward stroke,

40. And in every valley and hollow of the earth

41,. The creatures dwelling therein were stunned by the shock of the
sound,

42. When the little ones give a forward stroke of the rattle,

43. The creatures dwelling in all the valleys and hollows of the earth

44. Shall be stunned with the crashing noise.

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 715
7
45. They gave with the rattle a second forward stroke,
46. And the ears of the creatures
47. That dwell in all parts of the earth
48. Were touched by the sound of the rattle
49. When the little ones give a stroke with their rattle
50. The ears of the creatures
51. That dwell in all parts of the earth
52. Shall be touched by the sound, O younger brothers, they said to
one another.
= 8
53. They gave with the rattle a third forward stroke,
54. And the creatures
55. That dwell in all parts of the earth
56. Fell to the ground and became motionless.
57. When the little ones give a stroke with their rattle
58. The creatures
59. That dwell in all parts of the earth
60. Shall fall to the ground and become motionless, O younger broth-
ers, they said to one another.

61. They gave with the rattle a fourth stroke,

62. And the creatures

63. That dwell in all parts of the earth

64. Fell to the ground, where they lay scattered in death.

65. When the little ones give a forward stroke with the rattle

66. The creatures

67. That dwell in all parts of the earth

68. Shall fall to the ground and lay scattered in death, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

The songs following the rattle wi’-gi-e to the Wa’-1" Xa-ge Wa-
tho", the wailing songs, need not be repeated here, for they have al-
ready been given and explained in the No"’-zhi"-zho" degree, in the —
Thirty-ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology,
and will be found in their sequence from pages 118 to 120. They are,
by title: Pe’-xe Thu-ce Wa-tho", songs of taking up the rattle;
No’’-ni-o"-ba Ba-ha Wa-tho", songs of the pipe offering; Sho"-ge
Wa-tho®, wolf songs; Ka-xe Wa-tho", crow songs; and the Ta Wa-tho?®,
deer songs.

THe WalrLina Sones AND CEREMONY
When the A’-ki-ho™ Xo’-ka comes to the wailing songs he lifts

his voice and addresses the No*’-ho®-zhi"-ga on behalf of the Xo’-ka,
saying: “Ho! No™ho*-zhi"-ga, I beg you to have compassion upon

716 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH ANN. 45

me and to perform faithfully your duty im this particular part of
the rite.’”’. He then proceeds to send the articles that make up the
old shrine to the various gentes who ceremonially contributed them,
to wit, the scalp attached to the hanging strap of the shrine, the
strap with the eagle’s leg attached to it, the buffalo-hair bag, the
deerskin bag, the rope tied around the rush-mat shrine, the rush-
mat shrine itself, the deerskin tobacco pouch, and the deerskin pouch
for the symbolic hawk. The pipe and the hawk are retained for the
candidate to carry when performing his part of the wailing ceremony,
a detailed description of which will be found in the No®’-zhi"-zho®
degree.* When the Sho’-ka has delivered the last article and has
taken his seat the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka begins to sing the wailing songs,
while the men to whom the articles were returned at the same time
recite the wi’-gi-e relating to each article, at the same time the can-
didate wails and as he passes along the line of No”’-ho®-zhi"-ga,
beginning on the Tsi’-zhu side, placing his hands that grasp the pipe
and the hawk upon the heads of the men, two at a time, in the
same manner as described in the No*-zhi"-zho™ degree. The
women join the candidate in the wailing. Others of the men who
did not receive one of the sacred articles recite the A’-ho"-btha-bi
Wi'-gi-e, dream wi’-gi-e.°

MAKING oF THE NEW SHRINE

At the conclusion of the wailing ceremony the Sho’-ka and his
assistant go to the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no" gens. The leader of that
gens places in the hands of the Sho’-ka the rush matting out of which
the new shrine is to be made, also seven knives, seven awls, and some
of the cord made of the nettleweed fiber. In the hands of the Sho’-
ka’s assistant he places six knives, six awls, and some of the nettle-
weed cord. The matting is then stretched upon the floor, the part.
which is to form the body toward the Sho’-ka and his assistant.
One half of the matting is made light in color to represent the sky,
and is decorated to typify night and day; the other half, which is
dark in color, represents the earth, and the decorations, which are
geometrical figures, stand for the galaxy and the clouds that move
above the earth. The Wa-zha’-zhe officiating grasps with both
hands the edge of the matting at his end while the Sho’-ka and his_
assistant fold over their end so that the edge is on the dividing line.
The Sho’-ka then holds an awl and the cord in readiness to make the
sumbolic thrusts and to tie the fastenings at the edge of the matting
so as to form the pocket of the shrine. The end that is to be on the
Ho”’-ga side of the two great tribal divisions is to be given seven

¢ Thirty-ninth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 137-147.
4Tbid., p.138.
‘Tbid., pp. 139-144.

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE vaws

fastenings. When the Sho’-ka is ready the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no®
begins to recite the Wa’-ba-xtho-ge Wi’-gi-e, or Perforating W1’-gi-e.

At the close of section 1 of the wi’-gi-e the Sho’-ka thrusts the edge
of the matting with his awl, draws through the perforation a piece
of the nettle-fiber cord and ties it securely. The thrust is an expres-
sion of a wish that in hunting the buffalo the tribe will succeed in
securing one herd.

The Sho’-ka lays aside the awl and takes up the knife he is to use
to cut the cord, and the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no®* continues to the second
section which speaks of the knife as typifying the right horn of the
young buffalo bull. In the Tsi’-zhu version of the wi’-gi-e the knife
is spoken of as symbolizing the left horn of the young bull.

The Wa-zha’-zhe continues to section 3, at the close of which the
Sho’-ka cuts the cord. The act of cutting the cord is the expression
of a wish that the warriors will always succeed in destroying the
adolescent youth of the tribes at enmity with the Osage.

The recitation goes on without pause to section 4, which is a repe-
tition of the first from line 1 to line 28. The only difference made is
the number of herds of buffalo desired for the tribe, which is increased
to two.

Section 5 is a repetition of section 2 without change.

Section 6 is the same as section 3 excepting that the person desired
to be destroyed by the warriors is the adolescent maiden of the tribes
at enmity with the Osage.

Section 7 differs from section 1 in the number of the herds desired
for the tribe, which is three. Lines 47 and 48 are added, which
cryptically refer to the importance of hunting the buffalo in an orderly
manner so that there may be no confusion in approaching the herd.

Section 8 is the same as section 2.

Section 9 differs from section 3 in the wish for the destruction of
an enemy. In this section the enemy whose destruction is wished
for is the warrior who is honored for his valor.

Section 10 expresses the wish that the tribe will secure four herds
of buffalo in the tribal hunts.

Section 11 is the same as section 2.

Section 12 expresses the wish for the destruction of the woman
who has given birth to her first child.

In secticn 13 five herds of buffalo are wished for in order that the
tribe may live.

Section 14 is the same as section 2.

Section 15 expresses the wish for the destruction of the man who
holds together, by his official position, the people of the village.

Section 16 expresses the wish that the tribe may secure six herds of
buffalo in the tribal hunt.

Section 17 is the same as section 2.

718 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

Section 18 expresses the wish for the destruction of the man who
caused the people to live together in a village, or by tribal organiza-
tion. (Sections 15 and 18 probably refer to the two chiefs of the
tribe, with the idea that other tribes are organized as the Osage
tribe with two great divisions, each having a chief.)

Section 19 expresses the wish for seven herds of buffalo for the
tribe.

Section 20 is the same as section 2

Section 21 wishes for the destruction of the woman of the enemy
tribe who is honored for her tribal position and her virtues.

The six fastenings of the end of the shrine which should point
toward the Tsi’-zhu side of the lodge are made in the same ceremonial
manner by the Sho’-ka’s assistant. The assistant finishes his work
with the final line of section 6 of the wi’-gi-e.

For each fastening of the two ends of the shrine a new awl and a
new knife was used by the Sho’-ka and his assistant.

Wi’-ci-E oF tHE Maxine or THE New SHRINE

(Osage version, p. 796)

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said, in this house,

. The Wa-zha’-zhe, a people who possess seven fireplaces,

. A people among whom there were none wa were weak and
cowardly,

. Spake to one another, saying: betel the little ones have
nothing of which to make their shrine.

5. Verily at that time and place,

6. They spake, saying: Upon what shall this thrust be made?

7. Let the thrust be made upon an animal (bull), O younger

brothers, they said to one another.

8. Truly it is not one animal that is here spoken of,

9. There are animals that keep together in a single herd.

10. Let the thrust be made upon a single herd of animals, O soungey

brothers, they said to one another.

who ke

11. What shall they use for a knife? they said, it has been said.

12. There is the young male animal (young bull),

13. Whose right horn

14. They shall use for a knife, O younger brothers.

15. When they use for a knife the right horn of the young male

. animal,

‘16. Their knife shall always be sharp, O younger brothers, they said
to one another.

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 719

fe
18.
iif).
20.
21.
22.

23.
24.

25.
26.
27.

28.
29.
30.
3l.
32.
33.

34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
ah

40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.

oO
Upon what shall they cut this cord?
Toward the setting sun there are people,
Among whom there dwells an adolescent youth.
It is upon that youth they shall always cut this cord.
When they cut this cord upon that youth
They shall always cut their cord with ease, O younger brothers,
they said to one another.
4

Upon what shall this thrust be made?

Let the thrust be made upon two animals, O younger brothers,
they said to one another.

Truly it is not two animals that are here spoken of.

There are animals that keep together in two herds.

Let the thrust be made upon two herds of animals, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

What shall they use for a knife? they said, it has been said.
There is the young male animal (bull),

Whose right horn

They shall use for a knife, O younger brothers.
When they use for a knife the right horn of the young male animal,
Their knife shall always be sharp, O younger brothers, they said
to one another.
6

Upon what shall they cut this cord?

Toward the setting sun there are people,

Among whom there dwells an adolescent maiden.

It is upon that maiden thay shall always cut this cord.

When they cut this cord upon that maiden,

They shall always cut their cord with ease, O younger brothers,
they said to one another.

Upon what shall this thrust be made?

Let the thrust be made upon three animals, O younger brothers.

Truly it is not three animals that are here spoken of.

There are animals that keep together in three herds.

Let the thrust be made upon such herds, O younger brothers.

When they make their thrust upon such herds,

They shall always make their thrusts with ease, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

TRE OSAGE TRIBE [ema, ANN, 45

47. What shall they use for a knife? they said, it has been said.
48. There is the young male animal (bull),
49. Whose right horn
50. They shall use for a knife, O younger brothers. .
51. When they use for a knife the right horn of the young male
animal,
52. Their knife shall always be sharp, O younger brothers, they said
to one another,
ny)
53. Upon what shall they cut this cord?
54. Toward the setting sun there are people,
55. Among whom there dwells a man who is honored for his valor,
56. It is upon the valorous man they shall always cut the cord.
57. When they cut this cord upon the valorous man,
58. They shall always cut their cord with ease, Q younger brothers,
they said te one another.
wo
59. Verily at that time and place, they said,
60. Upon what shall this thrust be made?
61. Let the thrust be made upon four animals, O younger brothers.
62. Truly it is not four animals that are here spoken of,
63. There are animals that keep together in four herds.
64. Let the thrust be made upon such herds, O younger brothers.
65. When they make the thrust on such herds,
66. Theyshall always make the thrusts with ease, O younger brothers,
they saad to one another.
1] sy
67. What shall they use for a knife? they said, it has been said.
6S. There is a young male animal (bull),
69. Whose right horn
70. They shall use for a kmife, O younger brothers.
71. When they use for a kmife the nght horn of the young male
animal,
72. Their knife shall always be sharp, O younger brothers, they said
to one another.
12
73. Upon what shall they eut this cord?
74. Toward the settmg sun there are people
75. Among whom there dwells a woman whe has given birth to her
first child.
76, It is upon this woman they shall always cut this cord.
77. When they cut this cord upon that woman,
78. They shall always cut their cord with ease, O younger brothers,

they said to one another.

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 721

79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.

86.

87.
88.
89.
90.
91.

92.

93.
94.
95.
96.

97.
98.

99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.

13
Verily at that time and place, they said:
Upon what shall this thrust be made?
Let the thrust be made upon five animals, O younger brothers.
Truly it is not five animals that are here spoken of.
There are animals that keep together in five herds.
Let the thrust be made upon such herds, O younger brothers.
When they make the thrust on such herds,
They shall always make their thrusts with ease, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

What shall they use for a knife? they said,

There is a young male animal (bull),

Whose right horn ‘

They shall use for a knife, O younger brothers.

When they use for a knife the right horn of the young male
animal,

Their knife shall always be sharp, O younger brothers, they
said to one another.

Upon what shall they cut this cord?

Toward the setting sun there are people,

Whose villages are governed by a man.

It is upon the man who governs the villages they shall cut
this cord.

When they cut this cord on such a man,

They shall always cut their cord with ease, O younger brothers,
they said to one another.

Verily at that time and place, they said:

Upon what shall this thrust be made?

Let the thrust be made upon six animals, O younger brothers.

Truly it is not six animals that are here spoken of.

There are animals that keep together in six herds.

Let the thrust be made upon such herds, O younger brothers.

When they make the thrust on such herds,

They shall always make their thrusts with ease, O younger
brothers, they said to one another.

122

107.
108.
109.
110.

ale

THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45
17
What shall they use for a knife?
There is a young male animal (bull),
Whose right horn
They shall use for a knife, O younger brothers.
When they use for a knife the right horn of the young male
animal,

2. Their foe shall always be sharp, O younger brothers, they

said to one another.
18

3. Upon what shall they cut this cord?
. Toward the setting sun there are people

Among whom there dwells a man who has grouped the people
into villages.

5. It is upon the man who is at the head of the villages they shall

cut this cord.

7. When they cut the cord on such a man,
. They shall always cut their cord with ease, O younger brothers,

they said to one another.
19

. Upon what shall this thrust be made?

). Let the thrust be made on seven animals, O younger brothers.
. Truly it is not seven animals that are here spoken of.

2. There are animals that keep together in seven herds.

3. Let the thrust be made on such herds, O younger brothers.

. When they make the thrust on such herds,

5. They shall always make their thrusts with ease, O younger

brothers, they said to one another.
20

. What shall they use for a knife? they said.

. There is a young male animal (bull),

. Whose right horn

. They shall use for a knife, O younger brothers.

. When they use for a knife the right horn of the young male

animal,

. Their knife shall always be sharp, O younger brothers, they

said to one another.
21

“=

2. Upon what shall they cut this cord?
3. Toward the setting sun there are people
. Among whom there dwells a woman who is honored for her

tribal position and her virtues.

5. It is upon that woman they shall always cut this cord.
6. When they cut the cord on such a woman,
37. They shall always cut their cord with ease, O younger brothers,

they said to one another.

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE W23

After the recital of the ‘‘ Perforating Wi’-gi-e’’ and the ceremonial
making of the pocket of the rush-mat shrine, as above described, the
A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka fills a pipe with tobacco which he directs the
Sho’-ka to offer to the head of the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no® gens. On
presenting the pipe to this officer the Sho’-ka addresses him as
follows: ‘‘O Wa-zha’-zhe, have compassion upon us.’’ This is under-
stood -by the head of the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no® that he and the other
-members of his gens are implored to perform the prescribed acts of
consecrating the new shrine and the other articles belonging to it.
This office belongs to the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no® gens, and the ceremony
of consecration must be performed by that gens to make sacred the
shrine and its symbolic treasures. The A’-ki-ho® Xo’-ka makes the
same petition on behalf of the Xo’-ka to the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no®.

The first act of the consecrating ceremony is the reciting by the
members of the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no” gens of the wi’-gi-e relating to
the symbolic pipe belonging to that gens. The prayers of all the
people go with this pipe when they seek divine aid in times of distress.
(For the wi’-gi-e see 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., p. 195, lines 1116-1162.)
The second act is the reciting of the following wi’-gi-e which relates
to the finding of the plant to be used for the ceremonial smoking.
At the time Wa-xthi’-zhi gave the ritual of the Making of the Shrine
he had forgotten the Tobacco W1’-gi-e, but later (in 1918) he gave it.
The wi’-gi-e belongs to the Wa-zha’-zhe subdivision.

Tue Tosacco W1’-GI-E
(Osage version, p. 801)
1

. Verily at that time and place, it has been said,

The Wa-zha’-zhe, the people who possess seven fireplaces,

Spake to one another, saying:

There is nothing we can use in this ceremony, O younger brothers.

Hardly were these words spoken,

When the Chief Sho’-ka

Hastened to the hiu-e-ga ¢kiu-e (plant not identified),

. Which he quickly brought home.

. Then, standing before his brethren, he asked: How will this
serve, O elder brothers?

. The elder brothers replied: That is not fit for use, O younger
brother.

. The smoke of the plant can not be inhaled.

fad
(j=) OMON D Or He WwW IY

—
—

724 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH, ANN. 45

12. Hardly were these words spoken,
18. When the Chief Sho’-ka hastened to the zha’-hiu (plant not
identified),
14. Which he quickly brought home.
15. Then, standing before his brethren, he asked: How will this
serve, O elder brothers?
16. The elder brothers replied: That is not fit for use, O younger
brother.
17. The smoke of the plant can not be mhaled.
18. Go and make further search.
3
19. Hardly were these words spoken,
20. When the Chief Sho’-ka hastened to the o’-po"™ no™-ta e-go®,
the plant having leaves like elk’s ears (plant not identified),
21. Which he quickly brought home.
22. Then, standing before his brethren, he asked: How will this
serve, O elder brothers?
23. The elder brothers replied: It is not fit for use.
24. The smoke of the plant can not be inhaled.
Sy
25. Verily at that time and place,
26. These words were hardly spoken,
27. When the Chief Sho’-ka hastened to an open prairie, bare of trees,
28. Where stood the mi-ta-o-(ga)-xthe hiu (compass weed).
29. He pulled up the plant and quickly brought it home.
30. Then, standing before his brethren, he asked: How will this
serve, O elder brothers?
31. The elder brothers replied: It is not fit for use.
32. The smoke of the plant can not be inhaled.
33. Go and make further search.
5
34. Hardly were these words spoken,
35. When the Chief Sho’-ka went forth to the no®-ni’-ba-tse (mistle-
toe),
36. Which he gathered and quickly brought home.
37. Then, standing before his brethren, he asked: How will this
serve, O elder brothers?
38. The elder brothers replied: That may serve our purpose, O
younger brother.
39. They quickly tested the plant.
40. Verily it was not pleasing to their taste,
41. And they said: The smoke of it can not be inhaled.

»
~

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE 725
6
42. Verily at that time and place,
43. These words were hardly spoken,
44. When the Chief Sho’-ka went forth to the side of a hill,
- 45. Where stood the small sumac (Rhus glabra).
46. He gathered the leaves and quickly brought them bome.
47. Then, standing before his brethren, he asked: How will this
serve, O elder brothers?
48. The elder brothers replied: It may serve our purpose, O younger
brother.
49. They quickly tested the leaves,
50. And said: The smoke of the leaves can be inhaled,
51. Yet it hardly suits our purpose, O younger brother.

52. Verily at that time and place,

53. These words were hardly spoken,

54. When the Chief Sho’-ka hastened to the top of a high hill,

55. Where stood the tall sumac.

56. He gathered its leaves and quickly brought them home.

57. Then, standing before his brethren, he asked: How will this
serve, O elder brothers?

58. The elder brothers replied: Verily they are suitable for our
purpose, O younger brother.

59. The people of the Tsi’-zhu,

60. And those of the Ho”’-ga,

61. Shall always use these leaves when performing this ceremony.

62. When they use these leaves for smoke offering,

63. They shall never fail to satisfy their wants.

64. When they go toward the setting sun against their enemies,

65. And offer smoke as they appeal for divine aid,

66. It shall be easy for them to secure divine aid.

The third act is the lighting of the pipe by the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no?,
the drawing from the pipe the sacred smoke, and the blowing of it
upon the symbolic shrine (on both sides) and the other articles to be
placed in the shrine.

At the close of the recital of the Tobacco Wi’-gi-e the Sho’-ka
touches with a firebrand the tobacco in the bowl of the pipe, and the
head of the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no" gens begins to draw the smoke.
When the tobacco is well lighted the Sho’-ka puts away the brand and
the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no” blows a whiff of the smoke on the rush-mat
shrine. He then blows a few whiffs on the buffalo-hair bag; the
deerskin bag; the hanging strap with the eagle’s leg and scalp attached
to it, allin one bunch. He blows a few whiffs on the hawk, its pouch,
a ceremonial pipe with its tobacco pouch, collectively. The Sho’-ka

726 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45:

then passes these articles from man to man of the Wa-zha’-zhe
Wa-no® gens, each of whom blows smoke, drawn from the same pipe,
on the shrine and the other articles in the same manner as did the
head of the gens. When the pipe becomes empty as it is passed from
man to man, the Sho’-ka refills it, the man next in turn relights it and.
the ceremonial smoking continues to the end of the line. When each
No”’-ho"-zhi"-ga member of the Wa-zha’-zhe Wa-no" gens has
smoked upon the shrine and its belongings that part of the ceremony
comes to a close.

At the conclusion of the consecrating ceremony the Sho’-ka puts
into the pocket of the new shrine the hawk, the ceremonial pipe, and
a deerskin tobacco pouch. The Sho’-ka is careful to put the hawk
in its pouch in a certain way (pl. 25, a) and to place the head of
the bird toward the end of the pocket having seven fastenings and the
feet toward the end having six fastenings. (Pl. 25, a.) When the
hawk was thus put away the shrine is folded so that the flap goes
nearly around the under part. This being done, the Sho’-ka winds
around the middle of the shrine a rope made of buffalo skin, which
is furnished by the Tsi’-zhu Wa-no” or the Tse-do’-ga I?-dse gens.
(Pl. 25, d.) Some of these ceremonial ropes are made of deerskin.
furnished by the Deer gens. The rush shrine is then put into a
deerskin bag each end of which is tied with a thong. (Pl. 25, c.)
The deerskin bag, with its contents, is then put into the woven buffalo-
hair bag, the ends of which are tied with thongs or cords made of
buffalo hair. The buffalo hair for the outer bag is furnished by the
Tho’-xe gens. The hair must be taken from the right side of the ani-
mal when the bag is to be made for a member of the Ho”’-ga great
division, and from the left side when it is for a member of the Tsi’-zhu
division.

Around the middle of the shrine, after it has been folded as above
described, is wound a wide strap made of buffalo skin or deerskin, for
hanging up the sacred article, at the right of the door if the owner is
a Ho"’-ga, or at the left if the owner is a Tsi’-zhu. To this hanging
strap is fastened an eagle’s leg and a scalp. The eagle’s leg is an
emblem of the Hi’-ga-da, a subgens of the Ho”’-ga A-hiu-to™. (For
story of the Hi’-ca-da see 36th Ann. Rept. B. A. E., pp. 211-219.)
The story of the scalp appears in the wi’-gi-e of the birth of the
bird, to be given in the bird ritual in a later volume. The shrine is
then ready for use in the war ceremonies and also in the ceremonics
of initiation into the mysteries of the war rites.

The songs following the wailing songs are the songs of seizing the
Wa’-do®-be. In the shrine-making degree the recounting of military
honors by the Wa’-do"-be and accompanying songs are omitted.
The songs of the seizing of the Wa’-do”-be and the wi’-gi-e, with a
detailed description of the ceremony, will be found in the Thirty-

LA FLESCHE] SHRINE DEGREE (2

ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pages
147-197.

Before the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka takes up the crow songs, sometimes
called songs of the drinking of water by the holy men, provisions
are distributed among the No®-ho™-zhi"-ga, which the female
members of their families carry away. Water is brought for the
No” -ho®-zhi"-ga to drink and to use for washing from their foreheads
the sign of vigil. The songs, with explanation and translation, will
be found in the Thirty-ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, pages 182-185.

The black bear songs which the A’-ki-ho" Xo’-ka next sings will
be found in the Thirty-ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, pages 185-192.

The buffalo songs are next taken up by the A’-ki-ho™ Xo’-ka.
These, with a detailed description of the ceremony connected with
them, will be found in the Thirty-ninth Annual Report of the Bureau
of American Ethnology, pages 192-205.

The song of dismissal, which belongs to the six songs, is placed at
the end of the seven songs in order that the No*’-ho"-zhi"-ga may be
ceremonially dismissed and the ceremony closed in proper manner.
For the songs and description of the ceremonial order in which the
No’ -ho®-zhi"-ga pass out of the lodge, see Thirty-ninth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pages 236-237.

This concludes the Ga’ Tha-ce Ga-xe, or shrine-making ceremony.
The A’-ki-ho™ Xo’-ka and the Xo’-ka depart with their fees and the
candidate carries home his wa-xo’-be and hangs it up either at the
right or the left of the door of his house, the position being deter-
mined by the side, to which the man belongs, either to the Ho®’-ga
or to the Tsi-zhu tribal division. (See fig. 46, p. 563.)

PART III. OSAGE VERSION

41383°—30——47

KEY TO PRONUNCIATION

Da Soe ee en ee as in father.

A ue Se. eens exploded a.
Deo. 2 eee as in bad.

Gee ae 2s ae eae ee as in thin.

ee Pe ae nm as in dog.

62 ac he eee as in prey.

Ok as 2 yo ee ee exploded e.

Cos aes eee as in go.

I he ies ee teeny as in he.

11 a AR eee ea os a Seas as in pierce.

ile rae cn exploded i.

12S ee a eae nasalized i.

PAD a fo re tier Genter sa net nasalized exploded i.

ise = es eer a as in joy.

Ke 2 yee eer er asinkin. .

Fee ae An Se aes ome a medial k (between k and g).
TY eS eee meee ee as in men.

|) Ye ce Dae ce Men rene as in no.

Aiton es 52 2S Ss The sound of the initial letter is expelled from the nostrils.
Oe ae een eee as in note.

0 a ep a exploded o.

OMe ton ee eer See nasalized o.

Dee eee as in pipe.

Doe oe eee a medial p (between p and b).
SU en eae as in sit.

Shieee se eal eee as in shun.

Leet boy preter 9 ge as in ten.

ee ee ae ee a medial t (between t and d).
(1) es Pg 2 op Dee as in then. ‘

UR ee Ss eee as in rule.

eee a ee Eee exploded u.

Wise ee oe ee as in wet.

Ke ee ee ee rough German ch.

7 ee ee a ee ae as in azure.

PART III. OSAGE VERSION

No¥-nr’ A-THA-SHO-DSE WI’-GI-E
(TOBACCO SMOKING RITUAL)

(Free translation, p. 544; literal translation, p. 807)

. Da’-do" zhi®-ga wa-zhi” gi-the mo®-thi" ta ba do" a’, a-bi® da,

tsi ga,

. [*’-gtho"™ gthe-zhe zhi"-ga kshe no" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Wi’-tsi-go wa-zhi" to*-ga do" wa-zhi" gi-the a-ka’, a bi" da,

tsi ga,

. Ho”-ba i-ta-xe tho" dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wi’-tsi-go wa-ko"-tha tsi-the do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ta’ he ba-shi-zhe kshe no" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Wi’-tsi-go ts’ e-the i-he-the to" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Wi’-tsi-go e-dsi the a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-k’ 0” tsi-the to" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-tse bo” to" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Zhi’’-ga mi hi-e’ ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa/’-tse tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’-xto"® mo*-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. No*’-be e-dsi wa-thi"-ga zhi ki-the mo*-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi”

da, tsi ga,

. U’-ba-xo" wi" ga-xe no"-zhi" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

“=

. Da’-do® zhi®-ga wa-zhi" gi-tha bi go" no® shki a, hi" a’, a bi™ da,
5 fo) to}

tsi ga,
Sho®’-ge hi" tu kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wi’-tsi-go wa-zhi" to"-ga do” wa-zhi" gi-the a-ka’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. O"’-ba i-ta-xe tho” dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wi’-tsi-go wa-ko"-tha tsi-the to" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ta’ tse-he-xo-dse kshe no®™ a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ni’ u-ga-xthi xtsi ge dsi a’, a bi da, tsi ga,

. Wi’-tsi-go ts’ e-the i-he-the to" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Wi’-tsi-go wa-tse niu to" a’, a bi da, tsi ga,

. Zhi®’-ga wa-tse tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-tse ga-xto" mo?-thi” ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. No®’-be-hi wi-ta no®-be-hi tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. No®-be e-dsi wa-thi"-ga zhi ki-the mo*-thi" ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi®

da, tsi ga,

. U’-ba-xo® tho®-ba ga-xe no™-zhi" a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga.

doo THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH, ANN. 45

30. Da’-do® zhi®-ga wa-zhi® gi-tha pi go" no" shki a, hi® a’, a bi"
da, tsi ga,

31. I"’-gtho"-ga do-ga kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

32. Wi’-tsi-go wa-zhi" to®-ga do” a, a bi" da’, tsi ga,

33. Ga’wa-zhi" gi-the ta a-ka’, a bi" da’, tsi ga,

34. Ho"’-ba i-ta-xe tho” dsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

35. Wi’-tsi-go wa-ko®-tha tsi-the to” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

36. Ta’he sha-be kshe no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

37. Ni’u-ga-xthi xtsi ge dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

38. Wi’-tsi-go ts’e-the i-he-the to" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

39. Wi’-tsi-go wa-tse bo" to” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

40. Zhi"’-ga wa-tse tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

41. Wa’-tse ga-xto" mo™-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

42. No-be e-dsi.wa-thi"-ga zhi ki-the mo*-thi® ta i tsi"-da’, a bi"
da, tsi ga,

43. es tha-bthi® ga-xe no®-zhi® a’, a bi" ie tsi ga.

4
44. Da’-do" wa-zhi" gi-tha bi go" no-shki a, hi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
45. Wa’-ca-be do-ga kshe a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
46. Wi’-tsi-go wa-zhi" gi-the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
47. Ho*’-ba i-ta-xe tho™-dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
48. Wi’-tsi-go wa-ko"-tha tsi-the to” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
49. Mo”’-ba-tsi-he ho" gka do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
50. Thi’-ta-the gthi-no™-the to" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
51. Wa’-gthu-shka zhi"-ga’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
52. I-u’-tha-btho"-ce tsi-the to” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
53. I’-the-dse tha-ta dis-a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
54. Wa’-bi® a-ba-sho® tsi-the to" a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
55. Wa’-tse niu to" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
56. Zhi®’-ga wa-tse u-ne a-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
57. Wa’-tse ga-xto" mo®-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
58. No®’-be e-dsi wa-thi"-ga zhi ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi"
da, tsi ga,
59. U’-ba-xo® do-ba ga-xe no®-zhi" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.
5
60. Da’-do® zhi®-ga wa-zhi" gi-the mo*-thi® ta ba do" a’, a bi® da’,
tsi ga,
61. Wa’-dsu-ta to™-ga to" no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
62. Wi’-tsi-go wa-zhi" to"-ga do” wa-zhi" gi-the a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
63. Ho-ba i-ta-xe tho"-dsi a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,
64. Wi’-tsi-go wa-ko"-tha tsi-the to” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
65. Mo” -ha pa-ci ho®-cka do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
66. Thi’-pi-tha ga-xe to" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 733

67. Wi’-tsi-go wa-tse niu to" a’, a bi" da, tsi°ga,

68. Zhi"’-ga wa-tse u-ne a-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

69. Wa’-tse ga-xto" mo™-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

70. No"-be e-dsi wa-thi"-ga zhi ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi"

da, tsi ga.
6

. Da’-do" wa-zhi" gi-tha bi go" no" shki a, hi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta gi-hi to" no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wi’-tsi-go wa-zhi" gi-the ta a-ka’, a bi® da, tsi ga

= oD ? » DO ot?
. Tse’-xe xtsi ge dsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
. Mi’-ta-o-ga-xthe hi to" no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Thi’-bthi®-bthi"-tha i-no"-the to™ a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Wi’-tsi-go wa-tse niu to™ a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
. Zhi’-ga wa-tse tha bi tho™ shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga

bo) * ) ies: Deas
. Wa’-tse ga-xto” no™-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi™ da, tsi ga
* to) pI DT Oya

. Da’-do" zhi®-ga wa-zhi" gi-tha bi go" no” shki a, hi® a’, a bi

No"-be e-dsi wa-thi®-ga zhi ki-the mo"-thi" ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi
da, tsi ga.
7

da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta zhi"-ga kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wi’-tsi-go pi-ci thi"-ge tho"-zha’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ wa-zhi" gi-the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. To"’-wo"-gtho" do-ba e-dsi a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. To"’-wo" ko"-ha no™-ge ke a’, a bi" da, tsi-ga,

. To"-wo® ko®-ha i-thi-sho"-ha shki do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-pa-hi a-bu-zha-zha-ta bi shki do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Tse’-xi ga-shi-be no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Zhi®’-ga wa-zhi" o°-gi-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Tse’-xi ga-shi-be ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Zhi®’-ga wo" shki do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. No®’-be e-dsi wa-thi"-ga zhi ki-the mo™-thi" ta i tsi® da’, a bi"

wd ke

ED alee

da, tsi ga.
Ho®-seE’-cu W1’-GI-E
(MOCCASIN RITUAL)

(Free translation, p. 559; literal translation, p. 809)

Da’-do” zhi"-ga gi ki-the mo"-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Ke’ cit-dse ga-tse sha-pe thi"-kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ga’ gi ki-the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ci’ ki-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ci’ 1 ki i-ts’a thi®-ge ki-the mo"-thi” ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga
C1’ gi-ba-xtho-ga zhi ki-the mo”-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Xa’-dse no"-¢cta-ge ki-the mo"-thi" ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

734

38.

