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U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM.
Table, HpAcof ZV -cole gy
Book 4727

LIBRARY CATALOGUE SLIPS.

Smithsonian institution. Bureau of ethnology.

Washington | government printing office { 1891

8°, xliii,409 pp. 27 pl.

Series title.

Powell (John Wesley).

Washington | government printing office | 1891

8°. xliii,409 pp. 27 pl.

[SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. Bureau of ethnology.]

Author title.

Washington | government printing office | 1891

8°, xliii,409 pp. 27 pl.

[SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. Bureau of ethnology.]

Title for subject entry.

rt ea

SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

TO THE

SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

[Motto Decent

J WS EE" O WV LB EG
DIRECTOR

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1891

CON PENA S:

REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.

; Page
hetter‘orstransmn tale oie ce.ccecsisie ots eretsseinche s\n1ci vie aust nals sels aisiere atateieyeleversie si eree ete XII
[mMtrOOUChON spre ciae etter oie alcls sae vices Sac) anise Maiarw ones AON ee as aate che XV
JOTGIG Lorde 7 siee SE onOD COU OUR Gon Da nar Seiten Maar iaaae Ee em aton dice ae XvI

Mound explorations.................... SMe ohusst icine areteced che Shan RS I XVI
IWiorktoLpEroh Cyrus LOOMass pelts taersesinc ee smele sale selaciaprels XVI
Explorationsin stone willapes yc. wer. ce sce ei aecssctninisys aelerase viel a oisneree XVIII
SWVOTEAOL DITSCLOLT Ds aVWis Ee OWELL 501-1 5).051sscayenystava 1 ditteteie eaten sia vis tora XVIII
IVWVOLKsOn Mr; ro aIMOS | SLEVONSOD. -tore ceisler nie sisi side csettie eee sees ele XXIV
Work of Messrs. Victor Mindeleff and Cosmos Mindeleff ......... XXV
IWiOLK One Wits: HieaVViay NCISOM. 5..)ara;cisrereretavorste a <iaisiaiareree:sielnicreevins eieseife t= XXVIII
Generaletiel dtshudlesprcprescjttcr mre tere esa ante ceoisieie ates ees XXVIII
Works Ot oD r, Mele Cre WALT OW crerctseeh ww aia steys ate tencselsievs arste sto cyeiale,e (eel lmrene XXVIII
Workiof Mra JamesiC. Pilling. 7 oe. 2s ee aecierelee vi atl ated cots SEK:
NVOLKIOL MMi) OLEH a bia OUTING 1, v. l.ke Isic lolsrsicisicvecsicioi. shersaicichons ominisistere p:0:0:¢
(QUITO A Kode ae pent ceaomo ocige Gone MAO Re pee Cad aden REE OCG nnan race see tate: Xxx
Niork of dnrofs Cyrus: THOMAS ss. nicicsisie. ccticvels ote sicisencicte ete =i sieee 3.0.0.6
Workiofe Mrs i VerlwehOmes Gece ctacsenc onan iota ee eee See XXXI
WrorksiofsMirsdamigs: ©: .Pillitea oo ivacarecis/2)n)= «cic cia ss weveia-peanterstererersva tere XXXI
WOrkofe Min: ranks Cushing. 2.15 cc istcjerisietelerstere ries ents ots eects XXXI
Work7of Mrs: BreminnievAss Smithy y..n «2 ciciscicicis cleleie srerllatcisierete ove XXXI
Workion irs Charlest ©: ROY CEs... .\<.c).arcaords sien te Gee eee: XXXII
WWrorksof Dr. seley Osi Marlow: clec criaycfelsia/etsveisroler stopctolnahvareene rote ngereteretets XXXII
Work of Dr. Washington Matthews ..............0.0 sssceeeses XXXII
AWiOrkAOb Mire Wi Ele: EL OUM OS iie 2701355 .c/c:2 «vain oe eehsraelelerte he nema sie XXXII
Wiorkjiofi Mr: Victor Mindelefis. 25.5 505 2s si a-lsetee cee weer XXXII
iWork: of Mir. (Cosmos, Mind clefts). s.;<. «cise syaiernw tere screen ever eee — XRT
VGH OI bes DORA GeskAlcai ls hoe en done, dep pacedaoecaamcmadecupanae XXXIII
Wrorkofi Col Garrick Malloryicea.c.. scherinie suctrcmee a eceeke Telefon XXXIV
Works of Mir SEDs Wie JHONSDAWH. 9 <)ei0(ciec ss ieis'ercleletgnt ox Semler XXXIV
Wrorkjof MrvAlbertiS: | Gatsehets cr. c..c.ciecc.-icia viene r oicle ereieeler meters XXXIV
WYOnkiOf sROVer Js OWeNADOPSOY ns cinciiccscsjs, ceyeisiastisleserstateiseletenere XXXIV
Workson Mr. Jamies) MoOOMeCY 7. ja): jarcicu: cts sp alsvo'w ote arelaipls as sjereislavele ia aeeretete XXXIV
Synonymysoclndiaw tri bess soamesc ais secs eseite cannes seater XXXIV
ACCOM PAM YI MAPCLA aera cars) srelsiefatersce -¥sy | Sieve cie?= olen cleteveuavedeysiale easetinteseyererers XXXVI
inpuistice families Of Norbit AMOriCai. <s.:..c)<<s,02 7 - «-'cie sre ele sles sleet XXXVI
The Midé’wiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa, by Dr. W.
J. Hoffman, and The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees, by Mr.
MAMMIES UM OOM OY rerche stele; lerrstercisimcehelsits ohcievara’ Astana eis scat a chataevaee tee are XXXIX
Anan Gia WAbALeINONR bt wrants crit els seie cre etatiotere cteleveia'=ie sinie aiigisiastheletolon ame ee occ XLI

Uh" CONTENTS.

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF AMERICA NORTH OF MEXICO, BY J. W. POWELL.

Page.

Nomenclature of linguistic families. ........-.....s0eeeeee eee tect e eee ee eee 7
Literature relating to the classification of Indian languages................. 12
Lbtiy-qiitintoun1t:) )RaBrae aap Berpote BoUpErocnonooovndc cccacynnoo5 CCn Ia pao: 25
Indian tribes sedemtary. 0. . oc. 05. cee ne ne ie em aisles eleiniviniefsie)a =) aiaislole ele\sie 30
POPU tiOrd. Siete ciel cess 5 slo stece ve oie's elo piele niels\o\cuelshersnrtaret sketetaratototststensteseteye|sneheneest= 33
Trtball Vand «,<:ccc%s- «sees ei si c/eid sleeve el sistoncte, cnarkickecel att feeieuere ole nersier Mey starsat te 40
AiG UEY (271-1) (2: danR eB OD Oen a1 CGOaon oc Koonin oan emmoscde co Coot 40
/Negutoninvie sl enelyAw aa noon cobooneoors bcos dcp ole ddnoosaoupnede 41
IED Ke tis eA OoMAOA SMB AAAp Gras Soomn oe Taoie rom osaue ds 42
Summary of, deductions? <j. << ore. 4 -1otel a ole ololers repeater sae tenets ete eee 44
Inarain Gnd ilies peBenoCeoenmaerapaAseDn | WunsbscmoanscoU = Soscosacsses 45
INGEN als thaw eng qqgonoeee cosa couse ndonCboadepe docu TQUaSagsaasoMss 45
INF} OTE \ WENA Bea AGoHAnODS AD OOe GODU HEA cceaddbootoancacondobncen 47
Nero pEM EMeaassoacoddaona.s saushuaatooes = sfejaveisicieveleeeate eae 47
Principal Algonquian tribes. ......... HEM amie ei ketenes 48
1225) |) UE: 0) ee AA Ae Ean apROnAMSAnACO SOE oped ecoccd coos Sree 48
Athapascan’ familly: 5 ...)-is07 eic. ale eve. oseretesel ole eleted pereiatels foians iste sta oyias siete ated ts 51
BOUNMGATIOS seco ete acceccn lore vies coro Syste oe] Wetona (ocean ios oyeka) ea ietete Rieter te tee 52
Northern! 2TOUp = =<. asfie cele elesoleenere dol do ie pote titers 53

Wacihie |PTOWP scree ere 8 cians ce welt mareyetaiera eine teraiepe fe \eltey sees Reeeners 53
Southernwerowp ieee. a ceae yeelscer een eee a eet eee tere o4

Lerten ol tiles ooseaoseonsane Soe06 Fo eet es hauete erspiael toner tee 55

IO} NHENO) NGoBORAOGAEROAOOhsOONA5OS, gosbo0e SG00s0bo pans ycevE 55
AttbACAPAD LAMY; << <jeciore cle to's alone oxelalels, ctotetel ete enekeratersy Lele stetaete ett Soetteys 56
Beothukantamiilyeasscantcisieeiians rior satel Src foayayenatte syste siejaeshey Reve 57
Geographic Gist to wt Or ae ape tetete ee lore sdareteketatetset reletete tere et ste ttedel ache reee eter 58
@addoam familly. crete tae .n octets cee ios sy elelereyctete otavonereyaenetale (efecto sta erate eee ya rate 58
Noxbhern) grow pe sercecis orate) stele leletele orate etereheleles iokeetepeetemneter ttre 60

bts el ura gol} ena qaneucbacundon ab bos6cduclob dodsobgoesoeDocSs 60
Southern proupin.ttetevsreterertetoy Fexehatfeversstetctetetareleteetars teicerror erie 60
Principal iribes t=. ee Fano OnanD ON OS Eawutobodocd oan adnaodo cans 61

12) NEN) Mac ononsobasdoDdddcouoo Aduedodd snobupdonbosencsac 62
Ghimakuanifamiliy;.5. cecite rcs crc creel cietetctetcketenaertere, steteletekoyeiove etal te tereterataeas 62
lnyiahllinslassworm Saaatsasd ndosne choocscbopccobondocsbadacndson 63
@himarikamsfamily: 2 cepesctele ctl cists teres ence foretenstaie terse ried edie eee ere 63
Principal! tribes He pes wee ee icles otra acts lone ie tsetevae beers] olette keto ae crear ae 63
Chimomesyanclamriliy ya cei eee torrets ose ep iatete-ce emee eee 63
Principal) tribes or villagesierrect 1s sas ateleiie elie eee etna ttt eneetettels 64
Popullationy oe sree ere sroleseisto etkese tetera tas eTeatetoh sel atevefeha efolon-Mecteetarsteter erate 64
Ghinookan: faim ily, . <i eyeteteteters cate elstealele lade epatetetotekey tel -¥e) falakel ateeeRetetate terest tatees 65
Principal! tribes... rec tcts eee ekeerareteisetecers ato aia hata eee oe 66
Population’ nis <1. cin we ale cick sete eve ciate aoe et legeas terete erste estore atten tote 66
Chitimachan’ family 4. eee crielertee ecto tee eietsenemrereed tei tertetemaerer sete 66
Chumasham famailly,«..iiccctarsterctee otoloteteys taaeleteiseeieyeny terete ee ie taier teens greener 67
Population) ssssctae icici: oe meriecte HOGionen oootovosbaosesdds 68
POA UL CECAM LAMA Yo oe aeernyeleren aleve cbeta crepes cavers) cteteteteve) eiekstelelehteete enenc etait 68
Principalstribes). .24 Se tar eracteister sieisie oyeletens cca areal ete tterte ei teleiaenters 69
Copehan: familly. fox ogre ttaievayaretere else er slelele ea cierelels tee orem rele Venee ter etanstate 69
Geographic distribution. ..... PREM ACA Aeros ondOUO UA Dosa COAG 69
Principal tribes si. o:cietAissetsters oeietesese 5 sfeleretcteier= comet hetcteTatev-Totetctedetel-Feaeieoes 70

CONTENTS, Vi
Page
Linguistic families—Continued.

SAEs RIMMEL AEE Yi echo aes novo ic see ager TR Ge oA ake 70
CERNE Chama ae GosGaeonunenc Asda cobb e ede uuwile ‘ 71

Eco BUI ERILOW Gaye er Bier th P a ren or ak Yi te oan rs Wag vay een LL vel

HS ALE REEL pea 38 A yes oe ee Ce Nee ee 5 ee 71
Geoprapble Maimibubion’ >).cSssa0ec2on aot ace ee ee 72
rani Cipalyteiber and vill ames) csiss ci 3, Hook eo ae es ee 74
PODUIAUONY sav Cascais VEU A ee mn ey eee 74
Bissett ADCS AIOMY Es ees Gye Sted wei ok dae Soe SA aE No -
Iroquoianitamilive sve.aeees seen 4 Fema atogkeg a FoR Is ote aPC Ta. 76
Gposraphic distababion es. 6 seek ae ae seo T7
FCHICID aI SGC DES ans stas Sori hear ee Tee. eee Be a 79

RO pualationiaara cep act acca he ee tee 79
cal an coLinibarn ily caen iy ic se eee wee ep eed ie poh ae 81
PEMA HPAI MUIADED yarccteme eas Ae eet ala Re ese ee ee ee 82

EO DUA Oni mrt ssh et satiate aS ay ties enemies ny ey 82

SALAD RAW ANeCAINT yan eee ee aoe een et Rep abptiah mie 82
PS Cea SAMY AA Ane se matin cnet wees cee eb See 83
AVN: Sexe on det nao Se Bante eon tela nee ee en eta | tart 83

TRO THIEN navel Sab: aeiceaes gear ache ieee tee eae ene eer ma a 83
Kiowan family ............ DUDOV OST. CIA DODOL ES aaBt AGH AEMGOn he ot oot 84
Population’) 3205... Sop POD oriCnn Gor Canarsie a aectio cat Gaon 84
Kitunahan family ................ SO ROn oh One r CIT is MeL Ae aie tone: 85
WRIST c od seas hnens Seyret Meret oe eee eee eee ee ee aE 85

LO DULAON pene rae ir, GRIMES Seren sean yet ete AN oak aoe 85

eG NSC Hane lannl yay ences ate Ace ee ese ke ee 85
eiribesne seas. ee eee NO SOI0d OSC Oo Oars Bali serene certo sees 87
ODUM ALI ONSeemtere rey Ae eal atone nae EN 87
ILENE TSE LUPIN Aso pede eo gerne RC ae a ae a ena ae ee eee, 87
Geom apinieidintrDOnOnys.e. 48 2 te oar sees a Oe 88
NEES) 2 6d oSaide coNma nee munb Maceo etee eee ae ero ene ce ane 88
LQIRO OTE nee nig ein ieee eee ea Hessiearc (mann eee Ese ee 89
UES ag edo bn shoals weet Ra SHOD ERR eeaee ae eta i) Siena 89
EODULAt On meri .4,.4: Meare Sey. Soke et eA LRM es 89

LEER OSTIE 1 TOT Gs ieap gaan act cee: a Re nee a pe lgie 89
TENE oo C8 pets Ric Un eee pea Anne ee aa Nr a 90
POD CIALION fe meee ae © Ae et As aye ay Nec) Wm a 90

RESTA RETENG CONTIN Oc ae EG waa Rog SO 90
Geperapinic rd StaPOMON =. 6% f dares ouns cnc tte ee aati tes Aad 91
Tal S ES opting anbdSbor se SSMaC rs saree IM eee eee eT ge ay tn =~ Gl
LEON Eine ance ation Sabo oSa anaea See Re RoR Re toca 91
Moquclumnansiarotlys yen tcey sacsee tote hea ee ee ee 92
Gecpraphicsdistributions tiensen ase. 37 ce eee 93
LSU GY CAN tha (25 Rees AR se teacn Gh ae een eg Leen gh» 93
OpUla COM meters Pacem eae re eta Re eee 93

WUE MOP EAT ANALY, 20, yee aes Aare gee fe Ae aa mee eee a a, 94
Gece raphicgd 1siri bu Glories sereee pete sa ee ue enema Bi 94
=A IU LL oy Re cee fe eee eee eae aan aes 95
ISODUIALON Gtr sete, ee. ciate ewer Ae le 95
Natchesanfamiliyn shy shes. cepee ep mneee an en F Bey sen Nene eke eel re 95
(PLE CTVAT Ah 7 eee metas Pier hc eee aa ie Sel al 97

HE ODUULALLOLI Nera) kets em ese ph an ne os ea ON 97

VI CONTENTS,

Linguistic families—Continued.
Palaihnihan familly 5.25 1.%2 2. ocfe a eave ol ecetele oh poleiecetepoyeyesetelesete lt heletelet fetal aeetate
Geographic distribution ...... 2.0... .0 eee e eee eee ee eee c eee eeees
Principal tribes .....-...... RAP boone dcrrio cous Ubd dad dgoNctoOCU AG

Prjunan: family. shin we s:- <tstess « oferese ti stare lores otal acre epee tetera loeheise lone ae ee
Geographic distribution... ........... csc eeeee see ee en eeennereoee
Principal tribes y 2. sisswaie's corse s) 2 We winjsiecl love en ieee nee slsloteltateteteecieore

Quoratean family x. <n cia)5-' cies ole) cieleiate ateiede) =) el sey sls) oleae ae ere Iedoleie ale he nestotiore
Geographic distribution .................+..- Siinssliedl Gale cemmresnany
AIDES era ta ceete se ae eee MERA OOO MOCO DAD OTOMDCUSHUD Go Ot a6

POpullathony ica. « iets aie 2 ase sh eisloustoseliersise telat yer ede tee Veley toed acre dees

Sib hinichidl ) Mee ae eerERnA OEE FomMoboocmoAd Miotecrogos Stou0 cogacnde

Population g...ccmst-rciacsetreten ier cateiaie at eisGhe ee ee ieen st eneets

Salishan family as aac easier cmieieaerotetersts eloretorans iene eteee Ae eigte Tate itetere
(Ereroyeoe Qantaebrinmlaninoilemooneesan CooSConoooLardobeapeaqgooondaocs
Principal tribes ee sq e cca vio wioter stelede si ieaye) oi ort ee eet tet etter toler

10) pil inWyat ene ep.aadedor Oueeaaes Han GounnUdocces beds gsagtdnd:

Sasteaim fama tl yi yeiaietaye. cz stats obeere rei a aetale tore te) teehee Lalo tote catetetetereeeetel cetePaterans
Geographic distribution ..............-. oie sion ie fe eeaetetareke iepeeieys eieeasr

Shahaptianifamyy:... vessels steveloic'e .c.cicicleseveretesatel olelstel=iniateleteteyel Poke ketersfostens
Geographic distribution ey. <crsateete le haateele sieietieln ieee aetatsiererts
Principal tribes andi popula thor yee re cre atele)-1etetetetereiotetsials eletcteheverei= etme

Shoshonean family .... - sey Seva avers SiaVsiencie eee es Ores Meteleimtes enlace eiere seaecrtelerate
(Ctfopaesy Nop (bIsNg LOIN oa oGonovoUnboanod oUuDooSaooGduS Go adcon0s
Principal!itribes andy population, yee eels cyetetestentele tele leisislsieteteetreiietes

SiO} ehiw etl h AL epee caso sHras AonNOODEooDOOb.DOA dooms adage soloonoGosS
(ENofeageh dante obleinslarin Ny san sboneded sootcondenoo consbosoodGesnes
Principal tribes trasraies een cy-c aie ar iclol eter ted ete eeoneieieieteeieneeeetoneke

120) WENN) N aaeEAE EA Oooe Foon ages Asoo Aman oonsocosoDpDoNSdcataar

Skittagetan familly ro) ccccep versie .iolerereteyerofetetemisteieiios pier pere rete ike Sécndaoouds
Geographic: distributions. « <cc uc oe cle sears ee ein cine eerste etsiters
legion tsulos tee oaan a apaspucscdoocoonocod sacouctsscurebdoD oot

Population i ce.crise ais erat sore leks sre peictaeie sara ersinite ie ereeneiecet ie teretepee

Takilman family c.., goneios oon spe salar enterasireteen eerie cients
Geographic distributions =r eels tstereiejteleimel ei seletsieysltetstettetatal oat iatetey

Tafioan family coccencencs sce oer ieee terrors wen eee secant
Geopraphicidistribution ccc cc cr emia atemisneiate rin aetetelcrataeae eter

|X{o) HI Ehnto) WemnGucenbee Cond aaaaORboLeor nano Cone bocbsoaoabaooor

TIM UANAN LAMY a aie ay ic searere y= o lere enh lel el etey eet totere erete eaeetcrs Mee tetera
Geographic ‘distributions: freee tei-ray< ere ecto sta erate eee tele atet
Principal tribes. 2s c.f pacts oe spleens ey eee oieetenete

Tonikan ‘fambly.....scayedierciccow oo See olde o teltle oie eer era a ere erie
Geographic! distribution es srry ce neia steratatatentoiteratete rete rete) tetera tei

Tonkawan family ce). «.. svereejocstoreaietalstelie essen tertiary eerie
Geographie¢ distrbution\<. J.-2..200-acemeee cee miner eee eer

Uchean family ...... .. Je sia mi dodoute ash ajetare Grameele le test ie umsvepetascettereieterctee ten tene
Geographic distrib tiomiise cere eye ott eile eletelstslototetereteleteteletetetetstcl tien tetera

POpulation, ctcaeicie seressisisier ote. si slolerateoselsnalstavelekinetio teeter actrees

Watilatpuand famnihy:.. 2... sis/sciscescrsne e1isycieriayelessts sstepstetersioicdataiaeileon a reer
Geographic: distribution. .%:s,0,<' 1 -1<j2:- . checcleeiote heise eile eee
Principal) tribes 's..:0.0)s..¢2.e0.c% oman os = Aaj Sets cle er ee ee eee isa ree

Population. ::..s/o:cfsliae cee ialsiniet diay iais ee Aertel ee

CONTENTS, : Vir

Page.
Linguistic families—Continued.

Weak aslran sharin hiy cevaxcrce berayesc ate siatoi clare che Goce elereiiases Oe eee eiaks 2 128
GeorraphiendistribUblonsne:ye dere oc soiac acc otele vic seen ees 130
ErINncIpaleAN trwei pes: 2 crerys cise papers See lee aeles ck reser ote 130

BOpulaonivancrortics liek teaare oe stele emer a nea sisiec lento claro aisles 130
Principal Haeltzuk tribes ............. PRBNS sate eater tie eoehehetels erelele wishetete 131
120 HIF NGS Seehook nee eam currence Soe aoe MEAGEE eo aco Rotor 131

Wiashoanatarnilysyr coe: tote Wc ihe aeke citer tone ieee eno ooo eae 131

WWieltspekanmt amily s, cya cee mesi, oe oars lente erate aoc cts heer sree Waele 131
Geberaphicidistibitionirrypspectiecisnle sescisecrcise Gieteierieca tas oeico: 132
Wribesye sem. see cya es Daycteraroiefors aie tecatatets EAnadoosddonge acecete saad 132

Washoskanifamilysssn ar ee carina cereale Ravi ater 132
Geopraphieydistributionenaacecni nel dace cere ceeeiion acento soe nie 133
SETIDESeepayerclscepee ter iate cca Su sever smo s ee aI iene oe nee In A oa 133

WOKONAMGLAM yr aveny ae tetice ci eeeieieie sie ere eee ae alee lev eee 133
Geographic Gistributionies yi cucc sts selon cesa rhs ola cee as Sones 134
{bul US is Se bombo 5e aor eO Dee OOO Cd Che Ean aaa neni eese can aon 134

Population ....... ered et ets setatay sect ep siora-e eit siuste 2 Referee mieraeeee 135

Mai Gk Enon! Ae Or ree a chester en g(a Nestiatsalsepersainase Ae olin, oe O 135
GeorraphiGyd stra bution. cia- sor-ic acer sees <a ssceicie ato eee aioe 135

BYARD AMIGA INIT LV eacareyc teaser laytohs on (ais[sy aleve tte “ope evar aloo Ser eraiareladatavoa ie Blaceroe eve de 135
Geographic distributions 2.2 \.:icteester sis sieislestutoree-tare ie Onseeisniaeiae een 136

PYAUITN ATI PATH Lye men ON ocsaiclcren eistee aioe slave pap ose seeks esd STORRS 156
GeosraphicgGistribuulonjcciarciotsoe wets aietecstotearai oes aransiotasenao sexe eee es 137
ETAMCUPAM TEL DOS srerteerere x) csaieiale scree esalettaciie et oie vais Me einai obsolete eet 138

Jetoy aL n (0) sik ieee ctotice ler o cicero Odo coe He Mora neerie Ieee ne 138

PTAA LATIN peteeyets age cP ak tore, fer fotaneiale Sinton TASS SL es ee i elo ee 138

(Geographicdistri butions. .ccrcols.o 4, cisiewiessic oe sie Owen oe clon eiaerleleeits 139
ROP a tlonie tre cctcnt ee trere eiatcts Sake sis une 26 BENG NLT etercaste ee 139
Coneludinegrom arke xt, ststacverere:yoeies eae ise obioire via elas ve wee Gitta tie elects aes 139

THE MIDE WIWIN OR ‘‘GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY” OF THE OJIBWA, BY W. J.

HOFFMAN.
THEO UC HLON ye reveloiasolerciete vero sisiclsleyersiess siecle toe a(ulete gic: sinizte ave eke ets ohana tae eos oe 149
SITTIN edge ang Soa uouee doe BCH oD aio ag aM aD Tn eeta aa Ee rs eae 156
METAS gw Ewa Mere cctepeatere nt tSeinyecoaroate etre sie a teleeie Hous ae aloneoh cre ee eros eee 164
IW TENG Ts A e580 OD DEN DOUGH Demon MoE OO Se emiG cae aac 187
Lay OU YaUee) CS Spohn docs SO CUT ACIS NOISE ICICI CEA TER ETAT TEIN ONS oy Se Mea 189
Ere PALA LORY ANAPEUCHON) ay. tcraseretartereraya acre ele Sela sey Sie ict vic Aa ne ee ale 189
Wives Unig oft Cos Goapane Hanae coor Dona OOnERo RUGS onrTsAsEacmonec nese ns 197
intplorationtfonclearsweather pated ance maces © ee sneer 207
Inifiationofieandidate rs .tecc tes cyneldecikig tigers sujsinacnacinot ee eae 210
Dercriphivemobes wt varacreme cts ssic cine Sek Sever yoksiond. Re eae 220
WECONEUC EPEC ser erca siete cera sic ce sicfesie) Le miss Saas BEE ee ne 224
Ereparatonsorcandgi Gaver qcri.ah cece hcase ti bac acta 224
Unis tions Candidaberc cry tei-toraso narseur te rons Cae ne een Ch 231
DESCLIPLEVE MOBS ee rrtereericne 6 hic seni Soe UR re es 236
SIE ORG BPC Mpa Ma hare oe eae Masala oicie Nabia vie Asiana le eee ee ne 240
POPULAR LOM OL CANGIGALE :r.3s sats cieicle oe nt ory sisisoe cco eee SnD eres. ocean 241
nitiationcohcandi dates i. can m cena ee sls Scie pee eee une . 243
WESCHIPLIVGMNOLES ek eee sete ae tr ys teinich da damit ra in ee . 201
HOUMG CORE O yet eerie cima saints sie esoineGieeisiotis Sel ei ae oats BAR RIOICIORCC 255
Preparation: ol(CandiGaue. vases nae eet eee ee ee ence sees 257
Imitation oficandidate .c.ej0i 23s. cass ae mee ae cise oe ne Sec se well thes see ee 258

Vill ; CONTENTS.

Dehibai! MidelwigAn's occ ccs ore “is lavctete ntese,aysvelsralal eeateboraelanctsfe eqerane eteet te tiartafenetats 278
Initiation by SUbstettlOMs pr ioe ciekels =e lal aycleiese al ehele le telelnvaiel elo Maeno te aeaes tect terenee= 281
Supplementary notes ...............-.+-- ROP OSE nMAnADGnann ODS pe ORcGRS 286
PICCOPTAD NY = nei «lls OGRE OOD BOC nino no Uhducmy SU don caw socquTns os 286
Let ae neEeenpHiT SGncCacmbe Onmormimab sd aadnd odo oleasmrdttoos pos 289
Mressan Giornam ents span = clone (eels eteieis (ad eats -reretmoter ote Saye sin cehoeeecei ae iete 298
BMGUE Of The SOCLOUY ciaeisc overs relo relate ela(eis alel> elelornicteterehcne tele scice teieeen Tere metonae 299
THE SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES, BY JAMES MOONEY.

IMtroduUctioni esgic res caer aac asses tore ee Mess Ha tale e cet Mere 307
How, the formulas were obtained... cn eaten ten ee ee 310
The A‘yi"ini (Swimmer) manuscript...........-....65....-- Su Mee Rots 310
The'Gatiewanast (Belt) manuscript... cas aacue dete eter ee 312
The Gahunl manuscript ee 21) sicjacers <n) oes olor eles ote celal gee epee eee 313
Thelnalli(BlackiHox) manuscript cose crieliie eters ee ete ee er eee 314
Other, Manuscripts noice csr «cio Gyaca ofa ce else = sl ohalstalieferepeeee een catered eee 316
The Kanahe'ta Ani-Tsa lagi Eti or Ancient Cherokee Formulas........... 317
Character of the formulas—the Cherokee religion...................-.-+-.-++: 318
Myth/of the originiof disease‘and\medicine..).... 4). ase eee Seetiet eter . 319
Theory of disease—animals, ghosts, witches........ Eon ea ioe a Sob crc 322
Selected Jist:of plamts: Used’s orci «a spares - 1-toisleterol lerseiei gisele eerste es arene 324
Medical practice—theory of resemblances—fasting—tabu—seclusion—women, . 328
Mlustration/ of the gaktittay or bau)... s)-lelere oe )eieielsieietciernaayeieeie eo reciereeieiee setts 381
Nepilectiof sanitary regulations). .\.)5 oc. ness <melele oeiv= isicisie siete sistent 332
The sweat bath—bleeding—rubbing—bathing............ 0.0.0... ..e00ee 333
Opposition of shamans to white physicians............. tee baer eee 336
Medicine: Dames iii. esse veoi a: s:502 ce: ey tenit cyesessie io enenw exe terres ogete atelier erect ree etter 337
Description: of symptoms... o\2)s <:«, cares + sefieels soccer oe eee es sa ee eee 337
Theugista ‘ti or pay; of theshiamane. 6. - o\j0. 0c enclose cin i rea staais oe aro irene 337
Ceremonies for gathering plants and preparing medicine..................... 339
The Cherokee gods and their abiding places ... .............00-c-ceeeceeeees 340
Color'symbolismy: .... 57s, eins lesleies 2 wlsinelele Seve e teitie se Pee NaS one ne eee 342
Importance:attached! to names. 20/50. cece «jaw cio sieicn ery cieisie seis cierto ets ean steieiate 343
Language of ithe! formulas. . <7 --actes aes <1 eit othe ict ees eteereteees 343
Speelmoene formulas s.s.s 3 crs syesttse a eveaee «alaye aye eee ete Spey fae eee Pas ad ne tte 344
MOAI CII e a.) 85; 5 4s. Seisiaieys-ciaps esstah cysua. a ehovcerehateoarceee erates aie ete cote cP RS ee 345

To treat the crippler (rheumatism)—from Gahuni....... 0... 0........ 345

Second formula for the crippler—from Gahuni.....................5- 349

Song and prescription for snake bites—from Gahuni..... ........ . .. 8d1

When something is causing something to eat them—Gahuni.......... 353

Second formula for the same disease— A‘wanita.....................- 395

For moving pains in the teeth (neuralgia ?)—Gatigwanasti............ 356

Song and prayer for the great chill—A‘yi"ini.................... was 809)

To make children jump down (child birth)—A‘y@ini.......... ..... 363

Second formula for child birth—Takwatihi ....... REPAIR AS CRO GeENO 364

Song and prayer for the black yellowness (biliousness)—A‘yti"ini..... 365

To treat for ordeal diseases (witchcraft)—A‘yf"ini.................... 366
EQUI GI BF 5. sane. 1c. ae oce tic eoeieae iota star Eto ee ee ee ee 369
Concerming) hunting —AGy Gtiniuey. center eis eeeeee ie nele eee 369
Forhunting birds AC yGPinis cree eer eet eter nnn cee 371

To shoot dwellers in the wilderness—A‘wanita........... .....2.-.-. 372

Bear song—Avytl ini: is iirc coke os coe Aliee een eee 373

For catchingiaree fish—-ACy (init nm) capt. aaa ee eee ne eee eeer 374

CONTENTS. IX
ie Page.
Specimen formulas—Continued.

ILO N Es a's ois Cope e SAH orate CO COR BOO EEARO rc oe DET DE Comer E een cae er, 375
Concerning living humanity—Gatigwanasti..................0..e.0-- 376
Horeomeuto water —Gabtiewanasbl cic © erase eine Cee tee ee 278
Ya" wehi song for painting—Gatigwanasti....................-.. 79
Song and prayer to fix the affections—A‘yt"ini.................. ... 380
lofseparate lovers—AMyUMinib | ase cv aeise sis ctieemiar i eaenak once ree 381
Song and prayer to fix the affections—Gatigwanasti.................. 382

Misc ellAneOusma seeker arte seciece asain socce seen Sane ae 384
To shorten a night-goer on this side—A‘yf@"ini....................... 384
To find lost/articles—Gatipwanasti...54.2.06.00.-2.0eeseseesee. 386
To frighten away a storm—A‘yMini.... 2.0... 00... cece cw ecs ee eeeeeee B87
Poshelpuwarriors=— As Wanita acarcinrtsc telnet hac va ne aersaaveres Se Oe Siete ae 388
To destroy life (ceremony with beads)—A‘ytiini...................... 391
To take to water for the ball play—A‘y@ini............ .. LER ie 395

ILEUST RATIONS.

Page.

PuaTE I. Map. Linguistic stocks of America northof Mexico......... In pocket.
Il. Map showing present distribution of Ojibwa. Meena. Sala ome aateares 150
Til. Red'akeand Leech. Lake:records 50. 23.5.0. ccc ecdsssasenseuees 166
LV SiKkAas Sizeis TECOTd eas cuacis we titack mee a iccse nen ee roa sree 170
VarOnipiniot Anishinalber es ae.t a. eas ee cee ae a Sse 172
We Racial: decoratiomicnsiccicvecrsns siete si¥e git ave viens isis misses ne = eto = 174
ApH aca deCOraciOonis s rcavaje Aioyors1er~ cies Stewie faistomtoicet aah moe eee 178
VALET OTD wa saTeCOLd ere ersratsisractier nee sense esac Giese ne clerhanciane Be eee 182
DXA Bp MeMOniCiSOneS masses cee ciorserceseecltersal wh Gatae nm aRmoate 192
Xe MAO OMIG SOMES ores cf te erase tovate.« are arerersace'sinceetatace oo tector in obaua elas renal tetore 202
XMM SACTCH OD [ECU cisteicte ciate isleriaccverescia om caieortis cle bie crajane sei are tooo eitte 220
ERSTE PENA Gea PIOMES TICES yay steays avalos e7etejoiate 25 aavinre ais tals alalete vie eles cance eater ooee 226
XAT MIME MONIC} SOULS iar fe)o perc lalore co skereisista ss eiecoeela ate aera teeciers omoicr hes 228
XUV VINE ONIESONLZS ec cleieiatcicivisicjorclsis ciple mao sertreinisla se w'SG sakes eos aaahevonse, stone 238
ERGViee SACLEM: DOS ba merpecsy aaletotcraye op Menem tararere Sravstects ant cve nt eepansr atte acct eating 240
PXAV ILS MME ONICISONLE terest cer ere cia eretsteisaie arse aie o cise mee sles ks sisterese ee 244
EXSVAlIES MIME ONICISOU OS areteperescistet siete crescimicie cies eh ers atten c b:c ora wisi e aiaceeoats 266
XVID JOsisakkid! TOMOVIN 2 \GISCASC.s.. co's er cleveeseercn sie sole ewaeene ace 278
pReNeR Binch-harksTEcCOLrdsieistonyacs siete erein- eh eee es neleloys) ccerdsiets aie apsteeqsleete 286
NONE Sacred bark scrollsandiCONtENtS. «5 .j.sevelc- cl) sielele civics oe sioke mee cinainrele 288
KON Mido mrelics:from) Meech: Lakes sre) cociecieietasictdovinme seems os 290
EXOXAL ITB MNCMIONIC SON ES ya vars ra sraccictsrorere stele velcro edie shatia horse aiee Ear slecare 292
ROX Midel dancing parters! sss Aes cose clat/so-aisitu aiasiaral, eccrine 298
XOX | MP OMLPAlijOL Ac VO" (SWIMM) =e sass) cvteiaree wre decision iteeiee acre 306
XXV. Facsimile of A‘yf"ini manuscript—Formula for Dalani Urnagei. o> gilli)
XXVI. Facsimile of Gatigwanasti manuscript— Y0"wéhi formula........ 312
XXVII. Facsimile of Gahuni manuscript—Formula for Didtiléski ....... 314
Fic. 1. Herbalist preparing medicine and treating patient................. 159
2. Sikas’sigé’s combined charts, showing descent of Minabd'zho...... 174
Sem OLIPITO fi PINSON Ls ars tateanie ates stasalc fete aitaions Siete as iae Leechs olclcre exe tenatel stein e 175
ABE CED HOLS POSUhasareretea Waxototas eich sashs a orrve RL Mee Peete stetefeie ys tate ee 178

5. Migration of VAMISIITIA boo Maye enn ia lacets ee EO Pee ee ee 7
6.2Bireh-bark-record, from Wihite) Harth)ycec...... ac ecieie velele se cieieieie ci 185
Koebixch-parksreCord. tromly ned lakelen nerds ere cine seis ac, wallet
Ssebirch-barkerecord, from Red Wake. a. sateen eisars a ceaisbersl ee ierernee 186
OUBEISH SUDO aay zc aris icll iets ccsishets sioncioseanag Maeda emenMeTapat cals te ceoss sero soogoos 187
10. Diagram of Midé’ wigan of the first degree ..................20005- ~ 188
En GArLOT OL Mid GWA SANT). leyce:ais sfousiel save erchet oveseselee letwny ctl owe var eis arelsie 188
DOD wa CUTTS ea. 07270) oi eioael aie sto) a) slaiegste Proiral=os stato eaMerstare oe otetetel ots es eres 190

DP Sem WUTC lire bbl etc cste reiera ays sy chnilere sre steqeserntess shacks stelae ROEM eioge cls tare eters 191
PASM a ttle care tre cre «1 viet ste creielemts lays aisle. nie DONT Io Sele musceiala see 191
ty feieoineerectiaes Willa e gonman so ccna npnashesas. HasckecogbodoabeccosoaS 192
GHW OODEIN DGAGE ee «,-iclersccrysis apttnciarscte oi toys ater aielerare wiclevera sofslercietarehemte arate Sie 205

XII

FIa.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

bl AP NY'fovors (Nels pom eo nopdpeo cocoon oo nddconDo do ndwdoSvoadontousonds
18:, Wooden efi gy ir xteya asic «1 om cintoloteiciel sles tore evonciatatstaiete Yetoteiaise eerste tote arene
19: Hawk=lep fetish ss 0:2 i o.0ac0 cites adi qarer eterna « oteveseee cet rates cee eee ae
20;' Hunter's'medicine: ... 5.5 oni. << eiicateoe atl te eet eete tO oe ears
21.) Hunter’s!medicine! :/csciis-:e1-00 vais aio cee orem iohe sneer etme eces tee eee
pe E02) os bth na ene Mem Cecrmions, 6 ova cosh Jodeuwe
23. Diagram of Midé'wigan of the second degree.....................-
24, Mide! destroying: an) enemy aici). .raysiah te iciateisieisvsieeienteiel reiterate
25. Diagram of Midé wigan of the third degree ........ §enoeconosucope
26. Jes'sakkan',or jugglers od ge: -isi cy. dalsaiesoneirereeetetei eerie

27, Jés'sakkan’, or juggler’s lodge............... maint arse efoto aneeelegetetacts
28. Jésisakkan', or jugeler’silodge:. :. 9.0... = «sen mictien saees camer
29. Jesisakkan! (or juggler’s|lod ge. acs smeie-mreisin gee sera tice arate
30: Jésisakkan:; or jueeler’s lodges. .csce ace oom ener eee tm mere
al. Jes sakkid' curing: womane «Sones serait ete eee eae
o2: Jes Sakkid! Curing: Mans 2 25 <<< «rane ciate ove oii em eerste eee
33. Diagram of Midé’wigan of the fourth degree ......... ......-.....
34. General view of Mide'wigdn...............0-cee--ees Tecinicieais 3
do; Indianidiagramiof ghost lodgeecr cc cca:) science ieee ene
36:. (Leech: Lake, Midel ison pos (2/551: ciate nde fists ite ee ee eee
Sit. eech: Lake: Mid6? song? -c. castaensevis tones cee eee seeen ne eee
38:» LeechiLake Midge: song 2cicni ticle einacicoman neh ciate orien ete emai

. Leech Lake Midé’

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.

SMITHSONIAN InstiTuTION, BuREAU or ETHNoLoey,
Washington, D. C., October 1, 1886.

Sir: I have the honor to submit my Seventh Annual Report
as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.

The first part consists of an explanation of the plan and
operations of the Bureau; the second part consists of a series
of papers on anthropologic subjects, prepared to illustrate the
methods and results of the work of the Bureau.

I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and
your wise counsel relating to the work under my charge.

I am, with respect, your obedient servant,

Prof. Spencer F. Barrp,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
XII

r)
tap ew NS

Ty :

SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

By J. W. Powe tt, Director.

INTRODUCTION.

The prosecution of ethnologic researches among the North
American Indians, in accordance with act of Congress, was
continued during the fiscal year 1885—86.

The general plan upon which the work has been prosecuted
in former years, and which has been explained in earlier re-
ports, was continued in operation.

General lines of investigation were indicated by the Di-
rector, and the details intrusted to selected persons trained in
their several pursuits, the results of whose labors are published
from time to time in the manner provided for by law. A
brief statement of the work upon which each of these special
students was engaged during the year, with its condensed re-
sult, is presented below. This, however, does not specify in
detail all of the studies undertaken or services rendered by
them, as particular lines of research have been temporarily
suspended in order to accomplish immediately objects regarded
as of superior importance. From this cause the publication of
several treatises and monographs has been delayed, although
in some instances they have been heretofore reported as sub-
stantially completed, and, indeed, as partly in type.

The present opportunity is used to invite and urge again the
assistance of explorers, writers, and students, who are not and

XVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

may not desire to be officially connected with this Bureau,
Their contributions, whether in the shape of suggestion or of
extended communications, will be gratefully acknowledged and
carefully considered. If published in whole or in part, either
in the series of reports or in monographs or bulletins, as the
liberality of Congress may in future allow, the contributors
will always receive proper credit.

The items which form the subject of the present report are
presented in two principal divisions. ‘Phe first relates to the
work prosecuted in the field, and the second to the office
work, which consists largely of the preparation for publication
of the results of the field work, complemented and extended
by study of the literature of the several subjects and by cor-
respondence relating to them.

FIELD WORK.

This heading may be divided into, first, Mound Explora-
tions; second, Explorations in Stone Villages; and, third,
General Field Studies, among which those upon mythology,
linguistics, and customs have been during the year the most
prominent.

MOUND EXPLORATIONS.

WORK OF PROF. CYRUS THOMAS.

The work of the mound-exploring division, under the charge
of Prof. Cyrus Thomas, was carried on during the fiscal year
with the same success that had attended its earlier operations.

It is proper to explain that the title given above to the
division does not fully indicate the extent of its work. The
simple exploration of mounds is but a part of its scope, which
embraces, as contemplated in its organization, a careful exam-
ination and study of the archeologic remains in the United
States east of the Rocky Mountains. The limitation of the
force engaged on this work renders it necessary that the inves-
tigations should be conducted along but one or two selected
lines at a time.

Before and even during some portion of the year now

UJ. $. NATIONAL MUSEUM.

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XVII

reported upon attention had been devoted almost exclusively to
the exploration of individual mounds, with a view of ascertain-
ing the different types of tumuli, as regards form, construction,
and other particulars and the vestiges of art and human
remains found in them. The study of these works in their
relation to each other and their segregation into groups, and
of the mural works, inclosures, and works of defense, is
important in the attempt to obtain indications of the social life
and customs of the builders. This plan of study had not
received the attention desirable and involved the necessity of
careful surveys. It was thought best to make a commence-
ment this year in this branch of investigation. .

During the summer of 1885 Prof. Thomas was in Wiscon-
sin, engaged in investigating and studying the effigy mounds
and other ancient works of that section.

Messrs. James D. Middleton, John P. Rogan, and John W.
Emmert were permanent assistants during the year; Mr.
Charles M. Smith, Rev. 8. D. Peet, and Mr. H. L. Reynolds
were employed for short periods as temporary assistants.

During the summer and autumn of 1885 Messrs. Middleton
and Emmert were at work on the mounds and ancient monu-
ments of southwestern Wisconsin, the former surveying the
groups of effigy mounds and the latter exploring the conical
tumuli. When the weather became too cold for operations in
that section they were transferred to east Tennessee, where
Mr. Emmert continued at work throughout the remainder of
the fiscal year.

When it had been decided to commence the preparation of a
report on the field work of the division, in the hope of its early
publication, Mr. Middleton was called to the office to assist in
that preparation, where he remained, preparing maps and plats
and making a catalogue of the collections, until the latter part
of April, 1886, when he again entered upon field work in the

southern part of Ilinois, among the graves of that neighbor-
hood.

Mr. Rogan was in charge of the office work from the 1st of
July until the latter part of August, during which time Prof.

Thomas Was in the field as before mentioned. He Was ell-
’
7 ETH IL

XVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

gaged during the remainder of the year in exploring the mounds
of northern Georgia and east Tennessee.

Rey. S. D. Peet was employed for a few months in prepar-
ing a preliminary map showing the localities of the antiquarian
remains of Wisconsin and the areas formerly occupied by the
several Indian tribes which are known to have inhabited that
region. In addition he prepared for use in the report notes on
the distribution and character of the mounds and other ancient
works of Wisconsin.

Mr. Smith was engaged during the month of June, 1886, in
exploring mounds and investigating the ancient works in south-
western Pennsylvania; and Mr. Reynolds, during the same
time, in tracing and exploring the monumental remains of west-
ern New York.

Notwithstanding the details necessary for office work in the
preparation of maps and plats for the report, and cataloguing
the collection, the amount of field work accomplished was equal
to that done in previous years. Although, as before stated,
one of the assistants, Mr. Middleton, was chiefly engaged, while
in the field, in surveying, about 3,500 specimens were col-
lected and a large number of drawings obtained illustrating the
different modes of construction of the mounds.

EXPLORATIONS IN STONE VILLAGES,
WORK OF DIRECTOR J. W. POWELL.

During the summer of 1885 the Director, accompanied by
Mr. James Stevenson, revisited portions of Arizona and New
Mexico in which many structures are found which have greatly
interested travelers and anthropologists, and about which vari-
ous theories have grown. ‘The results of the investigation have
been so much more distinct and comprehensive than any before
obtained that they require to be reported with some detail.

On the plain to the west of the Little Colorado River and
north of the San Francisco Mountain there are many scattered
ruins, usually having one, two, or three rooms each, all of which
are built of basaltic cinders and blocks. Through the plain a

valley runs to the north, and then east to the Little Colorado.

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XIX

Down the midst of the valley there is a wash, through which,
in seasons of great rainfall, a stream courses. Along this stream
there are extensive ruins built of sandstone and limestone. At
one place a village site was discovered, in which several hun-
dred people once found shelter. To the north of this and
about twenty-five miles from the summit of San Francisco
Peak there is a volcanic cone of cinder and basalt. This
small cone had been used as the site of a village, a pueblo hay-
ing been built around the crater. The materials of construction
were derived from a great sandstone quarry near by, and the
pit from which they were taken was many feet in depth and
extended over two or three acres of ground. The cone rises
on the west in a precipitous cliff from the valley of an inter-
mittent creek. The pueblo was built on that side at the sum-
mit of the cliff, and extending on the north and south sides
along the summit of steep slopes, was inclosed on the east, so
that the plaza was entered by a covered way. The court, or
plaza, was about one-third of an acre in area. The little pueblo
contained perhaps sixty or seventy rooms. Southward of San
Francisco Mountain many other ruins were found.

East of the San Francisco Peak, at a distance of about
twelve miles, another cinder cone was found. Here the cin-
ders are soft and friable, and the cone is a prettily shaped dome.
On the southern slope there are excavations into the indurated
and coherent cinder mass, constituting chambers, often ten or
twelve feet in diameter and six to ten feet in height. The
chambers are of irregular shape, and occasionally a larger cen-
tral chamber forms a kind of vestibule to several smaller ones
gathered about it. The smaller chambers are sometimes at the
same altitude as the central or principal one, and sometimes at
a lower altitude. About one hundred and fifty of these cham-
bers have been excavated. Most of them are now partly filled
by the caving in of the walls and ceilings, but some of them
are yet in a good state of preservation. In these chambers,
and about them on the summit and sides of the cinder cone,
many stone implements were found, especially metates. Some
bone implements also were discovered. At the very summit
of the little cone there is a plaza, inclosed by a rude wall made

xX ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

of volcanic cinders, the floor of which was carefully leveled.
The plaza is about forty-five by seventy-five feet in area.
Here the people lived in underground houses— chambers hewn
from the friable voleanie cinders. Before them, to the south,
west, and north, stretched beautiful valleys, beyond which
voleanie cones are seen rising amid pine forests. The people
probably cultivated patches of ground in the low valleys.

About eighteen miles still farther to the east of San Fran-
cisco Mountain another ruined village was discovered, built
about the crater of a volcanic cone. This volcanic peak is of
much greater magnitude. The crater opens to the eastward,
On the south many stone dwellings have been built of the
basaltic and cinder-like rocks. Between the ridge on the south
and another on the northwest there is a low saddle in which
other buildings have been erected, and in which a great plaza
was found, much like the one previously described. But the
most interesting part of this village was on the cliff which rose
on the northwest side of the crater. In this cliff are many
natural caves, and the caves themselves were utilized as dwell-
ings by inclosing them in front with walls made of voleanie
rocks and cinders. These cliff dwellings are placed tier above
tier, in a very irregular way. In many cases natural caves
were thus utilized; in other cases cavate chambers were made;
that is, chambers have been excavated in the friable cinders.
On the very summit of the ridge stone buildings were erected,
so that this village was in part a cliff village, in part cavate,
and in part the ordinary stone pueblo. Phe valley below,
especially to the southward, was probably occupied by their
gardens. In the chambers among the overhanging cliffs a
great many interesting relics were found, of stone, bone, and
wood, and many potsherds.

About eight miles southeast of Flagstaff, a little town on the
southern slope of San Francisco Mountain, Oak Creek enters
a canyon, which runs to the eastward and then southward for
a distance of about ten miles. The gorge is a precipitous box
canyon for the greater part of this distance. It is cut through
carboniterous rocks )

sandstones and limestones—which are
here nearly horizontal. The softer sandstones rapidly disinte-

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXI

grate, and the harder sandstones and limestones remain. Thus
broad shelves are formed on the sides of the cliffs, and these
shelves, or the deep recesses between them, were utilized, so
that here is a village of cliff dwellings. There are several
hundred rooms altogether. The rooms are of sandstone, pretty
carefully worked and laid in mortar, and the interior of the
rooms was plastered. The opening for the chimney was usu-
ally by the side of the entrance, and the ceilings of the rooms
are still blackened with soot and smoke. Around this village,
on the terrace of the canyon, great numbers of potsherds, stone
implements, and implements of bone, horn, and wood were
found; and here, as in all of the other ruins mentioned, corn-
cobs in great abundance were discovered.

In patina to the four principal ruins thus described many
others are found, most of them being of the ordinary pueblo
type. From the evidence presented it would seem that they
had all been occupied at a comparatively late date. They
were certainly not abandoned more than three or four centu-
ries ago.

Later in the season the Director visited the Supai Indians of
Cataract Canyon, and was informed by them that their pres-
ent home had been taken up not many generations ago, and
that their ancestors occupied the ruins which have been de-
scribed; and they gave such a circumstantial account of the
occupation and of their expulsion by the Spaniards, that no
doubt can be entertained of the truth of their traditions in
this respect. The Indians of Cataract Canyon doubtless lived
on the north, east, and south of San Francisco Mountain at
the time this country was discovered by the Spaniards, and
they subsequently left their cliff and cavate dwellings and
moved into Cataract Canyon, where they now live. It is thus
seen that these cliff and cavate dwellings are not of an ancient
prehistoric time, but that they were occupied by a people still
existing, who also built pueblos of the common type.

Later in the season the party visited the cavate ruins near
Santa Clara, previously explored by Mr. Stevenson. Here, on
the western side of the Rio Grande del Norte, was found a
system of voleanic peaks, constituting what is known as the

XXII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

Valley Range. ‘To the east of these peaks, stretching far be-
yond the present channel of the Rio Grande, there was once
a great Tertiary lake, which was gradually filled with the sands
washed into it on every hand and by the ashes blown out of
the adjacent volcanoes. This great lake formation is in some
places a thousand feet in thickness. When the lake was filled
the Rio Grande cut its channel through the midst to a depth of
many hundreds of feet. The voleanic mountains to the west-
ward send to the Rio Grande a number of minor streams, which
in a general way are parallel with one another. The Rio Grande
itself, and all of these lateral streams, have cut deep gorges and
canyons, so that there are long, irregular table-lands, or mesas,
extending from the Rio Grande back to the Valley Mountains,
each mesa being severed from the adjacent one by a canyon
or canyon valley; and each of these long mesas rises with a
precipitous cliff from the valley below. ‘The cliffs themselves
are built of volcanic sands and ashes, and many of the strata
are exceedingly light and friable. The specific gravity of some
of these rocks is so low that they will float on water. Into
the faces of these cliffs, in the friable and easily worked rock,
many chambers have been excavated; for mile after mile the
cliffs are studded with them, so that altogether there are many
thousands. Sometimes a chamber or series of chambers is en-
tered from a terrace, but usually they were excavated many
feet above any landing or terrace below, so that they could
be reached only by ladders. In other places artificial terraces
were built by constructing retaining walls and filling the inte-
rior next to the cliff with loose rock and sand. Very often
steps were cut imto the face of a cliff and a rude stairway
formed by which chambers could be reached. The chambers
were very irregularly arranged and very irregular in size and
structure. In many cases there is a central chamber, which
seems to have been a general living room for the people,
back of which two, three, or more chambers somewhat smaller
are found. The chambers occupied by one family are some-
times connected with those occupied by another family, so that
two or three or four sets of chambers have interior communica-
tion. Usually, however, the communication from one system of

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXIII

chambers to another was by the outside. Many of the cham-
bers had evidently been occupied as dwellings. They still
contained fireplaces and evidences of fire; there were little
caverns or shelves in which various vessels were placed, and
many evidences of the handicraft of the people were left in
stone, bone, horn, and wood, and in the chambers and about
the sides of the cliffs potsherds are abundant. On more care-
ful survey it was found that many chambers had been used as
stables for asses, goats, and sheep. Sometimes they had been
filled a few inches, or even two ar three feet, with the excre-
ment of these animals. Ears of corn and corneobs were also
found in many places. Some of the chambers were evidently
constructed to be used as storehouses or caches for grain.
Altogether it is very evident that the cliff houses have been
used in comparatively modern times; at any rate since the
people owned asses, goats, and sheep. The rock is of such a
friable nature that it will not stand atmospheric degradation
very long, and there is abundant evidence of this character
testifying to the recent occupancy of these cavate dwellings.

Above the cliffs, on the mesas, which have already been
described, evidences of more ancient ruins were found. These
were pueblos built of cut stone rudely dressed. Every mesa
had at least one ancient pueblo upon it, evidently far more
ancient than the cavate dwellings found in the face of the
cliffs. It is, then, very plain that the cavate dwellings are not
of great age; that they have been occupied since the advent
of the white man, and that on the summit of the cliffs there
are ruins of more ancient pueblos.

Now, the pottery of Santa Clara had been previously studied
by Mr. Stevenson, who made a large collection there two or
three years ago, and it was at once noticed that the potsherds
of these cliff dwellings are, both in shape and material, like those
now made by the Santa Clara Indians. The peculiar pottery
of Santa Clara is readily distinguished, as may be seen by ex-
amining the collection now in the National Museum. While
encamped in the valley below, the party meta Santa Clara
Indian and engaged him in conversation. From him the history
of the cliff dwellings was soon obtained. His statement was
that originally his people lived in six pueblos, built of cut stone,

XXIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

upon the summit of the mesas; that there came a time when
they were at war with the Apaches and Navajos, when they
abandoned their stone pueblos above and for greater protection
excavated the chambers in the cliffs below; that when this war
ended part of them returned to the pueblos above, which were
rebuilt; that there afterward came another war, with the Co-
manche Indians, and they once more resorted to cliff dwellings.
At the close of this war they built a pueblo in the valley of the
Rio Grande, but at the time of the invasion of the Spaniards
their people refused to be baptized, and a Spanish army was
sent against them, when they abandoned the valley below and
once more inhabited the cliff dwellings above. Here they
lived many years, until at last a wise and good priest brought
them peace, and persuaded them to build the pueblo which
they now occupy—the village of Santa Clara. The ruin of
the pueblo which they occupied previous to the invasion of the
Spaniards is still to be seen about a mile distant from the
present pueblo.

The history thus briefly given was repeated by the governor
and by other persons, all substantially to the same effect. It
is therefore evident that the cavate dwellings of the Santa Clara
region belong to a people still extant; that they are not of
great antiquity, and do not give evidence of a prehistoric and
now extinct race.

Plans and measurements were made of some of the villages
with sufficient accuracy to prepare models. Photographie
views and sketches were also procured with which to illus-
trate a detailed report of the subject to be published by the

Bureau.
WORK OF MR. JAMES STEVENSON.

After the investigations made in company with the Diree-
tor, as mentioned above, Mr. Stevenson proceeded with a
party to the ancient province of Tusayan, in Arizona, to study
the characteristics of the Moki tribes, its inhabitants, and to
make collections of such implements and utensils as illustrate
their arts and industries. Several months were spent among
the villages, resulting in a large collection of rare objects, all
of which were selected with special reference to their anthro-

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXV

pologic importance. This collection contains many articles
novel in character and with uses differing from any heretofore
obtained, and forms an important addition to the collections in
the National Museum.

A study of their religious ceremonials and mythology was
made, of which full notes were taken. Sketches were made
of their masks and other objects which could not be obtained
for the collection.

Mrs. Stevenson was also enabled to obtain a minute descrip-
tion of the celebrated dance, or. medicine ceremony, of the
Navajos, called the Yéibit-cai. She made complete sketches
of the sand altars, masks, and other objects employed in this
ceremonial.

WORK OF MESSRS. VICTOR MINDELEFF AND COSMOS MINDELEFF.

Mr. Victor Mindeleff, who had heen engaged for several
years in investigating the architecture of the pueblos and the
ruins of the southwest, was at the beginning of the fiscal year
at work among the Moki towns in Arizona, in charge of a
party. Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff left Washington on July 6 for
the same locality. He was placed in charge of the surveying
necessary in the Stone Village region, and the result of his
work is included in the general report of that division.

Visits were paid to the Moki villages in succession, obtain-
ing drawings of some constructional details, and also traditions
bearing on the ruins in that vicinity. The main camp was
established near Mashongnavi, one of the Moki villages. A
large ruined pueblo, formerly occupied by the Mashongnayi,
was here surveyed. No standing walls are found at the pres-
ent time, and many portions of the plan are entirely oblit-
erated. Typical fragments of pottery were collected.

Following this work, four other ruined pueblos were sur-
veyed, and such portions of them as clearly indicated dividing
walls were drawn on the ground plans. =

Many of the ruins in this vicinity, according to the tradi-
tions of the Mokis, have been occupied in comparatively recent
times—a number of them having been abandoned since the
Spanish conquest of the country. In several cases the villages

XXVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

now oceupied are not upon the same sites as those first visited
by the Spaniards, although retaining the same names.

While the work of surveying was in progress, in charge of
Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, Mr. Victor Mindeleff made a visit of
several days at Keam Canyon, there to meet a number of the
Navajo Indians to explain the purpose of the work and allay the
suspicions of these Indians, a necessary precaution, as some
of the proposed work was laid out in Canyon de Chelly, in the
heart of their reservation. Recent restrictions to which they
had been subjected, as a consequence of new surveys of the
reservation line, had made them especially distrustful of parties
equipped with instruments for surveying. Incidental to expla-
nations of the purpose of the work, an opportunity was afforded
of obtaining a number of mythologic notes, and also interest-
ing data regarding the construction of their “hogans,” with
the rules prescribing the arrangement of each part of the
frame and other particulars. A number of ceremonial songs
are sung at the building of these houses, but of these only
one could be secured, which was obtained in the original and
translated. Whenever opportunity occurred, during the pro-
gress of the work, photographs and diagrams of construction
of “hogans” were procured.

On August 17 the ceremony of the snake-dance took place
at Mashongnavi, similar in every detail to that performed at
Walpi, and differing only in the number of participants. Sev-
eral instantaneous negatives of the various phases of the dance
were secured. On the following day the same ceremony was
performed on a larger scale at Walpi, the easternmost of the
Moki villages.

Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff assisted in collecting from the present
inhabitants of the region legendary information bearing upon
ruins and in observing the snake-dances, a description of which
was prepared for publication.

While the surveysg the ruins were in progress many de-
tailed studies were miide of special features in the modern vil-
lages, particularly among the “kivas” or religious chambers.
In several instances the large roofing timbers of the “kiva”
were found to be the old beams from the Spanish churches,

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXVII

hewn square, and decorated with the characteristic rude carv-
ing of the old Spanish work. A number of legends connected
with the ruined pueblos were recorded.

On closing this work in the vicinity of the Moki villages,
late in August, the party moved into Keam Canyon, en route
for Canyon de Chelly. A day was devoted to the survey of
a small pueblo of irregular elliptical outline, situated about
eighteen miles northeast from Keam Canyon. This ruin is in
excellent state of preservation and exhibits in the masonry
some stones of remarkably large size. The early part of Sep-
tember was employed in making a close survey of the Mammy
Cave group of ruins in Canyon de la Muerte, this work includ-
ing a five-foot contour map of the ground and the rocky ledge
over which the houses were distributed. Detailed drawings
of a number of special features were made here, particularly
in connection with the circular ceremonial chambers. The
latter were so buried under the accumulated débris of fallen
walls that much excavation was required to lay bare the de-
tails of internal arrangement. A high class of workmanship
is here exhibited, both in the execution of the constructional
features and in the interior decoration of these chambers.
Later the White House group, in the Canyon de Chelly, com-
prising a village and cliff houses, was examined and platted in
the same manner.

The drawings and plans were supplemented with a series of
photographs. Some negatives of Navajo houses were also
made.

On closing this work the party went into Fort Defiance, en
route for Zuni, and thence to Ojo Caliente, a modern farming
pueblo of the Zuni, about twelve miles south of the principal
village. Here two ruins of villages, thought to belong to the
ancient Cibola group, were platted. One of these villages had
been provided with a circular reservoir of large size, partially
walled in with masonry. Here, also, well preserved walls
of a stone church can be seen. The other contains the remains
of a iarge church, built of adobe. A series of widely scattered
house-clusters, occurring two miles west of Ojo Caliente, was
also examined, but the earth had drifted over the fallen walls

XXVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

and so covered them that the arrangement of rooms could
scarcely be traced at all.

The modern village of Ojo Caliente was also surveyed and
diagrams and photographs made.

Towards the end of September camp was moved to the
vicinity of Zuni. Here four other villages of the Cibola group
and the old villages on the mesa of Ta-ai-ya-lo-ne were ex-
amined. Camp was then moved to Nutria, a farming pueblo
of Zuni. From this camp Nutria was surveyed and photo-
eraphed, and also the village of Peseado, which is occupied
only during the farming season. Both of these modern farm-
ing pueblos appear to be built on the ruins of more ancient
villages, the remains of which were especially noticeable in
the case of Pescado, where the very carefully executed
masonry, characteristic of the ancient methods of construction,
could be seen outcropping at many points.

WORK OF MR E. W. NELSON.

Following the return of the main party to Washington,
some preliminary exploration was carried on by Mr. E. W.
Nelson, who made an examination of the headwaters of the
South Fork of Salt River, but did not find any ruins. Thence
the Blue Ridge was crossed, and the valley of the Blue Fork
of the San Francisco River visited. Here ruins were fre-
quently increasing in number toward the south. Farther
south three sets of cliff ruins were also located.

GENERAL FIELD STUDIES.
WORK OF DR. H. C. YARROW.

During the summer and fall of 1885, Dr. H. C. Yarrow,
acting assistant surgeon U.S. Army, examined points in Ari-
zona and Utah. In the vicinity of Springerville, Apache
County, Arizona, in eompany with Mr. E. W. Nelson, he vis-
ited a number of ancient pueblos and discovered that the peo-
ple formerly occupying the towns had followed the custom of
burying their dead immediately outside the walls of their hab-
itations, marking the places of sepulcher with circles of stones.

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY XXIX

The graves were four or five feet in depth, and various house-
hold utensils had been deposited with the dead. Mr. Nelson,
who had made a careful search for these cemeteries, informed
him of the locality of hundreds. Unfortunately for anthro-
pometric science, most of the bones are too much decayed to
be of practical value. The places of burial selected at these
pueblos are similar to the burial places discovered in 1874
near the large ruined pueblo of Abiquiu, in the valley of the
Chama, New Mexico.

Dr. Yarrow also visited the Moki pueblos in Arizona, and
obtained from one of the principal men a clear and succinct
account of their burial customs. While there he witnessed
the famous snake dance, which occurs every two years, and is
supposed to have the effect of producing rain. From his
knowledge of the reptilian fauna of the country he was able
to identify the species of serpents used in the dance, and from
personal examination satisfied himself that the fangs had not
been extracted from the poisonous varieties. He thinks, how-
ever, that the reptiles are somewhat tamed by handling during
the four days that they are kept in the estufas and Sale
are made to eject the greater part of the venom contained in
the sacs at the roots of the teeth, by being teased and forced
to strike at different objects held near them. He does not
think that a vegetable decoction in which they are washed
has a stupefying effect, as has been supposed by some. He
also obtained from a Moki high priest a full account of the
ceremonies attending the dance. Through the assistance of
Mr. Thomas V. Keam, of Keam Canyon, Arizona, and Mr. A.
M. Stephen, he was able to procure from a noted Navajo wise
man an exact account of the burial customs of his people, as
well as valuable information regarding their medical practices,
especially such as relate to obstetrics.

From Arizona Dr. Yarrow proceeded to Utah, and made an
examination of an old rock cemetery near Farmington, finding
it similar to the one he discovered in 1872 near the town of
Fillmore. The bodies had been earried far up the side of the
mountain; cavities had been prepared in a rock slide, and the
bodies placed therein. Branches of cottonwood were then laid

XxX ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

over and large boulders piled on top. In several of these
eraves the skeletons were in a fair state of preservation, and
were removed, as well as the articles found with them.

Through the kindness of Mr. William Young, of Grantsville,
a skeleton of a Gosiute, in excellent preservation, was obtained,
and has been presented to the Army Medical Museum. — It
may be stated that the examination of the rock cemetery at
Farmington showed that the inhabitants of the eastern slope of
the Wahsatch Range, in Great Salt Lake Valley, followed the
mode of rock sepulture from this, the most northern point vis-
ited, to below Parowan, a distance of at least two hundred miles
southward, and it seems that these people occupied the valley
long subsequent to those living near the water courses who
constructed the small mounds on top of which were the rude
adobe dwellings, and in some instances used these huts for
burial purposes.

WORK OF MR. J. C. PILLING.

In the spring of 1886 Mr. James C. Pillmg made a trip to
Europe in the interest of his work on the Bibliography of the
Languages of the North American Indians, and spent many
days in the library of the British Museum, the Bibliothéque
Nationale at Paris, and several extensive private libraries in
England and France. The results of this trip are highly sat-
isfactory and valuable.

WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN.

Mr. Jeremiah Curtin continued to collect vocabularies and
myths in California. The whole number of myths obtained in
California and Oregon was over three hundred. The number
of vocabularies was eight, being the Yana, Atsugéi (Hat
Creek), Wasco, Miléblama (Warm Springs), Pai Ute, Shasta,
Maidu, and Wintu. Texts were also obtained in Yana, Wasco,
Warm Spring, and Shasta.

OFFICE WORK.
Prof. Cyrus 'THomas was engaged during the year, except
the few weeks he was in the field, in the preparation of his
general report and in correspondence relating to the archeology

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXI

of the district before specified. He also finished a paper pub-
lished in the Sixth Annual Report of this Bureau under the
title, ‘‘Aids to the study of the Maya Codices,” and a special
report on the ‘Burial mounds of the northern sections of the
United States.” The latter has appeared in the Fifth Annual
Report of the Bureau.

Mrs. V. L. Tuomas, in addition to her duties as clerk, has
been employed in preparing a catalogue of the ancient works
in that part of the United States east of the Rocky Mountains.
This catalogue, now nearly complete, is intended to give the
localities and character of all the antiquities in the region men-
tioned, including discoveries which have been noted in publi-
cations, as well as those mentioned in the revorts of work done
under the Bureau.

Mr. James C. Pitirye continued to give a large share of his
time and attention throughout the year to the ‘“ Bibliography
of the languages of the North American Indians,” which has
been adverted to in previous reports. The advance ‘“proof-
sheets” of this work, printed in the last fiscal year, were dis-
tributed to collaborators and have been the means of obtaining
the active cooperation of many persons throughout this and
other countries who are interested in linguistic and biblio-
graphic science. They have thus elicited a large number of
additions, corrections, suggestions, and criticisms, all of which
have received careful consideration.

Mr. Frank H. Cusine was engaged in the preparation, from
the large amount of Zuni material collected by him during
several years, of papers upon the language, mythology, and
institutions of that people.

Mrs. Ermiynre A. Surra continued her study of the Lroquoian
languages. The first part of her final contribution on the sub-
ject was intended to be a Tuscarora grammar and dictionary.
The first portion of the dictionary was completed, and had
been forwarded to the Bureau when her sudden and lamented
death occurred on June 9, 1886, at her home in Jersey City.
Her former assistant, Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, of Tuscarora de-
scent, has been engaged to complete the work she so success-
fully began, and it is expected that the results of her long
labors in the field will be published without delay.

XXXII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

Mr. Cuarues ©. Royce resigned his connection with the
Bureau in the early part of the year, thereby delaying the
completion of the work upon the primal title of the Indian
tribes to lands within the United States and the methods of
procuring their relinquishment, the scope and value of which
have before been explained. Mr. Royce, before his departure
from Washington, completed a paper on the ‘‘Cherokee Nation
of Indians,” which has appeared in the Fifth Annual Report of
the Bureau.

Dr. H. C. Yarrow was still engaged in preparing the mate-
rial for the final volume upon the mortuary customs of the
North American Indians, in the prosecution of which the large
amount of information received and obtained from various
sources has been carefully classified and arranged under proper
divisions, so that the manuscript is now being rapidly put into
shape for publication.

Dr. Wasuincron Marruews, U.S. Army, continued to pre-
pare for publication the copious notes obtained by him during
former years in the Navajo country, his chief work being upon
a grammar and dictionary of the Navajo language. He also
wrote several papers, one of which, a “Chant upon the Moun-
tains,” has been published in the Fifth Annual Report.

Mr. W. H. Houmes continued his work in the office during
the year, superintending the illustration of the various publi-
cations of the Bureau. His scientific studies have been con-
fined principally to the field of American archeologic art. Two
tully illustrated papers have been finished and have appeared
in the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau. They are upon
“Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, Colombia,” and “A
study of the textile art in its relations to the development of
form and ornament.” Mr. Holmes has, in addition, continued
his duties as curator of aboriginal pottery in the National
Museum. ;

Mr. Vicror MInpELEFF, when not in the field, prepared re-
ports on the Tusayan and Cibola architectural groups. These,
when completed, are to be fully illustrated by a series of plans
and drawings now being prepared from the field-notes and
other material. In this work it is proposed to discuss the archi-

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXIII

tecture in detail, particularly in the case of the modern pueb-
los, where many of the constructional devices of the old
builders still survive. The examination of these details will
be found to throw light on obscure features of many ruined
pueblos whose state of preservation is such as to exhibit but
little detail in themselves.

In connection with the classification and arrangement of new
material from Canyon de Chelly, a paper was prepared on the
cliff ruins of that region.

Mr. Cosmos Mtnveerr has been in charge of the modeling

room during the last year. Upon his return from the field a
series of models to illustrate the Chaco ruins, architecturally
‘the most important in the Southwest, was commenced. Two
of these, viz, the ruin of Wejegi and that of a small pueblo
near Pueblo Alto, have been finished and duplicates have been
deposited in the National Museum. The third, a large model
of Penasco Blanco, is still uncompleted. All of these models
are made from entirely new surveys made in the summer of
1884. The seale used in the previous series—the mhabited
pueblos and the cliff ruins—though larger than usually adopted
for this class of work, has shown so much more detail and has
proved generally so satisfactory, that it has been continued in
the Chaco Ruin group, bringing the entire series of models
made by the Bureau to a uniform scale of 1:60, or one inch
to five feet. In addition to this the work of duplicating the
existing models of the Bureau for purposes of exchange was
commenced. Three of these have been completed, and two
others are about half finished.

Mr. E. W. Newson was engaged upon a report ‘of his inves-
tigations among the Eskimo tribes of Alaska. A part of this
report, consisting of an Knglish-Eskimo dictionary, he has
already forwarded. :

As hereinafter explained, the year was principally devoted
to the synonymy of the Indian tribes, the special studies of
several officers of the Bureau being suspended so that their

whole time might be employed in that direction. In the year
7 ETH—H11

XXXIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

1885, however, and at subsequent intervals, their work was
as follows:

Col. Garrick Mauuery, U.S. Army, continued the study,
by researches and correspondence, of sign language and pic-
tography. A comprehensive, though preliminary, paper on the
latter subject has been printed, with copious illustrations, in the
Fourth Annual Report.

Mr. H. W. Hensuaw was engaged during the year in work
upon the synonymy of Indian tribes, as specified below.

Mr. Atsert S. Garscuer continued to revise and perfect
his grammar and dictionary of the Klamath language, a large
part of which work is in print. He also took down vocabu-
laries from Indian delegates present in this city on tribal busi-
ness, and thus succeeded in incorporating into the collections
of the Bureau of Ethnology linguistic material from the Ali-
bamu, Hitchiti, Muskoki, and Seneca languages.

Rey. J. Owen Dorsey pursued his work on the Qegiha lan-
guage. Having the aid of a Winnebago Indian for some time
he enlarged his vocabulary of that language and recorded
grammatical notes. He also reported upon works submitted
to his examination upon the Tuscarora, Micmac, and Cherokee
languages.

Mr. James Mooney, who had been officially connected with
the Bureau since the early part of the fiscal year, was also
engaged upon linguistic work.

SYNONYMY OF INDIAN TRIBES.

The Director has before reported in general terms that the
most serious source of perplexity to the student of the history
of the North American Indians is the confusion existing among
their tribal names. The causes of this confusion are various.
The Indian names for themselves have been understood and
recorded in diverse ways by the earlier authors, and have been
variously transmitted by the latter. Nicknames arising from
trivial causes, and often without apparent cause, have been
imposed upon many tribes. Names borne by one tribe at some
period of its history have been transferred to another, or to
several other distinct tribes. Typographical errors, and im-

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXV

proved spelling on assumed phonetic grounds, have swelled the
number of synonyms until the investigator of a special tribe
often finds himself in a maze of nomenclatural perplexity.

It has long been the intention of the Director to prepare
a work on tribal names, which so far as possible should
refer their confusing titles to a correct and systematic stand-
ard. Delay has been occasioned chiefly by the fundamental
necessity of defining linguistic stocks or families into which
all tribes must be primarily divided; and to accomplish this,
long journeys and laborious field and office investigations have
been required during the whole time since the establishment
of the Bureau. Though a few points still remained in an unsat-
isfactory condition, it was considered that a sufficient degree
of accuracy had been attained to allow of the publication for
the benefit of students of a volume devoted to the subject.
The preparation of the plan of such a volume was intrusted
to Mr. H. W. Henshaw, late in the spring of 1885, and in June
of that year the work was energetically begun in accordance
with the plans submitted. The preparation of this work,
which to a great extent underlies and is the foundation for
every field of ethnologic investigation among Indians, was con-
sidered of such prime importance that nearly all the available
force of the Bureau was placed upon it, to the suspension of
the particular investigations in which the several officers had
been engaged.

In addition to the general charge of the whole work, Mr.
Henshaw gave special attention to the families of the north-
west coast from Oregon northward, including the Eskimo, and
also several in California. To Mr. Albert 8. Gatschet the tribes
of the southeastern United States, together with the Pueblo
and Yuman tribes, were assigned. The Algonkian family in all
its branches—by far the most important part of the whole, so
far as the great bulk of literature relating to it is concerned—
was intrusted to Col. Garrick Mallery and Mr. James Mooney.
They also took charge of the Iroquoian family. Rev. J. O.
Dorsey’s intimate acquaintance with the tribes of the Siouan
and Caddoan families peculiarly fitted him to cope with that
part of the work, and he also undertook the Athapascan tribes.

XXXVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

Dr. W. J. Hoffman worked upon the Shoshonean tribes, aided
by the Director’s personal supervision. Mr. Jeremiah Curtin,
to whom was assigned the California tribes, also gave assistance
in other sections.

Each of the gentlemen named has been able to contribute
largely to the results by his personal experience and invyestiga-
tions in the field, there being numerous regions concerning
which published accounts are meager and unsatisfactory. The
main source of the material to be dealt with has, however,
been necessarily derived from books. A vast amount of the
current literature pertaining to the North American Indians
has been examined, amounting to over one thousand volumes,
with a view to the extraction of the tribal names and the his-
torical data necessary to fix their precise application.

The work at the present time is well advanced toward com-
pletion. The examination of literature for the collation of
synonyms may be regarded as practically done. The tables
of synonymy and the accounts of the tribes have been com-
pleted for more than one-half the number of linguistic families.

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.
LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF NORTH AMERICA.

In harmony with custom, three scientific papers accompany
this report, designed to illustrate the nature, methods and spirit
of the researches conducted by the Bureau. The first is on
the “Classification of the North American Languages.” It is
by no means a final paper on the subject, but is intended
rather to give an account of the present status of the subject,
and to place before the workers in this field of scholarship the
data now existing and the conclusions already reached, so as
to constitute a point of departure for new work. With this
end in view Mr. Pilling is engaged upon the bibliography of
the subject and is rapidly publishing the same, and Mr. Hen-
shaw is employed on the tribal synonymy. Altogether it is
hoped that this work will inaugurate anew era in the investi-
gation of the subject by making available the vast body of

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXVII

material scattered broadeast through the literature relating to
the North American Indians.

In the course of these ethnic researches an interesting field
of facts has been brought to view relating to the superstitions
of the Indians. Already a very large body of mythology has
been collected—stories from a great number of tongues which
embody the rude philosophy of tribal thought. Such philos-
ophy or opinion finds its expression not only in the mythie

tales, but in the organization of the people into society, in
their daily life and in their habits and customs. There is a
realm of anthropology in this lower state of mankind which we
call savagery, that is hard to understand from the standpoint
of modern civilization, where science, theology, religion, med-
icine and the esthetic arts are developed as more or less dis-
crete subjects. In savagery these great subjects are blended
in one, as they are interwoven into a vast plexus of thought
and action, for mythology is the basis of philosophy, religion,
medicine, and art. In savagery the observed facts of the uni-
verse, relating alike to physical nature and to the humanities,
are explained mythologically, and these mythic conceptions
give rise to a great variety of practices. The acts of life are
born of the opinions held as explanations of the environing
world. Thus it is that philosophy finds expression in a com-
plex system of superstitions, ceremonies and practices, which
together constitute the religion of the people. The purpose
of these practices is to avert calamity and to secure prosperity
in the present life. It is astonishing to find how little the con-
dition of a life to come is involved. The future beyond the
grave is scarcely heeded, or when recognized it seems not to
affect the daily life of the people to any appreciable degree.
That which occupies the attention of the savage mind relates
to the pleasures and pains, the joys and sorrows of present
existence.

Perhaps the chief motive is derived from the consideration
of health and disease, as the pleasures and pains arising there-
from are forever present to the experience or observation.
Good and evil are also involved in those gifts of nature to
man by which his biotic life is sustained, his food, drink, cloth-

XXXVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

ing and shelter. These bounties come not in a never-changing
stream, but are apparently fitful and capricious. Seasons of
plenty are accented by seasons of scarcity, and thus prosperity
and adversity are strangely commingled in the history of the
people. To secure this prosperity and avert this adversity
seems to be the second great motive in the development of
the superstitious practices of the people. A third occasion
for the development of this primitive religion inheres in the
social organization of mankind, primarily expressed in the love
of man and woman for each other, but finally expressed in
all the relations of kin and kith and in the relations of tribe
with tribe. This gives rise to a very important development
of primitive religion, for the savage man seeks to discover
by oceult agencies the power of controlling the love and good
will of his kind and the power of averting the effect of en-
mity. ‘To attain these ends he invents a vast system of devices,
from love philters to war dances. A fourth region of exploit-
ation inthe realm of the esoteric relates to the origin of life
itself, as many of their practices are designed to secure perpe-
tuity of life by frequent births and less painful throes.

It will thus be seen that life, health, prosperity, and peace
are the ends sought in all this region of human activity as
they are presented in the study of savage life. The opinions
held by the people on these subjects are primarily expressed
in speech and organized into tales, which constitute mythology,
and they are expressed in acts, as ceremonies and observances,
which constitute their religion, their medicine, and their
esthetic arts. These arts consist of sculpture and painting,
by which their mythic beings are represented, and they also
consist of dancing, by which religious fervor is produced, and
they give rise to music, romance, poetry, and drama. Thus it
is that the esthetic arts have their origin in mythology. The
epic poem and the symphony are lineal descendants of the
dance, and the dance arises as the first form of worship, born
of the mythic conception of the powers of nature.

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXIX

THE MIDE’WIWIN, OR GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY OF THE OJIBWA,
BY W.J. HOFFMAN, AND THE SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHER-
OKEES, BY JAMES MOONEY.

Mr. Hoffman presents a paper on the ‘“Mide’wiwin, or Grand
Medicine Society of the Ojibwa,” and sets forth the vestiges of
a once powerful organization existing among these people.
Mr. Mooney has made a study of the Cherokee with the same
end in view. In the opinion of the Director they are impor-
tant contributions to this subject. The same lines of investiga-
tion have been carried on by other members of the Bureau
with other tribes where societies and practices have been but
little modified by the contact of the white man, and where the
subject is therefore much more plainly arrayed. In due time
these additional researches will be published.

In Mr. Hoffman’s paper it is seen that two and a half cen-
turies of association with the white man has not only served
to break down this organization to some extent, but has also
inculcated in the minds of the Ojibwa a clearer conception of
a Great Spirit and a future life than is normal to the savage
mind. Mr. Mooney, whose paper largely deals with the use
of plants by the Indians for the healing of disease, naively
compares the pharmacopeeia of savagery with that of civiliza-
tion, assuming that the latter is a standard of scientific truth.
Perchance scientific men will make one step in advance of this
position, and will be interested in discovering the extent to
which savage philosophy is still represented in civilized materia
medica as expressed in officinal formulas.

A word in relation to the dramatis personze of Indian my-
thology. In all those mythologies which have been studied
with any degree of care up to the present time zoic deities
greatly prevail, the progenitors and prototypes of the animals
of the land, air, and water; yet there are other deities. Chief
among these are the sun, moon, stars, fire, and the spirits of
mountains and other geographical and natural phenomena.
Yet these beings are largely zoomorphic, being considered
rather as mythic animals than as mythic men; but it must be
understood that the line of demareation between man and the
lower animals is not so clearly presented to the savage mind

XL ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

as to the civilized mind. In speaking of the theology of the
North American Indians as being zoomorphic it must therefore
be understood to mean that such is its chief characteristic, but
not its exclusive characteristic; and further, it must be under-
stood that it contains by survival many elements from an
earlier condition in which hecastotheism prevailed, that is, that
the form of philosophy known as animism was generally ac-
cepted, and that psychic life, with feeling, thought, and will,
was attributed to inanimate things. But more than this,
zootheism is not a permanent state of philosophy, but only a
stepping-stone to something higher. That something higher
may be denominated physitheism, or the worship of the powers
and more obtrusive phenomena of nature. In this higher state
the sun, the planets, the stars, the winds, the storms, the rain-
bow, and fire take the leading part. The beginnings of this
higher state are to be observed in many of the mythologies of
North America. It is worthy of remark that a mythology
with its religion subject to the influences of an overwhelm-
ing civilization yields first in its zoomorphic elements. Zoic
mythology soon degenerates into folk tales of beasts, to be
recited by crones to children or told by garrulous old men as
amusing stories inherited from past generations; while phy-
sitheism is more often incorporated into the compound of
paganism and Christianity now held by the more advanced
tribes. Notwithstanding this general tendency, zootheism is
often, though not to so great an extent, compounded in the
same way. The study of this stage of mythology, and of the
arts and customs arising therefrom, as they are exhibited
among the North American Indians, will ultimately throw a
flood of light upon that later stage known as physitheism, or
nature worship, now the subject of investigation by an army
of Aryan scholars.

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

FINANCIAL STATEMENT.

xLI

Table showing amounts appropriated and expended for North American ethnology for the

Jiscal year ending June 80, 1886.

¥ = | Amount Amount
Expenses. | expended. | appropriated.
ENETATGS sk aap Cpe SO ee ee a, ee ee $31, 287.93

Traveling expenses -.... 2,070. 71
Mransportation ofpropertye..2 295 aad -c- toe «oncsesseeescbeencnes -| 478. 91

SIU RS UU SIS LONCG race ae eee ace au a eae ce Seber eee enn 284. 99
Field expenses and supplies | 360. 32
Field material 163. 61
Modeling material 63. 11 |
Photographie material 34. 44
Books and maps -... 469. 69
Stationery and drawir 169. 44
Illustrations for reports 289. 65
Goods for distribution to Indians 767. 82
Omics famiituces..S- = bo256=2 aces sak aise 12.00
Office supplies and repairs | 63. 56
MonrenpOndenc areca trac meee ee emanate eee ee Seen ene eel 13. 87
SI DSCAITEN Setar etre inka ae es tee cae ap Ase see eee cae oe noe eee | 800. 00
Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to Treasury for settlement. ...........- | 103. 84
Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities. ............ Sse cmns saeco | 2,566.11
WU 2c oetos sparc a aeE Tana ant ane oe bm aCe Eee SE eos Son aae eee eee | 40, 000. 00

$40, 000. 00

a ; he
mt —
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF AMERICA

NOT EE OW Mn XC Oo,

J. W. POW ELL.

ET H-——1 1

CONT EON IGS:

Page.