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

. Da’-do" ho"-be-ko” the mo®-thi” ta ba do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. We’-ts’a Ho"-ga kshe no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ ho®-be-ko" the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ho"’-be-ko" tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

. Ho”’-be-ko® i-ts’a thi®-ge ki-the mo*-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da,

tsi ga,

. Ho?’-be-ko® gi-ba-xa xhi ki-the mo*-thi® ta i tsi" da, a bi" da,

tsi ga.
3

. Da’-do® zhi"-ga ¢i ki-the mo®-thi® ta ba do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Ke’ mo*-ge zhu-dse thi"-kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ga’ ci ki-the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

1’ ki-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ci’ i kii-ts’a thi™-ge ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Cr’ gi-ba-xtho-ga zhi ki-the mo®-thi” ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Xa’-dse no"-gta-ge ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. Da’-do” ho®-be-ko” the mo”-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. We’-ts’a mo"-ge zhu-dse kshe no” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ ho"-be-ko" the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ho®’-be-ko” tha bi tho" shki a’, a bin da, tsi ga,

5. Ho™-be-ko” i-ts’a thi"-ge ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da,

tsi ga,

. Ho”’-be-ko® gi-ba-xa zhi ki-the mo?-thi™ ta i tsi" da, a bi® da,

tsi ga.

. Da’-do™ zhi®-ga gi ki-the mo*-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Ke’ mo”-ge gthe-zhe thi"-kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ ci ki-the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ci’ ki-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ci’ 1 ki i-ts’a thi®-ge ki-the mo”-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
2. Ci’ gi-ba-xa zhi ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

3. Xa’-dse no*-cta-ge ki-the mo?-thi” ta i tsi” da’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. Da’-do" ho®-be-ko® the mo*-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. We’-ts’a mo”-ge gthe-zhe kshe no” a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ ho"-be-ko" the ta a-ka’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ho®’-be-ko" tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Ho"’-be-ko® i-ts’a thi"-ge ki-the mo*-thi" ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi" da,
tsi ga,

. Ho"’-be-ko® gi-ba-xa zhi ki-the mo®-thi® ta i tsi? da’, a bi® da,

{sl ga.

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION (an

. Da’-do” zhi"-ga gi ki-the mo®-thi® ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ke’ mo*-ge ¢ka thi"-kshe no" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Ga’ oi ki-the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ci’ ki-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
oS
. Ci’ i kii-ts’a thi*-ge ki-the mo”-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ci’ gi-ba-xtho-ga zhi ki-the mo?-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
fo} 5
. Xa’-dse no™-cta-ge ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. Da’-do" ho®-be-ko" the mo?-thi” ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. We’-ts’a mo"-ge cka kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ ho"-be-ko" the ta a-ka’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ho”’-be-ko” tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Ho”’-be-ko” i-ts’a thi"-ge ki-the mo*-thi" ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi" da,

tsi ga,

. Ho”’-be-ko” gi-ba-xa zhi ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da,

tsi ga.
9

. Da’-do® zhi"-ga ¢i ki-the mo"-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ke’ mo"™-ge zhi-hi thi®-kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ ci ki-the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ci’ ki-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ci’ i kii-ts’a thi"-ge ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ci’ gi-ba-xtho-ga zhi ki-the mo”-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Xa’-dse no™-¢ta-ge ki-the mo”-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

..Da’-do"™ ho"-be-ko" the mo?-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. We’-ts’a mo™-ge zhi-hi kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ ho®-be-ko" the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ho”’-be-ko” the mo®-thi" bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ho*’-be-ko" i-ts’a thi"-ge ki-the mo?-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi™ da,

tsi ga,

. Ho"-be-ko” gi-ba-xa zhi ki-the mo*-thi" ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi da,

tsl ga.

. Da’-do® zhi*-ga mo?-hi" gi-the mo”-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi™ da,

tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta shi"-to-zhi"-ga to" no” a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. He’ tha-ta tse a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ mo*-hi" gi-the ta a-ka’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Mo”-hi® gi-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Shi?’-to mo*-hi® gi-pa-hi ki-the mo®-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da,

tsi ga.

THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN, 45

. Da’-do" wa-ba-to-be mo*-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Mi’ hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. I’-to"-wo"-gtho" xtsi bi thi"-kshe a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ a-ba-to-be ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-to-ba bi tho” shki a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-to-be gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi® ta i tsi da’, a bi? da,

tsi ga.
13

. Da’-do® wa-ba-to-be the mo”-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-k’o shi-mo"-pshe thi"-kshe a’, a bi? de, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-to-be ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-to-ba bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-to-be gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi? da’, a bi® da,

tsi ga.

. Da’-do” wa-ba-to-be the mo®-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ni’-ka wa-k’o" u-tha-ha kshe no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-to-be ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-to-ba bi tho” shki a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-to-be gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo™-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da,

tsi ga.
15

. Da’-do" wa-ba-to-be the mo"-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-k’o wo" we-da-the thi"-kshe no” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

A’-ba-to-be ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Zhi’’-ga wa-ba-to-ba bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-ba-to-be gi-o-ts’ e-ga ki-the mo*-thi” ta i tsi? da’, a bi® da,

tsi ga.
16

. Da’-do" wa-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mi’ hi-e ge ta’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Shi’’-to ho btho®-xe do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ a-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi” bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-xtho-ge mo?-thi® bi do” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi" ta bi a’, wi-cgo?-ga,

e’-ki-a bi a, a bi” da, tsi ga.

. Da’-do® wa-ba-xtho-ga bi go" no” shki a. hi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Mi’ hi-e ge ta’, a bi da, tsi ga,

. Shi’-mi ho btho"-xe do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ a-ba-xtho-ge mo?-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-xtho-ge mo®-thi® bi tho" shski a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo™-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,

e’-ki-a bi a, a bi" da, tsi ga.

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION hot

18
105. Da’-do" wa-ba-xtho-ga bi go" no® shkt a, hi" a’; a bi" da, tsi ga,
106. Mi’ hi-e ge ta’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
107. Ni’-ka wa-k’o" u-tha-ha do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
108. Ga’ a-ba-xtho-ge mo*-thi" bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
109. A’-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi® bi tho” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
110. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a, a bi® da, tsi ga.
19
111. Da’-do" wa-ba-xtho-ga bi go" no” shki a, hi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
112. Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
113. Wa’-k’ 0 wo" we-da-the do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
114. Ga’a-ba-xtho-ge mo®-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
115. A’-ba-xtho-ge mo®™-thi" bi tho” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
116. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi® ta bi a, wi-co"-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a, a bi da, tsi ga.

Wa’-ci-THU-¢E W1’-GI-E
(FOOTSTEP RITUAL)

(Free translation, p. 559; literal translation, p. 812)

. Da’-do® zhi"-ga wa-ci-thu-ge mo*-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. U’-k’u-be zhi*-ga wi" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ a-ci-thu-ge no"™-zhi" bi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. U’-k’u-ne zhi"-ga wi" e-cka e-wa-ka zhia-ka’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. Wa/-dsu-ta u-ba-tse wi” a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

. Ga’a-ci-thu-ce no™-zhi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse wi" e-gka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Zhi®’-ga wa-ci-thu-ce a-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ci-thu-ce ga-xto" mo™-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

10. Tsi’zhi*-ga wi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

11. Ga’a-ci-thu-¢e no™-zhi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

12. Tsi’zhi®-ga wi" e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

13. Wa-xo’-be zhi"-ga,

14. Ha’-gtha-thi" e-dsi ba she.

OONDa KH WW FE

15. Da’-do™ wa-ci-thu-¢ge ga no” shki a, hi® a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

16. U’-k’u-be zhi*-ga tho"-ba’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

17. Ga’a-ci-thu-cge no™-zhi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

18. U’-k’u-be zhi*-ga tho™-ba e-gka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
19. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse tho"-ba’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

20. Ga’a-ci-thu-¢e no*-zhi" bi a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

738 THE OSAGE TRIBE [RTH. ANN. 45

21. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse tho™-ba e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da,

tsi ga,

22. Zhi"’-ga wa-gi-thu-ce a-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
23. Wa’-ci-thu-ge ga-xto" mo™-thi” ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
24. Tsi’zhi"-ga tho"-ba’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

25. Ga’a-ci-thu-ce no™-zhi® bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

26. Tsi’zhi™-ga tho™ba e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
27. Wa-xo’-be zhi"-ga, a bi® da, tsi ga,

ie)
CO sI

Ha’-gtha-thi® e-dsi ba she.
3

29. Da’-do® wa-gi-thu-ce ga no” shki a, hi" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
30. U’-k’u-be zhi"-ga tha-bthi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
31. Ga‘a-ci-thu-ce no"-zhi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

2. U’-k’u-be zhi®-ga tha-bthi® e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi® da,

tsi ga,
33. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse tha-bthi® a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
34. Ga‘a-ci-thu-ge no™-zhi" bi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
35. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse tha-bthi" e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi® da,
tsi ga,

36. Zhi"’-ga wa-gi-thu-ge a-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

7. Wa’-ci-thu-ge ga-xto™ mo™-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
38. Tsi’-zhi"-ga tha-bthi" a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
39. Ga’a-ci-thu-ce no™-zhi" bi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
40. Tsi’zhi"-ga tha-bthi® e-gka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
41. Wa-xo’-be zhi"-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
42. Ha’-gtha-thi®™ e-dsi ba she.

43. Da’-do" wa-ci-thu-¢e ga no™ shki a-hi® a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

44. U’-k’u-be zhi"-ga do-ba’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

45. Ga’a-ci-thu-ge no™-zhi" bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

46. U’-k’u-be zhi™-ga do-ba e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
47. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse do-ba’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

48. Ga‘a-ci-thu-ce no"-zhi" bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

49. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse do-ba e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
50. Zhi*’-ga wa-ci-thu-ce a-tha bi tho™ shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

51. Wa’-ci-thu-ge ga-xto™ mo"-thi® ta i tsi® da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

52. Tsi’zhi"-ga do-ba’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

53. Ga’a-ci-thu-ge no™-zhi® bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

54. Tsi’zhi®-ga do-ba e-gka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

55. Wa’-xo’-be zhi®-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

56. Ha’-gtha-thi® e-dsi ba she.

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 739

Wa-xo’-BE THu-sHKE Wa-THO*®
(SHRINE UNTIE SONG)
(Free translation, p. 565)

(One line from each stanza is given)

Tsi-go hi-tho"-ba bi the-e thi-to™ tse i-the he.
2

Tsi-go hi-tho®-ba bi the-e ki-thi-to® tse i-the he.
3

Tsi-go hi-tho*-ba bi the-e thu-shke tse i-the he.
+f

Tsi-go hi-tho®-ba bi the-e gtha-tha tse i-the he.
5

Tsi-go hi-tho®-ba pi the-e ga-wa tse i-the he.
6

Tsi-go hi-tho®-ba bi-the-e tsi-the tse i-the he.
ff

Tsi-go hi-tho"-ba bi the-e thu-¢e tse i-the he.

U-psE-THE U-aI-No*-zHIX Wa-THO*
(FIREPLACE STANDING AT HIS SONG)
(Free translation, p. 566)

(One line of each stanza is given)

1
A the the o®-ho®-ba dse-the ha the the.

2
A the the Pa-ho® thi" ba the ha the the.

3
A the the kia hi ba dse-the ha the the.

4
A the the mo®-ho®-thi® be the ha the the.

Ga-co’’-1% xtst Wa-THO*
(TO-MORROW VERILY SONG)
Sone 1
(Free translation, p. p. 568)
(Three lines of each stanza are given)
1
Tsi-go hi ta it kshe no” ho®,
Tsi-go hi-tho-be hi ta i kshe no®,
Pa tse the hi ta it kshe no® ho®.
2
Tsi-go hi ta it kshe no” ho,
Tsi-go hi-tho®-be hi ta i kshe no®,
A tse the hi ta is-kshe no® ho*.

740

THE OSAGE TRIBE

3
Tsi-go hi ta i" kshe no® ho,
Tsi-go hi-tho®-be hi ta i" kshe no2,
Zhu a-dsi hi ta it kshe no® ho.

4
Tsi-go hi ta i kshe no® ho,
Tsi-go hi-tho®-be hi ta it kshe no,
Hi a-dsi the hi ta it kshe no® ho2.

5
Tsi-go hi ta it kshe no” hos,
Tsi-go hi-tho®-be hi ta it kshe no,
Ci a-dsi the hi ta it kshe no" hos.

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 569)
(Two lines of each stanza are given)
1
E-tho®-be hi tse ha bi no™ ho,
Pa tse bthe tse bthe a-this he no” ho».
2
E-tho®-be hi tse ha bi no" ho*,
A tse bthe tse bthe a-thi he no” ho2,
3
E-tho*-be hi tse ha bi no” ho,

Zhu a-dsi bthe tse bthe a-thi he no" ho»,

E-tho*-be hi tse ha bi no” ho?,

Hi a-dsi bthe tse bthe a-thi" he no® ho».
5

E-tho"-be hi tse ha bi no” ho»,

Ci a-dsi bthe tse bthe a-thi he no” ho».

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 571)
(Three lines of each stanza are given)

1
E-da hi-tho®-be a-gthi bi the,
E-da hi-tho®-be a-gthi bi the the he the,
E-da wa-tse to® a-gthi bi the.

2
E-da hi-tho®-be a-gthi bi the,
E-da hi-tho®-be a-gthi bi the the he the,
E-da pi-tha to" a-gthi bi the.

3
E-da hi tho®-be a-gthi bi the,
E-da hi-tho®-be a-gthi bi the the he the,
E-da wa-zha-ta gthi bi the.

4
E-da hi-tho*-be a-gthi bi the,
E-da hi-tho®-be a-gthi bi the the he the,
E-da ni-ka i-the a-gthi bi the.

[ETH. ANN. 45

LA FLESCHE)

OSAGE VERSION

SHo’’-Ge Wa-tTHOo"
(WOLF SONGS)
(Free translation, p. 572)
(Two lines of each stanza are given)
1
Ho®-ba wa-dsi the a ba e no*,
Ni-pa do-ba the a ba e no",
2
Ho®-ba wa-dsi the a ba e no®,
Sho®-ge to no” the a ba e no®.
3
Ho*-ba wa-dsi the a ba e no®,
Sho®-ge ¢a-be the a ba e no®.
4
Ho*-ba wa-dsi the a ba e no?,
Sho-ge xo-dse the a ba e no".
5

Ho*-ba wa-dsi the a ba e no®,
Sho®-ge ci no® the a ba e no”.

Sona 2
(Free translation, p. 574)
1
Ho®-ba ge dsi mo®-bthi® a-thi" he no” a,
Ho®-ba e-ki-the mo®-bthi" a-thi" he no®,
Mor-bthi" a-thit he no", mo®-bthi" a-thit he no” ha a,
Sho»-ge to no® e-ki-the mo®-bthi® a-thi" he no»,
Mo?-bthi® a-thi he no”, mo®-bthi® a-thi" he no»,
Ho*-ba ge dis mo®-bthi" a-thit he no” a,
Ho-ba e-ki-the mo®-bthi® a-thi he no*.

Sho"-ge c¢a-be e-ki-the mo®-bthi® a-thit he no".
3

Sho»-ge xo-dse e-ki-the mo®-bthi® a-this he no».
4

Sho®-ge ci no® e-ki-the mo®-bthi" a-thi® he no».
iF

Sho®-ge ¢ka no® e-ki-the mo®-bthi® a-thi" he no”.

742

ONA AP wh

tsi ga,

THE OSAGE TRIBE

GtHE-po’’ Wa-THO”™ U-xKo¥-psI
(HAWK SONG ISOLATED)
(Free translation, p. 575)
(First two lines of each stanza are given)

1
Mo?-i*-ka ga-wa thi® he no2,
E the mo®-zho® the ge he bthe a-thi® he no?.

Mo>-i*-ka ga-wa thi® he no2,
E the xa-dse the ge he bthe a-thi" he no?.

3
Mo?-i*-ka ga-wa thi. he no»,
E the u-k’u-be the ge he bthe a-thi" he no*.

4
Mo>-i1-ka ga-wa thi" he no",

E the u-xtha-be the ge he bthe a-thi he no2.

Mo?-i*-ka ga-wa thi" he no®,

E the zho-gthe the ge he bthe a-thi” he no".
6

Mo?-i*-ka ga-wa thi he no®,
E the pa-he the ge he bthe a-thi™ he no».

Pr’-xzr Tuu-cr W1’-GI-E
(RATTLE TAKING RITUAL)
(Saucy-CaLF)
(Free translation, p. 579; literal translation, p. 813)

. To"’-wo"-gtho® pe-tho®-ba ha ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. I’-thi-shno” thi"-ke a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-pa i-ta thi"-ke a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Ga’pe-xe gi-the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

tsi ga.

tsi ga,

. To®’-wo"-gtho" pe-tho"-ba ha ba do? a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. I’-thi-shno® thi®-ke a’, a bi® da, tsi ga, ;
. A’-xi-be tha-ta tse a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ga’pe-xe 1-ba the ta a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Pe’-xe i-ba tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

[ETH. ANN, 45

. Da’-do" zhi®-ga pe-xe gi-the mo®-thi® ta ba do" a’, a bi® da,

. Pe’-xe i-ts’a thi"-ge ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. I’-gthi-hi-dse a-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. I’-gthi-hi-dse gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi” ta i tsi" da,’ a bi® da,

. Da’-do® zhi®-ga pe-xe i-ba the mo®-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi® da,

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 743

Pe’-xe i-ba i-ts’a thi"-ge ki-the mo*-thi® ta i tsi” da’, a bi" da,
tsi ga,
I’-gthi-hi dse a-tha bi tho*-shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. I’-gthi-hi-dse gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da,

tsi ga.

. Da’-do” zhi"-ga pe-xe cu the mo”-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Mi’ hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. To™-wo"-gtho" pe-tho"-ba ha ba do™ a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. I’-thi-shno” thi" ke a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Hi’-k’e tha-ta thi®-kshe a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ pe-xe cu the ta a-ka’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. I’-gthi-hi-dse a-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. I’-gthi-hi-dse gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo™-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi®™ da,

tsi ga.
+

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Mo”’-shi ta u-thi-k’u-dse ga tse a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-thi®-e gka sho” a-zhi a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ko"-da gi-ka mo”-thi" ta ba sho” a-ka’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Hi’-dse ta u-thi-k’u-dse ga tse a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-thi®-e ¢ka sho” a-zhi a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ko"-da gi-ka mo®-thi" ta ba sho” a-ka’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. Ga’-mo"-dse ga thi" ke a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-thi"-e ¢ka sho” a-zhi a-ka’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
. Mi’ hie ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Wa/’-shi-shi to" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Sho” xtsi ga-xe to” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. Wo” ga-ca-thu the tha bi tho™ shki a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
. Mo”’-zho” xtho-k’a sho” e-go” xtsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
. U’-ga-da-tho” i-he-the a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. Tho?’-ba 0” ga-ca-thu the tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-gthu-shka zhi*-ga sho" e-go"™ a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ni’-xu-dse a-thi-to" i-he-the a-ka’ a bi® da, tsi ga.

. Tha’-bthi® 0” ga-ca-thu the tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-gthu-shka zhi"-ga sho” e-go" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. U’-ga-bu-dse i-he-the a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. We’-do-ba 0” ga-ca-thu the tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-gthu-shka sho” e-go" xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. I-shko® thi™-ge i-he-the a-ka, a bi" da, tsi ga.

744 THE OSAGE TRIBE _ [ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 582)

1
The-thu ba-a hi-tho-ba do" the-thu ba-a hi-tho®-ba do,
The-thu ba-a hi-tho"-ba do" the-thu ba-a,
He-tho®-ba do” the-thu ba-a he-tho®-be-e tho,
Wa-zhi"-ca-be gthe-do" gi-e e he-tho®-ba do” the-thu ba-a.
He-tho®-ba do® the-thu ba-a,
He-tho*-ba do® the-thu ba-a he-tho2-be e tho.

2
Gthe-do" zhu-dse gthe-do" di-e e he-tho®-ba do® the-thu ba-a.
3
Gthe-do" xo-dse gthe-do® gi-e e he-tho"-ba do® the-thu ba-a.
4
Gthe-do® zhi"-ga gthe-do® gi-e e he-tho®-ba do® the-thu ba-a.
Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 583)
1

I»-da-di he-tho"-ba bi the, it-da-di he-tho®-ba bi-the,
I»-da-di he-tho®-ba bi the, it-da-di he-tho®-ba bi the he the,
Pa to-thi" he-tho-ba bi the, pa to®-thit he-tho” ba bi the,
I»-da-di he-tho®-ba bi the, in-da-di he-tho®-ba bi the.

A to®-thi he-tho®-ba bi the, a to®-thi= he-tho*-ba bi the.
3

Zhu to®-thi" he-tho*-ba bi the, zhu to®-thi2 he-tho*-ba bi the.
4

Hi to*-thi" he-tho*-ba bi the, hi to®-thi= he-tho®-ba bi the.
5

Ci to»-thi» he-tho®-ba bi the, ci to™-thi" he-tho®-ba bi the.

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 584)

In-da-di hi-tho*-ba bi tho™-de, hu-wa-the to*-thit he no,

Hu-wa-the to®-thi" he no", hu-wa-the to®-thi" he,

I»-da-di hi-tho®-ba bi tho" de, pa no® thi® to*-thi" he no,

Hu-wa-the to®-thi he, it-da-di hi-tho®-ba bi tho" de.
2

I»-da-di hi-tho®-ba bi tho" de, a no” thi to®-thi= he no.
3

I»-da-di hi-tho"-ba bi tho" de, zhu no® thi® to®-thi he no*,
4

I»-da-di hi-tho*-ba bi tho" de, hi no" thi" to®-thi" he no».
5

I-da-di hi-tho®-be bi tho" de, gi no" thi® to®-thi" he no».

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 745

Sone 4
(Free translation, p. 585)

1
Wa-ko®-da-gi he-tho®-ba bi tho" de, hu-wa-the to*-thi® he no",
Hu-wa-the to®-thi" he no", hu-wa-the to®-thi" he,
Wa-ko*-da-gi he-tho®-be bi tho" de, pa no® thi® to®-thi® he no®,
Hu-wa-the to®-thit he the, wa-ko®-da-gi he-tho"-ba bi tho" de.

Wa-ko®-da-gi he-tho®-ba bi tho" de, a no®-thi" to"-thi® he no®.
3

Wa-ko"-da-gi he-tho®-be bi tho" de, zhu no® thi® to®-thi® he no*.
+

Wa-ko*-da-gi he-tho"-be bi tho" de, hi no® thi™ to®-thi he no®.
5

Wa-ko-da-gi he-tho®-ba bi tho" de, gi no® thi® to®-thi® he no®.

Sone 5
(Free translation, p. 586)

1
Wa-ko"-da-gi he-tho"-ba bi tho de the,
Hu-wa-the to®-thi he no® hi no®,
A the the pa no” the to®-thit he no",
A the the pa no” the to®-thi" he no2,
A the the he the,
A the the pa no” the to®-thi™ he no,
A the the pa no” the to®-thi" he no?,
Wa-ko*-da-gi he-tho®-be bi tho de.

_ A the the a no® the to™-thi" he no?,

3
A the the zhu no® the to®-thi" he no*,

4
A the the hi no® the to®-thi® he no.

5
A the the gi no the to®-thi® he no.

No®’-zH1"-zHo’ Wa-THO® (Wa-THO’’ PI-zHI)
(SONG MYSTERIOUS)

Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 588)

:
Wa-xpa-thi® tha thi" she e,
Ho® wi" zho" do® gthi e-sha bi" do ho,
Wa-xpa-thi® tha thi® she e,
Ho® wi" zho® do® gthi e-sha bi® da a,
Wa-xpa-thi® tha thi she e,
Ho? wi® zho® do® gthi e-sha bi" do ho.

41383°—30 48

746

THE OSAGE TRIBE

Wa-xpa-thi=tha thi? she e,

Tho®-ba zho® do® gthi e-sha bi" do ho.
3

Wa-xpa-thi" tha-thi” she e,

Tha-bthi® zho" do” gthi e-sha bi® do ho.

Wa-xpa-thi® tha-thi" she e,

Do-ba zho" do® gthi e-sha bi do ho.
5

Wa-xpa-thi® tha-thi" she e,

Ca-to® zho® do® gthi e-sha bi" do ho.
6

Wa-xpa-thi* tha-thi" she e,

Sha-pe zho" do” gthi e-sha bi" do ho.
Uf

Wa-xpa-thi" tha-thi" she e,

E-no" zho® do® gthi e-sha bi" do ho.

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 589)

1
A-ki-no® a-ki-no® a do® xti tha,
I»-de to tha a do” xti tha,
Ki-no® a-ki-no® a do® xti tha.

2,
A-ki-no® a-ki-no® a do®-xti tha,
Pe-hi" ga-cta a do” xti tha,
Ki-no® a-ki-no" a do® xti tha.

3
A-ki-no® a-ki-no® a do" xti tha,
Ki-no® ba-xo® a do® xti tha,
Ki-no® a-ki-no" a do” xti tha.

4
A-ki-no® a-ki-no® a do” xti tha,
Pa-hi® ga-ci i do" xti tha,
Ki-no® a-ki-no® a do® xti tha.

5
A-ki-no® a-ki-no® a do” xti tha,
Ki-no® thu-to®-a a do® xti tha,
Ki-no® a-ki-no® a do® xti tha.

6
A-ki-no® a-ki-no® a do® xti tha,
Pe-hi® ¢go®-ho® a do" xti tha,
Ki-no® a-ki-no® a do® xti tha.

(ETH. ANN. 45

LA FLESCHE]

OSAGE VERSION

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 590)
1

Wi-e ci no® ki-no® wi-ta u-the-ha bi no® hos,
Wi-e ci no" i=-de to tha u-the-ha bi no® ho2,
U-the-ha bi no” ho2,

Wi-e ci no® i2-de to tha u-the-ha bi no*.

)

Wi-e ci no” ki-no® wi-ta u-the-ha bi no® ho2,
Wi-e cgi no" pe-hi® ga-cta u-the-ha bi no" ho.
3

Wi-e gi no® ki-no” wi-ta u-the-ha bi no” hos,
Wi-e ci no® ki-no® ba-xo® u-the-ha bi no® ho. ‘
4

Wi-e gi no" ki-no” wi-ta u-the-ha bi no” hos,
Wi-e ci no® pa-hi® ga-ci u-the-ha bi no® ho®.
5
Wi-e ¢i no® ki-no® wi-ta u-the-ha bi no” hos,
Wi-e gi no® ki-no® thu-to® u-the-ha bi no® ho.
6
Wi-e gi no® ki-no® wi-ta u-the-ha bi no" ho2,
Wi-e ci no” pe-hi® ¢o®-ho® u-the-ha bi no® ho».

Sone 4
(Free translation, p. 591)
1
Wi-e ci no® ki-no® wi-ta she o-the-ha bi no® ho?,
Ki-no® wi-ta she o-the-ha bi no® ho»,
Ki-no® wi-ta she o-the-ha bi na® ho?,
Wi-e ci no” i=-de to the she o-the-ha bi no” ho,
Ki-no® wi-ta she o-the-ha bi no" ho",
Wi-e ci-no® ki-no® wi-ta she o-the-ha bi no® ho,

Wi-e gi no® pe-hi® ga-cta she o-the-ha bi no? ho.
3

Wi-e ci no® ki-no® ba-xo® she o-the-ha bi no® ho.
4

Wi-e ci no" pe-hi® ga-ci she o-the-ha bi no® ho.
5

Wi-e ci no" ki-no® tho-to® she o-the-ha bi no® ho.

Wi-e ci no® pe-hi® ¢o®-ho® she o-the-ha bi no® ho.

747

748

THE OSAGE TRIBE

Sone 5
(Free translation, p. 592)

1
Ki-no® the mo® the gi-do®-be tha,
E the the mo® the gi-do"-be tha, the ki-no®,
I»-de to tha the mo® the gi-do®-be tha,
E the the mo® the gi-do*-be tha,
Ki-no® the mo” the gi-do®-be.

Pe-hi" ga-cta the mo” the gi-do®-be tha.
3

Ki-no® ba-xo" the mo" the gi-do™-be tha.
4

Pe-hi® ga-ci the mo” the gi-do"-be tha.
5

Ki-no" tho-to® the mo® the gi-do®-be tha.
6

Pa-hi® ¢o®-ho" the mo® the gi-do®-be tha.

Mr-psre Ga-xeE Wa-THO"
(BOW MAKING BONG)

Sona 1
(Free translation, p. 594)
1
E-da sho" ba do" mo®-bthi®-e tha,
E-da mo2-bthi" da-a ha tha,
I-ba thi" a-do" sho" ba do® mo®-bthi"-e tha,
E-da mo*-bthi" da,
E-da sho® ba do" mo*-bthi"-e tha,
E-da mo®-bthi" da.

We-tsi® a-thi® a-do® sho" ba do" mo®-bthi"-e tha.
3

Mo»-hi® a-thi® a-do® sho® ba do® mo®-bthi®-e tha.
4

Do-ka thi® a-do® sho" ba do” mo®-bthi®-e tha.
5

Mi»-dse a-thi® a-do™ sho" ba do" mo®-bthi"-e tha.
6

Mo? a-thi® a-do" sho" ba do® mo®-bthi®-e tha.
ul

Mo?-sho® a-thi® a-do® sho" ba do" mo®-bthi®-e tha.

8
Ga-mo®-mo®-dse sho" ba do® mo®-bthi®-e tha.

[ETH. ANN. 45

LA FLESCHE]

OSAGE VERSION

Sona, 2
(Free translation, p. 595)
1
Wi-e 0®-ba hi-a dse i-ba thi® o®-shpa-hi-e the the,
Wi-e 0®-ba hi-a dse i-ba thi® 0®-shpa-hi-e the the,
Wi-e 0®-ba hi-a dse i-ba thi® 0®-shpa-hi-e the the,
Wi-e 02-ba hi-a dse i-ba thi® 0®-shpa-hi-e the the.

Wi-e 0®-ba hi-a dse i-tsi" a-thi® o"-shpa-hi-e the the.
3

Wi-e 0®-ba hi-a dse mo®-hi® a-thi" o®-shpa-hi-e the the.
a

Wi-e 0-ba hi-a dse do-ka thi" o®-shpa-hi-e the the.
5

Wi-e o"-ba hi-a dse mi®-dse a-thi® 0°-shpa-hi-e the the.
6

Wi-e 0*-ba hi-a dse mo” a thi" o®-shpa-hi-e the the.
7

Wi-e 0®-ba hi-a dse mo®-sho® a-thi" o"-shpa-hi-e the the.
8

Wi-e o*-ba hi-a dse ga-mo” o*-shpa-hi-e the the.

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 596)
1

Ts’e wi-the-e-du-da the ts’e-wi-the-e,

Du-da the ts’e wi-the-e he-e,

I-ba gtha-thi® the-thu ki-¢gtu ba do®,
~ Ts’e wi-the-e du-da the ts’e wi-the-e,

Du-da the ts’e wi-the-e he-e.

I-tsi® a-gtha-thi® the-thu ki-¢tu ba do".
3

Mo»-hi® a-gtha-thi* the-thu ki-gtu ba do.
4

Do-ka gtha-thi® the-thu ki-¢tu ba do*.
5

Mi=-dse a-gtha-thi* the-thu ki-gtu ba do.
6

Mo? a-gtha-thi® the-thu ki-ctu ba do*.
7

Mo?-sho® a-gtha-thi® the-thu ki-¢tu ba do.

749

750

THE OSAGE TRIBE

Wa-no’’-xE Wa-tTHO’
(SPIRIT SONGS)
Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 597)
1
Wa-no"-xe a-dsi bthe do" e-dsi pshi thi" hi do,
Wo-no"-xe a dsi bthe do” e-dsi pshi thi hit do,
Wa-no"-xe a-dsi bthe do® e-dsi pshi thi hit do ho,
Ho»-ba hi-a hi bthe do® e-dsi pshi thi hit do,
Wa-no"-xe a-dsi bthe do” e-dsi pshi thi" hi" do,
Wa-no»-xe a-dsi bthe do” e-dsi pshi thi" hi" do.
2
Mi hi-e hi bthe do e-dsi pshi thi" hi" do.

3
Ho»-bthe shno® hi bthe do® e-dsi pshi thi" hi" do.

4
No»-xe shno® hi-bthe do® e-dsi pshi thi" hi® do.

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 598)

1
Wa-no"-xe u-wa-ci-gthe xtsi mi® kshi® do ho,
Wa-no"-xe o-zho"-ge tho kshe no*,
U-wa-ci-gthe xtsi mi" kshi do ho,
Wa-no*-xe u-wa-ci-gthe xtsi mi" kshi" do.

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 599)

1
Ho»-ga dsi bthe do® no® wa-xpa-thi® he no®,
Ho»-ga dsi bthe do® no™ wa-xpa-thi*® he no?,
Ho*-ga dis bthe do™ no” wa-xpa-thi" he he,
Xu-tha ho®-ga,
Ho»-ga dsi bthe do™ no™ wa-xpa-thi® he no?,
Ho»-ga dsi bthe do® no" wa-xpa-thi® he no?,
Ho»-ga dsi bthe do™ no® wa-xpa-thi® he he.

Xiu-tha zgu dse
Ho»-ga dsi bthe do® no® wa-xpa-thi" he no.
3

Xiu-tha xo®-xo" Fite

Ho»-ga dsi bthe do" no" wa-xpa-thi" he no*.
: 4

Xiu-tha zhi-ga

Ho*-ga dsi bthe do" no® wa-xpa-thi® he no*.

(ETH. ANN. 45

LA FLESCHE]

OSAGE VERSION

M1 Txo’-tTo® po* Wa-THO™

(SUN VERTICAL SONGS)
Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 600)
1

Wi-e ki-ko"-ce ta thi" he the hi tha,
Wi-e ki-ko*-ce ta thi" he the hi tha,
Mi wa-ga-xe the ta thi he the hi tha,
Wi-e ki-ko"-ce ta thi-he the hi the,
Wi-e ki-ko®-¢e ta thi" he the hi tha,
Wi-e ki-ko®-cge ta thi>-he the hi tha.
2

Zhi-de a-wa-the the ta thi" he the hi tha.

: 3
Ca-be a-wa-the the ta thi he the hi tha.

4
Xo-de a-wa-the the ta thi®-he the hi tha.

Ki-he a-wa-the the ta thi®-he the hi-tha.
6

Co"-ho® a-wa-the the ta thi he the hi tha.
Gi

Ga-mi a-wa-the the ta thi he the hi tha.