Nomenclaimre of lincuistic families. : (- sc... ccc sessces soe. acesels cevceen 7
Literature relating to the classification of Indian languages................. 12
ETA MELS HLCM AT peateyere ater serosal Ctareieyeaaietale vier cxale heteah oa ease Ae eines ae ae 25
iindiare nn bes Soden banyyitaccurcsssln velo rite Le ee oe eee Oe 30
LEO] CIENT. geod cadence odEceoeedeO OG OnebuitE connate EE p nner Top Eee te are 33
Eleriteall Shari hemes teres tecaey versa i cisietstersteiein onic ake elses vows oe ESS REE 40
VAMC ATES) Oe Se ots ROAHEC ODA AD EC REE OEE en Ee Ae een 40

NP TICTIUIEAMIAN Cem ics sete ricieis cise einicis Taam sk miemiow oe ee 41
UTI PRC ALIMAB eet cae A erate ei erasietels oe ico nsisie aie es in hae ee one 42
UMMA MOL MEW UCHONBs et iays isc )sie see See eiars cc ore oisteinis zee wine Aeleomete es 44
WP MPIC RATIOS are Se tepeye (are coe Seta sore tarsl ere lay oTatss ei eis orale waists, 6 bis an ite 45
JOIST SE S05 cabal fet BSG TODS ONO DOSE EE EOI Eee ODOC TATE Ree arn tee 45
A Pong tral Pano yi. shcicivseis vias oais sivisesies pr aYek cc een eistersie ais serge Oe 47
PAN OMG THEM AL Cdr ctererercis ciatian esiee ioe: -nales at) s Ge eased ead veel ooee 47
PrincipaeAlSonguiaM tribes x12 osu ssisst aeiceiae ae es coos ae cis tes sb eee 48
BOpulamOmectacn deier noniat ositeci tie seinoria b oleioenie niece eae atne et ae 48
PATE 2 ASCADWEATIVL Vin ravers Sara aysirele icisie als Neha fs as cies s Se aloe eatle ost ae ete 51
BOUNUAEION Etre miei ieiee ars emcee ne er tae act ae ae Oe ee a aloes 52
Nort hernyeron parce ve eens mere eee ae arene eee 53

LEVON ITO ae) (aed COCR SEIS HEA OrOGAECUr RAC ULE ODER Dees 53
SOUPHERMMST OUD seers tenia yee CU SE Ae a ieee eee ae a 54
EAN CASAL MEL DES are inte sretatepcter Ya (ores hele scaetoteterereyafe ae ere aisha ois seme a cca e 55
POPUL abi OMe pater rerer statecssteretaiels Scioto co ani aes oe ee eta EOE 55
PALCA CA DAML AVIS LY een mctelerciavercees or claiciny otet ors eral ate wscinrcmtioalonie Orewa 56
Teton ern UT hie ero 3S eet Enc OO RCESIO SOE RCO EREA SCC tena 57
Geozraphic dist bullOn ns. aas actecioanlecean oc se ones tenements: coer 58
Caddoantiammilystersr a that ccsits ie cei aeee dete aOR oo eee DS
Northern eroup aac tcc boners aaiacs mesietiiae Sons Sve 60
MTGE OE OWD ei ecctatsiat alec teres Sete ae fine aie Sees Oe ne ee ee 60
MOULH ELIS POW wre cterohayatclors icles loi heen asers alos re ei ceueral intel ara ove 60

EIN Cal nnIDES eerie says vote ae mis ere eoere ae cceeee ete Mee ROT e nee 61
120) TIEN) tba S| Rehan ACoA Sonn? ESM armani cactich Sonmimmann acca. aboee 62
@hima kira nwehamily ieee torres cists eatice ere S rere VCR Se 62
PEIN GIPAlKGEI DOS epeaeie soars crne sara ovals 6 ots so alse oe aaias Tame eee 63
(Chin ars amish ATA hye 3: .ere rei cn aim siviete sisieiste’are sleveia te niome nae ae lee EG SHOGC 63
TAN palsbrIDES Py aiay.ceasteraio sie steele) vin stron ae eee eee eee eels 63
Chimmesyan family.............. EOS HSeSD Be Sc BER OAT UO DODO. NOOOUSCE 63
PVC ale bil DES: OF VILLAS OS h ajcicreteroarstoy seins arerelatelres a etetciete ieee tice one 64
ODE ATION eeataresire emai iele spate Aas oleic Me Bata een ae 64
WHIMNGG KAM ELAM Ly see ces store ai Galo Sn Ss aaron wel stare late aia on meses ee SST 65
EDIT CAMEL ES a ereretevelcieinvarcic/cv “arsyara Brera lttare raterataetatata.ioforeee eieteie cia aloes nee 66
Io dE nha te Soenand DoepaaoEbo) capSepdarascocscovedecanaee cor 66

CONTENTS,

Linguistic families—Continued.

Chitimachanifamilyseecn. teeta ee

Chumiashan ‘family... 5 5. oe e.5 cies, svsyove tats nic Siento inte sls cetera eesti ee eters
Populations... cies cosine lectsicies eieleiskeiersiere ieee lee eee eee
Coahuiltecanifamily: 5 aco geiiks so asta gates oscil le aaa race eer eee ene
Principal) tribes. ac:sci is oer aie ccie ere seis eee ree ee eer ame
Gopelian family rs. 2 <ijetes ska teres iefer isle rater reel stere tees ieee tater arate ere eaters

Geographic distribution........... ...

Principal (tribes 2. 3:2 (sige ses sacseteueslo Os aed lott eee earn OR eee eee
Costanoan! family: .:55.5.05)50% cscs s ig sis tessa is on lee ere ee
Geographic. distribution). )-6s cise clei ee eee recta tenets

Population... foc .:s sivins ne vievabeet sts sees lel ere neler eet tae

Bskimauanfamily.: i. t-icsie teceice acetone eee cree eee Sie
Geographic distribution o: crels «= viciiellsisiey=leilelissieielsieieleietetsisteie netics
Principalitribes'and!willages ys. .-e--) ielenaet ase eee eee

Po pulatlontce ere yetellsieietie eer

Esselenian family: =. oc 25, :ayeieheleieie sacrum eeletie te, oo oan a ate eel eee
Troquolam familys cteiateiats}o arm) vereteletsielat ltteer reitentel eee eee eee
Geographic distribution 775.45 52-seeme cic Recto eee nee
Principal twibes's :<.a5.ts,Accau de setycie. Snore eee ere eer SOE Gee eae
Population sje.) ccchyasysciace oc assis inescrausitat ele e ee Dee eee
Kalapooian family joccs ccostonists oe 9 0e/are wisiste eietanept se tias eae eee reir
Prine pal bribes atc erjescyoreriars ate ol lore cveraieleie everett tenets a eee Seite
Populations. is. si isorsinctjecicie eels ei clathelee ol ene ite ee eae

Karankawan)familygs-seo-iesenicisterserereete

Keresam ‘family: c..:36 <a/<csjcisveasiele = 1ereten eosin eave SOI OAc OITA MEE
Walk a G6 a, «oe aie5 spetsre Sucre ies shetarer- vous Bisse tne getevel ole ievars Glee RRL ee ee

Population’ en. +. 10-4 ROGHO AB AS c

Kaowan family. <1: 22 stereos tes ttosreee nstercetetela ate ctelele Setevorerstaretriee ere
Populatiome -izcscscrpercteresjere ate cis oto Melee oe carefolepateraetevateiobee eis rem arene
Kitunahan family) fe. etic ce ciseic peaon eet reo ete eee ee
Tribes sccosaitaet’ Aitiserevcsc uate, e'csaie: ole cvatecoreueve panera ele kaveeotecarers tee ete eeeieg rae eee
Population’ ss sertetecs crcl: scolel wohonel Mererneteveeaererelacarc ie aoe eaten eee aera

Koluschanttamilycneceae cre ebeicenieeceree

PY OS 5 sos. c aveseiel sa steshs ears ores opolenereie aeoveere, siotsisveyeteter el epmbreeteistee steer
Populations: acelersareyscicreinis cde loleteselsserevehetersi iste eeied ere eer
Kiulanapan! femal yg aioe spores) eforeinlnnersreyarelosieactoleroretotenenersiclersee eer etctee rae tees
Geopraphicidistribution<:..c-eeecccade eterna neon

oh wl ors Heeineaow Oooo GUC OoMOM InN ODD MOndoAGdAoUdoocanTOacecduaS

Popula toms css sivemieetereae stero+o online s Ruteee ete cease Se meree
Butuamian family iecteccisie aici = ici= ike sete. lel ioe rine eta einen eee ane

Tri DOS 26 Fac wick to ons into 4 etotnsiate Cee

Populaons css: cistefe sreresoiesscsraisye. siete ols/<io'e/ote/sroletsion heteieaee eeeke aon eee

Mariposar familys aais.c5- cists «iecte etsirs victors eveat eels ever ate

(Creeeag ha voebtinulerinnoqqmoaonoGacdes oonAodoonaqdnodoneostacsoc

Ti Pest sas ccctye, a sisterersisieiotiets prereretsietskeroker states isteterersi= BGooundhod costo ouate
Populations, ie dock dene? ps, eisiom, He ales a sleet a eros ree Cas eects
Moquelumnan’! familys os scsccce onl Git -21e ncr-tero teers ole/ava eae ee eee
Geographicidistri bution yrs. elie risers ee erie eieierstcl eee
Principal tribes: rectors olvie'ialelsioc)sisctel ciersletetolels epetejareisisiciersie or mene rererete
Population ........... sardonpe ogosunabooons ddlasungsogedswacod :

CONTENTS. 5

Page.
Linguistic families—Continued.

Mish Op eAanieha nll ypteme actor. tistss cei etine oie he side ae loa se alol ters oois deamon 94
Geopraphicidistributiony ssa aseasen iteurinee easica cat cae 94
TTT CIP AUS EET OS Ere ctaacrertarstere stat tees ete oes oe a Pe Ne ee 95

OPW AMON. meets tela areeINe cite celaa Piette nisles nie ce Thies nee 95

INatchesany amyl yey pcp.) tae aye ctoete eielsoe oso de ea otie ha Deine cn ate see 95

Pranic IpaletrI DES aeids acters ale, fete m sae ota cin ovis are cesta oc Sao einer 97
12] HHIEHN) Vie. Briodberd sab baasesd Hel ac oop Don coe Ce aca era ie 97

alanhinibiarant arirtliysy sry acy sete sets cere story ahi soe eee oe Ohio ee Pe 97
Georraphic\distributionys sc Nas ss aueects nels teenies sihies tate nreselves 98
IP TIN CIPAMNETIDES ks /teercels ey ae as arias clog em Asie cerh eitebe ase aysmee nieve 98

MAN LATIN Yphcrs save ee yere tela nslees austo asi S Saeks aoayaste eh as cake MRS OR Se Le 98
Principaltribes. <= -.jsee-4 5 4 WpO WOGOM CHE OUsGO Ud Dada eS DoS moe. 99

POPU tlONEe cic tycta eevee Gove nae xia estar SS ai Teteines wise ac 99

rani cr als ft Ae eon o Aline saa tcaa nme GOCE US SOLE ona caaO eS ae en nee 99
Geopraphic distri butioniecjitic ce sects e pasienre sects oe aeteruy teenie 100
EPINCIpal HIDES: ayy Aaya ERE Salen Rene a Sok Mi casos ales 100

Quoratesnefamiliyg ese rere eva eer chase etre Sete ne Grae e sacle eae He oe 100
Goeopraphicidistribuionts. jor an actsienr seg ste ad cise ae essta ents 101
IMT DCS pense fp ais Neearare te eT PVR Tey Since winin UE ce Ure tors, ayaiare.wm Sa eA ERE 101

Boma tioneet. cya steerer emerer ashram totes ioc tan <icteroata teeta anyon 101

ira cora A ArT yen Moctwee cera NAR ease ene tty. as at Wey Han ed oe oa tee. 101

IROpUlatiOn ys Sx ensc cee sats Sa ae eon oslo Rees en ae aa 102

al ish anak annlye aes ve acre on ais tee oe nein eee tai tap A Sc Ai ree is 102
Ceopraphicidistribationn cscs. cee naire Des cie cote iene aes 104
Enincipaluterbeslaac creer sot. cose iaeaciecakaant Sorsic ras eer Serer 104

Ropulation wary ise ryosech: eo eck oh aan arco seins oe aoa hea 105

SASLEAN ET ATM Verret ee ere ree aye Serf ae Aooe sei tanio hea a SU ee 105
Geographic distribution ........ 2... Sbosgaone LOCOS H ROO NG OTE 106

bah aphianerarnl lyase a eeie ey alae Re eee eae ence (A pe eae ce a cep 106
Geopraphic@istributlon. sryae seers no sects as lee amok anise ice aca 107
Principalstmbes and population jelles sees <i seieaeicansn« eterno 107

Nioshoneanitarllyear wn Metre at ayaiits Aone Sete eed Oe in Cie ei eh eee ee 108
Georrap hic, distribuglony ws cttscers- cack sec ce en ho) sa nccdee ne. ater 109
Princ mpalstribesand population’... 1 2c. ee. cee csic ose «elas ese aoe 110

PIOUAN LAM Vase aster cee Nees oe eats Sie eloke Oe Skeet eh oe oases 111
Ceosraphicidistri DublOmerne ter cane dente seca ee nese ene aes 112
Lemp inves orl nul ysl hetue oa orci Eee TORI eT OR cima e e 114

POP UIA ON ret ccc traces See Ee oe eee ae on oe 116

DKIUtaS SpADMLAMN ly Maa repr tavaets crevice dose ek als ik care ciao Lata eee 118
Geographic distribution ....:.2...............+- Bareiehe stigercratorsies eer 120
LINC ABUL DESE Nahe hsePeicre sein eek tei inate clon es, aS: ols tng ah Beira ae 120

I ODUIAHION yearend Oe esi ated erty bee ies cao eee ae 121

Takalmanifarmnihye cess tency asta rocise eee akicrcs eee oe see we SARE 121
Geopraphicid istiri butions ssc secy-sese ate eae ee ee 121

AU ATO AMER ATID Ale hela Pep optee sie TING siete hans Ceo ook Ooh hee Ge eee 121
Geopraphicidistribntion!s:,3< sae mace oetant: «see eerie Gale eile aes 122

OW Mei ONte cote eiatstace ny ersfecassiaistevebolarer tie atte enters RA dan cee aetoad 123

PDMU GUAM ATT AMITL VE sober Se vero secre wt eis esis els ates eis ticle Rafeeiceine emeee 123
Geographic distri bution. .csa site seicinsis se a nelsele esiseeiemiena a ae eee 123
TAN CID ACUI DES ey. ies ayak arciste ciate, aie oo eis Sac ne eee ite Side DEMIR REN 124

{OTe erhrat hete Sag eGR SR MOR Berne OGH OTe oacmn Soe Ano eon oe 125

GeorraphictaistriDMuMOMier a,x. 21ers eise cesta. ureter syaalelecerinerele sire eats 125

6 CONTENTS.

Linguistic families—Continued.
Tonka wWaw LAIN. 5 cr. <tate ae ele! orcte eiaceiales cesles= ele) eleret=l=tetel pietebaie erie osteie reesei
Geographic distribution . <7.) <he sateen a= = sles /eernisialai=teleielsvelainlo wil eeater=
LOfol Ships hh ominseas Ges oodadobsoneddongadodouods sop nooggecuoSyoase
Geographic distribu bonira cere cte che ie ale ete teren cee tate oat ete teeta ete
120) HELEN) Ni peargs aoe msoboods Iodh 1 douosbodoUds saeonoDotuacdsc
Waiilatpuan: familly. 2 3. cj. ccc ejects are cretelore csalmi= letersi syalisteesialalareyafe ie italorehoT=e
(Cfeof-ursyoJaMteMObl Nalin lina snogodnonncnucocdidooccsussoee Hogoonoosee
Principal tribeOsiars ster --(-/teval = ci sie at tele ete eer neers tere eens eee
Population! war oye ers <peisievesares shelsaie) niet ovalepeeonemeatateckey Rey vateyeieoe etatcanctey te
Wakashan famiilyzyyrctere eile ecicietis cieaiete stetelsnariet netstat ihrer rae ereeraer
Geographic distribution ..............+..05- nm dooce cane OES AG
Principal Ant tribes ve iaretere tere cketen ce eletaieteteretehe oe eienetennteteiat ey ea ete ane
12 MENH SodgoneoonhGoneg Goo condooon I doecsocaomadogsbEn don
Principalldelaelt zk tres) eprcrayeisiciotelele ereretettetsreyete etait alerereta aceite
Populatioml merce eet tcee sree olen stetaele este etatetetele tte terror ee
Weashoam tamil yar -ierpeorcichertersusterereieretaidaienereneionetetterecenete enero east eaters 5
Weitspekan*farmiliy: jee ec) cttepeetretestete cle tetetorsisteien tetera elie peti eer
Geographic distri bition cee rc stre ela ctelatoiet-se) erates tatat- Perea eile (oleae etea
DPI OS seein olevole Torso alae sichete severe leteetolatoueyerotsterel aeherateVeters clita ertapateytetserstecere
Misch eur ennih Pesan. sadanousocsocomoocooccauDoo GoD daadonpoceabonues
Geopraphic! distrib ut Omes sere olor steie oi cteitclaretat siete stetenelet= (esr ace eeyeyars etetel
Eri Des ape stoves «ispateelsselsteveterenetlersiel ohetetalofettoteteteerstetoren vata rete OUGHT AasOGor
Wakonanifhamilyaeryee)-t ecient BROS ROM COURT ROSOD Hon SaStae
Geographic @istrib ution yey terete eleleletetsientetetedatsharatsfatsteker=tte else irate
Ubules eaaanon cnc mopuccnonocoo mkt neniuosondaGogo coodenonocige
120) HIE OL San ondoopoOnngdoonoONOOOnUR sodonoeGonoCDes Eb Gor
Varian s family sre c.:srayrica) vcvetecsres iaterororaysereke oie)e texsiel tel chekclavelstekelaloleieterseayateretareval
Geographicy distributions seis ofetictereie retell tee deletetee tol tatsisteterete eit rte
Vukian familly rcevermevecwsisters ler iars otetote cust eielaniee oie islets tekoners Veiemier
Geographic) distributioniin. science nl isnie ieee eit te
Yuman famiily<4. (oe: see aeeisctecteir atom slo store erence eter
Georraphic distribution mec cimmir isch selene cles ersten
Principal tribes ssc ace erectile eer ioe bie eee ciel Renee einer
Population): «.55.45..acorerice noe one terre eee erie rers
ZAihiian family’ />. ctr Smsicee kas sto csee eee Oe ee Oe Cie eects
Geographic distribu tome ea cescretcttelaicie cictseisieieisteesetates letersi ieee
Population S52 avers sece srcrotetes tare eteiainlehepamtar ths aenorn eee neces Pettit
Concluding remarks

ILLUSTRATION

PLATE I. Map. Linguistic stocks of North America north of Mexico. In
pocket at end of volume

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INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

By J. W. POWELL.

NOMENCLATURE OF LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

The languages spoken by the pre-Columbian tribes of North Amer-
ica were many and diverse. Into the regions occupied by these tribes
travelers, traders, and missionaries have penetrated in advance
of civilization, and civilization itself has marched across the conti-
nent at a rapid rate. Under these conditions the languages of the
various tribes have received much study. Many extensive works
have been published, embracing grammars and dictionaries ; but a
far greater number of minor vocabularies have been collected and
very many have been published. In addition to these, the Bible,
in whole or in part, and various religious books and school books,
have been translated into Indian tongues to be used for purposes of
instruction ; and newspapers have been published in the Indian lan-
guages. Altogether the literature of these languages and that re-
lating to them are of vast extent.

While the materials seem thus to be abundant, the student of
Indian languages finds the subject to be one requiring most thought-
ful consideration, difficulties arising from the following conditions:

(1) A great number of linguistic stocks or families are discovered.

(2) The boundaries between the different stocks of languages are
not immediately apparent, from the fact that many tribes of diverse
stocks have had more or less association, and to some extent linguis-
tic materials have been borrowed. and thus have passed out of the
exclusive possession of cognate peoples.

(3) Where many peoples, each few in number, are thrown. to-
gether, an intertribal language is developed. To a large extent this
is gesture speech ; but to a limited extent useful and important
words are adopted by various tribes, and out of this material an
intertribal ‘‘ jargon” is established. Travelers and all others who
do not thoroughly study a language are far more likely to acquire
this jargon speech than the real speech of the people ; and the tend;

ency to base relationship upon such jargons has led to confusion.
7

8 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES,

(4) This tendency to the establishment of intertribal jargons
was greatly accelerated on the advent of the white man, for thereby
many tribes were pushed from their ancestral homes and tribes were
mixed with tribes. As a result, new relations and new industries,
especially of trade, were established, and the new associations of
tribe with tribe and of the Indians with Europeans led very often
to the development of quite elaborate jargon languages. All of
these have a tendency to complicate the study of the Indian tongues
by comparative methods.

The difficulties inherent in the study of languages, together with
the imperfect material and the complicating conditions that have
arisen by the spread of civilization over the country, combine to
make the problem one not readily solved.

In view of the amount of material on hand, the comparative study
of the languages of North America has been strangely neglected,
though perhaps this is explained by reason of the difficulties which
have been pointed out. Andthe attempts which have been made to
classify them has given rise to much confusion, for the following
reasons : First, later authors have not properly recognized the work
of earlier laborers in the field. Second, the attempt has more fre-
quently been made to establish an ethnic classification than a lin-
guistic classification, and linguistic characteristics have been con-
fused with biotic peculiarities, arts, habits, customs, and other human
activities, so that radical differences of language have often been
ignored and slight differences have heen held to be of primary value.

The attempts at a classification of these languages and a corre-
sponding classification of races have led to the development of a
complex, mixed, and inconsistent synonymy, which must first be
unraveled and a selection of standard names made therefrom ac-
cording to fixed principles.

It is manifest that until proper rules are recognized by scholars
the establishment of a determinate nomenclature is impossible. It
will therefore be well to set forth the rules that have here been
adopted, together with brief reasons for the same, with the hope
that they will commend themselves to the judgment of other per-
sons engaged in researches relating to the languages of North
America. ‘

A fixed nomenclature in biology has been found not only to be
advantageous, but to bea prerequisite to progress in research, as the
vast multiplicity of facts, still ever accumulating, would otherwise
overwhelm the scholar. In philological classification fixity of
nomenclature is of corresponding importance; and while the anal-
ogies between linguistic and biotic classification are quite limited,
many of the principles of nomenclature which biologists have
adopted having no application in philology, still in some important
particulars the requirements of all scientific classifications are alike,

POWELL. ] LAW OF PRIORITY. 9

and though many of the nomenclatural points met with in biology
will not occur in philology, some of them do occur and may be
governed by the same rules.

Perhaps an ideal nomenclature in biology may some time be estab-
lished, as attempts have been made to establish such a system in
chemistry; and possibly such an ideal system may eventually be
established in philology. Be that as it may, the time has not yet
come even for its suggestion. What is now needed is a rule of some
kind leading scholars to use the same terms for the same things, and
it would seem to matter little in the case of linguistic stocks what
the nomenclature is, provided it becomes denotive and universal.

In treating of the languages of North America it has been sug-
gested that the names adopted should be the names by which the
people recognize themselves, but this is a rule of impossible appli-
cation, for where the branches of a stock diverge very greatly no
common name for the people can be found. Again, it has been sug-
gested that names which are to go permanently into science should
be simple and euphonic. This also is impossible of application,.for
simplicity and euphony are largely questions of personal taste, and
he who has studied many languages loses speedily his idiosyncrasies
of likes and dislikes and learns that words foreign to his vocabulary
are not necessarily barbaric.

Biologists have decided that he who first distinctly characterizes
and names a species or other group shall thereby cause the name
thus used to become permanently affixed, but under certain conditions
adapted to a growing science which is continually revising its classi-
fications. This law of priority may well be adopted by philologists.

By the application of the law of priority it will occasionally hap-
pen that a name must be taken which is not wholly unobjectionable
or which could be much improved. But if names may be modified
for any reason, the extent of change that may be wrought in this
manner is unlimited, and such modifications would ultimately
become equivalent to the introduction of new names, and a fixed
nomenclature would thereby be overthrown. The rule of priority
has therefore been adopted.

Permanent biologic nomenclature dates from the time of Linnzeus
simply because this great naturalist established the binominal sys-
tem and placed scientific classification upon a sound and enduring
basis. As Linnzeus is to be regarded as the founder of biologic
classification, so Gallatin may be considered the founder of syste-
matic philology relating to the North American Indians. Before
his time much linguistic work had been accomplished, and scholars
owe a lasting debt of gratitude to Barton, Adelung, Pickering, and
others. But Gallatin’s work marks an era in American linguistic
science from the fact that he so thoroughly introduced comparative
methods, and because he circumscribed the boundaries of many

10 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

families, so that a large part of his work remains and is still to be
considered sound. There is no safe resting place anterior to Galla-
tin, because no scholar prior to his time had properly adopted com-
parative methods of research, and because no scholar was privileged
to work with so large a body of material. It must further be said
of Gallatin that he had a very clear conception of the task he was
performing, and brought to it both learning and wisdom. Gallatin’s
work has therefore been taken as the starting point, back of which
we may not go in the historic consideration of the systematic phi-
lology of North America. The point of departure therefore is the
year 1836, when Gallatin’s ‘“‘Synopsis of Indian Tribes” appeared
in vol. 2 of the Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society.

It is believed that a name should be simply a denotive word, and
that no advantage can accrue from a descriptive or connotive title.
It is therefore desirable to have the names as simple as possible,
consistent with other and more important considerations. For this

reason it has been found impracticable to recognize as family names -

designations based on several distinct terms, such as descriptive
phrases, and words compounded from two or more geographic names.
Such phrases and compound words have been rejected.

There are many linguistic families in North America, and in a
number of them there are many tribes speaking diverse languages.
It is important, therefore, that some form should be given to the
family name by which it may be distinguished from the name of a
single tribe or language. In many cases some one language within
a stock has been taken as the type and its name given to the entire
family; so that the name of a language and that of the stock to
which it belongs are identical. This is inconvenient and leads to
confusion. For such reasons it has been decided to give each family
name the termination “an” or ‘‘ian.”

Conforming to the principles thus enunciated, the following rules
have been formulated:

I. The law of priority relating to the nomenclature of the sys-
tematic philology of the North American tribes shall not
extend to authors whose works are of date anterior to the
year 1836.

Il. The name originally given by the founder of a linguistic
group to designate it as a family or stock of languages shall
be permanently retained to the exclusion of all others.

Ill. No family name shall be recognized if composed of more
than one word.

IV. A family name once established shall not be canceled in any
subsequent division of the group, but shall be retained in a
restricted sense for one of its constituent portions.

V. Family names shall be distinguished as such by the termina-
tion! <\anor tan?

EE a ee

POWELL] RULES OF NOMENCLATURE. 11

VI. No name shall be accepted for a linguistic family unless used

to designate a tribe or group of tribes as a linguistic stock.

VII. No family name shall be accepted unless there is given the
habitat of tribe or tribes to which it is applied.

VIII. The original orthography of a name shall be rigidly preserved
except as provided for in rule 111, and unless a typographical
error is evident.

The terms “ family” and “stock ” are here applied interchangeably
to a group of languages that are supposed to be cognate.

A single language is called a stock or family when it is not found
to be cognate with any other language. Languages are said to be
coguate when such relations between them are found that they are
supposed to have descended from a common ancestral speech. The
evidence of cognation is derived exclusively from the vocabulary.
Grammatic similarities are not supposed to furnish evidence of
cognation, but to be phenomena, in part relating to stage of culture
and in part adventitious. It must be remembered that extreme
peculiarities of grammar, like the vocal mutations of the Hebrew
or the monosyllabic separation of the Chinese, have not been dis-
covered among Indian tongues. It therefore becomes necessary in
the classification of Indian languages into families to neglect gram-
matic structure, and to consider lexical elements only. But this
statement must be clearly understood. It is postulated that in the
growth of languages new words are formed by combination, and
that these new words change by attrition to secure economy of utter-
ance, and also by assimilation (analogy) for economy of thought.
In the comparison of languages for the purposes of systematic phi-
lology it often becomes necessary to dismember compounded words
for the purpose of comparing the more primitive forms thus
obtained. The paradigmatic words considered in grammatic trea-
tises may often be the very words which should be dissected to dis-
cover in their elements primary affinities. But the comparison is
still lexic, not grammatic.

A Jexic comparison is between vocal elements; a grammatic com-
parison is between grammatic methods, such, for example, as gender
systems. The classes into which things are relegated by distinction
of gender may be animate and inanimate, and the animate may
subsequently be divided into male and female, and these two classes
may ultimately absorb, in part at least, inanimate things. The
growth of a system of genders may take another course. The ani-
mate and inanimate may be subdivided into the standing, the sitting,
and the lying, or into the moving, the erect and the reclined; or,
still further, the superposed classification may be based upon the
supposed constitution of things, as the fleshy, the woody, the rocky,
the earthy, the watery. Thus the number of genders may increase,
while further on in the history of a language the genders may

12 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

decrease so as almost to disappear. All of these characteristics arein
part adventitious, but to a large extent the gender is a phenomenon
of growth, indicating the stage to which the language has attained.
A proper case system may not have been established in a language
by the fixing of case particles, or, having been established, it may
change by the increase or diminution of the number of cases. A
tense system also has a beginning, a growth, and a decadence. A
mode system is variable in the various stages of the history of a
language. In like manner a pronominal system undergoes changes.
Particles may be prefixed, infixed, or affixed*in compounded words,
and which one of these methods will finally prevail can be deter-
mined only in the later stage of growth. All of these things are
held to belong to the grammar of a language and to be grammatic
methods, distinct from lexical elements.

With terms thus defined, languages are supposed to be cognate when
fundamental similarities are discovered in their lexical elements.
When the members of a family of languages are to be classed in
subdivisions and the history of such languages investigated, gram-
matic characteristics become of primary importance. The words of
a language change by the methods described, but the fundamental
elements or roots are more enduring. Grammatic methods also
change, perhaps even more rapidly than words, and the changes
may goon to such an extent that primitive methods are entirely
lost, there being no radical grammatic elements to be preserved.
Grammatic structure is but a phase or accident of growth, and not
a primordial element of language. The roots of a language are its
most permanent characteristics, and while the words which are
formed from them may change so as to obscure their elements or in
some cases even to lose them, it seems that they are never lost from
all, but can be recovered in large part. The grammatic structure
or plan of a language is forever changing, and in this respect the
language may become entirely transformed.

LITERATURE RELATING TO THE CLASSIFICATION OF INDIAN
LANGUAGES.

While the literature relating to the languages of North America
is very extensive, that which relates to their classification is much
less extensive. For the benefit of future students in this line it is
thought best to present a concise account of such lterature, or at
least so much as has been consulted in the preparation of this paper.

1836. Gallatin (Albert),

A synopsis of the Indian tribes within the United States east of the Rocky
Mountains, and in the British and Russian possessions in North America.
In Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society
(Archezeologia Americana) Cambridge, 1836, vol. 2.

The larger part of the volume consists of Gallatin’s paper. A
short chapter is devoted to general observations, including certain

POWELL.] LINGUISTIC LITERATURE. 13

historical data, and the remainder to the discussion of linguistic
material and the affinities of the various tribes mentioned. Vocabu-
laries of many of the families are appended. Twenty-eight lin-
guistic divisions are recognized in the general table of the tribes.
Some of these divisions are purely geographic, such as the tribes of
Salmon River, Queen Charlotte’s Island, etc. Vocabularies from
these localities were at hand, but of their linguistic relations the
author was not sufficiently assured. Most of the linguistic families
recognized by Gallatin were defined with much precision. Not all
of his conclusions are to be accepted in the presence of the data now
at hand, but usually they were sound, as is attested by the fact that
they have constituted the basis for much classificatory work since
his time.

The primary, or at least the ostensible, purpose of the colored map
which accompanies Gallatin’s paper was, as indicated by its title,
to show the distribution of the tribes, and accordingly their names
appear upon it, and not the names of the linguistic families. Nev-
ertheless, it is practically a map of the linguistic families as deter-
mined by the author, and it is believed to be the first attempted for
the area represented. Only eleven of the twenty-eight families
named in this table appear, and these represent the families with
which he was best acquainted. As was to be expected from the
early period at which the map was constructed, much of the western
part of the United States was left uncolored. Altogether the map
illustrates well the state of knowledge of the time.

1840. Bancroft (George).
History of the colonization of the United States, Boston, 1840, vol. 3.

In Chapter xx of this volume the author gives a brief synopsis
of the Indian tribes east of the Mississippi, under a linguistic classifi-
cation, and adds a brief account of the character and methods of
Indian languages. A linguistic map of the region is incorporated,
which in general corresponds with the one published by Gallatin in
1836. A notable addition to the Gallatin map is the inclusion of the
Uchees in their proper locality. Though considered a distinct family
by Gallatin, this tribe does not appear upon his map. Moreover, the
Choctaws and Muskogees, which appear as separate families upon
Gallatin’s map (though believed by that author to belong to the same
family), are united upon Bancroft’s map under the term Mobilian.

The linguistic families treated of are, I. Algonquin, I. Sioux or
Dahcota, III. Huron-Iroquois, 1V. Catawba, V. Cherokee, VI. Uchee,
VII. Natchez, VIII. Mobilian. ;

1841. Scouler (John).

Observations of the indigenous tribes of the northwest coast of America. In
Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London. London, 1841,
vol. 11.

The chapter cited is short, but long enough to enable the author
to construct a very curious classification of the tribes of which he

14 INDIAN. LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

treats. In his account Scouler is guided chiefly, to use his own
words, ‘by considerations founded on their physical character, man-
ners and customs, and on the affinities of their languages.” As the
linguistic considerations are mentioned last, so they appear to be the
least weighty of his ‘‘ considerations.”

Scouler’s definition of a family is very broad indeed, and in his
“Northern Family,” which is a branch of his ‘Insular Group,” he
includes such distinct linguistic stocks as ‘‘all the Indian tribes in
the Russian territory,” the’ Queen Charlotte Islanders, Koloshes,
Ugalentzes, Atnas, Kolchans, Keniies, Tun Ghaase, Haidahs, and
Chimmesygns. His Nootka-Columbian family is scarcely less incon-
gruous, and it is evident that the classification indicated is only to a
comparatively slight extent linguistic.

1846. Hale (Horatio).

United States exploring expedition, during the years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841,
1842, under the command of Charles Wilkes, U. 8. Navy, vol. 6, ethnog-
raphy and philology. Philadelphia, 1846.

In addition to a large amount of ethnographic data derived from
the Polynesian Islands, Micronesian Islands, Australia, ete., more
than one-half of this important volume is devoted to philology, a
large share relating to the tribes of northwestern America.

The vocabularies collected by Hale, and the conclusions derived
by him from study of them, added much to the previous knowledge
of the languages of these tribes. His conclusions and classification
were in the main accepted by Gallatin in his linguistic writings of
1848.

1846. Latham (Robert Gordon).
Miscellaneous contributions to the ethnography of North America. In Pro-
ceedings of the Philological Society of London. London, 1846, vol. 2.

In this article, which was read before the Philological Society,
January 24, 1845, a large number of North American languages are
examined and their affinities discussed in support of the two follow-
ing postulates made at the beginning of the paper: First, “‘ No Amer-
ican language has an isolated position when compared with the other
tongues en masse rather than with the language of any particular
class;” second, ‘The affinities between the language of the New
World, as determined by their vocabularies, is not less real than that
inferred from the analogies of their grammatical structure.” The
author’s conclusions are that both statements are substantiated by
the evidence presented. The paper contains no new family names.

1847. Prichard (James Cowles).

Researches into the physical history of mankind (third edition), vol. 5, con-
taining: researches into the history of the Oceanic and of the American
nations. London, 1847.

It was the purpose of this author, as avowed by himself, to deter-
mine whether the races of men are the cooffspring of a single stock
or have descended respectively from several original families. Like

POWELL. } LINGUISTIC LITERATURE, 15

other authors on this subject, his theory of what should constitute a
race was not clearly defined. The scope of the inquiry required the
consideration of a great number of subjects and led to the accumula-
tion of a vast body of facts. In volume 5 the author treats of the
American Indians, and in connection with the different tribes has
something to say of their languages. No attempt at an original
classification is made, and in the main the author follows Gallatin’s
classification and adopts his conclusions.
1848, Gallatin (Albert).
Hale’s Indians of Northwest America, and vocabularies of North America,
with an introduction. In Transactions of the American Ethnological
Society, New York, 1848, vol. 2.

The introduction consists of a number of chapters, as follows: First,
Geographical notices and Indian means of subsistence; second,
Ancient semi-civilization of New Mexico, Rio Gila and its vicinity;
third, Philology; fourth, Addenda and miscellaneous. In these are
brought together much valuable information, and many important
deductions are made which illustrate Mr. Gallatin’s great acumen.
The classification given is an amplification of that adopted in 1836,
and contains changes and additions. The latter mainly result from
a consideration of the material supplied by Mr. Hale, or are simply
taken from his work.

The groups additional to those contained in the Archeeologia
Americana are:

1. Arrapahoes. 6. Palainih.

2. Jakon. 7. Sahaptin.

3. Kalapuya. 8. Selish (Tsihaili-Selish).
4. Kitunaha, 9. Saste.

5. Lutuami. 10. Waiilatpu.

1848. Latham (Robert Gordon).
On the languages of the Oregon Territory. In Journal of the Ethnological
Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol. 1.

This paper was read before the Ethnological Society on the 11th
of December. The languages noticed are those that lie between
‘Russian America and New California,” of which the author aims
to give an exhaustive list. He discusses the value of the groups to
which these languages have been assigned, viz, Athabascan and
Nootka-Columbian, and finds that they have been given too high
value, and that they are only equivalent to the primary subdivisions
of stocks, like the Gothic, Celtic, and Classical, rather than to the
stocks themselves. He further finds that the Athabascan, the
Kolooch, the Nootka-Columbian, and the Cadiak groups are sub-
ordinate members of one large and important class—the Eskimo.

No new linguistic groups are presented.

1848. Latham (Robert Gordon).

On the ethnography of Russian America. In Journal of the Ethnological
Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol. 1.

16 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

This essay was read before the Ethnological Society February 19,
1845. Brief notices are given of the more important tribes, and the
languages are classed in two groups, the Eskimaux and the Kolooch,
Each of these groups is found to have affinities—

(1) With the Athabascan tongues, and perhaps equal affinities.

(2) Each has affinities with the Oregon languages, and each per-
haps equally.

(3) Each has definite affinities with the languages of New Cali-
fornia, and each perhaps equal ones.

(4) Each has miscellaneous affinities witlt all the other tongues of
North and South America.

1848. Berghaus (Heinrich).
Physikalischer Atlas oder Sammlung von Karten, auf denen die hauptsach-
lichsten erscheinungen der anorganischen und organischen Natur nach

ihrer geographischen Verbreitung und Vertheilung bildlich dargestellt
sind. Zweiter Band, Gotha, 1848.

This, the first edition of this well known atlas, contains, among
other maps. an ethnographic map of North America, made in 1845.
It is based, as is stated, upon material derived from Gallatin, Hum-
boldt, Clavigero, Hervas, Vater, and others. So far as the eastern
part of the United States is concerned it is largely a duplication of
Gallatin’s map of 1836, while in the western region a certain amount
of new material is incorporated.

1852. In the edition of 1852 the ethnographic map bears date of
1851. Its eastern portion is substantially a copy of the earlier edition,
but its western half is materially changed, chiefly in accordance
with the knowledge supplied by Hall in 1848.

Map number 72 of the last edition of Berghaus by no means marks
an advance upon the edition of 1852. Appareutly the number of
families is much reduced, but it is very difficult to interpret the
meaning of the author, who has attempted on the same map to indi-
cate linguistic divisions and tribal habitats with the result that con-
fusion is made worse confounded,

1853. Gallatin (Albert).
Classification of the Indian Languages; a letter inclosing a table of generic
Indian Families of languages. In Information respecting the History,

Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, by
Henry R. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1853, vol. 3.

This short paper by Gallatin consists of a letter addressed to W.
Medill, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, requesting his cooperation
in an endeavor to obtain vocabularies to assist in a more complete
study of the grammar and structure of the languages of the Indians
of North America. It is accompanied by a ‘Synopsis of Indian
Tribes,” giving the families and tribes so far as known. Inthe main
the classification is a repetition of that of 1848, but it differs from
that in a number of particulars. Two of the families of 1848 do not

POWELL. ] LINGUISTIC LITERATURE. iL

appear in this paper, viz, Arapaho and Kinai. Queen Charlotte
Island, employed as a family name in 1848, is placed under the
Wakash family, while the Skittagete language, upon which the name
Queen Charlotte Island was based in 1848, is here given as a family
designation for the language spoken at ‘‘Sitka, bet. 52 and 59 lat.”
The following families appear which are not contained in the list of
1848:

1. Cumanches. 5. Natchitoches.
2. Gros Ventres. 6. Pani, Towiacks.
3. Kaskaias. 7. Ugaljachmutzi.
4. Kiaways.

1853. Gibbs (George).

Observations on some of the Indian dialects of northern California. In In-
formation respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian
tribes of the United States, by Henry R. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1853,
vol. 3.

The “ Observations” are introductory to a series of vocabularies
collected in northern California, and treat of the method employed
in collecting them and of the difficulties encountered. They also
contain notes on the tribes speaking the several languages as well as
on the area covered. There is comparatively little of a classificatory
nature, though in one instance the name Quoratem is proposed as a
proper one for the family ‘‘ should it be held one.”

1854. Latham (Robert Gordon).
On the languages of New California. In Proceedings of the Philological
Society of London for 1852 and 1853. London, 1854, vol. 6.

Read before the Philological Society, May 13, 1853. A number of
languages are examined in this paper for the purpose of determining
the stocks to which they belong and the mutual affinities of the
latter. Among the languages mentioned are the Saintskla, Umkwa,
Lutuami, Paduca, Athabascan, Dieguno, and a number of the Mis-
sion languages.

1855. Lane (William Carr).

Letter on affinities of dialects in New Mexico. In Information respecting the
History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian tribes of the United
States, by Henry R. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1855, vol. 5.

The letter forms half a page of printed matter. The gist of the
communication is in effect that the author has heard it said that the
Indians of certain pueblos speak three different languages, which he
has heard called, respectively, (1) Chu-cha-cas and Kes-whaw-hay;
(2) E-nagh-magh; (3) Tay-waugh. This can hardly be called a
classification, though the arrangement of the pueblos indicated by
Lane is quoted at length by Keane in the Appendix to Stanford’s
Compendium,

7 ETH

18 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

1856. Latham (Robert Gordon).
On the languages of Northern, Western, and Central America. In Trans-
actions of the Philological Society of London, for 1856. London [1857 ?].

This paper was read before the Philological Society May 9, 1856,
and is stated to be ‘‘a supplement to two well known contributions
to American philology by the late A. Gallatin.”

So far as classification of North American languages goes, this is
perhaps the most important paper of Latham/’s, as in it a number
of new names are proposed for linguistic groups, such as Copeh for
the Sacramento River tribes, Ehnik for the Karok tribes, Mariposa
Group and Mendocino Group for the Yokut and Pomo tribes respect-
ively, Moquelumne for the Mutsun, Pujuni for the Meidoo, Weit-
spek for the Eurocs.

1856. Turner (William Wadden).

Report upon the Indian tribes, by Lieut. A. W. Whipple, Thomas Ewbank,
esq., and Prof. William W. Turner, Washington, D. C., 1855. In Reports
of Explorations and Surveys to ascertain the most practicable and
economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean.
Washington, 1856, vol. 3. part 3.

Chapter v of the above report is headed ‘‘ Vocabularies of North
American Languages,” and is by Turner, as is stated in a foot-note.
Though the title page of Part 1m is dated 1855, the chapter by
Turner was not issued till 1856, the date of the full volume, as is
stated by Turner on page 84. The following are the vocabularies
given, with their arrangement in families:

I. Delaware. a eaea XI. Navajo. )

II. Shawnee. { Algonkin, XII. Pinal Natio! ‘ Apache.
III. Choctaw. XII. Kiwomi. )

IV. Kichai. } pa wnee? XIV. Cochitemi. - Keres.

V. Huéco. § ee XV. Acoma.

VI. Caddo. XVI. Zuni.

VII. Comanche. XVII. Pima.
VITI. Chemehuevi. - Shoshonee. XVIII. Cuchan.

LX. Cahuillo. j XIX. Coco-Maricopa. ly

X. Kioway. XX. Mojave. uma.

XXI. Diegeno.
Several of the family names, viz, Keres, Kiowa, Yuma, and Zufi,
have been adopted under the rules formulated above.

1858. Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard),

Die V6lker und Sprachen Neu-Mexiko’s und der Westseite des britischen
Nordamerika’s, dargestellt von Hrn. Buschmann. In Abhandlungen
(aus dem Jahre 1857) der kéniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Berlin. Berlin, 1858.

This work contains a historic review of early discoveries in New
Mexico and of the tribes living therein, with such vocabularies as
were available at the time. On pages 315-414 the tribes of British
America, from about latitude 54° to 60°, are similarly treated, the
various discoveries being reviewed; also those on the North Pacific
coast. Much of the material should have been inserted in the

POWELL. | LINGUISTIC LITERATURE. 19

volume of 1859 (which was prepared in 1854), to which cross refer-
ence is frequently made, and to which it stands in the nature of a
supplement.

1859. Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard).

Die Spuren der aztekischen Sprache im nérdlichen Mexico und héheren
amerikanischen Norden. Zugleich eine Musterung der Vélker und
Sprachen des nérdlichen Mexico's und der Westseite Nordamerika’s von
Guadalaxara an bis zum Eismeer. In Abhandlungen aus dem Jahre
1854 der kéniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Berlin,
1859.

The above, forming a second supplemental volume of the Trans-
actions for 1854, is an extensive compilation of much previous litera-
ture treating of the Indian tribes from the Arctic Ocean southward
to Guadalajara, and bears specially upon the Aztec language and
its traces in the languages of the numerous tribes scattered along
the Pacific Ocean and inland to the high plains. A large number of
vocabularies and a vast amount of linguistic material are here
brought together and arranged in a comprehensive manner to aid in
the study attempted. In his classification of the tribes east of the
Rocky Mountains, Buschmann largely followed Gallatin. His treat-
ment of those not included in Gallatin’s paper is in the main original.
Many of the results obtained may have been considered bold at the
time of publication, but recent philological investigations give evi-
dence of the value of many of the author’s conclusions.

1859. Kane (Paul).

Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America from Canada
to Vancouver's Island and Oregon through the Hudson’s Bay Company’s
territory and back again. London, 1859.

The interesting account of the author's travels among the Indians,
chiefly in the Northwest, and of their habits, is followed by a four-
page supplement, giving the names, locations, and census of the
tribes of the Northwest coast. They are classified by language into
Chymseyan, including the Nass, Chymseyans, Skeena and Sabassas
Indians, of whom twenty-one tribes are given; Ha-eelb-zuk or Balla-
bola, including the Milbank Sound Indians, with nine tribes; Klen-e-
kate, including twenty tribes; Hai-dai, including the Kygargey and
Queen Charlotte’s Island Indians, nineteen tribes being enumerated;
and Qua-colth, with twenty-nine tribes. No statement of the origin
of these tables is given, and they reappear, with no explanation, in
Schooleraft’s Indian Tribes, volume v, pp. 487-489.

In his Queen Charlotte Islands, 1870, Dawson publishes the part
of this table relating to the Haida, with the statement that he received
it from Dr. W. F. Tolmie. The census was made in 1836-’41 by the
late Mr. John Work, who doubtless was the author of the more com-
plete tables published by Kane and Schoolcraft.

20 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES,

1862. Latham (Robert Gordon).
Elements of comparative philology. London, 1862.

The object of this volume is, as the author states in his preface,
‘to lay before the reader the chief facts and the chief trains of rea-
soning in Comparative Philology.” Among the great mass of
material accumulated for the purpose a share is devoted to the lan-
guages of North America. The remarks under these are often taken
verbatim from the author’s earlier papers, to which reference has
been made above, and the family names and classification set forth
in them are substantially repeated.

1862. Hayden (Ferdinand Vandeveer).
Contributions to the ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes of the
Missouri Valley. Philadelphia, 1862.

This is a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the Missouri
River tribes, made at a time when the information concerning them
was none too precise. The tribes treated of are classified as follows:

I. Knisteneaux, or Crees. }

Il. Blackfeet. - Algonkin Group, A.
Ill. Shyennes. \

IV. Arapohos.

V. Atsinas.

VI. Pawnees.
VII. Arikaras. §
VIII. Dakotas. }

IX. Assiniboins.

X. Crows.

XI. Minnitarees. } Dakota Group, D
XII. Mandans. |

; Arapoho Group, B.

Pawnee Group, C.

XIII. Omahas.
XIV. Iowas.

1864. Orozco y Berra (Manuel).

Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta Etnografica de México Precedidas de un
ensayo de clasificacion de las mismas lenguas y de apuntes para las
inmigraciones de las tribus. Mexico, 1864. :

The work is divided into three parts. (1) Tentative classification
of the languages of Mexico; (2) notes on the immigration of the
tribes of Mexico; (3) geography of the languages of Mexico.

The author states that he has no knowledge whatever of the lan-
guages he treats of. All he attempts to do is to summarize the
opinions of others. His authorities were (1) writers on native gram-
mars; (2) missionaries; (3) persons who are reputed to be versed in
such matters. He professes to have used his own judgment only
when these authorities left him free to do so.

His stated method in compiling the ethnographic map was to place
before him the map of acertain department, examine all his authori-
ties bearing on that department, and to mark with a distinctive color
all localities said to belong to a particular language. When this
was done he drew a boundary line around the area of that language.
Examination of the map shows that he has partly expressed on it
the classification of languages as given in the first part of his text,
and partly limited himself to indicating the geographic boundaries

U, S. NATIONAL MUSEUM,

pha

POWELL. ] LINGUISTIC LITERATURE. Dill

of languages, without, however, giving the boundaries of all the
languages mentioned in his lists.
1865. Pimentel (Francisco).
Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indigenas de México.
México, 1865.

According to the introduction this work is divided into three parts:
(1) descriptive; (2) comparative; (3) critical.

The author divides the treatment of each language into (1) its
mechanism; (2) its dictionary; (3) its grammar. By ‘‘ mechanism ”
he means pronunciation and composition; by ‘‘ dictionary” he means
the commonest or most notable words.

In the case of each language he states the localities where it is
spoken, giving a short sketch of its history, the explanation of its
etymology, and a list of such writers on that language as he has
become acquainted with. Then follows: ‘‘ mechanism, dictionary,
and grammar.” Next he enumerates its dialects if there are any,
and compares specimens of them when he isable. He gives the Our
Father when he can.

Volume I (1862) contains introduction and twelve languages. Vol-
ume II (1865) contains fourteen groups of languages, a vocabulary
of the Opata language, and an appendix treating of the Comanche,
the Coahuilteco, and various languages of upper California.

Volume m1 (announced in preface of Volume tt) is to contain the
“comparative part” (to be treated in the same ‘‘ mixed” method as
the ‘‘descriptive part”), and a scientific classification of all the
languages spoken in Mexico.

In the ‘‘critical part” (apparently dispersed through the other two
parts) the author intends to pass judgment on the merits of the
languages of Mexico, to point out their good qualities and their
defects.

1870, Dall (William Healey).

On the distribution of the native tribes of Alaska and the adjacent territory.
In Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Sci-
ence. Cambridge, 1870, vol. 18.

In this important paper is presented much interesting information
concerning the inhabitants of Alaska and adjacent territories. The
natives are divided into two groups, the Indians of the interior, and
the inhabitants of the coast, or Esquimaux. The latter are designated
by the term Orarians, which are composed of three lesser groups,
Eskimo, Aleutians, and Tuski. The Orarians are distinguished,
first, by their language; second, by their distribution; third, by
their habits; fourth, by their physical characteristics.

1870. Dall (William Healey).
Alaska and its Resources. Boston, 1870.

The classification followed is practically the same as is given in
the author’s article in the Proceedings of the American Association
for the Advancement of Science.

92 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

1877. Dall (William Healey).

Tribes of the extreme northwest. In Contributions to North American Eth-
nology (published by United States Geographical and Geological Survey
of the Rocky Mountain Region). Washington, 1877, vol. 1.

This is an amplification of the paper published in the Proceedings
of the American Association, as above cited. The author states
that ‘‘ numerous additions and corrections, as well as personal obser-
vations of much before taken at second hand, have placed it in my
power to enlarge and improve my original arrangement.”

In this paper the Orarians are divided into ‘‘two well marked
vroups,” the Innuit, comprising all the so-called Eskimo and Tuskis,
and the Aleuts. The paper proper is followed by an appendix by
Gibbs and Dall, in which are presented a series of vocabularies
from the northwest, including dialects of the Tlinkit and Haida
nations, T’sim-si-ans, and others.

1877. Gibbs (George).
Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon. In Contributions
to North American Ethnology. Washington, 1887, vol. 1.

This is a valuable article, and gives many interesting particulars
of the tribes of which it treats. References are here and there
made to the languages of the several tribes, with, however, no
attempt at their classification. A table follows the report, in which
is given by Dall, after Gibbs, a classification of the tribes mentioned
by Gibbs. Five families are mentioned, viz: Nutka, Sahaptin,
Tinneh, Selish, and T’sintk. The comparative vocabularies follow
Part I.

1877. Powers (Stephen).
Tribes of California, In Contributions to North American Ethnology. Wash-
ington, 1877, vol. 3.

The extended paper on the Californian tribes which makes up the
bulk of this volume is the most important contribution to the sub-
ject ever made. The author’s unusual opportunities for personal
observation among these tribes were improved to the utmost and
the result is a comparatively full and comprehensive account of
their habits and character.

Here and there are allusions to the languages spoken, with refer-
ence to the families to which the tribes belong. No formal classifi-
cation is presented.

1877. Powell (John Wesley).
Appendix. Linguistics edited by J. W. Powell. In Contributions to North
American Ethnology. Washington, 1877, vol. 3.

This appendix consists of a series of comparative vocabularies
collected by Powers, Gibbs and others, classified into linguistic
families, as follows:

POWELL. ] LINGUISTIC LITERATURE. 23

Family. Family.

1. Ka-rok. 8. Mut'-stn.

2. Yu-rok. 9. Santa Barbara.
3. Chim-a-ri-ko. 10. Y6-kuts.

4. Wish-osk. 11. Mai’-du.

5. Yu-ki. 12. A-cho-ma'-wi.
6. Pémo. 13. Shas-ta.

7. Win-tin’. :

1877. Gatschet (Albert Samuel).
Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories. In Magazine of
American History. New York, 1877, vol. 1.

After some remarks concerning the nature of language and of the
special characteristics of Indian languages, the author gives a
synopsis of the languages of the Pacific region. The families men-
tioned are:

1. Shéshoni. 11. Pomo. 21. Yakon.

2. Yuma. 12. Wishosk. 22. Cayuse.
3. Pima. 13. Eurok. 23. Kalapuya.
4, Santa Barbara. 14. Weits-pek. 24. Chinook.
5. Mutsun. 15. Cahrok. 25. Sahaptin.
6. Yocut. 16. Tolewa. 26. Selish.

7. Meewoc. 17. Shasta. 27. Nootka.
8. Meidoo. 18. Pit River. 28. Kootenai.
9. Wintoon. 19. Klamath.

10. Yuka. 20. Tinné.

This is an important paper, and contains notices of several new
stocks, derived from a study of the material furnished by Powers.

The author advocates the plan of using a system of nomenclature
similar in nature to that employed in zoology in the case of generic
and specific names, adding after the name of the tribe the family to
which it belongs; thus: Warm Springs, Sahaptin.

1878. Powell (John Wesley).
The nationality of the Pueblos. Inthe Rocky Mountain Presbyterian. Denver,
November, 1878.

This is a half-column article, the object of which is to assign the
several Pueblos to their proper stocks. A paragraph is devoted to
contradicting the popular belief that the Pueblos are in some way
related to the Aztecs. No vocabularies are given or cited, though
the classification is stated to be a linguistic one.

1878. Keane (Augustus H).

Appendix, Ethnography and philology of America. In Stanford’s Com-
pendium of Geography and Travel, edited and extended by H. W. Bates.
London, 1878.

In the appendix are given, first, some of the more general charac-
teristics and peculiarities of Indian languages, followed by a classi-
fication of all the tribes of North America, after which is given an

24 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

alphabetical list of American tribes and languages, with their habi-
tats and the stock to which they belong.

The classification is compiled from many sources, and although it
contains many errors and inconsistencies, it affords on the whole a
good general idea of prevalent views on the subject.

1880. Powell (John Wesley).
Pueblo Indians. In the American Naturalist. Philadelphia, 1880, vol. 14.
This is a two-page article in which is set forth a classification of
the Pueblo Indians from linguistic considerations. The Pueblos are
divided into four families or stocks, viz:
1. Shinumo. 3. Keran.
2. Zunian. 4, Téwan.
Under the several stocks is given a list of those who have collected
vocabularies of these languages and areference to their publication.

1880. Eells (Myron).
The Twana language of Washington Territory. In the American Antiqua-
rian. Chicago, 1880-81, vol. 3.

This is a brief article—two and a half pages—on the Twana,
Clallam, and Chemakum Indians. The author finds, upon a com-
parison of vocabularies, that the Chemakum language has little in
common with its neighbors.

1885. Dall (William Healey).

The native tribes of Alaska. In Proceedings of the American Association for
the Advancement of Science, thirty-fourth meeting, held at Ann Arbor,
Mich., August, 1885. Salem, 1886.

This paper is a timely contribution to the subject of the Alaska
tribes, and carries it from the point at which the author left it in
1869 to date, briefly summarizing the several recent additions to
knowledge. It ends with a geographical classification of the Innuit
and Indian tribes of Alaska, with estimates of their numbers.

1885. Bancroft (Hubert Howe).
The works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. 3: the native races, vol. 8, myths
and languages. San Francisco, 1882.

In the chapter on that subject the languages are classified by divi-
sions which appear to correspond to groups, families, tribes, and
dialects.

The classification does not, however, follow any consistent plan,
and is in parts unintelligible.

1882. Gatschet (Albert Samuel).
Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories and of the Pueblos of
New Mexico. In the Magazine of American History. New York, 1882,
vol. 8. :
This paper is in the nature of a supplement to a previous one in
the same magazine above referred to. Itenlarges further on several

ee ee LS eee ee

a ee ae

POWELL, ] LINGUISTIC MAP. 25

of the stocks there considered, and, as the title indicates, treats also
of the Pueblo languages. The families mentioned are:

1. Chimariko. 6. Takilma.

2. Washo. 7. Rio Grande Pueblo.
3. Yakona. ; &. Kera.

4. Saytskla. 9. Zuni.

5. Kusa.

1883. Hale (Horatio).
Indian migrations, as evidenced by language. In The American Antiquarian
and Oriental Journal. Chicago, 1883, vol. 5.
In connection with the object of this paper—the study of Indian
migrations—several linguistic stocks are mentioned, and the lin-
guistic affinities of a number of tribes are given. The stocks men-

tioned are:
Huron-Cherokee. Algonkin.
Dakota. Chahta-Muskoki.

1885. Tolmie (W. Fraser) and Dawson (George M.)

Comparative vocabularies of the Indian tribes of British Columbia, with a
map illustrating distribution (Geological and Natural History Survey of
Canada). Montreal, 1884.

The vocabularies presented constitute an important contribution
to linguistic science. They represent ‘‘one or more dialects of every
Indian language spoken on the Pacific slope from the Columbia
River north to the Tshilkat River, and beyond, in Alaska; and from
the outermost sea-board to the main continental divide in the Rocky
Mountains.” A colored map shows the area occupied by each lin-
guistic family.

LINGUISTIC MAP.

In 1836 Gallatin conferred a great boon upon linguistic students
by classifying all the existing material relating to this subject. Even
in the light of the knowledge of the present day his work is found
to rest upon a sound basis. The material of Gallatin’s time, how-
ever, was too scanty to permit of more than an outline of the subject.
Later writers have contributed to the work, and the names of
Latham, Turner. Prichard, Buschmann, Hale, Gatschet, and others
are connected with important classificatory results.

The writer’s interest in linguistic work and the inception of a plan
for a linguistic classification of Indian languages date back about
20 years, to a time when he was engaged in explorations in the West.
Being brought into contact with many tribes, it was possible to col-
lect a large amount of original material. Subsequently, when the
Bureau of Ethnology was organized, this store was largely increased
through the labors of others. Since then a very large body of
literature published in Indian languages has been accumulated, and
a great number of vocabularies have been gathered by the Bureau

26 : INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

assistants and by collaborators in various parts of the country. The
results of a study of all this material, and of much historical data,
which necessarily enters largely into work of this character, appear
in the accompanying map.

The contributions to the subject during the last fifty years have
been so important, and the additions to the material accessible to
the student of Gallatin’s time have been so large, that much of the
reproach which deservedly attached to American scholars because
of the neglect of American linguistics has been removed. The field
is a vast one, however, and the workers are comparatively few.
Moreover, opportunities for collecting linguistic material are grow-
ing fewer day by day, as tribes are consolidated upon reservations,
as they become civilized, and as the older Indians, who alone are
skilled in their language, die, leaving, it may be, only a few
imperfect vocabularies as a basis for future study. History has
bequeathed to us the names of many tribes, which became extinct
in early colonial times, of whose language not a hint is left and
whose linguistic relations must ever remain unknown.

It is vain to grieve over neglected opportunities unless their con-
templation stimulates us to utilize those at hand. There are yet
many gaps to be filled, even in so elementary a part of the study as
the classification of the tribes by language. As to the detailed
study of the different linguistic families, the mastery and analysis
of the languages composing them, and their comparison with one
another and with the languages of other families, only a beginning
has been made.

After the above statement it is hardly necessary to add that the
accompanying map does not purport to represent final results. On
the contrary, it is to be regarded as tentative, setting forth in visible
form the results of investigation up to the present time, as a guide
and aid to future effort.

Each of the colors or patterns upon the map represents a distinct
linguistic family, the total number of families contained in the
whole area being fifty-eight. It is believed that the families of
languages represented upon the map can not have sprung from a
common source; they are as distinct from one another in their
vocabularies and apparently in their origin as from the Aryan or
the Scythian families. Unquestionably, future and more critical
study will result in the fusion of some of these families. As the
means for analysis and comparison accumulate, resemblances now
hidden will be brought to light, and relationships hitherto unsus-
pected will be shown to exist. Such a result may be anticipated
with the more certainty inasmuch as the present classification has
been made upon a conservative plan. Where relationships between
families are suspected, but can not be demonstrated by convincing
evidence, it has been deemed wiser not to unite them, but to keep

PowELt.] LINGUISTIC MAP. 27
them apart until more material shall have accumulated and proof
of a more convincing character shall have been brought forward.
While some of the families indicated on the map may in future be
united to other families, and the number thus be reduced, there
seems to be no ground for the belief that the total of the linguistic
families of this country will be materially diminished, at least under
the present methods of linguistic analysis, for there is little reason
to doubt that, as the result of investigation in the field, there will
be discovered tribes speaking languages not classifiable under any of
the present families; thus the decrease in the total by reason of con-
solidation may be compensated by a corresponding increase through
discovery. It may even be possible that some of the similarities
used in combining languages into families may, on further study,
prove to be adventitious, and the number may be increased thereby.
To which side the numerical balance will fall remains for the future
to decide.

As stated above, all the families occupy the same basis of dissim-
larity from one another—i. e., none of them are related—and conse-
quently no two of them are either more or less alike than any other
two, except in so far as mere coincidences and borrowed material
may be said to constitute likeness and relationship. Coincidences
in the nature of superficial word resemblances are common in all
languages of the world. No matter how widely separated geograph-
ically two families of languages may be, no matter how unlike their
vocabularies, how distinct their origin, some words may always be
found which appear upon superficial examination to indicate rela-
tionship. There is not a single Indian linguistic family, for instance,
which does not contain words similar in sound, end more rarely sim-
ilar in both sound and meaning, to wordsin English, Chinese, Hebrew,
and other languages. Not only do such resemblances exist, but
they have been discovered and pointed out, not as mere adventitious
similarities, but as proof of genetic relationship. Borrowed lin-
guistie material also appears in every family, tempting the unwary
investigator into making false analogies and drawing erroneous con-
clusions. Neither coincidences nor borrowed material, however, can
be properly regarded as evidence of cognation.

While occupying the same plane of genetic dissimilarity, the fami-
lies are by no means alike as regards either the extent of territory oc-
cupied, the number of tribes grouped under them respectively, or the
number of languages and dialects of which they are composed.
Some of them cover wide areas, whose dimensions are stated in
terms of latitude and longitude rather than by miles. Others occupy
so little space that the colors representing them are hardly discern-
ible upon the map. Some of them contain but a single tribe; others
are represented by scores of tribes. In the case of a few, the term
“family” is commensurate with language, since there is but one

28 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

language and no dialeets. In the case of others, their tribes spoke
several languages, so distinct from one.another as to be for the most
part mutually unintelligible, and the languages shade into many
dialects more or less diverse.

The map, designed primarily for the use of students who are en-
gaged in investigating the Indians of the United States, was at first
limited to this area; subsequently its scope was extended to include
the whole of North America north of Mexico. Suchanextension of its
plan was, indeed, almost necessary, since a number of important
families, largely represented in tue United States, are yet more
largely represented in the territory to the north, and no adequate
conception of the size and relative importance of such families as
the Algonquian, Siouan, Salishan, Athapascan, and others can be
had without including extralimital territory.

To the south, also, it happens that several linguistic stocks extend
beyond the boundaries of the United States. Three families are,
indeed, mainly extralimital in their position, viz: Yuman, the great
body of the tribes of which family inhabited the peninsula of Lower
California; Piman, which has only a small representation in south-
ern Arizona; and the Coahuiltecan, which intrudes into southwestern
Texas. The Athapascan family is represented in Arizona and New
Mexico by the well known Apache and Navajo, the former of whom
have gained a strong foothold in northern Mexico, while the Tatioan,
a Pueblo family of the upper Rio Grande, has established a few
pueblos lower down the river in Mexico. For the purpose of neces-
sary comparison, therefore, the map is made to include all of North
America north of Mexico, the entire peninsula of Lower California,
and so much of Mexico as is necessary to show the range of families
common to that country and to the United States. It is left toa
future occasion to attempt to indicate the linguistic relations of
Mexico and Central America, for which, it may be remarked in pass-
ing, much material has been accumulated.

It is apparent that a single map can not be made to show the loca-
tions of the several linguistic families at different epochs; nor can a
single map be made to represent the migrations of the tribes com-
posing the linguistic families. In order to make a clear presentation
of the latter subject, it would be necessary to prepare a series of
maps showing the areas successively occupied by the several tribes
as they were disrupted and driven from section to section under the
pressure of other tribes or the vastly more potent force of European
encroachment. Although the data necessary for a complete repre-
sentation of tribal migration, even for the period subsequent to the
advent of the European, does not exist, still a very large body of
material bearing upon the subject is at hand, and exceedingly valu-
able results in this direction could be presented did not the amount

POWELL, ] LINGUISTIC MAP. 29

of time and labor and the large expense attendant upon such a pro-
ject forbid the attempt for the present.

The map undertakes to show the habitat of the linguistic families
only, and this is for but a single period in their history, viz, at the
time when the tribes composing them first became known to the
European, or when they first appear on recorded history. As the
dates when the different tribes became known vary, it follows asa
matter of course that the periods represented by the- colors in one
portion of the map are not synchronous with those in other portions.
Thus the data for the Columbia River tribes is derived chiefly from
the account of the journey of Lewis and Clarke in 1803-05, long
before which period radical changes of location had taken place
among the tribes of the eastern United States. Again, not only are
the periods represented by the different sections of the map not syn-
chronous, but only in the case of a few of the linguistic families,
and these usually the smaller ones, is it possible to make the color-
ing synchronous for different sections of the same family. Thus
our data for the location of some of the northern members of the
Shoshonean family goes back to 1804, a date at which absolutely no
knowledge had been gained of most of the southern members of the
group, our first accounts of whom began about 1850. Again, our
knowledge of the eastern Algonquian tribes dates back to about
1600, while no information was had concerning the Atsina, Black-
feet, Cheyenne, and the Arapaho, the westernmost members of the
family, until two centuries later.

Notwithstanding these facts, an attempt to fix upon the areas for-
merly occupied by the several linguistic families, and of the pristine
homes of many of the tribes composing them, is by no means hopeless.
For instance, concerning the position of the western tribes during the
period of early contact of our colonies and its agreement with their
position later when they appear in history, it may be inferred that
as a rule it was stationary, though positive evidence is lacking.
When changes of tribal habitat actually took place they were rarely
in the nature of extensive migration, by which a portion of a lin-
guistic family was severed from the main body, but usually in the
form of encroachment by a tribe or tribes upon neighboring terri-
tory, which resulted simply in the extension of the limits of one
linguistic family at the expense of another, the defeated tribes being
incorporated or confined within narrower limits. If the above infer-
ence be correct, the fact that different chronologic periods are rep-
resented upon the map is of comparatively little importance, since,
if the Indian tribes were in the main sedentary, and not nomadic,
the changes resulting in the course of one or two centuries would
not make material differences. Exactly the opposite opinion, how-
ever, has been expressed by many writers, viz, that the North

30 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

American Indian tribes were nomadic. The picture presented by
these writers is of a medley of ever-shifting tribes, to-day here,
to-morrow there, occupying new territory and founding new homes—
if nomads can be said to have homes—only to abandon them. Such
a picture, however, is believed to convey an erroneous idea of the
former condition of our Indian tribes. As the question has signifi-
cance in the present connection it must be considered somewhat at
length.
INDIAN TRIBES SEDENTARY.

In the first place, the linguistic map, based as it is upon the ear-
liest evidence obtainable, itself offers conclusive proof, not only that
the Indian tribes were in the main sedentary at the time history
first records their position, but that they had been sedentary for a
very long period. In order that this may be made plain, it should
be clearly understood, as stated above, that each of the colors or
patterns upon the map indicates a distinct linguistic family. It
will be noticed that the colors representing the several families are
usually in single bodies, i. e., that they represent continuous areas,
and that with some exceptions the same color is not scattered here
and there over the map in small spots. Yet precisely this last state
of things is what would be expected had the tribes representing the
families been nomadic to a marked degree. If nomadic tribes
occupied North America, instead of spreading out each from a
common center, as the colors show that the tribes composing the
several families actually did, they would have been dispersed here
and there over the whole face of the country. That they are not so
dispersed is considered proof that in the main they were sedentary.
It has been stated above that more or less extensive migrations of
some tribes over the country had taken place prior to Huropean
occupancy. This fact is disclosed by a glance at the present map.
The great Athapascan family, for instance, occupying the larger
part of British America, is known from linguistic evidence to have
sent off colonies into Oregon (Wilopah, Tlatskanai, Coquille), Cali-
fornia (Smith River tribes, Kenesti or Wailakki tribes, Hupa), and
Arizona and New Mexico (Apache, Navajo). How long before
European occupancy of this country these migrations took place
can not be told, but in the case of most of them it was undoubtedly
many years. By the test of language it is seen that the great
Siouan family, which we have come to look upon as almost exclu-
sively western, had one offshoot in Virginia (Tutelo), another in
North and South Carolina (Catawba), and a third in Mississippi
(Biloxi); and the Algonquian family, so important in the early
history of this country, while occupying a nearly continuous area
in the north and east, had yet secured a foothold, doubtless in
very recent times, in Wyoming and Colorado. These and other

POWELL. | INDIAN TRIBES SEDENTARY. 31

similar facts sufficiently prove the power of individual tribes or
gentes to sunder relations with the great body of their kindred
and to remove to distant homes. Tested by linguistic evidence,
such instances appear to be exceptional, and the fact remains that
in the great majority of cases the tribes composing linguistic fam-
ilies occupy continuous areas, and hence are and have been practi-
cally sedentary. Noris the bond of a common language, strong and
enduring as that bond is usually thought to be, entirely sufficient to
explain the phenomenon here pointed out. When small in number
the linguistic tie would undoubtedly aid in binding together the
members of a tribe; but as the people speaking a common language
increase in number and come to have conflicting interests, the lin-
guistic tie has often proved to be an insufficient bond of union. In
the case of our Indian tribes feuds and internecine conflicts were
common between members of the same linguistic family. In fact,
it is probable that a very large number of the dialects into which
Indian languages are split originated as the result of internecine
strife. Factions, divided and separated from the parent body, by
contact, intermarriage, and incorporation with foreign tribes, devel-
oped distinct dialects or languages.

But linguistic evidence alone need not be relied upon to prove that
the North American Indian was not nomadic.

Corroborative proof of the sedentary character of our Indian tribes
is to be found in the curious form of kinship system, with mother-
rite as its chief factor, which prevails. This, as has been pointed
out in another place, is not adapted to the necessities of nomadic
tribes, which need to be governed by a patriarchal system, and, as
well, to be possessed of flocks and herds.

There is also an abundance of historical evidence to show that,
when first discovered by Europeans, the Indians of the eastern United
States were found living in fixed habitations. This does not neces-
sarily imply that the entire year was spent in one place. Agricul-
ture not being practiced to an extent sufficient to supply the Indian
with full subsistence, he was compelled to make occasional changes
from his permanent home to the more or less distant waters and for-
ests to procure supplies of food. When furnished with food and skins
for clothing, the hunting parties returned to the village which con-
stituted their true home. At longer periods, for several reasons—
among which probably the chief were the hostility of stronger tribes,
the failure of the fuel supply near the village, and the compulsion
exercised by the ever lively superstitious fancies of the Indians—the
villages were abandoned and new ones formed to constitute new
homes, new focal points from which to set out on their annual hunts
and to which to return when these were completed. The tribes of
the eastern United States had fixed and definitely bounded habitats,
and their wanderings were in the nature of temporary excursions to

32 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

established points resorted to from time immemorial. As, however,
they had not yet entered completely into the agricultural condition,
to which they were fast progressing from the hunter state, they may
be said to have been nomadic to a very limited extent. The method
of life thus sketched was substantially the one which the Indians
were found practicing throughout the eastern part of the United
States, as also, though to a less degree, in the Pacific States. Upon
the Pacific coast proper the tribes were even more sedentary than
upon the Atlantic, as the mild climate and the great abundance and
permanent supply of fish and shellfish left no cause for a seasonal
change of abode.

When, however, the interior portions of the country were first
visited by Europeans, a different state of affairs was found to pre-
vail. There the acquisition of the horse and the possession: of
firearms had wrought very great changes in aboriginal habits. The.
acquisition of the former enabled the Indian of the treeless plains to
travel distances with ease and celerity which before were practically
impossible, and the possession of firearms stimulated tribal aggres-
siveness to the utmost pitch. Firearms were everywhere doubly
effective in producing changes in tribal habitats, since the somewhat
gradual introduction of trade placed these deadly weapons in the
hands of some tribes, and of whole congeries ef tribes, long before
others could obtain them. Thus the general state of tribal equilib-
rium which had before prevailed was rudely disturbed. Tribal
warfare, which hitherto had been attended with inconsiderable loss
of life and slight territorial changes, was now made terribly destruc-
tive, and the territorial possessions of whole groups of tribes were
augmented at the expense of those less fortunate. The horse made
wanderers of many tribes which there is sufficient evidence to show
were formerly nearly sedentary. Firearms enforced migration and
caused wholesale changes in the habitats of tribes, which, in the
natural order of events, it would have taken many centuries to pro-
duce. The changes resulting from these combined agencies, great
as they were, are, however, slight in comparison with the tremendous
effects of the wholesale occupancy of Indian territory by Europeans.
As the acquisition of territory by the settlers went on, a wave of
migration from east to west was inaugurated which affected tribes
far remote from the point of disturbance, ever forcing them within
narrower and narrower bounds, and, as time went on, producing
greater and greater changes throughout the entire country.

So much of the radical change in tribal habitats as took place in
the area remote from European settlements, mainly west of the
Mississippi, is chiefly unrecorded, save imperfectly in Indian tra-
dition, and is chiefly to be inferred from linguistic evidence and
from the few facts in our possession. As, however, the most im-
portant of these changes occurred after, and as a result of, European

POWELL. ] INDIAN POPULATION. 33

occupancy, they are noted in history, and thus the map really gives
a better idea of the pristine or prehistoric habitat of the tribes than
at first might be thought possible.

Before speaking of the method of establishing the boundary lines
between the linguistic families, as they appear upon the map, the
nature of the Indian claim to land and the manner and extent of its
occupation should be clearly set forth.

POPULATION,

As the question of the Indian population of the country has a
direct bearing upon the extent to which the land was actually occu-
pied, a few words on the subject will be introduced here, particu-
larly as the area included in the linguistic map is so covered with
color that it may convey a false impression of the density of the
Indian population. As a result of an investigation of the subject of
the early Indian population, Coil. Mallery long ago arrived at the
conclusion that their settlements were not numerous, and that the
population, as compared with the enormous territory occupied, was
extremely small.’

Careful examination since the publication of the above tends to
corroborate the soundness of the conclusions there first formulated.
The subject may be set forth as follows:

The sea shore, the borders of lakes, and the banks of rivers, where
fish and shell-fish were to be obtained in large quantities, were nat-
urally the Indians’ chief resort, and at or near such places were to
be found their permanent settlements. As the settlements and lines
of travel of the early colonists were along the shore, the lakes and
the rivers, early estimates of the Indian population were chiefly
based upon the numbers congregated along these highways, it being
generally assumed that away from the routes of travel a like popu-
lation existed. Again, over-estimates of population resulted from
the fact that the same body of Indians visited different points
during the year, and not infrequently were counted two or three
times; change of permanent village sites also tended to augment
estimates of population.

For these and other reasons a greatly exaggerated idea of the
Indian population was obtained, and the impressions so derived have
been dissipated only in comparatively recent times.

As will be stated more fully later, the Indian was dependent to no
small degree upon natural products for his food supply. Could it
be affirmed that the North American Indians had increased to a
point where they pressed upon the food supply, it would imply a
very much larger population than we are justified in assuming from
other considerations. But for various reasons the Malthusian law,

‘ Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. Science, 1877, vol. 26.
7 ETH——3

b4 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

whether applicable elsewhere or not, can not be applied to the Indians
of this country. Everywhere bountiful nature had provided an un-
failing and practically inexhaustible food supply. The rivers teemed
with fish and mollusks, and the forests with game, while upon all
sides was an abundance of nutritious roots and seeds, All of these
sources were known, and to a large extent they were drawn upon by
the Indian, but the practical lesson of providing in the season of
plenty for the season of scarcity had been but imperfectly learned,
or, when learned, was but partially applied. Even when taught by
dire experience the necessity of laying upadequate stores, it was the
almost universal practice to waste great quantities of food by a con-
stant succession of feasts, in the superstitious observances of which
the stores were rapidly wasted and plenty soon gave way to scarcity
and even to famine.

Curiously enough, the hospitality which is so marked a trait
among our North American Indians had its source in a law, the
invariable practice of which has had a marked effect in retarding
the acquisition by the Indian of the virtue of providence. As is
well known, the basis of the Indian social organization was the
kinship system. By its provisions almost all property was possessed
in common by the gens or clan. Food, the most important of all,
was by no means left to be exclusively enjoyed by the individual or
the family obtaining it.

For instance, the distribution of game among the families of a
party was variously provided for in different tribes, but the practi-
cal effect of the several customs relating thereto was the sharing of
the supply. The hungry Indian had but to ask to receive and this
no matter how small the supply, or how dark the fucure prospect.
Tt was not only his privilege to ask, it was his right to demand.
Undoubtedly what was originally a right, conferred by kinship con-
nections, ultimately assumed broader proportions, and finally passed
into the exercise of an almost indiscriminate hospitality. By reason
of this custom, the poor hunter was virtually placed upon equality
with the expert one, the lazy with the industrious, the improvident
with the more provident. Stories of Indian life abound with
instances of individual families or parties being called upon by
those less fortunate or provident to share their supplies.

The effect of such a system, admirable as it was in many particu-
lars, practically placed a premium upon idleness. Under such com-
munal rights and privileges a potent spur to industry and thrift is
wanting.

There is an obverse side to this problem, which a long and inti-
mate acquaintance with the Indians in their villages has forced
upon the writer. The communal ownership of food and the great
hospitality practiced by the Indian have had a very much greater
influence upon his character than that indicated in the foregoing

POWELL. | COMMUNALISM OF INDIANS. 35

remarks. The peculiar institutions prevailing in this respect gave
to each tribe or clan a profound interest in the skill, ability and
industry of each member. He was the most valuable person in the
community who supplied it with the most of its necessities. For
this reason the successful hunter or fisherman was always held in
high honor, and the woman who gathered great store of seeds,
fruits, or roots, or who cultivated a good corn-field, was one who
commanded the respect and received the highest approbation of the
people. The simple and rude ethics of a tribal people are very
important to them, the more so because of their communal institu-
tions; and everywhere throughout the tribes of the United States
it is discovered that their rules of conduct were deeply implanted
in the minds of the people. An organized system of teaching is
always found, as it is the duty of certain officers of the clan to
instruct the young in all the industries necessary to their rude life,
and simple maxims of industry abound among the tribes and are
enforced in diverse and interesting ways. The power of the elder
men in the clan over its young members is always very great, and
the training of the youth is constant and rigid. Besides this, a
moral sentiment exists in favor of primitive virtues which is very
effective in molding character. This may be illustrated in two
ways.

Marriage among all Indian tribes is primarily by legal appoint-
ment, as the young woman receives a husband from some other
prescribed clan or clans, and the elders of the clan, with certain excep-
tions, control these marriages, and personal choice has little to do with
the affair. When marriages are proposed, the virtues and industry
of the candidates, and more than all, their ability to properly live
as married couples and to supply the clan or tribe with a due
amount of subsistence, are discussed long and earnestly, and the
young man or maiden who fails in this respect may fail in securing
an eligible and desirable match. And these motives are constantly
presented to the savage youth.

A simple democracy exists among these people, and they have a
variety of tribal offices to fill. In this way the men of the tribe are
graded, and they pass from grade to grade by a selection practically

made by the people. And this leads to a constant discussion of the
virtues and abilities of all the male members of the clan, from boy-
hood to old age. He is most successful in obtaining clan and tribal
promotion who is most useful to the clan and the tribe. In this
manner all of the ambitious are stimulated, and this incentive to
industry is very great.

When brought into close contact with the Indian, and into inti-
mate acquaintance with his language, customs, and religious ideas,
there is a curious tendency observable in students to overlook
aboriginal vices and to exaggerate aboriginal virtues. It seems to

36 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

be forgotten that after all the Indian is a savage, with the character-
istics of a savage, and he is exalted even above the civilized man.
The tendency is exactly the reverse of what it is in the case of those
who view the Indian at a distance and with no precise knowledge of
any of his characteristics. In the estimation of such persons the
Indian’s vices greatly outweigh his virtues; his language is a gib-
berish, his methods of war cowardly, his ideas of religion utterly
puerile.

The above tendencies are accentuated in the attempt to estimate
the comparative worth and position of individual tribes. No being
is more patriotic than the Indian. He believes himself to be the
result of a special creation bya partial deity and holds that his is
the one favored race. The name by which the tribes distinguish
themselves from other tribes indicates the further conviction that,
as the Indian is above all created things, so in like manner each par-
ticular tribe is exalted above all others. ‘‘Menof men” isthe literal
translation of one name; ‘‘the only men” of another, and so on
through the whole category. A long residence with any one tribe
frequently inoculates the student with the same patriotic spirit.
Bringing to his study of a particular tribe an inadequate conception
of Indian attainments and a low impression of their moral and in-
tellectual plane, the constant recital of its virtues, the bravery and
prowess of its men in war, their generosity, the chaste conduct and
obedience of its women as contrasted with the opposite qualities of
all other tribes, speedily tends to partisanship. He discovers many
virtues and finds that the moral and intellectual attainments are
higher than he supposed; but these advantages he imagines to be
possessed solely, or at least to an unusual degree, by the tribe in
question. Other tribes are assigned much lower rank in the scale.

The above is peculiarly true of the student of language. He who
studies only one Indian language and learns its manifold curious
grammatic devices, its wealth of words, its capacity of expression,
is speedily convinced of its superiority to all other Indian tongues,
and not infrequently to all languages by whomsoever spoken.

If like admirable characteristics are asserted for other tongues he
is apt to view them but as derivatives from one original. Thus he
is led to overlook the great truth that the mind of man is everywhere .
practically the same, and that the innumerable differences of its
products are indices merely of different stages of growth or are the
results of different conditions of environment. In its development
the human mind is limited by no boundaries of tribe or race.

Again, a long acquaintance with many tribes in their homes leads
to the belief that savage people do not lack industry so much as
wisdom. They are capable of performing, and often do perform,
great and continuous labor. The men and women alike toil from
day to day and from year to year, engaged in those tasks that are

POWELL. ] IMPROVIDENCE OF INDIANS. 37

presented with the recurring seasons. In civilization, hunting and
fishing are often considered sports, but in savagery they are labors,

nd call for endurance, patience, and sagacity. And these are exer-
cised to a reasonable degree among all savage peoples.

It is probable that the real difficulty of purchasing quantities of
food from Indians has, in most cases, not been properly understood.
Unless the alien is present at a time of great abundance, when there
is more on hand or easily obtainable than sufficient to supply the
wants of the people, food can not be bought of the Indians. This
arises from the fact that the tribal tenure is communal, and to get
food by purchase requires a treaty at which all the leading members
of the tribe are present and give consent.

As an illustration of the improvidence of the Indians generally,
the habits of the tribes along the Columbia River may be cited. The
Columbia River has often been pointed to as the probable source of
a great part of the Indian population of this country, because of the
enormous supply of salmon furnished by it and its tributaries. If
an abundant and readily obtained supply of food was all that was
necessary to insure a large population, and if population always in-
creased up to the limit of food supply, unquestionably the theory of
repeated migratory waves of surplus population from the Columbia
Valley would be plausible enough. It is only necessary, however, to
turn to the accounts of the earlier explorers of this region, Lewis
and Clarke, for example, to refute the idea, so far at least as the
Columbia Valley is concerned, although a study of the many diverse
languages spread over the United States would seem sufficiently to
prove that the tribes speaking them could not have originated at a
common center, unless, indeed, at a period anterior to the formation
of organized language.

The Indians inhabiting the Columbia Valley were divided into
many tribes, belonging to several distinct linguistic families. They
all were in the same culture status, however, and differed in habits
and arts only in minor particulars. All of them had recourse to the
salmon of the Columbia for the main part of their subsistence, and
all practiced similar crude methods of curing fish and storing it away
for the winter. Without exception, judging from the accounts of
the above mentioned and of more recent authors, all the tribes suf-
fered periodically more or less from insufficient food supply, although,
with the exercise of due forethought and economy, even with their
rude methods of catching and curing salmon, enough might here
have been cured annually to suffice for the wants of the Indian popu-
lation of the entire Northwest for several years.