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 601)
; 1
Wa-ko®-da-gi mi tho-to® xti do™ mo®-bthi" a-thi" he the the,
Da-ce wa-the mi tho-to" xti do® mo®-bthi® a-thi® he the the,
E tha ha we , e tha ha we ____,
Wa-ko®-da-gi mi tho-to® xti do® mo®-bthi® a-thi® he the the.

Zhi-de a-wa-the mi tho-to" xti do® mo®-bthi® a-thi* he the the.
3

C@a-be a-wa-the mi tho-to” xti do® mo®-bthi® a-thi® he the the.
4

Xo-de a-wa-the mi tho-to® xti do® mo®-bthi" a-thi he the the.
5

Ki-he a-wa-the mi tho-to™ xti do® mo®-bthi" a-thi® he the the.
6

Co-ho® a-wa-the mi tho-to® xti do" mo®-bthi" a-thi® he the the.
¢

Ga-mi a-wa-the mi tho-to” xti do® mo®-bthi® a-thi" he the the.

752 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 602)
1
Mo?-thi® a-thi2 he no® ho” dsi tho ho ho,
Mo»-thi2 a-thi® he no® ho dsi tha tha a-thi™ he no® hos,
Da-ce a-wa-the mo®-thi® a-thi" he no” ho" dsi tho ho ho,
Mo:?-thi2 a-thit he no® ho® dsi tha tha a-thit he no" ho.

Zhu-dse a-wa-the mo®-thi® a-thi he no® ho® dsi tho ho ho.
3

Ca-be a-wa-the mo®-thi® a-thi he no” ho” dsi tho ho ho.
4

Xo-de a-wa-the mo®-thi® a-thi" he no” ho® dsi tho ho ho.
5

Ki-he a-wa-the mo®-thi" a-this he no" ho" dsi tho ho ho.
6

Co"-ho® a-wa-the mo®-thi® a-thi he no® ho® dsi tho ho ho.
o

Ga-mi a-wa-the mo®-thi® a-thi2 he no™ ho® dsi tho ho ho.

M1 Wa-tHo® Zur-ca or M1 A-po-ca Wa-THO’
(SUN SONGS LITTLE) (SUN DOWNWARD _ SONGS)

Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 604)

1
Wi-e gi-ctu bi the ha bi no™ a,
Wi-e gi-ctu bi the ha bi no” ho,
Gthe-do® kshe no? gi-¢tu bi the ha bi® no® ho®,
Gthe-do® kshe no® gi-¢tu bi the ha bi no® hos,
Wi-e gi-ctu bi the ha bi no® ho».

2
Wa-zhi®-ca-be kshe no® gi-ctu bi the ha bi no” ho.

3
Ho® do? the no® gi-ctu bi the ha bi no" ho».

4
Ho*-ba do" the no® gi-¢tu bi the ha bi no® ho*.

LA FLESCHE]

OSAGE VERSION

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 604)

1
I-da hi" do, i-da hi do ho,
E-da gthe-do® kshe no® i-da-the the
A bi* do hi® do hi do ho,
I-da hi do ho.
2
I-da hi* do, i-da hi do ho,
E-da wa-zhi®-ca-be kshe no® i-da the the,
A bi® do hit do hi do ho,
I-da hi® do ho.
3
I-da hi" do, i-da hit do ho,
E-da ho" do® the no® i-da the the,
A bi® do hi do hi" do ho,
I-da hi" do ho.
4
I-da hi do, i-da hi do ho,
E-da ho®-ba do" the no® i-da the the,
A bi* do hi do hi" do ho,
I-da hi® do ho.

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 605)
i

E the da-do® he the he the,

E da gthe-do" kshe no®,

I-da the ha ba i do, i-da the ha ba i" do,
Ha-we tha he, da-do” he the he the.

~ E the da-do® he the he the,

E-da ho®-ba do® the no?,
I-da the ha ba i* do, i-da the ha ba i" do,
Ha-we tha he, da-do" he the he the.

3
E the da-do® he the he the,
E-da wa-zhi®-ca-be kshe no®
I-da the ha ba i* do, i-da the ha ba i? do,
Ha-we tha he, da-do® he the he the.

4
E the da-do® he the he the,
E-da ho" do® the no®,
I-da the ha ba i* do, i-da the ha ba i* do,
Ha-we tha he, da-do" he the he the.

753

704 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

Ho-xKn’ Wa-tTHo’%
(FISH-TURTLE SONGS)
(Free translation, p. 606)
1
E-da mo*-zho" a-do® dsi the he the,
E-da mo*-zho® a-do dsi the he the,
Ho-ke mo-zho" a-do® dsi-the he the,
E-da mo®-zho® a do® dsi the he the.

SHo’’-ce Mo*%-zHo% Op-sHe Wa-tTHo®
(WOLVES LANDS MARCH UPON SONGS)

Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 607)

1
Mo»-zho" thu-we a-thi he no® wa-zho»-gi-the a-thi" he the,
Mo»-zho® thu-we a-thi® he no® wa-zho-gi-the a-thi" he the,
Ni-ka do-ba mo®-zho® thu-we a-thi" he no,
Wa-zho"-gi-the a-thi" he the,
Mo*-zho® thu-we a-thi® he no® mo®-zho® thu-we a-thi® he no.

Sho*-ge to no® mo®-zho® thu-we a-thi® he no.
3

Sho-ge ¢a-be mo®-zho® thu-we a-thi" he no*.
4

Shor-ge xo-dse mo®-zho" thu-we a-thi® he no®.
5

Sho®-ge ¢i no® mo®-zho® thu-we a-thi® he no*.
6

Sho2-ge ¢ka no® mo®-zho® thu-we a-thi® he no.

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 608)

Hi-tho-wa-he no” wa-zho"-gi-the a-thi" he no,
Hi-tho-wa-he no® wa-zho»-gi-the a-thi® he no®,
Sho-ge to no® wi-e a-thi® he no2,
Hi-tho-wa-he no" wa-zho"-gi-the a-thit he no”.
2
Sho®-ge ga-be wi-e a-thi® he no.
3
Sho»-ge xo-dse wi-e a-thi he no2.
4

Sho"-ge ¢ka no® wi-e a-thi" he no.

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION ¥o5

Wa-i*’xa-GE Wa-THO®
(WAILING SONG)

Sone 1

(Free translation, p. 615)
1

A-xa-ge bthe do hi® do a,

I-ba thi® a-do® bthe do hi® do ho,
I-ba thi® a-do® bthe do hi® do ho,
Bthe do hi® do a,

I-ba thi® a-do® bthe do hi" do ho,
I-ba thi® a-do" bthe do hi* do,
A-xa-ge bthe do hi" do a.

I-tsi" a-thi> a-do® bthe do hi® do ho,
3

Mor-hi® a-thi= a-do® bthe do hi" do ho.
4

Do-ka thi® a-do® bthe do hi® do ho.
5

Mi®-dse a-thi" a-do"® bthe do hi* do ho.
6

Mo® a-gtha-thi bthe do hi do ho.
7

Mo»-sho® a-gtha-thi" bthe do hit do ho.
8

Ga-mo®-mo®-dse bthe do hi® do ho.

Wa-tTHU’-cGE Wr’-GI-E
(TAKING (WA-DON-BE) RITUAL)

(Saucy Car)

(Free translation, p. 616; literal translation, p. 815)

He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Zha’-be do-ga kshe a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

Tsi’-xi" dse tha-ta dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Mo"’-sho-sho-dse i"-dse a-tha-ha xtsi zho" ke a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ga thi"-kshe shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa/’-thi"-e-cka she-mo"™ mo®-zhi i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Zhi"-ga mi hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

We’-go"-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi™ ta i tsi" da’, a bi da,
tsi ga,

Tsi’-xi"-dse tha-ta dsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

OANaaPr WH

756

10.
Mike
12.
13.
14.
1:

16.
IN
18.

19:
20.
PAN

23.
24.
25.
26.
OME
28.

29.
30.
3l.
32.
33.
34.
30.
36.
37.

38.
39.
40.

41.
42.
43.
44,
45.
46.

THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

Zha’-be do-ga kshe a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,
Ni‘ba-btha-btha-xe hi the do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
Ni’ga-gthe-ge ga ge a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
U’-no” pa-xe a’hi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Zhi’’-ga wo" shki do” a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,
Ha’ga-gthe-ce a bi i-the ki-the mo*-thi” ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da,
tsi ga,
Ni’ga-po-ki ga ge shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
B’shki wa-thi"-e ¢ka she-mo" mo”-zhi i” da,’ a bi® da, tsi ga,
Zhi’’-ga wa-ko"-da hu a-no"-k’o" bi ki-the mo™-thi® ta i tsi" da’,
a bi" da, tsi ga.
2,
He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
Ni’ba-sho” wi" hi the do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Thiu’-xe gi to" no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Tha’-xia-tha gthi he the to" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Ga’tse shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-thi"-e ¢ka she-mo" mo®-shi i” da’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Mi hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga, a bi" da, tsi ga,
I’-tha-ga-¢ko"-the a-to"™ he i" da’, a bi? da, tsi ga,
Zhi®’-ga wo" shki do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-tha-xia-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi®
da, tsi ga.
3
Sho” to" i" da’, a bi? da, tsi ga,
Tha’-xu-e tsi-the to” a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
Ni’ki-mo*-ho® dsi a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,
Tha’-xu-e tsi-the to" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Ni’ ga-po’-ki’-o"-he ke a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
Ni ga-po-ki ga thi"-ke a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-ko®-da hu a-no® k’o” bi-a ha no” a-tha’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Zhi*’-ga wo" shki do" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
Wa/’-ko®-da hu a-no®-k’o" bi ki-the mo®-thi" ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi?
da, tsi ga,
Sho” to” i? da’, a bi? da, tsi ga,
Mo”’-sho®-dse tha-ta dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
U-pa-mo?*-gthe i-he-the to" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.
4
Sho” to" i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Tsi’-xi"-dse i-sdu-ge dsia’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Zha’-be do-ga kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Mo?’-sho-sho-dse i®-dse a-tha-ha xtsi zho" ke a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Ga’ tse shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa/’-thi®-e ¢ka she-mo" mo®-zhi i” da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION

47.
48.

49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.

56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.

65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
Clke
72.
73.

74.
75.
76.
eke:
78.
9:
80.
81.
82.
83.

cae |
Or
no |

Zhi*’-ga mi hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

We’-go"-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi" ta ba sho" a-to" he i" da’,
a bi® da, tsi ga,

He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Tsi’-xi"-dse tha-ta dsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

Ni’ ba-btha-btha-xe hi the do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Ni’ ga-gthe-ce ga ge a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

U’-no" pa-xe a hi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Zhi®’-ga wo" shki do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Ha’ ga-gthe-ce a bi i-the ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi™ da’,
tsi ga.

Ni’ ba-sho" wi” hi the do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Thiu’-xe gi to" no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Tha’-xia-tha gthi he-the to" a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

Ga’ tse shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-thi"-e ¢ka she-mo" mo?-zhi i” da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Mi’ hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

I’-tha-wa sho" xtsi pa-xe a-to" he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Mi’ hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

We’-go"-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo"-thi" ta ba sho” a-to” he i? da’,
a bi™ da, tsi ga,

Sho” to” i” da’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

Tha’-xu-e tsi-the to” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ni’ ki-mo?-ho? dsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Tha’-xu-e tsi-the to" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Ni’ ga-po-ki-o-he ke a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ni’ ga-po-ki ga ge a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-ko"-da hu a-no"-k’o" bi a ha no” a-tha’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Zhi®’-ga wo" shki do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-ko"-da hu a-no®-k’o” bi ki-the mo®-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi"
da, tsi ga.

He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Zha’-be do-ga kshe a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Tsi’-xi"-dse tha-ta dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ni’ ba-btha-btha-xe hi the do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ni’ ba-sho” wi" hi the do" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
Thiu’-xe gi to" no” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

Tha’-xia-tha gthi he-the to™ a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ga’ tse shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Wa/’-thi®-e ¢ka she-mo"-mo”-zhi i" da’, a bi™ da, tsi ga
Mi’ hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

758 THE OSAGE TRIBE fern. ANN. 45

84. I’-tha-wa sho" xtsi pa-xe a-to”™ he i” da’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
85. Zhi’’-ga wa-tha-xia-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
86. Wa’-tha-xia-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi™ ta i tsi" da’, a bi®
da, tsi ga.
iG

87. Sho” to" i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
88. Ni’ u-ba-sho" pe-tho"-ba hi the do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
89. Ga’ tse shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
90. O’-do® i-tha-ga-cko"-bthe a-to” he i" da’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
91. Zhi®-ga we-tha-wa mo”-thi® ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
92. We’-tha-wa tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
93. We’-tha-wa gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi"™ ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da,
tsi ga.
Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 619)
1
U-gi-ha e-dsi tho, u-gi-ha e-dsi tho, u-gi-ha e-dsi tho.
2
Tha-wa-wa e-dsi tho, tha-wa-wa e-dsi-tho, tha-wa-wa e-dsi tho.

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 620)
° 1

Ni-ka no” do" ga wa-do®-be, ga wa-do"-be,
Wi»-xtsi thu-ga- wi"-xtsi thu-ga,
Ni-ka no" do® ga wa-do"-be,
Wi -xtsi thu-¢a, wi®-xtsi thu-ga,
Ni-ka no® do® ga wa-do®-be wi®-xtsi thu-¢a.

Tho»-ba thu-ca, tho"-ba thu-ga.
3

Tha-bthi» thu-ca, tha-bthi= thu-¢a.
4

Do-ba thu-ca, do-ba thu-ga.
5

Ca-to" thu-ca, ga-to® thu-¢a.

Sha-pe thu-ga, sha-pe thu-ga.

E-no® thu-c¢a, e-no™ thu-g¢a.

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION

Ka’-xe Wa-THOo*
(CROW SONGS)
Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 622)
1
Ni-ka tho®-ba tha do® he no®,
A he the ni-ka tho®-ba tha do® he no®,
A he the ni-ka tho®-ba tha do® he no",
Da-ce ta to™ wa-tha-pa-pa ha-dsi bthe hi" do,
Ni-ka tho®-ba a, a da-do® he,
Da-ce ta to® wa-tha-pa-pa ha-dsi bthe hi" do.
2
Tha-ko® ta to® wa-tha-pa-pa ha-dsi bthe hi" do.
3}
Ki-ba-xtha to" wa-tha-pa-pa ha-dsi bthe hi" do.
4
Tha-ko® ta to" wa-tha-pa-pa ha-dsi bthe hi" do.
Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 623)
1
Ka-xe ga-tse tho®-ba dse ki-gthi-xa-xa,
Ka-xe ga-tse tho"-ba dse ki-gthi-xa-xa,
Ka-xe ga-tse tho®-ba dse ki-gthi-xa-xa,
Ka-xe ga-tse tho®-ba dse ki-gthi-xa-xa,
Ka-xe ga tse tho"-ba dse ki-gthi-xa-xa.
2,
Ka-xe ga-tse tho"-ba dse wa-tha-pa-pa,
3
“Ka-xe ga-tse tho"-ba dse mo®-tha-tha-ha.
4
Ka-xe ga-tse tho"-ba dse ko®-ce ga-xa.

Tsr Wa’-THO*
(BUFFALO SONGS)

A’-KI-HO™ XO-KA
(SUBSTITUTE XO-KA)

No®-ho®-zhi*-ga, Tse Wa’-tho™ a-tsi mi™-kshi" do’. The
Ki’-no" tsi ga-xa bi a, No®-ho®-zhi"-e’.

760

THE OSAGE TRIBE

Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 625)
1
Wi-tsi-go ho no®-zhi® bi no® a hi do,
A ho wi-tsi-go ho no®-zhi® bi no® a hi" do,
A ho wi-tsi-go ho no®-zhi" bi no” a hi" do ho,
Mi the he, mi the he no®-zhi® bi no" a hi" do ho,
Do-ga no®-zhi® bi no® 2 hi® do ho.
2
Mi the he, mi the he no®-zhi" bi no" a hi" do ho,
Mi-ga no®-zhi bi no® a hi” do ho.
3
Mi the he, mi the he no®-zhi® bi no" a hi do ho,
Zhi*-ga no®-zhi® bi no” a hi2 do ho.
4
Mi the he, mi the he no*-zhi" bi no” a hi do ho,
Ho®-ba no®-zhi® bi no® a hi" do ho.
Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 626)
1
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi bi no", wi-tsi-go no®-zhi® bi no®,
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi" bi no", A ha no®-zhi® bi no®,
A ha, a ha,
Do-ga-e no®-zhi" bi no®, do-ga-e no®-zhi" bi no2,
A ha no*®-zhi® bi no, A ha, a ha.
2
Mi-ga-e no®-zhi® bi no", mi-ga-e no®-zhi" bi no2,
A ha no*-zhi® bi no, A ha, a ha.
3
Zhi*-ga-e no®-zhi" bi no”, zhi®-ga-e no®-zhi® bi no",]
A ha no®-zhi" bi no", A ha, a ha.
4
Ho*-ba-e no®-zhi" bi no", ho®-ba-e no® zhi" bi no,
A ha no*-zhi® bi no®, A ha, a ha.

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 627)

1
Wi-tsi-go, wi-tsi-go no®-zhi" da ha,
A ha no®-zhi" da ha, a ha no®-zhi" da ha,
A ha no*-zhi® da ha, do-ga no®-zhi" da ha,
Do-ga no®-zhi® da ha, A ha no®-zhi® da ha.
9 :
Wi-tsi-go, wi-tsi-go no®-zhi" da ha,
A ha no®-zhi® da ha, a ha no®-zhi® da ha,

A ha no*-zhi» da ha, Ho®-ba no®-zhi" da ha,
Ho®-ba no®-zhi® da ha, a ha no®-zhi" da ha.

[ETH. ANN. 45

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 761

Sona 4
(Free translation, p. 628)
1
Wi-tsi-go ho tsi no®-zhi*-e the he the,
E-ni-the he tho-he mi the the, e-ni-the-the
E-ni-the he tho-he mi the the,
E-ni-the he do-ga no®-zhi*-e the he.
2
E-ni-the he mi-ga no*®-zhi®-e the he.
3
E-ni-the he zhi®-ga no®-zhi®-e the he.
+
E-ni-the he Ho®-ba no®-zhi"-e the he.

Sona 5
(Free translation, p. 629)

1
Mo?-i2-ka u-ho®-ge dsi tha-thi-she no®,
Tho-ge no" do-ga gi ta bi the the the he the,
Do-ga gi ta bi the the,
Tho-ge no" do-ga gi ta bi the the the he.

2
Tho-ge no" mi-ga gi ta bi the the he.

3
Tho-ge no® zhi®-ga gi ta bi the the he.

4
Tho-ge no" Ho*-ba gi ta bi the the he.

Sone 6
(Free translation, p. 630)

1
Mi-cu-dse, mi-¢u-dse di ba thi. a ha,
Wi-tsi-go di ba thi" a ha ge the he,
A ha ge the he-e,
Do-ga u-tha gi ba thi" a ha,
Wi-tsi-go gi ba thi. a ha ge the he,
A ha ge the he.

Mi-ga u-tha gi ba thi a ha.
3
Zhi*-ga no® gi ba thi" a ha.
4
Ho*-ba no® gi ba thi? a ha.
41383°—30——_49

762

THE OSAGE TRIBE

Sone 7
(Free translation, p. 631)
1

Gi ba dse ha tho, gi ba dse ha tho,
Gi ba dse ha tho, gi ba dse ha tho,
I-wi-the tha ha tho, do-ga no® ha tho,
Gi ba dse ha tho, gi ba dse ha tho,
Gi ba dse ha tho, gi ba dse ha tho.

I-wi-the tha ha tho, mi-ga no” ha tho.

3
J-wi-the tha ha tho, zhi"-ga no" ha tho.

4
I-wi-the tha ha tho, ho®-ba ge ha tho.

Sone 8
(Free translation, p. 632)

1
Tsi-go ki-da bi no®, ki-da bi no,
Ki-da bi no®, ki-da bi no" ha,
Ki-da bi no®, ki-da bi no*,
Ki da bi no® ha.

Tsi-go ts’e wi-the no®, ts’e wi-the no?,
3

Tsi-go hi u-thi"-ga no”, hi u-thi-ga no”.
4

Tsi-go pa u-thi"-ga no*, pa u-thi-ga no*.
5

Tsi-go a u-thi"-ga no", a u-thi*-ga no*.

Sone 9
(Free translation, p. 635)

Mo>-i»-ka tse-ga ge no" dse he,
Wi-tsi-go a-ci-gthe sho-dse he,
To*-be mo®-bthi-e the he the,
Sho-dse ge to"-be mo®-bthi-e the,
Tho-ge no” dse ge

To2-be mo®-bthit-e the he.

2
Tho ge no gthe-ca ge
To*-be mo*-bthi-cethe, he.

3
Tho ge no” bo-xa ge
To®-be mo®-bthi"-e the he.

Tho ge no” ho®-be ge
To2-be mo®-bthi"-e the he.

[ETH. ANN. 45

LA FLESCHE]

OSAGE VERSION

Sone 10
(Free translation, p. 636)
1

A-ci-gthe he sho-dse no®-zhi®-e the he the,
A-ci-gthe he sho-dse no®-zhi®-e the he the,
A-ci-gthe he sho-dse no®-zhi-e the,
A-gi-gthe he sho-dse no®-zhi"-e the he.

A-ci-gthe he ga-bthi no®-zhi»-e the he the.
3

A-ci-gthe he gthe-ca no®-zhi"-e the he the.
4

A-ci-gthe he xo-de no®-zhi®-e the he the.
5

A-ci-gthe he ho®-ba u-no®-zhi"-e the he the.
6

A-gi-gthe he wa-k’o" no®-zhi®-e the he the.
7

A-gi-gthe he wi"-xtsi hi tha-a ha tha.
8

A-ci-gthe he ¢a-to™ hi tha-a ha tha.
Sha-pe hi tha-a ha tha.
E-no® hi tha-a ha tha.

A-ci-gthe he ba-bthi no®-zhi®-e the he the.
10

A-ci-gthe he ho®-ba u-no"-zhi*-e the he the.
11

.A-ci-gthe he bo-xa no®-zhit-e the he the.
12

A-ci-gthe he mo®-gthe no®-zhi"-e the he the.
13

A-ci-gthe he ga-mi no®-zhi-e the he the.
14

A-ci-gthe he ki-tse no"-zhi-e the he the.
15

A-ci-gthe he xtha to™ no®-zhit-e the he the.
16

A-ci-gthe he tsi-zhe no*-zhit-e the he the.
17

A-ci-gthe he ga-dsi® no®-zhi®-e the he the.
18

A-ci-gthe he xa-pe no®-zhi-e the he the.
19

A-ci-gthe he zha-wa no®-zhi™-e the he the.
20

A-ci-gthe he ho®-ba no®-zhi»-e the he the.

763

764

THE OSAGE TRIBE

Sone 11
(Free translation, p. 638)

Do>-be the tse the he, do®-be the tse the,

A-gi-gthe no" ho" do-be the tse the he,

Do*-be the tse the he, do-be the tse the the he the,
Gthe-ga ge no® ho» do»-be the tse the he, |

Do*-be the tse the he, do®-be the tse the the he.

Bo-xa ge no® ho" do®-be the tse the he.
3

Mo*-gthe ge no" ho" do-be the tse the he.
4

Ga-mi ge no" ho®.do2-be the tse the: he.
5

Xtha gi ge no" ho" do®-be the tse the he.
6

Ga-dsi® ge no™ ho" do®-be the tse the he.
7

Ho®-ba ge no™ ho" do-be the tse the he.

‘Sone 12
(Free translation, p. 639)

A-ci-gthe he ha-ha mo®-bthi*-e the he the,
A-ci-gthe he ha-ha mo®-bthi®-e the he the,
A-ci-gthe he ha-ha mo®-bthi"-e the,
A-ci-gthe he ha-ha mo*-bthi®-e the he.

A-ci-gthe he tsi-zhe no®-zhi*-e the he the.
3

A-ci-gthe he xtha ¢i no®-zhi"-e the he the.
4

A-ci-gthe he wa-k’ o® no*-zhi"-e the he the.
5

A-ci-gthe he to®-thit no*-zhi»-e the he the.
6

A-ci-gthe he zha-wa no®-zhi®-e the he the.
7

A-ci-gthe he ho®-ba u-no®-zhi"-e the he the.

[ETH. ANN. 45

LA TLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 765

SAUCY-CALF

Ha! No*-ho"-zhi"-ga, Tse Wa-tho" the ga she-no"i"do. Wa-tho"™
Sha-pe thi"-kshe, No™-ho"-zhi"-ga, a-tsi a’-to™-he i" do. Wa-ga’-xe
the she-to"’-ha a-the’ ta a-ka i" do. A’-ki-hi-dse go"-tha thi" he
no"-e.

Wa-THO”’ SHa-PpE TSE
(SONGS SIX THE)

Tsr-po’-a Ni-xKa IJ-no%-zH1% Wa-THO*

(BUFFALO MEN STAND BY SONGS)
Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 640)
il

Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi® bi no®,
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi® bi no®,
Wi-tsi-go no"-zhi™ bi no hor,
Pa-hi btha-zho® no®-zhi® bi no®,
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi® bi no".
2
He-thi-ste-do® no®-zhi" bi no®.
3
A-ba-t’o-xa no®-zhi" bi no®.
4
Hiu-gthe do-ba no®-zhi" bi no.
; 5
Mo?®-no®-k’o-i-tha no®-zhi" bi no®.
Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 641)
1
Wi-tsi-go mo-i" kshe no®,
Wi-tsi-go mo®-i" kshe no®,
Wi-tsi-go mo*-i" kshe no® hor,
Pa-hi btha-zho" mo®-i"-kshe no®,
Wi-tsi-go mo®-i® kshe no®.
2
He-thi-ste-do" mo®-i® kshe no?.
3
A-ba-t’o-xa mo?-i"-kshe no?.
4
Cis-dse xa-tha mo-i? kshe no®.
5
Hiu-gthe do-ba mo*-i® kshe no°.
s
Mo?-no"-k’o-i-tha mo®-i" kshe no*.

766

THE OSAGE TRIBE

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 642)
1
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi" tsi-tha,
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi" tsi-tha thi. ha,
Pa-hi btha-zho" no®-zhi* tsi-tha,
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi® tsi-tha,
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi® tsi-tha thi" ha,
Pa-hi btha-zho" no*-zhi® tsi-tha thir ha.
2
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi* tsi-tha thi. ha,
He-thi-ste-do" no®-zhi® tsi-tha thin ha.
3
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi® tsi-tha thi" ha,
A-ba-t’o-xa no®-shi® tsi-tha thi ha.
+
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi® tsi-tha thi® ha,
Cis-dse xa-tha no®-zhi* tsi-tha thi" ha.
5
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi" tsi-tha thi" ha,
Hiu-gthe do-ba no®-zhi* tsi-tha thi" ha,
6
Wi-tsi-go no®-zhi" tsi-tha thi" ha,

Mo?2-no2-k’o-i-tha no®-zhi® tsi-tha thi ha.

Sona 4
(Free translation, p. 643)
1
Wi-tsi-go ho no®-zhi" da ha,
Wi-tsi-go ho no*-zhi" da,
Wi-tsi-go ho no®-zhi" da-a ha-a,
No-zhit da ha mo"-ha ta ha no®-zhi" da,
Wi-tsi-go ho no®-zhi" da-a ha.
2
No®-zhi® da ha ga-xpa ta ha no®-zhi" da.
3
No»-zhi" da ha a-k’a ta ha no*-zhi" da.
4
No-zhit da ha ba-co" ta ha no®-zhi" da.

[eTH. ANN. 45

LA FLESCHE]

OSAGE VERSION

Ta Wa/’-THO*
(DEER SONGS)
Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 644)
1
Hiu-wa-ge no®-no®-ge the,
Hiu-wa-ge no®-no"-ge the,
Hiu-wa-ge no"-no"-ge the,
Hiu-wa-ge no®-no"-ge,
O-ho-o tsi the ge no®-no"-ge the,
Hiu-wa-ge no"-no"-ge the,
Hiu-wa-ge no®-no"-ge.
2
O-ho-o tsi-xi"-dse dsi a-thi" he the.
3
O-ho-o ho®-ba ge no®-no®-ge the.

Wa-ca’-BE Wa-THO™
(BLACK BEAR SONGS)

Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 645)

1
Wa-ca-ki-the shpa-no®-tha bi the he,
Shpa-no®-tha bi the he, shpa-no®-tha bi the he,
Shpa-no®-tha bi the the he the,
Ca-be-to®-ga shpa-no®-tha bi the he,
Shpa-no®-tha bi the.

I»-gtho»-to"-ga shpa-no®-tha bi the he.

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 646)

i
Wa-ca-ki-the shpa-no"-tha bi the,
Ha-dsi tha bthe do® he the the,
Ha-dsi tha bthe do" he the he the,
Ca-be-to®-ga shpa-no®-tha bi the,
Ha-dsi tha bthe do he,
Wa-ca-ki-the shpa-no®-tha bi the.

2
I»-gtho®-to"-ga shpa-no®-tha bi the.

767

768 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH ANN. 45

So ja et

i
w

NF ODDNAMNRWNHe

SAUCY-CALF

The No®-ho®-zhi"-ga No"-xthe’ I-ki"-dse Wa-tho® a-tsi i” do.
The — old men little Cara, rush songs I have come.
No®’-xtTHE I-K1’-psze W1’-GI-E
(CHARCOAL RUSH RITUAL)

(Free translation, p. 647; literal translation, p. 817)
1

. A’-tha tsi ta’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

Wa-ga-be do-ga gi"-de do"-k’a e-go" kshe no®- a, a bi® da, tsi ga

. I’-ki-no™-xthe 0°-tha ba tho” tse a-to™-he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Zhi®-ga no"-xthe o"-tha bi tho” shki a, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. No"’-xthe gi-sha-be ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Pa’-zhu-zhe sha-ba ga thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

I’-ki-no"-xthe o"-tha ba tho” tse a-to™-he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Zhi*’-ga no"-xthe o®-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. No’-xthe gi-sha-be ki-the mo?-thi® ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Mi’hi-e ge ta shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. We’-go"-tha a-thi™ bi tho" shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

We’-go"-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo™-thi" ta 1 tsi? da’, a bi® da,
tsi ga,

We-ki i-he-the mo?-thi® ta i tsi" da, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. I’ko"-ha sha-be ga thi®-kshe shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. E’skki no"-xthe o?-tha ba tho” ta a-to"-he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga

. Zhi"’-ga no"-xthe o*-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. No’’-xthe gi-sha-be ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Mi’hi-e ge ta shki a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. We’-go"-tha a-thi® mo®-thi® bi tho" shki a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. We’-go"-tha gi-o-ts’a-ga ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da,
tsi ga,

. We-ki i-he-the mo”-thi" ta 1 tsi” da, a bi? da, tsi ga.
3

2. No”’-ta i-ta-xe sha-be ga thi"-kshe shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. E’shki no"-xthe o*-tha ba tho” tse a-to™-he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Zhi"’-ga no®-xthe o®-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

25. No®’-xthe gi-sha-be ki-the mo”-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
26. Mi’hi-e ge ta shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
27. We’-go"-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo™-thi” ta i tsi" da’, a bi™ da,

tsi ga,

. We’-ki i-he-the mo*-thi” ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 769

. No®’-ka u-pa hi" sha-be ga thi*-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. E shki no”-xthe o?-tha ba the” tse a-to™ he i® da, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Zhi’’-ga no*-xthe o"-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. No"’-xthe gi-sha-be ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi? da’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Mi’hi-e ge ta shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

4. We’-go"-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da,

tsi ga,

. We-ki-i-he-the mo*-thi" ta i tsi" da, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. (1’-de i-ta-xe sha-be ga thi"-kshe a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. E’shki no™-xthe o*-tha ba tho” tse a-to" he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Zhi"’-ga no”-xthe o"-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. No®’-xthe gi-sha-be ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Zhi®’-ga no*-xthe o"-tha bi tho" shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Mi’hi-e ge ta shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. We-go"-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi? da, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. We ki-i-he-the mo*-thi" ta i tsi" da, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. Ci’-pa-hi sha-be ga thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

5. E’sbki no™-xthe o®-tha ba tho” ta a-to™ he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Zhi’’-ga no*-xthe o*-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. No”’-xthe gi-sha-be ki-the mo®-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Mi’ hi-e ge ta shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. We’-go"-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo”-thi™ ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da,

tsi ga,

. We ki i-he-the mo™-thi" ta 1 tsi" da, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. Ho’ a-do" no"-xthe tha bi go" no" shki a, hi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. I*’-gtho"-ga do-ga kshe a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. I’-ki-no®-xthe o®-tha ba tho" ta a-to™ he i" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Zhi®’-ga no®-xthe o®-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. No®’-xthe gi-ga-be ki-the mo”-thi™ ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Pa’-zhu-zhe ¢a-be ga thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. E’shki zhi*-ga no"-xthe o"-tha ba tho" ta a-to™ he i" da’ a bi"

da, tsi ga,

. Zhi™’-ga no™-xthe o®-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. No®-xthe gi-ga-be ki-the mo*-thi" ta i tsi" da, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. I’ko"-ha sha-be ga kshe a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Zhi®’-ga no*-xthe o"-tha ba tho" ta a-to™ he i® da’, a bi® da,

tsi ga,

. Zhit’-ga no"-xthe o°-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
. No*-xthe gi-ga-be ki-the mo™-thi" ta i tsi" da, a bi® da, tsi ga.

770 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

64. Ho’’a-do" no™-xthe tha bi go" no” shki a, hi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

65. Wa’-zhi*-ga wa-tha-xthi thi"-ge thi"-kshe no” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

66. I’-ki-no*-xthe o"-tha ba tho” tse a-to” he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

67. Pa’-zhu-zhe sha-be ga thi*-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

68. KE’ shki no*-xthe o*-tha ba tho” tse a-to" he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

69. Wa’-ko"-da u-to®-ba bi a-thi" he no” a-tha’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

70. Zhi’’-ga wo" shki do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

71. Wa’-ko"-da u-to”-be i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi™ da,
tsi ga,

72. No*’-xthe o”-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

73. Mi’ hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

74. We ki i-he-the mo®-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da’, tsi ga.

75. Ta’-xpi hi" sha-be ga thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

76. E’ shki no"-xthe o°-tha ba tho” ta a-to" he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

77. Zhit’-ga no™-xthe o"-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

78. No®’-xthe gi-sha-be ki-the mo”-thi® ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

79. Mi’ hi-e ge ta shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

80. We’-go"-tha epee ces ki-the mo*-thi® ta i tsi? da’, a bi® da,
tsi ga,

81. We ia: i- the-the mo?-thi" ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

82. I"’-be i-ta-xe sha-be ga thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

83. KE’ shki no"-xthe 0*-tha ba tho” tse a-to-he i" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

84. Zhi"’-ga no"-xthe 0?-tha bi tho" shki 9’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

85. No®’-xthe gi-sha-be ki-the mo*-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

86. Zhi’’-ga mi hi-e ge ta shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

87. We’-go"-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo™-thi™ ta i tsi" da’, a bi®™ da,
tsi ga,

88. We’ ki i-he-the mo*-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

89. Ci’ ko"-ha sha-be ga thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

90. E’ shki no®-xthe o®-tha ba tho” tse a-to™ he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
91. Zhi’’-ga no®-xthe o"-tha bi tho” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

92. No®’-xthe gi-sha-be ki-the mo*-thi" ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

93. Mi’ hi-e ge ta shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

94. We’-go"-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo"-thi" ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi? da,
tsi ga,

95. We’ ki i-he-the mo*-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

LA FLESCHE]

OSAGE VERSION

Sona 1
(Free translation, p. 651)
i
Ni-ka ¢tu bi wa-tho® te he tha,
He tha, e-he tha, he tha e tha he tha,
Ni-ka ¢tu bi wa-tho® te he tha,
He tha, e-he tha, he tha e tha he tha,
Ni-ka ¢tu bi wa-tho" te he tha.

2
Ho*-ga to® bi wa-tho" te he tha.
3
Wa-xtha to" bi wa-tho" te he tha.
4
Mor-sho® to" bi wa-tho® te he tha.
5
Ta-ha to” bi wa-tho® te he tha.
6
Pe-dse to" bi wa-tho" te he tha.
7
No»-xthe to" bi wa-tho" te he tha.
8
Ho-ba to" bi wa-tho" te he tha.
Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 652)
1

Ni-ka ctu bi wa-tho" te, he he wa-ni-da
E he wa-ni-da,e he the he the,
Ni-ka ¢tu bi wa-tho® te,
He he wa-ni-da, e he wa-ni-da
Ni-ka ¢tu bi wa-tho" te, he he wa-ni-da.
2
Ho*-ga to" bi wa-tho? te,
3
Wa-xtha to" bi wa-tho te.
4
Mo?-sho® to® bi wa-tho" te.
5
Ta-ha to" bi wa-tho® te.
6
Pe-dse to™ bi wa-tho" te.
of
No»-xthe to® bi wa-tho" te.
8
Ho»-ba to® bi wa-tho® te.

771

172 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 653)
1

Ha-ni-da, ha-ni-da hi hi i,
Ha-ni-da, ha-ni-da hi hi i,

Ni-ka ctu bi tha ha-no” tse he the,
Ni-ka ctu bi tha ha-no® tse he,
Ha-ni-da, na-ni-da hi hi i,
Ha-ni-da, ha-ni-da hi hi i.

Ho®-ga to” bi tha ha-no® tse he the.
3

Wa-xtha to" bi tha ha-no" tse he the.
4

Mo2-sho2 to" bi tha ha-no® tse he the.
5

Ta-ha to® bi tha ha-no® tse he the.
6

Pe-dse to" bi tha ha-no® tse he the.
7

No»-xthe to" bi tha ha-no® tse he the.
8

Ho*-ba to® bi tha ha-no® tse he the.
XO’-KA

Wa-zha-zhe, Ta-tha-xi, ha-ta-ha ni-kshe do” ga ke gi-do"-be
tsi-gtha thi" ho!
Ni’pst_ Wa-tTHO™’
(WATERS SONGS)
Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 655)

1
Wa-ko®-da ho®-ga, ni a-dsi wa-kshi tha,
Ni a-dsi wa-kshi tha, ni a-dsi wa-kshi tha ha,
A-hi®-thi-ge wi-tsi-go,
Ni a-dsi wa-kshi tha, ni a-dsi wa-kshi tha,
Wa-ko®-da ho®-ga ni a-dsi wa-kshi tha.

2
Zha-be ho®-ga wi-tsi-go.

3
To-shno® to®-ga, wi-tsi-go.

4
Ca-be to"-ga wi-tsi-go.

5
I*-gtho"-to®-ga wi-tsi-go.

6
Sho*-ge-ho"-ga wi-tsi-go.

Ke-to-xo"-dse wi-tsi-go.

LA FLESCHE]

OSAGE VERSION 773

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 656)

1
Tsi-go ni u-ho®-ge dsi mi kshi" da,
Ni u-ho*-ge dsi mi kshi" da,
E tha he tha, e tha he the he the,
A-hi®-thi-ge-e,
Ni-u-ho®-ge dsi mi kshi" da,
E tha he tho, e tha he-e.

2
Zha-be ho®-ga-a.

3
To-shno®-to"-ga-a.

ft
Ca-be to"-ga-a.

5
I»-gtho"-to-ga-a.

6
Sho"-ge-ho"-ga-a.

7
Ke-to®-xo"-dse-e.

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 657)
1

The-thu ba he-tho®-be no®, the-thu ba he-tho®-be no2,
A-hi-thi-ge dse-to® dsi to™ he-tho®-be no,

The-thu ba he-tho®-be no",

A-hi-thi-ge dse-to® dsi to™ he-tho®-be no®,

The-thu ba he-tho®-be no®.

Zha-be ho"-ga dse-to" dsi to™ he-tho"-be no”.
3

To-shno®-to®-ga dse-to® dsi to" he-tho®-be no*.
4

C@a-be-to"-ga dse-to" dsi to™ he-tho®-be no®.
5

I»-gtho"-to"-ga dse-to™ dsi to® he-tho™-be no®.
6

Sho®-ge-ho®-ga dse-to" dsi to" he-tho"-be no*.
7

Ke-to®-xo"-dse dse-to" dsi to® he-the®-be no®.

774

THE OSAGE TRIBE

Wa-TsE Wa-THO*
(STARS ' SONGS)

Sone t
(Free translation, p. 658)
1
Wa-tse hi-tho-ba gthi-no*-zhi"-e,
Wa-tse hi-tho*-ba gthi-no™-zhi"-e,
Wa tse hi tho®-ba gthi-no®-zhi-e,
Wa-tse hi-tho"-ba gthi-no®-zhi"-e,
Wa-tse hi-tho®-ba gthi-no-zhi'-e,
Wa-tse hi-tho®-ba gthi-no®-zhi»-e

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 659)
1
Wa-tse ki-wa-wa gthi-no*-zhi»-e,
Wa-tse ki-wa-wa gthi-no®-zhi»-e,
Wa-tse ki-wa-wa gthi-no®-zhi"-e,
Wa-tse ki-wa-wa gthi-no®-zhi*-e,
Wa-tse ki-wa-wa gthi-no®-zhi»-e,
Wa-tse ki-wa-wa gthi-no®-zhi"-e.

Pa’-cE Do’ Wa-THO”™ To*-Ga

(EVENING SONGS GREAT)
Sona 1
(Free translation, p. 660)
1

Ho® e-dsi a-ka do® dsi the hi" do,
A ho® e-dsi a-ka do® dsi the hi" do,
A ho» e-dsi a-ka do® dsi the hi® do,
Dsi the hi do,
A pe ba-xthe xthe dsi a-ka do" dsi the hi* do,
A ho® e-dsi a-ka do® dsi the hi® do.
2
Ho® e-dsi a-ka do® dsi the hi» do,
A ho® e-dsi a-ka do® dsi the hi» do,
A ho® e-dsi a-ka do® dsi the hi do,
Dsi the hi" do,

A Zhu ba-xthe-xthe dsi a-ka do dsi the hi" do,

A ho® e-dsi a-ka do® dsi the hi? do.

Sona 2
(Free translation, p. 661)

1
Ho® e-dsi a-ka e-sha bi" do,
Ho® e-dsi a-ka e-sha bi" do,
Ho® e-dsi a-ka e-sha bi® do,
Pe ba-xthe-xthe dsi a-ka e-sha bi" do,
Ho® e-dsi a-ka e-sha bi® do,
Ho® e-dsi a-ka e-sha bi® do.

2
Zhu ba-xthe-xthe dsi a-ka e-sha bi" do.

(ETH. ANN. 45

LA FLESCHE]

OSAGE VERSION

Pa-cE DOX Wa-THO™ ZHIN-GA

(EVENING SONGS LITTLE)
Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 662)
1

Pa-ce u-tha-ga tha tsi-the he the he the,
Wa-po-ga-e tha pa-ce u-tha-ga tha tsi-the he the-e,
Tsi-the he the he the,

Wa-po-ga-e tha pa-ge u-tha-ga tha tsi-the he.

2
I-to" gi-e tha pa-ce u-tha-ga tha tsi-the he the-e.
3
Sho»-ge hu-e tha pa-ce u-tha-ga tha tsi-the he the-e.
4
We-ts’a gi-e tha pa-ce u-tha-ga tha tsi-the he the-e.
Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 662)
1

Pa-ce u-tha-ga the tse the the he the,
Wa-po-ga-e tha pa-ce u-tha-ga the tse the the,
The tse the the the he the,

Wa-po-ga-e tha pa-ce u-tha-ga the tse the the,
The tse the the he the.

2
I-to" gi-e tha pa-ce u-tha-ga the tse the the,
3
Sho*-ge hu-e tha pa-ce u-tha-ga the tse the the.
j 4
We-ts’a gi-e tha pa-ce u-tha-ga the tse the the.
Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 663)
1

Ni-ka wi" ho"-da-do® i-e hi-the to no®,
Ni-ka wi" ho®-da-do® i-e hi-the to,
T-e hi-the to" no", wa-po-ha-ga,
Pa-ce u-tha-ga i-e hi-the to® no",
Ni-ka wi" ho®-da-do® i-e hi-the to® no®.
3
T-e hi-the to™ no®, i-to ha ga.
3
T-e hi-the to" no®, sho™-ge ha ga.
4
T-e hi-the to” no®, we-ts’a ha ga.

775

COHN AAR we

10.

THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

We’-ts’aA Wa-THO*
(SNAKE SONGS)
Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 664)
1
Hi-tho®-be tsi-gthe he the, hi-tho®-be tsi-gthe he the.
Hi-tho"-be tsi-gthe he the,
Pe-xe wi" hi-tho"-be tsi-gthe he the,
Hi-tho®-be tsi-the he the, hi-tho®-be tsi-gthe he the.
2
Pe-xe do-ba hi-tho”-be tsi-gthe he the.

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 665)

1
Wa-ko®-da-gi wi-e mi-kshe no® ho2,
Wa-ko®-da-gi wi-e mi-kshe no®,
Wi-e mi-kshe no® ho?,
Be i-tha-zhi wi-e mi-kshe no" ho:,
Wa-ko"-da-gi wi-e mi-kshe no®,
Wi-e mi-kshe no® ho2,
Wa-ko®-da-go wi-e mi-kshe no®.

2
Ki-hi-e wa-the wi-e mi-kshe no" ho®.

Ni-zu1u’ Wa-THO™ To*%-Ga
(RAIN SONGS GREAT THE)

WI’-GI-E
(RITUAL)
(Free translation, p. 665; literal translation, p. 818)

. A’tha tsi ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-ga-ki-the zhi"-ga i-ta wi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ta’-dse mo"-ha dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wi’-tsi-go u-mo”-thi" thi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ta’-dse pa-ho"-gthe thi" dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga, .

Wi’-tsi-go u-mo"-thi" thi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wi’-tsi-go da-do” no®-thi® a-zhi xtsi thi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-xpe-gthe e-de a-do™-be kshi-the bi thi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ki’-gthi-ni-ka kshe no” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Wi’-tsi-go u-mo”-thi" thi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wi’-tsi-go da-do" no®-thi" a-zhi xtsi thi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. No®’-ka u-tha-ha thi*-ga zhi xtsi thi™ a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ta’-xpi dsi thi®-ga zhi xtsi thi” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Sho” tha ido” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. 1”’-dse-ha gi-hi xtsi wa-thi" hi no” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

LA FLESCHE]| OSAGE VERSION CAAT

16.
Ge
18.

9:
20.

21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
2.
28.
29.
30.

3l.
32.

33.
34.

35.
36.
37.
38.
oie)
40.
41.
42.

43.
44,

45.
46.

Pa’u-ki-thi-bthi"-bthi® xtsi wa-thi" hi no" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Sho” tha i do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

No”’-x " wa-tl > ai tho™-shki ENO? a) .a,bie da, ts!
o”’-xe no" wa-thu-¢e tse a1 tho™-shki e-go" no” a’, a bi" da, ts
ga,

Wa’-ca-ki-the zhi"-ga i-ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ga’ no*-zhi" da’, a bi™ da, tsi ga.

Ta’-dse ga-xpa dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ta’-dse pa-ho"-gthe thi" dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Tse’-pi-tha to"-ga kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wi’-tsi-go u-mo"-thi" thi” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wi’-tsi-go da-do" no®-thi" a-zhi xtsi thi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa/-xpe-gthe e-de a-do"-be kshi-tha bi thi" a’, a bi da, tsi ga,

Sho” tha i do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

No” -ka u-tha-ha thi"-ga zhi thi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ta’-xpi dsi thi®-ga zhi thi" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

I*’-dse ha ¢i-hi xtsi wa-thi" hi tse a i tho™-shki e-go" no® a’, a bi?
da, tsi ga,

Pa’ u-ki-thi-bthi"-bthi® xtsi wa-thi" hi tse a i tho™ shki e-go’,
no" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

No’-xe no™ wa-thu-¢e tse a 1 tho" shki e-go" no” a’, a bi® da,
tsi ga,

Wa’-ca-ki-the zhi"-ga i-ta’ a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ga’ no®-zhi" da, a bi" da’, tsi ga.

Ta-dse ba-co" dsi a, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Dsi™-tha to"-ga kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wi’-tsi-go u-mo*-thi" thi™ a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wi’-tsi-go da-do" no®-thi" a-zhi xtsi thi" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Wa’-xpe-gthe e-da a-do™-be kshi-tha bi thi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

No” -ka u-tha-ha thi"-ga zhi thi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ta’-xpi dsi thi"-ga zhi thi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

I’’-dse ha gi-hi xtsi wa-thi® hi tse a i tho™-shki e go" no" a’, a
bi" da, tsi ga,

Pa’ u-ki-thi-bthi"-bthi" xtsi wa-thi" hi tse a 1 tho” shki e-go" no”
a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

No”’-xe no" wa-thu-ce tse a i tho™-shki e-go" no™ a’, a bi® da,
tsi ga,

Wa’-ca-ki-the zhi*-ga i-ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ga’ no"-zhi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga.
41383°—30——50

778 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

47. Ta’-dse a-k’a dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

48. Ta’-dse pa-ho”-gthe thi” dsi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,”

49. No”’-ni-o"-ba zhi"-ga kshe no” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

50. Wi’-tsi go u-mo?-thi® thi” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

51. Wi’-tsi-go da-do® no*-thi® a-zhi xtsi thi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

52. No”’-ka u-tha-ha thi?-ga zhi thi™ a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

53. Ta’-xpi dsi thi"-ga zhi thi? a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

54. [*’-dse ha gi-hi xtsi wa-thi" hi tse a i tho™-shki e-go" no” a’, a
bi" da, tsi ga,

55. Pa’ u-ki-thi-bthi*-bthi® xtsi wa-thi" hi tse a i tho” shki e-go" no”
a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

56. No®’-xe no" wa-thu-ce tse a i tho” shki e-go™ no® a’, a bi® da,
tsi ga.

Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 668)

1
Wi-tsi-go gi ta ba the the he the,
Wi-tsi-go gi ta ba the the he the,
Mo»-xe ¢a-be-a gi ta ba the the he the,
Wi-tsi-go gi ta ba the the he the,
Mo»-xe ¢a-be-a gi ta ba the the he the,
Wi-tsi-go gi ta ba the the he the.

@
Mo»-xe xo-dse-a gi ta ba the the he the.

3
Mo?-xe ¢i-a gi ta ba the the he the.

4
Ki-a hi tha tha gi ta ba the the he the.

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 668)
1
Wi-tsi-go gi ta ba the he,
Wi-tsi-go gi ta ba the he the he-e,
Gi ta be the he,
Ga-niu ha ha gi ta ba the he,
Wi-tsi-go gi ta ba the he the he the.
2
Thi-ho®-ho"-ba gi ta ba the he.
3
Thi-gthe-gthe-ce gi ta ba the he.
4
Mo-xe xo-dse-a gi ta ba the he.
5
Cta-ki tha tha gi ta ba the he.

LA FLESCHE]

OSAGE VERSION

Ni-zu1u’ Wa-tHo™ Zut®-Ga

(RAIN SONGS LITTLE)
Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 670)
1

Wi-tsi-go thi-ga bi to®-be the tse the the he the,
Wi-tsi-go thi-ga bi to®-be the tse the the he the,
Mo»-i-ka o-thi"-ga bi to®-be the tse the the he the,
Wi-tsi-go thi-ga bi to®-be the tse the the he.

2
Mo?-i»-ka tho-to" i-tha-tha thi-xu the tse the the he the.

3
Mo>-i*-ka ba-xo® i-tha-tha thi-xu the tse the the he the.

4
Mo>-i»-ka tho-to® i-tha-tha thi-xu the tse the the he the.

5
Mo?-i2-ka ba-xo® i-tha-tha thi-xu the tse the the he the.

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 672)
1
Tsi-go do-ba ha mo®-thi® a-kshi-the no2,
Tsi-go do-ba ha mo®-thi® a-kshi-the no®,
Tsi-go zho® thi-to® i-tha-tha mo®-thi® a-kshi-the no,
Hi tha-a he no®, hi tha-a he no® a he no2,
Tsi-go do-ba ha mo®-thi® a-kshi-the no2,
Tsi-go do-ba ha mo®-thi® a-kshi-the no?.
2
Tsi-go zho® thi-shpi tha-tha mo®-thi® a-kshi-the no®.
3
Tsi-go zho® bi-xtho” no® mo®-thi® a-kshi-the no.
4
Tsi-go zho® mo®-shi tha-tha mo®-thi® a-kshi-the no*.
Ki-Ka’-xE [-K1-Ts1% Wa-THO™
Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 673)
1
Gthe-do® zhu-dse da-do® pa-ha thi" he no®,
Ha-we bthe a-thi® a-thi" he no®,
Ha-we bthe a-thi" a thi he the he the
Ha-we bthe a-thi® a-thi™ he no2,
Ha-we bthe a-thi" a-thi" he the he the.
2
Wa-zhi®-ca-be da-do® pa-ha thi? he no*,
3
Gthe-do® zhu-dse da-do® pa-ha thi" he nos.
4
Wa-zhi"-ca-be da-do" pa-ha thi® he no».

779

780 THE OSAGE TRIBE [erH. ANN. 45

Sone 2
(Free translation, p. 674)
1
Gtha-thi* the-tho gi bi no", the-tho gi bi no,
The-tho gi bi no" tho" tho" ha a,
Gthe-do® gtha-thi® the-tho gi bi no,
The-tho gi bi no”, the-tho gi bi no tho" tho® ha.

Sone 3
(Free translation, p. 675)

1
Gthe-do" zhu-dse the the-tho go®-¢e-go" gthi no™-zi"-e the he the,
Go*-ce-go" gthi no®-zhi"-e the he the, go*-ce-go® gthi no®-zhi®-e,
Gthe-do" zhu-dse the the-tho go"-ce-go" gthi-no®-zhi®-e the the he the,
E the go*-ce-go" gthi-no"-zhi*-e the he the,
Go-ce-go" gthi-no®-zhi®-e the he the, go"-ce-go" gthi-no®-zhi"-e,
Gthe-do" zhu-dse the the-tho go"-ce-go" gthi-no®-zhi®-e the he the.

2
Wa-zhi®-ga-be the the-tho go*-ce-go" gthi-no®-zhi®-e the he the.

3
Gthe-do® zhu-dse the the-tho go"-ce-go" gthi-no®-zhi"-e the he the.

4
Wa-zhi"-ca-be the the-tho go"-ce-go" gthi-no"-zhi-e the he the.

Mo?’-GTHU-STSE-DSE Wa-THO®
(ARROWS HIS RELEASING SONGS)

Sone 1
(Free translation, p. 676)

Gthe-do® zhu-dse the the-tho mo"-the-the ki-tha ba-e the he the,
Mo»-the-the ki-tha ba-e the he the, mo®-the-the ki-tha ba-e,
Gthe-do" zhu-dse the the-tho mo-the-the ki-tha ba-e the the he the,
E the mo®-the-the ki-tha ba-e the he the,

Mo»-the-the ki-tha ba-e the he the, mo"-the the ki-tha ba-e,
Gthe-do® zhu-dse the the-tho mo®-the-the ki-tha ba-e the he the.

Wa-zhi®-ca-be the the-tho mo"-the-the ki-tha ba-e the he the.
3

Gthe-do® zhu-dse the the-tho mo®-the-the ki-tha ba-e the he the.
4

Wa-zhi"-ca-be the the-tho mo*-the-the ki-tha ba-e the he the.

LA FLESCHE]

OSAGE VERSION

Wa-tsi’-a-ps1 Wa-THO*
(VICTORY SONGS)
Sona 1
(Free translation, p. 677)
1
He-no® pa thi-ko pa no" ta-bthe tha-to” te,
He-no® pa-thi-ko pa no" ta-bthe tha-to" te,
Pa thi-ko pa no® ta-bthe tha-to” te,
He-no® pa-thi-ko pa no" ta-bthe tha-to" te,
He-no® pa thi-ko.
2
Pa thi-ko, a no" ta-bthe tha-to te.
3
Pa-thi-ko, zhu no” ta-bthe tha-to” te.
4
Pa thi-ko, hi no" ta-bthe tha-to® te.
5
Pa thi-ko, gi no™ ta-bthe tha-to” te.

U’-THU-CE I-No*-zHIN Wa-THO*®
(PARTICIPANTS — RISING SONG)
Sona 1
(Free translation, p. 678)
1
He no® pa thi-ko- ta, he-no® pa thi-ko ta hi tho we,
O-tha-hi-hi tha, he-no" pa thi-ko ta hi tho we,
O-tha-hi-hi tha, he-no® pa thi-ko ta,
He-no® pa thi-ko ta hi tho we, O-tha-hi-hi tha.
< 2
He-no® a thi-ko ta, he no" a thi-ko ta hi tho we.
3
He-no® zho thi-ko ta, he-no® zho thi-ko ta hi tho we.
4
He-no® hi thi-ko ta, he-no" hi thi-ko ta hi tho we.
5
He-no® gi thi-ko ta, he-no® gi thi-ko ta hi tho we.

781

782 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

Ca’ Do-KAa Wi’-GI-E
(RUSH GREEN RITUAL)
(Free translation, p. 688; literal translation, p. 819)

1
1. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
2. Wa’-zha-zhe u-dse-the pe-tho"-ba ni-ka-shi-ga ba do" a’, a bi®
da, tsi ga,

3. Xtha’-xtha thi"-ge xtsi ni-ka-shi-ga bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
4. Ha!l’wi-co"-ga e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
5. Zhi®’-ga wa-xo-be tha ba tho"-ta thi"-ge’a-tha, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a,

bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
6. O’-to"-be tha-the tse a’, wi-co"-ga, e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
7. Ga’xtsi hi tha ido” a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
8. Tse’-xe xtsi ge dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
9. Pe’-cka stse-dse to™ no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
0. He’-dsi xtsi hi no"-zhi" to” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
1. The ho”’, wi-zhi"-the, a-gthi-no"-zhi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
12. E’-zhi-zhi ¢ka to"-ga, wi-go"-ga, e-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.
2,
13. He-dsi xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
14. O’-to"-be tha-the tse a, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
15. Ga’xtsi hi tha 1 do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
16. Tse’-xe xtsi ge dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
17. Pe’-cka zhu-dse to" no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
18. He’-dsi xtsi hi no®-zhi" to" a’, a bi da, tsi ga,
19. The ho’, wi-zhi®-the a-gthi-no"-zhi"-a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
20. E’-zhi-zhi-cka to"-ga, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.
3
21. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
22. O’-to®-be tha-the tse a, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
23. Ga’xtsi hi tha i do" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
24. Tse’-xe xtsi ge dsi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
25. Pshi’-shto-zha to™ no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
26. He’-dsi xtsi hi no"-zhi" to” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
27. He’-dsi xtsi a-thi” gi thi"-e do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
28. The ho”’, wi-zhi?-the a-gthi-no"-zhi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
29. K’-zhi-zhi ¢ka to"-ga, wi-co"-ga, e-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.
4
30. Ga’xtsi hi tha i do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
31. Dse’ko"-ha dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
32. Ca’btha-xe to" no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
33. He’-dsi xtsi hi no®-zhi" to" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
34. The ho”, wi-zhi"-the a-gthi-no™-zhi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
35. E’-zhi-zhi ¢ka to®-ga, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
36. Zhi®’-ga wa-xo-be tha ba tho" ta zhi a’, wi-co"-ga, e-gi-a, bi a’,
a bi" da, tsi ga.

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 783

37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.

43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.

ol.

52.
53.

54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.

65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
(les

0
Ga’xtsi hi tha i do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Dse’ko"-ha dsi xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Ca‘u-dse to"-ga to" no" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
He’-dsi xtsi hi no"-zhi® to" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
The ho™, wi-zhi"-the a’-gthi-no™-zhi® a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
E-zhi-zhi ¢ka to"-ga, wi-go"-ga, e-gi-a bi a, a bi® da, tsi ga.

He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ga’xtsi hi tha i do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Dse’u-cgko"-¢ka dsi xtsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

Ca’zhi"-ga ba-tse a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Pe’-tho™-ba hi no™-zhi" to" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

E’-dsi xtsi a-thi™ gi thi"-e do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

The ho”, wi-zhi"-the a’-gthi-no™-zhi® a’, a bi®.da, tsi ga,

She e’shno” u-tha-dse tha to" she a, wi-go"-ga, e-gi-a bi a’, a bi®
da, tsi ga,

Zhi"’-ga wa-xo-be the ta bi a, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi™ da,
tsi ga,

Zhi"’-ga wa-xo-be tha bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-xo-be gi-be-to" o0°-gi-the o"-mo”-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co™-ga,
e’-ki-a, bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ba’-ce tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

He-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ke’ci"-dse ga-tse pe-tho™-ba thi"-kshe a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

Ca’zhi"-ga ba-tse pe-tho"-ba do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

U’-dse thi"-kshe dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ba’-shko”-shko® the tsi-the to™ a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Mi’/hi-e ge ta pa-gthe xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Ba’-xi tsi-the to" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ga’tse shki a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

Zhi™’-ga wa-xo-be the mo*-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co™-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’
a bi" da, tsi ga.

He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

Ke’gi"-dse ga-tse sha-pe thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Ca’ba-tse we-sha-pe thi"-kshe dsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
He’-dsi xtsi hi gthi® thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Ca’zhi"-ga u-dse ge dsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Ba’-shko"-shko® tsi-the to™ a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Mr’hi-e ge ta pa-gthe xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

784 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

72. Ba’-xi tsi-the to" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

73. Ga’tse shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

74. Wa’-thi®-e gka she-mo” mo"-zhi i” da’,a bi" da, tsi ga,

75. Mi’ hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

76. Wa’-pa-xi-tha to” he i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

77. Zhi*’-ga wa-ba-xi-tha mo"-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

78. Wa’-ba-xi-tha gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

79. Zhi®’-ga wa-xo-be the mo®-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

80. Wa’-xo-be gi-ga-gi ki-the mo®-thi™ ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e-ki-a bi
a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

H1%’-pse Wr’-GI-E
(LINDEN RITUAL)
(Free translation, p. 691; literal translation, p. 821)

1. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

2. Wa’-zha-zhe U-dse-the Pe-tho"-ba ni-ka-shi-ga ba do” a’, a bi®
da, tsi ga,

3. Xtha’-xtha thi"-ge xtsi ni-ka-shi-ga bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

4. Ha!’ wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

5. Zhi"’-ga wa-xo-be tha ba tho” ta thi®-ge a-tha, wi-go"-ga,e’-ki-a
bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

6. Ga’ xtsi hi-tha i do" a’, a bi da, tsi ga,

7. Ga’-xa zhi"-ga xtsi ge dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

8. E’-hiu xa-tha zhi®-ga to" no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

9. E’-dsi xtsi a-thi" gi-e do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

0. The ho” wi-zhi"-the a-gthi-no"-zhi" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

1. Ha!’ wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

12. Zhi®’-ga wa-xo-be tha ba tho” ta zhi a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’,

a bi® da, tsi ga.
2

13. O’-to"-be tha-the tse a, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
14. Ga’ xtsi hi-tha i do" a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
15. Ga’-xa zhi"-ga xtsi ge dsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
16. E’-hiu zhi®-ga to" no” a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
17. E’-dsi xtsi a-thi® gi-e do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
18. The ho”, wi-zhi®-the a-gthi-no®-zhi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
19. Zhi"’-ga wa-xo-be tha ba tho” ta zhi a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’,
a bi" da, tsi ga.
3
20. O’-to®-be tha-the tse a, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
21. Ga’ xtsi hi-tha i do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
22. O’-cu ko®-ha dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
23. Hi?’-dse xo-dse to" no" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 785

24.
25.

50.

. The ho”, wi-zhi"-the, a’-gthi-no®-zhi" a
. Zhi®’-ga wa-xo-be tha ba tho” ta zhi a’, wi-con-ga, e’-gi-a, bi a’,

K’-dsi xtsi a-thi" gi-e do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Ha!’ wi-zhi"-the a’-gthi-no*-zhi® a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

a bi" da, tsi ga,

. E’-zhi-zhi gka to"-ga’, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. O’-to"-be tha-the tse a’, wi-co™-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga
: ? oe fo) ? Jikis ao?
. Ga’ xtsi hi-tha 1 do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga
? Is toto)
. O’-cu xtsi ge dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Hi®’-dse zhu-dse to" no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. E’-dsi xtsi a-thi" gi-e do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. The ho", wi-zhi®-the, a’-gthi-no®-zhi"a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. E’-zhi-zhi ¢ka to"-ga’, wi-go®-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. O’-to™-ba tha-the tse a’, wi-cgo"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Ga’-xtsi hi-tha 1 no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. O’-gu u-gko"-cka dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Hit’-dse sha-be to" no" a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

. E’-dsi xtsi a-thi" gi-e do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. The ho", wi-zhi"-the, a-gthi-no®-zhi® a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. E’-zhi-zhi gka to"-ga’, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. O’-to™-be tha-the tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ga’ xtsi hi-tha i do" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
. O’-cgu u-cko"-cka dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa/’-xtha hi to" no” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. E’-dsi xtsi hi no®-zhi" to” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. E’-dsi xtsi a-thi™ gi-e do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga
fo} ? Tins of
. The-ho”’, wi-zhi"-the, a-gthi no"-zhi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ha!’ wi-co"-ga, e-gi-a bi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. E’-zhi-zhi ¢ka to"-ga’, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Zhi’’-ga wa-xo-be tha ba tho” ta zhi a’, wi-con-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’,

a bi" da, tsi ga.
fi

Ga’ xtsi hi-tha i do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. O’-cu go-da ko"-ha dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ha’-do-ga to" no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. He’-dsi xtsi hi no"-zhi" to” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. E’-dsi xtsi a-thi® gi-e do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. The ho™, wi-zhi®-the, a’-gthi-no"-zhi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ha!’ wi-go"-ga, e-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

786 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

60. She e’shno” u-tha-dse tha to™ she a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a
bi" da, tsi ga,

61. Zhi®’-ga wa-xo-be the mo®-thi" ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a, bi a’,
a bi® da, tsi ga,

62. Zhi"’-ga wa-xo-be the mo*-thi" bi do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

63. Wa’-xo-be gi-ca-gi ki-the mo™-thi" ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi
a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

64. Tsi’-zhu a’, a bi da, tsi ga,

65. Ho*’-ga e-tho"-ba’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

66. Wa’/-xo-be the mo®-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co™-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi® da,
tsi ga,

67. Wa’-xo-be the mo®-thi® bi do® shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

68. Wa/’-xo-be gi-ca-gi ki-the mo®-thi® ta bia’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi
a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

Ca Wr’-GI-5
(RUSH RITUAL)
(RECITED BY THE WEAVER)

(Free translation, p. 698 ; literal translation, p. 823)

1. Wa’-ko"-da to"-ga e-de e-gka e-wa-ka ba zhi, a’be the,
. Wa’-ko"-da e ski do”, a’be the,

. Wa’-ko"-da to®-ga e-de e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi, a’be the,
. Wa’-ko®-da ho® ge’e-no" bi no”, a’be the,
. Wa’-ko®-da e’shki do”, a’be the,

. Wa’-ko®-da ho® ge’e-no" bi no’, a’be the,
. Wa’-ko®-da u-ga-ci-hi tsi zho" kshe no" no”, a’be the,
. Ci zho® kshe e-wa-ka bi, a be the,

aon om Or Be

9. Wa’-ko"-da to™-ga e-de e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi, a’be the,
10. Wa’-ko"-da ho® ge e-no” bi no”, a’be the,
11. Wa’-ko®-da e shki do, a’be the,

12. Wa’-ko"-da ho® ge e-no™ bi no”, a’be the,

13. Wa’-ko"-da u-ga-co"-ho" tsi kshe no”, a’be the,

14. U’-ga-co"-ho” tsi zho" kshe no” e-gka e-wa-ka bi, a’be the,
15. Wa’-ko®-da e-shki do”, a’be the,

16. Wa’-ko®-da ho? ge e-no” bi no®, a’be the,

17. Wa’-ko"-da to™-ga e-de e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi, a’be the,
18. Wa’-ko®-da u-ga-zhi-hi tsi zho® kshe no" no®, a’be the,
19. Wa’-ko®-da e shki do" a, a’be the,

. Wa’-ko"-da to®-ga e-de e-cka e-wa-ka bi, a’be the,

. Wa’-ko®-da e shki do”, a’be the,

. Wa’-ko"-da u-ga-zhu-dse tsi-gthi® thi"-kshe no" no”, a’be the,
. Wa’-ko®-da e shki do”, a’be the,

Lo Oe Oe
whwre

LA FLESCHE] = OSAGE VERSION 787

24. Wa’-ko"-da to-ho kshe no" no", a’be the,
25. Xtha’-¢ka u-ki-ho"-ge e-go" kshe no", a’be the,

26. Da’-ko" u-ga-k’u e-go" e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi, a’be the,
27. Wa’-ko"-da ho” ge e-no" bi no®, a’be the,
28. Ca’-be to e-go" a-tsi-zho" kshe no" no®, a’be the,

29. Ca’wa-tse-ga xtsi, a’be the,
30. Ca’wa-tse-ga xtsi, u-ga-she thi®-ge xtsi, u-k’o"-ha bi, a bi do”.

Ho*-sr’-cu W1’-GI-E
(MOCCASIN RITUAL)

(Free translation, p. 700; literal translation, p. 824)

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ke’gi"-dse ga-tse pe-tho"-ba thi"-kshe a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ga’cgu-e o"-ki-the o"-mo"-thi" ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’,
a bi" da, tsi ga,

4. Cu’-e 0-ki-the o"-mo"-thi" bi do" shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

5. Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

6. Xa’-dse gi-cta-ge ki-the mo*-thi" ta bi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

Whore

“

7. Da’-do” ho"-be-ko” the mo®-thi® ta ba do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
8. We’-ts’a ni-dsi-wa-the kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
9. Ga’ho"-be-ko" the mo?-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
0. Ho®’-be-ko" the mo®-thi" bi do" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
1. Xa’-dse e-shki do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
2. Ho®’-be-ko" gi-ba-xa zhi ki-the mo"-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,

e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

3 2

13. Da’-do™ mo”-hi" gi-the mo®-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
14. Wa’-dsu-ta shi?-to-zhi"-ga kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
15. He’i-shdo-ge tse a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
16. Ga’mo?-hi" gi-the mo"-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
17. Mo”’-hi® gi-the mo”-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
18. Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
19. Mo”’-hi® gi-pa-hi ki-the mo”-thi® ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi
a’, a bi" da, tsi ga

4
20. Da’-do" wa-ba-to-be mo®-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
21. Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
22. Ni’-ka wa-k’o" o-tha-ha kshe no” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
23. Ga’wa-ba-to-be mo”-thi" bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
24. Wa’-ba-to-be mo”-thi” bi do" shki a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
25. Wa’-ba-to-be gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo™-thi" ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga,

e’-ki-a, bi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga.