In their ascent of the river in spring, before the salmon run, it
was only with great difficulty that Lewis and Clarke were able to
provide themselves by purchase with enough food to keep themselves
from starving. Several parties of Indians from the vicinity of the

38 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Dalles, the best fishing station on the river, were met on their way
down in quest of food, their supply of dried salmon having been
entirely exhausted.

Nor is there anything in the accounts of any of the early visitors
to the Columbia Valley to authorize the belief that the population
there was a very large one. As was the case with all fish-stocked
streams, the Columbia was resorted to in the fishing season by many
tribes living at considerable distance from it; but there is no evi-
dence tending to show that the settled population of its banks or of
any part of its drainage basin was or ever had been by any means
excessive.

The Dalles, as stated above, was the best fishing station on the
river, and the settled population there may be taken as a fair index
of that of other favorable locations. The Dalles was visited by Ross
in July, 1811, and the following is his statement in regard to the
population :

The main camp of the Indians is situated at the head of the narrows, and may
contain, during the salmon season, 3,000 souls, or more; but the constant inhab-
itants of the place do not exceed 100 persons, and are called Wy-am-pams; the rest
are all foreigners from different tribes throughout the country, who resort hither,
not for the purpose of catching salmon, but chiefly for gambling and speculation.

And as it was on the Columbia with its enormous supply of fish,
so was it elsewhere in the United States.

Even the practice of agriculture, with its result of providing a
more certain and bountiful food supply, seems not to have had the
effect of materially augmenting the Indian population. At all events,
it is in California and Oregon, a region where agriculture was
scarcely practiced at all, that the most dense aboriginal population
lived. There is no reason tu believe that there ever existed within
the limits of the region included in the map, with the possible excep-
tion of certain areas in California, a population equal to the natural
food supply. On the contrary, there is every reason for believing
that the population at the time of the discovery might have been
many times more than what it actually was had a wise economy been
practised.

The effect of wars in decimating the people has often been greatly
exaggerated. Since the advent of the white man on the continent,
wars have prevailed to a degree far beyond that existing at an earlier
time. From the contest which necessarily arose between the native
tribes and invading nations many wars resulted, and their history is
well known. Again, tribes driven from their ancestral homes often
retreated to lands previously occupied by other tribes, and intertribal
wars resulted therefrom. The acquisition of firearms and horses,
through the agency of white men, also had its influence, and when
a commercial value was given to furs and skins, the Indian aban-

' Adventures on the Columbia River, 1849, p. 117.

POWELL, ] OWNERSHIP OF LAND. 39

doned agriculture to pursue hunting and traffic, and sought new
fields for such enterprises, and many new contests arose from this
cause. Altogether the character of the Indian since the discovery
of Columbus has been greatly changed, and he has become far more
warlike and predatory. Prior to that time, and far away in the
wilderness beyond such influence since that time, Indian tribes
seem to have lived together in comparative peace and to have settled
their difficulties by treaty methods. A few of the tribes had distinct
organizations for purposes of war; all recognized it to a greater or
less extent in their tribal organization; but from such study as has
been given the subject, and from the many facts collected from time
to time relating to the intercourse existing between tribes, it appears
that the Indians lived in comparative peace. Their accumulations
were not so great as to be tempting, and their modes of warfare
were not excessively destructive. Armed with clubs and spears and
bows and arrows, war could be prosecuted only by hand-to-hand
conflict, and depended largely upon individual prowess, while battle
for plunder, tribute, and conquest was almost unknown. Such inter-
tribal wars as occurred originated from other causes, such as infrac-
tion of rights relating to hunting grounds and fisheries, and still
oftener prejudices growing out of their superstitions.

That which kept the Indian population down sprang from another
source, which has sometimes been neglected. The Indians had no
reasonable or efficacious system of medicine. They believed that dis-
eases were caused by unseen evil beings and by witchcraft, and every
cough, every toothache, every headache, every chill, every fever,
every boil, and every wound, in fact, all their ailments, were attrib-
uted to such cause. Their so-called medicine practice was a horrible
system of sorcery, and to such superstition human life was sacrificed
on an enormous scale. The sufferers were given over to priest doc-
tors to be tormented, bedeviled, and destroyed; and a universal and
profound belief in witchcraft made them suspicious, and led to the
killing of all suspected and obnoxious people, and engendered blood
feuds on a gigantic scale. It may be safely said that while famine,
pestilence, disease, and war may have killed many, superstition
killed more; in fact, a natural death in a savage tent is a compara-
tively rare phenomenon; but death by sorcery, medicine, and blood
feud arising from a belief in witchcraft is exceedingly common.

Scanty as was the population compared with the vast area teem-
ing with natural products capable of supporting human life, it may
be safely said that at the time of the discovery, and long prior
thereto, practically the whole of the area included in the present
map was claimed and to some extent occupied by Indian tribes; but
the possession of land by the Indian by no means implies occu-
pancy in the modern or civilized sense of the term. In the latter
sense occupation means to a great extent individual control and

40 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

ownership. Very different was 1t with the Indians. Individual own-
ership of land was, as a rule, a thing entirely foreign to the Indian
mind, and quite unknown in the culture stage to which he belonged.
All land, of whatever character or however utilized, was held in
common by the tribe, or in a few instances by theclan. Apparently
an exception to this broad statement is to be made in the case of the
Haida of the northwest coast, who have been studied by Dawson.
According to him’ the land is divided among the different families
and is held as strictly personal property, with hereditary rights or
possessions descending from one generation to another. ‘‘ The lands
may be bartered or given away. The larger salmon streams are,
however, often the property jointly of a number of families.” The
tendency in this case is toward personal right in land.

TRIBAL LAND.

For convenience of discussion, Indian tribal land may be divided
into three classes: First, the land occupied by the villages; second,
the land actually employed in agriculture; third, the land claimed
by the tribe but not occupied, except as a hunting ground.

Village sites.—The amount of land taken up as village sites varied
considerably in different parts of the country. It varied also in the
same tribe at different times. Asarule, the North American Indians
lived in communal houses of sufficient size to accommodate several
families. In such cases the village consisted of a few large struc-
tures closely grouped together, so that it covered very little ground.
When territory was occupied by warlike tribes, the construction of
rude palisades around the villages and the necessities of defense
generally tended to compel the grouping of houses, and the per-
manent village sites of even the more populous tribes covered
only a very small area. In the case of confederated tribes and in
the time of peace the tendency was for one or more families to
establish more or less permanent settlements away from the main
village, where a livelihood was more readily obtainable. Hence, in
territory which had enjoyed a considerable interval of peace the set-
tlements were in the nature of small agricultural communities,
established at short distances from each other and extending in the
aggregate over a considerable extent of country. In the case of popu-
lous tribes the villages were probably of the character of the Choc-
taw towns described by Adair.* ‘*The barrier towns, which are
next to the Muskohge and Chikkasah countries, are compactly set-
tled for social defense, according to the general method of other
savage nations; but the rest, both in the center and toward the Mis-
sissippi, are only scattered plantations, as best suits a separate easy

' Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878, p. 117.
? Hist. of Am. Ind., 1775, p. 282.

POWELL. | INDIAN AGRICULTURAL LAND. 4]

way of living. A stranger might be in the middle of one of their
populous, extensive towns without seeing half a dozen houses in the
direct course of his path.” More closely grouped settlements are
described by Wayne in American State Papers, 1793, in his account
of an expedition down the Maumee Valley, where he states that
“The margins of the Miamis of the Lake and the Au Glaize appear
like one continuous village for a number of miles, nor have I ever
beheld such immense fields of corn in any part of America from
Canada to Florida.” Such a chain of villages as this was probably
highly exceptional; but even under such circumstances the village
sites proper formed but a very small part of the total area occupied.

From the foregoing considerations it will be seen that the amount
of land occupied as village sites under any circumstances was incon-
siderable.

Agricultural land.—It is practically impossible to make an accu-
rate estimate of the relative amount of land devoted to agricultural
purposes by any one tribe or by any family of tribes. None of the
factors which enter into the problem are known to us with sufficient
accuracy to enable reliable estimates to be made of the amount of
land tilled or of the products derived from the tillage; and only in
few cases have we trustworthy estimates of the population of the
tribe or tribes practicing agriculture. Only a rough approximation
of the truth can be reached from the scanty data available and from
a general knowledge of Indian methods of subsistence.

The practice of agriculture was chiefly limited to the region
south of the St. Lawrence and east of the Mississippi. In this
region it was far more general and its results were far more impor-
tant than is commonly supposed. To the west of the Mississippi
only comparatively small areas were occupied by agricultural tribes
and these lay chiefly in New Mexico and Arizona and along the
Arkansas, Platte, and Missouri Rivers. The rest of that region was
tenanted by non-agricultural tribes—unless indeed the slight atten-
tion paid to the cultivation of tobacco by a few of the west coast
tribes, notably the Haida, may be considered agriculture. Within
the first mentioned area most of the tribes, perhaps all, practiced
agriculture to a greater or less extent, though unquestionably the
degree of reliance placed upon it as a means of support differed
much with different tribes and localities.

Among many tribes agriculture was relied upon to supply an
important—and perhaps in the case of a few tribes, the most impor-
tant—part of the food supply. The accounts of some of the early
explorers in the southern United States, where probably agricul-
ture was more systematized than elsewhere, mention corn fields of
great extent, and later knowledge of some northern tribes, as the
Troquois and some of the Ohio Valley tribes, shows that they also
raised corn in great quantities.

42 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

The practice of agriculture to a point where it shall prove the main
and constant supply of a people, however, implies a degree of seden-
tariness to which our Indians asa rule had not attained and an
amount of steady labor without immediate return which was pecul-
iarly irksome to them. Moreover, the imperfect methods pursued
in clearing, planting, and cultivating sufficiently prove that the
Indians, though agriculturists, were in the early stages of develop-
ment as such—a fact also attested by the imperfect and one-sided
division of labor between the sexes, the men as a rule taking but
small share of the burdensome tasks of clearing land, planting, and
harvesting.

It is certain that by no tribe of the United States was agriculture
pursued to such an extent as to free its members from the practice
of the hunter’s or fisher’s art. Admitting the most that can be
claimed for the Indian as an agriculturist, it may be stated that,
whether because of the small population or because of the crude
manner in which his operations were carried on, the amount of land
devoted to agriculture within the area in question was infinitesimally
small as compared with the total. Upona map colored to show only
the village sites and agricultural land, the colors would appear in
small spots, while by far the greater part of the map would remain
uncolored.

Hunting claims.—The great body of the land within the area
mapped which was occupied by agricultural tribes, and all the land
outside it, was held as a common hunting ground, and the tribal
claim to territory, independent of village sites and corn fields,
amounted practically to little else than hunting claims. The com-
munity of possession in the tribe to the hunting ground was estab-
lished and practically enforced by hunting laws, which dealt with
the divisions of game among the village, or among the families of
the hunters actually taking part in any particular hunt. Asarule,
such natural landmarks as rivers, lakes, hills, and mountain chains
served to mark with sufficient accuracy the territorial tribal limits.
In California, and among the Haida and perhaps other tribes of the
northwest coast, the value of certain hunting and fishing claims led
to their definition by artificial boundaries, as by sticks or stones.*

Such precautions imply a large population, and in such regions as
California the killing of game upon the land of adjoining tribes was
rigidly prohibited and sternly punished.

As stated above, every part of the vast area included in the present
map is to be regarded as belonging, according to Indian ideas of land
title, to one or another of the Indian tribes. To determine the sev-
eral tribal possessions and to indicate the proper boundary lines
between individual tribes and linguistic families is a work of great

1880, p. 117.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM.

POWELL. | INDIAN CLAIMS TO LAND. 43

difficulty. This is due more to the imperfection and scantiness of
available data concerning tribal claims than to the absence of claim-
ants or to any ambiguity in the minds of the Indians as to the bound-
aries of their several possessions.

Not only is precise data wanting respecting the limits of land
actually held or claimed by many tribes, but there are other tribes,
which disappeared early in the history of our country, the bound-
aries to whose habitat is to be determined only in the most general
way. Concerning some of these, our information is so vague that
the very linguistic family they bélonged to is in doubt. In the case
of probably no one family are the data sufficient in amount and
accuracy to determine positively the exact areas definitely claimed
or actually held by the tribes. Even in respect of the territory of
many of the tribes of the eastern United States, much of whose land
was ceded by actual treaty with the Government, doubt exists. The
fixation of the boundary points, when these are specifically men-
tioned in the treaty, as was the rule, is often extremely difficult,
owing to the frequent changes of geographic names and the conse-
quent disagreement of present with ancient maps. Moreover, when
the Indian’s claim to his land had been admitted by Government,
and the Jatter sought to acquire a title through voluntary cession by
actual purchase, land assumed a value to the Indian never attaching
to it before.

- Under these circumstances, either under plea of immemorial occu-
pancy or of possession by right of conquest, the land was often
claimed, and the claims urged with more or less plausibility by
several tribes, sometimes of the same linguistic family, sometimes of
different families.

It was often found by the Government to be utterly impracticable
to decide between conflicting claims, and not infrequently the only
way out of the difficulty lay in admitting the claim of both parties,
and in paying for the land twice or thrice. It was customary for a
number of different tribes to take part in such treaties, and not
infrequently several linguistic families were represented. It was
the rule for each tribe, through its representatives, to cede its share
of a certain territory, the natural boundaries of which as a whole
are usually recorded with sufficient accuracy. The main purpose of
the Government in treaty-making being to obtain possession of the
land, comparatively little attention was. bestowed to defining the
exact areas occupied by the several tribes taking part in a treaty,
except in so far as the matter was pressed upon attention by dis-
puting claimants. Hence the territory claimed by each tribe taking
part in the treaty is rarely described, and occasionally not all the
tribes interested in the proposed cession are even mentioned cate-
gorically. The latter statement applies more particularly to the
territory west of the Mississippi, the data for determining ownership

44 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

to which is much less precise, and the doubt and confusion respecting
tribal boundary lines correspondingly greater than in the country
east of that river. Under the above circumstances, it will be readily
understood that to determine tribal boundaries within accurately
drawn lines is in the vast majority of cases quite impossible.

Imperfect and defective as the terms of the treaties frequently are
as regards the definition of tribal boundaries, they are by far the
most accurate and important of the means at our command for fixing
boundary lines upon the present map. By their aid the territorial
possessions of a considerable number of tribes have been determined
with desirable precision, and such areas definitely established have
served as checks upon the boundaries of other tribes, concerning the
location and extent of whose possessions little is known.

For establishing the boundaries of such tribes as are not men-
tioned in treaties, and of those whose territorial possessions are not
given with sufficient minuteness, early historical accounts are all
important. Such accounts, of course, rarely indicate the territorial
possessions of the tribes with great precision. In many cases, how-
ever, the sites of villages are accurately given. In others the source
of information concerning a tribe is contained ina general statement
of the occupancy of certain valleys or mountain ranges or areas at
the heads of certain rivers, no limiting lines whatever being assigned.
In others, still, the notice of a tribe is limited to a brief mention of
the presence in a certain locality of hunting or war parties.

Data of this loose character would of course be worthless in an
attempt to fix boundary lines in accordance with the ideas of the
modern surveyor. The relative positions of the families and the
relative size of the areas occupied by them, however, and not their
exact boundaries, are the chief concern in a linguistic map, and for
the purpose of establishing these, and, in a rough way, the bounda-
ries of the territory held by the tribes composing them, these data
are very important, and when compared with one another and cor-
rected by more definite data, when such are at hand, they have usually
been found to be sufficient for the purpose.

SUMMARY OF DEDUCTIONS.

In conclusion, the more important deductions derivable from the
data upon which the linguistic map is based, or that are suggested
by it, may be summarized as follows:

First, the North American Indian tribes, instead of speaking
related dialects, originating in a single parent language, in reality
speak many languages belonging to distinct families, which have no
apparent unity of origin.

Second, the Indian population of North America was greatly
exaggerated by early writers, and instead of being large was in
reality small as compared with the vast territory occupied and the

POWELL. ] LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. 45

abundant food supply; and furthermore, the population had nowhere
augmented sufficiently, except possibly in California, to press upon
the food supply.

Third, although representing a small population, the numerous
tribes had overspread North America and had possessed themselves
of all the territory, which, in the case of a great majority of tribes,
was owned in common by the tribe.

Fourth, prior to the advent of the European, the tribes were
probably nearly in a state of equilibrium, and were in the main
sedentary, and those tribes which can be said with propriety to have
been nomadic became so only after the advent of the European, and
largely as the direct result of the acquisition of the horse and the
introduction of firearms.

Fifth, while agriculture was general among the tribes of the east-
ern United States, and while it was spreading among western tribes,
its products were nowhere sufficient wholly to emancipate the Indian
from the hunter state.

LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Within the area covered by the map there are recognized fifty-
eight distinct linguistic families.

These are enumerated in alphabetical order and each is accom-
panied by a table of the synonyms of the family name, together with
a brief statement of the geographical area occupied by each family,
so far as it is known. A list of the principal tribes of each family
also is given.

ADAIZAN FAMILY.

= Adaize, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 116, 306, 1836. Latham
in Proc. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 1, 31-59, 1846. Latham, Opuscula, 293, 1860.
Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 0, xcix, 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft Ind.
Tribes, 11, 402, 1858. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 477, 1862 (referred to as
one of the most isolated languages of N. A.). Keane, App. to Stanford’s
Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 478, 1878 (or Adees).

= Adaizi, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind. v, 406, 1847.

= Adaise, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 77, 1848.

= Adahi, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 342, 1850. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond.,
1038, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 366, 368, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp., Phil.,

738, 477, 1862 (same as his Adaize above).

= Adaes, Buschmann, Spuren der aztekischen Sprache, 424, 1859.

= Adees, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.) 478, 1878 (same as
his Adaize).

= Adai, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., 41, 1884.

Derivation: From a Caddo word hadai, sig. ‘‘ brush wood.”
This family was based upon the language spoken by a single tribe
who, according to Dr. Sibley, lived about the year 1800 near the old

46 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Spanish fort or mission of Adaize, ‘about 40 miles from Natchi-
toches. below the Yattassees, on a lake called Lac Macdon, which
communicates with the division of Red River that passes by Bayau
Pierre.”' A vocabulary of about two-hundred and fifty words is all
that remains to us of their language, which according to the col-
lector, Dr. Sibley, ‘‘ differs from all others, and is so difficult to speak
or understand that no nation can speak ten words of it.”

It was from an examination of Sibley’s vocabulary that Gallatin
reached the conclusion of the distinctness of this language from any
other known, an opinion accepted by most later authorities. A
recent comparison of this vocabulary by Mr. Gatschet, with several
Caddoan dialects, has led to the discovery that a considerable per-
centage of the Addai words have a more or less remote affinity with
Caddoan, and he regards it as a Caddoan dialect. The amount of
material, however, necessary to establish its relationship to Caddoan
is not at present forthcoming, and it may be doubted if it ever will
be, as recent inquiry has failed to reveal the existence of a single
member of the tribe, or of any individual of the tribes once Sur-
rounding the Addi who remembers a word of the language.

Mr. Gatschet found that some of the older Caddo in the Indian
Territory remembered the Addi as one of the tribes formerly belong-
ing to the Caddo Confederacy. More than this he was unable to
learn from them.

Owing to their small numbers, their remoteness from lines of
travel, and their unwarlike character the Addi have cut but a small
figure in history, and accordingly the known facts regarding them
are very meager. The first historical mention of them appears to
be by Cabega de Vaca, who in his ‘* Naufragios,” referring to his
stay in Texas, about 1530, calls them Atayos. Mention is also made
of them by several of the early French explorers of the Mississippi,
as d’Iberville and Joutel.

The Mission of Adayes, so called from its proximity to the home
of the tribe, was established in 1715. In 1792 there was a partial
emigration of the Addi to the number of fourteen families to a site
south of San Antonio de Bejar, southwest Texas, where apparently
they amalgamated with the surrounding Indian population and were
lost sight of. (From documents preserved at the City Hall, San An-
tonio, and examined by Mr. Gatschet in December, 1886.) The Adai
who were left in their old homes numbered one hundred in 1802, ac-
cording to Baudry de Lozieres. According to Sibley, in 1809 there
were only ‘‘twenty men of them remaining, but more women.” In
1820 Morse mentions only thirty survivors.

1 Travels of Lewis and Clarke, London, 1809, p. 189,

SOW ELE] ALGONQUIAN FAMILY. AT

ALGONQUIAN FAMILY.

>Algonkin-Lenape, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 23, 305, 1836. Berghaus
(1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid, 1852.

> Algonquin, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., m1, 237, 1840. Prichard Phys. Hist. Mankind, v,
381, 1847 (follows Gallatin).

> Algonkins, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt.1, xcix, 77, 1848. Gallatin in
Schoolcraft Ind. Tribes, m1, 401, 1853.

> Algonkin, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rept., 11, pt. 8, 55, 1856 (gives Delaware and
Shawnee vocabs.). Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Inds., 232, 1862
(treats only of Crees, Blackfeet, Shyennes). Hale in Am. Antiq., 112, April,
1883 (treated with reference to migration).

< Algonkin, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 1856 (adds to Gallatin’s list of
1836 the Bethuck, Shyenne, Blackfoot,and Arrapaho). Latham, Opuscula, 327,
1860 (as in preceding). Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 447, 1862.

< Algonquin, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp., (Cent. and S. Am.), 460, 465, 1878
(list includes the Maquas, an Iroquois tribe).

> Saskatschawiner, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848 (probably designates the
Arapaho).

> Arapahoes, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

x Algonkin und Beothuk, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

Derivation: Contracted from Algomequin, an Algonkin word, sig-
nifying ‘*‘those on the other side of the river,” i. e., the St. Lawrence
River.

ALGONQUIAN AREA,

The area formerly occupied by the Algonquian family was more
extensive than that of any other linguistic stock in North America,
their territory reaching from Labrador to the Rocky Mountains, and
from Churchill River of Hudson Bay as far south at least as Pam-
lico Sound of North Carolina. In the eastern part of this territory
was an area occupied by Iroquoian tribes, surrounded on almost all
sides by their Algonquian neighbors. On the south the Algonquian
tribes were bordered by those of Iroquoian and Siouan (Catawba)
stock, on the southwest and west by the Muskhogean and Siouan
tribes, and on the northwest by the Kitunahan and the great Atha-
pascan families, while along the coast of Labrador and the eastern
shore of Hudson Bay they came in contact with the Eskimo, who
were gradually retreating before them to the north. In Newfound-
land they encountered the Beothukan family, consisting of but a
single tribe. A portion of the Shawnee at some early period had
separated from the main body of the tribe in central Tennessee and
pushed their way down to the Savannah River in South Carolina,
where, known as Savannahs, they carried on destructive wars with
the surrounding tribes until about the beginning of the eighteenth
century they were finally driven out and joined the Delaware in the
north. Soon afterwards the rest of the tribe was expelled by the
Cherokee and Chicasa, who thenceforward claimed all the country
stretching north to the Ohio River.

48 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

The Cheyenne and Arapaho, two allied tribes of this stock, had
become separated from their kindred on the north and had forced
their way through hostile tribes across the Missouri to the Black
Hills country of South Dakota, and more recently into Wyoming
and Colorado, thus forming the advance guard of the Algonquian
stock in that direction, having the Siouan tribes behind them and
those of the Shoshonean family in front.

PRINCIPAL ALGONQUIAN TRIBES,

Abnaki. Menominee. Ottawa.
Algonquin. Miami. Pamlico.
Arapaho. Micmac. Pennacook,.
Cheyenne. Mohegan. Pequot.
Conoy. Montagnais. Piankishaw.
Cree. Montauk. Pottawotomi.
Delaware. Munsee. Powhatan.
Fox. Nanticoke. Sac.

Illinois. Narraganset. Shawnee.
Kickapoo. Nauset. Siksika.
Mahican. Nipmue. Wampanoag.
Massachuset. Ojibwa. Wappinger.

Population.—The present number of the Algonquian stock is about
95,600, of whom about 60,000 are in Canada and the remainder in the
United States. Below is given the population of the tribes officially
recognized, compiled chiefly from the United States Indian Com-
missioner’s report for 1889 and the Canadian Indian report for 1888.
It is impossible to give exact figures, owing to the fact that in many
instances two or more tribes are enumerated together, while many
individuals are living with other tribes or amongst the whites:

Abnaki:
"“@ldtownelmndianss Manette rece cnt aceite eines a fergie 410
Passamaquoddy Indians, Maine ............ Ra Bes th GOs 215?
Abenakis of St. Francis and Bécancour, Gucheom Sorin ee 369
‘* Amalecites” of Témiscouata and Viger, Quebec........ Foon, alle)
** Amalecites ” of Madawaska, etc., New Brunswick............ 682 :
———- 1, 874?
Algonquin:
Of Renfrew, Golden Lake and Carleton, Ontario............... 797
With Iroquois (total 131) at Gibson, Ontario..................., 31?
With Iroquois at Lake of Two Mountains, Quebec.......... woe 30
Quebec Province.......... Sener PRriCR ticks Fopiehatitons eee EO OUS
——-— 4,767?
Arapaho:
Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory.............. 1, 272
Shoshone Agency, Wyoming (Northern Arapaho).............- 885
Carlisle school, Pennsylvania, and Lawrence school, Kansas... . 55
= 2,212

POWELL] ALGONQUIAN FAMILY. 49
Cheyenne:
Pine Ridge Agency, South Dakota (Northern Cheyenne) ........ 517
Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory. ............. 2,091
Carlisle school, Pennsylvania, and Lawrence school, Kansas... . 1538
Tongue River Agency, Montana (Northern Cheyenne) .......... 865
— 3,626
Cree:
With Salteau in Manitoba, etc., British America (treaties Nos..
IPAS Oo bObAL OOOO) acters aes areesaere Siete ocean aie etote Fisica 3, 066?
Plain and Wood Cree, treaty No. 6, Manitoba, etce.............. 5, 790
Cree (with Salteau, etc.), treaty No. 4, Manitoba, etc ...... . 8,530
-———17, 386?
Delaware, etc.:
Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Agency, Indian Territory... . 95
Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory ....... ......... 1, 000?
Delaware with the Seneca in New York......................0. 3
Hampton and Mbawrence SCHOOIS wicjct an ie. a cys severe er ieie. soos serec = 3
Muncie in New York, principally with Onondaga and Seneca... 56
Munsee with Stockbridge (total 133), Green Bay Agency, Wis. . 28?
Munsee with Chippewa at Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha
Reeney piansas| (bObAL LO). se cctercinye ee > cers cists) aieoersis oes Seer te 37?
Munsee with Chippewa on the Thames, Ontario................ 131
faMoravians) Jol the Mhames: @ntario: cc. sales. arocw coco eile ss o's 288
Delaware with Six Nations on Grand River, Ontario ........... 134
1,750?
Kickapoo:
Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory..................-00:00- 325
Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas............. 237
ATTN CO Bere Pence e. carats oe aiage rates nniss hives se ei Nee oe sacs 200?
762?
Menominee:
Green bay A Pen Gye, WISCONSIN. 2 oe taics fesisisieie aioe siejee series. ace 1,811
WarlsleISChOOle yee tine cette cree vise tar ent. Moilya we Sescedasewee 1
——— 1,312
Miami:
Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory................-.+.--- 67
EA LIAI A op OSAP OMG Vater dats oh, spate ss 1s eiopoaerete ee skteleioe) ache bia Gie iseiaeteiee s 3002
awrenceand Carlisle; schools’ <5 2.2. ecrrcete sats clean see ee 7
——— 374?
Micmac:
Restigouche, Maria, and Gaspé, Quebec................0+-0000e 732
Tiras SPC ET IS TCLS) 1 Ea ee PE ie MO rs ero ee en 2, 145
ISG LETRA SE os BU ROBE GO HERE Soe is GOP Cer eno moses omnes 912
RerITI COME CALC MLS ANG veers (oh tavare Acyoctavovic toate chorea) sierra eres eee 319
—— 4,108
Misisauga:
Ainwack, New Credit, ete:, Ontario. «. 2.265 .cs ccc see sciee corse de 774
Monsoni, Maskegon, etc. :
Hastern Rupert’s Land, British America..............¢+1e.-0+s 4,016
Montagnais:
Betsiamits, Lake St. John, Grand Romaine, etc., Quebec. 1, 607
Devenwislands QUCHEC aie, s. i. oe shoreyetel ecencister ses elects ste ynyeeeteregeeereievele > 312
— 15919
Nascapee: 2
Lower St. Lawrence, Quebec... ...... 05. 0cccesecnccssscsecus 2, 860
7 ETH——4

50 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Ojibwa:

White Earth Agency, Minnesotarr.c soc et-\cfaysteie' da «sereitie siateseinlaiciagele 6, 263
Ita Pointe Agency, Wisconsimt. -. a.niee see einen aera 4,778

Mackinac Agency, Michigan (about one-third of 5,56¢

Chippewa! «.<.sidisis sess cisiere cro eisiarenrs fie Ore Mere eee tcl loteeresiertctee
Mackinae Agency, Michigan (Chippewa alone)....
Devil's Lake Agency, North Dakota (Turtle Mountain Chippewa). 1,340
Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas (one-half of

“5 Chippewa:and) Muncie) )y.-ry.coc ieverevloetesilate teens Greer neers 38?
Lawrence!and! Carlisleschoolsta-. shee ei eee eee 15
‘*Ojibbewas” of Lake Superior and Lake Huron, Ontario....... 5,201
‘“Chippewas”: of Sarnia, etc., Ontario ...... 05. ...2- eee essen me 1,956
“Chippewas” with Munsees on Thames, Ontario...... 0 ........ 454.

**Chippewas” with Pottawatomies on Walpole Island, Ontario. — 658

**Ojibbewas” with Ottawas (total 1,856) on Manitoulin and Cock-
burniislands Ontario nescence sre PODE UN ED Tae 928?

“Salteaux” of treaty Nos. 3 and 4, etc., Manitoba, etc .......... 4,092

“Chippewas” with Crees in Manitoba, etc., treaties Nos. 1, 2,
and 5 (total Chippewa and Cree, 6,066).................-.+00- 8, 000?
—31, 928?

Ottawa:

Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory..............5.0.:.0----:-6: 137

Mackinac Agency, Michigan (5,563 Ottawa and Chippewa)...... 3, 709?

Lawrence:and Carlisle schools: 4. : irre secretin cles 20

With ‘ Ojibbewas” on Manitoulin and Cockburn Islands, On-

GALI fia) arene (sia at eralenbustase" os Bs opie tose te ehareresscuctabetste,staersie psyete seperate 928
, 194?

Peoria, etc. :

Quapaw,acency, un dian Meriibory. sei + cemitst cisions sie iiei eit 160

Lawrenceiand) Carlisle schools: «..< acess recientes ae eee 5

—— 165

Pottawatomie:

Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory ......................-- 480

Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas ............. 462

MackinaceAgency-sMichi canine seeaoerra see ener eaeictoiete V7

Braine bands. Wisconsin. acca seeeeen eee eerie errr =a 80

Carlisle, Lawrence and Hampton schools ...................--- 117

With Chippewa on Walpole Island, Ontario........... ........ 166

—— 1,582

Sac and Fox:

Saciand Hox Agency, Indian) Temitory -2..4.seeceens tees 515
SaciandeHox Alcency,Lowarjccyssesin tone ese eect ters eahastdee 381
Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas............. 77
Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools................. Adios 8
981
Shawnee:
Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory.......................-- 426 79
Saciand Hox Agency, ImciamMerntonyec as mace cra iis cienteetemenl: 640
Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory.................. 8002
Lawrence, Carlisle, and Hampton schools..................--+» 40
——— 1,559?
Siksika:
Blackfoot Agency, Montana. (Blackfoot, Blood, Piegan)....... 1,811
Blackfoot reserves in Alberta, British America (with Sarcee and
Assiniboine)iz fd eee tessa aca ees 4,932
- 6, 743

POWELL. ] ATHAPASCAN FAMILY. 51

Stockbridge (Mahican):

GreeniBay Asency,, WISCONSIN.) 2... 5 <i s..eci.e doa netesje as sella S72 110
im New: York Qwith Tuscarora-and Seneca)............-.-c-.08 us
BATLISIOISC HOO Weslo, s)oioycleca ao. ax erate ecole eters felons siete ola) Steal ve.w ge ercietsiess tals 4

121

ATHAPASCAN FAMILY.

> Athapascas, Gallatin in Trans, and Coll. Am, Antiq. Soc., 11, 16, 305, 1886. Prich-
ard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 875, 1847. Gallatin in Trans. Am, Eth. Soc., 1, pt.
1, xcix, 77, 1848. Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Tbid., 1852.
Turner in ‘‘ Literary World,” 281, April 17, 1852 (refers Apache and Navajo to
this family on linguistic evidence).

> Athapacecas, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, mm, 401, 1853. (Evident mis-
print.)

> Athapascan, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 11, pt. 3,84, 1856. (Mere mention of fam-
ily; Apaches and congeners belong to this family, as shown by him in ** Liter-
ary World.” Hoopah also asserted to be Athapascan.)

> Athabaskans, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 302,1850. (Under Northern Athabaskans,
includes Chippewyans Proper, Beaver Indians, Daho-dinnis, Strong Bows, Hare
Indians, Dog-ribs, Yellow Knives, Carriers. Under Southern Athabaskans,
includes (p. 308) Kwalioqwa, Tlatskanai, Umkwa.)

= Athabaskan, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 65, 96, 1856. Buschmann
(1854), Der athapaskische Sprachstamm, 250, 1856 (Hoopahs, Apaches, and Nava-
joes included). Latham, Opuscula, 333, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil. , 388, 1862.
Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 1, 31-50, 1846 (indicates the coalescence
of Athabascan family with Esquimaux). Latham (1844), in Jour. Eth. Soc.
Lond., 1, 161, 1848 (Nagail and Taculli referred to Athabascan). Scouler (1846), in
Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 230, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 257, 259, 276, 1860.
Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 463, 1878.

> Kinai, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 14, 305, 1886 (Kinai and
Ugaljachmutzi; considered to form a distinct family, though affirmed to have
affinities with western Esquimaux and with Athapascas). Prichard, Phys. Hist.
Mankind, v, 440-443, 1847 (follows Gallatin; also affirms a relationship to Aztec).
Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 77, 1848.

> Kenay, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 1, 32-34, 1846. Latham, Opus-
cula, 275, 1860." Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 389, 1862 (referred to Esqui-
maux stock).

> Kineetzi, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 441, 1847 (same as his Kinai above).

> Kenai, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soe., I, xcix, 1848 (see Kinai above). Busch-
mann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 695, 1856 (refers it to Athapaskan).

x Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., x1, 218, 1841. (Includes Atnas,
Kolchans, and Kenaies of present family.)

x Haidah, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as his Northern family).

> Chepeyans, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 379, 1847 (same as Athapascas
above).

> Tahkali-Umkwa, Hale in U. 8S. Expl. Exp., v1, 198, 201, 569, 1846 (“a branch of the
great Chippewyan, or Athapascan, stock:” includes Carriers, Qualioguas, Tlats-
kanies, Umguas). Gallatin, after Hale in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt.1, 9, 1848.

> Digothi, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Digothi. Loucheux, ibid.
1852.

> Lipans, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (Lipans (Sipans) between Rio Arkansas
and Rio Grande).

52 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

> Tototune, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 3825, 1850 (seacoast south of the Saintskla).

> Ugaljachmutzi, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (‘* perhaps
Athapascas”).

> Umkwa, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., v1, 72, 1854 (a single tribe).
Latham, Opuscula, 300, 1860.

> Tahlewah, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 422, 1853 (a single tribe). Latham
in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 76, 1856 (a single tribe). Latham. Opuscula, 342,
1860.

> Tolewa, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877 (vocab. from Smith River, Oregon;
affirmed to be distinct from any neighboring tongue). Gatschet in Beach, Ind.
Miscellany, 438, 1877. s

> Hoo-pah, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 422, 1853 (tribe on Lower Trinity,
California).

> Hoopa, Powers in Overland Monthly, 155, August, 1872.

> Hu-pa, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 72, 1877 (affirmed to be Athapascan).

=Tinneh, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass. A. 8., XVIII, 269, 1869 (chiefly Alaskan tribes).
Dall, Alaska and its Resources, 428, 1870. Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 24, 1877.
Bancroft, Native Races, MT, 562, 583, 605, 1882.

= Tinné, Gatschet in Mag. Am, Hist., 165, 1877 (special mention of Hoopa, Rogue
River, Umpqua.) Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 440,1877. Gatschet in Geog.
Surv. W. 100th M., vit, 406, 1879. Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 62, 1854.
Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

= Tinney, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 463, 1878.

x Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878; or
Lutuami, (Lototens and Tolewahs of his list belong here.)

Derivation: From the lake of the samename; signifying, accord-
ing to Lacombe, ‘‘ place of hay and reeds.”

As defined by Gallatin, the area occupied by this great family is
included in a line drawn from the mouth of the Churchill or Mis-
sinippi River to its source; thence along the ridge which separates
the north branch of the Saskatchewan from those of the Athapas-
cas to the Rocky Mountains; and thence northwardly till within a
hundred miles of the Pacific Ocean, in latitude 52° 30’.

The only tribe within the above area excepted by Gallatin as of
probably a different stock was the Quarrelers or Loucheux, living
at the mouth of Mackenzie River. This tribe, however, has since
been ascertained to be Athapascan.

The Athapascan family thus occupied almost the whole of British
Columbia and of Alaska, and was, with the exception of the
Eskimo, by whom they were cut off on nearly all sides from the
ocean, the most northern family in North America.

Since Gallatin’s time the history of this family has been further
elucidated by the discovery on the part of Hale and Turner that
isolated branches of the stock have become established in Oregon,
California, and along the southern border of the United States.

The boundaries of the Athapascan family, as now understood, are
best given under three primary groups—Northern, Pacific, and
Southern.

POWELL] ATHAPASCAN FAMILY. 53)

Northern growp.—This includes all the Athapascan tribes of Brit-
ish North America and Alaska. In the former region the Athapas-
cans occupy most of the western interior, being bounded on the
north by the Arctic Eskimo, who inhabit a narrow strip of coast;
on the east by the Eskimo of Hudson’s Bay as far south as Churchill
River, south of which river the country is occupied by Algonquian
tribes. On the south the Athapascan tribes extended to the main
ridge between the Athapasca and Saskatchewan Rivers, where they
met Algonquian tribes; west of this area they were bounded on the
south by Salishan tribes, the limits of whose territory on Fraser
River and its tributaries appear on Tolmie and Dawson’s map of
1884. On the west, in British Columbia, the Athapascan tribes
nowhere reach the coast, being cut off by the Wakashan, Salishan,
and Chimmesyan families, ;

The interior of Alaska is chiefly occupied by tribes of this family.
Eskimo tribes have encroached somewhat upon the interior along the
Yukon, Kuskokwim, Kowak, and Noatak Rivers, reaching on the
Yukon to somewhat below Shageluk Island,’ and on the Kuskok-
wim nearly or quite to Kolmakoff Redoubt.* Upon the two latter
they reach quite to their heads.* | A few Kutchin tribes are (or have
been) north of the Porcupine and Yukon Rivers, but until recently
it has not been known that they extended north beyond the Yukon
and Romanzoff Mountains. Explorations of Lieutenant Stoney, in
1885, establish the fact that the region to the north of those mount-
ains is occupied by Athapascan tribes, and the map is colored
accordingly. Only in two placesin Alaska do the Athapascan tribes
reach the coast—the K’naia-khotana, on Cook’s Inlet, and the Ah-
tena, of Copper River.

Pacific growp.—Unlike the tribes of the Northern group, most of
those of the Pacific group have removed from their priscan habitats
since the advent of the white race. The Pacific group embraces
the following: Kwalhioqua, formerly on Willopah River, Washing-
ton, near the Lower Chinook;* Owilapsh, formerly between Shoal-
‘water Bay and the heads of the Chehalis River, Washington, the
territory of these two tribes being practically continuous; Tlatscanai,
formerly on a small stream on the northwest side of Wapatoo
Island.° Gibbs was informed by an old Indian that this tribe
‘formerly owned the prairies on the Tsihalis at the mouth of
the Skukumchuck, but, on the failure of game, left the country,

* Fide Nelson in Dall’s address, Am. Assoc. Ady. Sci., 1885, p. 13.
* Cruise of the Corwin, 1887.

4Gibbs in Pac. R. R, Rep. I, 1855, p. 428.

* Lewis and Clarke, Exp., 1814, vol. 2, p. 382

54. INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

south ”"—a statement of too uncertain character to be depended
upon; the Athapascan tribes now on the Grande Ronde and Siletz
Reservations, Oregon,’ whose villages on and near the coast extended
from Coquille River southward to the California line, including,
among others, the Upper Coquille, Sixes, Euchre, Creek, Joshua,
Tutu tinné, and other “Rogue River” or ‘‘Tou-touten bands,”
Chasta Costa, Galice Creek, Naltunne tinné and Chetco villages;*
the Athapascan villages formerly on Smith River and tributaries,
California;’ those villages extending southward from Smith River
along the California coast to the mouth of Klamath River;’ the Hupa
villages or ‘‘clans” formerly on Lower Trinity River, California;’
the Kenesti or Wailakki (2), located as follows: ‘‘They live along
the western slope of the Shasta Mountains, from North Hel River,
above Round Valley, to Hay Fork; along Kel and Mad Rivers,
extending down the latter about to Low Gap; also on Dobbins and
Larrabie Creeks;”’ and Saiaz, who ‘‘ formerly occupied the tongue
of Iand jutting down between Eel River and Van Dusen’s Fork.”’

Southern growp.—Includes the Navajo, Apache, and Lipan.
Engineer José Cortez, one of the earliest authorities on these tribes,
writing in 1799, defines the boundaries of the Lipan and Apache as
extending north and south from 29° N. to 36° N., and east and
west from 99° W. to 114° W.; in other words from central Texas
nearly to the Colorado River in Arizona, where they met tribes of
the Yuman stock. The Lipan occupied the eastern part of the
above territory, extending in Texas from the Comanche country
(about Red River) south to the Rio Grande.” More recently both
Lipan and Apache haye gradually moved southward inte Mexico
where they extend as far as Durango.’

The Navajo, since first known to history, have occupied the coun-
try on and south of the San Juan River in northern New Mexico
and Arizona and extending into Colorado and Utah. They were
surrounded on all sides by the cognate Apache except upon the
north, where they meet Shoshonean tribes.

1 Gatschet and Dorsey, MS., 1883-84.

? Dorsey, MS., map, 1884, B. E.

3 Hamilton, MS., Haynarger Vocab., B.-E.; Powers, Contr. N. A. Ethn., 1877,
vol. 3, p. 65.

4 Dorsey, MS., map, 1884, B. E.

5 Powers, Contr. N. A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, pp. 72,73.

6 Powers, Contr. N. A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 114.

7 Powers, Contr. N. A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 122.

8 Cortez in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1856, vol. 3, pt. 38, pp. 118, 119.

* Bartlett, Pers. Narr., 1854; Orozco y Berra, Geog., 1864.

POWELL. }

A. Northern group:
Ah-tena.
Kaiyuh-khotana.
Kealtana.
K’naia-khotana.
Koyukukhotana.

B. Pacifie group:

Ataakat.

Chasta Costa.

Chetco.

Dakube tede (on Ap-
plegate Creek).

Euchre Creek.

Hupa.

Kalts’erea tinné.

Kenesti or Wailakki.

C. Southern group):

ATHAPASKAN FAMILY.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES,

Kutchin.
Montagnais.
Montagnards.
Nagailer.
Slave.

Kwalhioqua.
Kwajami.

Micikqwttme tinné.

Mikono tinné.
Naltunne tinné.
Owilapsh.
Qwincttinnetitin.
Saiaz.

Sluacus-tinneh.
Taculli.
Tahl-tan (1).
Unakhotana.

Talttictun tide (on
Galice Creek).

Tcémé (Joshuas).

Tcétléstcan tinné.

Terwar.

Tlatscanai.

Tolowa.

Tutu tinné.

Arivaipa. Lipan. Navajo.
Chiricahua. Llanero. Pinal Coyotero.
Coyotero. Mescalero. Tchiktn.
Faraone. Mimbrefio. Tchishi.
Gilefio. Mogollon.

Jicarilla. Na-isha.

Population.—The present number of the Athapascan family is
about 32.899, of whom about 8,595, constituting the Northern group,
are in Alaska and British North America, according to Dall, Daw-
son, and the Canadian Indian Report for 1888; about 895, comprising
the Pacific group, are in Washington, Oregon, and California; and
about 23,409, belonging to the Southern group, are in Arizona, New
Mexico, Colorado, and Indian Territory. Besides these are the Lipan
and some refugee Apache, who are in Mexico, These have not been
included in the above enumeration, as there are no means of ascer-
taining their number.

Northern group.—This may be said to consist of the following:

iNnaieme (MN Wedagbononioetcon ss cpedacecoodbonascbrs soonusebeeagece ete 364?
JNrewenit( (stele) 0 a done Ab aoeen So tontGoono RddconuLom oocobcdn ceogdearcnooore 250
AM -pa- tim (Sicanmnie) estimated (1888) sore c.cys tei ea lejer a clerteveiz che ayeieihmnntonetarepesorers 500
of whom there are at Fort Halkett (1887)...................2..- 73
of whom there areat Port Wiard\ (1887)... eccrine eee sen 78
Chippewyan, Yellow Knives, with a few Slave and Dog Rib at Fort Res-

QUO NS os onseenoae ES a oStrApoe aouobunonoanbacne tonecoDeASstEeeaer 469
ODMR Gb aby H Ort NNOLIMAMII. core crests 4 oleic aisle i= «)ayelas fore ielele = =/a7e]@/alere chelate == cine) aja 133
Dog Rib, Slave, and Yellow Knives at Fort Rae..............--.+--+-+.-- 657
EVacera pe Hort: GOOG ELOpPe a. = niecies -eieicietin | eleielelolete:cfeveve\sraiele is] #!layntete\laoyere' tn) =lai 364

56 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Hare at Fort Norman’ 2... 5 4c sec cease siessinte sposiorats cs storaya oe She terelee levetete revevee ete 108

Kai-yuh-kho-tana (1877), Koyukukhotana (1877), and Unakhotana (1877)... 2, 0002
Knai-a Khotana: (1880). =< cc. <ccorletere eerste aiclone ee ites eee oeitoteie ett reecerete 250?
Kutchin and Bastard Loucheux at Fort Good Hope.............. -...++ 95
Kutchin at Peel River and La Pierre’s House......-....--............-.:- 337 ©
Kutchin' on: the Yukon! (Six tribes) err a cepstetereeetelaletetteste vate eee titleist 842
Nahanie at Fort Good Hope «cj. 06 i. = 2 os ereieteieserelalsieinrentoyet=eme=heisiatole 8
Nahanie at Fort Halkett (including Mauvais Monde, Bastard Na-
hanie; and Mountains Indians) <-rerctee sectetatatete ete felt Federale tte eet 332
Nahanie at Hort Wiandic.. cs cas cle serra etesieter sis ucts tetas enesieaeterer 38
Nahanie;at Hort Nona. .-yerctee ye etsy rete ieee iene el teeeereite 43
421
Nahanie at Fort Simpson and Big Island (Hudson Bay Company’s Terri-
[OSA AAAS Conner ono oandaan oct cbnodecc daddy gohan Aavns oboe 87
Slave, Dog Rib, and Hare at Fort Simpson and Big Island (Hudson Bay
Company’s Territory)... 22... 600. c eee e cence rete teen ee tes ca Feenne 658
Slaverat) Hort iardiy cs se scetsaraie eeretetelerstert a ietse ete tere chelstetoei tae ete t= ofan eee tcnste 281
Slave at Hort JNOrmanins ciety oe aie ese insielote cle elena tele vasen es chenalevatetetel sry Vosete tetetotetey tet 84
LRaeNlGrirastoOuvit\eroniancaoonses nobdqoocos ctu doossousasooDoONMtocae 700?
8, 595?
To the Pacific Group may be assigned the following:
Hupa Indians, on Hoopa Valley Reservation, California............ ae 468
Rogue River Indians at Grande Ronde Reservation, Qreponee eee AT
Siletz Reservation, Oregon (about one-half the Indians thereon).......... 300?
Umpqua at Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon .....-...... ees essere eee 80
895?

Southern Group, consisting of Apache, Lipan, and Navajo:

Apache children at Carlisle, Pennsylvania. ...............-25+ sessseeeeee 142
Apache prisoners at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.........-...... : 396
Coyotero Apache (San Carlos Reservation) ........ 6... .+00ee sees cece sees 733?
Jicarilla Apache (Southern Ute Reservation, @olorado)..,c40 sacaese nese 808
Lipan with Tonkaway on Oakland Reserve, Indian Territory.............. 15?
Mescalero Apache (Mescalero Reservation, New Mexico).........- .....-- 513
Na-isha Apache (Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita eae Indian
Msn alree/) Sees HSE a OnSOAgD boat ON seen o ao mcobes common eS ot Ode coNS 326
Navajo (most on Navajo Reservation, Arizona and New Mexico; 4 at Gar:
lisles Bemmsyill varia) oe cece sine astelaer ello sim a anereheteheteteseiets ete> stnaetar- fer st-tetst=tatehels 17, 208
San Carlos Apache (San Carlos Reservation, Arizona) .. ........+..++++-: 1,352?
White Mountain Apache (San Carlos Reservation, Arizona)..... ......... 36
White Mountain Apache (under military af Camp Apache, Arizena)..... 1, 920
23, 409?

ATTACAPAN FAMILY.

=Attacapas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 116, 306, 1836. Galla-
tin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man,
348, 1850 (includes Attacapas and Carankuas). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, m1, 402, 1853. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 426, 1859.

=Attacapa, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 11, 31-50, 1846. Prichard, Phys.
Hist. Mankind, v, 406, 1847 (or ‘‘Men eaters”). Latham in Trans. Philolog.
Soc. Lond., 105, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 295, 1860.

POWELL. | ATTACAPAN—BEOTHUKAN FAMILIES. Di

—Attakapa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 103, 1856. Latham, Opuscula,
366, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 477, 1862 (referred to as one of the two
most isolated languages of N. A.).

=Atakapa, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., I. 45, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 414, Apr.
29, 1887.

Derivation: From a Choctaw word meaning ‘‘man-eater.”
Little is known of the tribe, the language of which forms the
basis of the present family: The sole knowledge possessed by Gal-
latin was derived from a yocabulary and some scanty information
furnished by Dr. John Sibley, who collected his material in the
year 1805. Gallatin states that the tribe was reduced to 50 men.
According to Dr. Sibley the Attacapa language was spoken also by
another tribe, the ‘‘ Carankouas,”’ who lived on the coast of Texas,
and who conversed in their own language besides. In 1885 Mr. Gat-
schet visited the section formerly inhabited by the Attacapa and
after much search discovered one man and two women at Lake
Charles, Calcasieu Parish, Louisiana, and another woman living
10 miles to the south; he also heard of five other women then
scattered in western Texas; these are thought to be the only survi-
vors of the tribe. Mr. Gatschet collected some two thousand words
and a considerable body of text. His vocabulary differs considera-
bly from the one furnished by Dr. Sibley and published by Gallatin,
and indicates that the language of the western branch of the tribe
was dialectically distinct from that of their brethren farther to the
east.

The above material seems to show that the Attacapa language is
distinct from all others, except possibly the Chitimachan.

BEOTHUKAN FAMILY.

—Bethuck, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (stated to be ‘‘Algonkin
rather than aught else”), Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860. Latham, El. Comp.
Phil., 453, 1862.

=Beothuk, Gatschet in Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc., 408, Oct., 1885. Gatschet, ibid.,
411, July, 1886 (language affirmed to represent a distinct linguistic family).
Gatschet, ibid., 1, Jan.-June, 1890.

Derivation: Beothuk signifies ‘“‘ Indian” or “‘red Indian.”

The position of the language spoken by the aborigines of New-
foundland must be considered to be doubtful.

In 1846 Latham examined the material then accessible, and was
led to the somewhat ambiguous statement that the language ‘‘ was
akin to those of the ordinary American Indians rather than to the
Eskimo; further investigation showing that, of the ordinary Ameri-
can languages, it was Algonkin rather than aught else.”

Since then Mr. Gatschet has been able to examine a much larger
and more satisfactory body of material, and although neither in
amount nor quality is the material sufficient to permit final and

58 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

satisfactory deductions, yet so far as it goes it shows that the lan-
guage is quite distinct from any of the Algonquian dialects, and in
fact from any other American tongue.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

It seems highly probable that the whole of Newfoundland at the
time of its discovery by Cabot in 1497 was inhabited by Beothuk
Indians.

In 1534 Cartier met with Indians inhabiting the southeastern part
of the island, who, very likely, were of this people, though the
description is too vague to permit certain identification. A century
later the southern portion of the island appears to have been aban-
doned by these Indians, whoever they were, on account of Kuropean
settlements, and only the northern and eastern parts of the island
were occupied by them. About the beginning of the eighteenth
century western Newfoundland was colonized by the Micmac from
Nova Seotia. As a consequence of the persistent warfare which
followed the advent of the latter and which was also waged against
the Beothuk by the Europeans, especially the French, the Beothuk
rapidly wasted in numbers. ‘Their main territory was soon confined
to the neighborhood of the Exploits River. The tribe was finally
lost sight of about 1827, having become extinct, or possibly the few
survivors having crossed to the Labrador coast and joined the Nas-
capi with whom the tribe had always been on friendly terms.

Upon the map only the small portion of the island is given to the
Beothuk which is known definitely to have been occupied by them,
viz., the neighborhood of the Exploits River, though, as stated
above, it seems probable that the entire island was once in their
possession,

CADDOAN FAMILY.

>Caddoes, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antig. Soc., 1, 116, 306, 1836 (based on
Caddoes alone). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Man!ind, v, 406, 1847. Gallatin in School-
craft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 402, 1853 [gives as languages Caddo, Red River, (Nanda-
koes, Tachies, Nabedaches)].

SCaddokies, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 116, 1886 (same as his
Caddoes). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 406, 1847,

>Caddo, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 0, 31-50, 1846 (indicates affinities
with Iroquois, Muskoge, Catawba, Pawnee). Gallatin in Trans. Am, Eth. Soc.,
11, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848, (Caddo only). Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17,
1848 (Caddos, ete.). Ibid., 1852. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 338, 1850 (between the
Mississippi and Sabine). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 101, 1856.
Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., m1, pt. 3, 55, 70, 1856 (finds resemblances to Pawnee
but keepsthem separate). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 426, 448, 1859.
Latham, Opuscula, 290, 366, 1860.

>Caddo, Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 470, 1862 (includes Pawni and Riccar).

>Pawnees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., M, 128, 306, 1836 (two
nations: Pawnees proper and Ricaras or Black Pawnees). Prichard, Phys. Hist.
Mankind, v, 408, 1847 (follows Gallatin). Gallatm in Trans. Am, Eth. Soc.,

POWELL] CADDOAN FAMILY. 59

i, pt. 1, xcix, 1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (or Panis: includes Loup
and Republican Pawnees). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, mr, 402, 1853
(gives as languages: Pawnees, Ricaras, Tawakeroes, Towekas, Wachos?).
Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Indians, 232, 345, 1862 (includes Pawnees
and Arikaras).

>Panis, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., Um, 117, 128, 1836 (of Red
River of Texas: mention of villages; doubtfully indicated as of Pawnee family).
Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 407, 1847 (supposed from name to be of same
race with Pawnees of the Arkansa). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (Paw-
nees or). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 402, 1853 (here kept separate
from Pawnee family). :

>Pawnies, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (see Pawnee above).

>Pahnies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.

>Pawnee(?), Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 01, pt. 8, 55, 65, 1856 (Kichai and Hueco
vocabularies).

=Pawnee, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 478, 1878 (gives
four groups, viz: Pawnees proper; Arickarees; Wichitas; Caddoes).

= Pani, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 42, 1884. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72,
1887.

>Towiaches, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antig. Soc., 1, 116, 128, 1836 (same
as Panis above). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 407, 1847.

>Towiachs, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (includes Towiach, Tawakenoes,
Towecas ?, Wacos).

>Towiacks, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853.

>Natchitoches, Gallatinin Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq.Soc., 11, 116, 1836 (stated by
Dr. Sibley to speak a language different from any other). Latham, Nat. Hist.
Man, 342, 1850. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 406, 1847 (after Gallatin).
Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (a single tribe only).

>Aliche, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (near Nacogdoches; not classified).

>Yatassees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antig. Soc., m1, 116, 1836 (the single
tribe; said by Dr. Sibley to be different from any other; referred to as a family).

>Riccarees, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (kept distinct from Pawnee family).

>Washita, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 103, 1856. Buschmann, Spuren
der aztek. Sprache, 441, 1859 (revokes previous opinion of its distinctness and
refers it to Pawnee family).

>Witchitas, Buschmann, ibid., (same as his Washita).

Derivation: From the Caddo term ka’-ede, signifying ‘‘chief”
(Gatschet).

The Pawnee and Caddo, now known to be of the same linguistic
family, were supposed by Gallatin and by many later writers to
be distinct, and accordingly both names appear in the Archzeologia
Americana as family designations. Both names are unobjection-
able, but as the term Caddo has priority by a few pages preference
is given to it.

Gallatin states “‘that the Caddoes formerly lived 300 miles up Red
River but have now moved to a branch of Red River.” He refers
to the Nandakoes, the Inies or Tachies, and the Nabedaches as speak-
ing dialects of the Caddo language.

Under Pawnee two tribes were included by Gallatin: The Paw-
nees proper and the Ricaras. The Pawnee tribes occupied the
country on the Platte River adjoining the Loup Fork. The Ricara
towns were on the upper Missouri in latitude 46° 30’.

60 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

The boundaries of the Caddoan family, as at present understood,
can best be given under three primary groups, Northern, Middle,
and Southern.

Northern group.—This comprises the Arikara or Ree, now confined
to a small village (on Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota,)

“which they share with the Mandan and Hidatsa tribes of the Siouan
family. The Arikara are the remains of ten different tribes of “‘Pa-
neas,” who had been driven from their country lower down the Mis-
souri River (near the Ponka habitat in northern Nebraska) by the
Dakota. In 1804 they were in three villages, nearer their present
location. '

According to Omaha tradition, the Arikara were their allies when
these two tribes and several others were east of the Mississippi River.’
Fort Berthold Reservation, their present abode, is in the northwest
corner of North Dakota.

Middle group.—This includes the four tribes or villages of Paw-
nee, the Grand, Republican, Tapage, and Skidi. Dunbar says:
“Theoriginal hunting ground of the Pawnee extended from the Nio-
brara,” in Nebraska, ‘*‘ south to the Arkansas, but no definite boun-
daries can be fixed.” In modern times their villages have been on
the Platte River west of Columbus, Nebraska. The Omaha and
Oto were sometimes southeast of them near the mouth of the Platte,
and the Comanche were northwest of them on the upper part of
one of the branches of the Loup Fork." The Pawnee were removed
to Indian Territory in 1876. The Grand Pawnee and Tapage
did not wander far from their habitat on the Platte. The Republi-
can Pawnee separated from the Grand about the year 1796, and
made a village on a ‘‘large northwardly branch of the Kansas
River, to which they have given their name; afterwards they sub-
divided, and lived in different parts of the country on the waters
of Kansas River. In 1805 they rejoined the Grand Pawnee.” The
Skidi (Panimaha, or Pawnee Loup), according to Omaha tradition,*
formerly dwelt east of the Mississippi River, where they were the
allies of the Arikara, Omaha, Ponka, etc. After their passage of
the Missouri they were conquered by the Grand Pawnee, Tapage,
and Republican tribes, with whom they have remained to this day.
De L’Isle* gives twelve Panimaha villages on the Missouri River
north of the Pani villages on the Kansas River.

Southern growp.—This includes the Caddo, Wichita, Kichai, and
other tribes or villages which were formerly in Texas, Louisiana,
Arkansas, and Indian Territory.

' Lewis, Travels of Lewis and Clarke, 15, 1809.
* Dorsey in Am. Naturalist, March, 1886, p. 215.
3 Dorsey, Omaha map of Nebraska.

4 Dorsey in Am. Nat., March, 1886, p. 215.

° Carte de la Louisiane, 1718.

POWELL. ] CADDOAN FAMILY. 61

The Caddo and Kichai have undoubtedly been removed from their
priscan habitats, but the Wichita, judging from the survival of local
names (Washita River, Indian Territory, Wichita Falls, Texas) and
the statement of La Harpe,’ are now in or near one of their early
abodes. Dr. Sibley* locates the Caddo habitat 35 miles west of the.
main branch of Red River, being 120 miles by land from Natchi-
toches, and they formerly lived 375 miles higher up. Cornell’s Atlas
(1870) places Caddo Lake in the northwest corner of Louisiana, in
Caddo County. Italso gives both Washita and Witchita as the name
of atributary of Red River of Louisiana. This duplication of names
seems to show that the Wichita migrated from northwestern Louis-
lana and southwestern Arkansas to the Indian Territory. After
comparing the statements of Dr. Sibley (as above) respecting the
habitats of the Anadarko, Ioni, Nabadache, and Hyish with those of
Schermerhorn respecting the Kado hadatco,* of Le Page Du Pratz
(1758) concerning the Natchitoches, of Tonti* and La Harpe* about
the Yatasi, of La Harpe (as above) about the Wichita, and of Sib-
ley concerning the Kichai, we are led to fix upon the following as
the approximate boundaries of the habitat of the southern group
of the Caddoan family: Beginning on the northwest with that part
of Indian Territory now occupied by the Wichita, Chickasaw, and
Kiowa and Comanche Reservations, and running along the south-
ern border of the Choctaw Reservation to the Arkansas line; thence
due east to the headwaters of Washita or Witchita River, Polk County,
Arkansas;thence through Arkansas and Louisianaalong the western
bank of that river to its mouth; thence southwest through Louisi-
ana striking the Sabine River near Salem and Belgrade; thence south-
west through Texas to Tawakonay Creek, and along that stream to
the Brazos River; thence following that stream to Palo Pinto, Texas;
thence northwest to the mouth of the North Fork of Red River;
and thence to the beginning.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
A. Pawnee.

Grand Pawnee.
Tappas.
Republican Pawnee.
Skidi.
B. Arikara.
C. Wichita.
(Ki-¢i’-teac, Omaha pronunciation of the name of a Paw-
nee tribe, Ki-dhi’-chash or Ki-ri’-chash).

1Tn 1719, fide Margry, v1, 289, ‘‘ the Ousita village is on the southwest branch of
the Arkansas River.

21805, in Lewis and Clarke, Discoy., 1806, p. 66.

Second Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. 2, 1814, p. 28.

41690, in French, Hist. Coll. La., vol. 1, p. 72.

51719, in Margry, vol. 6, p. 264.

62 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

D. Kichai.

E. Caddo (Kii’-do).

Population.—The present number of the Caddoan stock is 2,259, of
whom 447 are onthe Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota, and
.the rest in the Indian Territory, some on the Ponca, Pawnee, and
Otoe Reservation, the others on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita
Reservation. Below is given the population of the tribes officially
recognized, compiled chiefly from the Indian Report for 1889:

Pig ll:¢:\ thee nO One COCat ceo dst Chl basole a somoncionad aonosdanos 448

PA WICG eeoie odie cus Saarssea fir aycuthe te, vata alee ean or aerate Ronee ate Nora tee eters 824
Wiaichitanayee sels stb, evo Lah ial ose » wht rapn META = shar eheo eee AetePapete sie eee ae 176
Towakarehu...... wisi Gueiod Gre wa (al QAINE Cie Mal Ce oie gpes ewes Se cha teraeen ys 145
WiaCOs. face cis scitie Sars trate nave cutee etewe ete Yaloentovereurce wystehel chet tare teyeveteter erensere te at 64

385

HGH ai vis co cctars wore dee ots mena Ste eo ie ee ee ee 63

Or: 6 (0 (c ee ea arte Seed orn BOE ACOA GOL) CGDO SCAN Sat donna oe 539

Ho 7) ee er aa eee a en RN rey eae The Se I ASR ninco de 2, 209

CHIMAKUAN FAMILY.

=Chimakum, Gibbs in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1, 481, 1855 (family doubtful).

—Chemakum, Eells in Am. Antiquarian ,52, Oct., 1880 (considers language different
from any of its neighbors).

<Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 474, 1878
(Chinakum included in this group).

<Nootka, Bancroft, Native Races, m1, 564, 1882 (contains Chimakum).

Derivation unknown.

Concerning this language Gibbs, as above cited, states as follows:

The language of the Chimakum ‘differs materially from either
that of the Clallams or the Nisqually, and is not understood by any
of their neighbors. In fact, they seem to have maintained it a State
secret. To what family it will ultimately be referred, cannot now
be decided.”

Eells also asserts the distinctness of this language from any of its
neighbors. Neither of the above authors assigned the language fam-
ily rank, and accordingly Mr. Gatschet, who has made a compari-
son of vocabularies and finds the language to be quite distinct from
any other, gives it the above name.

The Chimakum are said to have been formerly one of the largest
and most powerful tribes of PugetSound. Their warlike habits early
tended to diminish their numbers, and when visited by Gibbs in 1854
they counted only about seventy individuals. This small remnant
occupied some fifteen small lodges on Port Townsend Bay. Accord-
ing to Gibbs ‘‘ their territory seems to have embraced the shore from
Port Townsend to Port Ludlow.”' In 1884 there were, according to

1Dr. Boas was informed in 1889, by a surviving Chimakum woman and several
Clallam, that the tribe was confined to the peninsula between Hood’s Canal and
Port Townsend.

POWELL. ] CHIMARIKAN—CHIMMESYAN FAMILIES. 63

Mr. Myron Eells, about twenty individuals left, most of whom are
living near Port Townsend, Washington. Three or four live upon
the Skokomish Reservation at the southern end of Hood’s Canal.

The Quile-ute, of whom in 1889 there were 252 living on the Pacific
south of Cape Flattery, belong to the family. The Hoh, a sub-tribe,
of the latter, number 71 and are under the Puyallup Agency.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

The following tribes are recognized:
Chimakum. Quile-ute.

CHIMARIKAN FAMILY.

—Chim-a-ri’-ko, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 474, 1877. Gatschet in Mag. Am.
Hist., 255, April, 1882 (stated to be a distinct family).

According to Powers, this family was represented, so far as known,
by two tribes in California, one the Chi-mal-a-kwe, living on New
River, a branch of the Trinity, the other the Chimariko, residing
upon the Trinity itself from Burnt Ranch up to the mouth of North
Fork, California. The two tribes are said to have been as numer-
ous formerly as the Hupa, by whom they were overcome and nearly
exterminated. Upon thearrival of the Americans only twenty-five of
the Chimalakwe were left. In 1875 Powers collected a Chimariko
vocabulary of about two hundred words from a woman, supposed to
be one of the last three women of that tribe. In 1889 Mr. Curtin,
while in Hoopa Valley, found a Chimariko man seventy or more
years old, who is believed to be one of the two living survivors of the
tribe. Mr. Curtin obtained a good vocabulary and much valuable
information relative to the former habitat and history of the tribe.
Although a study of these vocabularies reveals a number of words
having correspondences with the Kulanapan (Pomo) equivalents,
yet the greater number show no affinities with the dialects of the
latter family, or indeed with any other. The family is therefore
classed as distinct.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

Chimariko. Chimalakwe.
CHIMMESYAN FAMILY.

=Chimmesyan, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 154, 1848 (between 53° 30' and
55° 30’ N. L.). Latham, Opuscula, 250, 1860.

Chemmesyan, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (includes Naaskok, Chemmesyan,
Kitshatlah, Kethumish). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856.
Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 401, 1862.

=Chymseyans, Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, app., 1859 (a census of tribes of
N. W. coast classified by languages).

=Chimsyans, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 487, 1855 (gives Kane’s list but with many
orthographical changes). Dall in Proc. Am, Ass., 269, 1869 (published in 1870).

64 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 36, 39, 40, 1877 (probably distinct from T’linkets).
Bancroft, Native Races, m1, 564, 607, 1882.

—Tshimsian, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 14-25, 1884.

—Tsimpsi-an’, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 379, 1885 (mere mention of family).

x Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., x1, 220, 1841 (includes Chim-
mesyans).

x Haidah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 220, 1841 (same as his North-
ern family).

<Naas, Gallatin in Trans. Am.. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, c, 1848 (including Chimmesyan).
Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

<Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 0, pt. 1,77, 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft,
Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853.

—=Nasse, Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 36, 40, 1877 (or Chimsyan).

<Nass, Bancroft, Nat. Races, m1, 564, 606, 1882 (includes Nass and Sebassa Indians
of this family, also Hailtza).

—Hydahs, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 478, 1878 (includes
Tsimsheeans, Nass, Skeenas, Sebasses of present family).

Derivation: From the Chimsian ts’em, *‘on;” kcian, ‘‘ main river:”
“On the main (Skeena) river.”

This name appears in a paper of Latham’s published in 1848. To
it is referred a vocabulary of Tolmie’s, The area where it is spoken
is said by Latham to be 50° 30’ and 55° 30’... The name has become
established by long usage, and it is chiefly on this account that it
has been given preference over the Naas of Gallatin of the same
year. The latter name was given by Gallatin to a group of lan-
guages now known to be not related, viz, Hailstla, Haceltzuk
Billechola, and Chimeysan. Billechola belongs under Salishan, a
family name of Gallatin’s of 1836.

Were it necessary to take Naas as a family name it would best
apply to Chimsian, it being the name of a dialect and village of
Chimsian Indians, while it has no pertinency whatever to Hailstla
and Haceltzuk, which are closely related and belong to a family
quite distinct from the Chimmesyan. As stated above, however,
the term Naas is rejected in favor of Chimmesyan of the same date.

For the boundaries of this family the lnguistic map published
by Tolmie and Dawson, in 1884, is followed.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

Following is a list of the Chimmesyan tribes, according to Boas:’

A. Nasqa’: Gyits umrii'lon.
Nasqa’. Gyits’ala’‘ser.
Gyitksa‘n. Gyitqa'tla.

B. Tsimshian proper: Gyitg'a’ata.
Ts’emsia‘n. Gyidesdzo’.

Population.—The Canadian Indian Report for 1888 records a total
for all the tribes of this family of 5,000. In the fall of 1887 about
1,000 of these Indians, in charge of Mr. William Duncan, removed

weacy A. rere Fifth ‘Rep. of Committee on NW. Tribes of Canada. Newcastle-
upon-Tyne meeting, 1889, pp. 8-9.

U, 9. NATIUNAL Wvobun.

PownLt:] CHINOOKAN FAMILY. 65

to Annette Island, about 60 miles north of the southern boundary
of Alaska, near Port Chester, where they have founded a new set-
tlement called New Metlakahtla. Here houses have been erected,
day and industrial schools established, and the Indians are under-
stood to be making remarkable progress in civilization.

CHINOOKAN FAMILY.

>Chinooks, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 134, 306, 1836 (a single
tribe at mouth of Columbia). ;

—Chinooks, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., vr, 198, 1846. Gallatin, after Hale, in Trans.
Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 15,1848 (or Tsinuk). . .

=Tshinuk, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., v1, 562, 569, 1846 (contains Watlala or Upper
Chinook, including Watlala, Nihaloitih, or Echeloots; and Tshinuk, including
Tshinuk, Tlatsap, Wakaikam).

=Tsinuk, Gallatin. after Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 15,1848. Berghaus
(1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

>Cheenook, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 236, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 253,
1860.

>Chinuk, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 317, 1850 (same as Tshinik; includes Chiniks
proper, Klatsops, Kathlamut, Wakaikam, Watlala, Nihaloitih). Latham in
Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (mere mention of family name). Latham,
Opuscula, 340, 1860. Buschmann. Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 616-619, 1859.

=Tschinuk, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas,map 17,1852. Latham in Trans. Philolog.
Soc. Lond., 73,1856 (mere mention of family name). Latham, Opuscula, 340,
1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil. , 402, 1862 (cites a short vocabulary of Watlala).

=Tshinook, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (Chinooks, Clatsops, and
Watlala). Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs. Brit. Col., 51,61, 1884.

>Tshinuk, Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 616, 1859 (same as his Chinuk),

=T'sinuk, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (mere mention of family).

=Chinook, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 167, 1877 (names and gives habitats of tribes).
Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Mise. , 442, 1877.

<Chinooks, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 474, 1878 (includes
Skilloots, Watlalas, Lower Chinooks, Wakiakums, Cathlamets, Clatsops, Cala-
pooyas, Clackamas, Killamooks, Yamkally, Chimook Jargon; of these Calapoo-
yas and Yamkally are Kalapooian, Killamooks are Salishan).

>Chinook, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 565, 626-628, 1882 (enumerates Chinook, Wakia-
kum, Cathlamet, Clatsop, Multnomah, Skilloot, Watlala).

< Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soe. Lond., XI, 224, 1841 (includes
Cheenooks, and Cathlascons of present family).

XSouthern, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as his Nootka-Columbian family above).

The vocabulary of the Chinook tribe, upon which the family
name was based, was derived from the mouth of the Columbia. As
now understood the family embraces a number of tribes, speaking
allied languages, whose former homes extended from the mouth of
the river for some 200 miles, or to The Dalles. According to Lewis
and Clarke, our best authorities on the pristine home of this family,
most of their villages were on the banks of the river, chiefly upon
the northern bank, though they probably claimed the land upon
either bank for several miles back.

7? ETH—5

66 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Their villages also extended on the Pacific coast north nearly to the
northern extreme of Shoalwater Bay, and to the south to about Tilla-
mook Head, some 20 miles from the mouth of the Columbia.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

Lower Chinook: Cathlapotle. Kcheloot.
Chinook. Chilluckquittequaw. Multnoma.
Clatsop. Clackama. Wahkiacum.

Upper Chinook: Cooniac. Wasco.
Cathlamet. ;

Population.—There are two hundred and eighty-eight Wasco.on
the Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon, and one hundred and fifty
on the Yakama Reservation, Washington. On the Grande Ronde
Reservation, Oregon, there are fifty-nine Clackama. From informa-
tion derived from Indians by Mr. Thomas Priestly, United States
Indian Agentat Yakama, it is learned that there still remain three or
four families of ‘‘ regular Chinook Indians,” probably belonging to
one of the down-river tribes, about 6 miles above the mouth of the
Columbia. Two 6f these speak the Chinook proper, and three have
an imperfect command of Clatsop. There are eight or ten families,
probably also of one of the lower river tribes, living near Freeport,
Washington.

Some of the Watlala, or Upper Chinook, live near the Cascades,
about 55 miles below The Dalles. There thus remain probably be-
tween five and six hundred of the Indians of this family.

CHITIMACHAN FAMILY.

= Chitimachas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 114, 117, 1836. Prich-
ard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v ,407, 1847.

= Chetimachas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am, Antiq. Soc., 1, 306, 1886. Gallatin
in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 0, pt. 1, xcix, 1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850.
Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 402, 1853.

= Chetimacha, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., m1, 31-50, 1846. Latham,
Opuscula , 293, 1860.

= Chetemachas, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1,77, 1848 (same as Chiti-
machas).

= Shetimasha, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 44,1884. Gatschet in Science, 414,
April 29, 1887. “

Derivation: From Choctaw words tchtti, ‘‘ cooking vessels,”
miasha, ‘* tlley possess,” (Gatschet).

This family was based upon the language of the tribe of the same
name, ‘‘ formerly living in the vicinity of Lake Barataria, and still
existing (1836) in lower Louisiana.”

Du Pratz asserted that the Taensa and Chitimacha were kindred
tribes of the Na’htchi. A vocabulary of the Shetimasha, however,
revealed to Gallatin no traces of such affinity. He considered both

POWELL. | CHUMASHAN FAMILY. 67

to represent distinct families, a conclusion subsequent investigations
have sustained.

In 1881 Mr. Gatschet visited the remnants of this tribe in Louis-
iana. He found about fifty individuals, a portion of whom lived
on Grand River, but the larger part in Charenton, St. Mary’s Parish.
The tribal organization was abandoned in 1879 on the death of their
chief.

CHUMASHAN FAMILY.

> Santa Barbara, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 85, 1856 (includes Santa
Barbara, Santa Inez, San Luis Obispo languages). Buschmann, Spuren der
aztek. Sprache, 531,535, 588, 602,1859. Latham, Opuscula, 351, 1860. Powell
in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 550, 567, 1877 (Kasua, Santa Inez, Id. of Santa Cruz,
Santa Barbara). Gatschet in U. S.Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., vir, 419, 1879 (cites
La Purisima, Santa Inez, Santa Barbara, Kasua, Mugu, Santa Cruz Id.).

x Santa Barbara, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877 (Santa Inez, Santa Barbara,
Santa Cruz Id.,San Luis Obispo, San Antonio).

Derivation: From Chumash, the name of the Santa Rosa Islanders.

The several dialects of this family have long been known under
the group or family name, ‘Santa Barbara,” which seems first to
have been used in a comprehensive sense by Latham in 1856, who
included under it three languages, viz: Santa Barbara, Santa Inez,
and San Luis Obispo. The term has no special pertinence as a
family designation, except from the fact that the Santa Barbara
Mission, around which one of the dialects of the family was spoken,
is perhaps more widely known than any of the others. Neverthe-
less, as itis the family name first applied to the group and has, more-
over, passed into current use its claim to recognition would not be
questioned were it not a compound name. Under the rule adopted
the latter fact necessitates its rejection. As a suitable substitute
the term Chumashan is here adopted. Chumash is the name of
the Santa Rosa Islanders, who spoke a dialect of this stock, and is a
term widely known among the Indians of this family.

The Indians of this family lived in villages, the villages as a
whole apparently having no political connection, and hence there
appears to have been no appellation in use among them to designate
themselves as a whole people.

Dialects of this language were spoken at the Missions of San
Buenaventura, Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, Purisima, and San Luis
Obispo. Kindred dialects were spoken also upon the Islands of
Santa Rosa and Santa Cruz, and also, probably, upon such other of
the Santa Barbara Islands as formerly were permanently inhabited.

These dialects collectively form a remarkably homogeneous family,
all of them, with the exception of the San Luis Obispo, being
closely related and containing very many words in common. Vo-
cabularies representing six dialects of the language are in possession
of the Bureau of Ethnology.

65 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

The inland limits of this family can not be exactly defined,
although a list of more than one hundred villages with their sites,
obtained by Mr. Henshaw in 1884, shows that the tribes were essen-
tially maritime and were closely confined to the coast.

Population.—In 1884 Mr. Henshaw visited the several counties
formerly inhabited by the populous tribes of this family and dis-
covered that about forty men, women, and children survived. The
adults still speak their old langusge when conversing with each
other, though on other occasions they use Spanish. The largest
settlement is at San Buenaventura, where perhaps 20 individuals
live near the outskirts of the town.

COAHUILTECAN FAMILY.

= Coahuilteco, Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864.

= Tejano 6 Coahuilteco, Pimentel, Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas
Indigenas de México, 11, 409, 1865. (A preliminary notice with example from
the language derived from Garcia’s Manual, 1760.)

Derivation: From the name of the Mexican State Coahuila.

This family appears to have included numerous tribes in south-
western Texas and in Mexico. They are chiefly known through the
record of the Rev. Father Bartolomé Garcia (Manual para adminis-
trar, etc.), published in 1760. In the preface to the ‘‘ Manual” he
enumerates the tribes and sets forth some phonetic and grammatic
differences between the dialects.

On page 63 of his Geografia de las Lenguas de México, 1864, Orozco
y Berra gives a list of the languages of Mexico and includes
Coahuilteco, indicating it as the language of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon,
and Tamaulipas. He does not, however, indicate its extension into
Texas. It would thus seem that he intended the name as a general
designation for the language of all the cognate tribes.

Upon his colored ethnographic map, also, Orozco y Berra desig-
nates the Mexican portion of the area formerly occupied by the
tribes of this family Coahuilteco.' In his statement that the lan-
guage and tribes are extinct this author was mistaken, as a few
Indians still survive who speak one of the dialects of this family,
and in 1886 Mr. Gatschet collected vocabularies of two tribes, the
Comecrudo and Cotoname, who live on the Rio Grande, at Las
Prietas, State of Tamaulipas. Of the Comecrudo some twenty-five
still remain, of whom seven speak the language.

The Cotoname are practically extinct, although Mr. Gatschet
obtained one hundred and twenty-five words from a man said to be
of this blood. Besides the above, Mr. Gatschet obtained information
of the existence of two women of the Pinto or Pakawéa tribe who
live at La Volsa, near Reynosa, Tamaulipas, on the Rio Grande, and
who are said to speak their own language.

‘ Geografia de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864.

POWELL. | COPEHAN FAMILY. 69

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

Alasapa. Miakan. Pastancoya.
Cachopostate. Orejone. Patacale.
Casa chiquita. Pacuache, Pausane.
Chayopine. Pajalate. Payseya.
Comecrudo. Pakawa. Sanipao.
Cotoname. Pamaque. Tacame.
Mano de perro. Pampopa. Venado.
Mescal.

COPEHAN FAMILY.

> Cop-eh, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 421, 1853 (mentioned as a dialect).

= Copeh, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 79, 1856 (of Upper Sacramento;
cites vocabs. from Gallatin and Schoolcraft). Latham, Opuscula, 345, 1860.
Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 412, 1862.

= Wintoons, Powers in Overland Monthly, 530, June, 1874 (Upper Sacramento and
Upper Trinity). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 160, 1877 (defines habitat and
names tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Miscellany, 434, 1877.

= Win-tiin, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1m, 518-534, 1877 (vocabularies of Wintun,

_ Sacramento River, Trinity Indians). Gatschet in U. S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th
M., vil, 418, 1879 (defines area occupied by family).

x Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 (cited
as including Copahs, Patawats, Wintoons). Bancroft, Nat. Races, m1, 565, 1882
(contains Copah).

> Napa, Keane, ibid. , 476, 524, 1878 (includes Myacomas , Calayomanes, Caymus, Ulu-
cas, Suscols). Bancroft, Nat. Races, m1, 567, 1882 (includes Napa, Myacoma, Calay-
omane, Caymus, Uluca, Suscol).

This name was proposed by Latham with evident hesitation. He
says of it: ‘* How far this will eventually turn out to be a conven-
ient name for the group (or how far the group itself will be real),
is uncertain.” Under it he places two vocabularies, one from the
Upper Sacramento and the other from Mag Redings in Shasta
County. The head of Putos Creek is given as headquarters for the
language. Recent investigations have served to fully confirm the
validity of the family.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The territory of the Copehan family is bounded on the north by
Mount Shasta and the territory of the Sastean and Lutuamian
families, on the east by the territory of the Palaihnihan, Yanan, and
Pujunan families, and on the south by the bays of San Pablo and
Suisun and the lower waters of the Sacramento.

The eastern boundary of the territory begins about 5 miles east
of Mount Shasta, crosses Pit River a little east of Squaw Creek, and
reaches to within 10 miles of the eastern bank of the Sacramento at
Redding. From Redding to Chico Creek the boundary is about 10
miles east of the Sacramento. From Chico downward the Puju-
nan family encroaches till at the mouth of Feather River it occupies

va) INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

the eastern bank of the Sacramento. The western boundary of the
Copehan family begins at the northernmost point of San Pablo Bay,
trends to the northwest in a somewhat irregular line till it reaches
John’s Peak, from which point it follows the Coast Range to the
upper waters of Cottonwood Creek, whence it deflects to the west,
crossing the headwaters of the Trinity and ending at the southern
boundary of the Sastean family.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

A. Patwin: Napa. B. Wintu:
Chenposel. Olelato. Daupom.
Guilito. Olposel. Nomlaki.
Korusi. Suisun. Nommuk.
Liwaito. Todetabi. Norelmuk.
Lolsel. Topaidisel. Normuk.
Makhelchel. Waikosel. Waikenmuk.
Malaka. Wailaksel. Wailaki.

COSTANOAN FAMILY.

=Costano, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 82,1856 (includes the Ahwastes,
Olhones or Costanos, Romonans.Tulomos, Altatmos). Latham, Opuscula, 348,
1860,

< Mutsun, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (includes Ahwastes, Olhones, Al-
tahmos, Romonans, Tulomos). Powellin Cont. N. A. Eth., 11,535, 1877 (includes
under thisfamily vocabs. of Costano, Matstn, Santa Clara, Santa Cruz).

Derivation: From the Spanish costano, ‘‘ coast-men.”

Under-this group name Latham included five tribes, given above,
which were under the supervision of the Mission Dolores. He
gives a few words of the Romonan language, comparing it with
Tshokoyem which he finds to differ markedly. He finally expresses
the opinion that, notwithstanding the resemblance of a few words,
notably personal pronouns, to Tshokoyem of the Moquelumnan
group, the affinities of the dialects of the Costano are with the
Salinas group, with which, however, he does not unite it but pre-
fers to keep it by itself. Later, in 1877, Mr. Gatschet,’ under the
family name Mutsun, united the Costano dialects with the ones
classified by Latham under Moquelumnan. This arrangement was
followed by Powell in his classification of vocabularies.* More
recent comparison of all the published material by Mr. Curtin, of
the Bureau, revealed very decided and apparently radical differ-
ences between the two groups of dialects. In 1888 Mr. H. W.
Henshaw visited the coast to the north and south of San Francisco,
and obtained a considerable body of linguistic material for further
comparison. The result seems fully to justify the separation of the
two groups as distinct families.

'Mag. Am. Hist., 1877, p. 157. * Cont. N. A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 535.

=I
—

POWELL. | ESKIMAUAN FAMILY.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

The territory of the Costanoan family extends from the Golden
Gate to a point near the southern end of Monterey Bay. On the
south it is bounded from Monterey Bay to the mountains by the
Esselenian territory. On the east side of the mountains it extends
to the southern end of Salinas Valley. On the east it is bounded
by a somewhat irregular line running from the southern end of
Salinas Valley to Gilroy Hot Springs and the upper waters of Con-
estimba Creek, and northward from the latter points by the San
Joaquin River to its mouth. The northern boundary is formed by
Suisun Bay, Carquinez Straits, San Pablo and San Francisco Bays,
and the Golden Gate.

Population.—The surviving Indians of the once populous tribes
of this family are now scattered over several counties and probably
do not number, all told, over thirty individuals, as was ascertained by
Mr. Henshaw in 1888. Most of these are to be found near the towns
of Santa Cruz and Monterey. Only the older individuals speak the

language.
ESKIMAUAN FAMILY.

> Eskimaux, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 9,305, 1836. Gallatin in
Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 11, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes,
11, 401, 1853.

= Eskimo, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1848. Ibid., 1852. Latham, Nat.
Hist. Man, 288, 1850 (general remarks on origin and habitat). Buschmann,Spuren
der aztek. Sprache, 689, 1859. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 385, 1862. Bancroft,
Nat. Races, 11, 562,574, 1882.

> Esquimaux, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 367-371, 1847 (follows Gallatin).
Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 182-191, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 266-274,
1860.

> Eskimo, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 266, 1869 (treats of Alaskan Eskimo and Tuski
only). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (excludes the Aleutian).

> Eskimos, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 1878 (excludes
Aleutian).

> Ounangan, Veniaminoff, Zapiski ob ostrovay Unalashkinskago otdailo, 0, 1, 1840
(Aleutians only).

>Uniigiin, Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 22, 1877 (Aleuts a division of his Orarian
group).