45.
. Da’-do" wa-ba-to-be mo®-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-k’o wo" we-da-the do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’wa-ba-to-be mo™-thi” bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-to-be mo™-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-to-be gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo™-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,

THE OSAGE TRIBE ¥ [ETH. ANN. 45

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ke’gi"-dse ga-tse sha-pe thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Ga’gu-e o*-ki-the o*-mo"-thi" ta bi 4, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’,

a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Cu’-e 0"-ki-the o"-mo*-thi" bi do" shki a’, a bi da, tsi ga,
. Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Xa’-dse gi-¢ta-ge o"-ki-the o"-mo"-tbi" ta bi" da’, a bi” da, tsi ga.

2. Da’-do" ho"-be-po” the mo”-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
3. We’-ts’a ni-dsi-wa-the kshe no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’ho"-be-ko” the mo*-thi" bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ho®’-be-ko" the mo®”-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Xa’-dse e-shki do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Ho"’-be-ko" gi-ba-xa zhi ki-the mo™-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,

e’-ki-a, bi a’, a bi da, tsi ga.

. Da’-do" mo?-hi" gi-the mo®-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta shi"-to-zhi"-ga kshe no” a’, a bi® da, tsi ge,

. He’tha-ta tse a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’mo?-hi" gi-the mo”-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mo?’-hi® gi-the mo®-thi" bi do" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mi’/hi-e ge ta’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Mo”’-hi® gi-pa-hi ki-the mo®”-thi" ta bi a’, wi-cgo"-ga, e’-ki-a bi

2; a bi? da, ts ga:
8

He’-dsi xts# a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga.

2. Da’-do" wa-ba-xtho-ge mo®-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Shi®’-to ho btho"-xe do” a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Ga’wa-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge mo®-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge_ gi-o-ts’e-ga_ o"-ki-the o"-mo"-thi" ta bi a’,

wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 789

NODOP WDNR

. Da’-do" wa-ba-xtho-ge mo*-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Shi’-mi ho-btho"-xe do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ga’wa-ba-xtho-ge mo®™-thi® bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge mo®-thi® bi do™ shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

2. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge gi-o-ts’e-ga o"-ki-the o"-mo*-thi" ta bi a’, wi-

{he Es , . a
go™-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Da’-do™ wa a-ba-xtho-ge mo"-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ni’-ka wa-k’o" o-tha-ha kshe no" a’, a bi? dat tsi ga,

. Ga’wa-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi" bi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge mo®-thi® bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge gi-o-ts’e-ga o"-ki-the o"-mo"-thi" ta bi a’, wi-

: es ; ms
go"-ga, e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. Da’-do" wa-ba-xtho-ge mo*-thi® ta ba do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-k’o wo" we-da-the do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ew

. Ga’wa-ba-xtho-ge mo®™-thi® st a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Wa/’-ba-xtho-ge mo®-thi® bi do®™ shki a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge gi-o-ts’e-ga o®-ki-the o"-mo"-thi" ta bi a’, wi-

go"-ga, e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

Ki’-no® Wr’-Gi-5
(PAINTING RITUAL)
(Free translation, p. 704; literal translation, p. 826)

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Da’-do® ki-no” gi-the mo®-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ko"-da tse-ga xtsi e-tho"-be hi no" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ko"-da u-ga-zhu-dse xtsi hi thi" no” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Zhi"’-ga ki-no™ gi-the mo®-thi® bi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Zhi*’-ga ki-no" gi the mo®-thi® bi do" a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Ts’e’wa-tse-xi ki-the mo*-thi" ta bi a’, zhi™-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. He’-dsi xtsi a’,a bi? da, tsi ga,

. Da’-do® wa-gthe gi-the mo™-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ko®-da tse-ga xtsi e-tho™-be hi no? bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. I-shdo-ge dsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-gthe to” e-go" to" no” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Ga’wa-gthe gi-the mo”-thi" bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Zhi®’-ga wa-gthe gi-the mo*-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-gthe gi-xi-tha ki-the mo™-thi"™ ta bi a’, zhi®-ga’, a bi® da,

tsi ga.

. Ts’e’wa-tse-xi ki-tbe mo®-thi® ta bi a, zhi"-ga’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

790 THE OSAGE TRIBE [pTH. ANN. 45

17. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

18. Da’-do" wa-no"-p’i" to” kshi-the ta ba do" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
19. Da’-gthe do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

20. Ga’wa-no"-p’i" to” kshi-the a-ka’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

21. Da’-do” a-ko"-ta kshi-the mo®-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
22. Da’-gthe do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
23. A’-ko"-ta kshi-the a-ka’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
24. Da’-gthe o-k’o-pi a bi i-the ki-the mo®-thi® ta bi" da’, a bi" da,
tsi ga.
5

25. Da’-do” pi-tha to” kshi-the mo”-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
26. Da’-gthe do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
27. Pi’-tha to® kshi-tha bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
28. Da’-gthe o-k’o-pi a-tha bi do" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
29. Da’-gthe o-k’o-pi a bi i-the ki-the mo"-thi" ta bi" da’, a bi® da,
{sl ga.
6
30. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
31. Da’-do" ho be to" kshi-the mo”-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
32. Da’-gthe do” ho®-be to” kshi-tha bi a’, a bi" da, ia ga,
33. Da’-gthe ho®-be to” kshi-the mo n-thi™ bi do™ shki a’, a bi" da,
tsi ga,
34. Da’-gthe o-k’o-pi a bi i-the ki-the mo*-thi" ta bi" da’, a bi" da,
tsl ga.
iG
35. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
36. Da’-do" mi to" kshi-the mo*-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
37. Da’-gthe do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
38. Mi’to” kshi-the alee” a bi" da, tsi ga,
39. Da’-gthe o-k’o- pi a- one bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
40. O’-ts’a-ge xtsi i-the ki-the mo*-thi" ts bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a,
bi a, a bi? da, tsi ga.
Wa’-ci-THU-GE W1’-GI-E
(FOOTSTEP RITUAL)
(Free translation, p. 708; literal translation, p. 827)
1
. Da’-do® wa-ci-thu-ge mo"-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
. O’-k’o-be wi® a-ci-thu-ce mo”-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. O’-k’o-be wi" e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

me whe

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 791

OO OND

. Wa’-dsu-ta wi" a-gi-thu-ce mo®-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta wi" e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse wi" a-ki-gtha-thi" no" no" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Ga’wa-gi-thu-¢e mo?-thi® bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ci-thu-ge mo*-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-gi-thu-¢ce gi-o-ts’e-ga o°-ki-the o"-mo®-thi® ta bia’, wi-co"-ga,

e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga.

. Da’-do" wa-ci-thu-ce mo*-thi® ta ba do" a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

. Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. O’-k’o-be tho"-ba a-ci-thu-ge mo®-thi" bi a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

. O’-k’o-be tho™-ba e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta tho"-ba wa-ci-thu-ge mo"-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsiga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta tho™-ba e-gka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse tho"-ba a-ki-gtha-thi" no" no”, a’, a bi® da,

tsi ga,

. Ga’wa-ci-thu-ce mo®-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-ci-thu-ge mo”-thi" bi do™ shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-ci-thu-ce gi-o-ts’e-ga o°-ki-the o°-mo"-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,

e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. Da’-do" wa-ci-thu-ce mo™-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Miv’hi-e ge ta’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. O’-k’o-be tha-bthi" a’-ci-thu-ge mo®-thi” bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. O’-k’o-be tha-bthi" e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta tha-bthi" wa-¢ci-thu-ce mo*-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta tha-bthi® e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse tha-bthi" a-ki-gtha-thi" no™ no” a’, a bi?

da, tsi ga,

. Ga’wa-ci-thu-ce mo*-thi® bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ci-thu-ce mo®-thi™ bi do® shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-xo-be zhi"-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ha’-gtha-thi® gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi" e-dsi’ba she tse.

. Da’-do® wa-ci-thu-ce mo®-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mi’/hi-e ge ta’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. O’-k’o-be do-ba a-gi-thu-ge mo*-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. O’-k’o-be do-ba e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta do-ba wa-ci-thu-ce mo™-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta do-ba e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse do-ba a-ki-gtha-thi® no" no™ a’, a bi® da,

tsl ga,

. Ga’wa-ci-thu-ce mo?-thi® bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-ci-thu-¢e mo™-thi® bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa/’-ci-thu-ce gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the ha-gtha-thi" e-dsi’ba she tse.

792 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

Pr’-xt Tuu-ce Wi’-Gi-E
(RATTLE TAKING-UP RITUAL)
(Belonging to the Ho»’-ga)
(Free translation, p. 711; literal translation, p. 829)

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Da’-do” pe-xe gi-the mo-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Mi’hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

To’’-wo"-gtho" pe-tho"-ba ha ba do” a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,
I’-thi-shno” thi"-kshe a’, a bi da, tsi ga,

Ga’wa-pa i-ta thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Pe’-xe gi-tha bi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

Pe’-xe gi-the mo”-thi" bi do" shki a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

. We’-thi-hi-dse gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga.

10. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

11. Da’-do” pe-xe-gu the mo*-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

12. Mi’hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

13. To"’-wo"-gtho" pe-tho™-ba ha ba do” a’, a bi da, tsi ga,

14. I’-thi-shno” thi"-kshe a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

15. Hi’-k’e i-shdo-ge kshe a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

16. Ga’pe-xe-cu the mo™-thi" ta bi a, wi-co™-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi
da, tsi ga,

17. Pe’-xe-cu the mo®-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

18. Mi’hi-e ge ta, a bi” da, tsi ga,

19. We’-thi-hi-dse gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi" ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga.

20. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

21. Da’-do® pe-xe i-ba the mo®-thi® ta ba do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

22. Mi’hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

23. To®’-wo"-gtho” pe-tho®-ba ha ba do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

24. I’-thi-shno” thi"-kshe a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

25. A’-xi-be i-shdo-ge kshe a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

26. Ga’pe-xe i-ba the mo®-thi® bi a’, a bi da, tsi ga,

27. Pe’-xe i-ba the mo®-thi® bi do® shki a’, a bi da, tsi ga,

28. We’-thi-hi-dse gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

CHONG RON

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 793

29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.

36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44,
45.
46.

47.
48.
49.
50.
dl.
52.
53.

54.
55.
56.
57.
58.

He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Mo”’-shi-ta u-thi-k’u-dse ga tse shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
E shki do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-thi"-e ¢ka zhi i da’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Mo”’-zho" xtho-k’a sho” e-go™ xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Wa’-gthu-shka be zhi"-ga i-ta i shki do® a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
U’-ki-o"-the o"-ga-xe o"-mo*-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a, bi
a’, a bi da, tsi ga.
5

He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Ga’-mo"™-dse ga thi"-kshe a’, a bi da, tsi ga,
E’ shki do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-thi"-e ¢ka zhi i" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Mi’hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Wa’-shi-shi-to” bi e no™ bi no" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Sho"’xtsi pa-xe i" da’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
Zhi®’-ga’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
Mi’hi-e ge ta shki a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,
Wa’-shi-shi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga, .
U’-bu-dse xtsi i-the ki-the mo®-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi
a, a bi? da, tsi ga. ;
6
He-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Ga’-ga-thu the tha bi do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-thi"-e ¢ka ga-ca-thu the’-tha ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Shi®’-to ho-btho"-xe do" a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,
A’-ga-ca-thu the-tha bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Wa’-ga-ca-thu mo®-thi® bi do” shki a’, a bi da, tsi ga,
Wa’-ga-ca-thu gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.
7
I’-tho"-be-o" ga-ga-thu the tha bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Shi’-mi ho-btho*-xe do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
A’-ga-ca-thu the-tha bi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
Wa’-ga-ca-thu mo®-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-ga-ca-thu gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo™-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi? da, tsi ga.
41383°—30——51

794 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ernvann ar

59. I’-tha-bthi"-o" xtsi ga-ga-thu the-tha bi do® shki a’, a bi® da,
tsi ga, ;

60. Ni’-ka wa-k’o" o-tha-ha do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

61. A’-ga-ca-thu the-tha bi a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

62. Wa/’-ga-ca-thu mo?-thi® bi do” shki a’, ‘a bi" da, tsi ga,

63. Wa’-ga-ga-thu gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo™-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga.

64. I’-do-ba-o" xtsi ga-ga-thu the-tha bi do” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,.

65. Wa’-k’o wo” we-da-the do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

66. A’-ga-ca-thu the-tha bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

67. Wa’-ga-ca-thu mo®-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

68. Wa’-ga-ca-thu gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

69. I’-gthi-hi-dse mo®-thi® bi do” shki a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

70. We’-thi-hi-dse wo’-ts’e-ga o"-ki-the o"-mo?-thi" ta bi a’, wi-cgon
ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi da, tsi ga.

Pr’-xeE THu-ce W1’-GI-E
(RATTLE TAKING-UP RITUAL)
(Belonging to the Wa-zha’-zhe Gens)

(Free translation, p. 713; literal translation, p. 831)

. Da’-do” pe-xe gi the mo”-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

To”’-wo"-gtho" pe-tho™-ba ha ba do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
I’-thi-shno" thi*-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-pa i-ta thi™-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ga’ pe-xe gi the mo®-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Pe’-xe gi-the mo*-thi" bi do® shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Pe’-xe gi-sho"-tha zhi ki-the mo”-thi® ta bi" da’, a bi" da, tsi, ga.

9. Da’-do” pe-xe-cgu the mo"-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
10. Mi hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
11. To”’-wo"-gtho" pe-tho"-ba ha ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
12. I’-thi-shno” thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
13. Hi’-k’e i-shdo-ge kshe a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
14. Ga’pe-xe-cu the mo®-thi" bi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
15. Pe’-xe-cu the mo®-thi” bi do? shki a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
16. Pe’-xe gi-ca-thu ki-the mo®-thi" ta bi" da’, a bi™ da, tsi ga.

SNAP wON e

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 795

We:
18.
19:
20.
21.
22.
23.
24,

3
Da’-do" pe-xe i-ba the mo®-thi® ta ba do® a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
To”’-wo"-gtho" pe-tho"-ba ha ba do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
I’-thi-shno” thi®-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
A’-xi-be i-shdo-ge kshe a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Ga’ pe-xe i-ba the mo®-thi® bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Pe’-xe 1-ba the mo®-thi® bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Pe’-xe i-ba i-ts’a thi"-ge ki-the mo®-thi" ta bi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ga’-mo"-dse ga thi®-kshe shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. E’shki do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-thi"-e ¢ka zhi i® da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mi’/hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa/’-shi-shi-to" bi e no" bi no” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
. Sho"’xtsi pa-xe i” da’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Mo”’-shi ta u-thi-k’ o-dse ga tse shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. E’shki do” a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,’

. Wa/’-thi®-e ¢ka zhi i® da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-gthu-shka zhi®-ga’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

. U’-ki-o"-the mo®-thi® ta ba she a-wa-kshi-mo" i” da’, a bi® da,

tsi ga.
6

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Ga’-ca-thu the tha bi do” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Mo”’-zho” xtho-k’a sho” e-go” xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. U’-ga-da-tho” i-he-tha bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Zhi"’-ga wa-ga-ca-thu mo*-thi® bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Mo*’-zho” xtho-k’a sho” e-go” xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. U’-ga-da-tho” i-he-the mo*-thi" ta bi" da’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. I’-tho”-ba-o" xtsi ga-ga-thu the tha di do” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-gthu-shka zhi"-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mo”’-zho® sho” e-go” xtsi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. No®’-xu-dse i-to”™ i-he-tha bi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Zhi"’-ga wa-ga-ca-thu mo?-thi” bi do” shki a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-gthu-shka zhi"-ga’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Mo”-zho® sho? e-go" xtsi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. No?/-xu-dse i-to® i-he-the mo®-thi® ta bi a, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a, bi

a, a bi” da, tsi ga.

796 THE OSAGE TRIBE (RTH. ANN. 45

53.

54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59:
60.

61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.

I’-tha-bthi"-o" xtsi ga-ga-thu the-tha bi do" shki a’, a bi® da,
tsi ga,

Wa’-gthu-shka zhi"-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Mo”’-zho” sho” e-go” xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

I’-shko” thi"-ge i-he-tha bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Zhi’-ga wa-ga-¢a-thu mo®-thi" bi do" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-gthu-shka zhi"-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

‘Mo?’-zho” sho” e-go” xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

I’-shko" thi®-ge i-he-the mo”-thi® ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a, bi
a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.
9
I’-do-ba-o" xtsi ga-ga-thu the-tha bi do" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-gthu-shka zhi"-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Mo”’-zho® sho” e-go” xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
U’-ga-bu-dse gthi i-he-tha bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Zhi’’-ga wa-ga-ca-thu mo*-thi" bi do" shki a’, a bi da, tsi ga,
Wa/’-gthu-shka zhi"-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Mo”’-zho® sho” e-go” xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
U’-ga-bu-dse gthi i-he-the mo*-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a,
bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga. :

Wa’-BA-xXTHO-GE W1’-GI-E

(MAKING THE SHRINE RITUAL)

(Free translation, p. 718)

1. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Wa/’-zha-zhe u-dse-the te-tho"-ba ni-ka-shi-ga ba do" a’, a bi"
da, tsi ga,
Xtha’-xtha thi®-ge xtsi ni-ka-shi-ga tho"-ka’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Zhi"’-ga wa-xo-be tha ba tho" ta thi™-ge’ a-tha, wi-co*-ga,

aa 1-@’-ki-a, -bi-a”,.a bit da, tsi ga,

10.

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi da, tsi ga,
. Da’-do" wa-ba-xtho-ge mo"-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta wi" a-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a

bi? da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta wi? e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse wi" a-ki-gtha-thi® no" no" a’, a bi® da,
tsi ga,
A’-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 797

12.

Da’-do" mo?-hi" gi-the mo*-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-dsu-ta shi"-to-zhi"-ga kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
He’i-shdo-ge tse a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mo"’-hi® gi-the ta bi a, wi-go"-ga, e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Mo?’-hi® gi-tha bi do" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Mo”’-hi® gi-pa-hi ki-the mo”-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a,

bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.
3

Da’-do" wa-ba-ba-xe mo”-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mi’hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Shi"’-to ho btho"-xe do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-ba-xe mo*-thi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-ba-xe mo”-thi" bi do" shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-ba-xe gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ge,

e’-ki-a, bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. Da’-do” wa-ba-xtho-ge mo®-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta tho"-ba a-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’,

a bi" da tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta tho™-ba e-¢ka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse tho"-ba a-ki-gtha-thi® no" no™ a’, a bi® da,

tsi ga,

. A’-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. Da’-do" mo*-hi® gi-the mo*-thi® ta ba do" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

Wa/’-dsu-ta shi"-to-zhi"-ga kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
He’i-shdo-ge tse a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mo”’-hi® gi-the ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Mo”-hi® gi tha bi do" shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Mo”™-hi" gi-pa-hi ki-the mo®-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi
a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

Da’. do" wa-ba-ba-xe mo”-thi® ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Mi’hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Shi’-mi-ho btho"-xe do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. A’-ba-ba-xe mo®-thi" bi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

Wa’-ba-ba-xe mo”-thi” bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-ba-xe gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,

e’-ki-a bi a, a bi® da, tsi ga.

798

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN, 45

lod

(

. Da’-do" wa-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta tha-bthi® a-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi

a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta tha-bthi" e-gka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse tha-bthi" a-ki-gtha-thi® no" no™ a’, a bi®

da, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-go"-ga e’-ki-a bia’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa/-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi? da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,

e’-ki-a bi a, a bi" da, tsi ga.

8 F cr>

. Da’-do™ mo*-hi" gi-the mo®-thi® ta ba do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta shi®-to-zhi"-ga kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. He’i-shdo-ge tse a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mo”’-hi® gi-the ta bi a’, wi-cgo"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Mo”’-hi® gi-tha bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mo” -hi® gi-pa-hi ki-the mo*-thi® ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a, bi

a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.
9

3. Da’-do" wa-ba-ba-xe mo”-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Mi’hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Ni/-ka wa-k’o" o-tha’-ha kshe no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-ba-xe tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-ba-xe mo*-thi® bi do” shki a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-ba-xe gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,

e’-ki-a bi a, a bi" da, tsi ga.
10

9. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Da’-do" wa-ba-xtho-ge mo®-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta do-ba a-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’,

a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa/’-dsu-ta do-ba e-gka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa/’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse do-ba a-ki-gtha-thi™ no® no" a’, a bi" da,

tsi ga,

. Ga’wa-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi" ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a

bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da; tsi ga,
. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge wo-ts’e-ga o®-ki-the o®-mo"-thi® ta bi a’,

wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga.
11

. Da’-do" mo?-hi" gi-the mo®-thi" ta ba do" a’, a da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta shi"-to-zhi"-ga kshe no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
69.

He’i-shdo-ge tse a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 799

70.
ole
TP

Mo”’-hi® gi-the ta bi a’, wi-co™-ga, e-ki-a, bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Mo”’-hi® gi-tha bi do® shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Mo” -hi® gi-pa-hi ki-the mo®-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi
a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.
12

. Da’-do" wa-ba-ba-xe mo"-thi® ta ba do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Mi’hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi? da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-k’o wo” we-da-the do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-ba-xe tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-ba-xe mo"-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-ba-xe gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo™-thi" ta bi a’, wi-cgo™-ga,

e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Da’-do™ wa-ba-xtho-ge mo"-thi" ta ba do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta ga-to™ a-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’,

a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-dsu-ta ga-to"™ e-gka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse ¢ga-to" a-ki-gtha-thi® no" no” a’, a bi® da,

tsi ga,

. A’-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-ba-xtho-ge gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,

e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

. Da’-do™ mo?-hi" gi-the mo"-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-dsu-ta shi"-to-zhi"-ga kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. He’i-shdo-ge tse a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mo?’-hi® gi-the ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Mo”’-hi® gi-tha bi do" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mo”’-hi® gi-pa-hi ki-the mo*-thi" ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi

a’,.a bi™ da, tsi ga.
15

. Da’-do® wa-ba-ba-xe mo*-thi® ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Mi’hi-e ge ta ni-ka-shi-ga’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. I’-to"-wo?-gtho" bi thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. A’-ba-ba-xe tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. Wa’-ba-ba-xe mo"-thi” bi do” shki a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. Wa-ba-ba-xe gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,

e-ki-a bi a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga.

800

99.
100.
101.

102.
103.

104.
105.
106.

107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.

113.
114.
115.
116.

118.

119.
120.

121.
122.

123.
124.
125.

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

16
He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Da’-do" wa-ba-xtho-ge mo"-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Wa’-dsu-ta sha-pe a-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’,
a bi? da, tsi ga,
Wa’-dsu-ta sha-pe e-¢ka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse sha-pe a-ki-gtha-thi" no" no" a’, a bi® da,
tsi ga,
A’-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e-ki-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Wa’-ba-xtho-ge mo®-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-ba-xtho-ge gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo"-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a, a bi" da, tsi ga.
17
Da’-do" mo®*-hi" gi-the mo”-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-dsu-ta shi"-to-zhi"-ga kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
He’i-shdo-ge tse a’, a bi" da, tsi ga, ,
Mo"’-hi" gi-the ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
Mo”™-hi" gi-tha bi do" shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Mo"’-hi" gi-pa-hi ki-the mo™-thi" ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi
a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.
18

Da’-do" wa-ba-ba-xe mo"-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

To"-wo"-gtho" wa-kshi-the thi"-kshe a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

A’-ba-ba-xe tse a, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-ba-ba-xe mo"-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-ba-ba-xe gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo”-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,
e’-ki a, bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

Da’-do" wa-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi® ta ba do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa/’-dsu-ta pe-tho"-ba a-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a,
bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa/’-dsu-ta pe-tho"-ba e-cka e-wa-ka ba zhi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-dsu-ta u-ba-tse pe-tho"-ba a-ki-gtha-thi" no" no" a’, a
bi" da, tsi ga,

A’-ba-xtho-ge tse a’, wi-go"-ga, e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa/’-ba-xtho-ge mo”-thi® bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-ba-xtho-ge gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi" ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,
e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 801

126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.

132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.

Da’-do" mo*-hi" gi-the mo*-thi" ta ba do" a’, a bi da, tsi ga,

Wa’-dsu-ta shi"-to-zhi"-ga kshe no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

He’i-shdo-ge tse a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Mo”’-hi® gi-the ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Mo”’-hi" gi-tha bi do® shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Mo” -hi" gi-pa-hi ki-the mo®-thi® ta bi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a,
bi a’, a bi? da, tsi ga.

Da’-do” wa-ba-ba-xe mo"-thi® ta ba do” a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa/’-k’o wa-sho" kshe thi*-kshe a’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,

A’-ba-ba-xe tse a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-ki-a, bi a’, a bi® da, tse ga,

Wa’-ba-ba-xe mo”-thi" bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-ba-ba-xe gi-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo*-thi® ta bi a’, wi-co"-ga,
e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga.

No*-ni’-n1 W1’-GI-E
(TOBACCO RITUAL)

(Free translation, p. 723)

e 1

. He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-zha-zhe u-dse-the pe-tho"-ba ni-ka-shi-ga ba do” a’, a bi®

da, tsi ga,

. Wi’-cgo"-ga, e’-ki-e no"-zhi" bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. We’-ki-k’o” tho®-tse thi"-ge a-tha, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi®

da, tsi ga,

. Ga’xtsi hi-tha 1 do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Sho’-ka wa-ba-xi to” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Hiu’-e-ga ¢kiu-e to" no” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
He’-dsi xtsi a-thi" gi-e do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

. The ho”, wi-zhi"-the, a-gthi-no"-zhi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. We’-ki-k’o" tho” ta zhi a, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
. Wa’-tha-ci-dse tho" ta zhi a, wi-go"-ga, e’-ki-a bi a’, a bi" da,

tsi ga.
2

. Ga’xtsi hi-tha i do” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. Zha’-hiu to® no” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

. He’-dsi xtsi a-thi" gi-e do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. The ho”, wi-zhi"-the, a-gthi-no"-zhi" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

. We’-ki-k’o” tho”-ta zhi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a, bi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
. Wa/’-tha-ci-dse tho"-ta zhi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da,

tsi ga,

. O’-to"-be tha-the tse a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi? da, tsi ga.

802

19.
20.
7a
22.
23.
24.

25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
dl.
32.

33.

34.
35.
36.
a7.
38.
39.
40.
Al.

42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.

dl.

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH ANN. 45:

Ga’xtsi hi-tha i do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
O’-po"-no”-ta e-go" to" no” a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
He’-dsi xtsi a-thi" gi-e do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
The ho”, wi-zhi®-the, a-gthi-no"-zhi" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,
We’-ki-k’o” tho"-ta zhi a’, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-tha-ci-dse tho™-ta zhi a’, wi-co™-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da,

tsi ga.

He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ga’xtsi hi-tha 1 do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Tse’-xe xtsi ge dsi a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,

Mi’-ta-o-ga-xthe hi to" no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

He’-dsi xtsi a-thi® gi-e do” a’, a bi" da, tstr ga,

The ho?’, wi-zhi®-the, a-gthi-no"-zhi" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

We’-ki-k’o” tho”-ta zhi a, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-tha-ci-dse tho"-ta zhi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da,
tsi ga,

O’-to™-be tha-the tse a, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

5
Ga’xtsi hi-tha i do" a’, a bi® da, tsi ga, |
No?’-ni-ba-tse thi®-kshe no” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
E’-dsi xtsi a-thi® gi-e do" a’, a bi" da, tsiga,
The ho”, wi-zhi"-the, a’-gthi-no"-zhi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga, |
We’-ki-k’o" tho” tse a-ka’, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
]’-k’u-tse a-tsia tha ba do" a’, a bi” da, tsi ga,
Gi/-ha-go" a-zhi xtsi a-ka’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa/’-tha-gi-dse tho®-ta zhi a’, wi-co®-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi™ da,

tsi ga.

He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Ga’xtsi hi-tha 1 do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

A’-ba-du a-tha-k’a-be dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Mo”’-bi-dse zhi?-ga to" no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

He-dsi xtsi a-thi® gi-e do" a, a bi" da, tsi ga,

The ho™, wi-zhi®-the, a-gthi-no®-zhi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

E’-go" tho®-tse xtsi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi® da, tsi ga,

I’-k’u-tse a-tsia-tha ba do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,

Wa’-tha-ci-dse tho"-tse a-ka, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi” da,
tsi ga,

E’-zbi-zhi ¢ka u-to®-ga’, wi-co"-ga, e’-gi-a bi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga.

LA FLESCHE] OSAGE VERSION 803

52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.

i
He’-dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Ga’xtsi hi-tha i do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
A’-ba-du a-ga-ha dsi xtsi a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Mo” -bi-dse hiu-stse-dse to" no" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
He’-dsi xtsi a-thi" gi-e do" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
The ho”, wi-zhi"-the, a-gthi-no"-zhi" a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
We’-ki-k’o" tho”-tse xtsi a’, wi-go"-ga, e’-gi-a bia’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Tsi’-zhu a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Ho"’-ga e-tho"-ba’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
We’-ki-k’o" the mo®-thi" ta 1 tsi" da’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
We’-ki-k’o" the mo™-thi" bi do” a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Da’thu-ts’a-ga zhi ki-the mo™-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi™ da, tsi ga,
Mi’hi-e ge ta’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa/’-tha-ci dse mo®-thi"-bi do” shki a’, a bi" da, tsi ga,
Wa’-tha-ci-dse di-o-ts’e-ga ki-the mo®-thi" ta i tsi" da’, a bi® da,

tsi ga.

ode Ta foads = alae hee Tso pair ae
il ala Sic @ Jshlntgels one Up ‘PiBRR ashe
} — “ve oe been

Pee a a ce

jai wets Aichi a
aly i et ue “int ag
yaa ih i

PART IV. LITERAL TRANSLATION

No®-ni’ A-THA-SHO-DSE W1’-GI-E
(TOBACCO SMOKING RITUAL)
(Free translation, p. 544; Osage version, p. 731)

. Da-do", what; zhi®-ga’, the little ones; wa-zhi™, symbol of cour-
g M

age; gi-the, make to be their; mo*-thi", as they travel the path
of life; ta, shall; ba, they; do", interrogative particle; a, they
said; a bi" da, it has been said; tsi, house; ga, in this. (16, 30,
44, 60, 71, 81.)

. I"-gtho", lynx; gthe-zhe, mottled; zhi"-ga, the little; kshe, les

outstretched; no", that; a, they said.
b} -

. Wi-tsi-go, my grandfather; wa-zhi", courage; to™-ga, great; do®,

for that reason; wa-zhi", symbol of courage; gi-the, make to
be their; a-ka, they who are here assembled. (18, 62.)

. Ho™-ba, day; i-ta-xe, the beginning of; tho" dsi, at that time;

a, they said. (19, 34, 47, 63.)

. Wi-tsi-go, my grandfather; wa-ko"-tha, to attack; tsi-the, rushed

forth; do®, did; a, they said. (20, 35, 48, 64.)

Ta, deer; he, horns; ba-shi-zhe, curved; kshe, lies outstretched;
no”, that; a, they said.

Wi-tsi-go, my grandfather; ts’e-the, cause to die; i-he-the, made
to lie upon the earth; to”, as he stood; a, they said. (23, 38.)

Wi-tsi-go, my grandfather; e-dsi, there at that place; the, he went
forth; a, they said.

Wa-k’o", act of triumph, or exultation; tsi-the, he performed
quickly; to”, stood; a, they said.

. Wa-tse, triumph; bo", cried out, shouted; to”, as he stood; a, they

said. (39.)

. Zhi"-ga, the little ones; mi, the sun; hi-e, setting of the; ge, the

places of; ta, there.

. Wa-tse, to triumph over the enemy; tha, they go forth; bi, they;

tho", when; shki, and; a, they said. (25, 40, 56, 68, 78.)

. Ga xto", verily in this manner; mo®-thi", conduct themselves;
? , ?

ta, shall; i, they; tsi" da, shall. (26, 41, 57, 69, 79.)

. No*-be, hands; e-dsi, there, at the falling of the foe; wa-thi®’-ga-

zhi, not; ki-the, cause themselves to be; mo?-thi", as they
travel the path of life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi? da, shall. (28,
42, 58, 70, 80, 93.)

. U’-ba-xo”, a bend or section; wi", a; ga-xe, made; no*-zhi", stood;

a, they said.

808 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

17. Sho®’-ge, wolf or dog; hi", hair; tu, gray; kshe, lies outstretched;
no”, that; a, they said.

21. Ta, deer; tse-he-xo-dse, gray-horned, yearling; kshe, lies out-
stretched; no”, that; a, they said.

22. Ni, stream, river; u-ga’-xthi, bend; xtsi, verily; ge, the; dsi, there,
at such place; a, they said. (37.)

24. Wi-tsi-go, my grandfather; wa-tse, triumph; niu, breathed forth,
uttered a cry; to", as he stood; a, they said. (55, 67, 77.)

27. No*-be-hi, hands; wi-ta, my; no"-be-hi, hands; tha, make to be
their; bi, they; tho", when; shki, and; a, they said.

29. U’-ba-xo", bend or section; tho®-ba, two; ga-xe, made; no"-zhi?,
stood; a, they said.

31. I*-gtho"-ga, puma; do-ga, male; kshe, lies outstretched; no", that;
a, they said.

32. Wi-tsi-go, my grandfather; wa-zhi", courage; to"-ga, great; do,
for that reason; a, they said.

33. Ga, he; wa-zhi", courage; gi-the, make to be theirs; ta, shall;
a-ka, they who are here assembled. (84.)

36. Ta, deer; he, horns; sha-be, dark; kshe, lies outstretched; no”,
that; a, they said.

43. U’-ba-xo", bend or section; tha-bthi", three; ga-xe, made;
no"-zhi", as he stood; a, they said.

45. Wa-ga-be, black bear; do-ga, the male; kshe, lies outstretched;
a, they said.

46. Wi-tsi-go, my grandfather; wa-zhi", courage; gi-the, make to be
their; ta, shall; a-ka, they who are here assembled.

49. Mo®-ba’-tsi-he, a small mound, a hummock; ho-¢ka, of no par-
ticular size; do", a; a, they said.

50. Thi-ta-the, tore open by pulling; gthi no™-the, placed toward
himself; to", as he stood; a, they said.

51. Wa-gthu-shka, insects, bugs; zhi"-ga, little.

52. I-u-tha-btho™-ce, crushed in his mouth; tsi-the, quickly; to,
as he stood; a, they said.

53. I-the-dse, corner of the mouth; tha-ta, the left; dsi, there; a, they
said.

54. Wa-bi", blood; a-ba-sho", trickled; tsi-the, quickly; to", stood;
a, they said.

59. U-ba-xo", bend or section; do-ba, four; ga-xe, he made; no®-zhi?,
as he stood; a, they said.

61. Wa-dsu-ta, animal; to"-ga, great, the bull; to", stands; no", that;
a, they said.

65. Mo®-ha, a bank or cliff; pa-gi, the top of; ho"-cka, of no particular
size; do", a; a, they said.

66. Thi-pi-tha, tore it into pieces; ga-xe, made; to”, stood; a, they said.

72. Wa-dsu-ta, animal; gi-hi, the yellow, the elk; to", stands; no?,
that; a, they said.

LA FLESCHE] LITERAL TRANSLATION 809

73.

74.

75.

76.

82.

83.

85.

86.

87.

88.

89.

90.

Or.

92.

Wi-tsi-go, my grandfather; wa-zhi", symbol of courage; gi-the,
make to be theirs; ta, shall; a-ka, they who are here assembled.

Tse-xe, open prairie where trees grow not; xtsi, verily; ge, the;
dsi, there, in such place; a, they said.

Mi-ta-o-ga-xthe, faces the sun, the compass weed; hi, stalk; to”,
stands; no", that; a, they said.

Thi-bthi"-bthi"-tha, twist into a knot; i-no™-the, placed it on the
ground; to", as he stood; a, they said.

Wa-dsu-ta, animal; zhi"-ga, the little, the deer; kshe, lies out-
stretched; no", that; a, they said.

Wi-tsi-go, my grandfather; pi-gi, liver gall; thi"-ge, has none;
tho®-zha, nevertheless.

To"-wo"-gtho", villages; do-ba, four; e-dsi, there were; a-ka,
sitting.

To"-wo", villages; ko"-ha, along the borders; no"-ge, he ran; ke,
as in a long line; a, they said.

To"-wo", villages; ko"-ha, along the borders; i-thi-sho"-ha, around
the; shki, even then; do", when; a, they said.

Wa-pa-hi, sharp weapons; a-bu-zha-zha-ta, shooting around him,
in forked lines; bi, they; shki, even then; do", when; a, they
said.

Tse-xi, dangers; ga-shi-be, he escapes; no", he does; a, they said.

Zhi®-ga, the little ones; wa-zhi", symbol of courage; o°-gi-tha,
they make of me; bi, they; tho", when; shki, and; a, they said.

Tse-xi, dangers; ga-shi-be, escape them; ki-the, cause themselves
to; mo"-thi", as they travel the path of life; ta, shall; i, they;
tsi" da, shall.

Zhi®-ga, little ones; wo", one of them; shki, even; do”, with; a,
they said.

Ho*-sn’-gu W1’-Gi-5
(MOCCASIN RITUAL)
(Free translation, p. 550; Osage version, p. 733)

. Da-do", what; zhi®-ga, the little ones; ¢i, foot; ki-the, make to

be their; mo™-thi", as they travel the path of life; ta,
shall; ba, they; do”, interrogative particle; a, they said; a bi®
da, it has been said; tsi, house; ga, in this. (14, 27, 40, 53.)

. Ke, turtle; git-dse, tail; ga-tse, serratures; sha-pe, having six;

thi"-kshe, sits; no", that; a, they said.

. Ga, this turtle; ¢i, foot; ki-the, make to be their; ta, shall; a-ka,

they who are here assembled. (16, 29, 42, 55.)

. Ci, foot; ki-tha, make to be their; bi, they; tho", when; shki, and;

a, they said. (17, 30, 43, 56.)
41383°—30——_52

810 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

5. Ci, foot; i, they; ki, if they make it to be; i-ts’a, causes of death;
thi"-ge, having none; ki-the, cause themselves to; mo®-thi?,
as they travel the path of life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi®-da, shall.
(18, 31, 44, 57.)

6. Ci, foot; gi-ba-xtho-ga, pierced by harmful grasses; zhi, not;
ki-the, cause themselves to; mo®-thi", as they travel the path
of life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi" da, shall. (19, 32, 45, 58.)

7. Xa-dse, grasses; no"-¢ta-ge, trample down; ki-the, cause them-
selves to; mo®-thi", as they travel the path of life; ta, shall;
i, they; tsi" da, shall. (20, 33, 46, 59.)

8. Dado*, what; ho”-be-ko”, moccasin string; the, make to be their;
mo”-thi", as they travel the path of life; ta, shall; ba, they;
do", interrogative particle; a, they said. (21, 34, 47, 60.)

9. We-ts’a, snake; ho"-ga, the sacred, the mysterious; kshe, lies
outstretched; no", that; a, they said.

10. Ga, that; ho"-be-ko", moccasin string; the, make to be their;
ta, shall; a-ka, they who are here assembled. (23, 36, 49, 62.)

11. Ho®-be-ko", moccasin string; tha, make to be their; bi, they;
tho", when; shki, and; a, they said. (24, 37, 50, 63.)

12. Ho"-be-ko", moccasin string; i-ts’a, causes of death; thi®-ge,
have none; ki-the, cause themselves to; mo™-thi®, as they
travel the path of life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi? da, shall. (25,
38, 51, 64.)

13. Ho*-be-ko", moccasin string; gi-ba-xa, to be broken; zhi, not;
ki-the, they cause to be; mo®-thi", as they travel the path of
life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi? da, shall. (26, 39, 52, 65.)

15. Ke, turtle; mo"-ge, breast; zhu-dse, red; thi®-kshe, sits; no*,
that; a, they said.

22. We-ts’a, snake; mo™-ge, breast; zhu-dse, red; kshe, lies out-
stretched; no", that.

28. Ke, turtle; mo*-ge, breast; gthe-zhe, spotted; thi"-kshe, sits;
no", that.

35. We-ts’a, snake; mo"-ge, breast; gthe-zhe, spotted; kshe, lies out-
stretched; no”, that; a, they said.

41. Ke, turtle; mo"-ge, breast; ¢ka, white; thi"-kshe, sits; no”, that;
a, they said.

48. We-ts’a, snake; mo™-ge, breast; ¢cka, white; kshe, les out-
stretched; no", that; a, they said.

54. Ke, turtle; mo”-ge, breast; zhi-hi, pink; thi"-kshe, sits; no®,
that; a, they said.

61. We-ts’a, snake; mo"-ge, breast; zhi-hi, pink; kshe, lies out-
stretched; no”, that; a, they said. ;

66. Da-do", what; zhi"-ga, the little ones; mo"-hi", knife; gi-the,
make to be their; mo?-thi", as they travel the path of life;
ta, shall; ba, they; do”, interrogative particle; a, they said.

LA FLESCHE) LITERAL TRANSLATION 81 1

67.

68.
69.

70.

au.

98.

101.

Wa-dsu-ta, animal; shi"-to-zhi"-ga, boy; to", stands; no", that;
a, they said.

He, horn; tha-ta, left; tse, that stands; a, they said.

Ga, that; mo*-hi", knife; gi-the, make to be their; ta, shall;
a-ka, they who are here assembled.

Mo*-hi", knife; gi-tha, they make to be their; bi, they; tho?,
when; shki, and; a, they said.

Shi"-to, young men; mo*-hi", knife; gi-pa-hi, sharp for their
use; ki-the, cause to be; mo”-thi", as they travel the path of
life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi? da, shall.

. Da-do", what; wa-ba-to-be, may they use to cut upon; mo®-thi?®,

as they travel the path of life; ta, shall; ba, they; do", interrog-
ative particle; a, they said. (78, 83, 88.)

. Mi, sun; hi-e, setting of; ge, the places; ta, there, at those places;

ni-ka-shi-ga, people. (94, 100, 106, 112.)

. I-to"-wo"-gtho", one for whom the village is maintained; xtsi,

verily; bi, he; thi?-kshe, sits.

. Ga, upon him; a-ba-to-be, to cut in parts; ta, shall; a-ka, they

who are here assembled. (80, 85, 90.)

. A-ba-to-ba, upon him cut; bi, they; tho", when; shki, and; a,

they said. (81, 86, 91.)

. Wa-ba-to-be, the act of cutting; gi-o-ts’e-ga, with ease; ki-the,

cause themselves to; mo™-thi", as they travel the path of life;
ta, shall; i, they; tsi" da, shall. (82, 87, 92.)

. Wa-k’o, woman; shi-mo"™-pshe, who gives birth to children;

thi®-kshe, sits; a, they said.
, o

. Ni-ka, man; wa-k’o", military honors; u-tha-ha, to whom are

attached; kshe, lies; no", that; a, they said. (107.)

. Wa-k’0, woman; wo?, for the first time; we-da-the, gave birth;
: ) ? ) ) eX = b

thi®-kshe, sits; no", that; a, they said. (113.)

. Da-do", what; wa-ba-xtho-ge, perforate; mo"-thi", as they travel

the path of life; ta, shall; do", interrogative particle; a, they
said. (99, 105, 111.)

. Shi-to, young man; ho, voice; btho"-xe, cracked; do”, a; a, they

said.

. Ga, upon him; a-ba-xtho-ge, perforate; mo®-thi", as they travel

‘the path of life; bi, they; a, they said. (102, 108, 114.)

. A-ba-xtho-ge, upon him perforate; mo*-thi", as they travel the

path of life; bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said. (103,
109, 115.)

Wa-ba-xtho-ge, act of perforating; gi-o-ts’e-ga, for themselves
easy; ki-the, cause to be; mo®-thi", as they travel the path of
life; ta, shall; bi-a, they; wi-go"-ga, my younger brothers;
e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they; a, they said. (104, 110,
116.)

Shi-mi, maiden; ho, voice; btho”-xe, cracked; do", a; a, they said.

812

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

Wa’-GiI-THU-GE W1’-GI-E
(FOOTSTEP RITUAL)
(Free translation, p. 559; Osage version, p. 737)

. Da-do*, what; zhi"-ga, the little ones; wa-ci-thu-¢e, toward which

to take footsteps; mo®-thi", as they travel the path of life; ta,
shall; ba, they; do”, interrogative particle; a, they said. (15,
29, 43.)

. U-k’u-be, valley; zhi*-ga, little; wi", one; a, they said.
. Ga, that; a-ci-thu-ge, toward which they will take footsteps;

no*-zhi", stand; bi, they; a, they said. (6, 11, 17, 20, 25, 31,
34, 39, 45, 48, 53.)

. U-k’u-be, valley; zhi"-ga, little; wi", one; e-gka, in truth; e-wa-ka,

they had in mind; zhi, not; a-ka, they who sit.

. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; u-ba-tse, herd; wi", one; a, they said.
. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; u-ba-tse, herd; wi", one; e-cka, in truth;

e-wa-ka, they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

. Zhi®-ga, the little ones; wa-ci-thu-ce, take footsteps; a-tha, they

go forth; bi, they; tho", when; shki, and; a, they said. (22,
36, 50.)

. Wa-ci-thu-ge, take footsteps; ga-xto", in this very manner;

mo*-thi®, as they travel the path of life; ta, shall; i, they;
tsi “da, shall. (23, 37, 51.)

. Tsi, house; zhi®-ga, little; wi", one; a, they said.
. Tsi, house; zhi®-ga, little; wi", one; e-gka, in truth; e-wa-ka, they

had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

. Wa-xo-be, shrine; zhi"-ga, little. (27, 41, 55.)
. Ha-gtha-thi", having in your arms; e-dsi, coming there; ba she,

you are. (28, 42, 56.)

. U-k’u-be, valleys; zhi*-ga, little; tho"-ba, two.
. U-k’u-be, valleys; zhi®-ga, little; tho"-ba, two; e-cka, in truth;

e-wa-ka, they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; u-ba-tse, herds; tho”-ba, two.
. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; u-ba-tse, herds; tho"-ba, two; e-cka, in

truth; e-wa-ka, they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they
said.

. Zhi®-ga, the little ones; wa-gi-thu-¢e, to take footsteps; a-tha,

they go forth; bi, they; tho", when; shki, and; a, they said.

. Tsi, houses; zhin-ga, little; tho"-ba, two.
. Tsi, houses; zhi"-ga, two; tho"-ba, two; e-cka, in truth; e-wa-ka,

they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.
U-k’u-be, valleys; zhi"-ga, little; tha-bthi", three; a, they said.

. U-k’u-be, valleys; zhi®-ga, little; tha-bthi", three; e-cka, in truth;

e-wa-ka, they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; u-ba-tse, herds; tha-bthi", three; a, they said.

LA FLESCHE) LITERAL TRANSLATION 813

35.

38.

40.

44,
46.

49.

52.

13.

14.

Wa-dsu-ta, animals; u-ba-tse, herds; tha-bthi", three; e-¢gka, in
truth; e-wa-ka, they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they
said.

Tsi, house; zhi"-ga, little; tha-bthi", three; a, they said.

Tsi, houses; zhi®-ga, little; tha-bthi", three; e-cka, in truth;
e-wa-ka, they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

U-k’u-be, valleys; zhi"-ga, little; do-ba, four.

U-k’u-be, valleys; zhi®-ga, little; do-ba, four; e-cka, in truth;
e-wa-ka, they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.
Wa-dsu-ta, animals; u-ba-tse, herds; do-ba, four; e-cka, in truth;
e-wa-ka, they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.
Tsi, houses; zhi®-ga, little; do-ba, four; e-cka, in truth; e-wa-ka,

they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

Pr’-xr Tuu-ce Wr’-GI-E
" (RATTLE TAKING RITUAL)

(SAUCY-CALF)

(Free translation, p. 579; Osage version, }. 742)

. Da-do", what; zhi"-ga, the little ones; pe-xe, rattle; gi-the, make
fo) o

to be their; mo®-thi", as they travel the path of life; ta, shall;
ba, they; do”, interrogative particle; a, they said.

To*-wo"-gtho", villages; pe-tho"-ba-ha, in seven separate groups;
ba, they; do", were; a, they said. (10, 20.)

. I-thi-shno®’, the odd one in number; thi"-ke, that sits; a, they said.

(11, 21.)

. Wa-pa, head or skull; i-ta, his; thi"-ke, that sits; a, they said.
. Ga, that; pe-xe, rattle; gi-the, make to be their; ta, shall; a-ka,

they who are here assembled.

. Pe-xe, rattle; i-ts’a, causes of death; thi®-ge, having none; ki-the
° ? ? : ) , P+) oD ? ’

cause themselves to; mo®-thi", as they travel the path of life;
ta, shall; i, they; tsi" da, shall.

. L-gthi-hi-dse, use it magically on the foe; a-tha, they go forth;

bi, they; tho", when; shki, and; a, they said. (16, 24.)

. I-gthi-hi-dse, use it magically on the foe; gi-o-ts’e-ga, with ease;

ki-the, cause themselves to; mo®-thi", as they travel the path
of life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi? da, shall. (17, 25.)

. Da-do", what; zhi"-ga, the little ones; pe-xe, rattle; i-ba, handle;

the, make to be their; mo®-thi", as they travel the path of life;
ta, shall; ba, they; do®, interrogative particle; a, they said.

. A-xi-be, lower forearm; tha-ta, the left; tse, the standing; a, they

said.
Ga, that; pe-xe, rattle; i-ba, handle; the, make to be their; ta,
shall; a-ka, they who were assembled.
Pe-xe, rattle; i-ba, handle; tha, they make it to be; bi, they; tho”,
when; shki, and.

814 THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

15. Pe-xe, rattle; i-ba, handle;‘i-ts’a, causes of death; thi?-ge, having
none; ki-the, cause themselves to; mo”-thi", as they travel the
path of life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi" da, shall.

18. Da-do", what; zhi"-ga, the little ones; pe-xe-cu, rattlers for the
rattle; the, make to be their; mo®-thi", as they travel the path of
life; ta, shall; ba, they; do", interrogative particle; a, they said.

19. Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places; ta, there.

22. Hi-k’e, teeth; tha-ta, the left side; thi"-kshe, sitting; a, they said.

23. Ga, those; pe-xe-cu, rattlers for the rattle; the, make to be their;
ta, shall; a-ka, they who are here assembled.

26. He-dsi, at that time and place; xtsi, verily; a, they said.

27. Mo?®-shi, above; ta, there; u-thi-k’u-dse, the hole drilled; ga, this;
tse, standing; a, they said.

29. Wa-ko"-da, god; gi-ka, appeal to; mo™-thi", as they travel the
path of life; ta, may; ba, they; sho", have made it; a-ka, they
who are here assembled. (31.)

30. Hi-dse, below; ta, there; u-thi-k’u-dse, hole drilled; ga, this; tse,
standing; a, they said.

31. Wa-thi®-e-cka, without a purpose; sho", performed the act; a-zhi,
they have not; a-ka, they who are here assembled. (34.)

33. Ga-mo®-dse, the particles of dust within the gourd; ga, this;
thi"-kshe, sitting; a, they said.

35. Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places; ta, there; ni-ka-shi-ga,
people.

36. Wa-shi-shi, goods, possessions; to", have in plenty; bi, they;
a, they said.

37. Sho®, all of them; xtsi, verily; ga-xe, made them to represent;
to", as he stood; a, they said.

38. Wo®, the first time; ga-ca-thu, stroke of the rattle; the tha, they
sent; bi, they; tho", when; shki, and; a, they said.

39. Mo*-zho", the earth, the land; xtho-k’a, the hollows thereof;
sho"-e-go", all creatures that dwell therein; xtsi, verily; a, they
said.

40. U-ga-da-tho", stunned with the stroke; i-ha-the, made them to
lie; a-ka, they who were here assembled.

41. Tho*-ba 0°, the second time; ga-ca-thu, stroke of the rattle; the
tha, they sent; bi, they; tho", when; shki, and; a, they said.

42. Wa-ethu-shka, insects (trope for creatures); zhi"-ga, little;
sho" e-go", all; a, they said. ~ (45, 48.)

43. Ni-xu-dse, ears; a-thi-to”, closed; i-he-the, made them to lie; a-ka,
they who were here assembled.

44. Tha-bthi" 0°, on the third time; ga-ga-thu, stroke of the rattle;
the tha, they sent; bi, they; tho", when; shki, and; a, they said.

46. U-ga-bu-dse, knocked them down in profusion; i-he-the, made
them to lie; a-ka, they who were here assembled.

LA ¥LESCHE] LITERAL TRANSLATION 815

47.

49.

We:

13.

14.

15.

16.

18.

20.

We-do-ba 0°, on the fourth time; ga-ca-thu, stroke of the rattle;
the tha, they sent; bi, they; tho", when; shki, and; a, they said.

I-shko", motion; thi®-ge, having none; i-he-the, made them to
lie; a-ka, they who were here assembled.

Wa-THU’-cE W1’-GI-E
(TAKING (WA’-DON-BE) RITUAL)

(SAuUCY-CALF)

(Free translation, p. 616; Osage version, p. 755)

. He-dsi, at that time and place; xtsi, verily; a, they said; a bi® da,

it has been said; tsi, house; ga, in this. (19, 49, 74.)

. Zha-be, beaver; do-ga, male; kshe, that lies outstretched; a, they

said) (lO n4350702)

. Tsi-xi"-dse, one side of the room; tha-ta, the left; t’se the, that

stands; a, they said. (9, 50, 76.)

. Mo*-sho-sho-dse, dust or soft earth; i"-dse, his face; a-tha-ha,

covered with; xtsi, verily; zho", as he lay; kshe, outstretched;
a, they said. (44.)

. Ga, this, the soft earth; thi*-kshe, the sitting; shki, also; a, they

said.

. Wa-thi"-e-cka, without a purpose; she-mo", I have done; mo®-zhi

i" da; I have not. (17, 24, 46, 60, 82.)

. Zhi®-ga, the little ones; mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places;

ta, there. (47, 63.)

. We-go"-tha, as the sign of a petition; gi-o-ts’e-ga, to be readily

granted; ki-the, cause to be; mo"-thi", as they travel the path
of life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi" da, shall. (48, 64.)

Ni, water, surface of the stream; ba-btha-btha-xe, ripples made
by him as he pushed forth; hi the do", he went; a, they said.
Glas)

Ni, water, surface of the stream; ga-gthe-ge, ripples of; ga ge,
these; a, they said. (52.)

U-no", symbol of old age; pa-xe, a; hi" da, I have made them to
bemi(o3s)

Zhi®-ga, the little ones; wo" shki do", perchance. (27, 36, 54, 72.)

Ha, skin; ga-gthe-ce, like the ripples of the river; a bi, spoken of
as; i-the, live to see; ki-the, cause themselves to; mo®-thi", as
they travel the path of life; ta,shall;1, they; tsi" da, shall. (55.)

Ni, water; ga-po-ki, that cracks when struck; ga ge shki, these
also; a, they said. (33, 70.)

Zhi"-ga, the little ones; Wa-ko"-da, god; hu, their voices; a-no"-
k’o", heard by him; bi, they; ki-the, cause to be; mo™-thi", as
they travel the path of life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi" da, shall.
(37, 55, 73.)

Ni, river; ba-sho", bend; wi", one; hi the do”, he reached; a, they
said. (56, 78.)

816 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

21. Thiu-xe, willow; gi, yellow; to", that stands; no", that; a, they
said. (57, 79.)

22. Tha-xia-tha, cut with his teeth; gthi he the, to the ground; to”,
as he stood; a, they said. (58, 80.)

23. Ga tse, this; shki, also; a, they said. (45, 59, 81, 89.)

25. Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places; ta, there; ni-ka-shi-ga,
people. (61, 83.)

26. I-tha-ga-cko"-the, I have made the willow to represent; a-to®-he
i" da, as I here stand.

28. Wa-tha-xia-tha, cut down the symbolic tree; gi-o-ts’e-ga, with
ease; ki-the, cause themselves to; mo®-thi", as they travel the
path of life; ta, shall; 1, they; tsi" da, shall. (86.)

29. Sho", while yet; to" i" da, he stood. (388, 41, 65, 87.)

30. Tha-xu-e, drag with his teeth; tsi-the, hastened; to", stood; a,
they said. (32, 66, 68.)

31. Ni, river; ki-mo®-ho", against the current; dsi, there; a, they
said. (67.)

33. Ni, water; ga-po-ki-o"-he, struck with a crack; ke, as he lay out-
stretched; a, they said. (69.)

34. Ni, water; ga-po-ki, the sound of when struck; ga, this; thi?-ke,
that sits; a, they said.

35. Wa-ko"-da, god; hu, voice; a-no"-k’o", hears, as my voice; bi-a
ha no” a-tha, in my life’s journey.

39. Mo®-sho"-de, the entrance to his house; tha-ta, at the left; dsi,
there; a, they said.

40. U-pa-mo*-gthe, with its head therein; i-he-the, he placed it; to®,
as he stood.

42. Tsi-xi"-dse, at one side of the room; i-shdu-ge, the right; dsi,
there; a, they said.

62. I-tha-wa, to use in counting them; sho’, all; xtsi, verily; pa-xe, J
have made it to be; a-to"-he i" da, as I here stand. (84.)

85. Zhi®-ga, the little ones; wa-tha-xia-tha, cut down the willow; bi,
they; tho", when; shki, and; a, they said.

88. Ni, river; u-ba-sho", bends; pe-tho"-ba, seven; hi the do®, he
reached; a, they said.

90. O-do”, military honors; i-tha-ga-¢ko"-bthe, I make to represent;
a-to"-he 1" da, as I here stand.

91. Zhi®-ga, the little ones; we-tha-wa, use for counting; mo®-thi’,
as they travel the path of life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi" da, shall.

92. We-tha-wa, for counting; tha, they make use of it; bi, they; tho”,
when; shki, and; a, they said.

93. We-tha-wa, the counting; gi-o-ts’e-ga, with ease; ki-the, cause
themselves to; mo®-thi", as they travel the path of lite; ta,
shall; i, they; tsi” da, shall,

LA FLESCHE) LITERAL TRANSLATION 817

No*%-xtHe’ I-K1*-ps—E Wa-THO™
(CHARCOAL RUSH SONGS)

(SaAuCcY-CALF)

The, No”’-ho*-zhi"-ga, No"-xthé’ I-ki"-dse Wa-tho" a-tsi’ i" do.

The old men little, charcoal rush songs I have come.
WI'-GI-E
(Free translation, p. 647; Osage version, p. 768)

1. A tha tsi ta (archaic); a bi" da, it has been said; tsi, house; ga,
in this.

2. Wa-ca-be, the black bear; do-ga, male; ¢gi"-de, tail; do®-k’a, stub;
e-go", like; kshe, lies outstretched; no", that; a, they said.

3. I-ki-no®-xthe, make me to be their charcoal; o°-tha, they make
of me; ba, they; tho™-tse, as fitting; a-to™ he i" da, I stand.
(7, 53, 66.)

4. Zhi®-ga, the little ones; no™-xthe, charcoal; o"-tha, they make of
me; bi, they; tho", when; shki, and; a, they said. (8, 16, 24,
D640 4650498, O2, 625. 00,04, OL).

5. No®-xthe, charcoal; gi-sha-be, black indeed; ki-the, cause to be;
mo"-thi", as they travel the path of life; ta, shall; 1, they; tsi”
da, shall. (9, 17, 25, 32, 39, 47, 55, 59, 63, 78, 85, 92.)

6. Pa-zhu-zhe, nose; sha-be, dark; ga, this; thi"-kshe, that sits; a,
they said. (67.)

10. Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places; ta, there; shki, also;

a, they said. (18, 26, 33, 41, 48, 73, 79, 93.)

11. We-go"-tha, as a sign of petition; a-thi", they treasure it; bi, they;
tho", when; shki, and; a, they said. (19.)

12. We-go®-tha, used as a symbol of prayer; gi-o-ts’e-ga, easy for
themselves; ki-the, cause to be; mo™-thi", as they travel the
path of life; ta, shall; i, they; tsi? da, shall. (20, 27, 34, 42, 49,
80, 87, 94.)

13. We-ki-i-he-the, use in making the enemy to fall; mo®-thi", as
they travel the path of life; ta, shall; 1, they; tsi? da, shall.
(21, 28, 35, 43, 50, 74, 81, 88, 95.)

14. I, mouth; ko"-ha, the edges of; sha-be, dark; ga, this; thi®-kshe,
that sits; shki, also; a, they said. (60.)

15. E, that; shki, also; no*-xthe, charcoal; o°-tha, make of me; ba,
they; tho®-ta, as fitting; a-to"-hei" da, I stand. (23, 30, 37, 45,
57, 68, 76, 83, 90.)

22. No®™-ta, ear; i-ta-xe, the tip of; sha-be, dark; ga, this; thi"-kshe,
that sits; shki, also; a, they said.

29. No®-ka, the back; u-pa, the length of; hi", hair; sha-be, dark;
ga, this; thi"-kshe, that sits; a, they said.

36. Ci2-dse, tail; i-ta-xe, the tip of; sha-be, dark; ga, this; thi®-kshe,
that sits; a, they said.

818 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

44. Ci-pa-hi, toes; sha-be, dark; ga, this; thi"-kshe, that sits; a, they

: said.

51. Ho® a-do", what; no®-xthe, charcoal; tha, make to be; bi, they;
go" no® shki a, shall; hi®-a, interrogative particle.

52. I"-gtho"-ga, puma; do-ga, male; kshe, that lies outstretched;
a, they said.

55. No®-xthe, charcoal; gi-ca-be, black indeed; ki-the, cause to be;
mo"-thi", as they travel the path of life; ta, shall; i, they;
tsi" da, shall. (59, 63.)

56. Pa-zhu-zhe, nose; ga-be, black; ga, this; thi®-kshe, that sits; a,
they said. “fi

65. Wa-zhi"-ga, bird, eagle; wa-tha-xthi, stains; thi®-ge, having none;
thi®-kshe, that sits; no", that; a, they said.

69. Wa-ko"-da, god; u-to"-ba, guard, or notice; bi, they; a-thi® he
no", in the course of my life; a-tha, it is true.

70. Zhi®-ga, the little ones; wo" shki do", perchance; a, they said.

71. Wa-ko®-da, god; u-to"-be, guard, notice; i-the, live to see; ki-the,
cause to be; mo"-thi", as they travel the path of life; ta, shall;
i, they; tsi® da, shall.

75. Ta-xpi, crown of the head; hi®, hair or feathers; sha-be, dark;
ga, this; thi®-kshe, that sits; a, they said.

82. I®-be, tail; i-ta-xe, the tip of; sha-be, dark; ga, this; thi®-kshe,
that sits; a, they said.

89. Ci, feet; ko"-ha, the edges of; ga, this; thi*-kshe, that sits; a, they

said.
Ni-zu1u’ Wa-THo™ To*%-Ga
(RAIN SONGS GREAT)
WI’-GI-E

(Free translation, p. 665; Osage version, p. 776)

1. A tha tsi ta (archaic); a bi" da, it has beeti said; tsi, house; ga, in
this.

2. Wa-ca-ki-the, avenger; zhi"-ga, the little ones; i-ta, belonging
to; wi", a; a, they said. (19, 33, 45.)

3. Ta-dse, wind; mo*-ha, west; dsi, there; a, they said.

4. Wi-tsi-go, my grandfather; u-mo*-thi", travels therein; thi’,
moves; a, they said. (10, 24, 37, 50.)

5. Ta-dse, wind; pa-ho®-gthe, the first, in advance; thi", that moves;
a, they said. (22, 48.)

7. Wi-tsi-go, my grandfather; da-do", things or acts; no®-thi?,
ignorant of; a-zhi, not; xtsi, verily; thi", moves; a, they said.
Gi 2b aS eok)

8. Wa-xpe-gthe, a hanging object that is ready to fall, a penalty;
e-de, that is; a-do"-be, guard or watch over; kshi-tha, employed ;
bi, he is; thi", he moves about; a, they said. (26, 39.)

9. Ki-gthi-ni-ka, swallow; kshe, lies outstretched; no", that; a, they
said.

14.

18.

20.
21.
23.

35.
36.

47.
49.

FLESCHE] LITERAL TRANSLATION 819

. No"-ka, back; u-tha-ha, following closely; thi®-ga, absent; zhi,
not; thi", he moves; a, they said. (28, 40, 52.)

. Ta-xpi, crown of the head; dsi, there; thi"-ga, absent; zhi, not;
thi", he moves; a, they said. (29, 41, 53.)

Sho”, even as they; tha, go on in life’s journey; i, they, the vio-
lators of vows; do", when; a, they said. (17, 27.)

. ["-dse ha, the skin of the face; ¢i-hi, to a sallow state; xtsi, verily;
-wa-thi" hi, brings them to; no", does; a, they said. (30, 42, 54.)

. Pa, nose; u-ki-thi-bthi®-bthi", flow of blood in a twirling motion;
xtsi, verily; wa-thi" hi, brings them to; no", does; a, they said.
(31, 43, 55.)

No?-xe, the spirit; no", alone; wa-thu-ce, take from them; tse,
to; a, they ask; i, they; tho", when; shki, and; e-go", he does
so; no", always; a, they said. (32, 44, 56.)

Ga, this; no™-zhi" da, shall stand. (34, 46.)

Ta-dse, wind; ga-xpa, east; dsi, there; a, they said.