> Unangan, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

x Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 218, 1841 (includes Uga-
lentzes of present family).

x Haidah, Scouler, ibid., 224, 1841 (same as his Northern family).

> Ugaljachmutzi, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (lat. 60°, between
Prince Williams Sound and Mount St. Elias, perhaps Athapascas).

Aleuten, Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizzen d. Vélker Russ. Am., 1855.

> Aleutians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 266, 1869. Dall, Alaska and Resources, 374.1870
(in both places a division of his Orarian family).

> Aleuts, Keane, App. Stanford’s Com, . (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 1878 (consist of
Unalaskans of mainland and of Fox and Shumagin Ids., with Akkhas of rest of

_ Aleutian Arch.).

> Aleut, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 01,562, 1882 (two dialects, Unalaska and Atkha).

72 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

> Konjagen, Holmberg, Ethnograph. Skizzen Volker Russ. Am., 1855 (Island of
Koniag or Kadiak).

— Orarians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 265, 1869 (group name; includes Innuit, Aleu-
tians, Tuski). Dall, Alaska and Resources, 374,1870. Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth.,
1, 8, 9, 1877.

x Tinneh, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass. ,269, 1869 (includes ‘‘ Ugalensé ”).

> Innitit, Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth.,1,9, 1877 (** Major group” of Orarians: treats of
Alaska Innuit only). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (excludes the Aleu-
tians).

Derivation: From an Algonkin word eskimantik, ‘eaters of raw
flesh.”

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The geographic boundaries of this family were set forth by Gal-
latin in 1836 with considerable precision, and require comparatively
little revision and correction.

In the linear extent of country occupied, the Eskimauan is the most
remarkable of the North American linguistic families. It extends
coastwise from eastern Greenland to western Alaska and to the
extremity of the Aleutian Islands, a distance of considerably more
than 5,000 miles. The winter or permanent villages are usually sit-
uated on the coast and are frequently at considerable distances from
one another, the intervening areas being usually visited in summer,
for hunting and fishing purposes. The interior is also visited by the
Eskimo for the purpose of hunting reindeer and other animals,
though they rarely penetrate farther than 50 miles. A narrow strip
along the coast, perhaps 30 miles wide, will probably, on the average,
represent Eskimo occupancy.

Except upon the Aleutian Islands, the dialects spoken over this
vast area are very similar, the unity of dialect thus observable being
in marked contrast to the tendency to change exhibited in other lin-
guistic families of North America.

How far north the east coast of Greenland is inhabited by Eskimo
is not at present known. In 1823 Capt. Clavering met with two
families of Eskimo north of 74° 30’. Recent explorations (185485)
by Capt. Holm, of the Danish Navy, along the southeast coast
reveal the presence of Eskimo between 65° and 66° north latitude.
These Eskimo profess entire ignorance of any inhabitants north of
themselves, which may be taken as proof that if there are fiords
farther up the coast which are inhabited there has been no intercom-
munication in recent times at least between these tribes and those to
the south. It seems probable that more or less isolated colonies of
Eskimo do actually exist along the east coast of Greenland far to
the north.

Along the west coast of Greenland, Eskimo occupancy extends to
about 74°. This division is separated by a considerable interval of
uninhabited coast from the Etah Eskimo who occupy the coast from
Smith Sound to Cape York, their most northerly village being in

POWELL. ] ESKIMAUAN FAMILY. (3)

fe)

78° 18’, For our knowledge of these interesting people we are
chiefly indebted to Ross and Bessels.

In Grinnell Land, Gen. Greely found indications of permanent
Eskimo habitations near Fort Conger, lat. 81° 44’.

On the coast of Labrador the Eskimo reach as far south as Ham-
ilton Inlet, about 55° 30’. Not long since they extended to the
Straits of Belle Isle, 50° 30’.

On the east coast of Hudson Bay the Eskimo reach at present
nearly to James Bay. According to Dobbs' in 1744 they extended
as far south as east Maine River, or about 52°. The name Notaway
(Eskimo) River at the southern end of the bay indicates a former
Eskimo extension to that point.

According to Boas and Bessels the most northern Eskimo of the
middle group north of Hudson Bay reside on the southern ex-
tremity of Ellesmere Land around Jones Sound. Evidences of
former occupation of Prince Patrick, Melville, and other of the
northern Arctic islands are not lacking, but for some unknown cause,
probably a failure of food supply, the Eskimo have migrated thence
and the islands are no longer inhabited. In the western part of the
central region the coast appears to be uninhabited from the Copper-
mine River to Cape Bathurst. To the west of the Mackenzie, Her-
schel Island marks the limit of permanent occupancy by the Macken-
zie Eskimo, there being no permanent villages between that island
and the settlements at Point Barrow.

The intervening strip of coast is, however, undoubtedly hunted
over more or less insummer. The Point Barrow Eskimo do not
penetrate far into the interior, but farther to the south the Eskimo
reach to the headwaters of the Nunatog and Koyuk Rivers. Only
visiting the coast for trading purposes, they occupy an anomalous
position among Eskimo.

Eskimo occupancy of the rest of the Alaska coast is practically
continuous throughout its whole extent as far to the south and east
as the Atna or Copper River, where begin the domains of the Kolu-
schan family. Only in two places do the Indians of the Athapascan
family intrude upon Eskimo territory, about Cook’s Inlet, and at the
mouth of Copper River.

Owing to the labors of Dall, Petroff, Nelson, Turner, Murdoch,
and others we are now pretty well informed as to the distribution of
the Eskimo in Alaska.

Nothing is said by Gallatin of the Aleutian Islanders and they
were probably not considered by him to be Eskimauan. They are
now known to belong to this family, though the Aleutian dialects are
unintelligible to the Eskimo proper. Their distribution has been en-
tirely changed since the advent of the Russians and the introduction

"Dobbs (Arthur). An account of the Countries adjoining to Hudson’s Bay. Lon-
don, 1744,

74 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

of the fur trade, and at present they occupy only a very small
portion of the islands. Formerly they were much more numerous
than at present and extended throughout the chain.

The Eskimauan family is represented in northeast Asia by the
Yuit of the Chukchi peninsula, who are to be distinguished from
the sedentary Chukchi or the Tuski of authors, the latter being of
Asiatic origin. According to Dall the former are comparatively
recent arrivals from the American continent, and, like their brethren
of America, are confined exclusively to the coast.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND VILLAGES.

Greenland group—Kast Greenland villages :

Akorninak. Kemisak. Sermiligak.
Aluik. Kikkertarsoak. Sermilik.
Anarnitsok. Kinarbik. Taterat.
Angmagsalik. Maneetsuk. Umanak.
Igdlolnarsuk. Narsuk. Umerik.
Tvimiut. Okkiosorbik.

West coast villages :
Akbat. Karsuit. Tessuisak.

Labrador group:
Itivimiut. Suqinimiut. Taqagmiut.
Kiguaqtagmiut.

Middle Group :
Aggomiut. Kangormiut. Pilingmiut.
Ahaknanelet. Kinnepatu. Sagdlirmiut.
Aivillirmiut. Kramalit. Sikosuilarmiut.
Akudliarmiut. Nageuktormiut. Sininiut.
Akudnirmiut. Netchillirmiut. Ugjulirmiut.
Amitormiut. Nugumiut. Ukusiksalingmiut.
Tglulingmiut. Okomiut.

Alaska group :
Chiglht. Kittegareut. Nushagagmiut.
Chugachigmiut. Kopagmiut. Nuwungmiut.
Ikogmiut. Kuagmiut. Oglemiut.
Imahkliniut. Kuskwogmiut. Selawigmiut.
Inguhklimiut. Magemiut. Shiwokugmiut.
Kaialigmiut. Mahlemiut. Ukivokgmiut.
Kangmaligmiut. Nunatogmiut. Unaligmiut.
Kaviagmiut. Nunivagmiut.

Aleutian group :
Atka. Unalashka.

Asiatic group :
Yuit.

Population.—Only a rough approximation of the population of
the Eskimo car be given, since of some of the divisions next to

POWELL. ] ESSELENIAN FAMILY. 7d

nothing is known. Dall compiles the following estimates cf the
Alaskan Eskimo from the most reliable figures up to 1885: Of the
Northwestern Innuit 3,100 (?), including the Kopagmiut, Kangma-
ligmiut, Nuwukmiut, Nunatogmiut, Kuagmiut, the Inguhklimiut
of Little Diomede Island 40 (?), Shiwokugmiut of St. Lawrence
Island 150 (?), the Western Innuit. 14,500 (?), the Aleutian Island-
ers (Unungun) 2,200 (?); total of the Alaskan Innuit, about 20,000.

The Central or Baffin Land Eskimo are estimated by Boas to
number about 1,100."

From figures given by Rink, Packard, and others, the total num-
ber of Labrador Eskimo is believed to be about 2,000.

According to Holm (1884-85) there are about 550 Eskimo on the
east coast of Greenland. On the west coast the mission Eskimo
numbered 10,122 in 1886, while the northern Greenland Eskimo,
the Arctic Highlanders of Ross, number about 200.

Thus throughout the Arctic regions generally there is a total of
about 34,000.

ESSELENIAN FAMILY.

< Salinas, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes Gioloco ?, Ruslen,
Soledad, Eslen, Carmel, San Antonio, and San Miguel, cited as including Eslen).
Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860.

As afterwards mentioned under the Salinan family, the present
family was included by Latham in the heterogeneous group called
by him Salinas. For reasons there given the term Salinan was
restricted to the San Antonio and San Miguel languages, leaving
the present family without a name. It is called Esselenian, from
the name of the single tribe Esselen, of which it is composed.

Its history is a curious and interesting one. Apparently the first
mention of the tribe and language is to be found in the Voyage de la
Pérouse, Paris, 1797, page 288, where Lamanon (1786) states that the
language of the Ecclemachs (Esselen) differs ‘‘ absolutely from all
those of their neighbors.” He gives a vocabulary of twenty-two
words and by way of comparison a list of the ten numerals of the
Achastlians (Costanoan family). It wasa study of the former short
vocabulary, published by Taylor in the California Farmer, October
24, 1862, that first led to the supposition of the distinctness of this
language.

A few years later the Esselen people came under the observation
of Galiano,* who mentions the Eslen and Runsien as two distinct
nations, and notes a variety of differences in usages and customs
which are of no great weight. It is of interest to note, however,
that this author also appears to have observed essential differences

1 Sixth Ann. Rep. Bu. Eth., 426, 1888.
2 Relacion del viage hecho por las Goletas Sutil y Mexicana en el afio de 1792.
Madrid, 1802, p. 172.

76 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

in the languages of the two peoples, concerning which he says: ‘* The
same difference as in usage and custom is observed in the languages
of the two nations, as will be perceived from the following com-
parison with which we will conclude this chap‘er.”

Galiano supplies Esselen and Runsien vocabularies of thirty-one
words, most of which agree with the earlier vocabulary of Lamanon.
These were published by Taylor in the California Farmer under
date of April 20, 1860.

In the fall of 1888 Mr. H. W. Henshaw visited the vicinity of
Monterey with the hope of discovering survivors of these Indians.
Two women were found in the Salinas Valley to the south who
claimed to be of Esselen blood, but neither of them was able to
recall any of the language, both having learned in early life to speak
the Runsien language in place of their own. An old woman was
found in the Carmelo Valley near Monterey and an old man living
near the town of Cayucos, who, though of Runsien birth, remem-
bered considerable of the language of their neighbors with whom
they were connected by marriage. From them a vocabulary of one
hundred and ten words and sixty-eight phrases and short sentences
were obtained. These serve to establish the general correctness of
the short lists of words collected so long ago by Lamanon and Gali-
ano, and they also prove beyond reasonable doubt that the Esselen
language forms a family by itself and has no connection with any
other known.

The tribe or tribes composing this family occupied a narrow strip
of the California coast from Monterey Bay south to the vicinity of
the Santa Lucia Mountain, a distance of about 50 miles.

TROQUOIAN FAMILY.

> Iroquois, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 21, 25, 305, 1836 (excludes Chero-
kee). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 381, 1847 (follows Gallatin). Gallatin in
Trans. Am. nance 11, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (as in 1886). Gallatin in School-
craft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 401, 1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58,
1856. Latham, One ih, 327, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 463, 1862.

> Trokesen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1848. Ibid., 1852.

x [rokesen, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (includes Kataba and said to be
derived from Dakota).

> Huron-Iroquois, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 11, 243, 1840.

> Wyandot-Iroquois, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
468, 1878.

> Cherokees, Gallatin in Am. Antiq. Soc., 11,89, 306, 18386 (kept apart from Troquois
though probable affinity asserted). Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 11, 246, 1840. Prichard,
Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 401, 1847. Gallatinin Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 0, pt. 1, xcix,
77, 1848. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (a separate group
perhaps to be classed with Iroquois and Sioux). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, m1, 401, 1853. Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860. Keane, App. Stanford’s
ODED (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 472, 1878 (same as Chelekees or Tsalagi —

“apparently entirely distinct from all other American tongues”).
> Tschirokies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848.

POWELL. | IROQUOIAN FAMILY, en

> Chelekees, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent.and So. Am. ), 472, 1878 (or Chero-
kees).
> Cheroki, Gatschet,Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 24, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 413,
April 29, 1887.
= Huron-Cherokee, Hale in Am. Antiq., 20, Jan., 1883 (proposed as a family name
instead of Huron-Iroquois; relationship to Troquois affirmed).

Derivation: French adaptation of the Iroquois word hiro, used to
conclude a speech, and koué, an exclamation (Charlevoix). Hale
gives as possible derivations ierokwa, the indeterminate form of the —
verb to smoke, signifying ‘‘they who smoke;”’ also the Cayuga
form of bear, iakwai.' Mr. Hewitt? suggests the Algonkin words irin,
true, or real; ako, snake; withthe French termination ois, the word
becomes Trinakois.

With reference to this family it is of interest to note that as
early as 1798 Barton* compared the Cheroki language with that
of the Iroquois and stated his belief that there was a connec-
tion between them. Gallatin, in the Archzeologia Americana, refers
to the opinion expressed by Barton, and although he states that he
is inclined to agree with that author, yet he does not formally refer
Cheroki to that family, concluding that ‘* We have not a sufficient
knowledge of the grammar, and generally of the language of the
Five Nations, or of the Wyandots, to decide that question,”

Mr. Hale was the first to give formal expression to his belief in
the affinity of the Cheroki to Iroquois.’ Recently extensive Cheroki
vocabularies have come into possession of the Bureau of Ethnology,
and a careful comparison of them with ample Iroquois material has
been made by Mr. Hewitt. The result is convincing proof of the
relationship of the two languages as affirmed by Barton so long ago.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

Unlike most linguistic stocks, the Iroquoian tribes did not occupy
a continuous area, but when first known to Europeans were settled in
three distinct regions, separated from each other by tribes of other
lineage. The northern group was surrounded by tribes of Algon-
quian stock, while the more southern groups bordered upon the
Catawba and Maskoki.

A tradition of the Iroquois points to the St. Lawrence region
as the early home of the Iroquoian tribes, whence they gradually
moved down to the southwest along the shores of the Great Lakes.

When Cartier, in 1534, first explored the bays and inlets of the
Gulf of St. Lawrence he met a Huron-Iroquoian people on the shores
of the Bay of Gaspé, who also visited the northern coast of the gulf.
In the following year when he sailed up the St. Lawrence River he

'Troquois Book of Rites, 1883, app., p. 173.

* American Anthropologist, 1888, vol. 1, p. 188.

“New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America. Phila., 1798.
‘Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 2, p. 92.

* Am. Antiq., 1883, vol. 5, p. 20.

78 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

found the banks of the river from Quebec to Montreal occupied by
an Iroquoian people. From statements of Champlain and other
early explorers it seems probable that the Wyandot once occupied
the country along the northern shore of Lake Ontario.

The Conestoga, and perhaps some allied tribes, occupied the coun-
try about the Lower Susquehanna, in Pennsylvania and Maryland,
and have commonly been regarded as an isolated body, but it seems
probable that their territory was contiguous to that of the Five
Nations on the north before the Delaware began their westward
movement.

As the Cherokee were the principal tribe on the borders of the
southern colonies and occupied the leading place in all the treaty
negotiations, they came to be considered as the owners of a large
territory to which they had no real claim. Their first sale, in 1721,
embraced a tract in South Carolina, between the Congaree and the
South Fork of the Edisto,’ but about one-half of this tract, form-
ing the present Lexington County, belonging to the Congaree.* In
1755 they sold a second tract above the first and extending across
South Carolina from the Savannah to the Catawba (or Wateree),’
but all of this tract east of Broad River belonged to other tribes.
The lower part, between the Congaree and the Wateree, had been
sold 20 years before, and in the upper part the Broad River was
acknowledged as the western Catawba boundary.* In 1770 they
sold a tract, principally in Virginia and West Virginia, bounded east
by the Great Kanawha,* but the Iroquois claimed by conquest all of
this tract northwest of the main ridge of the Alleghany and Cum-
berland Mountains, and extending at least to the Kentucky River,"
and two years previously they had made a treaty with Sir William
Johnson by which they were recognized asthe owners of all between
Cumberland Mountains and the Ohio down to the Tennessee.’ The
Cumberland River basin was the only part of this tract to which
the Cherokee had any real title, having driven out the former
occupants, the Shawnee, about 1721.° The Cherokee had no vil-
lages north of the Tennessee (this probably includes the Holston as
its upper part), and at a conference at Albany the Cherokee delegates
presented to the Iroquois the skin of a deer, which they said belonged
to the Iroquois, as the animal had been killed north of the Tennes-
see.’ In 1805, 1806, and 1817 they sold several tracts, mainly in

1 Cession No. 1, on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884.

2 Howe in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 1854, vol. 4, p. 163.

3 Cession 2,on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884.

4 Howe in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1854, vol. 4, pp. 155-159.

5 Cession 4, on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884.

® Sir William Johnson in Parkman’s Conspiracy of Pontiac, app.
7 Bancroft, Hist. U.S.

8’ Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee, 1853.

* Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee, 1853.

POWELL. | IROQUOIAN FAMILY. 79

middle Tennessee, north of the Tennessee River and extending to
the Cumberland River watershed, but this territory was claimed
and had been occupied by the Chickasaw, and at one conference
the Cherokee admitted their claim.’ The adjacent tract in north-
ern Alabama and Georgia, on the headwaters of the Coosa, was not
permanently occupied by the Cherokee until they began te move
westward, about 1770.

The whole region of West Virginia, Kentucky, and the Cumber-
land River region of Tennessee was claimed by the Iroquois and
Cherokee, but the Iroquois never occupied any of it and the Chero-
kee could not be said to occupy any beyond the Cumberland Moun-
tains. The Cumberland River was originally held by the Shawnee,
and the rest was occupied, so far as it was occupied at all, by the
Shawnee, Delaware, and occasionally by the Wyandot and Mingo
(Iroquoian), who made regular excursions southward across the
Ohio every year to hunt and to make salt at the licks. Most of the
temporary camps or villages in Kentucky and West Virginia were
built by the Shawnee and Delaware. The Shawnee and Dela-
ware -were the principal barrier to the settlement of Kentucky and
West Virginia for a period of 20 years, while in all that time neither
the Cherokee nor the Iroquois offered any resistance or checked the
opposition of the Ohio tribes.

The Cherokee bounds in Virginia should be extended along the
mountain region as far at least as the James River, as they claim
to have lived at the Peaks of Otter,* and seem to be identical with
the Rickohockan or Rechahecrian of the early Virginia writers,
who lived in the mountains beyond the Monacan, and in 1656 ray-
aged the lowland country as far as the site of Richmond and de-
feated the English and the Powhatan Indians in a pitched battle at
that place.*

The language of the Tuscarora, formerly of northeastern North
Carolina, connect them directly with the northern Iroquois. The
Chowanoc and Nottoway and other cognate tribes adjoining the
Tuscarora may have been offshoots from that tribe.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

Cayuga. Neuter. Seneca.
Cherokee. Nottoway. Tionontate.
Conestoga. Oneida. Tuscarora.
Erie. Onondaga. W yandot.
Mohawk.

Population.—The present number of the Iroquoian stock is about
43,000, of whom over 34,000 (including the Cherokees) are in the
United States while nearly 9,000 are in Canada. Below is given
the population of the different tribes, compiled chiefly from the

! Blount (1792) in Am. State Papers, 1832, vol. 4, p. 326.
* Schooleraft, Notes on Iroquois, 1847.
* Bancroft, Hist. U.S.

s0 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Canadian Indian Report for 1888, and the United States Census
Bulletin for 1890:

Cherokee:
Cherokee and Choctaw Nations, Indian Territory (exclusive of adopted
Indians; neproes;iand -wihites) i) )asciciiet steels ister erent eri 25, 557
Eastern Band, Qualla Reservation, Cheowah, etc., North Carolina (ex-
clusive’of those ipractically, white) fos ae eeneeie rerae etait terete 1,500 ?
Lawrence'school, Kansas! ../-.o cj. 2 nines atone tvelapr tee erraeret ate 6
27, 063 ?
Caughnawaga:
@atighnawaga,(Quebeey seri. sereislsspeperetete clits rere takeleteneterarei ie net ele tay ste ere 1, 673
Cayuga:
GrandRiver; (Omtarioy sy. rastciencrtsete ees cteueieiy str srteemee tee tee oh ete ee ere 972?
With Seneca, Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory (total 255)... ....... 128?
Cattaraugus Reserve, New York....... SSCS CSE E eee. SMeode 165
@therReservestin (New Yorks, cee. ces aceite maa tebe erent ents ees 36
1,301?

“* Troquois ”:
Of Lake of Two Mountains, Quebec, mainly Mohawk (with Algon-

(CHiN) Boat arpa onsGedsAgED SEU ODOR ab MUS. UscUnooh acoshoo bed ows ubolne 345
With Algonquin at Gibson, Ontario (total 181) ...................... 31?
3762
Mohawk:
Quinte Bay, \OntariOncemasscic acetic ieee terrae aeme rane rstetats 1, 050
Grand River, Ontarion.......4..csseeee Oa Ser RS ST e tae Mea 1, 302
Tonawanda, Onondaga, and Cattaraugus Reserves, New York........ 6
2,358
Oneida:
QOneida,and other: Reserves; New) WOrky. cseniciecietiseei setter eles este 295
Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin (‘‘including homeless Indians”)........ 1,716
Carlisletand Elamptonyschools: essences eee eee eee ee ee 104
TMaames River: «Omar's Se oh riror ctoree cesceteetore note he colors a ce ote ett eee hon Tis
Grand River, Ontario s.j..- vate ccterrorko sect selene ios eee eee oer eral 236
3, 129
Onondaga:
@nondacaphesenves NG wal wOvks mre sal tetotsetstatistelsene esteteree re coeacntc eterna 380
Ailevany Reserves News MOLK mniacui ic cert ticrise sence staccato ae G7
Cattaraugus Reserves Ne wav OL Kero teretiaouieie’ sislersicraeeivercietetseetere rials 38
Tuscarora (41) and Tonawanda (4) Reserves, New York..............- 45
Carlislevand? Elampton schools rriec ost eiestatlteicte eet eee eralre : 4
Grand) River; Ontanion.. fcc se A aby, DMORO Ronis Sar G AnD Oe 346
890
Seneca:
With Cayuga, Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory (total 255)........... 127?
Allegany Reserve, New York... 0.0.52. 55 020500 ceecce ews ee eeeer cece 862
Cattaraugus Reserves New, Vorkete pee eerse eter eciee er cere 1,318
TonaywandaiResenve. ING wa OLK eet eesteleie eter eres cae rere sietete tee reecte 517
Tuscarora and Onondaga Reserves, New York ..............+----- Shans 12
Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools............-......-------:: 13
Grands River OntariOcirncc oayciteiers oe eisiacicies siete nie lsierereeietteee eters 206

3, 055?

POWELL. | KALAPOOIAN FAMILY. $1

St. Regis:
St. Regis Reserve, New York...... ..... DP Eiht: Beet tis Ie see 1,053

Onondaga and other Reserves, New York.................0-0ee00-005 17
St. Regis Reserve, Quebec............. 02... b sts atievar soa Crt ate 1,179

2, 249

Tuscarora:
MUsScaArorauResenvewNe wi A OLle anc ce eae Ono oe nee 398
Cattaraugus and Tonawanda Reserves, New York.................... 6
(Caving Iie MOMMUGhOs Sr oseenpeesaoee sone. abescotone Sent Ok: erate tie B29
733

Wyandot:
QuapaweAlpeney, indian ALerribOlyps cacndeis satel asi omomietieeelsis scene 288
Lawrence; Hampton, and/Carlisleschoolse: 2. +2 -cceclnee se ses -e01 18
piturons of Gorettes Quebecss. «5 os.) mene se ce nes uefas spapehabo sieves eye 279
*Wyandots” of Anderdon, Ontario................. cigs vouttdhobe 98
683

The Iroquois of St. Regis, Caughnawaga, Lake of Two Mountains
(Oka), and Gibson speak a dialect mainly Mohawk and Oneida, but
are a mixture of all the tribes of the original Five Nations.

KALAPOOIAN FAMILY.

= Kalapooiah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond. , x1, 225, 1841 (includes Kala-
pooiah and Yamkallie; thinks the Umpqua and Cathlascon languages are re-
lated). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 599, 617, 1859, (follows Scouler).

—Kalapuya, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, 217,564, 1846 (of Willamet Valley above
Falls), Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soe. , 11, pt. 1,¢, 17,77, 1848. Berghaus (1851),
Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 402, 1853.
Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73,1856. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek.
Sprache, 617, 1859. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist.,
167, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 442, 1877.

> Calapooya, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 111, 565,629, 1882.

x Chinooks, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent.and So. Am.), 474, 1878 (includes
Calapooyas and Yamkally).

> Yamkally, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 565, 630, 1882 (bears a certain relationship to
Calapooya).

Under this family name Scouler places two tribes, the Kalapooiah,
inhabiting ‘‘the fertile Willamat plains” and the Yamkallie, who
live ‘“‘more in the interior, to ards the sources of the Willamat
River.” Scouler adds that the Umpqua ‘‘ appear to belong to this
Family, although their language is rather more remote from the
Kalapooiah than the Yamkallie is.” The Umpqua language is now
placed under the Athapascan family. Scouler also asserts the inti-
mate relationship of the Cathlascon tribes to the Kalapooiah family.
They are now classed as Chinookan.

The tribes of the Kalapooian family inhabited the valley of Wil-
lamette River, Oregon, above the falls, and extended well up to the

7 ETH 6

82 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

headwaters of that stream. They appear not to have reached the
Columbia River, being cut off by tribes of the Chinookan family,
and consequently were not met by Lewis and Clarke, whose state-
ments of their habitat were derived solely from natives.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES

Ahantchuyuk Calapooya. Yamil.
(Pudding River Chelamela. Yonkalla (Ayankéld).
Indians). Lakmiut.

Atfalati. Santiam.

Population.—So far as known the surviving Indians of this family
are all at the Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon.
The following is a census for 1890:

AtEalatices So. tae eee eee cM iat y Kal ntsyot aor NRA AR ni ets sla ae Ate 27
Calapooyal saj.sr acess ores Spr, 22 | pO Gveit lle ee cara Sadawtaanoccaasead 30
Tua Mmilit,-7.. consetere sts ceiearcisee eats 29) svonkallaice.=ees A eer ee aie 7
Mary/ScRIVeCY) sea.) eee 28 —

Total a. eee eae eee 171

KARANKAWAN FAMILY.

= Karankawa, Gatschet in Globus, xLrx, No.8, 128, 1886 (vocabulary of 25 terms;
distinguished as a family provisionally). Gatschet in Science, 414, April 9,
1887.

The Karankawa formerly dwelt upon the Texan coast, according
to Sibley, upon an island or peninsula in the Bay of St. Bernard
(Matagorda Bay). Im 1804 this author, upon hearsay evidence,
stated their number to be 500 men.’ In several places in the paper
cited it is explicitly stated that the Karankawa spoke the Attakapa
language; the Attakapa was a coast tribe living to the east of them.
In 1884 Mr. Gatschet found a Tonkawe at Fort Griffin, Texas, who
claimed to have formerly lived among the Karankawa. From him
a vocabulary of twenty-five terms was obtained, which was all of
the language he remembered.

The vocabulary is unsatisfactory, not only because of its meager-
ness, but because most of the terms are unimportant for comparison.
Nevertheless, such as it is, it represents all of the language that is
extant. Judged by this vocabulary the language seems to be dis-
tinct not only from the Attakapa but from all others. Unsatisfac-
tory as the linguistic evidence is, it appears to be safer to class the
language provisionally as a distinct family upon the strength of it
than to accept Sibley’s statement of its identity with Attakapa,
especially as we know nothing of the extent of his information or
whether indeed his statement was based upon a personal knowledge
of the language.

' Am. State Papers ,1832, vol. 4, p. 722.

POWELL. ] KERESAN FAMILY. $3

A careful search has been made with the hope of finding a few
survivors of this family, but thus far not a single descendant of the
tribe has been discovered and it is probable that not one is now
living.

KERESAN FAMILY.

> Keres, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep. , 111, pt. 3, 5586-90, 1856 (includes Kiwomi, Cochi,
temi, Acoma).

= Kera, Powell in Rocky Mt. Presbyterian, Nov., 1878 (includes San Felipe, Santo
Domingo, Cochiti,Santa Afia, Cia, Acoma, Laguna, Povate, Hasatch, Mogino).
Gatschet in U.S.Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., vu, 417, 1879. Gatschet in Mag.
Am. Hist. 259, 1882.

= Keran, Powell in Am. Nat., 604, Aug., 1880 (enumerates pueblos and gives linguist-
ic literature).

= Queres, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878.

== Chu-cha-cas, Lane in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, Vv, 689, 1855 (includes Laguna, Acoma,
Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Cochite, Sille).

== Chu-cha-chas, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent.and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (mis-
print; follows Lane).

= Kes-whaw-hay, Lane in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 689, 1855 (same as Chu-cha-cas
above). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (follows
Lane).

Derivation unknown. The name is pronounced with an explosive
initial sound, and Ad. F. Bandelier spells it Qq’uéres, Quéra, Quéris.

Under this name Turner, as above quoted, includes the vocabu-
laries of Kiwomi, Cochitemi, and Acoma.

The full list of pueblos of Keresan stock is given below. They
are situated in New Mexico on the upper Rio Grande, on several of
its small western affluents, and on the Jemez and San José, which
also are tributaries of the Rio Grande.

VILLAGES.
Acoma. Pueblito.’ Santo Domingo.
Acomita.' Punyeestye. Seemunah.
Cochiti. Punyekia. Sia.
Hasatch. Pusityitcho, Wapuchuseamma.
Laguna. San Felipe. Ziamma.
Paguate. Santa Ana.

Population.—According to the census of 1890 the total population
of the villages of the family is 3,560, distributed as follows: -

AWUTO Sep Seana ae Ota neem 566 | San Felipe. ..... Re oe aes 554
(CCAS sie! SO Cs A ee ee kei asenelroy |Dleyenibaleg0) aac thy nasoasan 670
LLetiq rene 2 Nae. eee ne ee ee ae AS s| (Slane sates eee atic ce mies aok 106

(Stounday J Naties 4g Aenea ae See 253

‘Summer pueblos only.

2 Includes Acomita and Pueblito.

3Includes Hasatch, Paguate, Punyeestye, Punyekia, Pusityitcho, Seemunah,
Wapuchuseamma, and Ziamma.

84 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

KIOWAN FAMILY.

= Kiaways,Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (on upper waters Ar-
kansas).

— Kioway, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 11, pt. 3,55, 80, 1856 (based on the Kioway (Cai-
gua) tribe only). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 482, 438, 1859.
Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 444, 1862 (** more Paduca than aught else”).

— Kayowé, Gatschet in Am. Antiq., 280, Oct., 1882 (gives phonetics of).

Derivation: From the Kiowa word K6-, plural K6-igu, meaning
* Kayowé man.” The Comanche term kiyowé means “rat.”

The author who first formally separated this family appears to
have been Turner. Gallatin mentions the tribe and remarks that
owing to the loss of Dr. Say’s vocabularies ‘‘we only know that
both the Kiowas and Kaskaias languages were harsh, guttural, and
extremely difficult.”' Turner, upon the strength of a vocabulary
furnished by Lieut. Whipple, dissents from the opinion expressed
by Pike and others to the effect that the language is of the same
stock as the Comanche, and, while admitting that its relationship
to Camanche is greater than to any other family, thinks that the
likeness is merely the result of long intercommunication. His
opinion that it is entirely distinct from any other language has been
indorsed by Buschmann and other authorities. The family is rep-
resented by the Kiowa tribe.

So intimately associated with the Comanches have the Kiowa
been since known to history that it is not easy to determine their
pristine home. By the Medicine Creek treaty of October 18, 1867,
they and the Comanches were assigned their present reservation in
the Indian Territory, both resigning all claims to other territory,
especially their claims and rights in and to the country north of the
Cimarron River and west of the eastern boundary of New Mexico.

The terms of the cession might be taken to indicate a Joint owner-
ship of territory, but it is more likely that the Kiowa territory
adjoined the Comanche on the northwest. In fact Pope* definitely
locates the Kiowa in the valley of the Upper Arkansas, and of its
tributary, the Purgatory (Las Animas) River. This is in substan-
tial accord with the statements of other writers of about the same
period. Schermerhorn (1812) places the Kiowa on the heads of the
Arkansas and Platte. Earlier still they appear upon the headwaters
of the Platte, which is the region assigned them upon the map.*
This region was occupied later by the Cheyenne and Arapaho of
Algonquian stock.

Population.—According to the United States census for 1890 there
are 1,140 Kiowa onthe Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation,
Indian Territory.

‘Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 11, p. 133.
> Pac. R. R. Rep., 1855, vol. 2, pt. 3, p. 16.
* Pike, Exp. to sources of the Mississippi, App., 1810, pt. 3, p. 9.

NATIONAL MUSEUM

OT et oe ee ee ee a a a

‘el
.

i ie

POWELL. | KITUNAHAN—KOLUSCHAN FAMILIES. $5

KITUNAHAN FAMILY.

= Kitunaha, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, 204,535, 1846 (between the forks of the
Columbia). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1,¢, 10,77, 1848 (Flatbow).
Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1852. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc.
Lond.,70, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 338, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395,
1862 (between 52° and 48° N.L., west of main ridge of Rocky Mountains).
Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (on Kootenay River).

—=Coutanies, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vr, 204, 1846 (—Kitunaha).

— Katanis, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man. ,316, 1850 (Kitunaha).

— Kituanaha, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (Coutaria or Flatbows,
north of lat. 49°).

— Kootanies, Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 661, 1859.

= Kutani, Latham, El. Comp. Phil. , 395, 1862 (or Kitunaha).

— Cootanie, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (synonymous with Kitunaha).

= Kootenai,Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (defines area occupied). Gatschet
in Beach, Ind. Misc., 446, 1877. Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 565, 1882.

—Kootenuha, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 79-87, 1884 (vocabulary of
Upper Kootenuha).

= Flatbow, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 204, 1846 (— Kitunaha). Gallatin in Trans.
Am. Eth. Soc., 0, pt. 1, 10, 77, 1848 (after Hale). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek.
Sprache, 661, 1859. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (or Kitunaha). Gatschet
in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877.

= Flachbogen, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

x Shushwaps, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 474, 1878 (in-
cludes Kootenais (Flatbows or Skalzi).

This family was based upon a tribe variously termed Kitunaha,
Kutenay, Cootenai, or Flatbow, living on the Kootenay River, a
branch of the Columbia in Oregon.

Mr. Gatschet thinks it is probable that there are two dialects of
the language spoken respectively in the extreme northern and south-
ern portions of the territory occupied, but the vocabularies at hand
are not sufficient to definitely settle the question.

The area occupied by the Kitunahan tribes is inclosed between the
northern fork of the Columbia River, extending on the south along
the Cootenay River. By far the greater part of the territory occu-
pied by these tribes is in British Columbia.

TRIBES,

The principal divisions or tribes are Cootenai, or Upper Cootenai;
Akoklako, or Lower Cootenai; Klanoh-Klatklam, or Flathead Coo-
tenal; Yaketahnoklatakmakanay, or Tobacco Plains Cootenai.

Population.—There are about 425 Cootenai at Flathead Agency,
Montana, and 539 at Kootenay Agency, British Columbia; total, 964,

KOLUSCHAN FAMILY.

= Koluschen, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 0, 14, 1836 (islands and ad-
jacent coast from 60° to 55° N. L.).

= Koulischen, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 306, 1836. Gallatin in
Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848, (Koulischen and Sitka languages):
Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (Sitka, bet. 52° and 59° lat.)

86 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

< Kolooch, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 1, 31-50, 1846 (tends to merge
Kolooch into Esquimaux). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 163, 1848 (com-
pared with Eskimo language.). Latham, Opuscula, 259, 276, 1860.

= Koluschians, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 433, 1847 (follows Gallatin).
Scouler (1846) in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 231, 1848.

< Kolich, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 294, 1850(more likely forms asubdivision of Es-
kimo than a separate class; includes Kenay of Cook’s Inlet, Atna of Copper
River, Koltshani, Ugalents, Sitkans, Tungaas, Inkhuluklait, Magimut, Inkalit;
Digothi and Nehanni are classed as ‘‘ doubtful Koluches”).

= Koloschen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. Buschmann,
Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 680, 1859. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

= Kolush, Latham, El. Comp. Phil.,401, 1862 (mere mention of family with short
vocabulary).

= Kaloshians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 375,1885 (gives tribes and population).

x Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., x1, 218,1841 (includes Koloshes
and Tun Ghasse).

x Haidah, Scouler, ibid, 219, 1541 (same as his Northern).

= Klen-ee-kate, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 489, 1855,

— Klen-e-kate, Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, app. , 1859 (a census of N. W. coast
tribes classified by language).

—Thlinkithen, Holmberg in Finland Soc., 284, 1856 (fide Buschmann, 676, 1859).

= Thl nkets, Dallin Proc. Am. Ass., 268, 269, 1869 (divided into Sitka-kwan, Stahkin-
kwan, ‘‘ Yakutats”).

=Tlinkets, Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth.,1, 36,1877 (divided into Yak ‘itats, Chilkaht’-
kwan, Sitka-kwan, Stakhin’-kwan, Kygah‘ni).

=—Thlinkeet, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 462, 1878 (from
Mount St. Elias to Nass River; includes Ugalenzes, Yakutats, Chilkats, Hoodnids,
Hoodsinoos, Takoos, Auks, Kakas, Stikines, Eeliknts, Tungass, Sitkas). Ban-
croft, Nat. Races, U1, 562, 579, 1882.

—Thlinkit, Tolmieand Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 14, 1884 (vocab. of Skutkwan Sept;
also map showing distribution of family). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

—Tlinkit, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 375, 1885(enumerates tribes and gives population).

Derivation: From the Aleut word kolosh, or more properly, kaluga,
meaning ‘‘ dish,” the allusion being to the dish-shaped lip ornaments.

This family was based by Gallatin upon the Koluschen tribe (the
Tshinkitani of Marchand), ‘‘ who inhabit the islands and the adja-
cent coast from the sixtieth to the fifty-fifth degree of north lati-
tude.”

Inthe Koluschan family, Gallatin observes that the remote analo-
gies to the Mexican tongue to be found in several of the northern
tribes, as the Kinai, are more marked tian in any other.

The boundaries of this family as given by Gallatin are substan-
tially in accordance with our present knowledge of the subject.
The southern boundary is somewhat indeterminate owing to the
fact, ascertained by the census agents in 1880, that the Haida tribes
extend somewhat farther north than was formerly supposed and
occupy the southeast half of Prince of Wales Island. About lati-
tude 56°, or the mouth of Portland Canal, indicates the southern
limit of the family, and 60°, or near the mouth of Atna River, the
northern limit. Until recently they have been supposed to be exclu-

o.2)

POWELL.] KULANAPAN FAMILY. 87

sively an insular and coast people, but Mr. Dawson has made the
interesting discovery ' that the Tagish, a tribe living inland on the
headwaters of the Lewis River, who have hitherto been supposed
to be of Athapascan extraction, belong to the Koluschan family.
This tribe, therefore, has crossed the coast range of mountains,
which for the most part limits the extension of this people inland
and confines them to a narrow coast strip, and have gained a perma-
nent foothold in the interior, where they share the habits of the
neighboring Athapascan tribes.

TRIBES.
Auk, Hunah. Tagish.
Chileat. Kek. Taku.
Hanega. Sitka. Tongas.
Hoodsunu. Stahkin. Yakutat.

Population.—The following figures are from the census of 1880.*
The total population of the tribes of this family, exclusive of the
Tagish, is 6,437, distributed as follows:

Devi hey se PORE Cae AA ee GAD, (iol. eens eee oo ee eee OOS
GUC jadoqsa cee earas Osea Seeaeaae OBSR eSitkarree corre wae eases ae a6 aoe Yea!
Hanega (including Kouyon and RStahkin oa ywaee sete eee en 317

TTS oe Sopp ne Seeeaeeeae mee J00'| IRN Siade apap oak enon cen OBe canes 269
ETO OCSTIRM Up yee nice Meron acy ertlele Se GEGS PRON AS sorta revere corel) steve Sieroter oxspsiete als 273

LEANER A ae conse Gano crc (Osha OEIC disomy o to cine crocs FeeC eee ae 500

KULANAPAN FAMILY.

x Kula-napo, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 421, 1853 (the name of one of
the Clear Lake bands).

> Mendocino (?), Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (name suggested
for Choweshak, Batemdaikai, Kulanapo, Yukai, Khwaklamayu languages).
Latham ,Opuscula, 343, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 410, 1862 (as above).

> Pomo, Powers in Overland Monthly, rx, 498, Dec., 1872 (general description of
habitat and of family). Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 146, 1877. Powell, ibid.,
491 (vocabularies of Gal-lino-mé-ro, Yo-kai’-a, Ba-tem-da-kaii, Chau-i-shek,
Yu-kai, Ku-la-na-po, H’hana, Venaambakaiia, Ka’-bi-na-pek, Chwachamaju).
Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 16,1877 (gives habitat and enumerates tribes of
family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 436, 1877. Keane, App. Stanford’s
Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476, 1878 (includes Castel Pomos, Ki, Cahto, Choam,
Chadela, Matomey Ki, Usal or Calamet, Shebalne Pomos, Gallinomeros, Sanels ,
Socoas, Lamas, Comachos).

<Pomo, Bancroft, Nat. Races, m1, 566, 1882 (includes Ukiah, Gallinomero, Masalla-
magoon, Gualala, Matole, Kulanapo, Sanél, Yonios, Choweshak, Batemdakaie,
Chocuyem, Olamentke, Kainamare, Chwachamaju. Of these, Chocuyem and
Olamentke are Moquelumnan).

The name applied to this family was first employed by Gibbs in
1853, as above cited. He states that it is the ‘‘name of one of the

1 Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Canada, 1887.
® Petroff, Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of Alaska, 1884,
p. 33.

SS INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Clear Lake bands,” adding that ‘‘ the language is spoken by all the
tribes occupying the large valley.” The distinctness of the lan-
guage is now generally admitted.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

The main territory of the Kulanapan family is bounded on the
west-by the Pacific Ocean, on the east by the Yukian and Copehan
territories, on the north by the watershed of the Russian River, and
on the south by a line drawn from Bodega Head to the southwest
corner of the Yukian territory, near Santa Rosa, Sonoma County,
California. Several tribes of this family, viz, the Kastel Pomo,
Kai Pomo, and Kato Pomo, are located in the valley between the
South Fork of Kel River and the main river, and on the headwaters
of the South Fork, extending thence in a narrow strip to the ocean.
In this situation they were entirely cut off from the main body by
the intrusive Yuki tribes, and pressed upon from the north by the
warlike Wailakki, who are said to have imposed their language and
many of their customs upon them and as well doubtless to have ex-
tensively intermarried with them.

TRIBES.

Ballé Kai Pomo, ‘‘ Oat Valley People.”

Batemdikdyi.

Biildam Pomo (Rio Grande or Big River).

Chawishek.

Choam Chadila Pomo (Capello).

Chwachamajt.

Dapishul Pomo (Redwood Cajon).

Eastern People (Clear Lake about Lakeport).

Erio (mouth of Russian River).

Ertissi (Fort Ross).

sxallinoméro (Russian River Valley below Cloverdaleand in Dry
Creek Valley).

Gualdla (northwest corner of Sonoma County).

Kabinapek (western part of Clear Lake basin).

Kaimé (above Healdsburgh).

Kai Pomo (between Eel River and South Fork).

Kastel Pomo (between Kel River and South Fork).

Kato Pomo, ‘‘ Lake People.”

Komdacho (Anderson and Rancheria Valleys).

Kula Kai Pomo (Sherwood Valley).

Kulanapo.

Lama (Russian River Valley).

Misdlamagin or Musakakin (above Healdsburgh).

Mitoim Kai Pomo, ‘‘ Wooded Valley People” (Little Lake).

Poam Pomo.

POWELL. } KUSAN—LUTUAMIAN FAMILIES. 89

TRIBES—continued.

Senel (Russian River Valley).

Shédo Kai Pomo (Coyote Valley).

Siako (Russian River Valley).

Sok6éa (Russian River Valley).

Yokaya Pomo, ‘‘ Lower Valley People” (Ukiah City).

Yusal (or Kadmalel) Pomo, ‘‘Ocean People” (on coast and
along Yusal Creek).

KUSAN FAMILY,

= Kaisa, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 257, 188:

Derivation: Milhau, in a manuscript letter to Gibbs (Bureau of
Ethnology), states that ‘‘Coos in the Rogue River dialect is said to
mean lake, lagoon or inland bay.”

The ‘‘Kaus or Kwokwoos” tribe is merely mentioned by Hale as
living on a river of the same name between the Umqua and the Cla-
met.' Lewis and Clarke’ also mention them in the same location as
the Cookkoo-oose. The tribe was referred to also under the name
Kaus by Latham,* who did not attempt its classification, having in
fact no material for the purpose.

Mr. Gatschet, as above. distinguishes the language as forming a
distinct stock. It is spoken on the coast of middle Oregon, on Coos
River and Bay, and at the mouth of Coquille River, Oregon.

TRIBES.

Anasitch. | Mulluk or Lower Coquille.
Melukitz. Nacu?.

Population.—Most of the survivors of this family are gathered
upon the Siletz Reservation, Oregon, but their number can not be
stated as the agency returns are not given by tribes.

LUTUAMIAN FAMILY.

—Lutuami, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp.,v1, 199, 569, 1846 (headwaters Klamath River and
lake). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 0, pt. 1, c, 17,77, 1848 (follows Hale).
Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (headwaters Clamet River). Berghaus(1851),
Physik. Atlas, map 17,1852. Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., v1, 82, 1854.
Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 74, 1856. Latham,Opuscula, 300, 310, 1860.
Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862.

= Luturim, Gallatin in Schoolcraft. Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (misprint for Lutuami;

based on Clamets language).

= Lutumani, Latham, Opuscula, df 1860 (misprint for Lutuami).

= Tlamatl, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 218, 569, 1846 (alternative of Lutuami). Berg-
haus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

2 Allen Ed., 1814, vol. 2, p. 118.

90 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

= Klamath, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Mise. , 439,
1877. Gatschet in Aim. Antiq., 81-84, 1878 (general remarks upon family).

< Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent,andSo. Am.), 460, 475, 1878 (a geo-
graphic group rather than a linguistic family; includes, in addition to the
Klamath proper or Lutuami, the Yacons, Modocs, Copahs, Shastas, Palaiks,
Wintoons, Eurocs, Cahrocs, Lototens, Weeyots, Wishosks, Wallies, Tolewahs,
Patawats, Yukas, ‘‘and others between Eel River and Humboldt Bay.” The
list thus includes several distinct families). Bancroft, Nat. Races, 01, 565, 640,
1882 (includes Lutuami or Klamath, Modoe and Copah, the latter belonging to
the Copehan family).

= Klamath Indians of Southwestern Oregon, Gatschet in Cont, N. A. Eth., 0, pt.
1, xxxiii, 1890.

Derivation: From a Pit River word meaning ‘ lake.”

The tribes of this family appear from time immemorial to have
occupied Little and Upper Klamath Lakes, Klamath Marsh, and
Sprague River, Oregon. Some of the Modoc have been removed to
the Indian Territory, where 84 now reside; others are in Sprague
River Valley.

The language is a homogeneous one and, according co Mr. Gat-
schet who has made a special study of it, has no rexi dialects, the
two divisions of the family, Klamath and Modoc, speaking an al-
most identical language.

The Klamaths’ own name is E-ukshikni, ‘‘ Klamath Lake people.”
The Modoc are termed by the Klamath Médokni, *‘Southern people.”

TRIBES.
Klamath. Modoe.

Population.—There were 769 Klamath and Modoc on the Klamaht
Reservation in 1889. Since then they have slightly decreased.

MARIPOSAN FAMILY,

> Mariposa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 84, 1856 (Coconoons language,
Mariposa County). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Philology,
416, 1862 (Coconoons of Mercede River).
=Yo'-kuts, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1m, 369, 1877. Powell, ibid. , 570 onnne
laries of Yo-kuts, Wi'-chi-kik, Tin'-lin-neh, King’s River, Coconoons, Calaveras
County).
= Yocut, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 158, 1877 (mentions Taches, Chewenee,
Watooga, Chookchancies, Coconoons and others). Gatschet in Beach, Ind.
Mise., 432, 1877
Derivation: A Spanish word meaning ‘“ butterfly,” applied to a
zounty in California and subsequently taken for the family name.
_ Latham mentions the remnants of three distinct bands of the
Coconoon, each with its own language, in the north of Mariposa
County. These are classed together under the above name. More
recently the tribes speaking languages allied to the Cocontn have
been treated of under the family name Yokut. As, however, the
stock was established by Latham on a sound basis, his name is here
restored.

POWELL] MARIPOSAN FAMILY. 91
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The territory of the Mariposan family is quite irregular in out-
line. On the north it is bounded by the Fresno River up to the
point of its junction with the San Joaquin; thence by a line run-
ning to the northeast corner of the Salinan territory in San Benito
County, California; on the west by a line running from San Benito
to Mount Pinos. From the middle of the western shore of Tulare
Lake to the ridge at Mount Pinos on the south, the Mariposan area
is merely a narrow strip in and along the foothills. Occupying one-
half of the western and all the southern shore of Tulare Lake, and
bounded on the north bya line running from the southeast corner
of Tulare Lake due east to the first great spur of the Sierra Nevada
range is the territory of the intrusive Shoshoni. On the east the
secondary range of the Sierra Nevada forms the Mariposa bound-
ary.

In addition to the above a small strip of territory on the eastern
bank of the San Joaquin is occupied by the Cholovone division of
the Mariposan family, between the Tuolumne and the point where
the San Joaquin turns to the west before entering Suisun Bay.

TRIBES.

Ayapai (Tule River).

Chainimaini (lower King’s River.)

Chukaimina (Squaw Valley).

Chuk’chansi (San Joaquin River above Millerton).

Chunut (Kaweah River at the lake).

Cocontin’ (Merced River).

Ititcha (King’s River).

Kassovo (Day Creek).

Kau-f-a (Kaweah River ; foothills).

Kiawétni (Tule River at Porterville).

Maydyu (Tule River, south fork).

Notodnaiti (on the lake).

Ochingita (Tule River).

Pitkachi (extinct ; San Joaquin River below Millerton).

Pohdllin Tinleh (near Kern lake).

Sawakhtu (Tule River, south fork).

Tachi (Kingston).

Télumni (Kaweah River below Visalia).

Tinlinneh (Fort Tejon).

Tiséchu (upper King’s River).

Wichikik (King’s River).

Wikchtimni (Kaweah River ; foothills).

Wiksachi (upper Kaweah Valley).

Yiikol (Kaweah River plains).

Population.—There are 145 of the Indians of this familys now at-

tached to the Mission Agency, California.

eo)
bo

INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

MOQUELUMNAN FAMILY.

> Tcho-ko-yem, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 421, 1853 (mentioned as a
band and dialect).

> Moquelumne, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond. , 81, 1856 (includes Hale’s
Talatui, Tuolumne from Schoolcraft, Mumaltachi, Mullateco, Apangasi. La-
pappu, Siyante or Typoxi, Hawhaw’s band of Aplaches, San Rafael vocabulary,
Tshokoyem vobabulary, Cocouyem and Yonkiousme Paternosters, Olamentke
of Kostromitonov, Paternosters for Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee de
los Tulares of Mofras, Paternoster of the Langue Guiloco de la Mission de San
Francisco). Latham, Opuscula, 347, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 414, 1862
(same as above).

— Meewoc, Powers in Overland Monthly, 322, April, 1873 (general account of family
with allusions to language). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 159, 1877 (gives
habitat and bands of family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 488, 1877.

—Mi-wok, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 246, 1877 (nearly as above).

< Mutsun, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., 11, 535, 1877 (vocabs. of Mi’-wok, Tuolumne,
Costano, Tcho-ko-yem, Muatstin, Santa Clara, Santa Cruz, Chum-te’-ya, Kaweya,
San Raphael Mission, Talatui, Olamentke). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157,
1877 (gives habitat and members of family), Gatschet, in Beach, Ind. Misc.,
430, 1877.

x Runsiens, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So, Am.),476, 1878 (includes
Olhones, Eslenes, Santa Cruz, San Miguel, Lopillamillos, Mipacmacs, Kulana-
pos, Yolos, Suisunes, Talluches, Chowclas, Waches, Talches, Poowells).

Derivation: From the river and hill of same name in Calaveras
County, California; according to Powers the Meewoc name for the
river is Wakalumitoh.

The Talatui mentioned by Hale' as on the Kassima (Cosunmes)
River belong to the above family. Though this author clearly dis-
tinguished the language from any others with which he was ac-
quainted, he nowhere expressed the opinion that it is entitled to
family rank or gave it a family name. Talatui is mentioned as a
tribe from which he obtained an incomplete vocabulary.

It was not until 1856 that the distinctness of the linguistic family
was fully set forth by Latham. Under the head of Moquelumne,
this author gathers several vocabularies representing different lan-
guages and dialects of the same stock. These are the Talatui of
Hale, the Tuolumne from Schoolcraft, the Sonoma dialects as repre-
sented by the Tshokoyem vocabulary, the Chocuyem and You-
kiousme paternosters, and the Olamentke of Kostromitonov in
Biier’s Beitriige. He also places here provisionally the paternosters
from the Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee de los Tulares of
Mofras; also the language Guiloco de la Mission de San Francisco,
The Costano containing the five tribes of the Mission of Dolores, viz.,
the Ahwastes, Olhones or Costanos of the coast, Romonans, Tulomos
andthe Altahmos seemed to Latham to differ from the Moquelumnan
language. Concerning them he states ‘upon the whole, however, the
affinities seem to run in the direction of the languages of the next

1U.S. Expl. Exp., 1846, vol. 6, pp. 680, 633.

POWELL] MOQUELUMNAN FAMILY. 93

group, especially in that of the Ruslen. He adds: ‘‘ Nevertheless,
for the present I place the Costano by itself} as a transitional form
of speech to the languages spoken north, east, and south of the Bay of
San Francisco.” Recent investigation by Messrs. Curtin and Hen-
shaw have confirmed the soundness of Latham’s views and, as stated
under head of the Costanoan family. the two groups of languages
are considered to be distinct.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

The Moquelumnan family occupies the territory bounded on the
north by the Cosumne River, on the south by the Fresno River, on
the east by the Sierra Nevada, and on the west by the San Joaquin
River. with the exception of a strip on the east bank occupied by
the Cholovone. A part of this family occupies also a territory
bounded on the south by San Francisco Bay and the western half of
San Pablo Bay; on the west by the Pacific Ocean from the Golden
Gate to Bodega Head; on the north by a line running from Bodega
Head to the Yukian territory northeast of Santa Rosa, and on the
east by a line running from the Yukian territory to the northern-
most point of San Pablo Bay.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Miwok division:

Awani. Lopolatimne. Seroushamne.
Chauchila. Machemni. Talatui.
Chumidok. Mokelumni. Tamoleka.
Chumtiwa. Newichumni. Tumidok.
Chumuch. Olowidok. Tumun.
Chumwit. Olowit. Walakumni.
Hettitoya. Olowiya. Yuloni.
Kani. Sakaiakumni.

Olamentke division:
Bollanos. Nicassias. Sonomi.
Chokuyem. Numpali. Tamal.
Guimen. Olamentke. Tulare.
Likatuit. Olumpali. Utchium.

Population.—Comparatively few of the Indians of this family
survive, and these are mostly scattered in the mountains and away
from the routes of travel. Asthey were never gathered on reser-
vations, an accurate census has not been taken.

In the detached area north of San Francisco Bay, chiefly in Marin
County, formerly inhabited by the Indians of this family. almost
none remain. There are said to be none living about the mission of
San Rafael, and Mr. Henshaw, in 1888, succeeded in locating only six
at Tomales Bay, where, however, he obtained a very good vocabu-
lary from a woman.

94 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

MUSKHOGEAN FAMILY.

>Muskhogee, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., m, 94, 306, 1836 (based
upon Muskhogees, Hitchittees, Seminoles). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v,
402, 1847 (includes Muskhogees, Seminoles, Hitchittees).

>Muskhogies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Tbid., 1852.

>Muscogee, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 471, 1878 (in-
cludes Muscogees proper, Seminoles, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Hitchittees, Coosa-
das or Coosas, Alibamons, Apalaches).

=Maskoki, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 50, 1884 (general account of family; four
branches, Maskoki, Apalachian, Alibamu, Chahta). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas,
map 72, 1887.

>Choctaw Muskhogee, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 119, 1836.

>Chocta-Muskhog, Gallatin in Trans. Am, Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, xcix, 77,1848. Gallatin
in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes. 1, 401, 1853.

—=Chata-Muskoki, Hale in Am. Antiq.,108, April, 1883 (considered with reference to
migration).

>Chahtas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 100, 306, 1836 (or Choc-
taws).

>Chahtahs, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 403, 1847 (or Choktahs or Flat-
heads).

>Tschahtas, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.

>Choctah, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 337, 1850 (includes Choctahs, Muscogulges, Mus-
kohges). Latham in Trans. Phil. Soc. Lond.,103, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 366,
1860.

>Mobilian, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 249, 1840.

>Flat-heads, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 403, 1847 (Chahtahs or Choktahs).

>Coshattas, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (not classified).

>Humas, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850 (east of Mississippi above New Orleans).

Derivation: From the name of the principal tribe of the Creek
Confederacy.

In the Muskhogee family Gallatin includes the Muskhogees proper,
who lived on the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers; the Hitchittees, living
on the Chattahoochee and Flint Rivers; and the Seminoles of the
peninsula of Florida. It was his opinion, formed by a comparison
of vocabularies, that the Choctaws and Chickasaws should also be
classed under this family. In fact, he called’ the family Choctaw
Muskhogee. In deference, however, to established usage, the two
tribes were kept separate in his table and upon the colored map.
In 1848 he appears to be fully convinced of the soundness of the view
doubtfully expressed in 1836, and calls the family the Chocta-Musk-

hog.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The area occupied by this family was very extensive. It may be
described in a general way as extending from the Savannah River
and the Atlantic west to the Mississippi, and from the Gulf of Mexico
north to the Tennessee River. All of this territory was held by
Muskhogean tribes except the small areas occupied by the Yuchi,
Nahtchi, and some small settlements of Shawni.

*On p. 119, Archzeologia Americana.

POWELL. | MUSKHOGEAN—NATCHESAN FAMILIES. 95

Upon the northeast Muskhogean limits are indeterminate. The
Creek claimed only to the Savannah River; but upon its lower
course the Yamasi are believed to have extended east of that river
in the sixteenth to the eighteenth century.’ The territorial line be-
tween the Muskhogean family and the Catawba tribe in South Caro-
lina can only be conjectured. ;

It seems probable that the whole peninsula of Florida was at one
time held by trives of Timuquanan connection; but from 1702 to 1708,
when the Apalachi were driven out, the tribes of northern Florida
also were forced away by the English. After that time the Semi-
nole and the Yamasi were the only Indians that held possession of
the Floridian peninsula.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

Alibamu. Choctaw. Seminole.
Apalachi. Creek or Maskoki proper. Yamacraw.
Chicasa. Koasati. Yamasi.

Population.—There is an Alibamu town on Deep Creek, Indian
Territory, an affluent of the Canadian, Indian Territory. Most of
the inhabitants are of this tribe. There are Alibamu about 20 miles
south of Alexandria, Louisiana, and over one hundred in Polk County,
Texas.

So far as known only three women of the Apalachi survived in
1886, and they lived at the Alibamu town above referred to. The
United States Census bulletin for 1890 gives the total number of pure-
blood Choctaw at 9,996, these being principally at Union Agency,
Indian Territory. Of the Chicasa there are 3,464 at the same
agency; Creek 9,291; Seminole 2,539; of the latter there are still
about 200 left in southern Florida.

There are four families of Koasati, about twenty-five individuals,
near the town of Shepherd, San Jacinto County, Texas. Of the
Yamasi none are known to survive.

NATCHESAN FAMILY.

>Natches, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 95, 306, 18386 (Natches
only). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 402, 408, 1547.

>Natsches, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.

>Natchez, Bancroft, Hist. U. S., 248, 1840. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1,
pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (Natchez only). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 340, 1850
(tends to include Taensas, Pascagoulas, Colapissas, Biluxi in same family).
Gallatin in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, ut, 401, 1853 (Natchez only). Keane, App.
Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 473, 1878 (suggests that it may in-
clude the Utchees).

>Naktche, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 34,1884. Gatschet in Science 414, April
29, 1887.

1Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1884, vol. 1, p. 62.

96 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Taensa, Gatschet in The Nation, 382, May 4, 1882. Gatschet in Am. Antiq., Iv,
238, 1882. Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 33,1884. Gatschet in Science, 414,
April 29, 1887 (Taensas only).

The Nahtchi, according to Gallatin, a residue of the well-known
nation of that name, came from the banks of the Mississippi, and
joined the Creek less than one hundred years ago.’ The seashore
from Mobile to the Mississippi was then inhabited by several small
tribes, of which the Na’htchi was the principal.

Before 1730 the tribe lived in the vicinity of Natchez, Miss., along
St. Catherine Creek. After their dispersion by the French in 1730
most of the remainder joined the Chicasa and afterwards the Upper
Creek. They are now in Creek and Cherokee Nations, Indian Ter-
ritory.

The linguistic relations of the language spoken by the Taensa tribe
have long been in doubt, and it is probable that they will ever
remain so. As no vocabulary or text of this language was known
to be in existence, the *‘Grammaire et vocabulaire de la langue
Taensa, avec textes traduits et commentés par J.-D. Haumonté,
Parisot, L. Adam,” published in Paris in 1882, was received by
American linguistic students with peculiar interest. Upon the
strength of the linguistic material embodied in the above Mr. Gat-
schet (loc. cit.) was led to affirm the complete linguistic isolation of
the language.

Grave doubts of the authenticity of the grammar and vocabulary
have, however, more recently been brought forward.” The text con-
tains internal evidences of the fraudulent character, if not of the
whole, at least of alarge part of the material. So palpable and gross
are these that until the character of the whole can better be under-
stood by the inspection of the original manuscript, alleged to be in
Spanish, by a competent expert it will be far safer to reject both the
vocabulary and grammar. By so doing we are left without any
linguistic evidence whatever of the relations of the Taensa language.

D'Iberville, it is true, supplies us with the names of seven Taensa
towns which were given by a Taensa Indian who accompanied him;
but most of these. according to Mr. Gatschet, were given in the Chicasa
trade jargon or, as termed by the French, the ‘* Mobilian trade jar-
gon,” which is at least a very natural supposition. Under these
circumstances we can, perhaps, do no better than rely upon the
statements of several of the old writers who appear to be unanimous
in regarding the language of the Taensa as of Na’htchi connection.
Du Pratz’s statement to that effect is weakened from the fact that
the statement also includes the Shetimasha, the language of which
is known from a vocabulary to be totally distinct not only from
the Na@whtchi but from any other. To supplement Du Pratz’s testi-
mony, such as it is, we have the statements of M. de Montigny, the

1Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 2, p. 95.
2D. G. Brinton in Am. Antiquarian, March, 1885, pp. 109-114.

POWELL. ] PALAIHNIHAN FAMILY. 97

missionary who affirmed the affinity of the Taensa language to that of
the Na’htchi, before he had visited the latter in 1699, and of Father
Gravier, who also visited them. For the present, therefore, the
Taensa language is considered to be a branch of the Na’htchi.

The Taensa formerly dwelt upon the Mississippi, above and close
to the Na’htchi. Early in the history of the French settlements a
portion of the Taensa, pressed upon by the Chicasa, fled and were
settled by the French upon Mobile Bay.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

Na’htchi. Taensa.

Population.—There still are four Na’htchi among the Creek in
Indian Territory and a number in the Cheroki Hills near the Mis-
souri border.

PALAIHNIHAN FAMILY.

= Palaihnih, Hale in U. S. Expl. Expd., vi, 218, 569, 1846 (used in family sense).

= Palaik, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., v1, 199, 218, 569, 1846 (southeast of Lutuami in
Oregon), Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt.1, 18,77. 1848. Latham, Nat.
Hist. Man., 325, 1850 (southeast of Lutuami). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas,
map 17, 1852. Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soe. Lond., v1, 82, 1854 (cites Hale’s
vocab).. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 74, 1856 (has Shoshoni affini-
ties). Latham, Opuscula, 310, 341, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862.

=Palainih, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., I, pt. 1, c, 1848. (after Hale).
Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

= Pulairih, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (obvious typographical
error; quotes Hale’s Palaiks).

= Pit River, Powers in Overland Monthly, 412, May, 1874 (three principal tribes :
Achomawes, Hamefcuttelies, Astakaywas or Astakywich). Gatschet in Mag.
Am. Hist., 164, 1877 (gives habitat ; quotes Hale for tribes). Gatschet in Beach,
Ind. Misce., 439, 1877.

= A-cho-ma’-wi, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 601, 1877, vocabs. of A-cho-ma’-wi
and Lutuami). Powers in ibid., 267 (general account of tribes ; A-cho-ma/-wi,
Hu-ma-whi, Es-ta-ke’-wach, Han-te’-wa, Chu-ma’-wa, A-tu-a’-mih, Il-ma’-wi).

< Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 475, 1878
(includes Palaiks).

<Shasta, Bancroft. Nat. Races, m1, 565, 1882 (contains Palaik of present family).

Derivation: From the Klamath word plaikni, signifying ‘‘moun-
taineers” or ‘‘uplanders” (Gatschet).

In two places’ Hale uses the terms Palaihnih and Palaiks inter-
changeably, but inasmuch as on page 569, in his formal table of
linguistic families and languages, he calls the family Palaihnih, this
is given preference over the shorter form of the name.

Though here classed as a distinct family, the status of the Pit
River dialects can not be considered to be finally settled. Powers
speaks of the language as ‘‘ hopelessly consonantal, harsh, and ses-
quipedalian,” * * * ‘‘utterly unlike the sweet and simple lan-

1U.S. Expl. Expd., 1846, vol. 6, pp. 199, 218.

rn
‘

7 ETH

98 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

guages of the Sacramento.” He adds that the personal pronouns
show it to be a true Digger Indian tongue. Recent investigations
by Mr.Gatschet lead him, however, to believe that ultimately it will
be found to be linguistically related to the Sastean languages.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The family was located by Hale to the southeast of the Lutuami
(Klamath). They chiefly occupied the area drained by the Pit
River in extreme northeastern California. Some of the tribe were
removed to Round Valley Reservation, California.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

Powers, who has made a special study of the tribe, recognizes the
following principal tribal divisions :'

Achoma’wi. Estake’ wach. Ilma’wi.
Atua’mih. Hante'wa. Pakamalli?
Chumaé’'wa. Huma’ whi.

PIMAN FAMILY.

—Pima, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 398, 1850 (cites three languages from the Mithri-
dates, viz, Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve). Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1, pt. 3, 55,
1856 (Pima proper). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond.,'92, 1856 (contains
Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve, Papagos). Latham, Opuscula, 356, 1860, Latham,
El. Comp. Phil., 427, 1862 (includes Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve, Papago,
Tbhequi, Hiaqui, Tubar, Tarahumara, Cora). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156,
1877 (includes Pima, Névome, Papago). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 429, 1877
(defines area and gives habitat).

Latham. used the term Pima in 1850, citing under it three dialects
or languages. Subsequently, in 1856, he used the same term for one
of the five divisions into which he separates the languages of Sonora
and Sinaloa.

The same year Turner gave a brief account of Pima as a distinct
language, his remarks applying mainly to Pima proper of the
Gila River, Arizona. This tribe had been visited by Emory and
Johnston and also described by Bartlett. Turner refers to a short
vocabulary in the Mithridates, another of Dr. Coulter’s in Royal
Geological Society Journal, vol. x1, 1841, and a third by Parry in
Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. 11, 1853. The short vocabulary he
himself published was collected by Lieut. Whipple.

Only a small portion of the territory occupied by this family is
included within the United States, the greater portion being in Mexico
where it extends to the Gulf of California. The family is repre-
sented in the United States by three tribes, Pima alta, Sobaipuri, and
Papago. The former have lived for at least two centuries with the

1Cont. N, A. Eth. vol. 3, p. 267.

POWELL. ] PIMAN—PUJUNAN FAMILIES. 99

Maricopa on the Gila River about 160 miles from the mouth. The
Sobaiptri occupied the Santa Cruz and San Pedro Rivers, tributaries
of the Gila, but are no longer known. The Papago territory is much
more extensive and extends to the south across the border. In
recent times the two tribes have been separated, but the Pima ter-
ritory asshown upon the map was formerly continuous to the Gila
River.

According to Buschmann, Gatschet, Brinton, and others the Pima
language is a northern branch of the Nahuatl, but this relationship
has yet to be demonstrated.’

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Northern group:

Opata. Papago. Pima.
Southern group:

Cahita. Tarahumara. Tepeguana.

Cora.

Population.—Of the above tribes the Pima and Papago only are
within our boundaries. Their numbers under the Pima Agency,
Arizona,’ are Pima, 4,464; Papago, 5,163.

PUJUNAN FAMILY.

>Pujuni, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 80, 1856 (contains Pujuni,
Secumne, Tsamak of Hale, Cushna of Schoolcraft). Latham, Opuscula, 346,
1860.

>Meidoos, Powers in Overland Monthly, 420, May, 1874.

= Meidoo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 159, 1877 (gives habitat and tribes), Gatschet
in Beach, Ind. Misc., 433, 1877.

>Mai-du, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 282, 1877 (same as Mai’-deh; general ac-
count of; namesthe tribes). Powell, ibid. , 586 (vocabs. of Kon’-kau, Hol-o'-lu-pai,
Na’-kum, Ni-shi-nam, ‘‘ Digger,” Cushna, Nishinam, Yuba or Nevada, Punjuni,
Sekumne, Tsamak).

>Neeshenams, Powers in Overland Monthly, 21, Jan., 1874 (considers this tribe
doubtfully distinct from Meidoo family).

>Ni-shi-nam, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., 11, 313, 1877 (distinguishes them from
Maidu family).

Sacramento Valley, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476, 1878
(Ochecumne, Chupumne, Secumne, Cosumne, Sololumne, Puzlumne, Yasumne,
etc.; ‘altogether about 26 tribes”).

The following tribes were placed in this group by Latham: Pujuni,
Secumne, Tsamak of Hale, and the Cushna of Schoolcraft. The
name adopted for the family is the name of a tribe given by Hale.*
This was one of the two races into which, upon the information of
Captain Sutter as derived by Mr. Dana, all the Sacramento tribes

‘Buschmann, Die Pima-Sprache und die Sprache der Koloschen, pp. 321-482.
2 According to the U. S. Census Bulletin for 1890.
3U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, p. 631.

100 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

were believed to be divided. ‘‘ These races resembled one another
in every respect but language.” .

Hale gives short vocabularies of the Pujuni, Sekumne, and Tsamak.
Hale did not apparently consider the evidence as a sufficient basis
for a family, but apparently preferred to leave its status to be settled

later.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The tribes of this family have been carefully studied by Powers,
to whom we are indebted for most all we know of their distribution.
They occupied the eastern bank of the Sacramento in California, be-
ginning some 80 or 100 miles from its mouth, and extended north-
ward to within a short distance of Pit River, where they met the
tribes of the Palaihnihan family. Upon the east they reached nearly
to the border of the State, the Palaihnihan, Shoshonean, and
Washoan families hemming them in in this direction.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES,

Bayu. Ki’Imeh. Tishum.
Boka. Kulomum. Todmtcha.
Kskin. Kwatéa, Tosikoyo.
Hélto. Nakum. Toto.
Hoak. Olla. Ustdéma.
Hoankut. Otaki. Waptimni.
Hololtipai. Paupakan. Wima.
Koloma. Pustina. Yuba.
Konkau. Taitchida.

QUORATEAN FAMILY.

>Quoratem, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 422, 1853 (proposed as a proper
name of family ‘‘ should it be held one”).

>Eh-nek, Gibbs in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 422, 1853 (given as name of a band
only; but suggests Quoratem as a proper family name).

>Ehnik, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 76, 1856 (south of Shasti and Lu-
tuami areas). Latham, Opuscula, 342, 1860.

=Cahrocs, Powers in Overland Monthly, 328, April, 1872 (on Klamath and Salmon
Rivers).

—Cahrok, Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 488, 1877.

—Ka’'-rok, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 19,1877. Powell in ibid., 447, 1877 (vocabu-
laries of Ka'-rok, Arra-Arra, Peh’-tsik, Eh-nek).

<Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent.and So. Am. ), 475, 1878 (cited as
including Cahrocs).

Derivation: Name of a band at mouth of Salmon River, Cali-
fornia. Ktymology unknown.

This family name is equivalent to the Cahroc or Karok of Powers
and later authorities.

In 1853, as above cited, Gibbs gives Eh-nek as the titular heading
of his paragraphs upon the language of this family, with the remark

U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUR.

POWELL.] QUORATEAN-SALINAN FAMILIES. 101

that it is “‘The name of a band at the mouth of the Salmon, or
Quoratem river.” He adds that ‘This latter name may perhaps be
considered as proper to give to the family, should it be held one.”
He defines the territory occupied by the family as follows: ‘‘ The
language reaches from Bluff creek, the upper boundary of the
Pohlik, to about Clear creek, thirty or forty miles above the Salmon;
varying, however, somewhat from point to point.”

The presentation of the name Quoratem, as above, seems suffi-
ciently formal, and it is therefore accepted for the group first indi-
cated by Gibbs.

In 1856 Latham renamed the family Ehnik, after the principal
band, locating the tribe, or rather the language, south of the Shasti
and Lutuami areas.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The geographic limits. of the family are somewhat indeterminate,
though the main area occupied by the tribes is well known. The
tribes occupy both banks of the lower Klamath from arange of hills
a little above Happy Camp to the junction of the Trinity, and the
Salmon River from its mouth to its sources. On the north, Quoratean
tribes extended to the Athapascan territory near the Oregon line.

TRIBES.
Ebnek. Karok. Pehtsik.

Population.—According to a careful estimate made by Mr. Curtin
in the region in 1889, the Indians of this family number about 600.

SALINAN FAMILY.

< Salinas, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85,1856 (includes Gioloco, Ruslen,
Soledad of Mofras, Eslen, Carmel, San Antonio, San Miguel). Latham, Opuscula,
350, 1860.

> San Antonio, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 568, 1877 (vocabulary of; not given
as a family, but kept by itself). :

< Santa Barbara, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (cited here as containing
San Antonio). Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., viz, 419, 1879 (con-
tains San Antonio, San Miguel).

x Runsiens, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476, 1878 (San
Miguel of his group belongs here),

Derivation: From river of same name.

The language formerly spoken at the Missions of San Antonio and
San Miguel in Monterey County, California, have long occupied a
doubtful position. By some they have been considered distinct, not
only from each other, but from all other languages. Others have
held that they represent distinct dialects of the Chumashan (Santa
Barbara) group of languages. Vocabularies collected in 1884 by Mr.
Henshaw show clearly that the two are closely connected dialects and
that they are in no wise related to any other family.

102 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

The group established by Latham under the name Salinas is a
heterogeneous one, containing representatives of no fewer than four
distinct families. Gioloco, which he states ‘“‘may possibly belong to
this group, notwithstanding its reference to the Mission of San
Francisco,” really is congeneric with the vocabularies assigned by
Latham to the Mendocinan family. The ‘‘Soledad of Mofras” be-
longs to the Costanoan family mentioned on page 348 of the same
essay, asalsodothe Ruslen andCarmel. Of thethreeremaining forms
of speech, Eslen, San Antonio, and San Miguel, the two latter are re-
lated dialects, and belong within the drainage of the Salinas River.
The term Salinan is hence applied to them, leaving the Eslen lan-
guage to be provided with a name.

Population.—Though the San Antonio and San Miguel were prob-
ably never very populous tribes, the Missions of San Antonio and
San Miguel, when first established in the years 1771 and 1779, con-
tained respectively 1,400 and 1,200 Indians. Doubtless the larger
number of these converts were gathered in tue near vicinity of the
two missions and so belonged to this family. Im 1884 when Mr.
Henshaw visited the missions he was able to learn of the existence of
only about a dozen Indians of this family, and not all of these could
speak their own language.

SALISHAN FAMILY.

>Salish, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 134, 306, 1836 (or Flat Heads
only). Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 11, 31-50, 1846 (of Duponceau. Said
to be the Okanagan of Tolmie).

x Salish, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 474, 1878 (includes
Flatheads, Kalispelms, Skitsuish, Colvilles, Quarlpi, Spokanes, Pisquouse,
Soaiatlpi).

= Salish, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 1, 565, 618, 1882.

> Selish, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. 1, pt. 1, 77,1848 (vocab. of Nsietshaws).
Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs,, 63, 78. 1884 (vocabularies of Lillooet and
Kulléspelm).

> Jelish, Gallatin in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1858 (obvious misprint for
Selish; follows Hale as to tribes).

= Selish, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 169, 1877 (gives habitat. and tribes of family).
Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 444, 1877.

< Selish, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (includes Yakama, which
is Shahaptian).

> Tsihaili-Selish, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, 205, 535, 569, 1846 (includes Shushwaps.,
Selish or Flatheads, Skitsuish, Piskwaus, Skwale, Tsihailish, Kawelitsk,
Nsietshawus). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soce., 1, pt.1,c¢, 10, 1848 (after Hale).
Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek.
Sprache, 658-661, 1859. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 399, 1862 (contains Shushwap or
Atna Proper, Kuttelspelm or Pend d’Oreilles, Selish, Spokan, Okanagan, Skitsu-
ish, Piskwaus, Nusdalum, Kawitchen, Cathlascou, Skwali, Chechili, Kwaintl,
Kwenaiwtl, Nsietshawus, Billechula). :

> Atnahs, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq.Soc., 1, 134, 135, 306, 1836 (on Fraser River).
Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 427, 1847 (on Fraser River).

POWELL. ] SALISHAN FAMILY. 103

> Atna, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 71, 1856 (Tsihaili-Selish of Hale and
Gallatin).

x Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., x1, 224, 1841 (includes,
among others, Billechoola, Kawitchen, Noosdalum, Squallyamish of present
family).

x Insular, Scouler, ibid., (same as Nootka-Columbian family).

x Shahaptan, Scouler, ibid., 225 (includes Okanagan of this family).

x Southern, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as Nootka-Columbian family).

> Billechoola, Latham in Jour, Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 154, 1848 (assigns Friendly Village
of McKenzie here). Latham, Opuscula, 250, 1860 (gives Tolmie’s vocabulary).

+ Billechula, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (mouth of Salmon River). Latham in
Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856 (same). Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860.

> Bellacoola, Bancroft, Nat. Races, U1, 564, 607, 1882 (Bellacoolas only: specimen
vocabulary).

> Bilhoola, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 62, 1884 (vocab. of Noothlakimish).

> Bilchula, Boas in Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 150, 1887 (mentions Satsq, Nute'l,
Nuchalkmy, Taleomy).

x Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. 1, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (cited as including
Billechola).

> Tsihaili, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 310, 1850 (chiefly lower part of Fraser River and
between that and the Columbia; includes Shuswap, Salish, Skitsuish, Piskwaus,
Kawitchen, Skwali, Checheeli, Kowelits, Noosdalum, Nsietshawus).

<Wakash, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 301, 1850 (cited as including Klallems).

xShushwaps, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 474, 1878
(quoted as including Shewhapmuch and Okanagans).

x Hydahs, Keane, ibid., 473 (includes Bellacoolas of present family).

x Nootkahs, Keane, ibid., 473 (includes Komux, Kowitchans, Klallums, Kwantlums,
Teets of present family).

x Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 111, 564, 1882 (contains the following Salishan tribes:
Cowichin, Soke, Comux, Noosdalum, Wickinninish, Songhie, Sanetch, Kwan-
tlum, Teet, Nanaimo, Newchemass, Shimiahmoo, Nooksak, Samish, Skagit,
Snohomish, Clallam, Toanhooch).

< Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 474,
1878 (comprises Nooksahs, Lummi, Samish, Skagits, Nisqually, Neewamish,
Sahmamish, Snohomish, Skeewamish, Squanamish, Klallums, Classets, Che-
halis, Cowlitz, Pistchin, Chinakum: all*but the last being Salishan).

> Flatheads, Keane, ibid., 474, 1878 (same as his Salish above).

> Kawitshin, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 39, 1884 (vocabs. of Songis and
Kwantlin Sept and Kowmook or Tlathool).

> Qauitschin, Boas in Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 131, 1887.

> Niskwalli, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 50, 121, 1884 (or Skwalliamish
vocabulary of Sinahomish).

The extent of the Salish or Flathead family was unknown to Gal-
latin, as indeed appears to have been the exact locality of the tribe
of which he gives an anonymous vocabulary from the Duponceau
collection. The tribe is stated to have resided upon one of the
branches of the Columbia River, ‘‘ which must be either the most
southern branch of Clarke’s River or the most northern branch of
Lewis’s River.” The former supposition was correct. As employed
by Gallatin the family embraced only a single tribe, the Flathead
tribe proper. The Atnah, a Salishan tribe, were considered by
Gallatin to be distinct, and the name would be eligible as the family

104 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

name ; preference, however, is given to Salish. The few words from
the Friendly Village near the sources of the Salmon River given by
Gallatin in Archeologia Americana, I, 1836, pp. 15, 306, belong under
this family.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

Since Gallatin’s time, through the labors of Riggs, Hale, Tolmie,
Dawson, Boas, and others, our knowledge of the territorial limits
of this linguistic family has been greatly extended. The most
southern outpost of the family, the Tillamook and Nestucca, were
established on the coast of Oregon, about 50 miles to the south of
the Columbia, where they were quite separated from their kindred
to the north by the Chinookan tribes. Beginning on the north side
of Shoalwater Bay, Salishan tribes held the entire northwestern part
of Washington, including the whole of the Puget Sound region,
except only the Macaw territory about Cape Flattery, and two in-
significant spots, one near Port Townsend, the other on the Pacific
coast to the south of Cape Flattery, which were occupied by Chi-
makuan tribes. HEastern Vancouver Island to about midway of its
length was also held by Salishan tribes, while the great bulk of their
territory lay on the mainland opposite and included much of the
upper Columbia. On the south they were hemmed in mainly by the
Shahaptian tribes. Upon the east Salishan tribes dwelt to a little
beyond the Arrow Lakes and their feeder, one of the extreme north
forks of the Columbia. Upon the southeast Salishan tribes extended
into Montana, including the upper drainage of the Columbia. They
were met here in 1804 by Lewis and Clarke. On thenortheast Salish
territory extended to about the fifty-third parallel. In the north-
west it did not reach the Chilcat River.

Within the territory thus indicated there is considerable diversity
of customs and a greater diversity of language. The language is
split into a great number of dialects, many of which are doubtless
mutually unintelligible.

The relationship of this family to the Wakashan is a very inter-
esting problem. Evidences of radical affinity have been discovered
by Boas and Gatschet, and the careful study of their nature and
extent now being prosecuted by the former may result in the union
of the two, though until recently they haye been considered quite
distinct.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

Atnah, Copalis. Met’how.
Bellacoola. Cowichin. Nanaimo.
Chehalis. Cowlitz. Nanoos.
Clallam. Dwamish. Nehalim.
Colville. Kwantlen. Nespelum.

Comux. Lummi. Nicoutamuch.

POWELL. J SALISHAN-SASTHAN FAMILIES 105
PRINCIPAL TRIBES—continued.

Nisqualli. Sans Puell. Snoqualmi.
Nuksahk. Satsop. Soke.
Okinagan. Sawamish. Songish.
Pend d’Oreilles. Sekamish. Spokan.
Pentlate. Shomamish. Squawmisht.
Pisquow. Shooswap. Squaxon.
Puyallup. Shotlemamish. Squonamish.
Quaitso. Skagit. . Stehtsasamish.
Queniut. Skihwamish. Stillacum.
Queptlmamish. Skitsuish. Sumass.
Sacumehu. Skokomish. Suquamish.
Sahewamish. Skopamish. Swinamish.
Salish. Sktehlmish. Tait.
Samamish. Smulkamish. Tillamook.
Samish. Snohomish. Twana.
Sanetch.

Population.—The total Salish population of British Columbia is
12,325, intlusive of the Bellacoola, who number, with the Hailtzuk,
2,500, and those in the list of unclassified, who number 8,522, distrib-
uted as follows:

Under the Fraser River Agency, 4,986; Kamloops Agency, 2,579;
Cowichan Agency, 1,852; Okanagan Agency, 942; Williams Lake
Agency, 1,918; Kootenay Agency, 48.

Most of the Salish in the United States are on reservations. They
number about 5,500, including a dozen small tribes upon the Yakama
Reservation, which have been consolidated with the Clickatat (Sha-
haptian) through intermarriage. The Salish of the United States
are distributed as follows (Indian Affairs Report, 1889, and U.S. Cen-
sus Bulletin, 1890):

Colville Agency, Washington, Cceur d’ Alene, 422; Lower Spokane,
417; Lake, 303; Colville, 247; Okinagan, 374; Nespilem, 67; San
Pueblo (Sans Puell), 300; Calispel, 200; Upper Spokane, 170.

Puyallup Agency, Washington, Quaitso, 82; Quinaielt (Queniut),
101; Humptulip, 19; Puyallup, 563; Chehalis, 136; Nisqually, 94;
Squaxon, 60; Clallam, 351; Skokomish, 191; Oyhut, Hoquiam, Mon-
tesano, and Satsup, 29. *

Tulalip Agency, Washington, Snohomish, 443; Madison, 144;
Muckleshoot, 103; Swinomish, 227; Lummi, 295.

Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon, Tillamook, 5.

SASTEAN FAMILY.

= Saste, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 218, 569, 1846. Gallatinin Trans. Am. Eth. Soc.,
I, pt. 1,c, 77, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Buschmann,
Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 572, 1859.