Tse-pi-tha to"-ga, the great dragon fly; kshe, lies outstretched;
no", that; a, they said.

Ta-dse, wind; ba-co", north; dsi, there; a, they said.

Dsi®-tha to®-ga, the great butterfly; kshe, lies outstretched; no”,
that; a, they said.

Ta-dse, wind; a-k’a, south; dsi, there; a, they said.

No®-ni-o"-ba, pipe; zhi"-ga, little; kshe, lies outstretched; no?,
that; a, they said.

Ca’ Do-Ka Wr’-GI-5
(RUSH GREEN _ RITUAL)
(Free translation, p. 688; Osage version, p. 782)

. He-dsi, at that time and place; xtsi, verily; a, they said; a bi? da,
it has been said; tsi, house; ga, in this. (13, 21, 43, 54, 56, 65.)

. Wa-zha-zhe, name of the tribal division representing water part
of the earth; u-dse-the, fireplaces; pe-tho"-ba, seven; ni-ka-shi-
ga, people; ba, they; do", were; a, they said.

. Xtha-xtha, weak or timid; thi"-ge, having none; xtsi, verily;
ni-ka-shi-ga, people; bi, were; a, they said.

. Ha, ho; wi-go*-ga, my younger brothers; -e-ki-a, said to one
another; bi, they; a, they said.

. Zhit-ga, the little ones; wa-xo-be, a sacred object, a shrine; tha,
make to be; ba, they; tho™-ta, fit or suitable; thi"-ge, they
have none; a-tha, truly; wi-co"-ga, my younger brothers;
e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they; a, they said.

. O-to™-be, search; tha-the tse a, thou shalt cause to be made;
wi-co"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one another;
bi, they; a, they said. (14, 22.)

. Ga, even as; xtsi, verily; hi-tha, spake these words; i, they; do”,
when; a, they said. (15, 23, 30, 37, 44.)

820 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

8. Tse-xe, open prairie bare of trees; xtsi, verily; ge, the places;
dsi, there; a, they said. (16, 24.)

9. Pe-gka, Andropogon furcatus, white; stse-dse, tall; to", stands;
no", that; a, they said.

10. He-dsi, close to it; xtsi, verily; hi, came to; no™-zhi", and paused;
to", stood; a, they said. (18, 26, 33, 40.)

11. The, this; ho", how will it serve; wi-zhi"-the, my elder brothers;
a-gthi-no"-zhi", said as he returned and: stood; a, they said.
(19, 28, 34, 41, 49.)

12. E-zhi-zhi-cka, to"-ga, not exactly what we want; wi-¢go"-ga, my
younger brother; e-gi-a, said to him; bi, they; a, they said.
(20, 29, 35, 42.)

17. Pe-cka, Andropogon furcatus, red; zhu-dse, red; to", stands; no*,
that; a, they said.

25. Pshi-shto-zha, Phragmites phragmites; to", stands; no", that; a,
they said.

27. He-dsi, then and there; xtsi, verily; a-thi", carrying it; gi, went
home; thi"-e, moved; do”, did; a, they said. (48.)

31. Dse, lake; ko"-ha, border; dsi, there; xtsi, verily; a, they said.
(38.)

32. Ca, rush; btha-xe, ribbed; Eleocharis mutata; to", stands; no*,
that; a, they said.

36. Zhi®-ga, the little ones; wa-xo-be, shrine; tha, make of; ba, they;
tho"-ta, fit, suitable; zhi a, it is not; wi-go"-ga, my younger
brother; e-gi-a, said to him; bi, they; a, they said.

39. Ca, rush; u-dse, lower part of the stalk; to"-ga, large; Scirpus
occidentalis; to", stands; no", that; a, they said.

45. Dse, lake; u-cko"-cka, in the center of; dsi, there; xtsi, verily; a,
they said.

46. Ca zhi®-ga, small rush; Eleocharis interstincta; ba-tse, bunches;
a, they said.

47. Pe-tho"-ba, seven; hi, came to; no"-zhi", where he paused; to”,
stood; a, they said.

50. She, that which is in your hand; e-shno", the very thing; u-tha-dse,
has been the object of your search; tha, you; to" she a, as you
stand; wi-co"-ga, my younger brother; e-gi-a, said to him; bi,
they; a, they said.

51. Zhi®-ga, ihe little ones; ns shrine; the, make of it; ta,
shall; bi a, they; wi-co"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said
to one another; bi, they; a, they said. (51, 64.)

52. Zhi"-ga, the little ones; wa-xo-be, shrine; tha, they make of it;
bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said. (79.)

53. Wa-xo-be, sacred object; the hawk; gi-be-to", wrap up our in it;
o"-gi-the, we shall; o°-mo"-thi", in our life journey; ta bi a,
we shall; wi-co"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one
another; bi, they; a, they said.

LA FLESCHE] LITERAL TRANSLATION 821

30.

57.

58.

78.

80.

Ba-ce, cut; tse a, let it be; wi-co"-ga, my younger brothers;
e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they; a, they said.

Ke, turtle; gi"-dse, tail; ga-tse, serratures; pe-tho*-ba, seven;
thi"-kshe, that sits; a, they said.

Ca zhi®-ga, small rush; ba-tse, bunches; pe-tho"-ba, seven; do”,
the; a, they said.

. U-dse, at the root; thi"-kshe, sitting; dsi, there; a, they said

Ba-shko®-shko", shook repeatedly; tsi-the, did quickly; to®,
stood; a, they said. (70.)

. Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places; ta, toward; pa-gthe,

placed the head; xtsi, verily; a, they said. (71.)

. Ba-xi, push down; tsi-the, quickly; to", stood; a, they said. (72.)
63.
66.

Ga, this; tse, standing; shki, also; a, they said. (73.)
Ke, turtle; git-dse, tail; ga-tse, serratures; sba-pe, six; thi"-kshe,
that sits; a, they said.

. Ga, rush; ba-tse, bunch; we-sha-pe, the sixth; thi®-kshe, that sits;

dsi, there; a, they said.

. He-dsi, close to it; hi, came; gthi" thi"-kshe, and sat; a, they said.
. Ca zhi"-ga, small rush; u-dse, at the roots; ge, the places; dsi,

there; a, they said.

Wa-thi"-e-cka, without a purpose; she-mo", I have done that;
mo*-zhi i"da, I have not.

Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places; ta, toward; wa-pa-
xia-tha, I have pushed them down; to" he i" da, as I here stand.

. Zhi"-ga, the little ones; wa-ba-xia-tha, push down (their enemies);

mo®*-thi", as they travel the path of life; bi, they; do®, when;
shki, and; a, they said.

Wa-ba-xia-tha, the pushing down; gi-o-ts’ e-ga, with ease; ki-the,
cause to be; mo®-thi®, as they travel the path of life; ta bi a,
they shall; wi-go"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one
another; bi, they; a, they said.

Wa-xo-be, the sacred hawk; gi-ca-gi, safely preserved; ki-the,
cause to be; mo®-thi®, as they travel the path of life; ta bi
a, they shall; wi-go"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to
one another; a, they said.

H1*’-psz Wr’-GI-E
(LINDEN RITUAL)

(Free translation, p. 691; Osage version, p. 784)

He-dsi, at that time and place; xtsi, verily; a, they said; a bi® da,
it has been said; tsi, house; ga, in this.

Wa-zha-zhe, name of the tribal division representing water; u-dse-
the, fireplaces; pe-tho"-ba, seven; ni-ka-shi-ga, a people; ba,
they; do", were; a, they said.

Xtha-xtha, weak or timid; thi"-ge, having none; xtsi, verily;
ni-ka-shi-ga, a people; bi, they; a, they said.

822 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

4. Ha, ho; wi-co"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one
another; bi, they; a, they said.

5. Zhi®-ga, the little ones; wa-xo-be, a sacred object, a shrine; tha,
they make of; tho®-ta, fit or suitable; thi®-ge, there is nothing;
a-tha, in truth; wi-go"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to
one another; bi, thev; a, they said.

6. Ga, even as; xtsi, verily; hi-tha i do", these words were spoken;
a, they said. (14, 21, 30, 37, 44, 53.)

7. Ga-xa, branches of streams; zhi"-ga, small; xtsi, verily; ge, the;
dsi, there; a, they said. (15.)

8. E-hiu, elm; xa-tha, with branches growing downward; zhi"-ga,
young; to", stands; no”, that; a, they said.

9. E-dsi, then and there; xtsi, verily; a-thi", carrying it; gi-e do”,
he came home; a, they said. (17, 24, 33, 40, 48, 57.)

10. The, this; ho", how will it serve; wi-zhi"-the, my elder brothers;
a-gthi-no"-zhi", he stood saying on his return; a, they said.
(18, 26, 34, 41, 49, 58.)

11. Ha, ho; wi-go"-ga, my younger brother; e-gi-a, said to him; bi,
they; a, they said. (50, 59.)

12. Zhi"-ga, the little ones; wa-xo-be, a sacred object, a shrine; tha,
they make of it; ba, they; tho™-ta, possible; zhi a, it is not;
wi-co"-ga, my younger brother; e-gi-a, said to him; bi, they;
a, they said. (19, 27, 52.)

13. O-to™-be, search; tha-the tse a, you shall cause to be made;
wi-co"-ga, my younger brothers; e-gi-a, said to him; bi, they; a,
they said. (20, 29, 36, 43.)

16. E-hiu, elm; zhi"-ga, young; to", stands; no", that; a, they said.

22. O-cu, lowland forest; ko"-ha, borders of; dsi, there; xtsi, verily;
a, they said.

23. Hi®-dse, linden; xo-dse, gray sapling; to", stands; no®, that; a,
they said.

25. Ha, ho; wi-zhi"-the, my elder brothers; a-gthi-no*-zhi", he said
as he stood on his return; a, they said.

28. E-zhi-zhi ¢ka to"-ga, it is not exactly what we want; wi-go"-ga,
my younger brother; e-gi-a, said to him; bi, they; a, they said.
(35, 42, 51.)

31. O-cu, lowland forest; xtsi, verily; ge, the; dsi, there; a, they said.

32. Hi®-dse, linden; zhu-dse, the red; to", stands; no”, that; a, they
sald.

38. O-cu, lowland forest; u-gko"-cka, in the center of; dsi, there;
xtsi, verily; a, they said. (45.)

39. Hi®-dse, linden; sha-be, the dark; to”, stands; no", that; a, they
sald.

46. Wa-xtha-hi, the pawpaw tree; to”, stands; no”, that; a, they said.

47. E-dsi, close to it; xtsi, verily; hi, came to; no®-zhi", and paused;
a, they said. (56.)

LA FLESCHE, LITERAL TRANSLATION 823

54.

55.
60.

Gr:

63.

64.
65.

13.

14.

18.

O-cu, lowland forest; go-da, on the farther side; ko®-ha, the
border; dsi, there; xtsi, verily; a, they said.

Ha-do-ga, the nettle weed; to", stands; no", that; a, they said.

She, that which you have in your hand; e shno", the very thing;
u-tha-dse, is the object of your search; tha, you; to" she a, as
you stand; wi-co"-ga, my younger brother; e-gi-a, said to him;
bi, they; a, they said.

Zhi®-ga, the little ones; wa-xo-be, sacred; the, make it to be;
mo"-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta bi a, they shall; wi-cgo"-ga,
my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they;
a, they said. (66.)

. Zhi"-ga, the little ones; wa-xo-be, sacred; the, make it to be;

mo”-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; do", when; a, they
said. (67.)

Wa-xo-be, the sacred hawk; gi-¢a-gi, well preserved; ki-the, cause
it to be; mo™-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta bi a, they shall;
wi-Go"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one another;
bi, they; a, they said. (68.)

Tsi-zhu, the people of the Tsi-zhu; a, they said.

Ho*-ga, the people of the Ho®-ga; e-tho"-ba, also.

Ca’ Wi’-cI-E
(RUSH RITUAL)

’ (WBEAVER’S VERSION)
(Free translation, p. 698; Osage version, p. 786)

. Wa-ko"-da, god; to™-ga, great; e-de, the; e-gka, in truth; e-wa-ka,

they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a be the, they have said.
(oo 172)

. Wa-ko"-da, god; e-shki do", that also is a; a be the, they have

said. (5, 11, 15, 19, 23.)

. Wa-ko®-da, god; ho" ge, of the night; e no” bi no”, that is always

spoken of as; a be the, they have said. (10, 12, 16, 27.)

. Wa-ko"-da, god; u-ga-ci-hi, struck with yellow hue; tsi zho", that

comes and lies; kshe, outstretched; no" no", that; a be the,
they have said.

. Ci, yellow hue; zho*, lies; kshe, outstretched; e-wa-ka, they had

in mind; bi, they; a be the, they have said.

Wa-ko"-da, god; u-ga-co"-ho", struck with a pale hue; tsi, that
comes; kshe, lies outstretched; no", that; a be the, they have
said.

U-ga-co®-ho", struck with a pale hue; tsi, comes; zho", and lies;
kshe, outstretched; no", that; e-cka, in truth; e-wa-ka, they
had in mind; bi, they; a be the, they have said.

Wa-ko®-da, god; u-ga-zhi-hi, struck with a crimson hue; tsi,
comes; zho", lies; kshe, outstretched; no" no”, that; a be the,
they have said.

824 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

20. Wa-ko™-da, god; to"-ga, great; e-de, the; e-gka, in truth; e-wa-ka,
they had in mind; bi, they; a be the, they have said.

22. Wa-ko"-da, god; u-ga-zhu-dse, struck with a deep red; tsi gthi®,
thi"-kshe, comes and sits; no" no”, that; a be the, they have
said.

24. Wa-ko"-da, god; to-ho, in blue; kshe no" no®, that lies out-
stretched; a be the, they have said.

25. Xtha-cka, a white flower; u-ki-ho"-ge, the border of; e-go", that
resembles; kshe no” no”, that lies outstretched; a be the, they
have said. x

26. Da-ko", light; u-ga-k’u, scraped together; e-go", as though;
e-gka, in truth; e-wa-ka, they had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not;
a be the, they have said.

28. Ca-be, black; to, blue; e-go", that is like; a-tsi zho", comes and
lies; kshe, outstretched; no™ no", that; a be the, they have said.

29. Ca, a rush shrine; wa-tse-ga xtsi, very new; a be the, they have
said.

30. Ga, a rush shrine; wa-tse-ga xtsi, very new; u-ga-she thi?-ge,
unharmed; xtsi, very; u-k’o"-ha, they put therein the hawk;
bi, they; a bi do”, they have indeed said.

Ho*-Be’-gu W1'-Gi-b
(MOCCASIN — RITUAL)
(Free translation, p. 700; Osage version, p. 784)
1. He-dsi, at that time and place; xtsi, verily; a, they said; a bi® da,
it has been said; tsi, house; ga, in this. (26, 45, 63.)

Ke, turtle; gi®-dse, tail; ga-tse, serratures; pe-tho™-ba, seven;

thi®-kshe, that sits; a, they said.

3. Ga, that; cu-e, foot; o°-ki-the, we shall make to be; o°-mo?-thi®,
as we travel, etc.; ta, shall; bi a, we; wi-co"-ga, my younger
brothers; e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they; a, they said.
(28.)

4. Cu-e, foot; 0°-ki-the, we make to be our; 0"-mo”-thi", as we travel,

etc.; bi, we; do", when; shki, and; a, they said. (29.)
Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places where; ta, toward.
(18, 21, 30, 43, 47, 53.)

6. Xa-dse, grasses; gi-¢ta-ge, fall flat to the ground; ki-the, cause
to be; mo"-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta bi" da, they shall. (31.)

7. Da-do", what; ho"-be-ko", mocassin string; the, make to be;
mo"-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do”, inter-
rogative particle; a, they said. (32.)

8. We-ts’a, snake; ni-dse-wa-the, water; kshe, les outstretched;
no", that; a, they said. (33.)

9. Ga, that; ho"-be-ko", moccasin string; the, make to be their;
mo"-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they said. (34.)

LA FLESCHE] LITERAL TRANSLATION 825

10.

1e}e

14.

119.

or
bo

Ho?-be-ko", moccasin string; the, make it to be; mo*-thi", as
they travel, etc.; bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said.
(35.)

11. Xa-dse, grasses; e-shki do", even the; a, they said. (36.)
. Ho®-be-ko", moccasin string; gi-ba-xa, break; zhi, not; ki-the,

cause to; mo"-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; bi a, they;
wi-co"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one another;
bi, they; a, they said. (37.)

Da-do", what; mo®-hi", knife; gi-the, make to be their; mo®-thi",
as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do", interrogative
particle; a, they said. (38.)

Wa-dsu-ta, animal; shi"-to-zhi"-ga, young man, the male; kshe,
lies outstretched; no", that; a, they said. (39.)

5. He, horn; i-shdo-ge, the right; tse, that stands; a, they said.
. Ga, that; mo®-hi", knife; gi-the, make to be their; mo™-thi’, as

they travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they said. (41.)

Mo?-hi", knife; gi-the, make to be their; bi, they; do", when;
shki, and; a, they said: (42.)

Mo?-hi", knife; gi-pa-hi, sharp indeed; ki-the, cause to be; mo®-
thi", as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; bi a, they; wi-go"-ga, my
younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they; a, they
said. (44.)

. Da-do", what; wa-ba-to-be, upon cut; mo™-thi", as they travel,

etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do", interrogative particle; a, they
said. (46.)

. Ni-ka, man; wa-k’o", military honors; o-tha-ha, to whom is

attached; kshe, lies outstretched; no”, that; a, they said. (65.)

. Ga, that; wa-ba-to-be, upon such they cut; mo™-thi", as they

travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they said. (49.)

. Wa-ba-to-be, upon such they cut; mo®-thi", as they travel, etc.;

bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said. (50.)

. Wa-ba-to-be, the act of cutting upon such persons; gi-o-ts’e-ga,

easy; ki-the, cause to be; mo"-thi", as they travel, ete.; ta,
shall; bi a, they; wi-co"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said
to one another; bi, they; a, they said. (51.)

. Ke, turtle; ci"-dse, tail; ga-tse, serratures; sha-pe, six; thi™-kshe,

that sits; a, they said,

. He, horn; tha-ta, the left; tse, that stands; a, they said.
. Wa-k’o, woman; wo", once, for the first time; we-da-the, gave

birth; do", a; a, they said. (70.)

2. Da-do", what; wa-ba-xtho-ge, upon perforate; mo™-thi", as they

travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do", interrogative particle; a,
they said. (58, 64, 69.)
41383°—30——53

826

54.
55.

56.

57.

59.

THE OSAGE TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 45

Shi®-to, a youth; ho, voice; btho"-xe, broken; do®, a; a, they said.

Ga, them; wa-ba-xtho-ge, upon perforate; mo*-thi”, as they travel,
etc.; bi, they; a, they said. (60, 66, 71.)

Wa-ba-xtho-ge, upon them perforate; mo®-thi", as they travel,
etc.; bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said. (61, 67, 72.)

Wa-ba-xtho-ge, the act of perforating; gi-o"ts’e-ga, easy; o7-ki-
the, we cause to be; 0°-mo?-thi", as we travel, etc.; ta, shall;
bi a, we; wi-co"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one
another; bi, they; a, they said. (62, 68, 73.)

Shi-mi, a maiden; ho, voice; btho"-xe, broken; do", a; a, they said.

Ki’-no™’ Wr’-Gi-§
(PAINTING RITUAL)
(Free translation, p. 704; Osage version, p. 789)

. He-dsi, at that time and place; xtsi, verily; a, they said; a bi" da,

it has been said; tsi, house; ga, in this. (8, 17, 30, 35.)

. Da-do", what; ki-no”, to paint or to decorate the face and body;

gi-the, make to be or to use; mo®-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta,
shall; ba, they; do”, interrogative particle; a, they said.

. Wa-ko"-da, the gods; tse-ga, anew, early; xtsi, verily; e-tho"-ba,

appear, emerge; hi, come; no”, regularly; bi, they; a, they said.
(10.)

. Wa-ko"-da, the god; u-ga-zhu-dse,.stricken with a red color; xtsi,

verily; hi, comes; thi", moves; no", regularly; a, they said.

. Zhi"-ga, the little ones; ki-no", decorate themselves with; gi-the,

they make of or use; mo”-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they;
a, they said.

Zhi"-ga, the little ones; ki-no", decorate themselves; gi-the, make
to be or to use; mo?-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; do®,
when; a, they said.

Ts’e, to die; wa-tse-xi, difficult; ki-the, cause themselves to be;
ta, shall; bi a, they; zhi®-ga, the little ones. (16.)

Da-do", what; wa-gthe, a decorative plume for the crown of the
head; gi-the, make to be or to use; mo"-thi", as they travel,
etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do”, interrogative particle; a, they said.

11. I-shdo-ge, on his right side; dsi, there; a, they said.

14.

15.

. Wa-gthe to", a decorative plume; e-go", that resembles; to",

stands; no", that; a, they said.

. Ga, that; wa-gthe, a decorative plume; gi-the, make to be their;

mo?-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they said.

Zhit-ga, the little ones; wa-gthe, plume; gi-the, make to be or to
use; bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said.

Wa-gthe, plume; gi-xi-tha, to droop or to fall; zhi, not; ki-the,
to cause; mo"-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; bi a, they;
zhi®-ga, they, the little ones,

LA FLESCHE] LITERAL TRANSLATION 827

18.
19.
20.

21.

OE.

24.

25.

27.
28.

3l.

32.

33.

36.

38.
40.

Da-do", what; wa-no"-p’i" to", decorate with a neck ornament;
kshi-the, make to be; ta, shall; ba, they; do", interrogative
particle; a, they said.

Da-gthe, captive; do", a; a, they said. (22, 26, 37.)

Ga, it is he; wa-no"-p’i" to", decorated; kshi-the, make to be;
a-ka, they.

Da-do", what; a-ko™-ta, decorate with an arm ornament; kshi-the,
make to be; mo?-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they;
do”, interrogative particle; a, they said.

A-ko"-ta, decorate with an arm ornament; kshi-the, make to be;
a-ka, they.

Da-gthe, captives; o-k’o-pi, comely; a bi, spoken of as; :-the,
find or to see; ki-the, cause themselves to; mo®-thi", as they
travel, etc.; ta bi" da, they shall. (29, 34.)

Da-do", what; pi-tha to", belted or girdled; kshi-the, make to be;
mo"-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do", inter-
rogative particle; a, they said.

Pi-tha to", belted, girdled; kshi-tha, make to be; bi, they; a, they
said.

Da-gthe, captives; o-k’o-pi, comely; a-tha, go to seek; bi, they;
do", when; shki, and; a, they said. (39.)

Da-do", what; ho™-be to", moccasined; kshi-the, make to be;
mo"-thi®, as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do", inter-
rogative particle; a, they said.

Da-gthe, captive; do", a; ho™-be to", moccasined; kshi-tha, they
make to be; bi, they; a, they said.

Da-gthe, captive; ho™-be to", moccasined; kshi-the, make to be;
mo?-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; do", when; shki, and;
a, they said.

Da-do", what; mi to", robed; kshi-the, make to be; mo™-thi", as
they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do”, interrogative particle;
a, they said.

Mi to", robed; kshi-the, make to be; a-ka, they.

O-ts’a-ge, that by which old age can be attained; xtsi, verily;
i-the, to find, to see; ki-the, cause themselves to; mo™-thi", as
they travel; ta bia, they shall; wi-go"-ga, my younger brothers;
e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they; a, they said.

Wa’-cI-THU-¢GE W1’-GI-E
(FOOTSTEP RITUAL)

(Free translation, p. 708; Osage version, p. 790)

. Da-do", what; wa-ci-thu-ce, toward take footsteps; mo™-thi", as

they travel, ete.; ta, shall; ba, they; do”, interrogative particle;
a, they sald. » (11. 21,°32:)

. Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places; ta, toward. (12, 22,

33.)

828 THE OSAGE TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 45

3. O-k’o-be, valley; wi", a; a-gi-thu-ce, toward which they take foot-
steps; mo”-thi®, as they travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they said.

4. O-k’o-be, valley; wi", a; e-cka, in truth; e-wa-ka, they had in

mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

Wa-dsu-ta, animal; wi", a; a-ci-thu-ce, toward which they take

footsteps; mo”-thi", as they travel, ete.; bi, they; a, they said.

6. Wa-dsu-ta, animal; wi", a; e-cka, in truth; e-wa-ka, they had in
mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

7. Wa-dsu-ta, animal; u-ba-tse, group, herd; a-ki-gtha-thi®, in which

they keep together; no" no", habitually; a, they said.

. Ga, it is such a group; wa-ci-thu-¢e, toward which they take
footsteps; mo”-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they said.
(18, 28, 39.)

9. Wa-ci-thu-ce, take their footsteps toward such group; mo?-thi®,
as they travel, etc.; bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they
said. (19, 29, 40.)

10. Wa-ci-thu-ge, the taking of footsteps; gi-o-ts’e-ga, easy for us;
o"-ki-the, we cause to be; o°-mo”-thi", as we travel through
life; ta, shall; bi a, we; wi-go"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a,
said to one another; bi, they; a, they said. (20.)

13. O-k’o-be, valleys; tho"-ba, two; wa-ci-thu-ce, toward which they
take footsteps; mo"-thi", as they travel, ete.; bi, they; a, they
said.

14. O-k’o-be, valleys; tho"-ba, two; e-gka, in truth; e-wa-ka, they
had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

15. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; tho*-ba, two; wa-gi-thu-ce, toward which
they take footsteps; mo®-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; a,
they said.

16. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; tho"-ba, two; e-cka, in truth; e-wa-ka, they
had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

17. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; u-ba-tse, groups, herds; tho™-ba, two;
a-ki-gtha-thi", in which they keep themselves together; no” no",
habitually; a, they said.

23. O-k’o-be, valleys; tha-bthi", three; a-ci-thu-ge, toward which they
take footsteps; mo?-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they
said.

24. O-k’o-be, valleys; tha-bthi", three; e-gka, m truth; e-wa-ka, they
had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

25. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; tha-bthi", three; wa-¢i-thu-ge, toward which
they take footsteps; mo®-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; a,
they said.

26. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; u-ba-tse, groups, herds; tha-bthi", three;
a-ki-¢tha-thi", in which they keep themselves together; no™ no",
habitually; a, they said.

30. Wa-xo-be, the shrine; zhi® ga, the little.

(7/2)

LA FLESCHE] LITERAL TRANSLATION 829

31.

34.

IbIE

Ha-gtha-thi", carrying in your arms; gi-0-ts’e-ga, to make easy
your efforts; ki-the, cause to be; mo®-thi", as you travel, etc.;
e-dsi, hither come; ba she tse, you shall. (41.)

O-k’o-be, valleys; do-ba, four; a-gi-thu-¢ge, toward which they
take footsteps; mo”-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they
said.

5. O-k’o-be, valleys; do-ba, four; e-gka, in truth; e-wa-ka, they had

in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; do-ba, four; wa-ci-thu-¢e, toward which they

take footsteps; mo"-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they
said.

. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; do-ba, four; e-cka, in truth; e-wa-ka, they

had in mind; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they said.

. Wa-dsu-ta, animals; u-ba-tse, groups, herds; do-ba, four; a-ki-

etha-thi", in which they keep themselves together; no® no”,
habitually; a, they said. ~

Pr’-xe Tuu-ce W1’-GI-E
(RATTLE TAKING-UP RITUAL)

(Free translation, p. 711; Osage version, p. 792)

. He-dsi, at that time and place; xtsi, verily; a, they said; a bi? da,

it has been said. (10, 20, 29, 36, 47.)

. Da-do", what; pe-xe, rattle; gi-the, make to be their; mo?-thi®,

as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do", interrogative par-
ticle; a, they said.

. Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places; ta, toward; ni-ka-

shi-ga, people. (12, 22, 40.)

. To"-wo"-gtho", villages; pe-tho"-ba ha, seven separate; ba, they;

do", were; a, they said. (13, 23.)

. I-thi-shno", the odd one in number; thi"-kshe, the sitting; a,

they said. (14, 24.)

. Ga, that one; wa-pa, head; i-ta, whose; thi"-kshe, the sitting; a,

they said.

. Pe-xe, rattle; gi-tha, make to be their; bi, they; a, they said.
. Pe-xe, rattle; gi-the, make to be their; mo™-thi", as they travel,

etc.; bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said.

. We-thi-hi-dse, move against the enemy; gi-o"ts’e-ga, easy;

ki-the, cause to be; mo”-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta, shall;
bi a, they; wi-go"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one
another; bi, they; a, they said. (19, 28, 70.)

Da-do", what; pe-xe-cu, rattles for the rattle; the, make to be
their; mo®-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do*,
interrogative particle; a, they said.

. Hi-k’e, teeth; i-shdo-ge, the right; kshe, that lies; a, they said.

830 ' THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

16. Ga, those; pe-xe-cu, rattlers; the, make to be their; mo®-thi®, as
they travel, etc.; ta, shall; bi a, they; wi-co"-ga, my younger
brothers; e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they; a, they said.

1%. Pe-xe-cu, rattlers; the, make to be their; mo?-thi®, as they travel,
etc.; bi, they; do", when; a, they said.

18. Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places; ta, toward.

1. Da-do", what; pe-xe, rattle; i-ba, handle; the, make to be their;
mo™-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do®, inter-
rogative particle; a, they said.

25. A-xi-be, lower forearm; i-shdo-ge, the right; kshe, that lies out-
stretched; a, they said.

26. Ga, that forearm; pe-xe, rattle; i-ba, handle; the, make to be their;
mo?-thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they said.

27. Pe-xe, rattle; iba, handle; the, make to be their; mo*-thi", as
they travel, etc.; bi, they; do”, when; shki, and; a, they said.

30. Mo®-shi-ta, at the top; u-thi-k’u-dse, the perforation; ga tse,
this; shki, also; a, they said.

31. E-shki do”, that also; a, they said. (88.)

32. Wa-thi®-e ¢ka, without a purpose; zhi i" da, it is not. (39.)

33. Mo®-zho?, the earth; xtho-k’a, the hollows of; sho” e-go?, all of
them; xtsi, verily; a, they said.

34. Wa-gthu-shka, creatures; be, who; i-ta, they belong to; i, they;
shki do", may be.

35. U-ki-o®-the, fall therein; 0-ga-xe, we make them to; 0°-mo?-thi?,
as we travel, etc.; ta, shall; bi a, we; wi-co"-ga, my younger
brothers; e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they; a, they said.

37. Ga-mo®-dse, the particles of dust in the gourd rattle; ga, this;
thi®-kshe, that sits; a, they said.

41. Wa-shi-shi to", possessions in plenty; bi, they; e no" bi no®, that
are spoken of as; a, they said.

42. Sho®, all; xtsi, verily; pa-xe i" da, I have made them to be.

43. Zhi®-ga, the little ones.

44. Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places; ta, toward; shki, and;
a, they said.

45. Wa-shi-shi, possessions; a, they said.

46. U-bu-dse, in profusion; xtsi, verily; i-the, find or to see; ki-the,
cause themselves to; mo"-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta, shall;
bi a, they; wi-co*-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one
another; a, they said.

48. Ga-ca-thu, gave a stroke with the rattle; the tha, sent the sound;
bi, they; do”, when; a, they said.

49. Wa-thi"-e cka, without a purpose; ga-ca-thu, gave a stroke with
the rattle; the tha, sent the sound; ba, they; zhi, not; a, they
said.

LA FLESCHE] LITERAL TRANSLATION 831

50.
ol.
52.

53.

o4.

55.
59.

60.

64.

69.

70.

Shi®-to, a youth; ho, voice; btho"-xe, broken; do®, a; a, they said.

A-ga-ca-thu, gave the stroke upon him; the tha, sent forth the
sound; bi, they; a, they said. (56, 61.)

Wa-ga-ca-thu, the act of giving the stroke; mo®-thi", as they
travel, etc.; bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said. (57,
62, 67, 66.)

Wa-ga-ca-thu, the delivering of the stroke; gi-o-ts’e-ga, easy;
ki-the, cause to be; mo®-thi*, as they travel, ete.; ta, shall;
bi a, they; wi-co"-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one
another; bi, they; a, they said. (58, 63, 68.)

I-tho™-be 0", at the second time; ga-¢a-thu, they gave a stroke
with the rattle; the tha, sent forth the sound; bi, they; do®,
when; shki, and; a, they said.

Shi-mi, a maiden; ho, voice; btho®-xe, broken; do”, a; a, they said.

I-tha-bthi" 0", at the third time; xtsi, verily; ga-ca-thu, they gave
a stroke; the tha, sent forth the sound; bi, they; do", when;
shki, and; a, they said.

Ni-ka, man; wa-k’o", military honors; o-tha-ha, to whom is
attached; do”, a; a, they said.

I-do-ba 0", at the fourth time; xtsi, verily; ga-ga-thu, they gave
a stroke; the tha, sent forth the sound; bi, they; do", when;
shki, and; a, they said.

. Wa-k’o, woman; wo", once, for the first time; we-da-the, gave

birth; do", a; a, they said.
I-gthi-hi-dse, use the rattle against the enemy; mo*-thi", as they
travel, etc.; bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said.
We-thi-hi-dse, the act of using the rattle; wo-ts’e-ga, easy for us;
o"-ki-the, we cause it to be; o°-mo™-thi", as we, travel, etc.;
ta, shall; bi a, we; wi-go®-ga, my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said
to one another; bi, they; a, they said.
Pr’-xe TuHu-ce Wr’-GI-5
(RATTLE TAKING-UP RITUAL)

(WaA-ZHA-ZHE VERSION)

(Free translation, p. 713; Osage version, p. 794)

. Da-do", what; pe-xe, rattle; gi-the, make to be their; mo®™-thi’,

as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do", interrogative par-
ticle; a, they said.

. Mi, sun; hi-e, the setting of; ge, the places; ta, toward. (10,

18, 29.)

. To™-wo"-gtho", villages; pe-tho"-ba ha, seven separate; ba, they;

do", were; a, they said. (11, 19.)

. I-thi-shno®, the odd one in number; thi"-kshe, that sits; a, they

said.

. Wa-pa, head; i-ta, belonging to; thi’-kshe, that sits; a, they said.