106 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

— Shasty. Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1. 218, 1846 (—=Saste). Buschmann, Spuren der

aztek, Sprache, 572, 1859 (= Saste).
= Shasties, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, 199, 569, 1846 (=Saste). Berghaus (1851),
Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

— Shasti,Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (southwest of Lutuami). Latham in Proc.
Philolog. Soc., Lond., v1, 82, 1854. Latham, ibid, 74, 1856. Latham, Opuscula,
310, 341, 1860 (allied to both Shoshonean and Shahaptian families). Latham,
El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862.

— Shasté, Gibbs in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 422, 1853 (mentions Watsa-he-wa,
a Scott's River band).

— Sasti, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 402, 1853 (— Shasties).

= Shasta, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 607, 1877. Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164,
1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877.

— Shas-ti-ka, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 248, 1877.

= Shasta, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877 (==Shasteecas).

< Shasta, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 1, 565, 1882 (includes Palaik, Watsahewah, Shasta).

< Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So, Am.), 475, 1878 (contains
Shastas of present family). .

Derivation: The single tribe upon the language of which Hale
based his name was located by him to the southwest of the Lutuami
or Klamath tribes. He calls the tribe indifferently Shasties or
Shasty, but the form applied by him to the family (see pp. 218, 569)
is Saste, which accordingly is the one taken.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

The former territory of the Sastean family is the region drained
by the Klamath River and its tributaries from the western base of
the Cascade range to the point where the Klamath flows through the
ridge of hills east of Happy Camp, which forms the boundary be-
tween the Sastean and the Quoratean families. In addition to this
region of the Klamath, the Shasta extended over the Siskiyou range
northward as faras Ashland, Oregon.

SHAHAPTIAN FAMILY.

> Shahaptan, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 225, 1841 (three tribes, Shahaptan
or Nez-percés, Kliketat, Okanagan; the latter being Salishan).

<Shahaptan, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 428, 1847 (two classes, Nez-perces
proper of mountains, and Polanches of plains; includes also Kliketat and
Okanagan).

> Sahaptin, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., v1, 198,212, 542, 1846 (Shahaptin or Nez-percés,
Wallawallas, Pelooses, Yakemas, Klikatats). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc.,
I, pt. 1, ¢, 14, 1848 (follows Hale). Gallatin, ibid., 1, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (Nez-percés
only). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft,
Ind. Tribes, 11, 402,1853 (Nez-perces and Wallawallas). Dall, after Gibbs, in
Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (includes Taitinapam and Kliketat).

> Saptin, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 428, 1847 (or Shahaptan).

<Sahaptin, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 323, 1850 (includes Wallawallas, Kliketat,
Proper Sahaptin or Nez-percés, Pelis, Yakemas, Cayts ?). Latham in Trans.
Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (includes Waiilatpu). Buschmann, Spuren der

POWELL. ] SHAHAPTIAN FAMILY. 107

aztek. Sprache, 614, 615, 1859. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860 (as in 1856).
Latham, El. Comp. Phil. , 440, 1862 (vocabularies Sahaptin, Wallawalla, Kliketat).
Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am. ), 460, 474, 1878 (includes Pa-
louse, Walla Wallas, Yakimas, Tairtlas, Kliketats or Pshawanwappams, Cayuse,
Mollale; the two last are Waiilatpuan).

—Sahaptin, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 168, 1877 (defines habitat and enumerates
tribes of). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 443, 1877. Bancroft, Nat. Races, U1,
565, 620, 1882.

> Shahaptani, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs. , 78, 1884 (Whulwhaipum tribe).

> Nez-percés, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 428, 1847 (see Shahaptan). Keane,
App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am. ), 474, 1878 (see his Sahaptin).

X Selish, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (includes Yakama which
belongs here).

Derivation: From a Selish word of unknown significance,

The Shahaptan family of Scouler comprised three tribes—the Sha-
haptan or Nez Percés} the Kliketat, a scion of the Shahaptan, dwell-
ing near Mount Ranier, and the Okanagan, inhabiting the upper part
of Fraser River and its tributaries ; “these tribes were asserted to
speak dialects of the same language.” Of the above tribes the Okin-
agan are now known to be Salishan.

The vocabularies given by Scouler were collected by Tolmie. The
term **Sahaptin”” appears on Gallatin’s map of 1836, where it doubtless
refers only to the Nez Percé tribe proper, with respect to whose lin-
guistic affinities Gallatin apparently knew nothing at the time. At
all events the name occurs nowhere in his discussion of the linguistic

families.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The tribes of this family occupied a large section of country along
the Columbia and its tributaries. Their western boundary was the
Cascade Mountains ; their westernmost bands, the Klikitat on the
north, the Tyigh and Warm Springs on the south, enveloping for a
short distance the Chinook territory along the Columbia which ex-
tended to the Dalles. Shahaptian tribes extended along the tribu-
taries of the Columbia for a considerable distance, their northern
boundary being indicated by about the forty-sixth parallel, their
southern by about the forty-fourth. Their eastern extension was in-
terrupted by the Bitter Root Mountains.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND POPULATION,

Chopunnish (Nez Percé), 1,515 on Nez Percé Reservation, Idaho.
Klikitat, say one-half of 330 natives, on Yakama Reservation,
Washington.
Paloos, Yakama Reservation, number unknown.
Tenaino, 69 on Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon.
Tyigh, 430 on Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon.
Umatilla, 179 on Umatilla Reservation, Oregon.
Walla Walla, 405 on Umatilla Reservation, Oregon.

108 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

SHOSHONEAN FAMILY.

>Shoshonees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 120, 133, 306, 1836
(Shoshonee or Snake only). Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 218, 1846 (Wihinasht,
PAnasht, Yutas, Sampiches, Comanches). Gallatinin Trans. Am, Eth. Soc., 1,
pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (as above). Gallatin, ibid., 18, 1848 (follows Hale; see below).
Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853. Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1,
pt. 3, 55, 71, 76, 1856 (treats only of Comanche, Chemehuevi, Cahuillo). Busch-
mann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 552, 649, 1859.

>Shoshoni, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 199, 218, 569, 1846 (Shosh6ni, Wihinasht,
Panasht, Yutas, Sampiches, Comanches). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc.
Lond., 73,1856. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860.

>Schoschonenu Kamantschen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid.,
1852.

>Shoshones, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 429, 1847 (or Snakes; both sides
Rocky Mountains and sources of Missouri).

—Shdshoni, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist. 154, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 426,
1877.

<Shoshone, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,477, 1878 (in-
cludes Washoes of a distinct family). Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 567, 661, 1882.

>Snake, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 120, 133, 1836 (or Sho-
shonees). Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, 218, 1846 (as under Shoshonee). Prich-
ard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 429, 1847 (as under Shoshones). Turner in Pac.
R. R. Rep., 101, pt. 3, 76, 1856 (as under Shoshonees). Buschmann, Spuren der
aztek. Sprache, 552, 649, 1859 (as under Shoshonees).

<Snake, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So, Am.), 477, 1878 (contains
Washoes in addition to Shoshonean tribes proper).

>Kizh, Hale in U. S. Expl. Exp., vi, 569, 1846 (San Gabriel language only).

>Netela, Hale, ibid., 569, 1846 (San Juan Capestrano language).

>Paduca, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 415, 1847 (Cumanches, Kiawas, Utas).
Latham, Nat. Hist., Man, 310, 326, 1850. Latham (1853) in Proc. Philolog. Soc.
Lond., vi, 78, 1854 (includes Wihinast, Shoshoni, Uta). Latham in Trans.
Philolog. Soc. Lond., 96, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 300, 360, 1860.

<Paduea, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man.,346, 1850 (Wihinast, Bonaks, Diggers, Utahs,
Sampiches, Shoshonis, Kiaways, Kaskaias?, Keneways?, Bald-heads, Cumanches,
Navahoes, Apaches, Carisos). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 440, 1862 (defines area
of; cites vocabs. of Shoshoni, Wihinasht, Uta, Comanch, Piede or Pa-uta,
Chemuhuevi, Cahuillo, Kioway, the latter not belonging here).

>Cumanches, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 402, 1853.

>Netela-Kij, Latham (1853) in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., v1, 76, 1854 (composed of
Netela of Hale, San Juan Capistrano of Coulter, San Gabriel of Coulter, Kij of
Hale).

>Capistrano, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes Netela, of San ~
Luis Rey and San Juan Capistrano, the San Gabriel or Kij of San Gabriel and
San Fernando).

In his synopsis of the Indian tribes’ Gallatin’s reference to this
great family is of the most vague and unsatisfactory sort. He speaks
of ‘‘some bands of Snake Indians or Shoshonees, living on the waters
of the river Columbia” (p. 120), which is almost the only allusion to
them to be found. The only real claim he possesses to the author-
ship of the family name is to be found on page 306, where, in his list

1Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 1836.

POWELL. ] SHOSHONEAN FAMILY. 109

of tribes and vocabularies, he places ‘‘Shoshonees” among his other
families, which is sufficient to show that he regarded them as a dis-
tinct linguistic group. The vocabulary he possessed was by Say.

Buschmann, as above cited, classes the Shoshonean languages as a
northern branch of his Nahuatl or Aztec family, but the evidence
presented for this connection is deemed to be insufficient.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

This important family occupied a large part of the great interior
basin of the United States. Upon the north Shoshonean tribes ex-
tended far into Oregon, meeting Shahaptian territory on about the
forty-fourth parallel or along the Blue Mountains. Upon the north-
east the eastern limits of the pristine habitat of the Shoshonean tribes
are unknown. The narrative of Lewis and Clarke’ contains the ex-
plicit statement that the Shoshoni bands encountered upon the Jef-
ferson River, whose summer home was upon the head waters of the
Columbia, formerly lived within their own recollection in the plains
to the east of the Rocky Mountains, whence they were driven to
their mountain retreats by the Minnetaree (Atsina), who had obtained
firearms. Their former habitat thus given is indicated upon the
map, although the eastern limit is of course quite indeterminate. Very
likely much of the area occupied by the Atsina was formerly Sho-
shonean territory. Later a division of the Bannock held the finest
portion of southwestern Montana,* whence apparently they were be-
ing pushed westward across the mountains by Blackfeet.” Upon the
east the Tukuarika or Sheepeaters held the Yellowstone Park coun-
try, where they were bordered by Siouan territory, while the Washaki
occupied southwestern Wyoming. Nearly the entire mountainous
part of Colorado was held by the several bands of the Ute, the east-
ern and southeastern parts of the State being held respectively by
the Arapaho and Cheyenne (Algonquian), and the Kaiowe (Kiowan).
To the southeast the Ute country included the northern drainage of
the San Juan, extending farther east a short distance into New Mexico.
The Comanche division of the family extended farther east than any
other. According to Crow tradition the Comanche formerly lived
northward in the Snake River region. Omaha tradition avers that
the Comanche were on the Middle Loup River, probably within the
present century. Bourgemont found a Comanche tribe on the upper
Kansas River in 1724.‘ According to Pike the Comanche territory
bordered the Kaiowe on the north, the former occupying the head
waters of the upper Red River, Arkansas, and Rio Grande.’ How

! Allen ed., Philadelphia, 1814, vol. 1, p. 418.

2U.S. Ind. Aff., 1869, p. 289.

’Stevens in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1855, vol. 1, p. 329.

4 Lewis and Clarke, Allen ed., 1814, vol. 1, p. 34.

5Pike, Expl. to sources of the Miss., app. pt. 3, 16, 1810.

110 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

far to the southward Shoshonean tribes extended at this early period
is not known, though the evidence tends to show that they raided
far down into Texas to the territory they have occupied in more
recent years, viz, the extensive plains from the Rocky Mountains
eastward into Indian Territory and Texas to about 97°. Upon the
south Shoshonean territory was limited generally by the Colorado
River. ‘The Chemehuevyi lived on both banks of the river between
the Mohave on the north and the Cuchan on the south, above and
below Bill Williams Fork.’ The Kwaiantikwoket also lived to the
east of the river in Arizona about Navajo Mountain, while the Tu-
sayan (Moki) had established their seven pueblos, including one
founded by people of Tafoan stock, to the east of the Colorado Chi-
quito. In the southwest Shoshonean tribes had pushed across Cali-
fornia, occupying a wide band of country to the Pacific. In their
extension northward they had reached as far as Tulare Lake, from
which territory apparently they had dispossessed the Mariposan
tribes, leaving a small remnant of that linguistic family near Fort
Tejon."

A little farther north they had crossed the Sierras and occupied the
heads of San Joaquin and Kings Rivers. Northward they occupied
nearly the whole of Nevada, being limited on the west by the Sierra
Nevada. The entire southeastern part of Oregon was occupied by
tribes of Shoshoni extraction.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND POPULATION,

Bannock, 514 on Fort Hall Reservation and 75 on the Lemhi Res-
ervation, Idaho.

Chemehuevi, about 202 attached to the Colorado River Agency, Ari-
zona.

Comanche, 1,598 on the Kiowa, Comanche and Wichita Reserva-
tion, Indian Territory.

Gosiute, 256 in Utah at large.

Pai Ute, about 2,300 scattered in southeastern California and south-
western Nevada.

Paviotso, about 3,000 scattered in western Nevada and southern
Oregon.

Saidyuka, 145 under Klamath Agency.

Shoshoni, 979 under Fort Hall Agency and 249 at the Lemhi
Agency.

Tobikhar, about 2,200, under the Mission Agency, California.

Tukuarika, or Sheepeaters, 108 at Lemhi Agency.

Tusayan (Moki), 1,996 (census of 1890).

Uta, 2,839 distributed as follows : 985 under Southern Ute Agency,
Colorado; 1,021 on Ouray Reserve, Utah; 833 on Uintah Reserve, Utah.

‘Ives, Colorado River, 1861, p. 54.
? Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 369.

U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM

POWELL] SIOUAN FAMILY. 111

SIOUAN FAMILY.

xSioux, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll, Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 121, 306, 1836 (for tribes
included see text below). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 408, 1847 (follows
Gallatin). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. , 1, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (asin 1836).
Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. Gallatin in School-
eraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

>Sioux, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 333, 1850 (includes Winebagoes, Dakotas, Assine-
boins, Upsaroka, Mandans, Minetari, Osage). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc.
Lond., 58, 1856 (mere mention of family). Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860. Latham,
El. Comp. Phil. , 458, 1862.

>Catawbas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq.Soc., 11, 87, 1836 (Catawbas and
Woccons). Bancroft, Hist. U. S., 1, 245, et map, 1840. Prichard, Phys. Hist.
Mankind, v, 399, 1847. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 11, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848.
Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am. ), 460, 473, 1878.

>Catahbas, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.

>Catawba, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 334, 1850 (Woccoon are allied). Gallatin
in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 401, 1853.

>Kataba, Gatschet in Am. Antiquarian, Iv, 238, 1882. Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend,
I, 15, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 413, April 29, 1887.

>Woccons, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 306, 1836 (numbered
and given as a distinct family m table, but inconsistently noted in foot-note

where referred to as Catawban family.)

>Dahcotas, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 11, 248, 1840.
>Dakotas, Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Ind., 232, 1862 (treats of Dakotas,

Assiniboins, Crows, Minnitarees, Mandans, Omahas, lowas).

>Dacotah, Keane, App. toStanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 470, 1878. (The
following are the main divisions given: Isaunties, Sissetons, Yantons, Teetons,
Assiniboines, Winnebagos, Punkas, Omahas, Missouris, Iowas. Otoes, Kaws,
Quappas, Osages, Upsarocas, Minnetarees.)

>Dakota, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

Derivation: A corruption of the Algonkin word *‘nadowe-ssi-wag,
“*the snake-like ones,” ‘‘ the enemies” (Trumbull).

Under the family Gallatin makes four subdivisions, viz, the
Winnebagos, the Sioux proper and the Assiniboins, the Minnetare
group, and the Osages and southern kindred tribes. Gallatin
speaks of the distribution of the family as follows: The Winneba-
goes have their principal seats on the Fox River of Lake Michigan
and towards the heads of the Rock River of the Mississippi; of the
Dahcotas proper, the Mendewahkantoan or ‘‘ Gens du Lac” lived east
of the Mississippi from Prairie du Chien north to Spirit Lake. The
three others, Wahkpatoan, Wahkpakotoan and Sisitoans inhabit
the country between the Mississippi and the St. Peters, and that on
the southern tributaries of this river and on the headwaters of the
Red River of Lake Winnipek. The three western tribes, the Yank-
tons, the Yanktoanans and the Tetons wander between the Missis-
sippi and the Missouri, extending southerly to 43° of north latitude
and some distance west of the Missouri, between 43° and 47° of lati-

el INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

tude. The ‘‘Shyennes” are included in the family but are marked
as doubtfully belonging here.

Owing to the fact that ‘‘Sioux” is a word of reproach and means
snake or enemy, the term has been discarded by many later writers
asa family designation, and ‘‘ Dakota,” which signifies friend or ally,
has been employed in its stead. The two words are, however, by no
means properly synonymous. Theterm ‘* Sioux” was used by Gallatin
in a comprehensive or family sense and was applied to all the tribes
collectively known to him to speak kindred dialects of a widespread
language. It is in thissense only, as applied to the linguistic family,
that the term is here employed. The term ‘* Dahcota” (Dakota) was
correctly applied by Gallatin to the Dakota tribes proper as distin-
guished from the other members of the linguistic family who are
not Dakotas ina tribal sense. The use of the term with this signifi-
cation should be perpetuated.

It is only recently that a definite decision has been reached respect-
ing the relationship of the Catawba and Woccon, the latter an extinct
tribe known to have been linguistically related to the Catawba.
Gallatin thought that he was able to discern some affinities of the
Catawban language with ‘‘Muskhogee and even with Choctaw,”
though these were not sufficient to induce him to class them together.
Mr. Gatschet was the first to call attention to the presence in the
Catawba language of a considerable number of words having a
Siouan affinity.

Recently Mr. Dorsey has made a critical examination of all the
Catawba linguistic material available, which has been materially in-
creased by the labors of Mr. Gatschet, and the result seems to justify
its inclusion as one of the dialects of the widespread Siouan family.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The pristine territory of this family was mainly in one body,
the only exceptions being the habitats of the Biloxi, the Tutelo, the
Catawba and Woccon.

Contrary to the popular opinion of the present day, the general
trend of Siouan migration has been westward. In comparatively
late prehistoric times, probably most of the Siouan tribes dwelt east
of the Mississippi River.

The main Siouan territory extended from about 53° north in the
Hudson Bay Company Territory, to about 33°, including a consider-
able part of the watershed of the Missouri River and that of the
Upper Mississippi. It was bounded on the northwest, north, north-
east, and for some distance on the east by Algonquian territory.
South of 45° north the line ran eastward to Lake Michigan, as the
Green Bay region belonged to the TIMES SOROS

1See ae of Pane ae Chien, 1825.

roweLt.] SIOUAN FAMILY. i133

It extended westward from Lake Michigan through Illinois, cross-
ing the Mississippi River at Prairie du Chien. At this point began
the Algonquian territory (Sac, etc.) on the west side of the Missis-
sippi, extending southward to the Missouri, and crossing that river
it returned to the Mississippi at St. Louis. The Siouan tribes claimed
all of the present States of Iowa and Missouri, except the parts occu-
pied by Algonquian tribes. The dividing line between the two for a
short distance below St. Louis was the Mississippi River. The line
then ran west of Dunklin, New Madrid, and Pemiscot Counties, in
Missouri, and Mississippi County and those parts of Craighead and
Poinsett Counties, Arkansas, lying east of the St. Francis River.
Once more the Mississippi became the eastern boundary, but in this
case separating the Siouan from the Muskhogean territory. The
Quapaw or Akansa were the most southerly tribe in the main Siouan
territory. In 1673' they were east of the Mississippi. Joutel (1687)
located two of their villages on the Arkansas and two on the Missis-
sippi one of the latter being on the east bank, in our present State of
Mississippi, and the other being on the opposite side,in Arkansas. Shea
says* that the Kaskaskias were found by De Soto in 1540 in latitude
36°,and that the Quapaw were higher up the Mississippi. But we
know that the southeast corner of Missouri and the northeast corner
of Arkansas, east of the St. Francis River, belonged to Algonquian
tribes. A study of the map of Arkansas shows reason for believ-
ing that there may have been a slight overlapping of habitats, or a
sort of debatable ground. At any rate it seems advisable to compro-
mise, and assign the Quapaw and Osage (Siouan tribes) all of Arkan-
sas up to about 36° north.

On the southwest of the Siouan family was the Southern Caddoan
group, the boundary extending from the west side of the Mississippi
River in Louisiana, nearly opposite Vicksburg, Mississippi, and run-
ning northwestwardly to the bend of Red River between Arkansas
and Louisiana ; thence northwest along the divide between the water-
sheds of the Arkansas and Red Rivers. In the northwest corner of
Indian Territory the Osages came in contact with the Comanche
(Shoshonean), and near the western boundary of Kansas the Kiowa,
Cheyenne, and Arapaho (the two latter being recent Algonquian
intruders ?) barred the westward march of the Kansa or Kaw.

The Pawnee group of the Caddoan family in western Nebraska
and northwestern Kansas separated the Ponka and Dakota on the
north from the Kansa on the south, and the Omaha and other Siouan
tribes on the east from Kiowa and other tribes on the west. The
Omaha and cognate peoples occupied in Nebraska the lower part of
the Platte River, most of the Elkhorn Valley, and the Ponka claimed
the region watered by the Niobrara in northern Nebraska.

1 Marquette’s Autograph Map. ' Disc. of Miss. Valley, p. 170, note.
7? ETH——8

114 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

There seems to be sufficient evidence for assigning to the Crows
(Siouan) the northwest corner of Nebraska (i. e., that part north of
the Kiowan and Caddoan habitats) and the southwest part of South
Dakota (not claimed by Cheyenne’), as well as the northern part of
Wyoming and the southern part of Montana, where they met the
Shoshonean stock.’

The Biloxi habitat in 1699 was on the Pascogoula river,* in the
southeast corner of the present State of Mississippi. The Biloxi sub-
sequently removed to Louisiana, where a few survivors were found
by Mr. Gatschet in 1886.

The Tutelo habitat in 1671 was in Brunswick County, southern
Virginia, and it probably included Lunenburgh and Mecklenburg
Counties.* The Earl of Bellomont (1699) says* that the Shateras
were “‘supposed to be the Toteros, on Big Sandy River, Virginia,”
and Pownall, in his map of North America (1776), gives the Totteroy
(i. e., Big Sandy) River. Subsequently to 1671 the Tutelo left Vir-
ginia and moved to North Carolina." They returned to Virginia
(with the Sapona), joined the Nottaway and Meherrin, whom they
and the Tuscarora followed into Pennsylvania in the last century;
thence they went to New York, where they joined the Six Nations,
with whom they removed to Grand River Reservation, Ontario, Can-
ada, after the Revolutionary war. The last full-blood Tutelo died
in 1870. For the important discovery of the Siouan affinity of the
Tutelo language we are indebted to Mr. Hale.

The Catawba lived on the river of the same name on the northern
boundary of South Carolina. Originally they were a powerful tribe,
the leading people of South Carolina, and probably occupied a large
part of the Carolinas. The Woccon were widely separated from
kinsmen living in North Carolina in the fork of the Cotentnea and
Neuse Rivers.

The Wateree, living just below the Catawba, were very probably
of the same linguistic connection.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

I. Dakota.

(A) Santee: include Mde’-wa-ka"-to"-wa® (Spirit Lake village,
Santee Reservation, Nebraska), and Wa-qpe’-ku-te (Leaf
Shooters); some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana.

1See Cheyenne treaty, in Indian Treaties, 1873, pp. 124, 5481-5489.

2 Lewis and Clarke, Trav., Lond., 1807, p. 25. Lewis and Clarke, Expl., 1874, vol
2, p. 390. A. L. Riggs, MS. letter to Dorsey, 1876 or 1877. Dorsey, Ponka tradi-
tion: ‘‘ The Black Hills belong to the Crows.” That the Dakotas were not there till
this century see Corbusier's Dakota Winter Counts, in 4th Rept. Bur. Eth., p. 180,
where it is also said that the Crow were the original owners of the Black Hills.

3Margry, Découvertes, vol. 4, p. 195.

4Battsin Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., 1858, vol. 3, p. 194. Harrison, MS. letter to Dor-
sey, 1886.

’Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., 1854, vol. 4. p. 485.

® Lawson, Hist, Carolina, 1714; reprint of 1860, p. 384.

POWELL] SIOUAN FAMILY. 115

I. Dakota—Continued.

(B) Sisseton (Si-si’-to"-wa"), on Sisseton Reservation, South
Dakota, and part on Devil’s Lake Reservation, North
Dakota.

(C) Wahpeton (Wa-qpe’-to"-wa", Wa-lipe-ton-wan); Leaf vil-
lage. Someon Sisseton Reservation; most on Devil’s Lake
Reservation.

(D) Yankton (I-hatk’-to"-wa"), at Yankton Reservation, South
Dakota.

(EK) Yanktonnais (I-hatik’-to"-wa"’-na); divided into Upper and
Lower. Of the Upper Yanktonnais, there are some of
the Cut-head band (Pa’-ba-ksa gens) on Devil’s Lake Res-
ervation. Upper Yanktonnais, most are on Standing Rock
Reservation, North Dakota; Lower Yanktonnais, most are
on Crow Creek Reservation, South Dakota, some are on
Standing Rock Reservation, and some on Fort Peck Reser-
vation, Montana.

(F) Teton (Ti-to"-wa"); some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana.

(a) Brulé (Si-tca’-xu); some are on Standing Rock
Reservation. Most of the Upper Brulé (Highland
Sitca"xu) are on Rosebud Reservation, South Dako-
ta. Most of the Lower Brulé (Lowland Sitca™xu)
are on Lower Brulé Reservation, South Dakota.

(b) Sans Ares (I-ta'-zip-tco’, Without Bows). Most are
on Cheyenne Reservation, South Dakota; some on
Standing Rock Reservation.

(d) Minneconjou (Mi'-ni-ko’-o-ju). Most areon Cheyenne
Reservation, some are on Rosebud Reservation, and
some on Standing Rock Reservation.

(e) Two Kettles (O-0'-he-no"’-pa, Two Boilings), on Chey-
enne Reservation.

(f) Ogalalla (O-gla’-la). Most on Pine Ridge Reserva-
tion, South Dakota; some on Standing Rock Reser-
vation. Wa-za-za (Wa-ja-ja, Wa-zha-zha), a gens
of the Oglala (Pine Ridge Reservation); Loafers
(Wa-glu-xe, In-breeders), a gens of the Oglala; most
on Pine Ridge Reservation; some on Rosebud Reser-
vation.

(g) Unepapa (1862~63), Uncapapa (1880-81), (Hui-

kpa-pa), on Standing Rock Reservation.
II. Assinaboin (Hohe, Dakota name); mostin British North America;
some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana.
Ill. Omaha (U-ma*’-ha"), on Omaha Reservation, Nebraska.
IV. Ponca (formerly Ponka on maps; Ponka); 605 on Ponca Reser-
vation, Indian Territory; 217 at Santee Agency, Nebraska,

~—

116 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

V. Kaw (ya"’-ze; the Kansa Indians); on the Kansas Reserva-
tion, Indian Territory.

VI. Osage; Big Osage (Pa-he'-tsi, Those on a Mountain); Little
Osage (Those at the foot of the Mountain); Arkansas
Band (gan-jsu-y¢i", Dwellers in a Highland Grove), Osage
Reservation, Indian Territory.

VIL. Quapaw (U-ya'-qpa; Kwapa). A few are on the Quapaw
Reserve, but about 200 are on the Osage Reserve, Okla-
homa. (They are the Arkansa of early times.)

VILL. Jowa, on Great Nemaha Reserve, Kansas and Nebraska, and
86 on Sac and Fox Reserve, Indian Territory.

IX. Otoe (Wa-to'-qta-ta), on Otoe Reserve, Indian Territory.

X. Missouri or Missouria (Ni-uw'-t’a-tci), on Otoe Reserve.

XI. Winnebago (Ho-teati’-ga-ra); most in Nebraska, on their re-
serve: some are in Wisconsin; some in Michigan, accord-
ing to Dr. Reynolds.

XII. Mandan, on Fort Berthold Reserve, North Dakota.

XIII. Gros Ventres (a misleading name; syn. Minnetaree; Hi-da’-
tsa); on the same reserve.

XIV. Crow (Absdruqe, Aubsdroke, etc.), Crow Reserve, Montana.

XV. Tutelo (Ye-sa"’), among the Six Nations, Grand River Reserve,
Province of Ontario, Canada.

XVI. Biloxi (Ta'-neks ha’-ya), part on the Red River, at Avoyelles,
Louisiana; part in Indian Territory, among the Choctaw
and Caddo.

XVII. Catawba.

XVIII. Woccon.

Population.—The present number of the Siouan family is about
43,400, of whom about 2,204 are in British North America, the rest
being in the United States. Below is given the population of the
tribes officially recognized, compiled chiefly from the Canadian In-
dian Report for 1888, the United States Indian Commissioner’s Re-
port for 1889, and the United States Census Bulletin for 1890:

Dakota:
Mdewakantonwan and Wahpekute (Santee) on Santee Reserve, Nebraska 869
JA: Flamdreats Dalkotars, stecoctens (sce cosets epee tetecees eee eden eine eee els rore maces 292
Santeelat Devilisiialke Ao emciyprim cette tst itera teeter etter erate 54
Sisseton and Wahpeton on Sisseton Reserve, South Dakota. ............ 1,522
Sisseton, Wahpeton, and Cuthead (Yanktonnais) at Devil’s Lake Reserva-
THOM lan bce retaeete ane ee eR es Sean) cba noT atl 857

Yankton:

On Yankton Reservation, South Dakota.................... 1,725

At Devilisibake Acencynaras-cen crate demociiecerr ie ete tect 123

On Fort Peck Reservation, Montana... ... eee aeics 1,121

A few on Crow Creek Reservation, South Dakots ls Bi eos arene noes 10

A few on Lower Brulé Reservation, South Dakota........... 10

2, 989

POWELL. ] SIOUAN FAMILY.

Dakota—Continued.

Yanktonnais:

Upper Yanktonnais on Standing Rock Reservation.............. 1, 786

Lower Yanktonnais on Crow Creek Reservation................. 1, 058

ATI SLANCINCUROCK HAO CNCY) 5. octets cited ars niaie ore eeeere stl pce oa 1,739

Teton:

Brule, Upper Brulé on Rosebud Reservation................ .... 3, 245
QOnebevilisnbake “Reservations... \crte ser sistem ters 0f 5a ei tiathareie 2
Lower Brulé at Crow Creek and Lower Brulé Agency......... 1, 026

Minneconjou (mostly)and Two Kettle, on Cheyenne River Reserve 2,823

Blackfeet on Standing Rock Reservation .................-.---- 545

Two Kettle on Rosebud Reservation .................-00.-+000 315

Oglala on Pine Ridge Reservation ...............00.e-ce-eereees 4,592
Wajaja (Oglala gens) on Rosebud Reservation ................ 1, 825
Wagluxe (Oglala gens) on Rosebud Reservation. ............ .. 1,353

Uncapapa, on Standing Rock Reservation... ................ soo HA

Dakota at Carlisle, Lawrence, and Hampton schools..... ......... 169

Dakota in British North America (tribes not stated):
On Bird Tail Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency, Northwest Territory. 108

On Oak River Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency ...... ............. 276
On Oak Lake Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency................-...- 55
On Turtle Mountain Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency......... ..... 34
On Standing Buffalo Reserve, under Northwest Territory........ 184
Muscowpetung’s Agency :
White Cap Dakota (Moose Woods Reservation).................. 105
IAIN ETICAD SIOUX (MOMESCLVO)) mr eesstarerocictere a sraisictere aiaietctetas rele tora 95
Assinaboin:

On Fort Belknap Reservation, Montana............... ......6: 952
On Fort Peck Reservation, Montana..............:...ceee2s05% 71
AGRE VIL SplAK CPA ROT CY rie nie ic cuvette ve se cicisly eh niecaien teense

The following are in British North America:
Pheasant Rump’s band, at Moose Mountain (of whom 6 at Mis-

SOULL ANG 4 abeLuchle MOUNTAIN) atec.2 cl) veiw e espe e eeiietw ec a» 69
Ocean Man’s band, at Moose Mountain (of whom 4 at Missouri). . 68
The-man-who-took-the-coat’s band, at Indian Head (of whom 5

ALLA PHM RLV EL) aa ao yaa cras ns roe ele ee ee ee a eve ets 248
Bear’s Head band, Battleford Agency.................-+++-.-+% 227
Chee-pooste-quahn band, at Wolf Creek, Peace Hills Agency ... 128
Bears Paw) band;at Morleyville:: 3.1.5 sc¢es5020 0s. s este cscs 236
Chiniquy band, Reserve, at Sarcee Agency............ .--..--. 134
AVEC] OSE oP rao Wipes Si os ere ad ichatats Aero SDR vce o DOE Ica pre Rca ese 227

Omaha:
Omaha and Winnebago Agency, Nebraska..... ............--- 1, 158
‘AtiCanlisle; School wbennsylvaniay oe. <scis sco ec soci. = aries 19
At Hamptonl SCHOO). VATCINIBe. 2s. ees c sme gemini eae 10
ACMA LENCONSCHOOMUICANBAS <1 erecta ste wel tore cia ce ani eimie Tors wiereree 10
Ponka:
In Nebraska (under the Santee agent) ............--..22-2020005 217
In Indian Territory (under the Ponka agent).................... 605
At: Carlisle, Pennsylvanians: . fcc icc «sis ae, ais sto/s stotsists sine sae ane 1
At Lawrence, Kansas............ Thea CREAT te aloes eeiciarseOIES a He 24

117

4,583

16, 426

857

3, 008

847

118 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Osage:
At Osage Agency, Indian Territory .......................- Saat | 15,009)
At Carlisle; Pennsylvania sca, iclescvar\cicioe Minnis init ere ee 7
At lbaiwrence, (Mansasas ici ssi ncimtecticrous etter rie oleic Cee etere 65
1,581
Kansa or Kaw:
At Osage Agency, Indian Territory ..............-. .. ...----- 198
At Carlisle; "Pennsylvamiaisyel-in: tose ceestaue cle Pomenersieveicfarserer rei tele 1
At ua wrenGe} WKANSAS fy. ni cepeiccssccteste clove ard ajeltle eis iereldaiternctsleiee as 15
- 214
Quapaw:
On Quapaw Reserve, Indian Territory ...... ........+-.2--.22 154
On Osage Reserve, Indian Territory...............2..-+.000+++- val
Ati@arlisle, Pennsylvania .2. oct dat ss nies seis sekeisyaine iecktio e 3
At Lawrence; Kansas: > val ac yevstes 5 eredcy.siahapneleroreeh oeclatieitaremite 4
a 232
Towa:
On Great Nemaha Reservation, Kansas ................-.20005 165
On Sac and Fox Reservation, Oklahoma .... ................-- 102
At Carlisles IRennsylivamiialts...75 6 -yerycre rns niet «ere tor oeterseseeraterel ae 1
At uawrence;, Kansas ici. cctv avelepoucceicncsetevoyte taka cet sane rere te eecenlar hela 5
oo 273
Oto and) Missouris in) Indian Porriborysaer ee) ieie ele sieyeeleleleleieraie Bape 358
Winnebago:
TnsNebraskas§i2c5 tie ctvsnte cnae sine sia ae eae ee Carer eeraee 1, 215
nu Wisconsin G1889)! 15 ejciet aces ret ese meiner on cae ciaihe reer ene 930
AG Carlisle; Pennsylvamiar.ccciicintee o-roremns oer iek eerere eases 27
HA HHA WENGOS: KANSAS sco... eye; aictevaie hacer) etcke eTSte rs alte betel oats coker eroke tans RES 2
AG am pton; AVidr oma ese ough aera scvelsteiere cles oleh rarer ieteretsieleietotekeceias 10
-—— 2,184
Mandan:
On Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota .................. 251
At Hampton’, Virginia das. 1secrntetea cca iterates ore Gee ele ante
/ ——- . 282
Hidatsa, on Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota.............. 522
Crow,on) Crow: Reservation, Montana) entices leeinccte seieiineiete 5 2, 287
Tutelo, about a dozen mixed bloods on Grand River Reserve, Ontario,
Canada. and a few more near Montreal (?), say, about........ 20
Biloxi:
Im sBowisianas BDOuUb. oy. anetciteresciosetersuors cones 7 ac ce fexeshe lo otobekaretaneteyereee 25
At Atoka, Imdianl Rerritony te... crase le oes cters.cltevedet ney esemnd cestoni eres 1
-—— 26
Catawba:
In York County, South Carolina, about..:...........-..:...... 80
Scattered through North Carolina, about..... ................- 40?
120?

SKITTAGETAN FAMILY.

>Skittagets, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1,¢, 1848 (the equiv-
alent of his Queen Charlotte’s Island group, p. 77).

>Skittagetts, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

>Skidegattz, Gallatin in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 402, 1858 (obvious typograph-
ical error; Queen Charlotte Island).

x Haidah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., X1, 224, 1841 (same as his Northern
family; see below).

POWELL. ] SKITTAGETAN FAMILY. 119

=Haidah, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (Skittegats, Massets, Kumshahas, Ky-
ganie). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856 (includes Skittigats,
Massetts, Kumshahas, and Kyganie of Queen Charlotte’s Ids. and Prince of
Wales Archipelago). Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. Buschmann, Spuren der
aztek. Sprache, 673, 1859. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 401, 1862 (as in 1856). Dall
in Proc. Am. Ass’n, 269, 1869 (Queen Charlotte’s Ids. and southern part of Alex-
ander Archipelago). Bancroft, Nat. Races, 1, 564, 604, 1882.

>Hai-dai, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes. v, 489, 1855. Kane, Wanderings of an Artist,
app., 1859, (Work’s census, 1836-'41, of northwest coast tribes, classified by
language).

=-Haida, Gibbs in Cont. N. A. Eth., I, 135, 1877. Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vo-
cabs., 15, 1884 (vocabs. of Kaigani Sept, Masset, Skidegate, Kumshiwa dialects;
alsomap showing distribution). Dall in Proc. Am. Ass'n, 375, 1885 (mere men-
tion of family).

<Hydahs, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 473, 1878
(enumerates Massets, Klue, Kiddan, Ninstance, Skid-a-gate, Skid-a-gatees,
Cum-she-was, Kaiganies, Tsimsheeans, Nass, Skeenas, Sebasses, Hailtzas, Bell-
acoolas).

>Queen Charlotte's Island, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 15, 3065
1836 (no tribe indicated). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 77, 1848
(based on Skittagete language). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 154, 1848.
Latham, Opuscula, 249, 1860.

xNorthern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., x1, 219, 1841 (includes Queen
Charlotte’s Island and tribes on islands and coast up to 60° N. L.; Haidas, Mas-
settes, Skittegas, Cumshawas). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 483, 1847
(follows Scouler).

=Kygani, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass’n, 269, 1869 (Queen Charlotte’s Ids. or Haidahs).

x Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 1, 564, 1882 (contains Quane, probably of present
family; Quactoe, Saukaulutuck).

The vocabulary referred by Gallatin' to “Queen Charlotte’s Isl-
ands” unquestionably belongs to the present family. In addition
to being a compound word and being objectionable as a family name
on account of its unwieldiness, the term is a purely geographic one
and is based upon no stated tribe; hence it is not eligible for use in
systematic nomenclature. As it appears in the Archeeologia Ameri-
cana it represents nothing but the locality whence the vocabulary of
an unknown tribe was received.

The family name to be considered as next in order of date is the
Northern (or Haidah) of Scouler, which appears in volume x1, Royal
Geographical Society, page 218, et seq. The term as employed by
Scouler is involved in much confusion, and it is somewhat difficult
to determine just what tribes the author intended to cover by the
designation, Reduced to its simplest form, the case stands as fol-
lows: Scouler’s primary division of the Indians of the Northwest was
into two groups, the insular and the inland. The insular (and coast
tribes) were then subdivided into two families, viz, Northern or
Haidah family (for the terms are interchangeably used, as on page
224) and the Southern or Nootka-Columbian family. Under the
Northern or Haidah family the author classes all the Indian tribes

'Archeeologia Americana, 1836, 11, pp. 15, 306, .

120 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

in the Russian territory, the Kolchians (Athapascas of Gallatin,
1836), the Koloshes, Ugalentzes, and Tun Ghaase (the Koluscans of
Gallatin, 1836); the Atnas (Salish of Gallatin, 1836); the Kenaians
(Athapascas, Gallatin, 1836); the Haidah tribes proper of Queen
Charlotte Island, and the Chimesyans.

It will appear at a glance that such a heterogeneous assemblage of
tribes, representing as they do several distinct stocks, can not have
been classed together on purely linguistic evidence. In point of fact,
Scouler’s remarkable classification seems to rest only in a very slight
degree upon a linguistic basis, if indeed it can be said to have a
linguistic basis at all. Consideration of *‘ physical character, man-
ners, and customs ” were clearly accorded such weight by this author
as to practically remove his Northern or Haidah family from the
list of linguistic stocks.

The next family name which was applied in this connection is the
Skittagets of Gallatin as above cited. This name is given to desig-
nate a family on page c, volume 1, of Transactions of the Ethnological
Society, 1848. In his subsequent list of vocabularies, page 77, he
changes his designation to Queen Charlotte Island, placing under
this family name the Skittagete tribe. His presentation of the former
name of Skittagets in his complete list of families is, however,
sufficiently formal to render it valid as a family designation, and it
is, therefore, retained for the tribes of the Queen Charlotte Arch-
ipelago which have usually been called Haida,

From acomparison of the vocabularies of the Haida language with
others of the neighboring Koluschan family, Dr. Franz Boas is in-
clined to consider that the two are genetically related. The two
languages possess a considerable number of words in common, but a
more thorough investigation is requisite for the settlement of the
question than has yet been given. Pending this the two families are
here treated separately.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The tribes of this family occupy Queen Charlotte Islands, For-
rester Island to the north of the latter, and the southeastern part of
Prince of Wales Island, the latter part having been ascertained by
the agents of the Tenth Census.’

PRINCIPAL TRIBES,

The following is a list of the principal villages:

Haida:
Aseguang. Kunyit. Skiteiget,
Cumshawa. Massett. Tanu.
Kayung. New Gold Harbor. Tartanee.
Kung. Skedan. Uttewas.

‘See Petroff map of Alaska, 1880-81.

POWELL. | TAKILMAN-—TANOAN FAMILIES. 191

Kaigani:
Chatcheeni. Howakan. Shakan.
Clickass. (Juiahanless.

Population.—The population of the Haida is 2,500, none of whom
are at present under an agent.

TAKILMAN FAMILY.

=Takilma, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 1882 (Lower Rogue River).

This name was proposed by Mr. Gatschet for a distinct language
spoken on the coast of Oregon about the lower Rogue River. Mr.
Dorsey obtained a vocabulary in 1884 which he has compared with
Athapascan, Kusan, Yakonan, and other languages spoken in the
region without finding any marked resemblances. The family is
hence admitted provisionally. The language appears to be spoken
by but a single tribe, although there is a manuscript vocabulary in
the Bureau of Ethnology exhibiting certain differences which may
be dialectic.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The Takilma formerly dwelt in villages along upper Rogue River,
Oregon, all the latter, with one exception, being on the south side,
from Illinois River on the southwest, to Deep Rock, which was
nearer the head of the stream. They are now included among the
‘*“Rogue River Indians,” and they reside to thenumber of twenty-
seven on the Siletz Reser vation, Tillamook County, Oregon, where
Dorsey found them in 1884.

TANOAN FAMILY.

>Tay-waugh, Lane (1854) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes. v. 689, 1855 (Pueblos of San
Juan, Santa Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe. San Il de Conso, and one Moqui pueblo).
Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878.

>Tano, Powell in Rocky Mountain Presbyterian, Noy., 1878 (includes Sandia,
Téwa, San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa Clara, Pojoaque, Nambé, Tesuque,
Sinect,, Jemez, Taos, Picuri).

>Tegua, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (includes 8S.
Juan, Sta. Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, Tesugue, 8. Ildefonso, Haro).

—Téwan, Powell in Am. Nat., 605, Aug., 1880 (makes five divisions: 1. Taf (Isleta,
Isleta near El Paso, Sandia); 2. Taos (Taos, Picuni); 3. Jemes (Jemes); 4. Tewa
or Tehua (San Ildefonso, San Juan, FPojeaque; Nambe, Tesuque, Santa Clara,
and one Moki pueblo); 5. Piro).

>E-nagh-magh, Lane (1854) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 689, 1855 (includes Taos,
Vicuris, Zesuqua, Sandia, Ystete, and two pueblos near El Paso, Texas). Keane,
App. Stanford’s Conip. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (follews Lane, but identi-
fies Texan pueblos with Lentis ? and Socorro ?).

>Picori, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (or Enagh-
magh). .

—Stock of Rio Grande Pueblos, Gatschet in U. 8S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., vu, 415,
1879.

=Rio Grande Pueblo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 258, 1882.

122 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Derivation: Probably from ‘‘tainin,” plural of ta-ide, ‘* Indian,”
in the dialect of Isleta and Sandia (Gatschet).

In a letter’ from Wm. Carr Lane to H. R. Schooleraft, appear
some remarks on the affinities of the Pueblo languages, based in
large part on hearsay evidence. No vocabularies are given, nor
does any real classification appear to be attempted, though referring
to such of his remarks as apply in the present connection, Lane
states that the Indians of ‘‘ Taos. Vicuris, Zesuqua, Sandia, and
Ystete, and of two pueblos of Texas, near El] Paso, are said to speak
the same language. which I have heard called E-nagh-magh,” and
that the Indians of ‘San Juan, Santa Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, San
Il de Conso, and one Moqui pueblo, all speak the same language, as
it is said: this I have heard called Tay-waugh.” The ambiguous
nature of his reference to these pueblos is apparent from the above
quotation.

The names given by Lane as those he had ‘‘ heard” applied to
certain groups of pueblos which ‘‘it is said” speak the same lan-
guage, rest on too slender a basis for serious consideration in a classi-
ficatory sense.

Keane in the appendix to Stanford’s Compendium (Central and
South America), 1878, p. 479, presents the lst given by Lane, cor-
recting his spelling in some cases and adding the name of the Tusayan
pueblo as Haro (Hano). He gives the group no formal family
name, though they are classed together as speaking ‘‘ Tegua or Tay-
waugh.”

The Tato of Powell (1878), as quoted, appears to be the first
name formally given the family, and is therefore accepted. Recent
investigations of the dialect spoken at Taos and some of the other
pueblos of this group show a considerable body of words having
Shoshonean affinities, and it is by no means improbable that fur-
ther research will result in proving the radical relationship of these
languages to the Shoshonean family. The analysis of the language
has not yet, however, proceeded far enough to warrant a decided

opinion.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The tribes of this family in the United States resided exclusively
upon the Rio Grande and its tributary valleys from about 33° to
about 36°. A small body of these people joined the Tusayan in
northern Arizona, as tradition avers to assist the latter against
attacks by the Apache—though it seems more probable that they
fled from the Rio Grande during the pueblo revolt of 1680—and re-
mained to found the permanent pueblo of Hano, the seventh pueblo
of the group. A smaller section of the family lived upon the Ric
Grande in Mexico and Texas, just over the New Mexico border.

' Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, 1855, vol. 5, p. 689.

POWELL. TIMUQUANAN FAMILY. 1238

Population.—The following pueblos are included in the family,
with a total population of about 3,237:

Hano (of the Tusayan group)..... LBZ MSandiaiyes cen-ceiclsietehje einen Gnce ars 140
Isleta (New Mexico).............. 1059) |e SanelldefonsOmeercaiia- ae) el 148
Tsletai(lOxas) saeco a1 <.cc Be ae Bh cal (ere se hala [LU CCN ax heya aisicns Ge OO cx RAE REESE OO 406
OMEZ test es er se eek ees A287 Santa Glaramerrcmccisee ce) ce a
IN Grea Tse Se ee AN, 79 Senecti (below El Paso) ...... ith, Blew:
ICUS metamiens ne cea Ostseca nee LOOM | LAOS see se octal sistaneye atsrer tas acer <eieyets 409
PO}OAGUe ye ec -\- Shes oie cleretieist 202) Lesuguerereras isa eh veicl-celstel Weie-si of. 91

TIMUQUANAN FAMILY.

=Timuquana, Smith in Hist. Magazine, 11, 1, 1858 (a notice of the language with
vocabulary; distinctness of the language affirmed). Brinton, Floridian Penin-
sula, 134, 1859 (spelled also Timuaca, Timagoa, Timuqua).

= Timucua, Gatschet in Proc. Am. Phil. Soc., xv1, April 6, 1877 (from Cape Cafiaveral
to mouth of St.John’s River). Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend 1, 11-13, 1884.
Gatschet in Science, 413, April 29, 1887.

= Atimuca, Gatschet in Science, ibid. (proper name).

Derivation: From ati-muca, ‘‘ruler,” “‘master;” literally. ‘‘ serv-
ants attend upon him.”

In the Historical Magazine as above cited appears a notice of the
Timuquana language by Buckingham Smith, in which is affirmed its
distinctness upon the evidence of language. A short vocabulary is
appended, which was collated from the ‘‘Confessionario” by Padre
Pareja, 1613. Brintonand Gatschet have studied the Timuquana lan-
guage and have agreed as to the distinctness of the family from any
other of the United States. Both the latter authorities are inclined
to take the view that it has affinities with the Carib family to the
southward, and it seems by no means improbable that ultimately
the Timuquana language will be considered an offshoot of the Carib
linguistic stock. At the present time, however, such a conclusion
would not be justified by the evidence gathered and published.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

It is impossible to assign definite limits to the area occupied by the
tribes of this family. From documentary testimony of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries the limits of the family domain appear
to have been about as follows: In general terms the present north-
ern limits of the State of Florida may be taken as the northern
frontier, although upon the Atlantic side Timuquanan territory may
have extended into Georgia. Upon the northwest the boundary line
was formed in De Soto’s time by the Ocilla River. Lake Okeechobee
on the south, or as it was then called Lake Sarrape or Mayaimi, may
be taken as the boundary between the Timuquanan tribes proper
and the Calusa province upon the Gulf coast and the Tegesta prov-
ince upon the Atlantic side. Nothing whatever of the languages

194 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

spoken in these two latter provinces is available for comparison, A
number of the local names of these provinces given by Fontanedo
(1559) have terminations similar to many of the Timuquanan local
names. This slender evidence is all that we have from which to infer
the Timuquanan relationship of the southern end of the peninsula.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

The following settlements appear upon the oldest map of the re-
gions we possess, that of De Bry (Narratio; Frankf. a. M. 15, 1590):
(A) Shores of St. John’s River, from mouth to sources :

Patica. Utina.
Saturiwa. Patchica.
Atore. Chilli.
Homolua or Molua. Calanay.
Alimacani. Onochaquara.
Casti. Mayarca.
Malica. Mathiaca.
Melona. Maiera.
Timoga or Timucua. Mocoso. .
Enecaqua. Cadica.
Choya. Eloquale.
Edelano (island). Aquonena,
Astina.

(B) On a (fictitious) western tributary of St. John’s River, from
mouth to source :

Hicaranaou. Potanou.
Appalou. Khiamana.
Oustaca. Anouala.
Onathcaqua.

Sorrochos.

On coast north of St. John’s River

Hiouacara.

(EZ) The following are gathered from all other authorities, mostly
from the accounts of De Soto’s expedition :

Acquera. San Mateo (1688).

Aguile. Santa Luciade Acuera (SE.
Basisa or Vacissa (1688). coast).

Cholupaha. Tacatacuru.

Hapaluya. Tocaste.

Hirrihiqua. Tolemato.

Itafi (perhaps a province). Topoqui.

POWELL. ] TONIKAN—TONKAWAN FAMILIES. 125

Itara Tucururu (SE. coast)
Machaua (1688). Ucita.

Napetuca. Urriparacuxi.

Osile (Oxille). Yupaha (perhaps a province).

San Juan de Guacara (1688).

TONIKAN FAMILY.

—=Tunicas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 0, 115, 116, 1836 (quotes Dr.
Sibley, who states they speak a distinct language). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man,
341, 1850 (opposite mouth of Red River; quotes Dr. Sibley as to distinctness of
language).

= Tonica, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 39, 1884 (brief account of tribe).

—=Tonika, Gatschet in Science, 412, April 29, 1887 (distinctness as a family as-
serted; the tribe calls itself Taniyka).

99 ¢6¢

Derivation: From the Tonika word 6ni, ‘‘ man,
prefix or article; -ka,-yka a nominal suffix.

The distinctness of the Tonika language, has long pec suspected,
and was indeed distinctly stated by Dr. Sibley in 1806.' The state-
ment to this effect by Dr. Sibley was quoted by Gallatin in 1836, but
as the latter possessed no vocabulary of the language he made no
attempt to classify it. Latham also dismisses the language with the
same quotation from Sibley. Positive linguistic proof of the posi-
tion of the language was lacking until obtained by Mr. Gatschet in
1886, who declared it to form a family by itself.

people;” t-is a

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The Tonika are known to have occupied three localities: First,
on the Lower Yazoo River (1700); second, east shore of Mississippi
River (about 1704); third, in Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana (1817).
Near Marksville, the county seat of that parish, about twenty-five
are now living.

TONKAWAN FAMILY.

= Tonkawa, Gatschet, Zw6lf Sprachen aus dem Siidwesten Nordamerikas, 76, 1876
(vocabulary of about 300 words and some sentences). Gatschet, Die Sprache der
Tonkawas, in Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, 64,1877. Gatschet (1876), in Proc. Am.
Philosoph. Soc., XVI, 318, 1877

Derivation: the full form is the Caddo or Wako term tonkawéya,
“**they all stay together” (wéya, ‘‘ all”).

After a careful examination of all the linguistic material avail-
able for comparison, Mr. Gatschet has concluded that the language
speigon by the Tonkawa a a distinct family.

Tee s message, February 19, 1806.

126 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

The Ténkawa were a migratory people and a collwvies gentium,
whose earliest habitat is unknown. Their first mention occurs in
1719; at that time and ever since they roamed in the western and
southern parts of what is now Texas. About 1847 they were engaged
as scouts in the United States Army, and from 1860—62 (?) were in
the Indian Territory; after the secession war till 1884 they lived in
temporary camps near Fort Griffin, Shackelford County, Texas, and
in October, 1884, they removed to the Indian Territory (now on
Oakland Reserve). In 1884 there were seventy-eight individuals
living; associated with them were nineteen Lipan Apache, who had
lived in their company for many years, though in a separate camp.
They have thirteen divisions (partly totem-clans) and observe moth-
er-right.

UCHEAN FAMILY.

—Uchees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11., 95, 1836 (based upon the
Uchees alone). Bancroft, Hist. U. S., m1., 247, 1840. Gallatin in Trans. Am.
Eth. Soc. 11, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So.
Am.), 472, 1878 (suggests that the language may have been akin to Natchez).

—=Utchees,Gallatin in Trans. and Coll, Am. Antiq. Soc., 1., 306, 1836. Gallatin in
Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, m1., 401, 1853. Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent.
and So. Am.), 472, 1878.

=Utschies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.

=Uché, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 338, 1850 (Coosa River), Latham in Trans. Philolog.
Soc. Lond., 1., 31-50, 1846. Latham, Opuscula, 293, 1860.

=Yuchi, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend,1, 17, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 413, April
29, 1887.

The following is the account of this tribe given by Gallatin (prob-
ably derived from Hawkins) in Archzeologia Americana, page 95:

The original seats of the Uchees were east of Coosa and probably of the Chata-
hoochee; and they consider themselves as the most ancient inhabitants of the coun-
try. They may have been the same nation which is called Apalaches in the ac-
counts of De Soto’s expedition, and their towns were till lately principally on Flint
River.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The pristine homes of the Yuchi are not now traceable with any
degree of certainty. The Yuchi are supposed to have been visited by
De Soto during his memorable march, and the town of Cofitachiqui
chronicled by him, is believed by many investigators to have stood
at Silver Bluff, on the left bank of the Savannah, about 25 miles be-
low Augusta. If, as is supposed by some authorities, Cofitachiqui
was a Yuchi town, this would locate the Yuchi in a section which,
when first known to the whites, was occupied by the Shawnee. Later
the Yuchi appear to have lived somewhat farther down the Savannah,
on the eastern and also the western side, as far as the Ogeechee River,
and also upon tracts above and below Augusta, Georgia. These
tracts were claimed by them as late as 1736.

— eee

POWELL. ] UCHEAN—WAIILATPUAN FAMILIES. 197

In 1729. portion of the Yuchi left their old seats and settled among
the Lower Creek on the Chatahoochee River; there they established
three colony villages in the neighborhood, and later on a Yuchi settle-
ment is mentioned on Lower Tallapoosa River, among the Upper
Creek.’ Filson’ gives a list of thirty Indian tribes and a statement
concerning Yuchi towns, which he must have obtained froma much
earlier source: ‘‘ Uchees occupy four different places of residence—at
the head of St. John’s, the fork of St. Mary’s, the head of Can-
nouchee, and the head of St. Tillis” (Satilla), ete.*

Population.—More than six hundred Yuchi reside in northeastern
Indian Territory, upon the Arkansas River, where they are usually
classed as Creek. Doubtless the latter are to some extent intermar-
ried with them, but the Yuchi are jealous of their name and tena-
cious of their position as a tribe.

W AIILATPUAN.

= Waiilatpu, Hale, in U. S. Expl. Exp., v1, 199, 214, 569, 1846 (includes Cailloux or
Cayuse or Willetpoos, and Molele). Gallatin, after Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc.,
11, pt. 1,c, 14,56, 77, 1848 (after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,
1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 628, 1859. Bancroft, Nat. Races,
Il, 565, 1882 (Cayuse and Mollale).

= Wailatpu, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 402, 1853 (Cayuse and Molele).

x Sahaptin, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 323, 1850 (cited as including Cayus ?).

x Sahaptins, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 474, 1878 (cited be-
cause it includes Cayuse and Mollale).

= Molele, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 324, 1850 (includes Molele, Cayus?).

> Cayus?, Latham, ibid.

—Cayuse, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 166, 1877 (Cayuse and Moléle). Gatschet in
Beach, Ind. Misc., 442, 1877.

Derivation: Wayiletpu, plural form of Wa-ilet, ‘‘ one Cayuse
man” (Gatschet).

Hale established this family and placed under it the Cailloux or
Cayuse or Willetpoos, and the Molele. Their headquarters as indi-
cated by Hale are the upper part of the Walla Walla River and the
country about Mounts Hood and Vancouver.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

The Cayuse lived chiefly near the mouth of the Walla Walla River,
extending a short distance above and below on the Columbia, be-
tween the Umatilla and Snake Rivers. The Molzle were a mountain
tribe and occupied a belt of mountain country south of the Columbia
River, chiefly about Mounts Hood and Jefferson.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Cayuse. Molale.
'Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 21-22, 1884,
? Discovery, etc., of Kentucky, 1793, 11, 84-7.
’Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, p. 20.

128 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Population.—There are 31 Mol&le now on the Grande Ronde
Reservation, Oregon,’ and a few others live in the mountains west of
Klamath Lake. The Indian Affairs Report for 1888 credits 401
and the United States Census Bulletin for 1890, 415 Cayuse Indians
to the Umatilla Reservation, buf Mr. Henshaw was able to find only
six old menand women upon the reservation in August, 1888, who
spoke their own language. The others, though presumably of
Cayuse blood, speak the Umatilla tongue.

WAKASHAN FAMILY.

>Wakash, Gallatin mm Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soe., 0, 15,306, 1836 (of Nootka
Sound; gives Jewitt’s vocab.). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 77,
1848 (based on Newittee). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1852. Galla-
tin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 402, 1853 (includes Newittee and Nootka
Sound). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (of Quadra and Van-
couver’s Island). Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 403,
1862 (Tlaoquatsh and Wakash proper; Nutka and congeners also referred here).

x Wakash, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 301, 1850 (includes Naspatle, proper Nutkans,
Tlaoquatsh, Nittenat, Klasset, Klallems; the last named is Salishan),

x Nootka-Columbian, Scoulerin Jour, Roy. Geog. Soc., XT, 221, 1841 (includes Quadra
and Vancouver Island, Haeeltzuk, Billechoola, Tlaoquatch, Kawitchen, Noosda-
lum, Squallyamish, Cheenooks). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 435, 1847
(follows Seouler). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 162, 1848 (remarks
upon Scouler’s group of this name). Latham, Opuscula, 257, 1860 (the same).

<Nootka, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 220, 569, 1846 (proposes family to include
tribes of Vancouver Island and tribes on south side of Fuca Strait).

>Nutka, Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 329, 1858.

>Nootka, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (mentions only Makah, and Classet
tribes of Cape Flattery). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 446, 1877.

x Nootkahs, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473, 1878 (includes
Muchlahts, Nitinahts, Ohyahts, Manosahts, and Quoquoulths of present family,
together with a number of Salishan tribes).

x Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 564, 607, 1882 (a heterogeneous group, largely
Salishan, with Wakashan, Skittagetan, and other families represented).

>Straits of Fuca, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 134, 306, 1836
(vocabulary of, referred here with doubt; considered distinct by Gallatin).

xSouthern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 224, 1841 (same as his Noctka-
Columbian above).

x Insular, Scouler ibid. (same as his Nootka-Columbian above).

x Haeltzuk, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 155, 1848 (cities Tolmie’s vocab.
Spoken from 50° 30’ to 53° 30’ N. L.). Latham, Opuscula, 251, 1860 (the same).

>Haeeltsuk and Hailtsa, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 800, 1850 (includes Hyshalla,
Hyhysh, Esleytuk, Weekenoch, Nalatsenoch, Quagheuil, Tlatla-Shequilla,
Lequeeltoch).

> Hailtsa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond. ,72,1856. Buschmann, Neu-Mexico,
822, 1858. Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 401, 1862
(includes coast dialects between Hawkesbury Island, Broughton’s Archipelago,
and northern part of Vancouver Island).

>Ha-eelb-zuk, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 487, 1855. Kane, Wand. of an Artist,
app., 1859 (or Ballabola; a census of N. W. tribes classified by language).

1U.S. Ind. Aff., 1889.

——

POWELL.] WAKASHAN FAMILY. 129

>Ha-ilt’-zikh, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 144, 1877 (vocabularies of
Bel-bella of Milbank Sound and of Kwakiutl’).

<Nass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 0, pt 1, c, 1848.

<Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (includes Hailstla, Hacelt-
zuk, Billechola, Chimeysan). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, rr, 402, 1853
(includes Huitsla),

x Nass, Bancroft, Nat. Races, m1, 564, 606, 1882 (includes Hailtza of present family).

>Aht, Sproat, Savage Life, app.,312, 1868 (name suggested for family instead of
Nootka-Columbian).

>Aht, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 50, 1884 (vocab. of Kaiook waht),

x<Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 474,
1878,

x Hydahs, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent.and So. Am.), 4738, 1878 (includes
Hailtzas of the present family).

>Kwakiool, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 27-48, 1884 (vocabs. of Haishilla,
Hailtzuk, Kwiha, Likwiltoh, Septs ; also map showing family domain).

>Kwa kittl. Boasin Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 130, 1887 (general account of family
with list of tribes).

Derivation: Waukash, waukash, is the Nootka word ‘ good”
“oood.” When heard by Cook at Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound, it
was supposed to be the name of the tribe.

Until recently the languages spoken by the Aht of the west coast
of Vancouver Island and the Makah of Cape Flattery, congeneric
tribes, and the Haeltzuk and Kwakiutl peoples of the east coast of
Vancouver Island and the opposite mainland of British Columbia,
have been regarded as representing two distinct families. Recently
Dr. Boas has made an extended study of these languages, has col-
lected excellent vocabularies of the supposed families, and as a result
of his study it is now possible to unite them on the basis of radical
affinity. The main body of the vocabularies of the two languages is
remarkably distinct, though a considerable number of important
words are shown to be common to the two.

Dr. Boas, however, points out that in both languages suffixes only
are used in forming words, and a long list of these shows remarka-
ble similarity.

The above family name was based upon a vocabulary of the Wa-
kash Indians, who, according to Gallatin, ‘inhabit the island on
which Nootka Sound is situated.” The short vocabulary given was
collected by Jewitt. Gallatin states' that this language is the one
“in that quarter, which, by various vocabularies, is best known to
us.” In 1848* Gallatin repeats his Wakash family, and again gives
the vocabulary of Jewitt. There would thus seem to be no doubt of
his intention to give it formal rank as a family.

The term ‘‘ Wakash” for this group of languages has since been
generally ignored, and in its place Nootka or Nootka-Columbian has
been adopted. ‘‘ Nootka-Columbian” was employed by Scouler in
1841 for a group of languages, extending from the mouth of Salmon

1 Archeologia Americana, 1, p.15. Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. 1,p. 77.
Y ETH 9

130 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

River to the south of the Columbia River, now known to belong to
several distinct families. ‘t Nootka family” was also employed by
Hale’ in 1846, who proposed the name for the tribes of Vancouver
Island and those along the south side of the Straits of Fuca.

The term ‘*‘ Nootka-Columbian” is strongly condemned by Sproat.?
For the group of related tribes on the west side of Vancouver Island
this author suggests Aht, ‘‘ house, tribe, people,” as a much more
appropriate family appellation.

Though by no means as appropriate a designation as could be
found, it seems clear that for the so-called Wakash, Newittee, and
other allied languages usually assembled under the Nootka family,
the term Wakash of 1836 has priority and must be retained.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

The tribes of the Aht division of this family are confined chiefly
to the west coast of Vancouver Island. They range to the north as
far as Cape Cook, the northern side of that cape being occupied
by Haeltzuk tribes, as was ascertained by Dr. Boas in 1886. On
the south they reached to a little above Sooke Inlet, that inlet being
in possession of the Soke, a Salishan tribe.

The neighborhood of Cape Flattery, Washington, is occupied by
the Makah, one of the Wakashan tribes, who probably wrested this
outpost of the family from the Salish (Clallam) who next adjoin them
on Puget Sound.

The boundaries of the Haeltzuk division of this family are laid
down nearly as they appear on Tolmie and Dawson’s linguistic
map of 1884. The west side of King Island and Cascade Inlet are
said by Dr. Boas to be inhabited by Haeltzuk tribes, and are col-
ored accordingly.

PRINCIPAL AHT TRIBES.

Ahowsaht. Kyoquaht. Ohiaht.
Ayhuttisaht. Macaw. Opechisaht.
Chicklesaht. Manosaht. Pachenaht.
Clahoquaht. Mowachat. Seshaht.
Hishquayquaht. Muclaht. Toquaht.
Howchuklisaht. Nitinaht. Yuclulaht.
Kitsmaht. Nuchalaht.

Population.—There are 457 Makah at the Neah Bay Agency, Wash-
ington.* The total population of the tribes of this family under the
West Coast Agency, British Columbia, is 3,160.*°. The grand total
for this division of the family is thus 3,617.

1U. S. Expl. Expd., vol. 6, p. 220. °U. 8. Census Bulletin for 1890.
* Savage Life, 312. 4Canada Ind. Aff. Rep. for 1888,

POWELL. ] W ASHOAN—WEITSPEKAN FAMILIES. 131

PRINCIPAL HAELTZUK TRIBES,

Aquamish. Keimanoeitoh. Nakwahtoh.
Belbellah. Kwakiutl. Nawiti.
Clowetsus. Kwashilla. Nimkish.
Hailtzuk. Likwiltoh. Quatsino.
Haishilla. Mamaileilakitish. Tsawadinoh.
Kakamatsis. Matelpa.

Population.—There are 1,898 of the Haeltzuk division of the family
under the Kwawkewlth Agency, British Columbia. Of the Bellacoola
(Salishan family) and Haeltzuk, of the present family, there are 2,500
who are not under agents. No separate census of the latter exists at
present.

WASHOAN FAMILY.

= Washo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 255, April, 1882.

< Shoshone, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 477, 1878 (contains
Washoes).

<( Snake, Keane, ibid. (Same as Shoshone, above.)

This family is represented by a single well known tribe, whose
range extended from Reno, on the line of the Central Pacific Rail-
road, to the lower end of the Carson Valley.

On the basis of vocabularies obtained by Stephen Powers and
other investigators, Mr. Gatschet was the first to formally separate
the language. The neighborhood of Carson is now the chief seat
of the tribe, and here and in the neighboring valleys there are about
200 living a parasitic hfe about the ranches and towns.

WEITSPEKAN FAMILY.

= Weits-pek, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, 422, 1853 (a band and language
on Klamath at junction of Trinity). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 410, 1862 (junc-
tion of Klamatl and Trinity Rivers). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877
(affirmed to be distinct from any neighboring tongue). Gatschet in Beach, Ind.
Misc., 438, 1877.

< Weitspek, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (junction of Klamatl
and Trinity Rivers; Weyot and Wishosk dialects). Latham, Opuscula, 343,
1860.

= Eurocs, Powers in Overland Monthly, v1, 530, June, 1872 (of the Lower Klamath
and coastwise; Weitspek, a village of).

= Eurok, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc.,
437, 1877.

= Yu -rok, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., 10, 45, 1877 (from junction of Trinity to
mouth and coastwise). Powell, ibid., 460 (vocabs. of Al-i-kwa, Klamath, Yu'-rok.)

x Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 (Eurocs
belong here).

Derivation: Weitspek is the name of a tribe or village of the
family situated on Klamath River. The etymology is unknown.
Gibbs was the first to employ this name, which he did in 1853, as

132 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

above cited. He states that it is ‘‘the name of the principal band
on the Klamath, at the junction of the Trinity,” adding that ‘‘ this
language prevails from a few miles above that point to the coast, but
does not extend far from the river on either side.” It would thus
seem clear that in this case, as in several others, he selected the name
of a band to apply to the language spoken by it. The language thus
defined has been accepted as distinct by later authorities except La-
tham, who included as dialects under the Weitspek language, the
locality of which he gives as the junction of the Klamath and Trinity
Rivers, the Weyot and Wishosk, both of which are now classed under
the Wishoskan family.

By the Karok these tribes are called Yurok, ‘‘down” or ‘‘ below,”
by which name the family has recently been known.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

For our knowledge of the range of the tribes of this family we are
chiefly indebted to Stephen Powers.’ The tribes occupy the lower
Klamath River, Oregon, from the mouth of the Trinity down. Upon
the coast, Weitspekan territory extends from Gold Bluff to about 6
miles above the mouth of the Klamath. The Chilltla are an offshoot
of the Weitspek, living to the south of them, along Redwood Creek
to a point about 20 miles inland, and from Gold Bluff to a point
about midway between Little and Mad Rivers.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Chillila, Redwood Creek.
Mita, Klamath River.
Pekwan, Klamath River.
Rikwa, Regua, fishing village at outlet of Klamath River.
Sugon, Shragoin, Klamath River.
Weitspek, Klamath River (above Big Bend).

WISHOSKAN FAMILY.

> Wish-osk, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 422, 1853 (given as the name of a
dialect on Mad River and Humboldt Bay).

—Wish-osk, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 478, 1877 (vocabularies of Wish-osk,
Wi-yot, and Ko-wilth). Gatschet in Mag. Ain. Hist., 162, 1877 (indicates area
occupied by family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Mise., 487, 1877.

> Wee-yot, Gibbs in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 422, 1853 (given as the name of a
dialect on Eel River and Humboldt Bay).

x Weitspek, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (includes Weyot and
Wishosk). Latham, Opuscula, 343, 1860.

< Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 (cited as
including Patawats, Weeyots, Wishosks).

Derivation: Wish-osk is the name given to the Bay and Mad River
Indians by those of Kel River.

‘Cont. N. A., Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 44.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM,

POWELL. ] WISHOSKAN-YAKONAN FAMILIES. 133

This is a small and obscure linguistic family and little is known
concerning the dialects composing it or of the tribes which speak it.

Gibbs’ mentions Wee-yot and Wish-osk as dialects of a general
language extending ‘‘from Cape Mendocino to Mad River and as far
back into the interior as the foot of the first range of mountains,”
but does not distinguish the language by a family name.

Latham considered Weyot and Wishosk to be mere dialects of the
same language, 1. e., the Weitspek, from which, however, they ap-
peared to him to differ much more than they do from each other.
Both Powell and Gatschet have treated the language represented by
these dialects as quite distinct from any other, and both have em-
ployed the same name.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The area occupied by the tribes speaking dialects of this language
was the coast from a little below the mouth of Eel River to a little
north of Mad River, including particularly the country about
Humboldt Bay. They also extended up the above-named rivers into
the mountain passes.

TRIBES.

Patawat, Lower Mad River and Humboldt Bay as far south as
Arcata.
Weeyot, mouth of Kel River.
Wishosk, near mouth of Mad River and north part of Humboldt
Bay.
YAKONAN FAMILY.

> Yakones, Hale in U. 8. Expl. Exp., v1, 198, 218, 1846 (or Iakon, coast of Oregon).
Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 612, 1859.

> Iakon, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 218, 569, 1846 (or Lower Killamuks). Busch-
mann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 612, 1859.

> Jacon, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc.,0, pt. 1,c, 77, 1848.

>Jakon, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., U, pt. 1, 17, 1848. Berghaus (1851),
Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, 402,
1853 (language of Lower Killamuks). Latham in Trans, Philolog. Soc. Lond.,
75,1856. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860.

> Yakon, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 324, 1850. Gatschet,in Mag. Am. Hist., 166, 1877.
Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc.,441,1877. Bancroft, Nat. Races, 01, 565, 640, 1882.

> Yakona, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 256, 1882.

> Southern Killamuks, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 218,569, 1846 (or Yakones). Gal-
latin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 11, 17, 1848 (after Hale).

> Siid Killamuk, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

> Sainstskla, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (‘‘south of the Yakon, between the
Umkwa and the sea”).

>Saytskla, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 257, 1882 (on Lower Umpqua, Sayuskla, and
Smith Rivers).

> Killiwashat, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 825, 1850 (‘‘ mouth of the Umkwa”).

x Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 (cited as in-
cluding Yacons).

1 Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1853, vol. 3, p. 422.

134 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

Derivation: From yakwina, signifying ‘‘spirit ” (Everette).

The Yakwina was the leading tribe of this family. It must have
been of importance in early days, as it occupied fifty-six villages
along Yaquina River, from the site of Elk City down to the ocean.
Only a few survive, and they are with the Alsea on the Siletz Reser-
vation, Tillamook County, Oregon. They were classed by mistake
with the Tillamook or ‘“‘Killamucks” by Lewis and Clarke. They are
called by Lewis and Clarke’ Youikcones and Youkone.*

The Alsea formerly dwelt in villages along both sides of Alsea
River, Oregon, and on the adjacent coast. They are now on the
Siletz Reservation, Oregon. Perhaps a few are on the Grande Ronde
Reservation, Oregon.

The Siuslaw used to inhabit villages on the Siuslaw River, Oregon.
There may be a few pure Siuslaw on the Siletz Reservation, but Mr.
Dorsey did not see any of them. They are mentioned by Drew,’ who
includes them among the ‘‘ Kat-la-wot-sett”” bands. At that time,
they were still on the Siuslaw River. The Ku-ite or Lower
Umpqua villages were on both sides of the lower part of Umpqua
River, Oregon, from its mouth upward for about 30 miles. Above
them werethe Upper Umpqua villages, of the Athapascan stock.
A few members of the Ku-ite still reside on the Siletz Reservation,
Oregon.

This is a family based by Hale upon a single tribe, numbering
six orseven hundred, who live on the coast, north of the Nsietshawus,
from whom they differ merely in language. Hale calls the tribe
Takon or Yakones or Southern Killamuks.

The Saytisklan language has usually been assumed to be distinct
from all others, and the comments of Latham and others all tend in
this direction. Mr. Gatschet, as above quoted, finally classed it as a
distinct stock, at the same time finding certain strong coincidences
with the Yakonan family. Recently Mr. Dorsey has collected exten-
sive vocabularies of the Yakonan, Saytiskla, and Lower Umpqua
languages and finds unquestioned evidence of relationship.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION,

The family consists of four primary divisions or tribes: Yakwina,
Alsea, Siuslaw, and Ku-ite or Lower Umpqua. Each one of these
comprised many villages, which were stretched along the western
part of Oregon on the rivers flowing into the Pacific, from the
Yaquina on the north down to and including the Umpqua River.

TRIBES.

Alsea (on Alseya River). Yakwi'na. Kuite. Siuslaw.

' Allen, ed, 1814, vol. 2, p. 473. 3U.S. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 359.
2 Tbid., p. 118.

POWELL. ] YANAN—-YUKIAN FAMILIES. 135

Population.—The U. 8. Census Bulletin for 1890 mentions thirty-
one tribes as resident on the Siletz Reservation with a combined
population of 571. How many Yakwina are among this number is
not known. The breaking down of tribal distinctions by reason of
the extensive intermarriage of the several tribes is given as the
reason for the failure to give a census by tribes.

YANAN FAMILY.

=No6-zi, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 275, 1877 (or No-si; mention of tribe; gives
numerals and states they are different from any he has found in California),

=Noces, Gatschetin Mag. Am. Hist., 160, March, 1877 (or Nozes: merely mentioned
under Meidoo family).

Derivation: Yana means ‘‘ people” in the Yanan language.

In 1880 Powell collected a short vocabulary fromy this tribe,
which is chiefly known to the settlers by the name Noje or Nozi.
Judged by this vocabulary the language seemed to be distinct from
any other. More recently, in 1884, Mr. Curtin visited the remnants
of the tribe, consisting of thirty-five individuals, and obtained an
extensive collection of words, the study of which seems to confirm
the impression of the isolated position of the language as regards
other American tongues.

The Nozi seem to have been a small tribe ever. since known to
Europeans. They have a tradition to the effect that they came to
California from the far Kast. Powers states that they differ markedly
in physical traits from all California tribes met by him. At present
the Nozi are reduced to two little groups, one at Redding, the other
in their original country at Round Mountain, California.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The eastern boundary of the Yanan territory is formed by a
range of mountains a little west of Lassen Butte and terminating
near Pit River; the northern boundary by a line running from
northeast to southwest, passing near the northern side of Round
Mountain, 3 miles from Pit River. The western boundary from
Redding southward is on an average 10 miles to the east of the Sac-
ramento. North of Redding it averages double that distance or
about 20 miles.

YUKIAN FAMILY.

=Yuki, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 125-138, 1877 (general description of tribe).

=Yu-ki, Powell in ibid., 483 (vocabs. of Yu'-ki, Huchnom, and a fourth unnamed
vocabulary).

=Yuka, Powers in Overland Monthly, 1x, 305, Oct., 1872 (same as above). Gatschet
in Mag. Ann. Hist., 161, 1877 (defines habitat of family; gives Yuka, Ashochemies
or Wappos, Shumeias, Tahtoos). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Mise., 435, 1877. Ban-
croft, Nat. Races, 11,566, 1882( includes Yuka, Tahtoo, Wapo or Ashochemie).

136 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

=Uka, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 161,1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 485,
1877 (same as his Yuka).

x Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp, (Cent.and So, Am.), 475, 1878 (Yukas of
his Klamath belong here).

Derivation: From the Wintun word yuki, meaning ‘“stranger;”
secondarily, ‘“‘ bad” or ‘‘ thieving.”

A vocabulary of the Yuki tribe is given by Gibbs in vol. 1 of
Schooleraft’s Indian Tribes, 1853, but no indication is afforded that
the language is of a distinct stock.

Powell, as above cited, appears to have been the first to separate
the language. -

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

Round Valley, California, subsequently made a reservation to re-
ceive the Yuki and other tribes, was formerly the chief seat of the
tribes of the family, but they also extended across the mountains to

the coast.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES,

Ashochini (near Healdsburgh).
Chumaya (Middle Kel River).
Napa (upper Napa Valley).

Tatu (Potter Valley).

Yuki (Round Valley, California).

YUMAN FAMILY.

>Yuma, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., U1, pt. 3, 55, 94, 101, 1856 (includes Cuchan, Coco-
Maricopa, Mojave, Diegefio). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 86, 1856.
Latham, Opuscula, 351, 1860 (as above). Latham in addenda to Opuscula, 392,
1860 (adds Cuchan to the group). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 420, 1862 (includes
Cuchan, Cocomaricopa, Mojave, Dieguno). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156,
1877 (mentions only U.S. members of family). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp,
(Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 479, 1878 (includes Yumas, Maricopas, Cuchans, Mojaves,
Yampais, Yavipais, Hualpais). Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 569, 1882.

=Yuma, Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 429, 1877 (habitat and dialects of family).
Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., vil, 418, 414, 1879.

>Dieguno, Latham (1853)in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., v1, 75, 1854 (includes mission
of San Diego, Dieguno, Cocomaricopas, Cuchan, Yumas, Amaquaquas. )

>Cochimi, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc, Lond., 87, 1856 (northern part peninsula
California). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 471, 1859 (center of
California peninsula). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil.,
423, 1862. Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864.
Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476, 1878 (head of Gulf to
near Loreto).

>Layamon, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856 (a dialect of Waikur ?),
Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862.

>Waikur, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 90, 1856 (several dialects of).
Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862.

>Guaycura, Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864.

>Guaicuri, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am. ), 476, 1878 (between
26th and 238d parallels).

POWELL. ] YUMAN FAMILY. ILS if

>Ushiti, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856 (perhaps a dialect of Wai-
kur). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860.

>Utshiti, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862 (same as Ushiti).

>Pericu, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 353,
1860. Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864.

>Pericui, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent.and So. Am. ), 476, 1878 (from 23° N.
L. to Cape S. Lucas and islands).

>Seri, Gatschet in Zeitschr. fiir Ethnologie, Xv, 129, 1883,and xv, 115, 1886.

Derivation: A Cuchan word signifying ‘“‘sons of the river”
(Whipple).

In 1856 Turner adopted Yuma as a family name, and placed under
it Cuchan, Coco-Maricopa, Mojave and Diegeno.

Three years previously (1853) Latham’ speaks of the Dieguno lan-
guage, and discusses with it several others, viz, San Diego, Cocomari-
copa, Cuchat, Yuma, Amaquaqua (Mohave), etc. Though heseems
to consider these languages as allied, he gives no indication that he
believes them to collectively represent a family, and he made no
formal family division. The context is not, however, sufficiently
clear to render his position with respect to their exact status as pre-
cise as is to be desired, but it is tolerably certain that he did not
mean to make Dieguefio a family name, for in the volume of the
same society for 1856 he includes both the Dieguefio and the other
above mentioned tribes in the Yuma family, which is here fully set
forth. As he makes no allusion to having previously established a
family name for the same group of languages, it seems pretty cer-
tain that he did not do so, and that the term Diegueno asa family
name may be eliminated from consideration. It thus appears that
the family name Yuma was proposed by both the above authors dur-
ing the same year. For, though part 3 of vol. 111 of Pacific Railroad
Reports, in which Turner’s article is published, is dated 1855, it ap-
pears from a foot-note (p. 84) that his paper was not handed to Mr.
Whipple till January, 1856, the date of title page of volume, and
that his proof was going through the press during the month of
May, which is the month (May 9) that Latham’s paper was read be-
fore the Philological Society. The fact that Latham’s article was not
read until May 9 enables us to establish priority of publication in
favor of Turner with a reasonable degree of certainty, as doubtless
a considerable period elapsed between the presentation of Latham’s
paper to the society and its final publication, upon which latter
must rest its claim. The Yuma of Turner is therefore adopted as
of precise date and of undoubted application. Pimentel makes
Yuma a part of Piman stock,

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The center of distribution of the tribes of this family is generally
considered to be the lower Colorado and Gila Valleys. At least this

’ Proc. London Philol. Suc., vol. 6, 75, 1854.

1388 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

is the region where they attained their highest physical and mental
development. With the exception of certain small areas possessed
by Shoshonean tribes, Indians of Yuman stock occupied the Colo-
rado River from its mouth as far up as Cataract Creek where dwell
the Havasupai. Upon the Gila and its tributaries they extended as
far east as the Tonto Basin. From this center they extended west
to the Pacific and on the south throughout the peninsula of Lower
California. The mission of San Luis Rey in California was, when
established, in Yuman territory, and marks the northern limit of
the family. More recently and at the present time this locality is
in possession of Shoshonean tribes.

The island of Angel de la Guardia and Tiburon Island were occu-
pied by tribes of the Yuman family, as also was a small section of
Mexico lying on the gulf to the north of Guaymas.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES.

Cochimi. Maricopa.
Cocopa. Mohave.
Cuchan or Yuma proper. Seri.
Diegueno. Waicuru.
Havasupai. Walapai.

Population.—The present population of these tribes, as given in
Indian Affairs Report for 1889, and the U. $8. Census Bulletin for
1890, is as follows:

Of the Yuma proper there are 997 in California attached to the
Mission Agency and 291 at the San Carlos Agency in Arizona.

Mohave, 640 at the Colorado River Agency in Arizona ; 791 under
the San Carlos Agency ; 400 in Arizona not under an agency.

Havasupai, 214 in Cosnino Cation, Arizona.

Walapai, 728 in Arizona, chiefly along the Colorado,

Dieguenio, 555 under the Mission Agency, California.

Maricopa, 315 at the Pima Agency, Arizona.

The population of the Yuman tribes in Mexico and Lower Cali-
fornia is unknown.

ZUNIAN FAMILY.
=Zunhi, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1, pt. 3, 55, 91-93, 1856 (finds no radical affinity

between Zuni and Keres). Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 254, 266, 276-278, 280-296,
302, 1858 (vocabs. and general references). Keane, App. Stanford’s Com. (Cent.
and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (‘‘astock language”). Powellin Rocky Mountain Pres-
byterian, Noy., 1878 (includes Zuni, Las Nutrias, Ojode Pescado). Gatschet in
Mag. Am. Hist., 260, 1882.

— Zunian. Powell in Am. Nat., 604, August, 1880.

Derivation: From the Cochitf term Suinyi, said to mean ‘‘the
people of the long nails,” referring to the surgeons of Zuni who
always wear some of their nails very long (Cushing).

Turner was able to compare the Zuni language with the Keran,
and his conclusion that they were entirely distinct has been fully

i i ts

POWELL.] CONCLUDING REMARKS. ; 139

substantiated. Turner had vocabularies collected by Lieut. Simpson
and by Capt. Eaton, and also one collected by Lieut. Whipple.

The small amount of linguistic material accessible to the earlier
writers accounts for the little done in the way of classifying the
Pueblo languages. Latham possessed vocabularies of the Moqui,
Zuni, A’coma or Laguna, Jemez, Tesuque, and Taos or Picuri. The
affinity of the Tusayan (Moqui) tongue with the Comanche and other
Shoshonean languages early attracted attention, and Latham pointed
it out with some particularity. With the other Pueblo languages he
does little, and attempts no classification into stocks.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.

The Zufi occupy but a smgle permanent pueblo, on the Zuni
River, western New Mexico. Recently, however, the summer vil-
lages of Taiakwin, Heshotatsina, and K’iapkwainakwin have been
occupied by a few families during the entire year.

Population.—The present population is 1,613.

CONCLUDING REMARKS.