832 THE OSAGE TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 45

6. Ga, that; pe-xe, rattle; gi-the, make to be; mo®-thi", as they
travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they said.

7. Pe-xe, rattle; gi-the, make to be their; mo™-thi", as they travel,
etc.; bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said.

8. Pe-xe, rattle; gi-sho"-tha, fall apart; zhi, not; ki-the, cause to be;
mo*-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta bi" da, they shall.

9. Da-do", what; pe-xe-cu, rattlers; the, make to be their; mo®-thi",
as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do", interrogative par-
ticle; a, they said.

13. Hi-k’e, teeth; i-shdo-ge, the right side; kshe, lies outstretched;
a, they said.

14. Ga, those; pe-xe-cu, rattlers; the, make to be their; mo™-thi®, as
they travel, etc.; bi, they; a, they said.

15. Pe-xe-cu, rattlers; the, make to be their; mo®-thi®, as they travel,
etc.; bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said.

16. Pe-xe, rattle; gi-ga-thu, resonant; ki-the, cause to be; mo?-thi*,
as they travel, etc.; ta bi" da, they shall.

17. Da-do", what; pe-xe, rattle; i-ba, handle; the, make to be their;
mo”-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta, shall; ba, they; do", inter-
rogative particle; a, they said.

21. A-xi-be, lower forearm; i-shdo-ge, the right; kshe, lies out-
stretched.

22. Ga, that; pe-xe, rattle; i-ba, handle; the, make to be their; mo®-
thi", as they travel, etc.; bi, they; do", when; shki, and; a,
they said.

24. Pe-xe, rattle; i-ba, handle; i-ts’a, causes of death; thi®-ge, having
none; ki-the, cause to; mo?-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta bi" da,
they shall.

26. Ga-mo"-dse, the particles of dust in the rattle; ga, this; thi?-kshe,
that sits; shki, also; a, they said.

27. E shki do®, that also. (34.)

28. Wa-thi"-e-cka, without a purpose; zhi i" da, it is not. (35.)

30. Wa-shi-shi to", possessions in plenty; bi, they; e no” bi no’,
spoken of; a, they said.

31. Sho®, all; xtsi, verily; pa-xe i° da, I have made them to be.

33. Mo*-shi ta, at the top of the rattle; u-thi-k’u-dse, the hole that.
is drilled; ga, this; tse, that stands; shki, also; a, they said.

36. Wa-gthu-shka, creatures; zhi"-ga, small. (46, 50, 54, 58, 62.)

37. U-ki-o®-the, fall therein; mo®-thi", as they travel; ta, shall; ba,
they; she a-wa-kshi-mo” i" da, I have made it for them.

39. Ga-ca-thu, a stroke with the rattle; the-tha, sent the sound; bi,
they; do", when; shki, and; a, they said.

40. Mo®-zho®, earth; xtho-k’a, valleys and hollows; sho" e-go", every;
xtsi, verily; a, they said. (43, 47, 51, 55, 59, 63, 67.)

41. U-ga-da-tho", stunned with the stroke; i-he-tha, cause them to
lie; bi, they; a, they said.

LA FLESCHE] LITERAL TRANSLATION 833

42.

44.

45.

48.

52.

53.

56.

60.

61.

64.

68.

Zhit-ga, the little ones; wa-ga-ca-thu, they give such strokes;
mo*-thi", as they travel, ete.; bi, they; do", when; shki, and;
a, they said. (49, 57, 65.)

U-ga-da-tho", stunned with the stroke; i-he-the, make them to
lie; mo™-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta bi" da, they shall.

I-tho™-be 0", at the second time; xtsi, verily; ga-ca-thu, gave the
stroke; the-tha, sent the sound; bi, they; do", when; shki, and;
a, they said.

No*-xu-dse, ears; i-to", touched; i-he-tha, made them to lie; bi,
they; a, they said.

No?-xu-dse, ears; i-to", touched; i-he-the, make them to lie;
mo?-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta bi a, they shall; wi-co*-ga,
my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they; a,
they said.

I-tha-bthi" 0”, at the third time; xtsi, verily; ga-ca-thu, gave the
stroke; the-tha, sent the sound; bi, they; do”, when; shki, and;
a, they said.

I-shko", motion; thi"-ge, having none; i-he-tha, made them to
lie; bi, they; a, they said.

I-shko”, motion; thi"-ge, having none; i-he-the, make them to lie;
mo*-thi", as they travel; ta bi a, they shall; wi-go"-ga, my
younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they; a, they
said.

I-do-ba 0°, at the fourth time; xtsi, verily; ga-ca-thu, gave the
stroke; the-tha, sent the sound; bi, they; do", when; shki, and;
a, they said.

U-ga-bu-dse, to lie in profusion; gthi i-he-tha, made them to lie;
bi, they; a, they said.

U-ga-bu-dse, to lie in profusion; gthi i-he-the, make them to lie;
mo™-thi", as they travel, etc.; ta bi a, they shall; wi-¢o™-ga,
my younger brothers; e-ki-a, said to one another; bi, they; a,
they said.

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INDEX

Page
ABIES GRANDIS- --_- 462, 483, 496, 509
AMTRTGDS) Sa ee Ee a ee 462, 484
ACER CIRCINATUM____________ 498
ACER GLABRUM_________ 475, 499, 500
ACHILLEA MILLEFOLIUM- ______ 460

_ACTAEA ARGUTA____ 455, 463, 467, 512

ACTAEA EBURNBA___...----- 463, 512
ApAM, CHIEF, mention of______ 270
ADORNMENT— .
CeLeMoOnys2OL = ee es eee 554
personal_____ 81-83, 236, 339-341
See also DECORATION. _
ADZES AND CHISELS, stone_____ 41

AENEAS, part taken by, in In-

Giankwales oa oe eee oe 368-369
FACUNR ICUS see = ees ee es 483
AGOSERIS VILLOSA_-_____ eae 493

AGRICULTURE, not practiced by
Coeur-d’ Aléne_----___.-_..- 88

AGROPYRON TENERUM__-______- 515
FATIDER RED, UsevOl.—-=--=-2- = 501
ALDER, WHITE, use of_-__---__- 503
IALHCTORTA UBATA™ 2) 222255 —_ 482
ALLIUM ACUMINATUM__________ 482
ALLIUM CERNUUM____________- 481
ALLIUM STELLATUM______.-___ 481
ATNUS OREGONAQ =~ oe = 501
ALNUS RHOMBIFOLIA_________-_ 503
AENUSHRUBRAS eo sso ee 483
AMELANCHIER ALNIFOLIA______ 462,

471, 485, 487, 488, 489, 490,
496, 510.
ANAPHALIS MARGARITACEA_____ 465
ANEMONE MULTIFIDA________ 474, 513
ANEOMONE OCCIDENTALIS____ 459, 466

IAN MONE SP= == 5-222 oon 8 Se 469
ANIMAL DANCES___~_____-_~- 387-388
ANIMAL FOOD, cooking of_____-_ 94-95

ANIMALS—
hunted for meat and skin__ 96—97

plants used as food by____ = 514
treatment of. -=2=--- === 291
ANTENNARIA MICROPHYLLA_____ 466
ANTENNARIA ROSBA_-_--______ 464
ANTENNARIA SP. —--_.- 458, 464, 492
ANTLERS OD] 6Cts:Ol2=== === == 42-43

Page
APOCYNUM ANDROSAEMIFOLIUM- 497
APOCYNUM CANNABINUM_ -____ 470, 498
ASPRONS; ,USC\OL =o eee 69-70
AQUILEGIA FORMOSA_—___-__~_- 475, 507
AQUILEGIA TRUNCATA_________ 516
ARABIS DRUMMONDII-__________ 464
ARALIA NUDICAULIS___-____- 471, 489
ARAPAHO—
Flathead name for________ 302
MOT AL ON6OL ae ee ee 320
name of, in sign language__ 148
ARBOR VITAE, GIANT, use of____ 461,
496, 501
ARCTOSTAPHYLOS UVA-URSI_-___- 458,

486, 493, 494, 495, 514
ARM RINGS, materials used for_ 83

ARMOR, US6.0f 2232153 ae ay 117

Seealso CUIRASSES; SHIELDS.
ACRNICA LATIFOLIA.—=_-5 222 473
ARROW GAMES, described____ 132-133
ARROWHEADS—

described =e a= aaa 100

SUON Cae ee eee re oe: 42

VALIC UV Olesen ee = cee 241
ARROW SMOOTHERS, stone______ 40
ARROWS—

Geseribedia. eae ae = 99-100

STS Ul Cie yee eee rete ee 675
ARTEMISIA CANADENSIS________ 470

ARTEMISIA DRACUNCULOIDES_ 468, 512

"ARTEMISIA FRIGIDA_________ 465, 497

ARTEMISIA SP_____- 468, 469, 500, 510
ARTEMISIA TRIDENTATA, USe OT__ 459
ARUNCUS ACUMINATUS________- 457
ASARUM CAUDATUM_--___ 460, 496, 508
ASCLEPIAS SPECIOSA_____ 470, 498, 513
ASPEN, QUAKING, use of_ 464, 497, 504
ASSINIBOIN—

Flathead name for_______- 302
misrabion Of-= s-2eeso5——= 320

SW SLES Wa Ua eee ee ee ee 366
ASTHR FOLTACHUS=—.002 26 555—— 461
ASTRAGALUS DECUMBENS_______ 514
ASTRAGALUS GIGANTEUS_______ 514
ASTRAGALUS PURSHII__________ 473,
504, 507, 516

835

836 INDEX
Page | Baskerry—Continued. Page
ASTRAGAUUS SE R22 ee see 473 of Flathead group-----_- 328-330
ATSINA— ornamentation of ________ 55, 329
Flathead name for___~~--- 302 roots used in making--_ ~~ __ 496
name of, in sign language__ 147 See also BASKETS.
IACVADN'S USC OL nem a ete oe 464, | Basxkprs—
476, 493, 504, 506, 507 birch-bark: 202-0202 52
BaBY CARRIERS, described___ 166-167, cedar-bark. =.= 400 53-54
Bac 279-281, 381 Saar cae oS Se ae ees 51
decorationiof. === eee = 48-49, Puce: 2 aur Means 55, 329
219, 220, 221, 226 atau a USCiOl == === 342
materials used for_________ 47-51 oe pits Tey R onan He
Tawhide 2 sauce wee 221, 327 tae oe cir sri sR Tapes 5
shapes: Of... 2 222 ee ener 219 ees Saas eae TESS 52
: shapesioie. = s2 aoa aeee 224-225
Skin’ oS oS ee oeee eee 49-50
See also BASKETRY.
WOVeN SAS. See oe eee 47-49,
219. 220, 327 BaTHING CUSTOMS_________- 169, 174
BALD-HIP ROSE, use of_..-_____ 487, pane used for necklaces______ 81
488, 493, 495, 498, 504 | VPAPWORK—
Menton Ose 5 == ae eee 47

BALD-HIP ROSEBERRY, use of__ _ 489
BALL GAMES, described__ 133-134, 260

BALSAM POPLAR, use of________ 497
BaLsaM ROOT—
beliefs concerning _________ 509
USe.Of 2a l= 478, 480, 484, 491, 493
BALSAMORHIZAS 522 528 eee 478
BALSAMORHIZA SAGITTATA_____ 480,
484, 491, 493, 509
Banps—
compositioniols2 sass. —.—— 150
CTOUDSIOfs== === ee 38, 150
merged in tribe____-_____- 156
BANEBERRY, use of_________ 463, 512
BANNOCK—
Flathead name for_______- 301
hunting grounds of____-_-_ 305
wars of, with Flathead____ 361
Baptists ULuLAmf/ust, in-
formation furnished by_____-_ 403
BarkK—
baskets of ______- 52-538, 222, 328
CAROCSIO laa ee 248
lodgesiof=2 222292 = 228-229
tools for stripping_—___—_-- 92
woven into rain cloaks_ ___ 77
BaskET MAKER SITES; investi-
CallOn Olas =e ee 7
BASKETRY—
barkse oe eeee 52-538, 222, 328
coiledae2es224 54-55, 223-225, 329
Gescribede ss === =a 51-55
distribution _ of, among
Ui DeSi4 he ee 223
materials used in_______ 222-224

on clothing______
BEAR—

belief concerning ____- ~~~ 184, 291
symbol of fire____-- Res Pe 644
IBEARBERRY,USCIOf 2 ee a 457,

458, 486, 498, 494, 495, 514
BEARBERRY HONEYSUCKLE—

belief concerning ________- Blut

USGIOle Soe cee ae nee 489
Bear ciaws, used for neck-

NACOS 215 n ence Seale 82

Berar-TRACK, anotedshaman_ 384-385
Brarp, removal of__________- 83, 341
BEAVERS, belief concerning__ 184, 291

BEDS AND BEDDING-_____- 63-64, 229
BEGGING CEREMONY__________- 389
BELIEFS—

concerning charms-__-___- 118-119,

196-197, 394-395, 505-507

concerning plants_______ 507-510
concerning source of life___ 631
IM CULUGe SUS Cases ene 596
of the Flathead___-_-_-- 394-395
of the Okanagon____-_-__-_ 294

BETS; describedace.22s2se25= 69

BERBERIS AQUIFOLIUM_ ~~ ~~~ 490, 502
BERBERIS NERVOSA___-------- 490
BrerRDACHES, described________- 384
BERRIES—
curing) of, for foodzes=.=.= 342
Indian names of____-_____ 238-239
lists of, used for food_____- 89-90,

238-239, 343, 485
preservation of _____-- 93, 237, 240

INDEX 837

Page | Bows— Page

Bic-Canog, a subchief of the description of_-_-.-------- 97-99
Pend d’Oreilles_ - - ---------- 377 doubled-curved___-------- 241
Bic-EaGLE— . BoWSTRINGS, manufacture of _ __ 98
a Flathead chief__...____-- 376 | Boys, puberty customs for___ 168-169,
StOLyp Olyee sae = eee = 362 283-287, 382
Bic-Hawk, a Flathead chief___ 376 | BracELEtTs, materials used for__ 83
Big-Kynirer, a Kutenai chief-__ 378 | Bracken, use of, as food_______ 482
BircH BARK, baskets of_-_-_---- 222 | BREASTPLATES OF BONE_______- 81

BirrERRooT, use of. 478, 479, 480, 507

“BITTERWEED, use of______-___- 534
BUACK@BEAR SONGSE-) oo. 2 4 644-646
BLACKBERRY—
belief concerning_________- 508
medicinal use of ____---.-- 471

WserolselOr 100d. 22 487, 488

BLACKBIRD, a prominent Osage_ 534
BLacKFrootT—
Flathead name for__-_-_-_-_-- 302
name of, in sign language _- 148
original territory of____--__ 321
southern movement of___ 316-319
story of battle of, with
Salishiee A ae eae 127-128
wars of, with Coeur
VAT nie Sites oe ee 125-128
wars of, with Flathead___ 361-365
Buackroor InpraAns, divisions
Ofer eas eae en eee 364
BuancuHets, two, first priests
among the Flathead_-_-_------ 385
BLANKETS, rabbit-skin_________ 226
BiItUM CAPITATUM=—.-2-—2-—— 502
BLoop FEUDS OF THE CoEUR
TAC RYN ees See eee 129
Bioop InpIANS—
Flathead name for-_-_------ 302
name of, in sign language - - 148
BiGEBERRYs USCiOf-- 25-2 -- = 487
BLUEBERRY ELDER, use of_____- 490
Bopy PAINTING—
aacallys CUSLOMM= = = ase 418
associated with Ghost
dance} 22> savers See 427
Colorsiused inane 2 eee 418
formdances==— == ==" 391, 392, 428
of the Coeur d’Aléne__-_-__- 86-87
symbolice-e=san iss 340-341
universal among Flathead __ 340
Bouton, H. E., assistance ren-
deredthymere see 4
BONS WORK == s2eto5 =e 42-43, 217

BREASTWORKS, use of, in war-
FAT eae see Se) en oe ee : 118
BREECHCLOUTS, described__ 69-70, 233

BRoOME GRASS, use Of_________- 516
IBROMUS|S Pauw ees Hoey iee cane keen 516
Broom Rapp, belief concerning 509
BurraLo—
hunting offs Ya ==== == 96, 103, 347
importance of222s_ =.= = 624, 632
results of extermination of_ 152

BUFFALO BERRY, use of__ 472, 489, 505
BURRATOMDANCE. ===a5 =. 02080 387
BUFFALO ROBES, use of________ 235
BUFFALO SONGS____ 623-639, 640-643

BUGLEWEED, use of____-___- aun 480
BULRUSH, use of____-----__- 481, 484
BUNCHBERRY, use of________ ee 458
BURTAT CUSTOMS =) Ss os eee 164,

172-176, 288-289, 382-383
ButtTERcup, use of______ 473, 505, 512
@xcumswusevof=- =. ==-2 2 2 63, 229
Cactus, used for food________- 484
CALOCHORTUS MACROCARPUS_ 481, 483

CALTHA ROTUNDIFOLIA________ 467
CAT YPso; USeiOf =e es ee 506
Camas Prairig, a famous dig-
gine prounde=22 es" sess 341
CAaMAS ROOTS—
grounds for digging— _____~ 341
preparation of, for food____ 92-93
USC) Ole Pee ee et 481
CAMBIUM LAYER OF TREES, used
SS OO Cee ee ee eee eae 91, 483
CAMP’ CIRCLES!._--.2_--- 2 2 155
CANADA MINT, use of__________ 502
CaNoES—

description of______ 248, 349-350

method of construction* ___ 108
Capes, deseribed_._-_._______- 231
Cars—

DUT ee eee ne See ee eee 73, 235

yi (ON1 0VCY OM Sf a ee arth as 76, 235

iO), VC Tee eee 225-226
Captives, treatment of _______ 158,

190-191, 407

838 INDEX
Page Page
CaRD GAME, now forgotten_____ 130 | CHENOPODIUM BOTRYS_______ 502, 503
CAREX ROSTRATA 2 S222 22 = 514 | Currry—
CARDX JSPBG/S FSi ek eh ea 515_ belief concerning _____--- ~~ 509
Cartos, a Flathead chief____-__ 377 USe.Of A ows sie aetee ee 488, 499
CARVING IN STONE___________- 41 | CumRRY BARK, use Of________ 497, 498
CascaRA BUCKTHORN, use of___ 473 | CunwrLan—
CATAMENIAL CUSTOMS_______- 62, 172 a division of the Kalispel__ 312
CaTCHING GAME, described ___ ~~ 134 country occupied by____ 312-313
Cat’s-CRADLE, game of_______- 135 some’ chiefs) of. 25,25 4eee 378
CatT-TaIL, use of _______- 482, 496, 498 supposed origin of _______- 321
CayusE InpIANS— CHEYENNE—
Flathead name for_______- 301 Flathead name for_______- 302
name of, in sign language-_ 147 name of, in sign language __ 148
CEANOTHUS SANGUINEUS_____-- 512 Wars.with:: s.5 03h Ses 365
CEANOTHUS VELUTINUS.. 457, 475, 516 | Cuickasaw Inp1Ans, publica-
Crpar, use of ____~ 51, 53-54, 498, 500 tion on subject of______--__- 2
CELERY, WILD, use of_____-- 473, 483 | Cu1nrs—
Crestin, JouHN, brief account classes) of Sse ses = seen 262
Ol Feb oe ee, ee, Se ese 2 274 dutiestofone! eae 268, 374-375
CELTS STONED seo 5 92 eee oe 41 electiontoiz2e=2===.-——=— 152, 376
CErREMONIES— Flathead, list of names
connected with food gather- Obs fer Nes See 376-377
pa sae ep he era er eee area 453 Ofetherdancea- = a =a 262
CEREMONY— of the Nicola-Similkameen
of adornment-_____--_-- 554-555 country=2 2 bs ener 262
of approach to House of Okanagon, genealogy of_ 263-275
Miysteny.c22seeees5— 707-710 Pend d’Oreilles__--.------ 377
of blowing on symbolic POsIblon Olas === a 152-154
skingS=22= sos SS 544-547 qualifications for____------ 376
of decorating the Xo’-ka_ 703-707 See also CHIEFTAINSHIP;
of ‘‘first fruits’?___. 290-291, 357. HUNTING CHIEFS; WaR
Ofinitiation=—=——2--- 225 684 CHIEFS.
of making symbolic mocca- CHIEFTAINSHIP—
SINS 34g eee ee 699-703 eligibility for==:-=2+_-----= 263
of shaping the moccasin. 547-548 SUCCCSSLOMM Nes = == eee eee 376
of the Coeur d’Aléne____ 176-197 throughvabilityas222 22a 262
of the Flathead_____ 386, 389, 394 through heredity __-__------ 262

of weaving mat for shrine_ 687-693
See Dancers; Rirvats.
Cuaco Canyon, work in______- 6
CHAENACTIS DOUGLASII________ 473
CHARCOAL, on warriors’ faces_ 644, 646
CuHartos. See CaRtos.
CuHarmMs—
beliefs concerning___ 196, 394-395

carried in medicine bags__-_ 193
In wartare= == 222-22 118-119
plants used as_-___-=-__=- 505
USC Of See awa ae ee es ee 505
CuHavupinRE. See Corvitie In-
DIANS.
CuHELAHITSA, CHIEF ALEXAN-
DER, 2D informant. _____.--- 263

CHILDBIRTH, customs connected

With zen So Bases eeiees 166, 278-279
CHILDREN—
Clothin gO fe =e == eee 72
disposal of, on death of
father= 2% 22 4oer waa 172
education) of 2222222 Saas2 281-282
fostering of sae sae 281
of chiefs, prominence of-_-- 263
(CLAM Nos Ofee eee ees 161
whipping ordeal of ___ ~~~ 168, 282

CHIMAPHILA UMBELLATA OCCI-

DENTALIS# 22222222222 462, 476, 494
CHINOOK JARGON—

Introduction of =22 2522 22—

USC Olea eae eS eee so

INDEX 839
Page | CoLors— Page
CHIPPEWA CUSTOMS, prepara- symbolism of __-.------- 418—420
tionvof paper on==.—-—-=——--==- 1) used in face and _ body
CHIPPEWA ETHNOBOTANY, prep- joebbayn beyonce ee ST age 418
aration of paper on_--__------ 11 | Corumsra INDIANS—
CHIPPEWA TEXTS, revised_-_-_-___ 5 Flathead name for_______- 300
CHISELS— name of, in sign language__ 146
C01 (2) Peak a ne ee 218 | CoLumMBINE, use of____- 475, 507, 516
SUON Cee ee ae ee eS 41 | Convitte InpDIANs—
CHOKECHERRY, use of___ 477, 490, 500 bands) ofp eet eee 208
CHUMASHAN INDIANS, work derivation of the name____ 198
AUN ON Pee ete eee 3 Flathead name for_______- 300
@rouTA VAGANS- 2-- === 476, 513 Indian names for___ 198, 199, 200
CINQUEFOIL, use of_____---- 469, 494 intercourse of, with other
CIRCLES OF STONES, Meaning of. 282 tribes See 215
CrRSTUMPEDULNS 222) = 479 name of, in signlanguage__ 145
CIRSIUM HOOKERIANUM--_-__-- 480 population Ofas2==- === 212
CirsIUM UNDULATUM_--------- 480 SVDON VMS 1OG= 33s as ee 198
Ciark, Miss May §8., work of__ TORS eee villaresiot =e 209-210
CLAYTONIA LANCEOLATA--____ 482,511 | Cotvinte VaLtEy KaAtispev.
CLEMATIS COLUMBIANA, use of __ 459 See CHEWELAH.
CLEMATIS LIGUSTICIFOLIA, use of _ 459 | ComMANDRA PALLIDA, use of _____ 459
Curate, beliefs concerning-_ 176-177 | Comps, made of syringa_______ 83
CLoTHING— CoMMUNAL HOUSES. See LonG
MOGELM ee See ae ee 80-81 HOUSES.
Ofmchildnen sess ae 72-73 | CompaNnIEsS—
of Coeur d’Aléne_________- 65-81 duties Ofeess sae. =e 156-157
ofblathead = 5 8 334-339 FORMAtlONs Olas eee ae 156
Ofpmenw see Bae Roe we 66-70 | Cooxinc—
of the Okanagon_---_-_- 225-226, MeEUDOdS OLeus me = ee 92-95
230-236 LIGCT SI] Set O eee eee eae 230
Ofswomene= sa es. =e. = a 70-71 | Corn, rite connected with_____ 530
ornamentation of_________ 236 See also Maize.
special, for war______--_- 118-119 | CoryLus CALIFORNICA___--- 491, 501

Ciuss. See WAR CLUBS.
CLUSTER LILY, use of________ 481, 482
Coast InprIANS, name of, in

Sipmplan CUA Cm ee ee ee 147
CoERULEO-PURPUREUS_-________ 493
Corur D’ALENE INDIANS—

ACCOMM G OL ae ae 37-197
associations of, with other

tribess asa ee SS 319-320
characteristics of _..__-_-_- 325
Flathead name for_______-_ 300
hunting grounds of_______- 305
meaning of Indiannamesof_ 144
present-day population____ 315

Corbur pD’ALiNE Lakes, tradi-
tional seat of the tribe_______ 38

CoLLeEcTIons, report on__---_-
Couns, Henry B.,3r., work of. 14-16
CoLORADO JUNIPER, use of_____ 465,

498, 512

CoRNUS CANADENSIS, use of____ 458
CorRNUS NUTTALLIL_-_------- 461, 496
CoRNUS PUBESCENS__-_---_---- 472,

475, 490, 495, 499
CorRNUS STOLONIFERA_______-_ 472,

475, 490, 495, 499
CouNncILs—
customs connected with. 154-155

not permanent_-_--_------- 263
OLS Wal Steet ee aes Ie oe 188
CounTING, system of______---- 148
CouTEAt, a name for the
Thompson Indians___ ~~~ --__ 447
Cow PARSNIP, use of____ 457, 482, 504
Coyorr, the culture hero____ 176, 290
CRADLE BOARD. See BAaBy CAR-
RIERS.
CRANBERRY BUSH, use of______ 487
CRATAEGUS COLUMBIANA____ 487, 497
CRATAEGUS DOUGLASII_—____ 457, 486
CREATOR, beliefs concerning-___ 289

840 INDEX
CREE— Page | DEER— Page
Flathead name for____---- 302 methods of hunting - - - ---- 101
name of, in sign language__ 147 tradition concerning_______ 96-97
Crepk Inp1aAns, publications on DEER JSONGS22 435255220 enee 643-644
subjectioi= 28 os ete ee ee 1-2 | Drerensss, types of_________ 117-118
Crow— DEITIES, prayers to_______-_-- 184
changes in life of ________- 346 | Derry, cu1EeF, of the Okanagon_ 289
Flathead name for__-_-_---- 302 | DrELPHINIUM MENZIESII______ 502, 506
name of, in sign language__ 148 | De Mars, Faruemr, in the Flat-
Shoshoni country taken by_- 318 headicountry<22== 22 ae 385
wars of, with Coeur Densmore, Mrss_ FRANCEs,
ad’ Alene 22) Sines 126-128 WOLkIOL teen se nen eee 10-12
western movement of.__- 316, 318 | Drpruarion, practice of _ ____- 83, 341
CROW SONGS2o2 a. oe sea 621-623 | Descent, reckoning of ________ 161
CUCUMIS:SP=2—) a= == - =e 492 | Destens—
CUIRASSES;*use (of 222 22s 256, 359 associated with Ghost
CULTURE HERO, of the Coeur Gain ce: ease ee 423-427
GUATEN Geen ere cet en EES 176 Coeur d’Aléne______ 55-58, 77-80
CURRANT, BLACK— influenced by dreams____ 428-431
belief concerning _______ ~~~ 509 meaning of_____ 411-415, 438-489
food oftbearss] 0222 514, 515 of the Flathead group-____- 330
se Of OA AULA Ee 489 Ontbags tate sea Se ee 226
CURRANT, RED-FLOWERED, use ontbasketss==2 == == ae 226
of 22S Resi ee ae eee 487 on clothing Sse === 337-339
CyPRIPEDIUM PARVIFLORUM_--- 506 used at Guardian Spirit
CYTHEREA BULBOSA__________- 506 dance==se==— ad ic es et 427-428
DANCE CHIEFS, office of ___ ~~ _- 262 used by shamans- --_--- 431-432
DaNcE HOUSES, described ______ SoD used by warriors___----- 433-437
Dances— used in facial painting... 420-423
Coeur d’Aléne_________- 185-192 used in tattooing. 87-88, 408-417
facial painting for___ 423, 427, 436 | Dr Smet, Farumr, first mission-

of the Flathead______-_- 386-394
of the Okanagon______-- 292-293

DaNciINnG, vogue of___--------- 164
See also Reiicion.

Deatu. See BURIAL CUSTOMS.

DratTH CAMAS—
belief concerning________-- 508
use-0f= te 463, 511, 512

DECORATING THE XO/-KA____ 703-707

DEcORATION—
Olebagse. f= = aa 48, 49, 50, 51
of baskets____ 51, 52, 55, 223-224
of clothing___ 66—73, 236, 337-339
of headbandsoy 222s 2s s222 74
of horse equipment__ 50, 353-354
Ofna tSee = Sens ee Aa 47

See also ADORNMENT;
BEADWORK; CaRVING;
Desitens; Dyers; Impri-
CATION; ORNAMENTS,
PERSONAL; PAINTING;
QUILLWORK.

ary among Flathead -- ------ 385
D1aLects—

of Flathead group-- ------ 303 -

of Okanagon group- - - ---- 203

Dick GAME, played by women_ 130, 260
DiGGIneG sticks, described __-_-- 91
DisEasb, glossary of terms in re-

lation: toss ees 456
DoDECATHEON JEFFREYI_-—-—-_-_ 506, 507
DOoGBANE, use of_---------- 497, 498
Dogs—

description ofs5-2222-2"—— 350
€ating Of] aes eee 237, 242
IMEGUCINES Ons = a ee 513-514
use of, by Coeur d’ Aléne___ 109
use of, by Plains tribes____ 110
use of, in hunting______-_ 248, 344

use of, for transportation. 249, 352
DoeGwoon, use of __--__- 472, 475, 495
Doawoop, Paciric, use of._. 461, 496
DoGwoon, RED-OSIER, use of__. 490
DoGwooD, WESTERN, use of____ 490

INDEX 841
DovuGLas FIR— Page Page
medicinal use of... 474, 494, 505 FACE AND BODY PAINTING____ 418-439
MISCGEOrsfOOde. 25 eee 483 See also Bopy PAINTING;
DREAM WIlcGiLE.. =. 222.2 610-614 FACIAL PAINTING.
Dreams, designs connected FaciAL PAINTING—

Wilo 2 See ee oe 428-431 aidailyapracticeh==ss— sane 418
Dress. See CLoTHine. colorssusedin= 2422-2 2o 418
DRESSES Goeurid/Alénes 2222525 = 86-87

described _ __--------- 70, 71, 336 connected with Ghost

of Okanagon women-.-_-__- 233 an cotern eae eae 423-427
Drums, importance of -___-_~_- 164 designs used in_ 420-423, 438-439
Dust sHoWER, story of ___--- 291-292 disappearance of__________ 403
Dwarrs, belief in_-_--_- 180, 290, 383 for war dance___._._____.. 392
Dyer1nG, among the Flathead__ — 327 Ortherdeadsa ee eee 173
DrEs— OtjthelOsage= sae ee 537

materials used for__-~----- 43-44 symbolicse > sas enue 340-341

of the Okanagon_-- Sestene 218 symbolism of, among Osage. 647

plants used in making.__ 500—502 tomvoid badluckeee ee 182-183
EAGLE FEATHERS— universalamong Flathead__ 340

symbolism of___-------- 157, 555

FALSE-HELLEBORE—

WISE) (0) t= eee ee ee 74 : é
Eacues, method of capturing. 104 belief concerning ---------- 510
EAR ORNAMENTS___----_- 82, 339-340 use of__.------- 460, 510, 511, 512
Earru, called ‘“mother”_____-- 176 | Fause SoLomon’s SEAL, use
EcHINOPANAX HORRIDUM, use of_ 459 of __.-------------------- 458, 486
Ecuipsgs, belief concerning - - -_ 178 | Famizy, home of----------- 150-151
EDUCATION OF CHILDREN____ 281—282 Fans, feather__-_----~---~---- 7
ELAEAGNUS ARGENTEA_______ 496, 508.| Fastrnc—
ELpER, AMERICAN, medicinal as a hunting custom--- --- 184

ECRO Ee oe A aes 474 as a purification rite_____- 174

ELDER, EUROPEAN RED, use of-_ 489 | Frasts—
ELYMUS TRITICOIDES-_-~------ 499, 515 StH UTIal samen eee eee 164
IMBROIDERY---2 2-2 2522552 46-47, 73 of three kinds______-_-- 163-164
ENGELHARDT, FR. ZEPHYRIN, See also RELIGION.

assistance rendered by------- 3-4 | FeaTHER HEADDRESSES, use of_ 73, 75

ENGELMANN SPRUCE, use of___ 499, 505
EPILOBIUM ANGUSTIFOLIUM___ 483, 498

HPIEOBIUM SPo.- 2-222 _ 468, 506
EQUISETUM SP____-- 462, 497, 510, 511
ERIGERON COMPOSITUS-_--___---- 465
ERIGERON FILIFOLIUS_________- 465
ERIGERON SALSUGINOSUS_ ~~~ _- 497
RIGHRONGS Pees a ae 468, 493
ERIOGONUM ANDROSACEUM_-_ ~~~ 470
ERIOGONUM HERACLEOIDES-- ~~~ 464,

470, 505
HIRTGONIUMISD 2 se Seen ee 470

ERYTHRONIUM GRANDIFLORUM-_-_ 481
Eskimo, investigations among__ 15-16
ETHIcaL CONCEPTS, reference to_ 196
EvrHORBIA GLYPTOSPERMA___ 462, 470
EVERLASTING, use of____ 464, 465, 492
IMWVWERNTASVIULPINA] = = 222-12 22. = 501

41383°—30 54

FEATHERS, indicating deeds of

ValOTES= ess se ee 157
See also EAGLE FEATHERS.
FrEstIvats, among the Okana-

CONGR es ee ee Se 277

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