The task involved in the foregoing classification has been accom-
plished by intermittent labors extending through more than twenty
years of time. Many thousand printed vocabularies, embracing
numerous larger lexic and grammatic works, have been studied and
compared. In addition to the printed material, a very large body of
manuscript matter has been used, which is now in the archives of
the Bureau of Ethnology, and which, it is hoped, will ultimately be
published. The author does not desire that his work shall be con-
sidered final, but rather as initiatory and tentative. The task of
studying many hundreds of languages and deriving therefrom ulti-
mate conclusions as contributions to the science of philology is one
of great magnitude, and in its accomplishment an army of scholars
must be employed. The. wealth of this promised harvest appeals
strongly to the scholars of America for systematic and patient labor.
The languages are many and greatly diverse in their characteristics,
in grammatic as well as in lexic elements. The author believes it is
safe to affirm that the philosophy of language is some time to be
greatly enriched from this source. From the materials which have
been and may be gathered in this field the evolution of language can
be studied from an early form, wherein words are usually not parts
of speech, to a form where the parts of speech are somewhat differ-
entiated; and where the growth of gender, number, and case systems,
together with the’ development of tense and mode systems can be
observed. The evolution of mind in the endeavor to ex press thought,
by coining, combining, and contracting words and by organizing
logical sentences through the development of parts of speech and

140 ~ INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

their syntactic arrangement, is abundantly illustrated. The lan-
guages are very unequally developed in their several parts. Low
gender systems appear with high tense systems, highly evolved case
systems with slightly developed mode systems; and there is scarcely
any one of these languages, so far as they have been studied, which
does not exhibit archaic devices in its grammar.

The author has delayed the present publication somewhat, expect-
ing to supplement it with another paper on the characteristics of
those languages which have been most fully recorded, but such sup-
plementary paper has already grown too large for this place and_is
yet unfinished, while the necessity for speedy publication of the
present results seems to be imperative. The needs of the Bureau of
Ethnology, in directing the work of the linguists employed in it, and
especially in securing and organizing the labor of a large body of
collaborators throughout the country, call for this publication at the
present time.

In arranging the scheme of linguistic families the author has pro-
ceeded very conservatively. Again and again languages have been
thrown together as constituting one family and afterwards have been
separated, while other languages at first deemed unrelated have
ultimately been combined in one stock. Notwithstanding all this
care, there remain a number of doubtful cases. For example, Busch-
mann has thrown the Shoshonean and Nahuatlan families into one.
Now the Shoshonean languages are those best known to the author,
and with some of them he has a tolerable speaking acquaintance.
The evidence brought forward by Buschmann and others seems to
be doubtful. A part is derived from jargon words, another part
from adventitious similarities, while some facts seem to give war-
rant to the conclusion that they should be considered as one stock,
but the author prefers, under the present state of knowledge, to hold
them apart and await further evidence, being inclined to the opinion
that the peoples speaking these languages have borrowed some part
of their vocabularies from one another.

After considering the subject with such materials as are on hand,
this general conclusion has been reached: That borrowed materials
exist in all thelanguages; and that some of these borrowed materials
can be traced to original sources, while the larger part of such acquisi-
tions can not be thus relegated to known families. In fact, it is be-
lieved that the existing languages, great in number though they are,
give evidence of a more primitive condition, when a far greater num-
ber were spoken. When there are two or more languages of the same
stock, it appears that this differentiation into diverse tongues is due
mainly to the absorption of other material, and that thus the multipli-
cation of dialects and languages of the same group furnishes evidence
that at some prior time there existed other languages which are now
lost except as they are partially preserved in the divergent elements
of the group. The conclusion which has been reached, therefore, does

POWELL. ] CONCLUDING REMARKS. 141

not accord with the hypothesis upon which the investigation began,
namely, that common elements would be discovered in all these
languages, for the longer the study has proceeded the more clear it
has been made to appear that the grand process of linguistic devel-
opment among the tribes of North America has been toward unifi-
cation rather than toward multiplication, that is, that the multiplied
languages of the same stock owe their origin very largely to absorbed
languages that are lost. The data upon which this conclusion has
been reached can not here be set forth, but the hope is entertained
that the facts already collected may ultimately be marshaled in such
a manner that philologists will be able to weigh the evidence and
estimate it for what it may be worth.

The opinion that the differentiation of languages within a single
stock is mainly due to the absorption of materials from other stocks,
often to the extinguishment of the latter, has grown from year to
year as the investigation has proceeded. Wherever the material has
been sufficient to warrant a conclusion on this subject, no language
has been found to be simple in its origin, but every language has
been found to be composed of diverse elements. The processes of
borrowing known in historic times are those which have been at work
in prehistoric times, and it is not probable that any simple language
derived from some single pristine group of roots can be discovered.

There is an opinion current that the lower languages change with
great rapidity, and that, by reason of this, dialects and languages
of the same stock are speedily differentiated. This widely spread
opinion does not find warrant in the facts discovered in the course
of this research. The author has everywhere been impressed with
the fact that savage tongues are singularly persistent, and that a
language which is dependent, for its existence upon oral tradition is
not easily modified. The same words in the same form are repeated
from generation to generation, so that lexic and grammatic elements
have a life that changes very slowly. This is especially true where
the habitat of the tribe is unchanged. Migration introduces a potent
agency of mutation, but a new environment impresses its character-
istics upon a language more by a change in the sematic content or
meaning of words than by change in their forms. There is another
agency of change of profound influence, namely, association with
other tongues. When peoples are absorbed by peaceful or militant
agencies new materials are brought into their language, and the
affiliation of such matter seems to be the chief factor in the differ-
entiation of languages within the same stock. In the presence of
opinions that have slowly grown in this direction, the author is
inclined to think that some of the groups herein recognized as fam-
ilies will ultimately be divided, as the common materials of such
languages, when they are more thoroughly studied, will be seen to
have been borrowed.

142 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.

In the studies which have been made as preliminary to this paper,
T have had great assistance from Mr. James C. Pilling and Mr. Henry
W. Henshaw. Mr. Pilling began by preparing a list of papers used
by me, but his work has developed until it assumes the proportions
of a great bibliographic research, and already he has published five
bibliographies, amounting in all to about 1,200 pages. He is pub-
lishing this bibliographic material by linguistic families, as classified
by myself in this paper. Scholars in this field of research will find
their labors greatly abridged by the work of Mr. Pillmg. Mr. Hen-
shaw began the preparation of the list of tribes, but his work also has
developed into an elaborate system of research into the synonymy of
the North American tribes, and when his work is published it will
constitute a great and valuable contribution to the subject. The
present paper is but a preface to the works of Mr. Pilling and Mr.
Henshaw, and would have been published in form as such had not
their publications assumed such proportions as to preclude it. And
finally, it is needful to say that I could not have found the time to
make this classification, imperfect as it is, except with the aid of the
great labors of the gentlemen mentioned, for they have gathered
the literature and brought it ready to my hand. For the classifica-
tion itself, however, I am wholly responsible.

I am also indebted to Mr. Albert 8S. Gatschet and Mr. J. Owen
Dorsey for the preparation of many comparative lists necessary to
my work.

The task of preparing the map accompanying this paper was
greatly facilitated by the previously published map of Gallatin. I
am especially indebted to Col. Garrick Mallery for work done in
the early part of its preparation in this form. I have also received
assistance from Messrs. Gatschet, Dorsey, Mooney and Curtin. The
final form which it has taken is largely due to the labors of Mr.
Henshaw, who has gathered many important facts relating to the
habitat of North American tribes while preparing a synonymy of
tribal names.

THE MIDE’WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY”

et Hh. OS LS Ww.

W. J. HOFFMAN.

143

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AMERICAN INDIANS

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BY

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CONTENTS

Page.

Nrntmod ie Ons eee ites eka ere IN nahh sisted face dea ane pierromehas Hace ate Boe eishe 149
SSIPATLADIS ooh o ferns sor eapte tote doves avaxets ecesaj habe yates Nara o/eackn,oieleleisiey ve efoyste efete's eel ey pinieieseisieeis cele 156
With ray hls eects con Gt sacto Sols Soetin me GR cn atric. | ORO eroInerE Ie ae 164
VIET RE WGA AT Yererontetesct sis Sotelo kao, SIP Since kefeyicnss Facpese arse uate SR acre penta aetales ete 187
Liha Siilelseal2e6.o odaad de Oca CORUGE UD Onan ae Gobn narod oma RSE Coen Sonne ae a bamaG 189
PreparatOnveiMsimuUCulon’ aise. leks sone Ae ee rse reese: ele aerate ewe 189

Mi de piherapoubicserren tac yx tea tear tee pale dec riie cerns tear Ae to MERE ere 197
imploration;torclearsweatherriuter-eae- esis seit eeel eee 207
Initiationtofacandidatey niac.rcrc telecine testes ieee esate: Mia atheleye saat asia tee 210
DOSCLIPUMOLNOLES foyer rere ey csereiel sine c= Steele ois Seis ras tisnc rifle rere caeen eae erseraane 220
IGCONCEGER EGR yejaracisialelarorsi sets ays on/ararsinysiate/evarnn esis ctoretsyapate, Cima stevie ke rakes mere ele 224
PreparatlOnvorcandidatenecdscvslex cracls «sce saci sacle he cies e toe seoeiaeien 224
Enitiationtor Cangidates..s-t.eriemesisssteasce aseitiscm ciclett © sereinan leks orstaleiereveniore: te 231
WESERIPELV EIN OLES yee teats othe sre ote Rice cava eel acetone en ajaeimaercerste ah tere ieete acta: oe eee 236
MDI GREP TEON. acciachayetetepe iste che etic oars ale arc cie is) A Petar tev tanta ne male iesorro mariner 240
PrepakauOny ObiCANACIGALC sq cvs ls -xo15 seve: e\-e'e ta Oe areas e(orsi eternal ckecterenera eearg a 241
IMTiAtOnFOs Can Gd ate ee tteso.ctewistietsheyy Seca sere tomrae cisoe a eee cracks 243
DESGNIp UV NOLES ar ferer oleae farera fale tote aeacrcs tiers co eleie fs estes vere ancioneinnnertes Caceres 251
OUTGhy ESTE eres cis retete oie rcvvsjs ths ae inieteieteiain aieeal 2 eres ead caine dae terare tain eae sie 255
Preparabion\ Oly Candidate sista sl-)o siete 1c oveit yo elepoesime oye ereeeeieieisie © Sha caboose 257
PTA OBLOLICAN MIG atiC nyse eri sisice eke cle stern store felelostoe eieiele eine aplention see 258
WEseriptive MOLES 27 cia ctevce/cinerclrebsie ye: arose, Sardis Malis Recta EXT NSIS Sle eS 274

DY zAST WaT AG: wd peal seres ce tere rays. ctcke sige s/t sich> eta ley Soveyucieeselaete soars a Gel aterm 278
mi biawWOn)DYeSUOStIUbOM ae pee essays sire oes Serhan naa oe se ioee aera See 281
SuphlementaLyimOlessan aw cinerea eiscie: Rite cere tie steels wee oe pte 286
IPIGtOS TaN yer ter cps sere ee eee cee LA arene Soe eee eerie 286
WHE (hes chested ie Sa point cin kitn Gosia Heo cibes ita ea eeOc ae meen eee Gee 289
MressandOrnamens-taa accra tae ti city Serclaie waepe mini oats) ner emia nashtetnne 298
Future of the society....... ...... ATO ts, C iA KOOP CES OMERS So HOE 299

7 ETH 10 145

LE EU See RAT ONS

Page.

PuaTE II. Map showing present distribution of Ojibwa .................... 150
Ill. Red Lake and Leech Lake records........:.-........:.0-0.0.05: 166
DVer Sikasisigelsinecordics. veneer eee once meee ele ie dees cols vicfaciels 170
Ven Onininvote Anishindberam seer ae eae ee eee ee a eee 172
Wit wWaciall decoration-i even siek scene cies See ati ip acieaeaee 174
Wiles Haciall CeCOratlomi crys: octet cess oe terrain ee ore ater ee 178
WTS Ojibwajs records ja: <tv.ecs 2s Sees PERL te) Seri ae. iene seein 182
exe MAG MONIC SONS tari eretecere tects, aaa poe eee eee etapa hastetee rate 192
Ke Mnemonic SONS i= ven. tmes seine cine SP ke he tease RRR cen a ~ 202
OTE Gacredron jects qi ere ney Wane. eon aU ioe | Dw nie uel Fae 2220
pNoliepalmivabarhl OMYSUICKBtesi./ePe epnicyateta aie) ofa aeiaiere eit al cfoleteisete eo aieera testis 226
SGI Ute NG Baysy ano) abe N= (0) 187 ey AIBIERiY a Oats ORE nese Sara oedon ois ASEeee GoEC 228
XIV ae MM EIMONICISON OS cite ea eianie iad tea Srareitietn avers crete te AAEM oe caret 238
PROV SACLE A NOSUS rapsere sistas mcvere wuSaisttsectade ctasal ? alos isis siosmteverel Sievers alammes, « 240
DLE. Nibaeyanta) ilo Tslo) kee sda acead SoOne ae eMnReaared coaumcneaaogcar 244
REV LT MN GMODICEON ES a nacist tots a cla she sles eiete os cinters Seen ameter eee 266
MVM Jes sakkid removing diseases ..sctnsck es sco ue sce ceince a dcekis 278
XOX BInch=barksrecordsy nish areca ce sete erosions aie ss elaslcns: cteecaley ele 286
XXe, Sacred! bark scrolljand contents! ie... ee te cis nidicicre sie eters eee ne 288
xe Mide! relicsifromubecch) Taken 3. cach see co teatiepecieceielteleeree 290
NEXUS MMMOMONIC SONGS aan. /escem sek ae + ree Fiae alan oie successes odacate ep otrererertie 292
OX MGS) dancin carters’ * 160/55 2.1ctese sissen) veysiais eisle is telesaeis ope iseio oeieieee 298
Fig. 1. Herbalist preparing medicine and treating patient.................. 159
2. Sikas’sigé’s combined charts, showing descent of Mi’nabo'zho....... 174
Bp OVIGINN Of GUM SEM Seely ae ve coyey Sistheyaitgoee eo soevatal ge clsaeiotepie cts alee ere 175
AMIE Gep-HOlerposbertet eye sieiseyetacee tet ys eke clot ITect ce htelst stelelererion ts eleteiete roe ee 178
i, Mieaekmtern le Wuahslain Meee + bade oopedasarat coe socomeuabee doones Noe et)
65 Birch-bark records from: White! Harti. ec sae <cjet scl-lecleiess seve ove 185
Boeesiwch-park LECONd. trompled uae ay ctplssisi cies ehiaiencctel cheers rercere rarer 186
8. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake....................+. houdedoous 186
ON SBS BIO} 2a te efepcaa oe actote sacl starerere le) sroteret ata cieleaats ate atete suse ave mers ois 187
10. Diagram of Midé'wigan of the first degree.......... .........2000- 188
11. Interior of Midé'wigan.......... OMe ck afels = eeviye RIM AUS Sele Ce Hartie etna 188
J 2a Oj Dwar Ghums senses sco as eer crete eee elon eis eieronclo cent 190
PSs Madesrattley 26 jose k este crscsreisla cto aa\,- oie nipiarsisioiae p oleaelsiarqeiateisiaisle isis 191
Aad epravtle ja tec tetera ees estore eae ateranels tarsetaie sais taniers cusmiaitie iat 191
Loss ShoohmevtherMigiss ascetics acieeene seiesce eee Seeondnnaaossaadee 192
i Gea OOdEnwbea dees cot varctermee teenie eee eee eis, as So arecia wes 205
feo WVO OGDEN CL S-Vie nasn,2 cpcrebelctscvche.e store store ts eccleteh scisre nlcletapeietel ra/etahaiafeieic's 205
LSA OOS: Cll Piyman ne crete tte tort iterlal deceive caieteterots ke hote tao oes Shiels ohsiSioi ave 205
OS MEl a WEES ROHS A eens Aare ferraretaicre ey ah eekm tev sieieks ets ateiane ieicveyeyovotexcleis/é 526 220
BO MMERUIN LORIN TEGICING 0. hy ccks eee pala clei=sare fete ee eicyshes states: o'tisiors ovsteinye <i <obcere 222
Pile Lalivalrere retee MOOS Goo ocanaac Sobel: coe DEMO CCG gO Ren ES OM Dee hastae 222

148

Fig. 22.
. Diagram of Midé'wigan of the second degree .. .... . ............
py dio leV io lesindon abaya sth woonoarnaosoadbaddons Anodoseana0c, domar
. Diagram of Midé'wigan of the third degree.... ...................
mes sakkan’, Or jugelerisilodges wsaneccacnioicn vemiiclie eee
. Jés'sakkan’, or juggler’s lodge............. Ede teaser tiete ciate ataey:

ILLUSTRATIONS,

Wiabono karim a 3. saci, pone on eae cteeins Be ieee spayed

Nees sakkan’, or jugglerisillodgeys.cas4- oct hie ene ence cmasieneree
oesisakkan! Or ju clerislOdSea. ne )4cceccckee in aioe bins elec
« JOS SAKIC! Curing WOMAN, siccls 1. i cetabiere ccteeeie tee erasers lets eiolserets
2: SES Salckd! CuTin OM My js 5 She, cem recs stores eich aeen Rae oie ae cesar lees
. Diagram of Midé'wigan of the fourth degree. .....................
~ (Generalfview of Mide! wipanys. vnc sacmasei oe aeleeeiae seisio coins
» Indian diagram of ghostilodgets. -vacae. «0 -sscmnicjesvciaen ion leita eters
. Leech Lake Mideé’ song............... ak digi ek eet
. Leech Lake Mide'song..... ............ hs. sib Sef gs ese ecincbane manera:
» deechtbaketMide songs. cre cate 2 scia-sers: 1) uacdelhicemo un inate ties
' Iheech ‘Lake Mideisonp xse~ faci spew els cscs, sia rojeciepspiasiee ace emer

224
238
240
252
252
252
252
252
255
255
255
256
279
295
296
297
297

THE MIDE’WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY ”
OF THE OJIBWAY.

By W. J. HorrmMan.

INTRODUCTION.

The Ojibwa is one of the largest tribes of the United States, and it
is scattered over a considerable area, from the Province of Ontario, on
the east, to the Red River of the North, on the west, and from Mani-
toba southward through the States of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and
Michigan. This tribe is, strictly speaking, a timber people, and in
its westward migration or dispersion has never passed beyond the
limit of the timber growth which so remarkably divides the State of
Minnesota into two parts possessing distinct physical features. The
western portion of this State is a gently undulating prairie which
sweeps away to the Rocky Mountains, while the eastern portion is
heavily timbered. The dividing line, at or near the meridian of 95° 50’
west longitude, extends due north and south, and at a point about 75
miles south of the northern boundary the timber line trends toward
the northwest, crossing the State line, 49° north latitude, at about
- 97° 10’ west longitude.

Minnesota contains many thousand lakes of various sizes, some of
which are connected by fine water courses, while others are entirely
isolated. The wooded country is undulating, the elevated portions
being covered chiefly with pine, fir, spruce, and other coniferous trees,
and the lowest depressions being occupied by lakes, ponds, or marshes,
around which occur the tamarack, willow, and other trees which
thrive in moist ground, while the regions between these extremes are
covered with oak, poplar, ash, birch, maple, and many other varieties
of trees and shrubs.

Wild fowl, game, and fish are still abund: nt, and until recently
have furnished to the Indians the chief source of subsistence.

Tribal organization according to the totemic system is practically
broken up, as the Indians are generally located upon or near the
several reservations set apart for them by the General Government,
where they have been under more or less restraint by the United States
Indian agents and the missionaries. Representatives of various to-

tems or gentes may therefore be found upon a single reservation,
149

150 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

where they continue to adhere to traditional customs and beliefs,
thus presenting an interesting field for ethnologic research.

The present distribution of the Ojibwa in Minnesota and Wiscon-
sin is indicated upon the accompanying map, Pl. 11 In the southern
portion many of these people have adopted civilized pursuits, but
throughout the northern and northwestern part many bands continue
to adhere to their primitive methods and are commonly designated
‘*wild Indians.” The habitations of many of the latter are rude and
primitive. The bands on the northeast shore of Red Lake, as well as
a few others farther east, have occupied these isolated sites for an
uninterrupted period of about three centuries, as is affirmed by the
chief men of the several villages and corroborated by other traditional
evidence.

Father Claude Allotiez, upon his arrival in 1666 at Shagawaumi-
kong, or La Pointe, found the Ojibwa preparing to attack the Sioux.
The settlement at this point was an extensive one, and in traditions
pertaining to the ““Grand Medicine Society” frequent allusion is made
to the fact that at this place the rites were practiced in their greatest
purity.

Mr. Warren, in his History of the Ojibwa Indians,’ bases his be-
lief upon traditional evidence that the Ojibwa first had knowledge of
the whites in 1612. Early in the seventeenth century the French
missionaries met with various tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock,
as well as with bands or subtribes of the Ojibwa Indians. One of the
latter, inhabiting the vicinity of Sault Ste. Marie, is frequently men-
tioned in the Jesuit Relations as the Saulteurs. This term was ap-
plied to all those people who lived at the Falls, but from other state-
ments it is clear that the Ojibwa formed the most important body
in that vicinity. La Hontan speaks of the ‘‘Outchepoues, alias
Sauteurs,” as good warriors. The name Saulteur survives at this
day and is applied to a division of the tribe.

According to statements made by numerous Ojibwa chiefs of im-
portance the tribe began its westward dispersion from La Pointe
and Fond du Lac at least two hundred and fifty years ago, some of
the bands penetrating the swampy country of northern Minnesota,
while others went westward and southwestward. According to a
statement’ of the location of the tribes of Lake Superior, made at
Mackinaw in 1736, the Sioux then occupied the southern and north-
ern extremities of that lake. It is possible, however, that the north-
ern bands of the Ojibwa may have penetrated the region adjacent
to the Pigeon River and passed west to near their present location,
thus avoiding their enemies who occupied the lake shore south of
them.

‘Coll. Minn. Hist. Soe., 1885, vol.5, p. 130.
* Reproduced from the ninth volume of the New York Colonial Documents, pp.
1054, 1055.

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HOFFMAN.) RESISTANCE TO CHRISTIANITY. 151

From recent investigations among a number of tribes of the Al-
gonkian linguistic division it is found that the traditions and prac-
tices pertaining to the Midé’wiwin, Society of the Midé’ or Shamans,
popularly designated as the ‘‘Grand Medicine Society,” prevailed
generally, and the rites are still practiced at irregular intervals,
though in slightly different forms in various localities.

In the reports of early travelers and missionaries no special men-
tion is made of the Midé’, the Jes’sakkid’, or the Wabéno’, but the
term sorcerer or juggler is generally employed to designate that
class of persons who professed the power of prophecy, and who prac-
ticed incantation and administered medicinal preparations. Con-
stant reference is made to the opposition of these personages to the
introduction of Christianity. In the light of recent investigation
the cause of this antagonism is seen to lie in the fact that the tradi-
tions of Indian genesis and cosmogony and the ritual of initiation
into the Society of the Midé’ constitute what is to them a religion,
even more powerful and impressive than the Christian religion is to
the average civilized man. This opposition still exists among the
leading classes of a number of the Algonkian tribes, and especially
among the Ojibwa, many bands of whom have been more or less
isolated and beyond convenient reach of the Church. The purposes
of the society are twofold; first, to preserve the traditions just men-
tioned, and second, to give a certain class of ambitious men and
women sufficient influence through their acknowledged power of
exorcism and necromancy to lead a comfortable life at the expense
of the credulous. The persons admitted into the society are firmly
believed to possess the power of communing with various supernat-
ural beings—manidos—and in order that certain desires may be re-
alized they are sought after and consulted. The purpose of the pres-
ent paper is to give an account of this society and of the ceremony
of initiation as studied and observed at White EKarth, Minnesota,
in 1889. Before proceeding to this, however, it may be of interest’
to consider a few statements made by early travelers respecting the
“sorcerers or jugglers” and the methods of medication.

In referring to the practices of the Algonkian tribes of the North-
west, La Hontan’ says:

When they are sick, they only drink Broth, and eat sparingly; and if they have
the good luck to fall asleep, they think themselves cur’d: They have told me fre-
quently, that sleeping aad sweating would cure the most stubborn Diseases in the
World. When they are so weak that they cannot get out of Bed, their Relations
come and dance and make merry before ’em, in order to divert ’°em. To con-
clude, when they are ill, they are always visited by a sort of Quacks, (Jongleurs);
of whom ’t will now be proper to subjoin two or three Words by the bye.

A Jongleur is a sort of Physician, or rather a Quack, who being once cur’d of
some dangerous Distemper, has the Presumption and Folly to fancy that he is

immortal, and possessed of the Power of curing all Diseases, by speaking to the
Good and Evil Spirits. Now though every Body rallies upon these Fellows when

New Voyages to North America, London, 1703, vol. 2, pp. 47, 48.

152 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

they are absent, and looks upon ‘em as Fools that have lost their Senses by some
violent Distemper, yet they allow ‘em to visit the Sick; whether it be to divert ’°em
with their Idle Stories, or to have an Opportunity of seeing them rave, skip about,
cry, houl, and make Grimaces and Wry Faces, as if they were possess’d. When all
the Bustle is over, they demand a Feast of a Stag and some large Trouts for the
Company, who are thus regal’d at once with Diversion and Good Cheer.

When the Quack comes to visit the Patient, heexamines him very carefully; Jf
the Evil Spirit be here, says he, we shall quickly dislodge him. This said, he with-
draws by himself to a little Tent made on purpose, where he dances, and sings
houling like an Owl; (which gives the Jesuits Occasion to say, That the Devil con-
verses with ‘em.) After he has made an end of this Quack Jargon, he comes and
rubs the Patient in some part of his Body, and pulling some little Bones out of his
Mouth, acquaints the Patient, That these very Bones came out of his Body; that he
ought to pluck wp a good heart, in regard that his Distemper is but a Trifle; and in
jine, that in order to accelerate the Cure,’t will be convenient to send his own and
his Relations Slaves to shoot Elks, Deer, &c., to the end they may all eat of that sort
of Meat, upon which his Cure does absolutely depend.

Commonly these Quacks bring ‘em some Juices of Plants,which are a sort of
Purges, and are called Maskikik.

Hennepin, in ‘‘A Continuation of the New Discovery,” etc. ,’ speaks
of the religion and sorcerers of the tribes of the St. Lawrence and
those living about the Great Lakes as follows:

We have been all too sadly convinced, that almost all the Salvages in general have
no notion of a God, and that they are not able to comprehend the most ordinary
Arguments on that Subject; others will have a Spirit that commands, say they, in
the Air. Some among ’em look upon the Skie as a kind of Divinity; others as an
Otkon or Manitou, either Good or Evil.

These People admit of some sort of Genius in all things; they all believe there is
a Master of Life, as they call him, but hereof they make various applications; some
of them have a lean Raven, which they carry always along with them, and which
they say is the Master of their Life; others have an Owl, and some again a Bone, a
Sea-Shell, or some such thing;

There is no Nation among ‘em which has not a sort of Juglers or Conjuerers,
which some look upon to be Wizards, but in my Opinion there is no Great reason
to believe ’em such, or to think that their Practice favours any thing of a Commu-
nication with the Devil.

These Impostors cause themselves to be reverenced as Prophets which fore-tell
Futurity. They will needs be look’d upon to have an unlimited Power. They
boast of being able to make it Wet or Dry; to cause a Calm or a Storm; to render
Land Fruitful or Barren; and, in a Word tomake Hunters Fortunate or Unfortu-
nate. They also pretend to Physick, and to apply Medicines, but which are such,
for the most part as have little Virtue at all in’em, especially to Cure that Dis-
temper which they pretend to.

It is impossible to imagine, the horrible Howlings and strange Contortions that
those Jugglers make of their Bodies, when they are disposing themselves to Con-
jure, or raise their Enchantments.

Marquette, who visited the Miami, Mascontin and Kickapoo In-
dians in 1673, after referring to the Indian herbalist, mentions also
the ceremony of the ‘‘ calumet dance,” as follows:

They have Physicians amongst them, towards whom they are very liberal when
they are sick, thinking that the Operation of the Remedies they take, is proportional
to the Presents they make unto those who have prescrib’d them.

1 London, 1689, p. 59, et. seq.

HOFFMAN. ] SMOKE CEREMONIALS. 153

In connection with this, reference is made by Marquette to a cer-
tain class of individuals among the Illinois and Dakota, who were
compelled to wear women’s clothes, and who were debarred many
privileges, but were permitted to ‘‘assist at all the Superstitions of
their Juglers, and their solemn Dances in honor of the Calumet, in
which they may sing, but it is not lawful for them to dance. They
are call’d to their Councils, and nothing is determin’d without their
Advice; for, because of their extraordinary way of Living, they are
look’d upon as Manitous, or at least for great and incomparable
Genius’s.”

That the calumet was brought into requisition upon all occasions of
interest is learned from the following statement, in which the same
writer declares that it is ‘the most mysterious thing in the World.
The Sceptres of our Kings are not so much respected; for the Say-
ages have such a Deference for this Pipe, that one may call it The
God of Peace and War, and the Arbiter of Life and Death. Their
Calumet of Peace is different from the Calumet of War; They make
use of the former to seal their Alliances and Treaties, to travel with
safety, and receive Strangers; and the other is to proclaim War.”

This reverence for the calumet is shown by the manner in which
it is used at dances, in the ceremony of smoking, etc., indicating a
religious devoutness approaching that recently observed among
various Algonkian tribes in connection with the ceremonies of the
Midé’wiwin. When the calumet dance was held, the Illinois
appear to have resorted to the houses in the winter and to the groves
inthe summer. The above-named authority continues in this con-
nection:

They chuse for that purpose a set Place among Trees, to shelter themselves
against the Heat of the Sun, and lay in the middle a large Matt, as a Carpet, to lay
upon the God of the Chief of the Company, who gave the Ball; for every one has
his peculiar God, whom they call Manitoa. It is sometime a Stone, a Bird, a Ser-
pent, or anything else that they dream of in their Sleep; for they think this Mani-
toa will prosper their Wants, as Fishing, Hunting, and other Enterprizes. To the
Right of their Manitoa they place the Calumet, their Great Deity, making round
about it a Kind of Trophy with their Arms, viz. their Clubs, Axes, Bows, Quivers,
and Arrows. ~ * * Every Body sits down afterwards, round about, as they
come, having first of all saluted the Manitoa, which they do in blowing the Smoak
of their Tobacco upon it, which is as much as offering to it Frankincense. * * *
This Preludium being over, he who is to begin the Dance appears in the middle of
the Assembly, and having taken the Calumet. presents it to the Sun, as if he wou’d
invite him to smoke. Then he moves it into an infinite Number of Postures some-
times laying it near the Ground, then stretching its Wings, as tf he wou'd make it
fly, and then presents it to the Spectators, who smoke with it one after another,
dancing all the while. This is the first Scene of this famous Ball.

The infinite number of postures assumed in offering the pipe
appear as significant as the ‘‘smoke ceremonies” mentioned in con-
nection with the preparatory instruction of the candidate previous
to his initiation into the Midé’wiwin.

154 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

In his remarks on the religion of the Indians and the practices of
the sorcerers, Hennepin says:

As for their Opinion concerning the Earth, they make use of a Name of a cer-
tain Genius, whom they call Micaboche, who has cover’d the whole Earth with
water (as they imagine) and relate innumerable fabulous Tales, some of which have
a kind of Analogy with the Universal Deluge. These Barbarians believe that there
are certain Spirits in the Air, between Heaven and Earth, who have a power to
foretell future Events, and others who play the part of Physicians, curing all sorts
of Distempers. Upon which account, it happens, that these Savages are very Su-
perstitious, and consult their Oracles with a great deal of exactness. One of these
Masters-Jugglers who pass for Sorcerers among them, one day caus’d a Hut to be
erected with ten thick Stakes, which he fix’d very deep in the Ground, and then
made a horrible noise to Consult the Spirits, to know whether abundance of Snow
woud fall ere long, that they might have good game in the Hunting of Elks and
Beavers: Afterward he bawl’d out aloud from the bottom of the Hut, that he saw
many Herds of Elks, which were as yet at a very great distance, but that they drew
near within seven or eight Leagues of their Huts, which caus’d a great deal of joy
among those poor deluded Wretches.

That this statement refers to one or more tribes of the Algonkian
linguistic stock is evident, not only because of the reference to the
sorcerers and their peculiar methods of procedure, but also that the
name of Micaboche, an Algonkian divinity, appears. This Spirit,
who acted as an intercessor between Ki'tshi Man‘id6 (Great Spirit)
and the Indians, is known among the Ojibwa as Mi’nabd’zho; but to
this full reference will be made further on in connection with the
Myth of the origin of the Midé’wiwin. The tradition of Nokomis
(the earth) and the birth of Manabush (the Mi’nabd’zho of the Meno-
moni) and his brother, the Wolf, that pertaining to the re-creation
of the world, and fragments of other myths, are thrown together and
in amangled form presented by Hennepin in the following words:

Some Salvages which live at the upper end of the River St. Lawrence, do relate
a pretty diverting Story. They hold almost the same opinion with the former [the
Troquois], that a Woman came down from Heaven, and remained for some while
fluttering in the Air, not finding Ground whereupon to put her Foot. But that the
Fishes moved with Compassion for her, immediately held a Consultation to delib-
erate which of them should receive her. The Tortoise very officiously offered its
Back on the Surface of the Water. The Woman came to rest upon it, and fixed
herself there. Afterwards the Filthiness and Dirt of the Sea gathering together
about the Tortoise, there was formed by little and little that vast Tract of Land,
which we now call America.

They add that this Woman grew weary of her Solitude, wanting some body for to
keep her Company, that so she might spend her time more pleasantly. Melancholy
and Sadness having: seiz’d upon her Spirits, she fell asleep, and a Spirit descended
from above, and finding her in that Condition approach’d and knew her unper-
ceptibly. From which Approach she conceived two Children, which came forth
out of one of her Ribs. But these two Brothers could never afterwards agree to-
gether. One of them was a better Huntsman than the other; they quarreled every
day; and their Disputes grew so high at last, that one could not bear with the other,
One especially being of a very wild Temper, hated mortally his Brother who was of
a milder Constitution, who being no longer able to endure the Pranks of the other,

HOFWMAN. | THE MIDE’WIWIN CROSS. 155

he resolved at last to part from him. He retired then into Heaven, whence, for a
Mark of his just Resentment, he causeth at several times his Thunder to rore over
the Head of his unfortunate Brother.

Sometime after the Spirit descended again on that Woman, and she conceived a
Daughter, from whom (as the Salvages say) were propagated these numerous Peo-
ple, which do occupy now one of the greatest parts of the Universe.

It is evident that the narrator has sufficiently distorted the tradi-
tions to make them conform, as much as practicable, to the biblical
story of the birth of Christ. No reference whatever is made in the
Ojibwa or Menomoni myths to the conception of the Daughter of
Nokomis (the earth) by a celestial visitant, but the reference is to
one of the wind gods. Mi'nabd’zho became angered with the Ki'tshi
Man ido, and the latter, to appease his discontent. gave to Mi‘nabd’zho
the riteof the Midé'wiwin, The brother of Minabd’zho was destroyed
by the malevolent underground spirits and now rules the abode of
shadows,—the ‘‘ Land of the Midnight Sun.”

Upon his arrival at the ‘‘ Bay of Puans” (Green Bay, Wisconsin),
Marquette found a village inhabited by three nations, viz: ‘*‘ Miamis,
Maskoutens, and Kikabeux.” He says:

When I arriv’d there, I was very glad to see a great Cross set up in the middle of
the Village, adorn’d with several White Skins, Red Girdles, Bows and Arrows,
which that good People had offer’d to the Great Manitou, to return him their
Thanks for the care he had taken of them during the Winter, and that he had
granted them a prosperous Hunting. Manitou, is the Name they give in general
to all Spirits whom they think to be above the Nature of Man.

Marquette was without doubt ignorant of the fact that the cross
is the sacred post, and the symbol of the fourth degree of the Midé’-
wiwin, as will be fully explained in connection with that grade of
the society. The erroneous conclusion that the cross was erected as
an evidence of the adoption of Christianity, and possibly as a com-
pliment to the visitor, was a natural one on the part of the priest,
but this same symbol of the Midé’ Society had probably been erected
and bedecked with barbaric emblems and weapons months before
anything was known of him.

The result of personal investigations among the Ojibwa, conducted
during the years 1887, 1888 and 1889, are presented in the accom-
panying paper. The information was obtained from a number of
the chief Midé’ priests living at Red Lake and White Earth reserva-
tions, as well as from members of the society from other reserva-
tions, who visited the last named locality during the three years.
Special mention of the peculiarity of the music recorded will be
made at the proper place; and it may here besaid that in no instance
was the use of colors detected, in any birch-bark or other records or
mnemonic songs, simply to heighten the artistic effect; though the
reader would be led by an examination of the works of Schoolcraft
to believe this to be a common practice. Col. Garrick Mallery,
U.S. Army, in a paper read before the Anthropological Society of

156 THE MIDE WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Washington, District of Columbia, in 1888, says, regarding this
subject:

The general character of his voluminous publications has not been such as to as-
sure modern critics of hisaccuracy, and the wonderful minuteness, as well as com-
prehension, attributed by him to the Ojibwa hieroglyphs has been generally re-
garded of late with suspicion. It was considered in the Bureau of Ethnology an
important duty to ascertain how much of truth existed in these remarkable
accounts, and for that purpose its pictographic specialists, myself and Dr. W. J.
Hoffman as assistant, were last summer directed to proceed to the most favorable
points in the present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern region of Minnesota
and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be discovered. * * * The
general results of the comparison of Schooleraft’s statements with what is now
found shows that, in substance, he told the truth, but with much exaggeration and
coloring. The word “coloring” is particularly appropriate, because, in his copious
illustrations, various colors were used freely with apparent significance, whereas,
in fact, the general rule in regard to the birch-bark rolls was that they were never
colored at all; indeed, the bark was not adapted to coloration. The metaphorical
coloring was also used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student of the
Indian philosophy and religion, seems absurd. Metaphysical expressions are
attached to some of the devices, or, as he calls them, symbols, which could never
have been entertained by a people in the stage of culture of the Ojibwa.

SHAMANS.

There are extant among the Ojibwa Indians three classes of mys-
tery men, termed respectively and in order of importance the Midé’,
the Jés'sakkid’, and the WAbén6’, but before proceeding to elaborate
in detail the Society of the Midé’, known as the Midé’wiwin, a brief
description of the last two is necessary.

The term Wabén0’ has been explained by various intelligent Indi-
_ ans as signifying ‘‘ Men of the dawn,” “‘ Eastern men,” etc. Their
profession is not thoroughly understood, and their number is so ex-
tremely limited that but little information respecting them can be
obtained. Schooleraft,'in referring to the several classes of Sha-
mans, says ‘‘there is a third form or rather modification of the me-
dawin, * * * the Wabéno’; aterm denoting a kind of midnight
orgies, which is regarded as a corruption of the Meda.” This writer
furthermore remarks’ that ‘‘it is stated by judicious persons among
themselves to be of modern origin. They regard it as a degraded
form of the mysteries of the Meda.”

From personal investigation it has been ascertained that a Wabéno’
does not affiliate with others of his class so as to constitute a society,
but indulges his pretensions individually. A Wabén6’ is primarily
prompted by dreams or visions which may occur during his youth,
for which purpose he leaves his village to fast for an indefinite num-
ber of days. Itis positively affirmed that evil man’idds favor his de-

1 Information respecting the history, condition, and prospects of the Indian tribes
of the United States. Philadelphia, 1851, vol. 1, p. 319.
*Thid., p. 362.

HOFFMAN. ] WABENO’ AND JES'SAKKID’. 157
sires, and apart from his general routine of furnishing ‘‘ hunting
medicine,” ‘‘love powders,” etc., he pretends also to practice medical
magic. When a hunter has been successful through the supposed
assistance of the Wabéno’, he supplies the latter with part of the
game, when, in giving a feast to his tutelary daimon, the Wabénd/
will invite a number of friends, but all who desire to come are wel-
come. This feast is given at night ; singing and dancing are boister-
ously indulged in, and the Wabén0’, to sustain his reputation, enter-
tains his visitors with a further exhibition of his skill. By the use
of plants he is alleged to be enabled to take up and handle with im-
punity red-hot stones and burning brands, and without evincing the
slightest discomfort it is said that he will bathe his hands in boiling
water, or even boiling maple sirup. Onaccountof such performances
the general impression prevails among the Indians that the Wabén6’
is a “dealer in fire,” or ‘‘fire-handler.” Such exhibitions always ter-
minate at the approach of day. The number of these pretenders who
are not members of the Midé'wiwin, is very limited ; for instance,
there are at present but two or three at White Earth Reservation
and none at Leech Lake.

As a general rule, however, the Wabénd’ will seek entrance into
the Midé’wiwin when he becomes more of a specialist in the prac-
tice of medical magic, incantations, and the exorcism of malevolent
man’‘idds, especially such as cause disease.

The Jés’sakkid’ is a seer and prophet; though commonly desig-
nated a ‘‘ juggler,” the Indians define him as a ‘‘ revealer of hidden
truths.” There is no association whatever between the members of
this profession, and each practices his art singly and alone when-
ever a demand is made and the fee presented. As there is no asso-
ciation, so there is no initiation by means of which one may become
aJés'sakkid’. The gift is believed to be given by the thunder god,
or Animiki’, and then only at long intervals and to a chosen few.
The gift is received during youth, when the fast is undertaken and
when visions appear to the individual. His renown depends upon
his own audacity and the opinion of the tribe. He is said to possess
the power to look into futurity; to become acquainted with the affairs
and intentions of men; to prognosticate the success or misfortune of
hunters and warriors, as well as other affairs of various individuals,
and to call from any living human being the soul, or, more strictly
speaking, the shadow, thus depriving the victim of reason, and even
of life. His power consists in invoking and causing evil, while that
of the Midé’ is to avert it; he attempts at times to injure the Midé’,
but the latter, by the aid of his superior man'idés, becomes aware of,
and averts such premeditated injury. It sometimes happens that
the demon possessing a patient is discovered, but the Midé’ alone has
the power to expel him. The exorcism of demons is one of the chiet
pretensions of this personage, and evil spirits are sometimes removed

158 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

by sucking them through tubes, and startling tales are told how the
Jés'sakkid’ can, in the twinkling of an eye, disengage himself of the
most complicated tying of cordsand ropes, etc. The lodge used by this
class of men consists of four poles planted in the ground, forming
a square of three or four feet and upward in diameter, around which
are wrapped birch bark, robes, or canvas in such a way as to form
an upright cylinder. Communion is held with the turtle, who is
the most powerful man’id6 of the Jés’sakkid’, and through him,
with numerous other malevolent man’idés, especially the Animiki’,
or thunder-bird. When the prophet has seated himself within his
lodge the structure begins to sway violently from side to side, loud
thumping noises are heard within, denoting the arrival of man’‘idés,
and numerous voices and laughter are distinctly audible to those
without. Questions may then be put to the prophet and, if every-
thing be favorable, the response is not long in coming. In his
notice of the Jés’sakkid’, Schooleraft affirms’ that ‘‘ while he thus
exercises the functions of a prophet, he is also a member of the
highest class of the fraternity of the Midawin—a society of men
who exercise the medical art on the principles of magic and incan-
tations. The fact is that there is not the slightest connection be-
tween the practice of the Jés’sakkid’ and that of the Midé’wiwin,
andit is seldom, if at all, that a Midé’ becomes a Jés’sakkid’, although
the latter sometimes gains admission into the Midé’wiwin, chiefly
with the intention of strengthening his power with his tribe.

The number of individuals of this class who are not members of
the Midé’wiwin is limited, though greater than that of the Wabén0’.
An idea of the proportion of numbers of the respective classes may
be formed by taking the case of Menomoni Indians, who are in this
respect upon the same plane as the Ojibwa. That tribe numbers
about fifteen hundred, the Midé’ Society consisting, in round num-
bers, of one hundred members, and among the entire population
there are but two Wabén0’ and five Jés’sakkid’.

It is evident that neither the Wabén0’ nor the Jés’sakkid’ confine
themselves to the mnemonic songs which are employed during their
ceremonial performances, or even prepare them to any extent. Such
bark records as have been observed or recorded, even after most
careful research and examination extending over the field seasons of
three years, prove to have been the property of Wabén0’ and Jés’-
sakkid’, who were also Midé’. It is probable that those who prac-
tice either of the first two forms of ceremonies and nothing else are
familiar with and may employ for their own information certain
mnemonic records; but they are limited to the characteristic form-
ulze of exorcism, as their practice varies and is subject to changes
according to circumstances and the requirements and wants of the
applicant when words are chanted to accord therewith.

1Op. cit., vol. 5, p. 423.

——e

HOFFMAN. ] OJIBWA IHERBALIST. : 159

Some examples of songs used by Jés’sakkid’, after they have be-
come Midé’, will be given in the description of the several degrees
of the Midé’wiwin.

There is still another class of persons termed Mashki’kiké’winini,
or herbalists, who are generally denominated ‘‘ medicine men,” as
the Ojibwa word implies. Their calling is a simple one, and con-
sists in knowing the mysterious properties of a variety of plants,
herbs, roots, and berries, which are revealed upon application and
for a fee. When there is an administration of a remedy for a given
complaint, based upon true scientific principles, it is only in conse-
quence of such practice having been acquired from the whites, as it
has usually been the custom of the Catholic Fathers to utilize all
ordinary and available remedies for the treatment of the common

Fic. 1.—Herbalist preparing medicine and treating patient.

disorders of life. Although these herbalists are aware that certain
plants or roots will produce a specified effect upon the human sys-
tem, they attribute the benefit to the fact that such remedies are dis-
tasteful and injurious to the demons who are present in the system
and to whom the disease is attributed. Many of these herbalists are
found among women, also; and these, too, are generally members of
the Midé’wiwin. In Fig. 1 is shown an herbalist preparing a mix-
ture.

160 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

The origin of the Midé’wiwin or Midé’ Society, commonly, though
erroneously, termed Grand Medicine Society, is buried in obscurity.
In the Jesuit Relations, as early as 1642, frequent reference is made
to sorcerers, jugglers, and persons whose faith, influemce, and prac-
tices are dependent upon the assistance of ‘‘ Manitous,” or mysteri-
ous spirits; though, as there is no discrimination made between
these different professors of magic, it is difficult positively to deter-
mine which of the several classes were met with at that early day.
It is probable that the Jés’sakkid’, or juggler, and the Midé’, or Sha-
man, were referred to.

The Midé’, in the true sense of the word, is a Shaman, though he
has by various authors been termed powwow, medicine man, priest,
seer, prophet, ete. Among the Ojibwa the office is not hereditary;
but among the Menomoni a curious custom exists, by which some
one is selected to fill the vacancy one year after the death of a Sha-
man. Whether a similar practice prevailed among other tribes of
the Algonkian linguistic stock can be ascertained only by similar
research among the tribes constituting that stock.

Among the Ojibwa, however, a substitute is sometimes taken to
fill the place of one who has been prepared to receive the first degree
of the Midé’wiwin, or Society of the Midé’, but who is removed by
death before the proper initiation has been conferred. This occurs
when a young man dies, in which case his father or mother may be
accepted as a substitute. This will be explained in more detail un-
der the caption of Dzhibai’ Midé’wigan or ‘‘ Ghost Lodge,” a collat-
eral branch of -the Midé’wiwin.

As I shall have occasion to refer to the work of the late Mr. W. W.
Warren, a few words respecting him will not be inappropriate. Mr.
Warren was an Ojibwa mixed blood, of good education, and later a
member of the legislature of Minnesota. His work, entiled ‘‘ His-
tory of the Ojibwa Nation,” was published in Vol. v of the Collec-
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, 1885, and edited
by Dr. KE. D. Neill. Mr. Warren’s work is the result of the labor
of a lifetime among his own people, and, had he lived, he would
undoubtedly have added much to the historical material of which
the printed volume chiefly consists. His manuscript was completed
about the year 1852, and he died the following year. In speaking of
the Society of the Midé’,’ he says:

The grand rite of Me-da-we-win (or, as we have learned to term it, ‘‘ Grand Medi-
cine,” and the beliefs incorporated therein, are not yet fully understood by the
whites. This important custom is still shrouded in mystery even to my own eyes,
though I have taken much pains to inquire and made use of every advantage pos-
sessed by speaking their language perfectly, being related to them, possessing their
friendship and intimate confidence has given me, and yet I frankly acknowledge
that I stand as yet, as it were, on the‘threshold of the Me-da-we lodge. I believe,
however, that [ have obtained full as much and more general and true information

1 Op. cit., pp. 65, 66.

HOFFMAN.] THE MIDE’ WIWIN RITE. 161

on this matter than any other person who has written on the subject, not excepting
a great and standard author, who, to the surprise of many who know the Ojib-
ways well, has boldly asserted in one of his works that he has been regularly ini-
tiated into the mysteries of this rite, and isa member of the Me-da-we Society.
This is certainly an assertion hard to believe in the Indian country ; and when the
old initiators or Indian priests are told of it they shake their heads in incredulity
that a white man should ever have been allowed in truth to become a member of
their Me-da-we lodge.

An entrance into the lodge itself, while the ceremonies are being enacte 1, has
sometimes been granted through courtesy; though this does not initiate a person
into the mysteries of the creed, nor does it make him a member of the Society.

These remarks pertaining to the pretensions of ‘‘a great and stand-
ard authority” have reference to Mr. Schooleraft, who among nu-
merous other assertions makes the following, in the first volume of
his Information Respecting the Indian Tribes of the United States,
Philadelphia, 1851, p. 361, viz:

Thad observed the exhibitions of the Medawin, and the exactness and studious
ceremony with which its rites were performed in 1820 in the region of Lake Su-
perior; and determined to avail myself of the advantages of my official position,
in 1822, when I returned as a Government agent for the tribes, to make further
inquiries into its principles and mode of proceeding. And for this purpose I had
its ceremonies repeated in my office, under the secrecy of closed doors, with every
means of both correct interpretation and of recording the result. Prior to this
transaction I had observed in the hands of an Indian of the Odjibwa tribe one of
those symbolic tablets of pictorial notation which have been sometimes called
“ music boards,” from the fact of their devices being sung off by the initiated of the
Meda Society. This constituted the object of the explanations, which, in accord-
ance with the positive requisitions of the leader of the society and three other
initiates, was thus ceremoniously made.

This statement is followed by another,’ in which Mr. Schooleraft,
in a foot-note, affirms:

Having in 1823 been myself admitted to the class of a Meda by the Chippewas,
and taken the initiatory step of a SaGma and JESUKAID in each of the other fra-
ternities, and studied their pictographic system with great care and good helps, I
may speak with the more decision on the subject.

Mr. Schoolcraft presents a superficial outline of the initiatory
ceremonies as conducted during his time, but as the description is
meager, notwithstanding that there is every evidence that the cere-
monies were conducted with more completeness and elaborate drama-
tization nearly three-quarters of a century ago than at the present
day, I shall not burden this paper with useless repetition, but pre-
sent the subject as conducted within the last three years.

Mr. Warren truly says:

In the Me-da-we rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst them—songs
and traditions that have descended not orally, but in hieroglyphs, for at least a long
time of generations. In this rite is also perpetuated the purest and most ancient

idioms of their language, which differs somewhat from that of the common every-
day use.

1Op. cit., vol. 5, p, 71,
? ETH—-11

162 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

As the ritual of the Midé’wiwin is based to a considerable extent
upon traditions pertaining to the cosmogony and genesis and to the
thoughtful consideration by the Good Spirit for the Indian, it is
looked upon by them as ‘‘ their religion,” as they themselves desig-
nate it.

In referring to the rapid changes occurring among many of the
Western tribes of Indians, and the gradual discontinuance of abo-
riginal ceremonies and customs, Mr. Warren remarks‘ in reference
to the Ojibwa:

Even among these a change is so rapidly taking place, caused by a close contact
with the white race, that ten years hence it will be too late to save the traditions of
their forefathers from total oblivion. And even now it is with great difficulty that
genuine information can be obtained of them. Their aged men are fast falling into
their graves, and they carry with them the records of the past history of their peo-
ple; they are the initiators of the grand rite of religious belief which they believe
the Great Spirit has granted to his red children to secure them long life on earth
and life hereafter; and in the bosoms of these old men are locked up the original
secrets of this their most ancient belief. * * *

They fully believe, and it forms part of their religion, that the world has once
been covered by a deluge, and that we are now living on what they term the ‘* new
earth.” This idea is fully accounted for by their vague traditions; and in their
Me-da-we-win or religion, hieroglyphs are used to denote this second earth.

Furthermore,

They fully believe that the red man mortally angered the Great Spirit which
caused the deluge, and at the commencement of the new earth it was only through
the medium and intercession of a powerful being, whom they denominate Man-
ab-o-sho, that they were allowed to exist, and means were given them whereby to
subsist and support life; and a code of religion was more lately bestowed on them,
whereby they could commune with the offended Great Spirit, and ward off the ap-
proach and ravages of death.

It may be appropriate in this connection to present the description
given by Rey. Peter Jones of the Midé’ priests and priestesses. Mr.
Jones was an educated Ojibwa Episcopal clergyman, and a member
of the Missasauga—i. e., the Eagle totemic division of that tribe of
Indians living in Canada. In his work’ he states :

Each tribe has its medicine men and women—an order of priesthood consulted
and employed in all times of sickness, These powwows are persons who are be-
lieved to have performed extraordinary cures, either. by the application of roots and
herbs or by incantations. When an Indian wishes to be initiated into the order of
a powwow, in the first place he pays a large fee to the faculty. He is then taken
into the woods, where he is taught the names and virtues of the various useful plants;
next he is instructed how to chant the medicine song, and how to pray, which
prayer is a vain repetition offered up to the Master of Life, or to some munedoo
whom the afflicted imagine they have offended.

The powwows are held in high veneration by their deluded brethren; not so much
for their knowledge of medicine as for the magical power which they are supposed
to possess. It is for their interest to lead these credulous people to believe that they
can at pleasure hold intercourse with the munedoos, who are ever ready to give them
whatever information they require.

'Op.cit.,p.25. ° History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1848(?)], pp. 148, 144,

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM.

HOFFMAN. ] FASTING AND DREAMS. 163

The Ojibwa believe in a multiplicity of spirits, or man’idés, which
inhabit all space and every conspicuous object in nature. These
man/‘idés, in turn, are subservient to superior ones, either of a chari-
table and benevolent character or those which are malignant and
aggressive. The chief or superior man 'id6 is termed Ki'tshi Man’id6
—Great Spirit—approaching to a great extent the idea of the God of
the Christian religion; the second in their estimation is Dzhe Man’-
id6, a benign being upon whom they look as the guardian spirit
of the Midé’wiwin and through whose divine provision the sacred
rites of the Midé’wiwin were granted to man. The Ani’miki or
Thunder God is, if not the supreme, at least one of the greatest of
the malignant man’idés, and it is from him that the Jés’sakkid’ are
believed to obtain their powers of evil doing. There is »ne other,
to whom special reference will be made, who abides in and rules the
‘place of shadows,” the hereafter; he is known as Dzhibai’ Man'id6—
Shadow Spirit, or more commonly Ghost Spirit. The name of Ki't-
shi Man’id6 is never mentioned but with reverence, and thus only
in connection with the rite of Midé’wiwin, or a sacred feast, and
always after making an offering of tobacco.

The first important event in the life of an Ojibwa youth is his first
fast. For this purpose he will leave his home for some secluded
spot in the forest where he will continue to fast for an indefinite
number of days; when reduced by abstinence from food he enters a
hysterical or ecstatic state in which he may have visions and hallu-
cinations. The spirits which the Ojibwa most desire to see in these
dreams are those of mammals and birds, though any object, whether
animate or inanimate, is considered a good omen. The object which
first appears is adopted as the personal mystery, guardian spirit, or
tutelary daimon of the entranced, and is never mentioned by him
without first making a sacrifice. A small effigy of this man‘ido is.
made, or its outline drawn upon a small piece of birch bark, which
is carried suspended by a string around the neck, or if the wearer
be a Midé@’ he carries it in his ‘“‘medicine bag” or pinji’gosan. The
future course of life of the faster is governed by his dream; and
it sometimes occurs that because of giving an imaginary impor-
tance to the occurrence, such as beholding, during the trance some
powerful man’id6 or other object held in great reverence by the
members of the Midé’ Society, the faster first becomes impressed
with the idea of becoming a Midé’. Thereupon he makes applica-
tion to a prominent Midé’ priest, and seeks his advice as to the nec-
essary course to be pursued to attain his desire. If the Midé’ priest
considers with favor the application, he consults with his confréres
and action is taken, and the questions of the requisite preliminary
instructions, fees, and presents, etc., are formally discussed. If the
Midé’ priests are in accord with the desires of the applicant an in-
structor or preceptor is designated, to whom he must present him-

164 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

self and make an agreement as to the amount of preparatory infor-
mation to be acquired and the fees and other presents to be given
in return. These fees have nothing whatever to do with the presents
which must be presented to the Midé’ priests previous to his initia-
tion as a member of the society, the latter being collected during
the time that is devoted to preliminary instruction, which period
usually extends over several years. Thus ample time is found for
hunting, as skins and peltries, of which those not required as pres-
ents may be exchanged for blankets, tobacco, kettles, guns, etc.,
obtainable from the trader. Sometimes a number of years are spent
in preparation for the first degree of the Midé’wiwin, and there are
many who have impoverished themselves in the payment of fees and
the preparation for the feast to which afl visiting priests are also
invited.

Should an Indian who is not prompted by a dream wish to join
the society he expresses to the four chief officiating priests a desire to
purchase a mi’gis, which is the sacred symbol of the society and
consists of a small white shell, to which reference will be made
further on. His application follows the same course as in the pre-
ceding instance, and the same course is pursued also when a Jés'sak-
kid’ or a Wabénd’ wishes to become a Midé’.

MIDE/WIWIN.

The Midé’ wiwin—Society of the Midé’ or Shamans—consists of an
indefinite number of Midé’ of both sexes. The society is graded
into four separate and distinct degrees, although there is a general
impression prevailing even among certain members that any degree
beyond the first is practically a mere repetition. The greater power
attained by one in making advancement depends upon the fact of
his having submitted to ‘‘ being shot at with the medicine sacks” in
the hands of the officiating priests. This may be the case at this
late day in certain localities, but from personal experience it has been
learned that there is considerable variation in the dramatization of
the ritual. One circumstance presents itself forcibly to the careful
observer, and that is that the greater number of repetitions of the
phrases chanted by the Midé’ the greater is felt to be the amount of
inspiration and power of the performance. This is true also of some
of the lectures in which reiteration and prolongation in time of de-
livery aids very much in forcibly impressing the candidate and other
observers with the importance and sacredness of the ceremony.

It has always been customary for the Midé’ priests to preserve
birch-bark records, bearing delicate incised lines to represent pictori-
ally the ground plan of the number of degrees to which the owner
is entitled. Such records or charts are sacred and are never exposed
to the public view, being brought forward for inspection only when

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ RECORDS. 165

an accepted candidate has paid his fee, and then only after necessary
preparation by fasting and offerings of tobacco.

During the year 1887, while at Red Lake, Minnesota, I had the
good fortune to discover the existence of an old birch-bark chart,
which, according to the assurances of the chief and assistant Midé’
priests, had never before been exhibited to a white man, nor even to
an Indian unless he had become a regular candidate. This chart
measures 7 feet 14 inches in length and 18 inches in width, and is
made of five pieces of birch bark neatly and securely stitched to-
gether by means of thin, flat strands of bass wood. At each end
are two thin strips of wood, secured transversely by wrapping and
stitching with thin strands of bark, so as to prevent splitting and
fraying of the ends of the record. Pl. 1m A, is a reproduction of the
design referred to.

It had been in the keeping of Skwék6’mik, to whom it was in-
trusted at the death of his father-in-law, the latter, in turn, having
received it in 1825 from Bada’san, the Grand Shaman and chief of
the Winnibé’goshish Ojibwa.

It is affirmed that Bada’san had received the original from the
Grand Midé@’ priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin, where, it is said, the
Midé’wiwin was at that time held annually and the ceremonies con-
ducted in strict accordance with ancient and traditional usage.

The present owner of this record has for many years used it in the
preliminary instruction of candidates. Its value inthis respect is very
great, as it presents tothe Indiana pictorial résumé of the traditional
history of the origin of the Midé’wiwin, the positions occupied by
the various guardian man‘idos in the several degrees, and the order
of procedure in study and progress of the candidate. On account
of the isolation of the Red Lake Indians and their long continued,
independent ceremonial observances, changes have gradually oc-
curred so that there is considerable variation, both in the pictorial
representation and the initiation, as compared with the records and
ceremonials preserved at other reservations. The reason of this has
already been given.

A detailed description of the above mentioned record will be pre-
sented further on in connection with two interesting variants which
were subsequently obtained at White Earth, Minnesota. Onaccount
of the widely separated location of many of the different bands of
the Ojibwa, and the establishment of independent Midé’ societies,
portions of the ritual which have been forgotten by one set may be
found to survive at some other locality, though at the expense of
some other fragments of tradition or ceremonial. No satisfactory
account of the tradition of the origin of the Indians has been ob-
tained, but such information as it was possible to procure will be
submitted.

166 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

In all of their traditions pertaining to the early history of the
tribe these people are termed A-nish’-in-a’-bég—original people—a
term surviving also among the Ottawa, Patawatomi, and Menomoni,
indicating that the tradition of their westward migration was extant
prior to the final separation of these tribes, which is supposed to
have occurred at Sault Ste. Marie.

Minabdo’zho (Great Rabbit), whose name occurs in connection with
most of the sacred rites, was the servant of Dzhe Man’id6, the Good
Spirit, and acted in the capacity of intercessor and mediator. It is
generally supposed that it was to his good offices that the Indian owes
life and the good things necessary to his health and subsistence.

The tradition of Minabo’zho and the origin of the Midé’wiwin, as
given in connection with the birch-bark record obtained at Red
Lake (Pl. 1m A), is as follows:

When Minabo'zho, the servant of Dzhe Man’id6, looked down upon
the earth he beheld human beings, the Ani'shina’bég, the ancestors of
the Ojibwa. They occupied the four quarters of the earth—the north-
east, the southeast, the southwest, and the northwest. He saw how
helpless they were, and desiring to give them the means of warding
off the diseases with which they were constantly afflicted, and to pro-
vide them with animals and plants to serve as food and with other
comforts, Mi’nabd’zho remained thoughtfully hovering over the cen-
ter of the earth, endeavoring to devise some means of communicat-
ing with them, when he heard something laugh, and perceived a
dark object appear upon the surface of the water to the west (No. 2).
He could not recognize its form, and while watching it closely it
slowly disappeared from view. It next appeared in the north (No.
3), and after a short lapse of time again disappeared. Mi'nabo'zho
hoped it would again show itself upon the surface of the water, which
it did in the east (No. 4). Then Mi’nabd’'zho wished that it might ap-
proach him, so as to permit him to communicate with it. When it
disappeared from view in the east and made its reappearance in the
south (No. 1), Minabd'zho asked it to come to the center of the earth
that he might behold it. Again it disappeared from view, and after
reappearing in the west Mi’nabo’zho observed it slowly approaching
the center of the earth (i. e., the centre of the circle), when he de-
scended and saw it was the Otter, now one of the sacred man’id6s
of the Midé’wiwin. Then Mi’nabd’zho instructed the Otter in the
mysteries of the Midé’wiwin, and gave him at the same time the
sacred rattle to be used at the side of the sick; the sacred Midé’
drum to be used during the ceremonial of initiation and at sacred
feasts, and tobacco, to be employed in invocations and in making
peace.

The place where Mi’nabd'zho descended was an island in the mid-
dle of a large body of water, and the Midé’ who is feared by all the
others is called Mini'sino'shkwe (He-who-lives-on-the-island). Then

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HOFFMAN. ] EXPLANATION OF THE RED LAKE CHART. 167

Mi'nabo’zho built a Midé’wigan (sacred Midé’ lodge), and taking his
drum he beat upon it and sang a Midé’ song, telling the Otter that
Dzhe Man’ido had decided to help the Anishina’bég, that they might
always have life and an abundance of food and other things neces-
sary for their comfort. Minabd'zho then took the Otter into the
Midé’wigan and conferred upon him the secrets of the Midé’wiwin,
and with his Midé’ bag shot the sacred mi’gis into his body that he
might have immortality and be able to confer these secrets to his
kinsmen, the Anishina’bég.

The mi’gis is considered the sacred symboi of the Midé’ wigan, and
may consist of any small white shell, though the one believed to be
similar to the one mentioned in the above tradition resembles the
cowrie, and the ceremonies of initiation as carried out in the Midé’-
wiwin at this day are believed to be similar to those enacted by
Mi’nabo’zho and the Otter. It is admitted by all the Midé’ priests
whom I have consulted that much of the information has been lost
through the death of their aged predecessors, and they feel con-
vinced that ultimately all of the sacred character of the work will
be forgotten or lost through the adoption of new religions by the
young people and the death of the Midé’ priests, who, by the way,
decline to accept Christian teachings, and are in consequence termed
““nagans.”

My instructor and interpreter of the Red Lake chart added other
information in explanation of the various characters represented
thereon, which I present herewith. The large circle at the right side
of the chart denotes the earth as beheld by Mi’nabd’zho, while the
Otter appeared at the square projections at Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4;
the semicircular appendages between these are the four quarters of
the earth, which are inhabited by the Ani’shina’bég, Nos. 5, 6,7, and
8. Nos. 9 and 10 represent two of the numerous malignant man’idés,
who endeavor to prevent entrance into the sacred structure and
mysteries of the Midé’wiwin. The oblong squares, Nos. 11 and 12,
represent the outline of the first degree of the society, the inner
corresponding lines being the course traversed during initiation.
The entrance to the lodge is directed toward the east, the western
exit indicating the course toward the next higher degree. The four
human forms at Nos. 13, 14, 15, and 16 are the four officiating Midé’
priests whose services are always demanded at an initiation. Each
is represented as having a rattle. Nos. 17, 18, and 19 indicate the
cedar trees, one of each of this species being planted near the outer
angles of a Midé’ lodge. No. 20 represents the ground. The outline
of the bear at No. 21 represents the Makwa’ Man ‘ido, or Bear Spirit,
one of the sacred Midé’ man’idés, to which the candidate must pray
and make offerings of tobacco, that he may compel the malevolent
spirits to draw away from the entrance to the Midé’wigan, which is
shown in No, 28. Nos 23 and 24 represent the sacred drum which

168 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

the candidate must use when chanting the prayers, and two offerings
must be made, as indicated by the number two.

After the candidate has been admitted to one degree, and is pre-
pared to advance to the second, he offers three feasts, and chants
three prayers to the Makwa’ Man’ido, ors Bear Spirit (No. 22), that
the entrance (No. 29) to that degree may be opened to him. The
feasts and chantsare indicated by the three drums shown at Nos. 25,
26, and 27.

Nos. 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34 are five Serpent Spirits, evil man’idés
who oppose a Midé’s progress, though after the feasting and prayers
directed to the Makwa’ Man’idd have by him been deemed suffi-
cient the four smaller Serpent Spirits move to either side of the path
between the two degrees, while the larger serpent (No. 32) raises its
body in the middle so as to form an arch, beneath which passes the
candidate on his way to the second degree.

Nos. 35, 36,46, and 47 are four malignant Bear Spirits, who guard
the entrance and exit to the second degree, the doors of which are at
Nos. 37 and 49. The form of this lodge (No. 38) is like the preced-
ing; but while the seven Midé’ priests at Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44,
and 45 simply indicate that the number of Midé’ assisting at this
second initiation are of a higher and more sacred class of personages
than in the first degree, the number designated having reference to
quality and intensity rather than to the actual number of assistants,
as specifically shown at the top of the first degree structure.

When the Midé’ is of the second degree, he receives from Dzhe
Man/id6 supernatural powers as shown in No. 48. The lines extend-
ing upward from the eyes signify that he can look into futurity;
from the ears, that he can hear what is transpiring at a great dis-
tance; from the hands, that he can touch for good or for evil friends
and enemies at a distance, however remote; while the lines extending
from the feet denote his ability to traverse all space in the accom-
plishment of his desires or duties. The small disk upon the breast
of the figure denotes that a Midé’ of this degree has several times
had the mi’gis—life—‘‘ shot into his body,” the increased size of the
spot signifying amount or quantity of influence obtained thereby.

No. 50 represents a Mi'tsha Midé’ or Bad Midé’, one who employs
his powers for evil purposes. He has the power of assuming the
form of any animal, in which guise he may destroy the life of his
victim, immediately after which he resumes his human form and
appears innocent of any crime. His services are sought by people
who wish to encompass the destruction of enemies or rivals, at how-
ever remote a locality the intended victim may be at the time. An
illustration representing the modus operandi of his performance is
reproduced and explained in Fig. 24, page 238.

Persons possessed of this power are sometimes termed witches,
special reference to whom is made elsewhere. The illustration, No.

—

HOFFMAN. ] EXPLANATION OF RED LAKE CHART. 169

50, represents such an individual in his disguise of a bear, the char-
acters at Nos. 51 and 52 denoting footprints of a bear made by him,
impressions of which are sometimes found in the vicinity of lodges
occupied by his intended victims. The trees shown upon either side
of No. 50 signify a forest, the location usually sought by bad Midé’
and witches.

If a second degree Midé’ succeeds in his desire to become a member
of the third degree, he proceeds in a manner similar to that before
described; he gives feasts to the instructing and four officiating
Midé’, and offers prayers to Dzhe Man’id6 for favor and success.
No. 53 denotes that the candidate now personates the bear—not one of
the malignant man‘idés, but one of the sacred man’idés who are
believed to be present during the ceremonials of initiation of the
second degree. He is seated before his sacred drum, and when the
proper time arrives the Serpent Man’id6 (No. 54)—who has until this
opposed his advancement—now arches its body, and beneath it he
crawls and advances toward the door (No. 55) of the third degree
(No. 56) of the Midé’wiwin, where he encounters two (Nos. 57 and 58)
of the four Panther Spirits, the guardians of this degree.

Nos. 61 to 76 indicate midé’ spirits who inhabit the structure of
this degree, and the number of human forms in excess of those shown
in connection with the second degree indicates a correspondingly
higher and more sacred character. When an Indian has passed this
initiation he becomes very skillful in his profession of a Midé’. The
powers which he possessed in the second degree may become aug-
mented. He is represented in No. 77 with arms extended, and with
lines crossing his body and arms denoting darkness and obscurity,
which signifies his ability to grasp from the invisible world the
knowledge and means to accomplish extraordinary deeds. He feels
more confident of prompt response and assistance from the sacred
man‘id6ds and his knowledge of them becomes more widely extended.

Nos. 59 and 60 are two of the four Panther Spirits who are the
special guardians of the third degree lodge.

To enter the fourth and highest degree of the society requires a
greater number of feasts than before, and the candidate, who con-
tinues to personate the Bear Spirit, again uses his sacred drum, as
he is shown sitting before it in No. 78, and chants more -prayers to
Dzhe Man ‘idé for his favor. This degree is guarded by the greatest
number and the most powerful of malevolent spirits, who make a
last effort to prevent a candidate’s entrance at the door (No. 79) of
the fourth degree structure (No. 80). The chief opponents to be
overcome, through the assistance of Dzhe Man‘id6, are two Panther
Spirits (Nos. 81 and 82) at the eastern entrance, and two Bear Spirits
(Nos. 83 and 84) at the western exit. Other bad spirits are about the
structure, who frequently gain possession and are then enabled to
make strong and prolonged resistance to the candidate’s entrance,

170 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

The chiefs of this group of malevolent beings are Bears (Nos. 88 and
96), the Panther (No. 91), the Lynx (No. 97), and many others whose
names they have forgotten, their positions being indicated at Nos.
85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, and 95, all but the last resembling char-
acters ordinarily employed to designate serpents.

The power with which it is possible to become endowed after pass-
ing through the fourth degree is expressed by the outline of a human
figure (No. 98), upon which are a number of spots indicating that
the body is covered with the mi’gis or sacred shells, symbolical of
the Midé’wiwin. These spots designate the places where the Midé’
priests, during the initiation, shot into his body the mi’gis and the
lines connecting them in order that all the functions of the several
corresponding parts or organs of the body may be exercised.

The ideal fourth degree Midé’ is presumed to be in a position to
accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. He is not
only endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and intentions
of others, as is pictorially indicated by the mi’gis spot upon the top
of the head, but to call forth the shadow (soul) and retain it within
his grasp at pleasure. At this stage of his pretensions, he is encroach-
ing upon the prerogatives of the Jés'sakkid’, and is then recognized
as one, as he usually performs within the Jés’sakkaén or Jés'sakkid’
lodge, commonly designated ‘‘the Jugglery.”

The ten small circular objects upon the upper part of the record
may have been some personal marks of the original owner; their im-
port was not known to my informants and they do not refer to any
portion of the history or ceremonies or the Midé’wiwin.

Extending toward the left from the end of the fourth degree in-
closure is an angular pathway (No. 99), which represents the course
to be followed by the Midé’ after he has attained this high distinc-
tion. On account of his position his path is often beset with dangers,
as indicated by the right angles, and temptations which may lead
him astray; the points at which he may possibly deviate from the
true course of propriety are designated by projections branching off
obliquely toward the right and left (No. 100). The ovoid figure (No.
101) at the end of this path is termed Wai-ék’-ma-yok’—End of the
road—and is alluded to in the ritual, as will be observed hereafter, as
the end of the world, i. e., the end of the individual’s existence. The
number of vertical strokes (No. 102) within the ovoid figure signify
the original owner to have been a fourth degree Midé’ for a period
of 14 years.

The outline of the Midé’wigan (No. 103) not only denotes that the
same individual was a member of the Midé’wiwin, but the thirteen
vertical strokes shown in Nos. 104 and 105 indicate that he was chief
Midé’ priest of the society for that number of years.

The outline of a Midé'wigan as shown at No. 106, with the place
upon the interior designating the location of the sacred post (No.

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SIKAS’SIGE’S RECORD,

HOFFMAN. ] EXPLANATION OF LEECH LAKE RECORD. legal

107) and the stone (No. 108) against which the sick are placed dur-
ing the time of treatment, signifies the owner to have practiced his
calling of the exorcism of demons. But that he also visited the sick
beyond the acknowledged jurisdiction of the society in which he re-
sided, is indicated by the path (No. 109) leading around the sacred
inclosure.

Upon that portion of the chart immediately above the fourth de-
gree lodge is shown the outline of a Midé’wiwin (No. 110), with a
path (No. 114), leading toward the west to a circle (No. 111), within
which is another similar structure (No. 112) whose longest diameter
is at right angles to the path, signifying that it is built so that its
entrance is at the north. This is the Dzhibai’ Midé’wigan or Ghost
Lodge.

Around the interior of the circle are small V-shaped characters
denoting the places occupied by the spirits of the departed, who are
presided over by the Dzhibai’ Midé’, literally Shadow Midé’.

No. 113 represents the K6-k6-k6-6' (Owl) passing from the Midé/-
wigan to the Land of the Setting Sun, the place of the dead, upon
the road of the dead, indicated by the pathway at No. 114. This
man'id6 is personated by a candidate for the first degree of the
Midé’wiwin when giving a feast to the dead in honor of the shadow
of him who had been dedicated to the Midé/wiwin and whose place
is now to be taken by the giver of the feast.

Upon the back of the Midé’ record, above described, is the per-
sonal record of the original owner, as shown in Pl. m1 B. Nos. 1,
2, 3, and 4 represent the four degrees of the society into which he
has been initiated, or, to use the phraseology of an Ojibwa, ‘“ through
which he has gone.” This ‘‘ passing through” is further illustrated
by the bear tracks, he having personated the Makwa’ Man‘ido or
Bear Spirit, considered to be the highest and most powerful of the
guardian spirits of the fourth degree wigwam.

The illustration presented in Pl. 11 C represents the outlines of a
birch-bark record (reduced to one-third) found among the effects of
a lately deceased Midé’ from Leech Lake, Minnesota. This record,
together with a number of other curious articles, composed the outfit
of the Midé’, but the Rev. James A. Gilfillan of White Earth,
through whose courtesy I was permitted to examine the objects,
could give me no information concerning their use. Since that time,
however, I have had an opportunity of consulting with one of the
chief priests of the Leech Lake Society, through whom I have ob-
tained some interesting data concerning them.

The chart represents the owner to have been a Midé! of the second
degree, as indicated by the two outlines of the respective structures
at Nos. 1 and 2, the place of the sacred posts being marked at Nos.
3 and 4. Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 are Midé’ priests holding their Midé’
bags as in the ceremony of initiation. The disks represented at Nos.

172 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

9, 10, 11, 12, and 13 denote the sacred drum, which may be used by
him during his initiation, while Nos. 14, 15, 16, and 17 denote that
he was one of the four officiating priests of the Midé’wigan at his
place of residence. Each of these figures is represented as holding
their sacred bags as during the ceremonies. No. 18 denotes the path
he has been pursuing since he became a Midé’, while at Nos. 19 and
20 diverging lines signify that his course is beset with temptations
and enemies, as referred to in the description of the Red Lake chart,
Vell; Tit Ja\e F

The remaining objects found among the effects of the Midé’ re-
ferred to will be described and figured hereafter.

The diagram represented on Pl. tv is a reduced copy of a record
made by Sikas'sigé, a Mille Lacs Ojibwa Midé’ of the second degree,
now resident at White Harth.

The chart illustrating pictorially the general plan of the several
degrees is a copy of a record in the possession of the chief Midé’ at
Mille Laes in 1830, at which time Sikas’sigé, at the age of 10 years,
received his first degree. For a number of years thereafter Sikas’-
sigé received continued instruction from his father Baié'dzhék, and
although he never publicly received advancement beyond the second
degree of the society, his wife became a fourth degree priestess, at
whose initiation he was permitted to be present.

Since his residence at White Earth Sikas’sigé has become one of
the officiating priests of the society at that place. One version given
by him of the origin of the Indians is presented in the following tra-
dition, a pictorial representation having also been prepared of which
Pl. v isa reduced copy:

In the beginning, Dzhe Man'id6 (No. 1), made the Midé’ Man’idos. He first
created two men (Nos.2 and 3), and two women (Nos. 4 and 5); but they had no
power of thought orreason. Then Dzhe Man‘ido (No. 1) made them rational beings.
He took them in his hands so that they should multiply; he paired them, and from
this sprung the Indians. Whenthere were people he placed them upon the earth,
but he soon observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and
that unless he provided them with the Sacred Medicine they would soon become
extinct.

Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man‘id6 and the earth were four lesser
spirits (Nos. 6,7,8,and 9) with whom Dzhe Man‘ido decided to commune, and to
impart to them the mysteries by which the Indians could be benefited. So he first
spoke to a spirit at No. 6,.and told him all he had to say, who in turn communi-
cated the same information to No. 7, and he in turn to No, 8, who also communed
with No. 9. They all met in council, and determined to call in the four wind gods
at Nos. 10,11,12,and 18. After consulting as to what would be best for the com-
fort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to ask Dzhe Man‘ido to com-
municate the Mystery of the Sacred Medicine to the people.

Dzhe Man‘id6 then went tothe Sun Spirit (No. 14) and asked him to go to the
earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by the council. The Sun
Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the earth and lived witha woman (No. 15)
who had a little boy of her own.

This family went away in the autum to hunt, and during the winter this woman’s

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL.

él 20)

ORIGIN OF ANI’SHINA’BEG.

HOFFMAN. OJIBWA GENESIS. 173

son died. The parents were so much distressed that they decided to return to the
village and bury the body there: so they made preparations to return, and as they
traveled along, they would each evening erect several poles upon which the body
was placed to prevent the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead boy was
thus hanging upon the poles, the adopted child—who was the Sun Spirit—would
play about the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father he
pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said he could bring
his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents expressed great surprise and desired
to know how that could be accomplished.

The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he said, ‘‘ Get
the women to make a wig'iwam of bark (No. 16), put the dead boy in a covering of
birch bark and place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig'iwam. On
the next morning after this had been done, the family and friends went into this
lodge and seated themselves around the corpse.

When they had all been sitting quietly for some time, they saw through the
doorway the approach of a bear (No. 17) which gradually came towards the wig’ i-
wam, entered it, and placed itself before the dead body and said hu, hu, hu, hu,
when he passed around it towards the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he
did so, the body began quivering, and the quivering increased as the bear contin-
ued until he had passed around four times, when the body came to life again and stood
up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in the distant right-hand
corner of the wig'iwam, and addressed to him the following words:

Nos ka-wi’-na ni-shi-na’-bi wis-si’ a’-ya-wi-an man/-i-d6 nin-gi’-sis. Be-mai’-a-
My father is not an Indian not you are a spirit son. Inso-
mi -nik ni’-dzhi man’-i-d6 mi -a-zhi’-gwa tshi-gi-a’-we-dn’. Nos a-zhi'-gwa a-sé’-ma
much my fellow — spirit now as you are. My father now tobacco
tshi’-a-t6'-yék. A'-mi-ktin'-dem mi-é’-ta 4’-wi-dink’ dzhi-gésh'-kwi-tot’ wen/-dzhi-

you shall put. He speaks of only once to be able to do it why he
bi-ma’-di-zid’-o-ma’ a-ga’-wa bi-ma-di-zid’/-mi-o-ma’; ni-dzhi man/-i-d6 mi-a-zhi’-gwa
shall live here now that he scarcely lives; my fellow spirit now I shall go
tshi-gi-wé’-An.
home.

The little bear boy (No. 17) was the one who did this. He then remained among
the Indians (No. 18) and taught them the mysteries of the Grand Medicine (No. 19);
and, after he had finished, he told his adopted father that as his mission had been
fulfilled he was to return to his kindred spirits, for the Indians would have no need
to fear sickness as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would enable
them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body to life but once, and
he would now return to the sun from which they would feel his influence.

This is called Kwi-wi-séns’ wé-di'-shi-tshi gé-wi-nip—‘ Little-
boy-his-work.” ne

From subsequent information it was learned that the line No. 22
denotes the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course
of initiation into the Midé’wiwin, three others must be taken before
a candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are
denominated (Nos. 23, 24, and 25), are typified by four distinct gifts
of goods, which must be remitted to the Midé’ priests before the
ceremony can take place.

Nos. 18 and 19 are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the tra-
dition (Nos. 16 and 17) to signify that the candidate must personate
the Makwa’ Man'id6—Bear Spirit—when entering the Midé’wiwin
(No. 19). No. 20 is the Midé’ Man'id6 as Ki'tshi Man‘ido is termed

174 THE MIDE'WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

by the Midé’ priests. The presence of horns attached to the head
is a common symbol of superior power found in connection with the
figures of human and divine forms in many Midé’ songs and other
mnemonic records. No. 21 represents the earth’s surface, similar to
that designated at No. 22.

Upon comparing the preceding tradition of the creation of the
Indians with the following, which pertains to the descent to earth of
Mi/nabd'zho, there appears to be some discrepancy, which could not
be explained by Sikas’sigé, because he had forgotten the exact
sequence of events; but from information derived from other Midé’
it is evident that there have been joined together two myths, the
intervening circumstances being part of the tradition given below
in connection with the narrative relating to the chart on Pl. m1 A.

This chart, which was in possession of the Mille Lacs chief Baié’-
dzhék, was copied by him from that belonging to his preceptor at La
Pointe about the year 1800, and although the traditions given by
Sikas’sigé is similar to the one surviving at Red Lake, the diagram
is an interesting variant for the reason that there is a greater amount
of detail in the delineation of objects mentioned in the tradition.

By referring to Pl. tv it will be noted that the circle, No. 1, resem-
bles the corresponding circle at the beginning of the record on PI.
ut, A, with this difference, that the four quarters of the globe in-
habited by the Ani shina’bég are not desig-
nated between the cardinal points at which ff SP
the Otter appeared, and also that the cen-
tral island, only alluded to there (Pl. m1 A)?
is here inserted.

The correct manner of arranging the two
pictorial records, Pls. m1 A and Iv, is by
placing the outline of the earth’s surface
(Pl. v, No. 21) upon the island indicated in
Pl. 1v, No. 6, so that the former stands ver-
tically and at right angles to the latter; for
the reason that the first half of the tradition
pertains to the consultation held between

Fic. 2.—Sikas'sigé’s combined charts, showing descent of Min’abd/zho.

Ki'tshi Man‘id6 and the four lesser spirits which is believed to have
occurred above the earth’s surface. According to Sikas’sigé the
two charts should be joined as suggested in the accompanying illus-
tration, Fig. 2.

—-

HOFFMAN. ] EXPLANATION OF MILLE LACS CHART. (8)

Sikas'sigé’s explanation of the Mille Lacs chart (Pl. Iv) is sub-

stantially as follows :

When Minabdo'zho descended to the earth to give
to the Ani'shind’bég the Midé’wiwin, he left with
them this chart, Midé’'wigwas’. Ki'tshi Man'idd saw
that his people on earth were without the means of
protecting themselves against disease and death, so
he sent Mi’nabo'zho to give to them the sacred gift.
Minabo'zho appeared over the waters and while re-
flecting in what manner he should be able to com-
municate with the people, he heard something laugh,
just as an otter sometimes cries out. He saw some-
thing black appear upon the waters in the west (No. 2)
which immediately disappeared beneath the surface
again. Then it came up at the northern horizon (No,
3), which pleased Minabo’zho, as he thought he now
had some one through whom he might convey the
information with which he had been charged by
Ki'tshi Man'id6. When the black object disappeared
beneath the waters at the north to reappear in the east
(No. 4), Mi’nabd’zho desired it would come to him in
the middle of the waters, but it disappeared to make
its reappearance in the south (No. 5), where it again
sank out of sight to reappear in the west (No. 2),
when Mi/nabo’zho asked it to approach the center
where there was an island (No. 6), which it did.
This did Ni'gik, the Otter, and for this reason he is
given charge of the first degree of the Midé wiwin
(Nos. 35 and 36) where his spirit always abides during
initiation and when healing the sick.

Then Ni gik asked Mi‘nabd'zho, ‘‘ Why do youcome
to this place?” When the latter said, ‘‘I have pity
on the Ani’shina’bég and wish to give them life;
Ki'tshi Man'id6 gave me the power to confer upon
them the means of protecting themselves against
sickness and death, and through you I will give
them the Midé’wiwin, and teach them the sacred
rites.”

Then Minabozho built a Midé wigén in which he
instructed the Otter in all the mysteries of the
Midé'wiwin. The Otter sat before the door of the
Midé'wigan four days (Nos. 7, 8. 9, and 10), sunning
himself, after which time he approached the en-
trance (No. 14), where his progress was arrested (No.
11) by seeing two bad spirits (Nos. 12 and 13) guard-
ing it. Through the powers possessed by Mi’nabd’zho
he was enabled to pass these; when he entered the
sacred lodge (No. 15), the first object he beheld being
the sacred stone (No. 16) against which those who
were sick were to be seated, or laid, when undergoing
the ceremonial of restoring them to health. He
next saw a post (No. 17) painted red with a green band
around thetop. A sick man would also have to pray

Fic. 3.—Origin of Ginseng.

176 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

to the stone and to the post, when he is within the Midé’wigan, because within
them would be the Midé’ spirits whose help he invoked. The Otter was then
taken to the middle of the Midé wigAn where he picked upthe mi'gis (No. 18) from
among a heap of sacred objects which form part of the gifts given by Ki'tshi
Man id6. The eight man‘idds around the midé wigan (Nose 19, 20, 21, 22,23, 24, 25,
and 26) were also sent by Kitshi Man'ido to guard the lodge against the entrance
of bad spirits.

A life is represented by the line No. 27, the signification of the
short lines (Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31) denoting that the course of human
progress is beset by temptations and trials which may be the cause
of one’s departure from such course of conduct as is deemed proper,
and the beliefs taught by the Midé’. When one arrives at middle
age (No. 32) his course for the remaining period of life is usually with-
out any special events, as indicated by the plain line No. 27, extend-
ing from middle age (No. 32) to the end of one’s existence (No. 33).
The short lines at Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31, indicating departure from
the path of propriety, terminate in rounded spots and signify, liter-
ally, “lecture places,” because when a Midé’ feels himself failing in
duty or vacillating in faith he must renew professions by giving a
feast and lecturing to his confreres, thus regaining his strength to
resist evil doing—such as making use of his powers in harming his
kinsmen, teaching that which was not given him by Ki'tshi Man‘id6
through Mi‘nabo/zho, ete. His heart must be cleansed and his tongue
guarded.

To resume the tradition of the course pursued by the Otter, Si-
kas’sigé said:

The Otter then went round the interior of the Midé' wigan (No. 34), and finally
seated himself in the west, where Mi’nabo'zho shot into his body the sacred mi'gis,
which was in his Midé’ bag. Then Mi’nabo'zho said, ‘‘ This is your lodge and you
shall own it always (Nos. 35 and 36), and eight Midé’ Man'idos (Nos. 19-26) shal
guard it during the night.”

The Otter was taken to the entrance (No. 37) of the second degree structure (No.
38), which he saw was guarded by two evil man idds (Nos. 39 and 40), who opposed
his progress, but who were driven away by Minabo’zho. When the Otter entered
at the door he beheld the sacred stone (No. 41) and two posts (Nos. 42, 43), the one
nearest to him being painted red with a green band around the top, and another at
the middle, with a bunch of little feathers upon the top. The other post (No. 43)
was painted red, with only a band of green at the top, similar to the first degree
post. Nos.44 and 45 are the places where sacred objects and gifts are placed. This
degree of the Midé’wiwin is guarded at night by twelve Midé’ Man ids (Nos. 46 to
57) placed there by Ki tshi Man'id6, and the degree is owned by the Thunder Bird
as shown in Nos. 58, 59.

The circles (Nos. 60, 61, and 62) at either end of the outline of the
structure denoting the degree and beneath it are connected by a line
(No. 63) as in the preceding degree, and are a mere repetition to
denote the course of conduct to be pursued by the Midé’. The points
(Nos. 64, 65, 66, and 67), at the termini of the shorter lines, also
refer to the feasts and lectures to be given in case of need.

HOFFMAN. } EXPLANATION OF MILLE LACS CHART. 177

To continue the informant’s tradition:

When the Otter had passed around the interior of the Midé’ wigan four times, he
seated himself in the west and faced the degree post, when Minabd zho again shot
into his body the migis, which gave him renewed life. Then the Otter was told to
take a ‘‘ sweat bath” once each day for four successive days, so as to prepare for
the next degree. (This number is indicated at the rounded spots at Nos. 68, 69,70,
and 71.)

The third degree of the Midé wiwin (No. 72) is guarded during the day by two
Midé’ spirits (Nos. 73, 74) near the eastern entrance, and by the Makwa’ Man id6
within the inclosure (Nos. 75 and 76), and at night by eighteen Midé’ Man’‘idds (Nos.
77 to 94), placed there by Ki'tshi Man'idd. When the Otter approached the entrance
(No. 95) he was again arrested in his progress by two evil man ‘idds (Nos. 96 and 97),
who opposed his admission, but Mi nibd'zho overcame them and the Otter entered.
Just inside of the door, and on each side, the Otter sav a post (Nos. 98 and 99), and
at the western door or exit two corresponding posts (Nos. 100 and 101), These sym-
bolized the four legs of the Makwa’ Man’‘ido, or Bear Spirit, who is the guardian by
day and the owner of the third degree. The Otter then observed the sacred stone
(No. 102) and the two heaps of sacred objects (Nos. 103 and 104) which Mi’nabd’zho
had deposited, and three degree posts (Nos. 105, 106, and 107), the first of which (No.
105) was a plain cedar post with the bark upon it, but sharpened at the top; the
second (No. 106), a red post with a green band round the top and one about the
middle, as in the second degree; and the third a cross (No. 107) painted red, each of
the tips painted green. [The vertical line No. 108 was said to have no relation to
anything connected with the tradition.] After the Otter had observed the interior
of the Midé’wigan he again made four circuits, after which he took his station in
the west, where he seated himself, facing the sacred degree posts. Then Mi’nabd’-
zho, for the third time, shot into his body the mi gis, thus adding to the powers
which he already possessed, after which he was to prepare for the fourth degree of
the Midé wiwin.

Other objects appearing upon the chart were subsequently ex-
plained as follows:

The four trees (Nos, 109, 110, 111, and 112), one of which is planted at each of the
four corners of the Midé’wigan, are usually cedar, though pine may be taken asa
substitute when the former can not be had. The repetition of the circles Nos. 113,
114, and 115 and connecting line No. 116, with the short lines at Nos. 117, 118, 119.
and 120, have the same signification as in the preceding two degrees.

After the Otter had received the third degree he prepared himself for the fourth,
and highest, by taking a steam bath once a day for four successive days (Nos. 121,
122,123, and 124). Then, as he proceeded toward the Midé'wigan he came to a
wig iwam made of brush (No. 179), which was the nest of Makwa’ Man‘ido, the Bear
Spirit, who guarded the four doors of the sacred structure.

The four rows of spots have reference to the four entrances of the
Midé'wigan of the fourth degree. The signification of the spots
near the larger circle, just beneath the ‘‘ Bear’s nest” could not
be explained by Sikas'sig®, but the row of spots (No. 117) along the
horizontal line leading to the entrance of the inclosure were denom-
inated steps, or stages of progress, equal to as many days—one
spot denoting one day—which must elapse before the Otter was
permitted to view the entrance.

When the Otter approached the fourth degree (No. 118) he came to a short post

7 ETH 12 P

178 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

(No. 119) in which there was a small aperture. The post was painted green on
the side from which he approached and red upon the side toward the Midé wigan
{see Fig. 4.] But before he was permitted to look through
it he rested and invoked the favor of Ki'tshi Man ido, that
the evil man'id6s might be expelled from his path. Then.
when the Otter looked through the post, he saw that the
interior of the inclosure was filled with Midé’ Man‘idos,
ready to receive him and to attend during his initiation.
The two Midé’ Man‘idos at the outside of the eastern en-
trance (Nos, 120 and 121) compelled the evil man’‘idds
(Nos. 122 and 123) to depart and permit the Otter to enter at
the door (No. 124). Then the Otter beheld the sacred stone
(No. 125) and the five heaps of sacred objects which Mina-
bo'zho had deposited (Nos. 126, 127, 128, 129, and 130) near
the four degree posts (Nos, 131, 132,188, and 134). Accord-
ing to their importance. the first was painted red, with a
green band about the top; the second was painted red. with
two green bands, one at the top and another at the middle;
the third consisted of a cross painted red, with the tips of
the arms and the top of the post painted green; while the
fourth was a square post, the side toward the east being
painted white, that toward the south green, that toward the west red. and that
toward the north black.

The two sets of sticks (Nos. 135 and 1386) near the eastern and western doors rep-
resent the legs of Makwa’ Man‘id6, the Bear Spirit. When the Otter had observed
all these things he passed round the interior of the Midé'wigan four times, after
which he seated himself in the west, facing the degree posts, when Mi'nab0d' zho
approached him and for the fourth time shot into his body the sacred mi'gis, which
gave him life that will endure always. Then Mi’nabo’zho said to the Otter, ‘‘ This
degree belongs to Kitshi Man‘ido, the Great Spirit (Nos. 187 and 188), who will
always be present when you give the sacred rite to any of your people.” At night
the Midé’ Man‘idds (Nos. 139 to 162) will guard the Midé’ wigan, as they are sent by
Ki'tshi Man'ido to doso. The Bear’s nest (Nos. 163 and 164) just beyond the north-
ern and southern doors (Nos. 165 and 166) of the Midé’wigan are the places where
Makwa’ Man’‘id6 takes his station when guarding the doors.

Then the Otter made a wig'iwam and offered four prayers (Nos. 167, 168, 169, and
170) for the rites of the Midé’wiwin, which Ki'tshi Man‘id6 had given him.

Fie. 4.—Peep-hole post.

The following supplemental explanations were added by Sikas’-
sigt, viz: The four vertical lines at the outer angles of the lodge
structure (Nos. 171, 172, 173, and 174), and four similar ones on the
inner corners (Nos. 175, 176, 177, and 178), represent eight cedar
trees planted there by the Midé’ at the time of preparing the
Midé'wigan for the reception of candidates. The circles Nos. 179,
180, and 181, and the connecting line, are a reproduction of simi-
lar ones shown in the three preceding degrees, and signify the course
of a Midé’s life—that it should be without fault and in strict accord-
ance with the teachings of the Midé’wiwin. The short lines, termi-
nating in circles Nos. 182, 183, 184, and 185, allude to temptations
which beset the Midé's path, and he shall, when so tempted, offer at
these points feasts and lectures, or, in other words, ‘‘ professions of
faith.” The three lines Nos, 186, 187, and 188, consisting of four

WaSNid WNOLLWN “s fl

JJIBWA FACIAL DECORATION

HOFEMAN.] MIGRATION OF ANISHINA'BEG. 179

spots each, which radiate from the larger circle at No. 179 and that

before mentioned at No. 116, symbo-
lize the four bear nests and their re-
spective approaches, which are sup-
posed to be placed opposite the four
doors of the fourth degree; and it is
obligatory, therefore, for a candidate
to enter these four doors on hands and
knees when appearing for his initia-
tion and before he finally waits to re-
ceive the concluding portion of the
ceremony.

The illustration presented in Fig. 5
is a reduced copy of a drawing made
by Sikas’sigé to represent the migra-
tion of the Otter toward the west after
he had received the rite of the Midé’-
wiwin. No.1 refers to the circle upon
the large chart on Pl. 111 A, No. 1, and
signifies the earth’s surface as before
described. No. 2 in Fig. 5 is a line
separating the history of the Midé’
wiwin from that of the migration as
follows: When the Otter had offered
four prayers, as above mentioned,
which fact is referred to by the spot
No. 3, he disappeared beneath the
surface of the water and went toward
the west, whither the Ani’shina'bég
followed him,and located at Ottawa
Island (No.4). Here they erected the
Midé'wigan and lived for many years.
Then the Otter again disappeared
beneath the water, and in a short
time reappeared at A’wiat’ang (No.
5), when the Midé’wigén was again
erected and the sacred rites con-
ducted in accordance with the teach-
ings of Minabd’zho. Thus was an
interrupted migration continued, the
several resting places being given
below in their proper order, at each
of which the rites of the Midé’wiwin
were conducted in all their purity.
The next place to locateat was
Mi'shenama kinagung — Mackinaw

Fig. 5.—Migration of Anishina’beg.

180 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

(No. 6); then Ne’mikung (No. 7); Kiwe'winang’ (No. 8); Bawating—
Sault Ste. Marie (No. 9); Tshiwi'towi’ (No. 10); Nega’wadzhé'i—
Sand Mountain (No. 11).northern shore of Lake Superior; Mi’-
nisa’wik [ Mi/nisa’bikking|]—Island of rocks (No. 12); Kawa’sitshi-
twongk—Foaming rapids (No. 13); Mush’kisi’wi [Mash’kisi’bi]—
Bad River (No. 14); Shagawamikongk—Long-sand-bar-beneath
the-surface (No. 15); Wikwe'da"wongga"—Sandy Bay (No. 16);
Nea’shiwikongk—Cliff Point (No. 17); Neta*’waya”’sink—Little
point-of-sand-bar (No. 18); A™nibi"s—Little elm tree (No. 19); Wi-
kup'bi'mi"sh—literally, Little-island-basswood (No. 20); Makubi"’-
mi'sh—Bear Island (No. 21); Sha’geski’ke’dawan’ga (No. 22); Ni’wig-
was'sikongk—The place where bark is peeled (No. 23); Ta’pakwe ikak
[Sa’apakwe'shkwaokongk |—The-place-where-lodge-bark-is-obtained
(No. 24); Ne’uwesak’kudeze'bi [Ne’wisaku’desi’bi" |—Point-dead-
wood-timber river (No. 25); A™nibikanzi'’bi [modern name, Ash’-
kiba’gisi’bi], given respectively as Fish spawn River and Green leaf
River (No. 26).

This last-named locality is said to be Sandy Lake, Minnesota,
where the Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midé’wi-
gan was finally located. From La Pointe, as well as from Sandy
Lake, the Ojibwa claim to have dispersed in bands over various por-
tions of the territory, as well as into Wisconsin, which final separa-
tion into distinct bodies has been the chief cause of the gradual
changes found to exist in the ceremonies of the Midé’wiwin.

According to Sikas'sigS, the above account of the initiation of the
Otter, by Mi/nabo‘zho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the
Midé’ priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received
the first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial dec-
oration was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (PI. v1),
each adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was
entitled, viz: :

First degree.—A broad band of green across the forehead and a
narrow stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the eyes.

Second degree.—A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temples,
the eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which
is a similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above
this again one of green.

Third degree.—Red and white spots are daubed all over the face,
the spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in apply-
ing the colors.

Fourth degree.—Two forms of decoration were admissible; for the
first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of green ex-
tending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left tem-
poral region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second, the
face was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars of

le il i el en ll il i

HOFFMAN. ] EXPLANATION OF SANDY LAKE CHART. 181

green across the forehead. Either of these was also employed as a
sign of mourning by one whose son has been intended for the priest-
hood of the Midé’wiwin, but special reference to this will be given
in connection with the ceremony of the Dzhibai’ Midé’ wigan, or Ghost
Society.

On Pl. vit is presented a reduced copy of the Midé’ chart made
by Ojibwa, a Midé’ priest of the fourth degree and formerly a
member of the society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi
Ojibwa. The illustration is copied from his own chart which he
received in 1833 in imitation of that owned by his father, Me’toshi-
ko"sh; and this last had been received from Lake Superior, presum-
ably La Pointe, many years before.

The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile,
and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red
Lake; and Mille Lacs.

The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as
follows:

When Ki'tshi Man'id6 had decided to give to the Ani’shina’bég the rites of the
Midé'wiwin, he took his Midé’ drum and sang, calling upon the other Man‘idds to
to join him and to hear what he was going to do. No. 1 represents the abode in the
sky of Ki'tshi Man‘ido, No. 2, indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the
small spots surrounding the drum denoting the mi’gis with which everything about
him is covered. The Midé’ Man‘id6s came to him in his Midé wigén (No. 4), eleven
of which appear upon the inside of that structure, while the ten—all but himself—
upon the outside (Nos. 5 to 14) are represented as descending to the earth, charged
with the means of conferring upon the Ani’shinabé’g the sacred rite. In the Midé'-
wigan (No. 4) is shown also the sacred post (No. 15) upon which is perched K6-ko’-
k6-0'—the Owl (No. 16). The line traversing the structure, from side to side,
represents the trail leading through it, while the two rings (Nos. 17 and 18) upon the
right side of the post indicate respectively the spot where the presents are deposited
and the sacred stone—this according to modern practices.

When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of initiation he prepares a wig''i-
wam (No. 19) in which he takes a steam bath once each day for four successive days.
The four baths and four days are indicated by the number of spots at the floor of
the lodge, representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the ofticiat-
ing priests of the society are present, one of which (No. 20) may be observed upon the
left of the wig'iwam in the act of making an offering of smoke, while the one to the
right (No. 21) is drumming and singing. The four officiating priests are visible to
either side of the candidate within the structure. The wig'iwams (Nos. 22, 23, 24,
and 25) designate the village habitations.

In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the candidate (No. 26) visits his
instructor (No. 27) to receive from him final directions as to the part to be enacted
upon the following day. The candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him
his pipe, the offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all gifts. His
relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents,some of which are sus-
pended from the branches of the Midé’ tree (No. 28) near the entrance of the first
degree structure. Theinstructor’s wig'iwam is shown at No. 29, the two dark cir-
cular spots upon the floor showing two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil.
The figure No. 27 has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation pertains
to Kitshi Man‘ido, while in his right hand he holds his Midé’ drum. Upon the fol-

182 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA,

lowing morning the Midé’ priests, with the candidate in advance (No. 30), approach
and enter the Midé' wigan and the initiation begins. No.31is the place of the sacred
drum and those who are detailed to employ the drum and rattles, while No. 32 indi-
cates the officiating priests; No. 33 is the degree post, surmounted by K6-ko'-k6-0', the
Owl (No. 34). The post is painted with vermilion, with small white spots all over
its surface, emblematic of the mi’gis shell. The line (No. 35) extending along the
upper portion of the inclosure represents the pole from which are suspended the
robes, blankets, kettles, etc., which constitute the fee paid to the society for ad-
mission.

This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther Man ‘ido.

When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to the society
for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants (No. 35) to Ki'tshi Man‘id6
for success. Ki'tshi Man‘id6 himself is the guardian of the second degree and his
footprints are shown in No, 36, No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and
contains two sacred posts (Nos. 88 and 39), the first of which is the same as that of
the first degree, the second being painted with white clay, bearing two bands of
vermilion, one about the top and one near the middle. A small branch near the top
is used, after the ceremony is over, to hang the tobacco pouch on, No. 40 represents
the musicians and attendants ; No. 41 the candidate upon his knees ; while Nos. 42,
43. 44, and 45 pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The horizontal
pole (No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles suspended from it.

When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No. 47) he person-
ates Makwa’ Man ‘ido, who is the guardian of this degree, and whose tracks (No.
48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon the interior, drumming and dancing.
There are three sacred posts, the first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed K6-
ko'-k6-6'—the Owl: the second (No. 50) is painted with white clay and has upon the
top the effigy of an owl; while the third (No. 51) is painted with vermilion, bearing
upon the summit the effigy of an Indian. Small wooden effigies of the human
figure are used by the Midé’ in their tests of the proof of the genuineness and sacred-
ness of their religion, which tests will be alluded to under another caption. The
horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one end of the structure to the other, has
suspended from it the blankets and other gifts.

The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka’no—the Turtle—as he appears (No.
53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No, 54). Four sacred posts are planted
in the fourth degree; the first (No. 55), being painted white upon the upper half and
green upon the lower; thesecond (No. 56) similar; the third (No. 57) painted red, with
a black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which is placed
K6-ko'-k6-6'—the Owl; and the fourth (No. 58), a cross, the arms and part of the
trunk of which is white, with red spots—tc designate the sacred mi gis—the lower
half of the trunk cut square, the face toward the east painted red, the south green,
the west white, and the north black. The spot (No. 59) at the base of the cross
signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures (No. 60) designate
the participants, some of whom are seated near the wall of the inclosure, whilst
others are represented as beating the drum. Upon the horizontal pole (No, 61) are
shown the blankets constituting gifts to the society.

The several specific methods of facial decoration eraployed (PI.
Vil), according to Ojibwa’s statement, are as follows:

First degree.—One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near
the ears across the tip of the nose.

Second degree.—One stripe as above, and another across the eye-
lids, temples, and the root of the nose.

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OJIBWA’S RECORD.

HOFFMAN, ] MIDE’ FACIAL DECORATION, 1838

Third degree.—The upper half of the faceis painted green and the
lower half red.

Fourth degree.—The forehead and left side of the face, from the
outer canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of
vermilion are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and
four upon the green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this,
the plumes of the golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head
and downthe back. This form of decoration is not absolutely neces-
sary, as the expense of the ** war bonnet” places it beyond the reach
of the greater number of persons.

Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide’ rec-
ords it may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the
migration of the Ani’shina’bég, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous
to 1853. In his reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard
one of the officiating priests deliver ‘‘a loud and spirited harangue,”
of which the following words’ caught his attention:

Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising sun, the great
Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the great water and the rays of
the sun for a long time period were reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth
and light to the An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and
for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to the surface and
appeared again on the great river which drains the waters of the Great Lakes, and
again for a long time it gave life to our forefathers and reflected back the rays of
the sun. Again it disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes
of the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it sank from
sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our forefathers till it showed its back
and reflected the rays of the sun once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here
it remained for a long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared,
and the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated and once more
showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La Pointe Island), where it has
ever since reflected back the rays of the sun and blessed our ancestors with life,
light,and wisdom. Its rays reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways.”
As the old man delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he rep-
resented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking.

A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory, * * * I

equested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we harangue.

After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he proceeded
to give me the desired information, as follows:

** My grandson,” said he, ‘‘ the megis Ispoke of means the Me-da-we religion. Our
forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the shores of the great salt water in
the east. Here, while they were suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the
Great Spirit, at the intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the
An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored and prolonged.
Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great water and proceeded westward.

“The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till our fore-
fathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river where Mo-ne-aung (Mon-
treal) now stands.

“In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our forefathers, still

‘Op. cit., p. 78 et seq.

184 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

proceeding westward, lit not their fires till they reached the shores of Lake Huron,
where again the rites of the Me-da-we were practiced.

‘‘Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not built till the
Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting (outlet of Lake Superior),
where it remained for many winters. Still the Ojibways moved westward, and for
the last time the Me-da-we lodge was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here,
long before the pale face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and
most original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted to man-
kind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were mingled with each
rising generation, This, my grandson, is the meaning of the words you did not
understand; they have been repeated to us by our fathers for many generations.”

In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together
with the tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred
emblem of society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by
Mr. Warren,’ as follows:

There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village of Fond du
Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence on the shores of the great
salt water. It is, however, so similar in character to the one I have related that
its introduction here would only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference
between the two traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the
four Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is used in
one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in the other, first appear-
ing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the depths of the great salt water, again
on the river St. Lawrence, then on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La
Pointe, but lastly at Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have
forced the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still pointed
out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke through.

It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the
Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed
the country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the
west. These have since been known of as the ‘‘ Bois Forts” (hard-
wood people or timber people), other bands being located at Pigeon
River, Rainy Lake, etc. Another separation occurred at La Pointe,
one party going toward Fond du Lac and westward to Red Lake,
where they claim to have resided for more than three hundred years,
while the remainder scattered from La Pointe westward and south-
westward, locating at favorable places throughout the timbered coun-
try. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation of
the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several
versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with
the Midé’wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their
faith in favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies
are almost entirely supporters of the belief in the great mi’gis.

On account of the independent operations of the Midé’ priests in
the various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the
slight intercourse between those of tle northern and southern divi-
sions of the nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic

1Op. cit., p. 81.

HOFFMAN.) EXPLANATION OF WHITE EARTH RECORD. 185

representation of the same general ideas, variants which are fre-
quently not recognized by Midé’ priests who are not members of the
Midé’wiwin in which these mnemonic charts had their origin. As
there are variants in the pictographic delineation of originally simi-
lar ideas, there are also corresponding variations in the traditions
pertaining to them.

The tradition relating to Mi’nabd’zho and the sacred objects re-
ceived from Ki'tshi Man’ido for the Ani’shina’bég is illustrated in
Fig. 6, which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth.

neg

1 2 5 6 va 5

Fia. 6.—Birech-bark record. from White Earth.

The record is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Mi’nabd’zho,
who says of the adjoining characters representing the members of
the-Midé’wiwin: ‘‘ They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into
my heart the life.” Mi’nabd’zho holds in his left hand the sacred
Midé’ sack, or pin-ji’-gu-san’. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers.
At the sound of the drum all the Midé@’ rise and become inspired, be-
cause Ki'tshi Man’id6 is then present in the wig’iwam. No. 4 de-
notes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of
the Midé’wiwin. The figure holds in the left hand the Midé’ sack,
made of a snakeskin. No. 5 represents the Tortoise, the guardian
spirit who was the giver of some of the sacred objects used in the
rite. No. 6, the Bear, also a benevolent Man‘id6, but not held in so
great veneration as the Tortoise. His tracks are visible in the Midé’-
wiwin. No. 7, the sacred Midé’ sack or pin-ji-gu-san’, which con-
tains life, and can be used by the Midé’ to prolong the life of a sick
person. No. 8 represents a Dog, given by the Midé’ Man‘idés to
Mi'nabdo'zho as a companion.

Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but
the informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained
not only from other Midé’ priests consulted with regard to the true
meaning, but also in the light of later information and research in
the exemplification of the ritual of the Midé’wiwin.

Mi/nabo'zho did not receive the rite from any Midé’ priests (Nos.
2 and 5), but from Ki'tshi Man'idd. Women are not mentioned in
any of the earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was
the dog given to Mi’nabd’zho, but Mi’nabd’zho gave it to the Ani’shin-
a'bég. F

The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to
others to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from

186 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

a chart in the possession of a stranger Midé’, and failed to learn its
true signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of sacred
objects and to gain additional respect from his confréres and ad-
mirers.

Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were
found in the possession of a Midé’ at Red Lake. The characters upon
these are almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other.
These are reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8. By some of the Midé’ Esh’gi-
bd’ga takes the place of Mi’nabd'zho as having originally received
the Midé’wiwin from Ki'tshi Man‘id6, but it is believed that the word
1S asynonym or a substitute based upon some reason to them inex-
plicable. These figures were obtained in 1887, and a brief explana-
tion of them given in the American Anthropologist.! At that time
I could obtain but little direct information from the owners of the
records, but it has since been ascertained that both are mnemonic
songs pertaining to Mi’nabo’zho, or rather Eshgibd’ga, and do not
form a part of the sacred records of the Midé’'wiwin, but simply
the pictographic representation of the possibilities and powers of the
alleged religion. The following explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is re-

on (AHN |ER

Sarg 10 11 R

Fic. 7.—Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.

#el(rmalga( h

2: b 0 122 18

Fic. 8.—Bireh-bark record, from Red Lake.

produced from the work just cited. A few annotations and correc-
tions are added. The numbers apply equally to both illustrations:
y equally

No. 1, represents Esh’gib0’ga, the great uncle of the Ani’shina’bég, and receiver
of the Midé wiwin.

No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh’gibd'ga.

No. 5, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is resumed.

No. 4, the pin-ji’-gu-san’ or sacred Midé’ sack. It consists of an otter skin, and
is the mi gis or sacred symbol of the Midé’ wigan.

No. 5, a Midé’ priest, the one who holds tho mi'gis while chanting the Midé’

song in the Midé'wigan. He is inspired, as indicated by the line ex-

tending from the heart to the mouth.

'Vol. 1, No, 3, 1888, p. 216, Figs. 2 and 3.

HOFFMAN. | THE MIDB/ WIGAN. 187

No. 6, denotes that No. 5 isa member of the Midé’ wiwin. Thischaracter, with the
slight addition of lines extending upward from the straight top line,
is usually employed by the more southern Ojibwa to denote the wig'i-
wam of a Jéss'akkid’, or jugglery.

No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the Midé -
wiwin.

No. 8, a pause or rest.

No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji’-gu-san’ possessing the power of giving life. This
power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head, and the back
of the skin.

No. 10, represents a woman.

No. 11, is another illustration of the mi‘gis. or otter.

No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line extending from
the heart to the mouth in Fig. 7, and simply showing the heart in
Fig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with magic
plants.

No. 15, in Fig. 7, although representing a Midé’ priest, no explanation was
given.

Fig. 9 is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1
of Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by
the use of magic plants would appear to indicate an older
and more appropriate form than the delineation of the +
bow and arrows, as well as being more in keeping with the
general rendering of the tradition. Eshgibs'ga.

MIDE WIGAN.

Initiation into the Midé’wiwin or Midé’ Society is, at this time,
performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are
performed in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is
often loosely constructed of poles with intertwined branches and
leaves, leaving the top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no
difficulty in observing what may transpire within. Furthermore.
the ritual is unintelligible to the uninitiated, and the important part
of the necessary information is given to the candidate in a precep-
tor’s wig’iwam.

To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initia-
tion as it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary
to first describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat
lodge with which the candidate has also to do.

The Midé’wigan, i. e., Midé’wig’iwam, or, as it is generally desig-
nated ‘“‘Grand Medicine Lodge,” is usually built in an open grove
or clearing ; it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by
20 in width, extending east and west with the main entrance toward
that point of the compass at which the sun rises. The walls con-
sist of poles and saplings from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in
the ground, wattled with short branches and twigs with leaves. In
the east and west walls are left open spaces, each about 4 feet wide,

188 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

used as entrances to the inclosure. From each side of the opening

; the wall-like structure extends at

sscsnstesitasrnend tase Tight angles to the end wall, ap-
: : pearing like a short hallway lead-
ss E ia] m a ing to the inclosure, and resembles
om, 3 5 1 4... double doors opened outward.
: : Fig. 10 represents a ground plan
Beet Cr cs ee of the Midé’wigan, ale Fig. u

Fic. 10.—Diagram of Mids’wigan of the first shows an interior view. Saplings
ORNS: thrown across the top of the

structure serve as rafters, upon which are laid branches with leaves,
and pieces of bark, to sufficiently shade the occupants from the rays
of the sun. Several saplings extend across the inclosure near the
top, while a few are attached to these so as to extend longitudinally,
from either side of which presents of blankets, etc.,-may be sus-
pended. About 10 feet from the main entrance a large flattened
stone, measuring more than a foot in diameter, is placed upon the
ground. This is used when subjecting to treatment a patient; and
at a corresponding distance from the western door is planted the
sacred Midé’ post of cedar, that for the first degree being about 7
feet in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is painted red, with
a band of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the post is fixed
the stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor midway

Fig. 11 —Interior of Midé’ wigan.

between the stone and the Midé’ post is spread a blanket, upon which
the gifts and presents to the society are afterward deposited. A
short distance from each of the outer angles of the structure are
planted cedar or pine trees, each about 10 feet in height.

HOFFMAN. ] PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION. 189

About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a
wig’iwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take
his vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor.

This wig’iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diame-
ter and 6 feet high inthe middle, with an opening at the top which
can be readily covered with a piece of bark. The framework of
the structure consists of saplings stuck into the ground, the tops be-
ing bent over to meet others from the opposite side. Other thin
saplings are then lashed horizontally to the upright ones so as to
appear like hoops, decreasing in size as the summit is reached. They
are secured by using strands of basswood bark. The whole is then
covered with pieces of birchbark—frequently the bark of the pine is
used—leaving a narrow opening on the side facing the Midé’wigan,
which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark or blankets.

The space,between the Midé’wigadn and the sweat lodge must be
kept clear of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there
by some of the numerous visitors attending the ceremonies.

FIRST DEGREE.
PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION.

When the candidate’s application for reception into the Midé’-
wiwin has been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls
upon the three assisting Mid@’, inviting them to visit him at his own
wig’iwam at a specified time. When the conference takes place, to-
bacco, which has been previously furnished by the candidate, is dis-
tributed and a smoke offering made to Ki'tshi Man’idé, to propitiate
his favor in the deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then
explains the object of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an
account of the candidate’s previous life ; he recounts the circumstances
of his fast and dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a
lately deceased son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the
fact is mentioned, as under such circumstances the forms would be
different from the ordinary method of reception into the society. The
subject of presents and gifts to the individual members of the society,
as well as those intended to be given asa fee to the officiating priests,
is also discussed ; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the appli-
cant, the selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person
being usually appointed from among these four priests.

When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced
to the applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each
of the four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would
be most acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig'iwam of the
person designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of
the Midé’ council.

The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain
days upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and ac-

190 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

quire information. The question of remuneration being settled, to-
bacco is furnished at each sitting, as the Midé’ never begins his lecture
until after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a
whiff and pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the
stem to the south ; another whiff, directing the stem to the west ; then
a whiff and asimilar gesture with the stem to the north ; another whiff
is taken slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem
is pointed forward and upward as an offering to Ki'tshi Man’id6; and
finally, after taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and
downward toward the earth as an offering to Nok6’mis, the grand-
mother of the universe, and to those who have passed before. After
these preliminaries, the candidate receives at each meeting only a
small amount of information, because the longer the instruction is
continued during the season before the meeting at which it is hoped
the candidate may be admitted the greater will be the fees; and
also, in order that the instruction may be looked upon with awe and
reverence, most of the information imparted is frequently a mere
repetition, the ideas being clothed in ambiguous phraseology. The
Midé’ drum (Fig. 12 a) differs from the drum commonly used in
dances (Fig. 12 6) in the fact that it is cylindrical, consisting of an
elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or perhaps a section of the hollow

Fig. 12.—Ojibwa drums,

trunk of a tree about 10 inches in diameter and from 18 to 20 inches
in length, over both ends of which rawhide is stretched while wet,
so that upon drying the membrane becomes hard and tense, produc-
ing, when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which may be heard at a
great distance.

Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum
and the drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which
appears to intensify the sound very considerably.

The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to
the applicant ; that it was at first the gift of Ki'tshi Man’id6, who
gave it through the intercession of Mi’nabd’zho; that it is used to in-
voke the presence of the Midé’ Man’idds, or sacred spirits, when seek-

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ RATTLES AND SONGS. 191

ing direction as to information desired, success, etc. ; that it is to be
employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or exorcism
of evil man'idds who may possess the body of the sufferer; and that
if is to be used in the Midé’wigan during the initiation of new mem-
bers or the advancement of a Midé’ from a degree to a higher one.

The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and
recounted, its origin is related, and its uses explained. It
is used at the side of a patient and has even more power in
the expulsion of evil demons than the drum. The rattle
is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an accom-
paniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There
are two forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box
filled with grains of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other
being a hollow gourd also filled with seed (Fig. 14). In
both of these the handle passes entirely through the rattle
case.

In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Minabd’zho
are instanced and their properties extolled.

The mi‘gis, a small white shell (Cyprzea moneta L.) is |
next extracted from the Midé’ sack, or pinji'gusan’. This _ re. 13.
is explained as being the sacred emblem of the Midé'wiwin, ™*° ™
the reason therefor being given in the account of the several tra-
ditions presented in connection with Pls. m1, tv, and vit. This
information is submitted in parts, so that the narrative of the
history connected with either of the records is extended
over a period of time to suit the preceptor’s plans and
purposes. The ceremony of shooting the mi'gis (see Fig.
15) is explained on page 192.

As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in
Midé’ songs, 1. e., he sings to him songs which form a part
of his stock in trade, and which are alleged to be of serv-
ice on special occasions, as when searching for medicinal
plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a compre-
hension of the method of preparing and reciting songs,
which information is by him subsequently put to practical
use inthe composition and preparation of his own songs,
the mnemonic characters employed being often rude
copies of those observed upon the charts of his preceptor,
but the arrangement thereof being original.
ee. It is for this reason that a Midé’ is selaom, if ever, able

to recite correctly any songs but his own, although he may
be fully aware of the character of the record and the particular class
of service in which it may be employed. In support of this assertion
several songs obtained at Red Lake and imperfectly explained by
** Little Frenchman” and ‘‘ Leading Feather,” are reproduced in PI.
xxi, A B, page 292.

192 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected
and presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the
ritual. The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short
phrases, and frequently but single words, to which are added mean-
ingless sounds or syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones,
and repeated ad libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspi-
ration in which the singer imagines himself to have attained.
These frequent outbursts of singing are not based upon connected
mnemonic songs preserved upon birch bark, but they consist of

Fie 15.—Shooting the mi’gis.

fragments or selections of songs which have been memorized, the
selections relating to the subject upon which the preceptor has been
discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic vocal
equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl. rx, A, B, C. The
initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of
the original text are repeated below in regular order with transla-
tions in English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of
the characters employed. The musical notation is not presented, as
the singing consists of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes
in a minor key ; furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may
be formed by comparing some of the Midé’ songs presented in con-
nection with the ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines.

The first of the songs given herewith (Pl. rx, A) pertains to a
request to Ki'tshi Man’ido that clear weather may be had for the

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

Rhbe ic xvente
FOE oD Be AR
Biel a a A ABR

MNEMONIC SONGS

HOFFMAN, } MIDE’ SONGS. 193

day of ceremonial, and also an affirmation to the candidate that the
singer’s words are a faithful rendering of his creed.

Kach of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as
often as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of rever-
ence and awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is
usually a brief interval between each of the phrases, and a longer
one at the appearance of a vertical line, denoting a rest or pause.
One song may occupy, therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an
hour.

Ki-ne -na-wi-‘in mani -i-do -ye-win.

ITrock you, you that are a spirit.

[A midé’s head, the lines denoting voice or speech—i.e., singing
of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line in-

dicate. ]
Ki-zhik-ki-win -da-miin’.
The sky I tell you.
[The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure

Wee something therefrom. |

O-we-nen’, hwin’.
Who is it, who?

[The mi'gis shell, the sacred emblem of the Midé’ wiwin.

Nu-wa" -ni-ma na nin-guis’ ?

Have I told the truth to my son?

[The bear going to the Midé’ wigan, and takes with him life to the
Ani'shina '‘bég. }

Wi-dzhi-i-nan’.
The man helping me.
[A man walking, the Mide’ Man‘ido or Sacred Spirit. ]

Rest.

Ni-nin-de’, é', 6’, ya’.
; a My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart).
[My heart; knows all Midé’ secrets, sensible one. |

194

;
“

THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

A’-ni-na'-nésh-mi -i-an ni’-na’-wi-t0'.
I follow with my arms.

{Arms extended to take up ‘‘ medicine” or Midé’ secrets. ]

Man -i-d6'-wi-an’ ni-me'-shine'-mi -an,.
Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of ‘‘ medicine’

in the earth.

[A Midé’ whose heart’s desires and knowledge extend to the se-

crets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth denote
direction. ]

We'-gi-kwo’ Ke-mi'-ni-nan’. ?
From whence comes the rain?

[The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather. ]

Mi-shok’ kwot', dzhe-man -i-d6'-yan.
The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit.

[Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man'ido handing it to the Mide’.

Wi -ka-ka-ntin -é-nan.
Very seldom I make this request of you.

[The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowl-

edge of secrets of the earth. |

In the following song (Pl. rx, B), the singer relates to the candi-
date the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from
the Good Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and
other sacred objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has
been derived by his having himself become a member of the Midé’-
wiwin, and hence urges upon the candidate the great need of his
also continuing in the course which he has thus far pursued.

¥
S

Na-witsh -tshi na-ktim’-i-en a-na’-pi-a®’ ?

When I am out of hearing, where am I?

[The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms
directed toward the right and left, being the gesture of nega-
tion, usually made by throwing the hands outward and away
from the front of the body. ]

We'-nen-ne’ en -da-yan.

In my house, I see.

[Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the
horns denote superiority of the singer. ]

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM.

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 195

° Mo-ki -yan-na -a-Witsh -i-gum -mi.

(e] When I rise it gives me life, and I take it.

° 5 . : 3

/ [The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are
y}

handed down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line
across the forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being

an abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the
same idea. }

Wen -dzhi-ba -pi-a"’.
The reason why I am happy.
[Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer’s
body is filled with the heart enlarged, i. e., fullness of heart,
the lines from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or

grateful utterances—singing. |
Rest.

Zha'-zha-bui -ki-bi-nan’ wig'-é-wam’.
The Spirit says there is plenty of ‘‘ medicine” in the Midé’ wig’/iwam.
[Two superior spirits, Ki'tshi Man'idd and Dzhe Man ‘ido,
i % whose bodies are surrounded by ‘‘ lines of sacredness,” tell the
Midé’ where the mysterious remedies are to be found. The
vertical waving lines are the lines indicating these communi-
cations; the horizontal line, at the bottom, is the earth’s sur-

face. |

Ya-ho -hon-ni -yo.

The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it.

[The arm of Kitshi Man'idd put into the ground sacred
/\ plants, etc., indicated by the spots at different horizons in the
sacra earth. The short vertical and waving lines denote sacredness

See of the objects. ]
J Ws
/ Ni-wo -we-ni -nan._ ki’-bi-do-na™’.

Tam holding this that I bring to you.

[The singer sits in the Midé' wiwin, and offers the privilege of
entrance, by initiation, to the hearer. ]

Midé’ ni-ka’-nak kish’-o-wé'-ni-mi-ko’.
T have found favor in the eyes of my mide’ friends.
[The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as

indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his
body, i. e., the heart, the seat of life. |

In the following song (Pl. 1x, C), the preceptor appears to feel
satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, and
therefore tells him that the Midé’ Man'id6 announces to him the
assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with prom-
ises of the fulfillment of his highest desires.

196 a THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Ba'-dzhi-ke’-o gi-mand ma-bis -in-da -a.

I hear the spirit speaking to us. :

{The Midé’ singer is of superior power, as designated by the
horns and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indi-
cate hearing. |

Kwa-yak -in di-sha in-da’-ya",

lam going into the medicine lodge.

[The Midé' wigan is shown with a line through it to signify
that he is going through it, as in the initiation. ]

Kwe -tshi-ko-wa -ya ti-na-man.

Iam taking (gathering) medicine to make me live.

[The dises indicate sacred objects within reach of the
speaker. |

O'-wi-yo-in en’-do-ma mak’-kwin-én -do-ma’.
I give you medicine, and a lodge, also.

{The Midé’, as the personator of Makwa’ Man‘ido, is empow-
{_# ered to offer this privilege to the candidate. |

O-wé'-nén bé-mi -sét.
Iam flying into my lodge.
A) [Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of
the sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines)
abode of spirits or Man‘idos. |
>
Na-ni-ne kwe-weé -an.
The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it.
[The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates
that the sacred objects occur in scattered places. !

Hé'-wog, @', é'.

I have the medicine in my heart.

[The singer’s body—i. e., heart—is filled with knowledge re-
lating to sacred medicines from the earth. ]

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ THERAPEUTICS. 197
MIDE’ THERAPEUTICS.

During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in
the foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Midé’
plants is a'so discussed. The information pertaining to the identi-
fication and preparation of the various vegetable substances is not im-
parted in regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two,
being enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the
candidate is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified
plant or tree may be found, when a smoke offering is made before
the object is pulled out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put
into the hole in the ground from which it was taken. This is an of-
fering to Noko’mis—the earth, the grandmother of mankind—for the
benefits which are derived from her body where they were placed
by Ki'tshi Man’‘ido.

In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the bo-
tanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in
which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that
portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few
of them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out
of season.

It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and
decoctions which are, froma medical and scientific standpoint, spe-
cific remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended.
It is probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa
and the Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the
ruder forms of medication, had much to do with improving an older
and purely aboriginal form of practicing medical magic. In some
of the remedies mentioned below there may appear to be philosophic
reasons for their administration, but upon closer investigation it has
been learned that the cure is not attributed to a regulation or resto-
ration of functional derangement, but to the removal or even expul-
sion of malevolent beings—commonly designated as bad Man‘idjs—
supposed to have taken possession of that part of the body in which
such derangement appears most conspicuous. Further reference to
the mythic properties of some of the plants employed will be made
at the proper time.

Although the word Mashki kiwa'bu"—medicine broth—signifies
liquid medical preparations, the term is usually employed in a gen-
eral sense to pertain to the entire materia medica; and in addition to
the alleged medscinal virtues extolled by the preceptors, certain parts
of the trees and plants enumerated are eaten on account of some
mythic reason, or employed in the construction or manufacture of
habitations, utensils, and weapons, because of some supposed super-
natural origin or property, an explanation of which they have for-
gotten.

198 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Pinus strobus, L. White Pine. Zhingwak’.

1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also boiled; after
which they are put into a small hole in the ground and hot stones placed
therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which is inhaled to cure backache.

The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are inhaled
to cure headache.

2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is obtained
by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon which it is then
scraped and boiled down to proper consistence. The boiling was formerly
done in clay vessels.

Pinus resinosa, Ait. Red Pine; usually, though erroneously, termed Norway Pine.
Pokgwe nage mok.
Used as the preceding.
Abies balsamea, Marshall. Balsam Fir. Ini‘nandok.

1, The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is used to induce
diaphoresis.

2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and also by
skimming it from the surface of the water in which the crushed bark is
boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken internally as a remedy for gonor-
rhoea and for soreness of the chest resulting from colds.

3. Applied externally to sores and cuts.

Abies alba, Michx. White Spruce. Sé'sségan’dok.

The split roots—wad6b'—are used for sewing; the wood for the inside timbers of
canoes.

Abies nigra, Poir. Black Spruce. A’mikwan'dok.

1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and sometimes
taken as a substitute in the absence of pines.

2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles.

Abies Canadensis, Michx. Hemlock. Saga’i*wu"sh—‘' Raven Tree.”

Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of diarrhea,
Usually mixed with other plants not named.

Larix Americana, Michx. Tamarack. Mosh’ kikiwa’‘dik.

1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus.

2. Gum used in mending boats.

3. Bark used for covering wig'iwams.

Cupressus thyoides, L. White Cedar. Gi'zhik—*‘ Day.”

1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus, The greater the variety of leaves
of coniferze the better. The spines of the leaves exert their prickly influence
through the vapor upon the demons possessing the patient’s body.

2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe and lodge
frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing habitations.

Juniperus Virginiana, L. Red Cedar. Muskwa'wa’ak,.
Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache.
Quercus alba, L. White Oak. Mitig’Omish’.

1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is boiled and
the decoction used internally for diarrhea.

2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults.

Quercus rubra, L, Red Oak. Wisug’emitig’omish' —‘‘ Bitter Acorn Tree.”

Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba.

Acer saccharinum, Wang. Sugar Maple. Innind tik.
1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea.
2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar.

3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts.

HOFFMAN. ] PLANTS USED IN MEDICINE. 199

Acer nigrum, Michx. Black Sugar Maple. Ishig’omeaush’—‘‘ Sap-flows-fast.”

Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer projicitur.

Sometimes used as the preceding.
Betula excelsa, Ait. Yellow Birch. Wi'umis'sik.

The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer saccharinum, and the
decoction taken as a diuretic.

Betula papyracea, Ait. White Birch. Migwas’.

Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes, syrup-pans, mokoks —
or sugar boxes—etc. The record of the Mide wiwin, given by Minabo’zho,
was drawn upon this kind of bark.

Populus monilifera, Ait. Cottonwood. Ma‘nasia'ti.
The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent.
Populus balsamifera, L. Balsam Poplar. Asa‘di.

1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and eaten.

2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and particularly for the
Midé wigan.

Juglans nigra, L. Black Walnut. Pagan6k—‘t Nut wood.”

Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is sometimes em-
ployed in staining or dyeing.

Smilacina racemosa, Desf. False Spikenard. Kiné@ wigwoshk—‘‘ Snake weed cr
Snake Vine.”

1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women.

2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a blanket thrown
over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve headache.

8. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding.

Helianthus occidentalis, Riddell. Sunflower. Piakite’ wikboku's’.

The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions.

Polygala senega, L. Seneca Snakeroot. Winis'siké"s’.

1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough.

2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to destroy water-bugs
that have been swallowed.

Rubus occidentalis, L. Black Raspberry. Makadé wiskwi mindk—‘ Black Blood
Berry.”
A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in the stomach.
Rubus strigosus, Michx. Wild Red Raspberry. Miskwi minok’—‘‘Blood Berry.”
The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding.
Gaylussacia resinosa, Torr. and Gr. Huckleberry. Mintn.

Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The berry occupies
a conspicuous place in the myth of the “Road of the Dead,” referred to in
connection with the ‘‘ Ghost Society.”

Prunus Virginiana, L. Choke Cherry. Sisa® wewinaka"sh’.

1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also during ges-
tation.

2. The fruit is eaten.

Prunus serotina, Ehrhart. Wild Black Cherry. Okwé’ wish—‘‘ Scabby Bark.”

1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first boiling, bruising, or
chewing it.

2, An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains and soreness
of the chest.

Prunus Pennsylvanica, L. Wild Red Cherry. Kusigwa’ kumi nok.

1, A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other stomach disorders,

2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized.

3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of Minnesota, is referred
to in the myths and ceremonies of the ‘* Ghost Society.”

200 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Prunus Americana, Marsh. Wild Plum. Boge'sanok.

The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and boiled together
with the roots of the following named plants, as a remedy for diarrhea. The
remaining plants were not in bloom at the time during which the investiga-
gations were made, and therefore were not identified by the preceptors, they
being enabled to furnish only the names and an imperfect description. They
are as follows, viz: Miné"'sok, two species, one with red berries, the other
with yellow ones; Wabo’samini’sok—‘‘Rabbit berries’; Shi gwanau isok,
having small red berries: and Cratzegus coccinea, L. Scarlet-fruited Thorn,
O'ginik.

Typha latifolia, L. Common Cat-tail. Napogtshk—‘ Flat grass.”

The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a poultice to sores,
Sporobolus heterolepis Gr. Napo'gishka"s'—*‘ Little Flat Grass.”

1. Used sometimas as a substitute for the preceding

2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, ** to remove bile.”
Fragaria vesca, L. Wild Strawberry, Ode imin'né—Heart Berry.

Referred to in the ceremony of the *‘ Ghost Society.”

The fruit is highly valued as a luxury.

Acer Pennsylvanicum, L. Striped Maple. Mo6"'zomish’—‘* Moose Wood.”

The inner bark scraped from four sticks or branches, each two feet long, is put
into a cloth and boiled, the liquid which can subsequently be pressed out of
the bag is swallowed, to act as an emetic.

Fravinus sambucifolia, Lam. Black or Water Ash. A’gimak’.
1. The inner bark issoaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to sore eyes.
2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes.”
Veronica Virginica, L. Culver’s Root. Wi'sdogedzhi wik—‘: Bitter Root.”
A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative.
Salix candida, Willd. Hoary Willow. Sisi'gewe'mish.

The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the decoction taken
for cough.

Symphoricarpus vulgaris, Michx. Indian Currant. Gus'sigwaka mish.

The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold, applied to sore
eyes.

Geum strictum, Ait. Aven. Ne’bone'ankwe’ak—* Hair on one side.”

The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for soreness in the
chest, and cough.

Rumex crispus, L. Curled Dock. O'zabetshi wik.

The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores, etc.

Amorpha canescens, Nutt. Lead Plant. Weabdnag’kak—‘‘ That which turns
white.”

A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach.

Rosa blanda, Ait. Early Wild Rose. O'ginik.

A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is applied to in-
flamed eyes.

Anemone (sp. 2?) Anemone. Wisdg'ibok’; also called Hartshorn plant by the mixed-
bloods of Minnesota. ;

The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of headache.

(Gen. et sp. 2) Termed Kine'bik wa"sh'ko"s and ‘* Snake weed.”

This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that identification was
impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it to give them endurance and
speed; the root is chewed when necessary to possess these qualities. The root
is likened to a snake, which is supposed to be swift in motion and possessed
of extraordinary muscular strength.

HOFFMAN. ] PLANTS USED IN MEDICINE. 201

Rhus (aromatica, Ait. ?) ‘‘ White Sumac.” Bokkwan‘ibok.

Roots are boiled, with thoseof the following named plant, and the decoction
taken to cure diarrhea. “

(Gen. et sp. ?) Kitshiod@iminibdk—* Big Heart Leaf.”

Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea.

Monarda fistulosa, L. Wild Bergamot. Moshkos'wa"owi"s' —** Little Elk’s Tail.”

The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several swallows, at inter-
vals, for pain in the stomach and intestines.

Hydrophyllum Virginieum, L. Waterleaf. Hutkite’wagits'.

The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest, back, etc.
Anemone Pennsylvanicum, L. Pennsylvania Anemone. Pesi’ kwadzhi bwiko kok.

A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region.

Viola (Canadensis, L. ?). Canada Violet. Maskwi widzhi wiko'kok.

The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of the bladder.
Phryma leptostachya, L. Lopseed. Waia’bishkéno'kok.

The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in the legs.
Viola pubescens, Ait. Downy Yellow Violet, Ogité’ wagu"s.

A decoction is made of the roots, of which smal! doses are taken at intervals for

sore throat.
Rosa (lucida, Ehrhart?). Dwarf Wild Rose. Ogini’minaga®’ mos.

The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid applied to sore
eyes.

(Gen. et sp. 2?) Mo'zana'tik.

This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at which investigations
were conducted. The root is boiled and the decoction taken as a diuretic for
difficult micturition.

Acteea rubra, Michx. Red Baneberry. Odzi’ biké"s'—‘‘ Little Root.”

A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for stomachic pains
caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used also in conjunction with
Ginseng.

This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male plant at
certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and boys,while the same
plant at other seasons, because of size, color of fruit, or something else, is
termed the female, and is prepared for women and girls in the following
manner, viz: The roots are rolled in basswood leaves and baked, when they
become black; an infusion is then prepared, and used in a similar manner as
above.

The latter is called Wash’ kubidzhi bikakok’.

Botrychium Virginicum, Swartz. Moonwort. Ozaga’tigiim.

The root is bruised and applied to cuts.

Aralia trifolia, Gr. Dwarf Ginseng. Neso’wakok—‘‘ Three Leafed.”

The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest hemorrhage.
Echinospermum lappula, Lehm. Stickweed. Ozaga'tigomeé"s—*‘ Burr Bush.”

The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to cause the fuines
to rise, when the patient puts down his face and has a cloth or blanket thrown
over his head. The fumes are inhaled for headache. The raw roots are also
sniffed at for the same purpose.

It is affirmed by various members of the Midé’ Society that in
former times much of the information relating to some of these
plants was not imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first
degree, but was reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Midé’
of the first degree to endeavor to attain higher distinction and fur-
ther advancement in the mysteries of the order. As much knowl-

202 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

edge is believed to have been lost through the reticence and obstinacy
of former chief priests, the so-called higher secrets are now imparted
at the first and second degree preparatory instructions. The third
and fourth degrees are very rarely conferred, chiefly because the
necessary presents and fees are beyond the reach of those who so
desire advancement, and partly also because the missionaries, and in
many instances the Indian agents, have done their utmost to sup-
press the ceremonies, because they were a direct opposition and hin-
drance to progress in Christianizing influences.

When the preparatory instruction has come to an end and the day
of the ceremony of initiation is at hand, the preceptor sings to his
pupil a song, expatiating upon his own efforts and the high virtue
of the knowledge imparted. The pipe is brought forward and an
offering of tobacco smoke made by both preceptor and pupil, after
which the former sings a song (Pl. x, A.), the time of its utterance
being tediously prolonged. The mnemonic characters were drawn
by Sikas'sigé, and are a copy of an old birch-bark scroll which has
for many years been in his possession, and which was made in imi-
tation of one in the possession of his father, Baié’dzik, one of the
leading Midé’ at Mille Lacs, Minnesota. 3

Wi -ka-no -shi-a"-o.
aN My arm is almost pulled out from digging medicine. It is full of medicine.
ye {The short sigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously
Sy designated ‘‘ medicine.”
We-wi-ka-ni-an.
Almost erying because the medicine is lost.

[The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping;
the circle beneath the figure is the place where the ‘‘ medicine”’ is

supposed to exist. The idea of ‘‘ lost” signifies that some informa-
tion has been forgotton through death of those who possessed it. |

4
Me-shi’-Ak-kink mi-sui’-a-kink.
10S Yes, I see there is plenty of it.
y [The Midé’ has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but
| Rest.

Yes, there is much medicine you may ery for.

[Refers to that which is yet to be learned of.]
Pe-i’-e-mi-ko-ya’-na-kink’.

reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight”
run to various medicines which he perceives or knows of. |

SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. X

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

a .. ‘te 1g (=
ran CASE ra a3

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 203

We -a-kwé -nink pe-i-e’-mi-wit'-o-wan’.

When I come out the sky becomes clear,

[When the otter-skin Midé’ sack is produced the sky becomes
clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed. |

We -kweé-nink’ ke-t6-nink’ e’-to-wa’.

The spirit has given me power to see.

[The Midé’ sits on a mountain the better to commune with the
Good Spirit. ]

Mi -sha-kwat -ni-yo’.

I brought the medicine to bring life.

[The Midé’ Man‘ido, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the

7 ‘\ plants—by causing the rains to fall—returns to the sky. The short
line represents part of the circular line usually employed to desig-
nate the imaginary vault of the sky. |

Me’-ka-yé'-nink te'-a-yé-am '-ban.
I, too, see how much there is.
AY ; [His power elevates the Midé’ to the rank of a man’id6, from
which point he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth. ]

In-de'-be-mi’-ko,

Iam going to the medicine lodge.

{The vertical left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the
Midé wigan. }

In-de'-bi-bi’-to".

I take life from the sky.

[The Midé’ is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from
Kitshi Man‘ido the means of prolonging life. The circle at the top
denotes the sacred mi'gis, or shell. ]

No-a'-wi -mi-k0’.

Let us talk to one another,

[The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midé’) and the
hearer (Ki'tshi Man‘ido), the short lines signifying magic influ-
ences, the Midé’ occupying the left hand and smaller seat. ]

Man’ -i-d6-ye-na '-ni ni-kan’,

The spirit is in my body, my friend.

[The mi'gis, given by Ki'tshi Man’‘id6, is in contact with the
Midé’s body, and he is possessed of life and power. |

ae es

From ten days to two weeks before the day of initiation, the chief
Midé’ priest sends out to all the members invitations, which consist
of sticks one-fourth of an inch thick and 6 or 7 inches long. The
courier is charged with giving to the person invited explicit infor-
mation as to the day of the ceremony and the locality where it is to

204 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA,

be held. Sometimesthese sticks have bands of color painted around
one end, usually green, sometimes red, though both colors may be
employed, the two ends being thus tinted. The person invited is
obliged to bring with him his invitation stick, and upon entering
the Midé’wigan he lays it upon the ground nearthe sacred stone, on
the side toward the degree post. In case a Midé’ is unable to attend
he sends his invitation with a statement of the reason of his ina-
bility to come. The number of sticks upon the floor are counted,
on the morning of the day of initiation, and the number of those
present to attend the ceremonies is known before the initiation be-
gins.

About five or six days preceding the day set for the ceremony of
initiation, the candidate removes to the neighborhood of the lo-
sality of the Midé’'wigan. Onthe evening of the fifth day he repairs
to the sudatory or sweat-lodge, which has, in the meantime, been
built east of the sacred inclosure, and when seated within he is sup-
plied with water which he keeps for making vapor by pouring it
upon heated stones introduced for the purpose by assistants upon the
outside. This act of purification is absolutely necessary and must
be performed once each day for four days, though the process may
be shortened by taking two vapor baths in one day, thus limiting
the process to two days. This, however, is permitted, or desired
only under extraordinary circumstances. During the process of
purgation, the candidates thoughts must dwell upon the serious-
ness of the course he is pursuing and the sacred character of the
new life he is about to assume.

When the fumigation has ceased he is visited by the preceptor
and the other officiating Midé’ priests, when the conversation is con-
fined chiefly to the candidate’s progress. He then gives to each of
them presents of tobacco, and after an offering to Ki'tshi Man‘ido,
with the pipe, they expose the articles contained in their Midé’ sacks
and explain and expatiate upon the merits and properties of each of
the magic objects. The candidate for the first time learns of the man-
ner of preparing effigies, etc., with which to present to the incredu-
lous ocular demonstration of the genuineness and divine origin of
the Midé'wiwin, or, as it is in this connection termed, religion.

Several methods are employed for the purpose, and the greater
the power of the Midé’ the greater will appear the mystery con-
nected with the exhibition. This may be performed whenever cir-
cumstances demand such proof, but the tests are made before the
candidate with a twofold purpose: first, to impress him with the
supernatural powers of the Midé’ themselves; and second, in an
oracular manner, to ascertain if Ki'tshi Ma’nido is pleased with the
contemplated ceremony and the initiation of the candidate,

HOFFMAN. | MIDE’ CEREMONIES. 205

The first test is made by laying upon the floor of the wigiwam a
string of four wooden beads each
measuring about 1 inch in diame-
ter. See Fig. 16. After the owner
of this object has chanted for a few
moments in an almost inaudible
manner the beads begin to roll
from side to side as if animated.
The string is then quickly re-
stored to its place in the Midé’
sack, Another Midé’ produces a
small wooden effigy of a man (Fig.
17), measuring about 5 inches in
height. The body has a small
orifice running through it from
between the shoulders to the but-
tocks, the head and neck forming
aseparate piece which may be at-
tached to the body like a glass
stopper to a bottle. Fic. 16.

A hole is made in the ground deep enough to reach to the hips of

Fic. 17. Fic. 18.

the effigy, when the latter is put into it and the loose earth loosely
restored so as to hold it in an upright position. Some magic powder
of herbs is sprinkled around the body, and into the vertical orifice in

206 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

it, when the heaa 1s put in place. A series of inarticulate utterances
are chanted, when, if everything be favorable, the figure will per-
ceptibly move up and down as if possessed of life. Fig. 18 repre-
sents another figure used in a similar manner. It consists of one
piece, however, and is decorated with narrow bands of dark blue
flannel about the ankles and knees, a patch of red cloth upon the
breast and bands about the wrists, each of the eyes being indicated
by three white porcelain beads.

One of the most astonishing tests, however, and one that can be
produced only by Mide’ of the highest power, consists in causing a
Midé' sack to move upon the ground as if it were alive. This, it is
confidently alleged, has been done repeatedly, though it is evident
that the deception is more easily produced than in the above-men-
tioned instances, as the temporary retention within a bag of a small
mammal could readily be made to account for the movements.

In most of these private exhibitions the light is so obscured as to
prevent the deception being observed and exposed ; and when pub-
lic demonstrations of skill are made the auditors invariably consist
of the most credulous of the uninitiated, or the confréres of the
performer, from whom no antagonism or doubt would be expected.

The preceptor then consults with the Midé’ priests respecting the
presents to be delivered by the candidate, and repeats the follow-
ing words, viz :

Mis-shai -€-gwa tshi-dé-bog-in-de-mung’. gi’-she-g6-dung’ ka-mi -ne-

Now is the time that we shall fix the price of everything pertaining to the sky, that has been

nongk gi -she-got-dtng’ di’-bi-ga-d6nk’ gai-yé’. A-pé'-gé-da’ wink

given to us from the day [and] the night also. When it shall come to pass
i-wa-pl ge-bin’-de-ga-yongk’, — a-au’-wa-mi-de’-wid.
and at the time that we shallenter, he who wishes to become a Midé’.

When the four vapor baths have been taken by the candidate, and
the eve of the ceremony has arrived, he remains in the sudatory
longer than usual so as not to come in contact with the large crowd
of visitors who have arrived upon the scene. The woods resound
with the noises incident to a large camp, while in various directions
may be heard the monotonous beating of the drum indicating the
presence of a number of dancers, or the hard, sharp taps of the midé’
drum, caused by a priest propitiating and invoking the presence and
favor of Ki'tshi Ma’nid6 in the service now so near at hand.

When the night is far advanced and all becomes hushed, the can-
didate, with only the preceptor accompanying, retires to his own
wig'iwam, while the assistant Midé’ priests and intimate friends or
members of his family collect the numerous presents and sus-
pend them from the transverse and longitudinal poles in the upper
part of the Midé’wigan. Watchers remain to see that nothing is
removed during the night.

At the approach of day, the candidate breakfasts and again re-
turns to the sweat-lodge to await the coming of his preceptor, and,
later, of the officiating priests. The candidate puts on his best cloth-

HOFFMAN. ] IMPLORATION FOR CLEAR WEATHER, 207

ing and such articles of beaded ornaments as he may possess. The
preceptor and Midé’ priests are also clad in their finest apparel, each
wearing one or two beaded dancing bags at his side, secured by
a band of beaded cloth crossing the opposite shoulder. The mem-
bers of the Midé’wiwin who are not directly concerned in the pre-
liminaries resort to the Midé’wigan and take seats around the inte-
rior, near the wall, where they may continue to smoke, or may
occasionally drum and sing. The drummer, with his assistants,
takes a place near upon the floor of the sacred inclosure to the left
of the eastern entrance, i. e., the southeast corner.

IMPLORATION FOR CLEAR WEATHER.

Should the day open up with a threatening sky, one of the Midé’
priests accompanying the candidate sings the following song (Pl. x
B) to dispel the clouds. Each of the lines is repeated an indefinite
number of times, and after being repeated once or twice is sung also
by the others as an accompaniment.

It will be observed that the words as spoken vary to some extent
when chanted or sung.

B Hi-na-né’, hé’, ki’-ne-na-wé’ man/-i-do.

I swing the spirit like a child.

[The Midé’ Spirit, showing magic lines radiating from his body.
The Midé’ claims to be able to receive special favor. ]

[Get ee SS pa aaa

o
Ki/nana/wein, Ki’nana/wein, Ki/nana/wein,Man/ido’weég; Ki’nana/wein,
D C. ad lib.

Pattee ves Seer: SE e he =e Bese @= Wess=e

Ee aa Ki/nana/wein, Man/ido/weég’ ; ee, wein, Man/’ido’weég.”

Gi-zhik'-é' ka-hweé’ da-mi’-né.
The sky is what I am telling you about.

[The sky and the earth united by a pathway of possible rain. ]

—_—_—_—_—__

gers See ereavet SM bend

Ki/zhiga/wida’ eee , Ki/zhiga/wida/ Tse ; Ki/zhiga/ widé’
D.C. ad lib.

eA eal

Reeth
Ki’zhi-ga/ wi-da’, Kiahigawidl wi-da mu/ned@’, Ki/zhiga’wid& mu/nedé’,

208 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

2 Wac-ne -o-ho ne -ge-shi -go-ni
4 Ko-sa'-we, he’, wa-ni-sha’-na’.
° © We have lost the sky [it becomes dark].
[Clouds obscure the sky, and the arm of the Mide’ is reaching up
into it for its favor of clear weather. ]
Saar ages
> oe ——— ae a
2: = s =o = = a= =a
Bese oc= aS Shi = SS = ‘4
= Co o_o ‘gee z= <2

3
Waneo-ho hé ne’-ge-shi-go-ni, Wane-o-ho-he ne’-ge-shi-go-ni,
D.C. ad lib.

f= —=——— —_—_——
Ko’sawe he hé wa/nishi-na-ha, waneo-ho - he ne/-ge-shi-go- ni.
Wi-tshi -hi-na’-ne-he, né’, ko’, ho.

ne’ -ni-wi-tshi-nan’. :
Iam helping you.
[The Otter-skin Midé’ sack is held up to influence the Otter Spirit

to aid them. }

SaaS

a oe rz ape us a2 acre at ——-=

ie ie fee et tt

a
Wi‘tshihinanehe ne’ ko ho’, ne/niwi/tshinan, wi’tshihinanehe

NINE D.C. al FINE.
Los oll as
is Bias ara (a cs ro
0./

e
ne’ ko’ ho

—
een a-ni-mawe wu-a-ni-ma we henigwish.
U-a'-ni-ma’, we’, he’-ni-gwish.

i = I have made an error [in sending].
/ [The Otter-skin Midé’ sack has failed to produce the desired effect. ]

Rest.

The Midé’ women who have gathered without the lodge now
begin to dance as the song is renewed.

¥, Na-nin-de’, hé’, he-yo-ya, ne’.
©; Jam using my heart.
: [Refers to sincerity of motives in practice of Midé’ ceremony. ]

‘ao

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 209

Yo'-na-hish -i-me’-a'-ne’, hé’.
ya-na-hish-a-me'-a-ne', hé‘,

What are you saying to me, and Iam “in my senses" ?

Man’-i-d6, hé’ né’, me-de-wé’, @.

The spirit wolf.

[One of the malevolent spirits who is opposed to having the cere-
mony is assisting the evil man‘id6s in causing the sky to be overcast. |

Wen’'-tshi-o-ne-se hé’, né’, wen’-tshi-o-ne-se hé’.

I do not know where I am going.

[The Midé’ is in doubt whether to proceed or not in the perform-
ance of initiation. |

IBIQAE

Mi-shok-kwo -ti-ne be-wa'-ne,
ni-bin’-zhi man’-i-d6 i-ya’-né.

J depend on the clear sky.
[To have the ceremony go on. Arm reaching toward the sky for
help. |

Ke-me'-ni-na-ne’ a-nd'-é

a’-sho-we’ me-n0'-de ki-man’-i-d6.

I give you the other village, spirit that you are.

[That rain should fall anywhere but upon the assemblage and
Midé'wigan. | ;

Tshing-gwé -o-dé i ge.
The thunder is heavy.
[The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain. ]

We-ka-ka-no’, ho’ shi-a-dé’.

We are talking to one another.

[The Midé’ communes with Ki'tshi Man'id6; he is shown near the
sky; his horns denoting superior wisdom and power, while the lines
from the mouth signify speech. |

Incase the appearance of the sky becomes sufficiently favorable the
initiation begins, but if it should continue to be more unfavorable or
to rain, then the song termed the ‘‘ Rain Song” is resorted to and
sung within the inclosure of the Midé’wigan, to which they all
march in solemn procession. Those Midé’ priests who have with
them their Midé’ drums use them as an accompaniment to the sing-
ing and to propitiate the good will of Ki’tshi Man'id6. Each line of
the entire song appears as an independent song, the intervals of rest
varying in time according to the feelings of the officiating priest.

The words of the song are known to most of the Midé’ priests ; but,
as there is no method of retaining a set form of musicial notation,
the result is entirely individual and may vary with each singer, if
sung independently and out of hearing of others; so that, under

7 ETH——14

210 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

ordinary circumstances, the priest who leads off sings through one
stanza of the song, after which the others will readily catch the notes
and accompany him. It will be observed, also, that the words as
spoken vary to some extent when chanted or sung.

If this song does not appear to bring about a favorable change
the priests return to their respective wig'iwams and the crowd of
visitors disperses to return upon the first clear day.

INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.

If, however, the day be clear and promising the candidate goes
early to the sweat-lodge, where he is joined by his preceptor, and
later by the officiating priest. After all preliminaries have been
arranged and the proper time for regular proceedings has arrived,
the preceptor sings the following song (Pl. x, C), the musical nota-
tion of which varies according to his feelings, clearly showing that
there is no recognized method of vocal delivery, as is the case with
the music of dancing songs:

Kan-do'-e-a-ne’,

to'-e-a-né’ kan-do'-e-a-né’,

in-nin’-ni man '-e-do'-e',

The spirit man is crying out.

[The head of the Midé’, a synonym of Ki'tshi Man'id6. The
voice lines show spots denoting intensity of accentuation, and that
Ki tshi Man ido is pleased to look with favor upon the proceedings. ]

Ya-ni-né’, na’, tshi-mo-té’, he’,
Talking around in various sections.
[The voice lines, as in the preceding figure, extending downward
from the mouth to either side, have spots upon them to indicate
4 ‘*talks” in various directions addressed to the Midé’.]

Man’-e-d6, we’, hé’, pe-me’-so-wa’.

The spirit is flying.
[The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain, is away at some re-
mote place. ]

VEN Mi-de'-we-té-we’ me'-wa-gwi -shak-wa’,
vI

mi-de'-we-ta’.

Y i
The day is clear; let us have the grand medicine.
[The Midé’’s hand reaches to the sky, and rain falls at places

other than upon the Midé' wigan, as shown by rain lines from the
end of the curved lines denoting the sky. ]

Us Me-shak’-kwot dung’-ke-he’
a ne-mé -gis-sim’.

y I am the sign that the day will be clear.
[The Midé’’s hand reaches to the sky, as indicated by the short
transverse line, and the sun’s rays diverge in all directions. |

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 211

Sun’-gis-ni de’-wit-ka-né’, he’,

wi-no'-wo-he'-she-wat’ man -i-d0-wi-tshik.

I am the strongest medicine, is what is said of me.

[The speaker compares himself to Makwa’ Man‘ido, the Bear
Spirit. ]

Hwo-ba-mi-de, hwo'-ba-mi-de, man-é-do

na -wa-gi -zhik.

The spirit in the middle of the sky sees me. R

[The upper spot denotes the abode of Ki'tshi Man‘ido, the ‘‘ line
of vision” extending to the speaker, shown at a corresponding
spot below. ]

Ni-wi-we -wai-a-de’ hi’-me nai-o-na’.
Itake my sack and touch him.
{The Midé’ will use his sacred Otter-skin sack to touch the can-
didate. |
®
®
(

Man -i-d6 wi-kan-é’, mi-de-yo.

My medicine is the sacred spirit.

[The Mide’ professes to have received the divine gift from Ki'tshi
Man ‘ido; the gifts are seen descending to the hand held up to re-
ceive them. ]

Ha-ni-ne’ ku-mé’ ni-kan-ne'?

How do you answer me, my Mide’ friends ?

[This is addressed to the Midé’ priests (Nika’ni) present. and isan
inquiry as to their willingness to proceed. The Midé wigan isshown,
the line running horizontally through it the path of the candidate
(or one who has gone through), the two spots within the place of
the sacred stone and the post, while the spot to the right of the
outside of the inclosure denotes the beginning, or the sweat-lodge,
symbolizing tue circle of the earth upon the Midé’ chart (Pl. m1),
those upon the left denoting the three possible degrees of advance-
ment in the future. |

Upon the conclusion of the song there is a brief interval, during
which all partake of a smoke in perfect silence, making the usual
offerings to the four points of the compass, to Ki'tshi Man‘id6’, and
toward the earth.

The preceptor then says:

Mis-sa'i -a-shi-gwa, mis-sa’-a-shi -gwa- non -do-nung; ka-kin-na
Now is the time, now is the time he hears us; all of us

ka-kin -né-gi-non -do-da’g-u-nan’ ga-o'-shi-dot mi-dé -wi -win.
he hears us all the one who made the midé’wiwin.

After this monologue he continues, and addresses to the candidate
the midé’ gagi’kwewin’, or Midé’ sermon, in the following language,
viz :

An-be’-bi-sin -di-wi-shin, wa -i-ni -nan; késh -pin-pe -sin-da -nin-win

now listen to me what I am about to say If you take heed of that
to you; which I say to you

212 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

da-ma’-dzhi shka’ ke -bi-ma’-di-si-win. U®",nun-gim, ke-za’-ki-gi-zi-to® mon
shall continue always your life: Now, to-day I make known to you
ki-tshi man’-i-d6 6'-dik-kid’-do-win’; 0-wi-désh kid'-di-nin’ ki-i’-kid-d6'ki'-tshi
the great spirit That which he says ; and now this I say to you. This is what says
man -i-d6 gi'-sa-gi-ig’. to-wa -bish-ga’ gi-shtig’-wa a-pi -we-
the great spirit that he loves you. It shall be white the sacred object at the time
sa'-gi-sit-to-wad 0-sa’-in-di-kid’-do-win é-kid-dodt ki-tshi man-i-dO 0-gi-
When they shall let and this is what I say That which he says the great now
it be known spirit this
din'-nin mis-sé’-wa ke'-a-ked'-de-w6 wa -ba-ma-tshin ni-budt
I impart even if they say That they saw him
to you dead
mi -a-ma’ tshi -6- nish-gad’, mi-a-ma a-pe-ni-nut’ nin-dé’ kid -do-win
in this he shall Raised again, in this place he puts his In my heart in this
be place. trust. “saying *
min-nik’ kid-da - ki-o-wink'’, Ka-wi -ka-da-an -na-we -was-si-nan,
the time of the duration Of the world. It shall never fail.
me-é -kid-dodt’' man -i-d6. Nin -ne-dzha -nis ke-un’-dzhi be-ma -dis si-an.
That is what he says, the spirit. My child, this shall give you life.

The Midé’ priests then leave the sweat-lodge and stand upon the
outside, while the candidate gathers up in his arms a number of
small presents, such as tobacco, handkerchiefs, etc., and goes out
of the wig’iwam to join the Midé’ priests. The order of marching
to the main entrance of the Midé’wigan is then taken up in the
following order: First the candidate, next the preceptor, who in
turn is followed by the officiating priests, and such others, and
members of his family and relatives as desire. At the door of the
Midé’wigan all but one of the priests continue forward and take their
stations within the inclosure, the preceptor remaining on one side
of the candidate, the Midé’ priest upon the other, then all march
four times around the outside of the inclosure, toward the left or
south, during which time drumming is continued within. Upon the
completion of the fourth circuit the candidate is placed so as to face
the main entrance of the Midé’wigan. When he is prompted to say:

*Man- un’-ga-bin'-di-gé o-bog -ga-di-nan , o-dai -ye-din’.”
Let me come in and theseI putdown my things | gifts].

The presents are then laid upon the ground. The preceptor goes
inside, taking with him the gifts deposited by the candidate, and
remains standing just within the door and faces the degree post
toward the west. Then the chief officiating priest, who has remained
at the side of the candidate, turns toward the latter and in a clear,
distinct, and exceedingly impressive manner sings the following
chant, addressed to Ki'tshi Man’id6 whose invisible form is supposed
to abide within the Midé’wigan during such ceremonies, stating that
the candidate is presented to receive life (the mi’gis) for which he is
suffering, and invoking the divine favor.

Hai ya ha man’-i-do, ho’, _ ti-bish'-ko-gish'-i-ging, hé’, we-za-ba-mid -mi
There is a spirit ho, just as the one above, he, now sits with me
ni"-dzha-nis, esh-i-gan’-do-we, hé’, hwé’, mé-a-tshi-bin’-de-gan -ni-nan, nos,

my child and now I proclaim, he, hwe, that I enter you here my father

HOFFMAN, | INITIATION SONGS. 213

dzhi-man’-i-d6, ho’, hw0’, sha-weé-ni-mi-shin’, hé’, hwé’, a-shig’-wa-bin'-de-gan-ndk

good spirit, ho, hwo, have pity on me, he, hwe now that I enter him here,
gé-gwa-da-gi-sid wi-Li-ma -di-sid, dé-bwe-dat-wi-shin dzhi-bi-ma -di-sid , nos,
he that is suffering for life, believe me that he shall live, my father.
we -o-sim -in-nan’, hé’, he’.
whose child I am, he, he.

The following is the musical notation:

Chant in recitative manner.
Va ————

~ => =
aera nia “mem pe RE gy
Spat 2S =3 See res a= Se
E Dye oe a + o—e—e—1— A ———— — c
: ee a SS
—_—,. ee
S——
eee ee ee
gg cere aw wer is en res Basie =
=
= ae = zo a a ee
= 7 wos
ee,
SSS ES, Se ee
a = SSeS al =i |]
iat Sept Se
‘seestss =: teer os
ce ——

he-he-he-he yo.

The candidate is then led within the inclosure when all the mem-
bers of the society arise while he is slowly led around toward the
southern side to the extreme end in the west, thence toward the
right and back along the western side to the point of beginning.
This is done four times. As he starts upon his march, the member
nearest the door falls in the line of procession, each member contin-
uing to drop in, at the rear, until the entire assembly is in motion.
During this movement there is a monotonous drumming upon the
Midé’ drums and the chief officiating priest sings :

Ni-sha-bon’-da shkan wig'-i-wam ke-non’-dég,

I go through {the} ‘house’ the long, i. e., through the Midé’wigan.
At the fourth circuit, members begin to stop at the places previously
occupied by them, the candidate going and remaining with his pre-
ceptor to a point just inside the eastern entrance, while the four offi-
ciating priests continue around toward the opposite end of the inclo-
sure and station themselves in a semicircle just beyond the degree
post, and facing the western door. Upon the ground before them
are spread blankets and similar goods, which have been removed
from the beams above, and upon which the candidate is to kneel.

He is then led to the western extremity of the inclosure where he

914 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

stands upon the blankets spread upon the ground and faces the four
Midé’ priests. The preceptor takes his position behind and a little
to one side of the candidate, another assistant being called upon by
the preceptor to occupy a corresponding position upon the other
side. During this procedure there is gentle drumming which ceases
after all have been properly stationed, when the preceptor steps to
a point to the side and front of the candidate and nearer the officiat-
ing priests, and says:

Mi-i -shi-gwa’ bo'-gi-ta-mo" -nan, mi’-na-nan'-ké-an-dzhi bi-ma -di-si -an.
The time has arrived that I yield itto you, [the midé’migis] that will give you life.

The preceptor then returns to his position back of and a little to
one side of the candidate, when the chief officiating priest sings the
following song, accompanying himself upon a small cylindrical
midé’ drum. The words are: Kit’-ta-no™’-do-wé man’-i-do’-wid—you
shall hear me, spirié that you are—, and the music is rendered as
follows:

Allegretto.
pp-— ——— = = =! — — — mail en =a
Ta sre ee inlr fi o-0--0—6 d oe Peete o—e-« ae
—————_ —_—_—=__-
(=== _———

Kit/ta-no’do-we man/i- d0’wid-ho

ir
‘ N
ee NIT Sol pe zr au ne fe a y wD Fad h pe oe =
a = = ——— SSS SS SSN
SY Se oS - 2
es

do, we, he, Kit/ta-no’do-we man/i-d0-wid-hd, he, hwé, hé

=== =, SS
FIPSSSSS SSOP SS SSSI IIS)
o—@ @ 0 @@ 6 @ @+@ @—@
(eee 6 ie 06 66

aya oe Sees — > SS SSeS
[ee eee eee goa
Kit’ - ta - no’-do-we man’- i - d0d/ - wid, kit/ta-no’do-wé, kit’ta-

re
XN XN XN N NA

NaN aN Dewi Koa s
i) Ae eee ced DIDS An
——

—=————
-no/do- wid, man‘’i- do’ - wid, man/i-do’wid-ho, we, hwé, he,

Poa
EESTI! Se IIII SUIT GaN
= :
(assess 5 Se

SE
Se ee
Kit/ta-no’dowé/ man/id0/ ae nate he, Kit/to-no’dowé he, hwé,he,

HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION SONGS. 215

After this song is ended the drum is handed to one of the mem-
bers sitting near by, when the fourth and last of the officiating
priests says to the candidate. who is now placed upon his knees:
Mis-sa’-a-shi’-gwa ki-bo’-gis-sé-na-min tshi'-ma-mad_ bi-mé/-di-si-win, mi-né@’-sid.

Now is the time that I hope of you that you shall take life the bead
[mi’gis shell.]

This priest then grasps his Midé’ sack as if holding a gun, and,
clutching it near the top with the left hand extended, while with the
right he clutches it below the middle or near the base, he aims it
toward the candidate’s left breast and makes a thrust forward to-
ward that target uttering the syllables “ ya, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’,
ho’,” rapidly, rising to a higher key. He recovers his first position
and repeats this movement three times, becoming more and more
animated, the last time making a vigorous gesture toward the kneel-
ing man’s breast as if shooting him. (See Fig. 15, page 192.) While
this is going on, the preceptor and his assistants place their hands
upon the candidate’s shoulders and cause his body to tremble.

Then the next Midé’, the third of the quartette, goes through a
similar series of forward movements and thrusts with his Midé’
sack, uttering similar sounds and shooting the sacred mi gis—life—
into the right breast of the candidate, who is agitated still more
strongly than before. When the third Midé’, the second in order of
precedence, goes through similar gestures and pretends to shoot the
mi'gis into the candidate’s heart, the preceptors assist him to be vio-
lently agitated. ;

The leading priest now places himself in a threatening attitude and
says to the Midé’; ‘ Mi’-dzhi-de’-a-mi-shik’”—‘‘ put your helping
heart with me”—, when he imitates his predecessors by saying,
“ya, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’,” at the fourth time aiming the Midé’
sack at the candidate’s head, and as the mi'gis is supposed to be shot
into it, he falls forward upon the ground, apparently lifeless.

Then the four Midé’ priests, the preceptor and the assistant, lay
their Midé’sacks upon his back and after a few moments a mi gis
shell drops from his mouth—where he had been instructed to retain
it. The chief Midé’ picks up the mi'gis and, holding it between the
thumb and index finger of the right hand, extending his arm toward
the candidate’s mouth says “ wa! wa! hé hé hé hé,” the last syllable
being uttered in a high key and rapidly dropped to a low note; then
the same words are uttered while the mi'gis is held toward the east,
and in regular succession to the south, to the west, to the north,
then toward the sky. During this time the candidate has begun to
partially revive and endeavor to get upon his knees, but when the
Midé’ finally places the mi’gis into his mouth again, he instantly
falls upon the ground, as before. The Midé’ then take up the
sacks, each grasping his own as before, and as they pass around the
inanimate body they touch it at various points, which causes the

216 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

”

candidate to ‘“‘return to life.” The chief priest then says to him,
‘“ O'mishga‘n”—‘‘ get up”—which he does; then indicating to the
holder of the Midé’ drum to bring that to him, he begins tapping
and presently sings the following song:

peace
———
Drum. PAA SASS DSRS DD YD gh Se
re _

Bis dee IE a

Mi’-si-ni-en’ - di-an Mi’si-ni-en’ - di-an

STN - =— SS
eee IR Nae tps Sis tp IN Sine eI ips sds
- 9-0-6 o o oo oe ee oe Le o—o—e
ee ——_ —_—_— ee
af _— = = AS ; = =o
Fe ee ee ae ee ee ae ee
=e a - = e
Mi’-si-ni-en’ - dian, Mi/’-si-ni-en’ - di-an,Mi’-si - ni-en’ - di-an
Te TRAE RENN Ge PTS ERNST Noten eS
— Ce a ee ee te peer ge Drs

D.C. ad lib, Sung last time. D.C. ad lib.

ar =
+ e+ -o- a
—_—— | >

Mi’-si-ni- en’ - di-an, Ni-kan. Hin, Hiu.

The words of the text signify, ‘“‘This is what I am, my fellow
Mid@’; I fear all my fellow Midé’.” The last syllables, hit’, are
meaningless.

At the conclusion of the song the preceptor prompts the candi-
date to ask the chief Midé’:

Nikan’ k‘ké'-nd'-mo', ma®-dzhi'-an na'-ka-m0’-in.

Colleague instruct me, give me a song.

In response to which the Midé’ teaches him the following, which
is uttered as a monotonous chant, viz:

We'-go-nén’ ge-gwed'-dzhi-me-an’, mi-dé-wi-win ke-kwed'-dzhi-me-an? Ki-ka-

What, are you asking, grand medicine are you asking’? I will
mi-nin en-da-wén’-da ma-wi-nén mi-dé’-wi-win tshi-da-si-né’-ga -na-win’-da-mon;
give you you want me to give you “orand medicine * always take care of;
ki-in -tshun-di -né-ma -so-win, tsho’-a-wa '-nin di-sé-wan.

you have received it yourself, never forget.

To this the candidate, who is now a member, replies, 6", yes, 1. e.,
assent, fully agreeing with the statement made by the Midé’, and
adds:

Mi-gwétsh’ a-shi-wa-ka-kish’-da-win be-ma’-di-si’-an.
Thanks for giving to me life.

Then the priests begin to look around in search of spaces in which

to seat themselves, saying :

HOFFMAN. | INITIATION SONGS. 217

Mi-a-shi-gwa ki’-tshi-an’-wa-bin-da-man_tshi-d'-we-na -bi-an .
Now is the time I look around where we shall be [sit]
and all go to such places as are made, or reserved, for them.

The new member then goes to the pile of blankets, robes, and
other gifts and divides them among the four officiating priests, re-
serving some of less value for the preceptor and his assistant;
whereas tobacco is carried around to each person present. All then
make an offering of smoke, to the east, south, west, north, toward
the center and top of the Midé’'wigén—where Ki'tshi Man‘ido pre-
sides—and to the earth. Then each person blows smoke upon his
or her Midé’ sack as an offering to the sacred mi'gis within.

The chief Midé’ advances to the new member and presents him
with a new Midé’ sack, made of an otter skin, or possibly of the skin
of the mink or weasel, after which he returns to his place. The new
member rises, approaches the chief Midé’, who inclines his head to
the front, and, while passing both flat hands down over either side,
says:

Mi-gwétsh’, ni-ka’-ni, ni-ka -ni, ni-ka’-ni, na-ka’.
Thanks, my colleagues, my colleagues, my colleagues.
Then, approaching the next in rank, he repeats the ceremony and
continues to do so until he has made the entire circuit of the Midé-
wigan.

At the conclusion of this ceremony of rendering thanks to the
members of the society for their presence, the newly elected Midé’
returns to his place and, after placing within his Midé’ sack his
mi gis, starts out anew to test his own powers. He approaches the
person seated nearest the eastern entrance, on the south side, and,
grasping his sack ina manner similar to that of the officiating priests,
makes threatening motions toward the Midé’ as if to shoot him,
saying, “‘ya, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’.” gradually raising his voice to a
higher key. At the fourth movement he makes a quick thrust
toward his victim, whereupon the latter falls forward upon the
ground. He then proceeds to the next, who is menaced in a similar
manner and who likewise becomes apparently unconscious from the
powerful effects of the mi'gis. This is continued until all persons
present have been subjected to the influence of the mi’gis in the
possession of the new member. At the third or fourth experiment
the first subject revives and sits up, the others recovering in regular
order a short time after having been ‘‘shot at,” as this procedure is
termed.

When all of the Midé’ have recovered a very curious ceremony
takes place. Each one places his mi’gis shell upon the right palm
and, grasping the Midé’ sack with the left hand, moves around the
inclosure and exhibits his mi'gis to everyone present, constantly
uttering the word ‘‘ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’,” in a quick, low tone. During
this period there is a mingling of all the persons present, each en-
deavoring to attract the attention of the others. Each Midé’ then

218 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

pretends to swallow his mi'gis, when suddenly there are sounds of
violent coughing, as if the actors were strangling, and soon thereafter
they gag and spit out upon the ground the mi'gis, upon which each
one falls apparently dead. Ina few moments, however, they recover,
take up the little shells again and pretend to swallow them. As the
Midé' return to their respective places the mi’gis is restored to its
receptacle in the Midé’ sack.

Food is then brought into the Midé’wigan and all partake of it at
the expense of the new member.

After the feast, the older Midé’ of high order, and possibly the
officiating priests, recount the tradition of the Ani’shina’bég and the
origin of the Midé/wiwin, together with speeches relating to the bene-
fits to be derived through a knowledge thereof, and sometimes, tales
of individual success and exploits. When the inspired ones have
given utterance to their thoughts and feelings, their memories and
their boastings, and the time of adjournment has almost arrived, the
new member gives an evidence of his skill as a singer and a Midé’.
Having acted upon the suggestion of his preceptor, he has prepared
some songs and learned them, and now for the first time the oppor-
tunity presents itself for him to gain admirers and influential friends,
a sufficient number of whom he will require to speak well of him,
and to counteract the evil which will be spoken of him by enemies—
for enemies are numerous and may be found chiefly among those
who are not fitted for the society of the Midé’, or who have failed
to attain the desired distinction.

The new member, in the absence of a Midé’ drum of his own, bor-
rows one from a fellow Midé’ and begins to beat it gently, increasing
the strokes in intensity as he feels more and more inspired, then
sings a song (Pl. x, D), of which the following are the words, each
line being repeated ad libitum, viz:

or We -nen-wi -wik ka'-ni-an.
The spirit has made sacred the place in which I live.
(The singer is shown partly within, and partly above his wig-
wam, the latter being represented by the lines upon either side,
and crossing his body. ]

En’-da-yan’ pi-ma’-ti-su’-i-tin en’-da-yan’.

The spirit gave the ‘‘ medicine * which we receive.

——~

\ [The upper inverted crescent is the arch of the sky, the magic
influence descending, like rain upon the earth, the latter being
\ _f shown by the horizontal line at the bottom. ]

Rest.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM.

bo
—_
ive)

HOFFMAN. | INITIATION SONGS.

Nin’-nik-ka'-ni man’-i-d6.

I too have taken the medicine he gave us.

[The speaker’s arm, covered with mi’gis, or magic influence,
reaches toward the sky to receive from Ki'tshi Man‘ido the divine
favor of a Midé’s power. }

Ke-kék’-0-i-yan’.
I brought life to the people.
f) [The Thunderer, the one who causes the rains, and conse-
quently life to vegetation, by which the Indian may sustain life. ]

Be-mo'-se ma-k6 -yan.

I have come to the medicine lodge also.

[The Bear Spirit, one of the guardians of the Midé wiwin, was
also present, and did not oppose the singer’s entrance. |

Ka’-ka-mi -ni-ni -ta.

We spirits are talking together.

[The singer compares himself and his colleagues to spirits, i. e.,
those possessing supernatural powers, and communes with them
as an equal. ]

O-ni’-ni-shink-ni’-yo.

The mi’gis is on my body.

[The magic power has been put into his body by the Midé
priests. }

Ni man’-i-d6 ni’-yan.

The spirit has put away all my sickness.

[He has received new life, and is, henceforth, free from the dis-
turbing influences of evil man idos. ]

As the sun approaches the western horizon, the Midé’ priests
emerge from the western door of the Midé’wigan and go to their
respective wig’iwams, where they partake of their regular evening
repast, after which the remainder of the evening is spent in paying
calls upon other members of the society, smoking, etc.

The preceptor and his assistant return to the Midé’wigan at night-
fall, remove the degree post and plant it at the head of the wig’iwam
—that part directly opposite the entrance—occupied by the new
member. Two stones are placed at the base of the post, to repre-
sent the two forefeet of the bear Man'id6 through whom life was
also given to the Ani'shina’bég.

If there should be more than one candidate to receive a degree
the entire number, if not too great, is taken into the Midé’ wigan for
initiation at the same time; and if one day suffices to transact the

220 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

business for which the meeting was called the Indians return to
their respective homes upon the following morning. If, however,
arrangements have been made to advance a member toa higher
degree, the necessary changes and appropriate arrangement of the
interior of the Midé@ wigan are begun immediately after the society
has adjourned. :

DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.

The mi gis referred to in this description of the initiation con-
sists of a small white shell, of almost any species, but the one be-
lieved to resemble the form of
tne mythical mi'gis is similar
tothe cowrie, Cyprzea moneta,
L., and is figured at No. 1 on
Pl. x1. Nearly all of the shells
employed for this purpose are
foreign species, and have no
doubt been obtained from the
traders. Theshells found in
the country of the Ojibwa are
of rather delicate structure,
and it is probable that the salt
water shells are employed asa
substitute chiefly because of
their less frangible character.
The mi gis of the other degrees
are presented on the same
plate, but special reference to
them will be made. No. 2
represents the mi’gis in the
possession of the chief Midé’
priest of the society at Leech
Lake, Minnesota, and consists
of a pearl-white Helix (sp?).

The Midé’ sack represented
in No. 7 (Pl. xt.) is made of
the skin of a mink—Putorius
vison, Gapp. White, downy
3 feathers are secured to the

Fig. 19—Hawk-leg fetish. nose, as an additional orna-
ment. In this sack are carried the sacred objects belonging to its
owner, such as colors for facial ornamentation, and the magic red
powder employed in the preparation of hunters’ songs; effigies and
other contrivances to prove to the incredulous the genuineness of
the Midé’ pretensions, sacred songs, amulets, and other small
man‘idos—abnormal productions to which they attach supernatural
properties—invitation sticks, ete.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XI
ian —=—= 7 7

SACRED OBJECTS.

HOFFMAN. | NOTES ON INITIATION CEREMONY. 221

In Fig. 19 is reproduced a curious abnormal growth which was in
the possession of a Midé’ near Red Lake, Minnesota. It consists of
the leg of a Goshawk—Astur atricapillus, Wilson—from the outer
inferior condyle of the right tibia of which had projected a super-
numerary leg that terminated in two toes, the whole abnormality
being about one-half the size and length of the natural leg and toes.

This fetish was highly prized by its former owner, and was be-
lieved to be a medium whereby the favor of the Great Thunderer,
or Thunder God, might be invoked and his anger appeased. This
deity is represented in pictography by the eagle, or frequently by
one of the Falconide; hence it is but natural that the superstitious
should look with awe and reverence upon such an abnormality on
one of the terrestrial representatives of this deity.

A Midé’ of the first degree, who may not be enabled to advance
further in the mysteries of the Midé’wiwin, owing to his inability to
procure the necessary quantity of presents and gifts which he is re-
quired to pay to new preceptors and to the officiating priests—the
latter demanding goods of double the value of those given as an
entrance to the first degree—may, however, accomplish the acqui-
sition of additional knowledge by purchasing it from individual
Midé’. It is customary with Midé’ priests to exact payment for
every individual remedy-or secret that may be imparted to another
who may desire such information. This practice is not entirely
based upon mercenary motives, but it is firmly believed that when a
secret or remedy has been paid for it can not be imparted for nothing,
as then its virtue would be impaired, if not entirely destroyed, by
the man‘id6 or guardian spirit under whose special protection it
may be supposed to be held or controlled.

Under such circumstances certain first degree Midé’ may become
possessed of alleged magic powers which are in reality part of the
accomplishments of the Midé’ of the higher degrees; but, for the
mutual protection of the members of the society, they generally
hesitate to impart anything that may be considered of bigh value.
The usual kind of knowledge sought consists of the magic properties
and use of plants, to the chief varieties of which reference will be
made in connection with the next degree.

There is one subject, however, which first-degree Midé’ seek en-
lightment upon, and that is the preparation of the ‘* hunter’s medi-
cine” and the pictographic drawings employed in connection there-
with. The compound is made of several plants, the leaves and roots
of which are ground into powder. A little of this is put into the
gun barrel, with the bullet, and sometimes a small pinch is dropped
upon the track of the animal to compel it to halt at whatever place
it may be when the powder is so sprinkled upon the ground.

The method generally employed to give to the hunter success is
as follows: When anyone contemplates making a hunting trip, he
first visits the Midé’, giving him a present of tobacco before announc-

222 THE MIDE WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA,

ing the object of his visit and afterwards promising to give him
such and such portions of the animal which he may procure. The
Midé’, if satisfied with the gift, produces his pipe and after making
an offering to Ki'tshi Man‘id6 for aid in the preparation of his
““medicine,” and to appease the anger of the man‘id6 who controls
the class of animals desired, sings a song, one of his own composi-
tion, after which he will draw with a sharp-pointed bone or nail,
upon a small piece of birch bark, the outline of the animal desired
by the applicant. The place of the heart of the animal is indicated
by a puncture upon which a small quantity of vermilion is carefully
rubbed, this color being very efficacious toward effecting the cap-
ture of the animal and the punctured heart insuring its death.
Frequently the heart is indicated by a round or triangular figure,
from which a line extends toward the mouth, generally designated
the life line, i. e., that magic power may reach its heart and influ-
ence the life of the subject designated.
Fig. 20 is a reproduction of the character
drawn upon a small oval piece of birch
bark, which had been made by a Midé’ to
LBEEhs PBA PIS are ftorn. insure the death of two bears. Another
example is presented in Fig. 21, a variety of animals being figured
and a small quantity of vermilion being rubbed upon the heart of
each. In some instances the representation of animal formsis drawn

see ee (cy

Fig. 21—Hunter’s medicine.

by the Midé’ not upon birch bark, but directly upon sandy earth or
a bed of ashes, either of which affords a smooth surface. For this
purpose he uses a sharply pointed piece of wood, thrusts it into the
region of the heart, and afterwards sprinkles upon this a small quan-
tity of powder consisting of magic plants and vermilion. These per-
formances are not conducted in public, but after the regular mystic
ceremony has been conducted by the Midé’ the information is deliv-
ered with certain injunctions as to the course of procedure, direction,

HOFFMAN.] NOTES ON INITIATION CEREMONIES. 223

etc. In the latter method of drawing the outline upon the sand or
upon ashes, the result is made known with such directions as may be
deemed necessary to insure success.

For the purpose of gaining instruction and success in the disposi-
tion of his alleged medicines, the Midé’ familiarizes himself with the
topography and characteristics of the country extending over a wide
area, to ascertain the best feeding grounds of the various animals and
their haunts at various seasons. He keeps himself informed by also
skillfully conducting inquiries of returning hunters, and thus be-
comes possessed of a large amount of valuable information respect-
ing the natural history of the surrounding country, by which means
he can, with a tolerable amount of certainty, direct a hunter to the
best localities for such varieties of game as may be particularly de-
sired by him.

In his incantations a Wabénd’ uses a drum resembling a tambour-
ine. A hoop made of ash wood is covered with a piece of rawhide,
tightly stretched while wet. Upon the upper surface is painted a
mythic figure, usually that of his tutelaly daimon. An example
of this kind is from Red Lake, Minnesota, presented in Fig. 22. The
human figure is painted red, while the outline of the head is black,
as are also the waving lines extending
from the head. These lines denote
superior power. When drumming
upon this figure, the Wabéno’ chants
and is thus more easily enabled to in-
voke the assistance of his man‘ido.

Women, as before remarked, may
take the degrees of the Midé’wiwin,
but, so far as could be ascertained,
their professions pertain chiefly to
the treatment of women and children
and to tattooing for the cure of head-
ache and chronic neuralgia.

Tattooing is accomplished by the
use of finely powdered charcoal, soot or gunpowder, the pricking
instrument being made by tying together a small number of needles;
though formerly, it is said, fish spines or sharp splinters of bone were
used for the purpose. The marks consist of round spots of one-half
to three-fourths of an inch in diameter immediately over the afflicted
part, the intention being to drive out the demon. Such spots are
usually found upon the temples, though an occasional one may be
found on the forehead or over the nasal eminence.

When the pain extends over considerable space the tattoo marks
are smaller, and are arranged in rows or continuous lines. Such
marks may be found upon some individuals to run outward over
either or both cheeks from the alee of the nose to a point near the

Fic, 22, Wabénod’ drum.

224 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

lobe of the ear, clearly indicating that the tattooing was done for
toothache or neuralgia.

The female Midé' is usually present at the initiation of new mem-
bers, but her duties are mainly to assist in the singing and to make
herself generally useful in connection with the preparation of the
medicine feast.

SECOND DEGREE.

The inclosure within which the second degree of the Midé’wiwin
is conferred, resembles in almost every respect that of the first, the
only important difference being that there are two degree posts instead
of one. <A diagram is presented in Fig. 23. The first post is planted

a short distance beyond the mid-

eseesersvessseapreiornesrsusensesenenacceeg® le Of the floor—toward the west-

: : ern door—and is similar to the
a 2 2 may a = post of the first degree, i. e., red,
ren 4 3 = tse with a band of green around the
: = top, upon which is perched the
pi aa ame er eT stuffed body of an owl, the k6-ko'-

Fic. 23.—Diagram of Midé’wigan of the second ko-6'. The second post, of similar

ee size, is painted red, and over the
entire surface of it are spots of white made by applying clay with
the finger tips. (Pl. xv, No, 2.) These spots are symbolical of the
sacred mi'gis, the great number of them denoting increased power of
the magic influence which fills the Midé’wigan. A small cedar tree
is also planted at each of the outer angles of the inclosure.

The sweat-lodge, as before, is erected at some distance east of the
main entrance of the Midé’wigan, but a larger structure is arranged
upon a similar plan ; more ample accommodations must be provided
to permit a larger gathering of Midé’ priests during the period of
preparation and instruction of the candidate.

PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.

A Midé’ of the first degree is aware of the course to be pursued
by him when he contemplates advancement into the next higher
grade. Before making known to the other members his determina-
tion, he is compelled to procure, either by purchase or otherwise,
such a quantity of blankets, robes, peltries, and other articles of
apparel or ornament as will amount in value to twice the sum at
which were estimated the gifts presented at his first initiation, <A
year or more usually elapses before this can be accomplished, as but
one hunting season intervenes before the next annual meeting of the
society, when furs are in their prime; and fruits and maple sugar
can be gathered but once during the season, and these may be con-
verted into money with which to purchase presents not always found

HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION CEREMONIES. PAD)

at the Indian traders’ stores. Friends may be called upon to ad-
vance goods to effect the accomplishment of his desire, but such
loans must be returned in kind later on, unless otherwise agreed.
When a candidate feels convinced that he has gathered sufficient
material to pay for his advancement, he announces to those members
of the society who are of a higher grade than the first degree that he
wishes to present himself at the proper time for initiation. Thiscom-
munication is made to eight of the highest or officiating priests, in his
own wig’iwam, to which they have been specially invited. A feast
is prepared and partaken of, after which he presents to each some
tobacco, and smoking is indulged in for the purpose of making
proper offerings, as already described. The candidate then informs
his auditors of his desire and enumerates the various goods and pres-
ents which he has procured to offer at the proper time. The Midé’
priests sit in silence and meditate; but as they have already been
informally aware of the applicant’s wish, they are prepared as to the
answer they will give, and are governed according to the estimated
value of the gifts. Should the decision of the Midé’ priests be favor-
able, the candidate procures the services of one of those present to as-
sume the office of instructor or preceptor, to whom, as well as to the
officiating priests, he displays his ability in his adopted specialties in
medical magic, etc. Heseeks, furthermore, to acquire additional in-
formation upon the preparation of certain secret remedies, and to this
end he selects a preceptor who has the reputation ‘of possessing it.
For acting in the capacity of instructor, a Midé’ priest receives
blankets, horses, and whatever may be mutually agreed upon be-
tween himself and his pupil. The meetings take place at the in-
structor’s wig'iwam at intervals of a week or two; and sometimes
during the autumn months, preceding the summer in which the ini-
tiation is to be conferred, the candidate is compelled to resort to a
sudatory and take a vapor bath, as a means of purgation preparatory
to his serious consideration of the sacred rites and teachings with
which his mind ‘‘and heart” must henceforth be occupied, to the
exclusion of everything that might tend to divert his thoughts.
What the special peculiarities and ceremonials of initiation into
the second degree may have been in former times, it is impossible to
ascertain at this late day. The only special claims for benefits to be
derived through this advancement, as well as into the third and
fourth degrees, are, that a Midé’ upon his admission into a new de-
gree receives the protection of that Man‘id6 alleged and believed to
be the special guardian of such degree, and that the repetition of
initiation adds to the magic powers previously received by the ini-
tiate. In the first degree the sacred migis was ‘‘shot ” into the two
sides, the heart, and head of the candidate, whereas in the second
degree this sacred, or magic, influence, is directed by the priests
7 ETH——15

226 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

toward the candidate’s joints, in accordance with a belief entertained
by some priests and referred to in connection with the Red Lake
chart presented on Pl. 1m. The second, third, and fourth degrees are
practically mere repetitions of the first, and the slight differences
between them are noted under their respective captions.

In addition to a recapitulation of the secrets pertaining to the
therapeutics of the Midé’, a few additional magic remedies are taught
the candidate in his preparatory instruction. The chief of these are
described below.

Ma-kwa’ wi-i-sop, ‘‘ Bear’s Gall,” and Pi-zhi-ki wi-i-sop, ‘‘Ox Gall,” are both
taken from the freshly killed animal and hung up to dry. It is powdered
as required, and a small pinch of it is dissolved in water, a few drops of
which are dropped into the ear of a patient suffering from earache.

Go'-gi-mish (gen. et sp. ?).—A plant, described by the preceptor as being about 2
feet in height, having black bark and clusters of small red flowers.

1. The bark is scraped from the stalk, crushed and dried. When it is to be used
the powder is put into a small bag of cloth and soaked in hot water to ex-
tract the virtue. It is used to expel evil man'idds which cause obstinate
coughs, and is also administered to consumptives. The quantity of bark
derived from eight stems, each 10 inches long, makes a large dose. When
a Midé’ gives this medicine to a patient, he fills his pipe and smokes, and
before the tobacco is all consumed the patient vomits.

2. The root of this plant mixed with the following is used to produce paralysis of
the mouth. In consequence of the power it possesses it is believed to be under
the special protection of the Midé’ Man ‘ido, i. e., Ki'tshi Man‘ido.

The compound is employed also to counteract the evil intentions, conjura-
tions, or other charms of so-called bad Midé’, Wabéno’, and Jés'sakkid’.

Tzhi-bé -gop—‘‘ Ghost Leaf.”

After the cuticle is removed from the roots the thick under-bark is crushed into
a powder. It is mixed with GO'gimish.

Dzhi-bai’-é-m6k -ke-zin’'—‘‘ Ghost Moccasin;”’ ‘f Puff-ball.”

The spore-dust of the ball is carefully reserved to add to the above mixture.

O-kwé'-mish—‘“ Bitter Black Cherry.”

The inner bark of branches dried and crushed is also added.

Né-wé—“‘‘ Rattlesnake” (Crotalus durissus, L.).

The reptile is crushed and the blood collected, dried,and used in a pulverulent
form. After partially crushing the body it is hung up and the drippings col-
lected and dried. Other snakes may be employed as a substitute.

It is impossible to state the nature of the plants mentioned in
the above compound, as they are not indigenous to the vicinity of
White Earth, Minnesota, but are procured from Indians living in
the eastern extremity of the State and in Wisconsin. Poisonous
plants are of rare occurrence in this latitude, and if any actual
poisonous properties exist in the mixture they may be introduced
by the Indian himself, as strychnia is frequently to be purchased
at almost any of the stores, to be used in the extermination of
noxious animals. Admitting that crotalus venom may be present,
the introduction into the human circulation of this substance would
without doubt produce death and not paralysis of the facial muscles,
and if taken into the stomach it quickly undergoes chemical change
when brought in contact with the gastric juice, as is well known

PL. Xl

SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

INVITATION STICKS.

=~ a
a i
i
} a 4 7 t
: > A ; 7 - -
- > i j ¥
. 7
: - Pe! 7 ui _ 7
‘
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: 7
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+ ~
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HOFFMAN. | INITIATION CEREMONIES. 227

from experiments made by several well known physiologists, and
particularly by Dr. Coxe (Dispensatory, 1839), who employed the
contents of the venom sack, mixed with bread, for the cure of rheu-
matism.

I mention this because of my personal knowledge of six cases at
White Earth, in which paralysis of one side of the face occurred
soon after the Midé’ administered this compound. In nearly all of
them the distortion disappeared after a lapse of from six weeks to
three months, though one is known to have continued for several
years with no signs of recovery. The Catholic missionary at White
Earth, with whom conversation was held upon this subject, feels
impressed that some of the so-called ‘‘ bad Midé’” have a knowledge
of some substance, possibly procured from the whites, which they
attempt to employ in the destruction of enemies, rivals, or others.
It may be possible that the instances above referred to were cases in
which the dose was not sufficient to kill the victim, but was enough
to disable him temporarily. Strychnia is the only substance attain-
able by them that could produce such symptoms, and then only when
given in an exceedingly small dose. It is also alleged by almost
every one acquainted with the Ojibwa that they do possess poisons,
and that they employ them when occasion demands in the removal of
personal enemies or the enemies of those who amply reward the
Midé’ for such service.

When the time of ceremony of initiation approaches, the chief
Midé’ priest sends out a courier to deliver to each member an invita-
tion to attend (Pl. x11), while the candidate removes his wig'iwam
to the vicinity of the place where the Midé’wigan has been erected.
On the fifth day before the celebration he visits the sweat-lodge,
where he takes his first vapor bath, followed on the next by another;
on the following day he takes the third bath, after which his pre-
ceptor visits him. After making an offering to Ki'tshi Man ido the
priest sings & song, of which the characters are reproduced in PI.
xu, A. The Ojibwa words employed in singing are given in the
first lines, and are said to be the ancient phraseology as taught for
many generations. They are archaic, to a great extent, and have
additional meaningless syllables inserted, and used as suffixes which
are intoned to prolong notes. The second line of the Ojibwa text
consists of the words as they are spoken at the present time, to each
of which is added the interpretation. The radical similarity between
the two is readily perceived.

Hi -na-wi’-a-ni-ka®. (As sung.)

We-me-a’ ni-kan mi-sha man’-i-d6
° Iam crying my colleague great spirit.

ni-wa -ma-bi-go’ ma’'-wi-yan’.

He sees me erying.

[The singer is represented as in close relationship or communion
with Ki'tshi Man‘ido, the circle denoting union; the short zigzag
lines within which, in this instance, represent the tears, i. e.,
“eye rain,” directed toward the sky. |

228

THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Ki-ntn -no, hé’, ki-mun’-i-d6'-we, hé’.
esh’-i-ha'-ni. (As sung.)

Gi-ntin-d6n ni-kan’ é-zhi-an.

I hear you, colleague, what you say to me.

[The singer addresses the Otter Spirit, whose figure is emerging
from the Midé wigan of which he is the chief guardian. ]

Té -ti-wa -tshi-wi-m0' a-ni’-me-ga-si. (As sung.)

Té -ti-wa -tsh6-tag’ ni-mi -gi-sim.

He will tell you fof] my migis

( — inform you).
té -ti-wa'-tshi-mo-ta’ ag.

He it is who will tell you.

[The reference is Soasuperior spirit as indicated by the presence
of horns, and the zigzag line upon the breast. The wordssignify
that Ki'tshi Man'ido will make known to the candidate the pres-
ence within his body of the mi’gis, when the proper time arrives. ]

Rest, or pause, in the song.

During this interval another smoke offering is made, in which the
Midé’ priest is joined by the candidate.

eee

Hiu -a-me'-da-ma’ ki’-a-wén’'-da-mag

man -i-d6-wit hiu'-a-wen’-da-mag. (As sung.)

Ki-win -da-mag’-0-nan man -i-d6’-wid.

He tells us he is [one] of the man/idés.

[This ma nido is the same as that referred to in the above-named
phrase. This form is different, the four spots denoting the four
sacred mi gis points upon his body, the short radiating lines re-
ferring to the abundance of magic powers with which it is filled. ]

Wa'-sa-wa'-di, hé’, wen’-da-na-ma’,
mi-té-wi®. (As sung.)

Wa-sa-wa -diin -da-na-ma’

I get it from afar
mi-dé -wi-win .

The ‘grand medicine.’**

[The character represents aleg, with a magic line drawn across
the middle, to signify that the distance is accomplished only
through the medium of supernatural powers. The place ‘* from
afar” refers to the abode of Ki'tshi Man‘ido. |

Ki-go -na-bi-hi" @'-ni-na mi-te’. (As sung.)

Ki®-do'-na-bi-in’ mi-dé’-wi-win-ni-ni’

I place you there ‘‘in the grand medicine’ (among the ‘‘ Midé’ people’’)
a-bit’-da-win’.

Half way (in the Midé’wigan).

(The Midé’ priest informs the candidate that the second initia-
tion will advance the candidate half way into the secrets of the
Midé wigan. The candidate is then placed so that his body will
have more magic influence and power as indicated by the zigzag
lines radiating from it toward the sky. ]

ORE TA OOS eg ee ee UN CTR NNO ATE REEOR Tae EMT

MNEMONIC SONGS

HOFFMAN. J INITIATION SONGS. 229

Hi -sha-we-ne -me-go’, hé’, né’.
SS) S Ni-go’-tshi-mi, hé’. (As sung.)
Ni-sha-we'-ni-mi-go’ é’-ne-ma -bi-dzhik.
They have pity on me those who are sitting here.
[This request is made to the invisible man idds who congregate
in the Midé' wigan during the ceremonies, and the statement im-
plies that they approve of the candidate’s advancement. ]

Another smoke offering is made upon the completion of this song,
after which both individuals retire to their respective habitations.
Upon the following day, that being the one immediately preceding
the day of ceremony, the candidate again repairs to the sudatory to
take a last vapor bath, after the completion of which he awaits the
coming of his preceptor for final conversation and communion with
man’idds respecting the step he is prepared to take upon the morrow.

The preceptor’s visit is merely for the purpose of singing to the
candidate, and impressing him with the importance of the rites of
the Midé’wigan. After making the usual offering of tobacco smoke
the preceptor becomes inspired and sings a song, the following being
a reproduction of the one employed by him at this stage of the pre-
paratory instruction. (See Pl. xu B.)

Man '-i-do’, hé’, né, man’-i-d6', hé’, né’.

Spirit, Spirit,

Ni-man-i-d6’ win’-da-bi-an’.

Tam a spirit (is) the reason why I am here.

[The zigzag lines extending downward and outward from the mouth
indicate singing. He has reached the power of a man‘id6, and is there-
fore empowered to sit within the sacred inclosure of the Midé’wigan,
to which he alludes. |

Da'-bi-wa-ni’, ha’, hé’,
A*-nin, e-k6’-wé-an'.
Drifting snow, why do I sing. :
[The first line is sung, but no interpretation of the words could be
obtained, and it was alleged that the second line contained the idea to
Gu be expressed. The horizontal curve denotes the sky, the vertical zig-
§ zag lines indicating falling snow—though being exactly like the lines
employed to denote rain. The drifting snow is likened to a shower of
delicate mi gis shells or spots, and inquiry is made of it to account for
the feeling of inspiration experienced by the singer, as this shower of
mi gis descends from the abode of Ki'tshi Man‘ido and is therefore, in
this instance, looked upon as sacred. }

Rest, or pause.

230

THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Gi-man -i-d6-wé, ni-me-ne'-ki-nan’

wan-da.

Gi-a-wingk, gi-man’-i-d6'-a-ni-min’,

Your body, I believe it is a spirit.

Gi-a-wingk.

your body.

{The first line is sung, but the last word could not be satisfactorily
explained. The first word, as now pronounced, is Ki'tshi Man‘id6, and
the song is addressed to him. The curved line, from which the arm
protudes, is the Midé' wigan and the arm itself is that of the speaker in
the attitude of adoration: reaching upward in worship and supplica-
tion. ] :

Pi-né’-si ne’-pi-mi-a ni®'-ge-gé'-kwe-a®

The bird as I promise the falcon

mi-we -tshi-man -i-do'-wid.

the reason he is a spirit.

[The second word is of archaic form and no agreement concerning
its correct signification could be reached hy the Midé’. The meaning
of the phrase appears to be that Ki'tshi Man'id6 promised to create the
Thunder-bird, one of the man'idés. The falcon is here taken as a rep-
resentative of that deity, the entire group of Thunderers being termed
a-ni -mi-ki’.]

Zhin'-gwe mi-shi-ma-kwa’

Makes a great noise the bear.

we" -dzhi-wa-ba-mok-kwed’ kin-nét’.

the reason I am of flame.

[The character of the bear represents the great bear spirit of the
malevolent type, a band about his body indicating his spirit form. By
means of his power and influence the singer has become endowed with
the ability of changing his form into that of the bear, and in this guise
accomplishing good or evil. The reference to flame (fire) denotes the
class of conjurers or Shamans to which this power is granted, i.e., the
Wabénd’, and in the second degree this power is reached as will be re-
ferred to further on. ]

Ni’-a-wen -din-da-sa’, ha’, sa’, man’-i-d6’-wid.

Gi'-a-wingk in-do-sa man-i-d6'-wid.

In your body I put it the spirit.

[The first line is sung, and is not of the modern style of spoken lan-
guage. The second line signifies that the arm of Ki’tshi Man‘ido,
through the intermediary of the Midé’ priest, will put the spirit, i. e.,
the mi’gis, into the body of the candidate. ]

The singer accompanies his song either by using a short baton of
wood, termed ‘‘ singing stick” or the Midé’ drum. After the song
is completed another present of tobacco is given to the preceptor, and
after making an offering of smoke both persons return to their re-
spective wig’iwams. Later in the evening the preceptor calls upon
the candidate, when both, with the assistance of friends, carry the
presents to the Midé’wigan, where they are suspended from the raft-

HOFEMAN,] INITIATION CEREMONIES. 231

ers, to be ready for distribution after the initiation on the following
day. Several friends of the candidate, who are Midé’, are stationed
at the doors of the Midé'wigan to guard against the intrusion of the
uninitiated, or the possible abstraction of the gifts by strangers.

INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.

The candidate proceeds early on the morning of the day of initia-
tion to take possession of the sweat-lodge, where he awaits the com.
ing of his preceptor and the eight officiating priests. He has an
abundance of tobacco with which to supply all the active partici-
pants, so that they may appease any feeling of opposition of the
man idds toward the admission of a new candidate, and to make
offerings of tobacco to the guardian spirit of the second degree of
the Midé’wiwin. After the usual ceremony of smoking individual
songs are indulged in by the Midé’ priests until such time as they
may deem it necessary to proceed to the Midé’wigan, where the mem.
bers of the society have long since gathered and around which is
scattered the usual crowd of spectators. The candidate leads the
procession from the sweat-lodge to the eastern entrance of the Midé’-
wigan, carrying anample supply of tobacco and followed by the priests
who chant. When the head of the procession arrives at the door
of the sacred inclosure a halt is made, the priests going forward and
entering. The drummer, stationed within, begins to drum and sing,
while the preceptor and chief officiating priest continue their line of
march around the inclosure, going by way of the south or left hand.
Hight circuits are made, the last terminating at the main or eastern
entrance. The drumming then ceases and the candidate is taken to
the inner side of the door, when all the members rise and stand in
their places. The officiating priests approach and stand near the
middle of the inclosure, facing the candidate, when one of them
says to the Midé’ priest beside the latter: O-da'-pin a-sé/-ma—
** Take it, the tobacco,” whereupon the Midé’ spoken to relieves the
candidate of the tobacco and carries it to the middle of the inclosure,
where it is laid upon a blanket spread upon the ground. The pre-
ceptor then takes from the cross-poles some of the blankets or robes
and gives them to the candidate to hold. One of the malevolent
spirits which oppose the entrance of a stranger is still supposed to
remain with the Midé’wigan, its body being that of a serpent, like
flames of fire, reaching from the earth to the sky. He is called
I’-shi-ga-né’-bi-g6g—‘‘ Big-Snake.” To appease his anger the candi-
date must make a present; so the preceptor says for the candidate:

Ka-wi"-ni-na-ga’ wa’-ba-ma -si-ba’-shi-gi -ne-gét’ ?
Do you not see how he carries the goods ?

This being assented to by the Midé’ priests the preceptor takes the
blankets and deposits them near the tobacco upon the ground.
Slight taps upon the Midé’ drum are heard and the candidate is led

~
S

932 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

toward the left on his march round the interior of the Midé'wigan,
the officiating priests following and being followed in succession by
ail others present. The march continues until the eighth passage
round, when the members begin to step back into their respective
places, while the officiating Midé’ finally station themselves with
their backs toward the westernmost degree post, and face the door
at the end of the structure. The candidate continues round to the
western end, faces the Midé’ priests, and all sit down. The following
song is then sung, which may be the individual production of the can-
didate (Pl. xin, C). A song is part of the ritual, though it is not
necessary that the candidate should sing it, as the preceptor may do
so for him. In the instance under my observation the song was an
old one (which had been taught the candidate), as the archaic form
of pronunciation indicates, Each of the lines is repeated as often as
the singer may desire, the prolongation of the song being governed
by his inspired condition. The same peculiarity governs the inser-
tion, between words and at the end of lines, of apparently meaning-.
less vowel sounds, to reproduce and prolong the last notes sounded.
This may be done ad libitum, rythmical aecentuation being main-
tained by gently tapping upon the Midé’ drum.

Hia’-ni-de hén'-da man’-i-d6, hd’,
ni -sha-bon’-de man -i-d6 -en-dat.
Where is the spirit lodge? I go through it.

WS [The oblong structure represents the Midé wigan, the arm upon
the left indicating the course of the path leading through it, the
latter being shown by a zigzag line. ]

Nin-g6'-sa mi-dé’-kwe ni-ka’ na’-ska-wa’.

J am afraid of the ‘‘ grand medicine * woman; I go to her.

[A leg is shown to signify locomotion. The singer fears the op-
position of a Midé’ priestess and will conciliate her. }

Ka-ni-sa’ hi-a-tshi’-min-dé’ man -ski-ki’, dé’, hé’, hé’.

Kinsmen who speak of me, they see the striped sky.

[A person of superior power, as designated by the horns at-
tached to the head. The lines from the mouth signify voice or
speech, while the horizontal lines denote the stratus clouds, the

Sere”

height above the earth of which illustrates the direction of the
abode of the spirit whose conversation, referring to the singer, is
observed Grossing them as short vertical zigzag lines; i. e., voice
lines. ]

Ke -na-nan’-do-mé ko-no'-ne-nak

ka-ne-hé’ nin-ko’-tshi nan’-no-me’.

The cloud looks to me for medicine.

[The speaker has become so endowed with the power of magic
influence that he has preference with the superior Manidds. The
magic influence is shown descending to the hand which reaches
beyond the cloud indicated by the oblong square upon the fore-
arm. | ;

=< gene

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS 233

Rest, after which dancing begins,

Wa-tshu -a-né ke’-ba-bing -e-on’, wa-dzhu .

Going into the mountains.

[The singer's thoughts go to the summit to commune with
Kitshi Mando. He is shown upon the summit. }

Hi -mé-de-wa hen -dé-a he -na.

\ The grand medicine affects me.
{In his condition he appeals to Kitshi Man‘ido for aid. The

arms represent the act of supplication. |

Hai’-an-go ho’-ya o'-gé-ma, ha’.

The chief goes out.

[The arms grasp a bear—the Bear Man'idd—and the singer in-
Cm timates that he desires the aid of that powerful spirit, who is one
XK of the guardians of the Midé wigan. |

Nish’-o-wé’ ni-mé'-hi-g6', hé’, ni-g6'-tshi-mi-go-we, he’.
Have pity on me wherever I have medicine.
AY [The speaker is filled with magic influence, upon the strength
of which he asks the Bear to pity and to aid him. ]

Hén -ta-no-wik'-ko-we’ de-wén -da én-da-a'-dan.

I wish to know what is the matter with me.

[The singer feels peculiarly impressed by his surroundings in
the Midé wigan, because the sacred man idds have filled his body
with magic powers. These are shown by the zigzag or waving
lines descending to the earth. ]

Wi-so-mi-ko-wé hé-a-za-we -ne-ne-go’, ho’.

I am the beaver; have pity on me.

[Thisis said to indicate that the original maker of the mnemonic
song was of the Beaver totem or gens. |

As each of the preceding lines or verses is sung in such a pro-
tracted manner as to appear like a distinct song, the dancers, during
the intervals of rest, always retire to their places and sit down.

234 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

The dancing is not so energetic as many of those commonly indulged
in for amusement only. The steps consist of two treading move-
ments made by each foot in succession. Keeping time with the
drum-beats, at the same time there is a shuffling movement made
by the dancer forward, around and among his companions. but get-
ting back toward his place before the verse is ended, The attitude
during these movements consists in bending the body forward, while
the knees are bent, giving one the appearance of searching for a lost
object. Those who do not sing give utterance to short, deep grunts,
in accordance with the alternate heavier strokes upon the drum.

As the dancing ceases, and all are in their proper seats, the pre-
ceptor, acting for the candidate, approaches the pile of tobacco and
distributes a small quantity to each one present, when smoking is
indulged in, preceded by the usual offering to the east, the south,
the west, the north, the sky and the earth.

After the completion of this ceremonial an attendant carries the
Midé’ drum to the southeast angle of the inclosure, where it is de-
livered to the drummer; then the officiating priests rise and approach
within two or three paces of the candidate as he gets upon his knees.
The preceptor and the assistant who is called upon by him take their
places immediately behind and to either side of the candidate, and
the Midé’ priest lowest in order of precedence begins to utter quick,
deep tones, resembling the sound ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, at the same
time grasping his midé’ sack with both hands, as if it were a gun,
and moying it in a serpentine and interrupted manner toward one
of the large joints of the candidate’s arms or legs. At the last utter-
ance of this sound he produces a quick puff with the breath and
thrusts the bag forward as if shooting, which he pretends to do, the
missile being supposed to be the invisible sacred mi'gis. The other
priests follow in order from the lowest to the highest, each selecting
a different joint, during which ordeal the candidate trembles more
and more violently until at last he is overcome with the magic influ-
ence and falls forward upon the ground unconscious. The Midé’
priests then lay their sacks upon his back, when the candidate begins
to recover and spit out the migis shell which he had previously
hidden within his mouth. Then the chief Midé’ takes it up between
the tips of the forefinger and thumb and goes through the ceremony
described in connection with the initiation into the first degree, of
holding it toward the east, south, west, north, and the sky, and finally
to the mouth of the candidate, when the latter, who has partly re-
covered from his apparently insensible condition, again relapses into
that state. The eight priests then place their sacks to the respective
joints at which they previously directed them, which fully infuses
the body with the magic influence as desired. Upon this the candi-
date recovers, takes up the mi‘gis shell and, placing it upon his left
palm, holds it forward and swings it from side to side, saying he!

HOFFMAN.] INITIATION CEREMONIES. 235

he! he! he! he! and pretends to swallow it, this time only reeling
from its effects. He is now restored to a new life for the second
time; and as the priests go to seek seats he is left on the southern
side and seats himself. After all those who have been oceupied with
the initiation have hung up their midé’ sacks on available projections
against the wall or branches, the new member goes forward to the
pile of tobacco, blankets, and other gifts and divides them among
those present, giving the larger portions to the officiating priests.
He then passes around once More, stopping before each one to pass
his hands over the sides of the priests’ heads, and says:
Mi-gwétsh’ ga-shi-to’-win bi-ma -di-si-win,’
Thanks for giving to me life,
after which he retreats a step, and clasping his hands and bowing
toward the priest, says:
Ni-ka-ni ni-ka‘ni ni-ka’-ni ka-nia’,
fellow midé’ fellow mide’ fellow midé’,
to which each responds hau’, 6". The word haw’ is a term of appro-
bation, 6" signifying yes, or affirmation, the two thus used together
serving to intensify the expression. Those of the Midé’ present who
are of the second, or even some higher degree, then indulge in the
ceremony of passing around to the eastern part of the inclosure,
where they feign coughing and gagging, so as to produce from the
mouth the mi‘gis shell, as already narrated in connection with the
first degree, p. 192.

This manner of thanking the officiating Midé’ for their services in
initiating the candidate into a higher degree is extended also to those
members of the Midé’wiwin who are of the first degree only, in
acknowledgment of the favor of their presence at the ceremony,
they being eligible to attend ceremonial rites of any degree higher
than the class to which they belong, because such men are neither
benefited nor influenced in any way by merely witnessing such ini-
tiation, but they must themselves take the principal part in it to
receive the favor of a renewed life and to become possessed of higher
power and increased magic influence.

Various members of the society indulge in short harangues, re-
counting personal exploits in the performance of magic and exor-
cism, to which the auditors respond in terms of gratification and
exclamations of approval. During these recitals the ushers, ap-
pointed for the purpose, leave the inclosure by the western door to
return in a short time with kettles of food prepared-for the midé’
feast. The ushers make four circuits of the interior, giving to each
person present a quantity of the contents of the several vessels, so
that all receive sufficient to gratify their desires. When the last of
the food has been consumed, or removed, the midé’ drum is heard,
and soon a song is started, in which all who desire join. After the
first two or three verses of the song are recited, a short interval of

236 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

rest is taken, but when it is resumed dancing begins and is contin-
ued to the end. In this manner they indulge in singing and dane-
ing, interspersed with short speeches, until the approach of sunset,
when the members retire to their own wig'iwams, leaving the Midé’-
wigan by the western egress.

The ushers, assisted by the chief Midé’, then remove the sacred
post from the inclosure and arrange the interior for new initiations,
either of a lower or higher class, if candidates have prepared and
presented themselves. In case there is no further need of meeting
again at once, the members of the society and visitors return upon
the following day to their respective homes.

DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.

The mi‘gis shell employed in the second degree initiation is of the
same species as those before mentioned. At White Karth, however,
some of the priests claim an additional shell as characteristic of this
advanced degree, and insist that this should be as nearly round as
possible, having a perforation through it by which it may be secured
with a strand or sinew. In the absence of a rounded white shell a —
bead may be used asa substitute. On Pl. x1, No. 4,is presented an
illustration of the bead (the second-degree mi’gis) presented to me on
the occasion of my initiation.

With reference to the style of facial decoration resorted to in this
degree nearly all of the members now paint the face according to
their own individual tastes, though a few old men still adhere to the
traditional method previously described (pp. 180, 181). The candidate
usually adopts the style practiced by his preceptor, to which he
is officially entitled; but if the preceptor employed in the prepara-
tory instruction for the second degree be not the same individual
whose services were retained for the first time, then the candidate
has the privilege of painting his face according to the style of the
preceding degree. If he follow his last preceptor it is regarded as
an exceptional token of respect, and the student is not expected to
follow the method in his further advancement.

A Midé’ of the second degree is also governed by his tutelary dai-
mon; e. g., if during the first fast and vision he saw a bear, he now
prepares a necklace of bear-claws, which is worn about the neck and
crosses the middle of the breast. He now has the power of changing
his form into that of a bear; and during that term of his disguise he
wreaks vengeance upon his detractors and upon victims for whose
destruction he has been liberally rewarded. Immediately upon the
accomplishment of such an act he resumes his human form and
thus escapes identification and detection. Such persons are termed
by many ‘‘ bad medicine men,” and the practice of thus debasing the
sacred teachings of the Midé@’wiwin is discountenanced by members
of the society generally. Such pretensions are firmly believed in

HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION CEREMONIES. 237

and acknowledged by the credulous and are practiced by that class
of Shamans here designated as the Wabénd’.

In his history ' Rev. Mr. Jones says:

As the powwows always unite witchcraft with the application of their medicines
T shall here give a short account of this curious art. ;

Witches and wizards are persons supposed to possess the agency of familiar spir-
its from whom they receive power to inflict diseases on their enemies, prevent good
luck of the hunter and the success of the warrior. They are believed to fly invisibly
at pleasure from place to place; to turn themselves into bears, wolves, foxes, owls,
bats, and snakes. Such metamorph )ses they pretend to accomplish by putting on
theskins of these animals, at the same time crying and howling in imitation of the
creature they wish to represent. Several of our people have informed me that they
have seen and heard witches in the shape of these animals, especially the bear and
the fox. They say that when a witch in the shape of a bear is being chased all at
once she will run round a tree or a hill, so as to be lost sight of for a time by her
pursuers, and then, instead of seeing a bear they behold an old woman walking
quietly along or digging up roots, and looking as innocent as a lamb. The fox
witches are known by the flame of fire which proceeds out of their mouths every
time they bark.

Many receive the name of witches without making any pretensions to the art,
merely because they are deformed or ill-looking. Persons esteemed witches or wiz-
ardsare generally eccentric characters, remarkably wicked, of aragged appearance
and forbidding countenance. The way in which they are made is either by direct
communication with the familiar spirit during the days of their fasting, or by being
instructed by those skilled in the art.

A Midé’ of the second degree has the reputation of superior pow-
ers on account of having had the mi’gis placed upon all of his joints,
and especially because his heart is filled with magic power, as is
shown in Pl. m1, No. 48. In this drawing the disk upon the breast
denotes where the mi’gis has been ‘‘shot” into the figure, the en-
larged size of the circle signifying ‘‘ greater abundance,” in contra-
distinction to the common designation of a mi’gis shown only by a
simple spot or small point. One of this class is enabled to hear and
see what is transpiring at a remote distance, the lines from the hands
indicating that he is enabled to grasp objects which are beyond the
reach of a common person, and the lines extending from the feet
signifying that he can traverse space and transport himself to the
most distant points. Therefore he is sought after by hunters for aid
in the discovery and capture of game. for success in war, and for the
destruction of enemies, however remote may be their residence.

When an enemy or a rival is to be dealt with a course is pursued
similar to that followed when preparing hunting charts, though
more powerful magic medicines are used. In the following descrip-
tion of a pictograph recording such an occurrence the Midé’, or
rather the Wabéno’, was of the fourth degree of the Midé'wiwin.
The indication of the grade of the operator is not a necessary part
of the record, but in this instance appears to have been prompted

'! History of the Ojebway Indians, etc., London (1848?), pp. 145, 146.

238 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

from motives of vanity. The original sketch, of which Fig. 24 is a
reproduction, was drawn upon birch-bark by a Midé’, in 1884, and
the ceremony detailed actually occurred at White Earth, Minnesota.
By a strange coincidence the person against whom vengeance was
aimed died of pneumonia the following spring, the disease having
resulted from cold contracted during the preceding winter. The
victim resided at a camp more than a hundred miles east of the
locality above named, and his death was attributed to the Midé’’s
power, a reputation naturally procuring for him many new adher-
ents and disciples. The following is the explanatiom as furnished
by a Midé’ familiar with the circumstances:

we a Vee
Abe We <<)!

a8 9
Fic. 24—Midé’ destroying an enemy.

No. 1 is the author of the chart, a Midé who was called upon to take the life of a
man living at a distant camp. The line extending from the midé’ to the
figure at No. 9, signifies that his influence will reach to that distance.

No. 2, the applicant for assistance.

Nos. 3, 4, 5. and 6, represent the four degrees of the Mid@ wiwin (of which the
operator, in this instance, was a member). The degrees are furthermore
specifically designated by short vertical strokes.

No. 7 is the midé’ drum used during the ceremony of preparing the charm.

No. 8 represents the body of the intended victim. The heart is indicated, and
upon this spot was rubbed a small quantity of vermilion.

No. 9 is the outline of a lake, where the subject operated upon resided.

War parties are not formed at this time, but mnemonic charts of
songs used by priests to encourage war parties, are still extant, and
a reproduction of one is given on Pl. xm, D. This song was used
by the Midé’ priest to insure success to the parties. The members
who intended participating in the exhibition would meet on the
evening preceding their departure, and while listening to the words,
some would join in the singing while others would dance. The lines
may be repeated ad libitum so as to lengthen the entire series of
phrases according to the prevalent enthusiasm and the time at the
disposal of the performers. The war drum was used, and there
were always five or six drummers so as to produce sufficient noise to
accord with the loud and animated singing of a large body of ex-
cited men. This drum is, in size, like that employed for dancing.
It is made by covering with rawhide an old kettle, or wooden ves-
sel, from 2 to 3 feet in diameter. The drum is then attached to
four sticks, or short posts, so as to prevent its touching the ground,
thus affording every advantage for producing full and resonant
sounds, when struck. The drumsticks are strong withes, at the end
of each of which is fastened a ball of buckskin thongs. The follow-
ing lines are repeated ad libitum:

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIV

yh oF
+a HOA CF UT RAG

Ce ea

“SHA Ge Ley

MNEMONIC SONGS.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM.

HOFFMAN. | MIDE’ SONGS. 239

Hu’-na-wa'-na ha’-wa,
¢ > un-do'-dzhe-na’ ha-we'-né.
I am looking [feeling] for my paint.

y [The Midé’s hands are at his medicine sack searching for his war
paint. }

Hia’-dzhi-min-de’ non’-da-k6', ho’,

They hear me speak of legs.

[Refers to speed in the expedition. To the left of the leg is the arm
of a spirit, which is supposed to infuse magic influence so as to give
speed and strength. |

Hu’-wa-ke’, na’. ha’,

He said,

[The Turtle Man‘ido will lend his aid in speed. The turtle was one

of the swiftest man‘idés, until through some misconduct, Min’abo'zho
deprived him of his speed. ]

Wa’-tshe, ha’, hwé, wa’-ka-te’, hé’, wa’-tshe, ha’, hwé’.
Powder, he said.
[The modern form of Wa’-ka-te’, he’, hwa’, is ma’-ka-dé’-hwa; other

archaic words occur also in other portions of this song. The phrase
signifies that the Midé’ Man’id6 favors good results from the use of
powder. His form projects from the top of the Midé’ structure, ]

Rest. A smoke is indulged in after which the song is resumed, ac-
companied with dancing.

: Sin-go'-na wa-ki’ na-ha/-ka
“7 I made him ery.
[The figure is that of a turkey buzzard which the speaker shot. ]

x Te-wa'-tshi-me-kwe'-na, ha’, na-ke'-nan.
i They tell of my powers.

ZA [The people speak highly of the singer's magic powers; a charmed ar-
row is shown which terminates above with feather-web ornament, en-
larged to signify its greater power. |

Vv
He'-wé-ne-nis'’-sa ma-he’-ka-nén’-na,
What have I killed, it is a wolf.
[By aid of his magic influence the speaker has destroyed a bad man’-
ido which had assumed the form of a wolf. ]

Sun’-gu-we'-wa, ha’, nin-dén’, tshi’/-man-da'-kwa ha’na-nin-dén’,

I am as strong as the bear.

[The Midé’ likens his powers to those of the Bear Man‘id6, one of the
c most powerful spirits; his figure protrudes from the topof the Midé’ wi-

gan while his spirit form is indicated by the short lines upon the back. |

240 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Wa -ka-na/-ni, hé’, wa’-ka-na’/-ni.

I wish to smoke. .

{The pipe used is that furnished by the promoter or originator of the
war party, termed a ‘‘ partisan.” The Midé’ is in full accord with the
work undertaken and desires to join, signifying his wish by desiring
to smoke with the braves. ]

He'-wa-ho -a hai’-a-ne’ -
I even use a wooden image. ~

[ Effigies made to represent one who is to be destroyed. The heart is
punctured, vermilion or other magic powder is applied, and the death
of the victim is encompassed. ]

Pa-kwa’ ma-ko-né’ a’, 60, he’,

A Osh-ke -na-ko-né -a.

The bear goes round angry.

[The Bear Man‘ido is angry because the braves are dilatory in going
1

ns to war. The sooner they decide upon this course, the better it will be
for the Midé’ as to his fee, and the chances of success are greater while
the braves are infused with enthusiasm, than if they should become
sluggish and their ardor become subdued. }

THIRD DEGREE.

The structure in which the third degree of the Midé’ wiwin is con-
ferred resembles that of the two preceding, and an outline is pre-
sented in Fig. 25. In this degree three posts are erected, the first one

resembling that of the first de-

Stee can ents gree, being painted red with a
3 3 band of green around the top.
coed ee (Pl. xv, No. 1.) This is planted
eS oes i) f re a short distance to the east of the
: 4 middle of the floor. The second
yesecenanececsscccsccovesrcesocccccecossoveosedty

x post is also painted red, but has
Fie. 25.—Diagram of Midetwiehn of the third Scattered over its entire surface
spots of white clay, each of about
the size of a silver quarter of a dollar, symbolical of the mi’gis shell.
Upon the top of this post is placed the stuffed body of an owl—K6-k6-
k6-6'. (Pl. xv, No. 2.) This post is planted a short distance west of
the first one and about midway between it and the third, which last
is erected within about 6 or 8 feet from the western door, and is
painted black. (Pl. xv, No. 3.) The sacred stone against. which
patients are placed, and which has the alleged virtue of removing or
expelling the demons that cause disease, is placed upon the ground
at the usual spot near the eastern entrance (Fig. 25, No. 1). The
Makwa Man'id6—bear spirit—is the tutelary guardian of this degree.
Cedar trees are planted at each of the outer angles of the structure
(Fig. 25, Nos. 6,7, 8, 9). Thesudatory is erected about 100 yards due
east of the main entrance of the Midé’wigan, and is of the same size
and for the same purpose as that for the second degree.

g3yaVvS

S$1S0o0d

‘NYDIMZGIW JO

HOFFMAN. ] PREPARATION OF GANDIDATE. 241
PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.

It is customary for the period of one year to elapse before a sevond-
degree Midé’ can be promoted, even if he be provided with enough
presents for such advancement. As the exacted fee consists of goods
and tobacco thrice the value of the fee for the first degree, few pre-
sent themselves. This degree is not held in as high estimation, rela-
tively, as the preceding one; but it is alleged that a Midé’s powers
are intensified by again subjecting himself to the ceremony of being
“shot with the sacred mi’gis,” and he is also elevated to that rank
by means of which he may be enabled the better to invoke the assist-
ance of the tutelary guardian of this degree.

A Midé’ who has in all respects complied with the preliminaries of
announcing to the chief Midé’ his purpose, gaining satisfactory evi-
dence of his resources and ability to present the necessary presents,
and of his proficiency in the practice of medical magic, etc., selects a
preceptor of at least the third degree and one whois held in high repute
and influenceinthe Midé'wiwin. After procuring the services of such
a person and making a satisfactory agreement with him, he may be
enabled to purchase from him some special formule for which he is
distinguished. The instruction embraces a résumé of the traditions
previously given, the various uses and properties of magic plants
and compounds with which the preceptor is familiar, and conversa-
tions relative to exploits performed in medication, incantation, and
exorcism. Sometimes the candidate is enabled to acquire new ‘‘ medi-
cines” to add to his list, and the following is atranslation of the tra-
dition relating to the origin of ginseng (Aralia quinquefolia, Gr.), the
so-called ‘‘man root,” held in high estimation as of divine origin.
In Fig. 3 is presented a pictorial representation of the story, made
by Ojibwa, a Midé’ priest of White Earth, Minnesota. The tradi-
tion purports to be an account of a visit of the spirit of a boy to the
abode of Dzhibai’ Man'ido, ‘‘the chief spirit of the place of souls,”
called Ne’-ba-gi’-zis, ‘‘the land of the sleeping sun.”

There appears to be some similarity between this tradition and
that given in connection with Pl. v, in which the Sun Spirit restored
to life a boy, by which act he exemplified a portion of the ritual of
the Midé’wiwin. It is probable therefore that the following tradition
is a corruption of the former and made to account for the origin of
“man root,” as ginseng is designated, this root, or certain portions
of it, being so extensively employed in various painful complaints.

Once an old Midé’, with his wife and son, started out on a hunting trip, and, as
the autumn was changing into winter, the three erected a substantial wig'iwam.
The snow began to fall and the cold increased, so they decided to remain and eat
of their stores, game having been abundant and a good supply having been pro-
cured.

@ ETH——16

2425 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

The son died; whereupon his mother immediately set out for the village to obtain
help to restore him to life, as she believed her father, the chief priest of the Midé’-
wiwin, able to accomplish this.

When the woman informed her father of the death of her son, her brother, who
was present, immediately set out in advance to render assistance. The chief priest
then summoned three assistant Midé’, and they accompanied his daughter to thé
place where the body of his dead grandson lay upon the floor of the wig’iwam, cov-
ered with robes.

The chief Midé’ placed himself at the left shoulder of the dead boy, the next in
rank at the right, while the two other assistants stationed themselves at the feet.
Then the youngest Midé’—he at the right foot of the deceased—began to chant a
midé’ song, which he repeated a second, a third, and a fourth time.

When he had finished, the Mide’ at the left foot sang a midé’ song four times;
then the Midé’ at the right shoulder of the body did the same, after which the chief
Midé’ priest sang hissong four times, whereupon there was a perceptible movement
under the blanket, and as the limbs began to move the blanket was taken off, when
the boy sat up. Being unable to speak, he made signs that he desired water, which
was given to him.

The four Midé’ priests then chanted medicine songs, each preparing charmed
remedies which were given to the boy to complete his recovery. The youngest
Midé’, standing at the foot of the patient, gave him four pinches of powder, which
he was made to swallow; the Midé’ at the left foot did the same; then the Mide’ at
the right shoulder did likewise, and he, in turn, was followed by the chief priest
standing at the left shoulder of the boy; whereupon the convalescent immediately
recovered his speech and said that during the time that his body had been in a
trance his spirit had been in the “spirit land,” and had learned of the *‘ grand
medicine.”

The boy then narrated what his spirit had experienced during the trance, as fol-
lows: ‘“ Gi'-gi-min’-6-go'-min mi-dé’-wi-win mi-dé’ man’-i-dd’ ‘n-gi-gin’-o-a-mak
ban-dzhi’-ge'-o-we'-n ta’-zi-ne'-zho-wak' ni-zha’-né-zak, ki-wi'-de-gét’ mi’-o-pi’-ke’-
ne-biii’-yan ka-ki’-né ka-we'-dé-ge’ mi’-o-w6k-pi’ i-kan’-o-a-mag'-i-na mi-dé’ man’-
i-d6 wi-we'-ni-tshi mi-dé’-wi-win, ki’-mi-maé’-di-si-win’-in-an’ ki-mi’-ni-go-nan’ ge-
on'-dé-na-mongk ki’-mi-ma’-di-si’-wa-in-an’;_ki’-ki-no’-a-mag’-wi-nan’ mash'-ki-ki
o-gi/-mi-ni’-go-wan’ o-dzhi-bi’-gan gi-me'-ni-na-gik’ mash’-ki-ki-wa'-bo" shtik-wan '-
a-ko-se'-an o-ma’-mash’-ki-ki ma’-gi-ga’-to ki’-ka-ya-ton.”

The following is a translation:

He, the chief spirit of the Midé’ Society, gave us the ‘‘ grand medicine,” and he
has taught us how to useit. I have come back from the spirit land. There will be
twelve, all of whom will take wives; when the last of these is no longer without a
wife, then will I die. That isthe time. The Midé’ spirit taught us to do right.
He gave us life and told us how to prolong it. These things he taught us,and gave
us roots for medicine. I give to you medicine; if your head is sick, this medicine
put upon it, vou will put it on.”

The revelation received by the boy was in the above manner im-
parted to the Indians. The reference to twelve—three times the
sacred number four—signifies that twelve chief priests shall succeed
each other before death will come to the narrator. It is observed,
also, that a number of the words ate archaic, which fact appears to
be an indication of some antiquity, at least, of the tradition.

The following are the principal forms in which a Midé’ will utilize
Aralia quinquefolia, Gr., ginseng—Shté’-na-bi-o’-dzhi-bik:

HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION OF CANDIDATE. 243

1. Small quantities of powdered root are swallowed to relieve stomachic pains.

2. A person complaining with acute pains in any specific part of the body is
given that part of the root corresponding to the part affected; e. g., for pleu-
risy, the side of the root is cut out, and an infusion given to relieve such
pains; if one has pains in the lower extremities, the bifurcations of the root
are employed; should the pains be in the thorax, the upper part of the root—
corresponding to the chest—is used in a similar manner.

INITIATION OF CANDIDATE,

As the candidate for promotion has acquired from his Midé’
friends such new information as they choose to impart, and from
his instructor all that was practicable, he has only to await the day
of ceremony to be publicly acknowledged as a third-degree Midé’.
As this time approaches the invitation sticks are sent to the various
members and to such non-resident Midé’ as the officiating priests
may wish to honor. On or before the fifth day previous to the
meeting the candidate moves to the vicinity of the Midé’ wigan. On
that day the first sweat bath is taken, and one also upon each suc-
ceeding day until four baths, as a ceremony of purification, have
been indulged in. On the evening of the day before the meeting
his preceptor visits him at his own wig’iwam when, with the assist-
ance of friends, the presents are collected and carried to the Midé’-
wigan and suspended from the transverse poles near the roof. The
officiating priests may subsequently join him, when smoking and
singing form the chief entertainment of the evening.

By this time numerous visitors have gathered together and are
encamped throughout the adjacent timber, and the sound of the
drum, where dancing is going on, may be heard far into the night.

Karly on the morning of the day of the ceremonies the candidate
goes to the sudatory where he first awaits the coming of his preceptor
and later the arrival of the Midé’ priests by whom he is escorted to
the Midé’wigan. With the assistance of the preceptor he arranges
his gift of tobacco which he takes with him to the sacred inclosure,
after which a smoke offering is made, and later Midé’ songs are
chanted. These may be of his own composition as he has been a
professor of magic a sufficient lapse of time to have composed them,
but to give evidence of superior powers the chief, or some other of
the officiating priests, will perhaps be sufficiently inspired to sing.
The following was prepared and chanted by one of the Midé’ priests
at the third-degree meeting at White Earth, Minnesota, and the
illustration in Pl. xvu, A, is a reproduction of the original. The
words, with translation, are as follows:

Ni-ka’-ni-na man ’-do-na-m0 -a.
@ My friend I am shooting into you in trying to hit the mark.
© [The two arms are grasping the mi'gis, which he the Midé ‘is go-

ing to shoot into the body of the candidate. The last word means,
literally, trying to hit the mark at random. }

244 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

— Me-kwa -me-sha-kwak' , mi-te'-wi-da’.

While it is clear let us have it, the ‘“‘grand medicine.”

= (The Mide’ arm, signified by the magic zigzag lines at the lower
end of the picture, reaches up into the sky to keep it clear; the

3 rain is descending elsewhere as indicated by the lines descending
from the sky at the right and left. ]

Rest.
During this interval a smoke offermg is made.

Mi-sha'-kwi-to-ni mi'-gis-sim’.
As clear as the sky [is] my mi’gis.

BS [The figure represents the sacred mi gis, as indicated by the short
lines radiating from the periphery. The migis is white and the
clear sky is compared to it. ]

Son’-gi-mi-dé’ wi-ka’-ne, he’,

Wi-nd-a man/’-i-d6’-wi-dzhi -id-e'-zhi-wat.

Take the ‘‘ grand medicine” strong, as they, together with the ‘‘ Great Spirit,”
tell me.

[The candidate is enjoined to persevere in his purpose. The asso-
ciate Midé’ are alluded to, as also Ki'tshi Man'id6, who urge his
continuance and advancement in the sacred society. The arm
reaches down to search for the sacred mi'gis of the fourth degree—
designated by four vertical lines—which is, as yet, hidden from the
person addressed. ]

Hwa -ba-mi-dé’, hwa’'-ba-mi-dé',

Na'-wa-kin-té’.

He who sees me, he who sees me, stands on the middle of the earth.

[The human figure symbolizes Ki'tshi Man‘id6; the magic lines
cross his body, while his legs rest upon the outline of the Midé'wi-
gan. His realm, the sky, reaches from the zenith to the earth, and
he beholds the Midé’ while chanting and conducting the Midé’ wiwin. ]

Man’-i-do’ wi-ka-ni’ ni-mi-dé’.

To the spirit be a friend, my Midé’.

[The speaker enjoins the candidate to be faithful to his charge,
and thus a friend to Ki'tshi Man‘id6, who in return will always as-
sist him. The figure holds a mi'gis in its right hand, and the
Midé’ drum in its left. }

The greater number of words in the preceding text are of an
archaic form, and are presented as they were chanted. The several
lines may be repeated ad libitum to accord with the feeling of in-
spiration which the singer experiences, or the amount of interest
manifested by his hearers.

All the members of the society not officially inducting the candi-
date have ere this entered the Midé’wigan and deposited their invita-
tion sticks near the sacred stone, or, in the event of their inability

SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVI

re & A

cy \ Onn |

S ca | i

HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION CEREMONIES 245

to attend, have sent them with an explanation. The candidate, at
the suggestion of the Midé’ priest, then prepares to leave the sudatory,
gathers up the tobacco, and as he slowly advances toward the Midé'
inclosure his attendants fall into the procession according to their
office. The priests sing as they go forward, until they reach the
entrance of the Midé’wigan, where the candidate and his preceptor
halt, while the remainder enter and take their-stations just within
the door, facing the west.

The drummers, who are seated in the southwestern angle of the
inclosure, begin to drum and sing, while the candidate is led slowly
around the exterior, going by the south, thus following the course
of the sun. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit he is halted
directly opposite the main entrance, to which his attention is then
directed. The drumming and singing cease ; the candidate beholds
two Midé’ near the outer entrance and either side of it. These Midé’
represent two malevolent man'id6 and guard the door against the
entrance of those not duly prepared. The one upon the northern
side of the entrance then addresses his companion in the following
words: I’-ku-tan ka/-wi-nad’-gi wa’-na-m4’-s! é'-zhi-gi’-ni-géd—*‘ Do
you not see how he is formed ?” To which the other responds:
O-da'-pi-nd’ ke’-no-win-diing shkwan’-dim—“ Take care of it, the
door ;” [i. e., guard the entrance.| The former then again speaks
to his companion, and says: Ka-win’-ni-na-ga’ wa’-ba-ma’-si-ba’-shi-
gi-ne-gét’/—‘*‘ Do you not see how he carries the goods?” The Midé’
spoken to assents to this, when the preceptor takes several pieces of
tobacco which he presents to the two guards, whereupon they per:
mit the candidate to advance to the inner entrance, where he is
again stopped by two other guardian man‘id6, who turn upon him
as if to inquire the reason of his intrusion. The candidate then
holds out two parcels of tobacco and says to them: O-da’-pin a-sé’-
ma—‘‘ Take it, the tobacco,” whereupon they receive the gift and
stand aside, saying: Kun’-da-dan—‘‘ Go down ;” [i. e., enter and
follow the path.] As the candidate is taken a few steps forward
and toward the sacred stone, four of the eight officiating priests re-
ceive him, one replacing the preceptor who goes to the extreme
western end there to stand and face the east, where another joins
him, while the remaining two place themselves side by side so as to
face the west.

It is believed that there are five powerful man'idés who abide
within the third-degree Midé’ wigan, one of whom is the Midé’ man’id6
—Ki'tshi Man‘id6—one being present at the sacred stone, the second
at that part of the ground between the sacred stone and the first
part where the gifts are deposited, the remaining thrée at the three
degree posts.

As the candidate starts and continues upon his walk around the
interior of the inclosure the musicians begin to sing and drum, while

.all those remaining are led toward the left, and when opposite the

246 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

sacred stone he faces it and is turned round so that his back is not
toward it in passing; the same is done at the second place where
one of the spirits is supposed to abide; again at first, second, and
third posts. By this time the candidate is at the western extremity
of the structure, and as the second Midé’ receives him in charge, the
other taking his station beside the preceptor, he continues his course
toward the north and east to the point of departure, going through
similar evolutions as before, as he passes the three posts, the place
of gifts and the sacred stone. This is done as an act of reverence to
the man'idéds and to acknowledge his gratitude for their presence
and encouragement. When he again arrives at the eastern extremity
of the inclosure he is placed between the two officiating Midé’, who
have been awaiting his return, while his companion goes farther
back, even to the door, from which point he addresses the other
officiating Midé’ as follows :
Mis-sa’-a-shi’-gwa wi-kan’-da’-we-an', mis-sa’-a-shi-gwa wi-di-wa’-m6k wi-un’-
Now is the time [I am] telling [—advis- now is the time to be observed [I am]
o-bé-6g.
ready to make him sit down.

Then one of the Midé’ priests standing beside the candidate leads
him to the spot between the sacred stone and the first-degree post
where the blankets and other goods have been deposited, and here
he is seated. This priest then walks slowly around him singing in
a tremulous manner wa’, hé’, hé’, he’, hé’, hé’, hé’, he’, returning to
a position so as to face him, when he addresses him as follows: Mis-
sa'-a-shi’-gwa p6/-gtt-sé-ni/mi-nan’ au’-u-sa’ za-a’-da-win’ man’-i-d6
mi’-gis. Na’-pish-gatsh di-mé -gi-si 6-né’-ni-mi-an pi -sha-ga-an-da-i’
na’-pish-gatsh tshi-skwa’-di-na-wad’ dzhi-ma’-dzhi-a-ka’-ma-da-man
bi-ma’-dis-si’-an.

The following is a free translation :

The time has arrived for you to ask of the Great Spirit this ‘‘ reverence” i. e., the
sanctity of this degree. I am interceding in your behalf, but you think my pow-
ers are feeble; Iam asking him to confer upon you the sacred powers. He may
cause many to die, but I shall henceforth watch your course of success in life, and
learn if he will heed your prayers and recognize your magic power.

At the conclusion of these remarks three others of the officiating
Midé’ advance and seat themselves, with their chief, before the can-
didate. The Midé’ drum is handed to the chief priest, and after a
short prelude of drumming he becomes more and more inspired, and
sings the following Midé’ song, represented pictorially, also on Pl.
Xvit, B.

Man -i-d6’ we-da’, man’-i-d0' gi-d6’ we-do-ning.
or, Let us be a spirit, let the spirit come from the mouth.
[The head is said to signify that of a Mideé’, who is about to sing. ]

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. ~ 247

Nin ’-de-wen'-don zha'-bon-désh'-ka"-man’.
I own this lodge, through which I pass.
= [The speaker claims that he has been received into the degree of
the Mideé’wiwin to which he refers. The objects on the outer side of
the cblong square character represent spirits, those of the bear. ]

A
An’-dzhe-ho 1'-a-ni’ o-gén’, hwe'-6-ke’, hwe'-6-ke’.
Mother is having it over again.

[The reference is to the earth, as having the ceremony of the
“srand medicine ” again. }

Ni-ka-nan ni’-go-san, ni’-go-san’
ni-ka'-ni-san’, man -i-d6’ wi-dzhig’

(3)
T
nin-go-san’ an-i-wa -bi-dzhig ni-ka’.
( Friends I am afraid, I am afraid, friends, of the spirits sitting around me.
[The speaker reaches his hand toward the sky, i.e., places his faith
; in Ki'tshi Man'idd who abides above. ]

Ya’-ki-no’-sha-me-wa, ya’-ki-no’-sha-me’-wa.
yi

ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne, ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne,
hé’, ki’-no-sha’-we-wa’.
Iam going, with medicine bag, to the lodge.
\/ [The object represents an otter skin Midé’ sack, the property of the
speaker. |
9 Ya’ -be-kai -a-bi, ya’-be-kai’-a-bi, hé’-a’, hé’-4’,

ya -be-kai’-a-bi, ya’-be-kai’-a-bi, hé’-a', hé'a’,
wa -na-he'-ni'-o-ni’, ya’-be-kai’-o-bik’.
We are still sitting in a circle.

[A Midé' sitting within the Midé'wigan; the circle is shown. ]

A-ya'-a-bi-ta’ pa’-ke-zhik’, 0’, hi’, a’,

AN Half the sky 2
[The hand is shown reaching toward the sky, imploring the assist-
ance of Ki'tshi Man‘ido that the candidate may receive advancement
in power. He has only two degrees, one-half of the number desired. ]
fe} Ba '-be-ke’ o'-gi-man nish’-a-we, he’,
+ ne’-me-ke-hé’, nish’-a-we -ni-mik o'-gi-man.
The spirit has pity on me now,
[The ‘‘ Great Spirit” isdescending upon the Midé'wigan, to be pres-
3 ent during the ceremony. |
, Nin-dai’-a, nin-dai’-a, ha’,

we'-ki-ma’, ha’, wa-no-kwe’.
In my heart, in my heart, I have the spirit.
[The hand is holding the mi'gis, to which reference is made. ]

1-ke’-u-ha’-ma man-ta-na -ki-na_ ni-ka’-ni

I take the earth, my Midé’ friends.

[The earth furnishes the resources necessary to the maintenance
of life, both food and medicines. }

248 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Wi-a-ya’-din shin-da’, han’,

man-da -ha-ni’, 0-h6' ni-bi’.

Let us get him to take this water.

[The figure sees medicine in the earth, as the lines from the eyes to
the horizontal strokes indicate. }

0 Hitie’-shi-shi-kwa -ni-an nin-ga’-ga-mtn’,
| I take this rattle.
[The rattle is used when administering medicine. }

Wi-wa -ba-mi na hé'-na ko'-ni-a'-ni, ka’,

ko’-ni-a -ho-na’, ni’, ka’.

See how I shine in making medicine.

[The speaker likens himself to the Makwa’ Man’ido, one of the
most powerful Midé’ spirits. His body shines as if it were ablaze
with light—due to magic power. ]

This song is sung ad libitum according to the inspired condition of
the person singing it. Many of the words are archaic, and differ
from the modern forms.

Then the officiating priests arise and the one lowest in rank grasps
his Midé’ sack and goes through the gestures, described in connec-
tion with the previous degrees, of shooting into the joints and fore-
head of the candidate the sacred mi’gis. At the attempt made by
the chief priest the candidate falls forward apparently unconscious.
The priests then touch his joints and forehead with the upper end
of their Midé’ sacks whereupon he recovers and rises to a standing
posture. The chief then addresses him and enjoins him to conduct
himself with propriety and in accordance with the dignity of his pro-
fession. The following is the text, viz: Gi-gan/-bis-sin dau’-g6-in’-ni-
nan’ kish-bin’-bish-in dau’-o-A€n-nin da/-ki-ka-wa’-bi-kwe ga/-ki-ne
ke-ke’-wi-bi’-na-m6n ki-ma/-dzhi-zhi we'-bi-zi-win’.

The translation is as follows: ‘‘ You heed to what I say to you;
if you are listening and will do what is right you will live to have
white hair. That is all; you will do away with all bad actions.”

The Midé priest second in rank then says to the candidate: Ke'-go-
wi-ka-za’-gi-to-wa'-kin ki-da/-ng-ka'tshi-gan kai-6'-gi-git’ a-sé’-ma,
kai'-e-mi’-dzim, which signifies: *‘Never begrudge your goods,
neither your tobacco, nor your provisions.” To this the candidate
responds 6"/—yes, by this signifying that he will never regret what
he has given the Midé’ for their services. The candidate remains
standing while the members of the society take seats, after which
he goes to the pile of blankets, skins, and other presents, and upon
selecting appropriate ones for the officiating priests he carries them
to those persons, after which he makes presents of less value to all
other Midé’ present. Tobacco is then distributed, and while all are
preparing to make an offering to Ki'tshi Man'ido of tobacco, the

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 249

newly accepted member goes around to each member present, passes
his hands downward over the sides of the Midé’’s head and says:
Mi-gwétsh’ ga’shi-to’-win bi-ma’-di-si-win’,
Thanks for giving to me life,

then, stepping back, he clasps his hands and bows toward the Midé’,
adding: Ni-ka’-ni, ni-ka/-ni, ni-ka’-ni, ka-na’,—‘‘My Midé’ friend, my
Midé’ friend, my Mide’ friend, friend.” To this the Midé’ responds
in affirmation, hau’, 6"’—yes.

The new member then finds a seat on the southern side of the in-
closure, whereupon the ushers—Midé’ appointed to attend to outside
duties—retire and bring in the vessels of food which are carried
around to various persons present, four distinct times.

The feast continues for a considerable length of time, after which
the kettles and dishes are again carried outside the Midé’wi-gan,
when all who desire indulge in smoking. Midé’ songs are chanted
by one of the priests, the accompanying, reproduced pictorially in
Pl. x1v C, being an example. The lines, as usual, are repeated
ad libitum, the music being limited to but few notes, and in a minor
key. The following are the words with translation:

He'-ne-wi-a ni’-na mi-si-man’-i-dé-ge’ he-wa’-we-a'-ne-
Their bodies shine over the world unto me as unto you,

my Midé’
kan’. ‘
friend.

[ This refers to the sun, and moon, whose bodies are united
in the drawing. |

| Ma’-na-wi-na’ hai’-e-ne-ha’ be-wa’-bik-kun kan-din’'-a-we.

( Your eyes see them both eyes made of iron, _ piercing eyes.
[The figure is that of the crane, whose loud, far-reaching

voice is indicated by the short lines radiating from the mouth,

The eyes of the crane Man ido are equally penetrating. |

Ta-be'-né-wa’ he-shi-wa’, ha’ ma’-si-ni'-ni-he’-shi-wa’, ha’.

S Calm it leads you guides you to your food.
to

[Knowledge of superior powers gained through familiarity
with the rites of the Midé’wiwin is here referred to. The
figure points to the abode of Ki'tshi Man‘id6; three short
lines indicating three degrees in the Midé’ wiwin, which the
candidate has taken. |

Ha-nin’-di he-bik’-kin-he’ man’-i-d6 ni-kan’ wa-ba-nink’,

Whence does he rise spirit Mide' from the east,

friend
mi-dé'-man -i-d6 wa-ba-ntink’.
G midé’ man/id6 from the east.
[The hand reaches up as in making the gesture for rising
sun or day, the ‘‘sky lines” leaning to the left, or east; one
making signs is always presumed to face the south, and

signs referring to periods of day, sun, sunrise, etc., are made
from the left side of the body. |

250 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

| Rest.

Wa-dzhi-wan’, wa-dzhi-wan’-na,

There is a mountain, there is a mountain,

There is a mountain, my friends.

[The upright outline represents a mountain upon which a
powerful Midé’ is seated, symbolical of the distinction attain-
able by a Midé’. ]

Wa -bé-ku @-be-a’, wa’-bé-ku'-é-be-a’,

i) 3) Shot it was, shot it was
ra) na/-bé-ku'-é-be-a’ man’-i-dd'-'a nin-dé’.
and it hit body, your man/idd your heart.
man -i-do’-a nin-dé’.
N man/idd your heart.
7 [The Mi gis is represented in the illustration by the small

rings; the arrow indicating that it was ‘* shot ” with velocity. }

Hwe'-kwo-nin -na-ta, ki-wi’-kash’-ka-man;
En-do'-ge-ma’ wesh’'-in-é'’.
What am I going around ?
Iam going around the Midé’ wigan.

[The oblong structure represents the Midé’ wigén.
, The otter-skin Midé’ sack is taken around it, as is
shown by the outline of that animal and the line
or course indicated. The Makwa’ Man‘ido (bear spirit) is
shown at the left, resting upon the horizontal line, the earth,
below which are magic lines showing his power, as also the
lines upon the back of the bear. The speaker compares
himself to the bear spirit. ]

What am I looking at.

[The figure denotes a leg, signifying powers of transporting
one’s self to remote places; the magic power is indicated by
the three transverse lines and the small spots, the mi'gis,
upon it. |

Ba bin-ke'-en non'-do-wa-we’, hi’,

i Nen '-do-ne’-ha-man-ni’ ni-0,
ae

1 soon heard him, the one who
did not listen to them.

[The Midé’, as a superior personage, is shown by having
the horns attached to the head. The line of hearing has
small rings, at intervals, indicating that something is heard. |

Hin’-ta-na’-wi ni-ka’-na-gi’, @’, he’,

pi-na-ni', hin’-ta-na'-wi ni-ka'-na-ga’ na'-ge-ka-na’ é', hé’.

The Nika/ni are finding fault with me, inside of my lodge.

[The arm at the side of the Midé’wigan points to the inte-
rior, the place spoken of. |

HOFFMAN, } NOTES ON INITIATION CEREMONIES. 251

O"sh'-ko"sh-na-na’ pi-na’-wa ni"-bosh -i-na’-na.
With the bear's claws I almost hit him.

[The Midé’ used the bear’s claw to work a charm, or
exorcism, and would seem to indicate that he claimed the
powers of a Wabéno’. The one spoken of isan evil man'id6,
referred to in the preceding line,in which he speaks of hav-
ing heard him. ]

At the,conclusion of this protracted ceremony a few speeches may
be made by a Midé’, recounting the benefits to be enjoyed and the
powers wielded by the knowledge thus acquired, after which the
chief priest intimates to his colleagues the advisability of adjourning.
They then leave the Midé’wigan by the western door, and before
night all movable accessories are taken away from the structure.

The remainder of the evening is spent in visiting friends, dancing,
etc., and upon the following day they all return to their respective
homes.

DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.

Although the mi'gis shell of the several degrees is generally of the
same species, some ‘of the older Midé’ priests claim that there were
formerly specific shells, each being characteristic and pertaining
specially to each individual grade. The objects claimed by Sika’s-
sigé as referring to the third degree are, in addition to the Cypreea
monata, L., a piece of purple wampum, and one shell of elongated
form, both shown on Pl. x1, Nos. 3 and 5, respectively.

The fact of a Midé’ having been subjected to -“‘mi'gis shooting”
for the third time is an all-sufficient reason to the Indian why his
powers are in a corresponding manner augmented. His powers of
exorcism and incantation are greater; his knowledge and use of
magic medicines more extended and certain of effect; and hisability
to do harm, as in the capacity of a Wabéno’, is more and more lauded
and feared. He becomes possessed of a greater power in prophecy
and prevision, and in this state enters the class of personages known
as the Jés’sakkid’, or jugglers. His power over darkness and ob-
scurity is indicated on Pl. mm, A, No. 77, upon which the head,
chest, and arms are represented as being covered with lines to desig-
nate obscurity, the extended arms with outstretched hands denoting
ability to grasp and control that which is hidden to the eye.

The Jés'sakkid’ and his manner of performing have already been
mentioned. This class of sorcerers were met with by the Jesuit
Fathers early in the seventeenth century, and referred to under
various designations, such as jongleur, magicien, consulteur du
manitou, etc. Their influence in the tribe was recognized, and
formed one of the greatest obstacles encountered in the Christianiza-
tion of the Indians. Although the Jés’sakkid’ may be a seer and
prophet as well as a practitioner of exorcism without becoming «

952 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

member of the Midé’wiwin, it is only when a Midé'’ attains the rank of
the third degree that he begins to give evidence of, or pretends to ex-
hibit with any degree of confidence, the powersaccredited to theformer.
The structure erected and occupied by the Jés’sakkid’

for the performance of his powers as prophet or oracle has

before been described as cylindrical, being made by plant-

ing four or more poles and wrapping about them sheets of

0) birch bark, blankets, or similar material that will serve
Fic. 26. Jés’sak. AaSa covering. This form of structure is generally rep-

aurstodse’ resented in pictographie records, as shown in Fig. 26.

The accompanying illustrations, Figs. 27, 28, and 29, reproduced
from birch-bark etchings, were the property of *Jés'sakkid’, who were

Fia. 27. Jés’sakkan’, or Fic. 28. Jés’/sakkan’, or Fic. 29. Jés/sakkan’, or
juggler’s lodge. juggler’s lodge. juggler’s lodge.

also Midé’ of the third and fourth degrees. It will be noticed that
the structure used by them is in the form of the ordinary wig'iwam,
as their profession of medical magic is apparently held in higher
esteem than the art of prophecy; their status and claims as Jés’sak-
kid’ being indicated by the great number of ma‘nidds which they
have the power of invoking. These man‘idos, or spirits, are indi-
cated by the outline of their material forms, the heart being indi-
cated and connected with the interior of the structure to show the
power of the Jés’sakkid’ over the life of the respect-
as spirits. The Thunder-bird usually occupies the
2)

highest position in his estimation, and for this

reason is drawn directly over the wig’iwam. The

; Turtle is claimed to be the man'id6 whoacts as
intermediary between the Jés'sakkid’ and the other

xg man‘idds, and is therefore not found among the
i characters on the outside of the wig'iwam, but his

presence is indicated within, either at the spot mark-

ing the convergence of the ‘life lines,” or imme-

.30, Jés’sakkan’, 7+ ; . :
criuelersiodee, diately below it. Fig. 30 is a reproducton of an

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 253

etching made by a Jés'sakkid’ at White Earth, Minnesota. The two
curved lines above the Jés’sakkan’ represent the sky, from which
magic power is derived, as shown by the waving line extending
downward. The small spots within thestructure are “ magic spots,”
i. e., the presence of man'idds, The juggler is shown upon the left
side near the base. When a prophet is so fortunate as to be able to
claim one of these man’idés as his own tutelary daimon, his advan-
tage in invoking the others is comparatively greater. Before pro-
ceeding to the Jés’sakkan’—or the ‘‘ Jugglery,” as the Jés'sakkid’
wig'iwam is commonly designated, a prophet will prepare himself
by smoking and makingan offering to his man'ido, and by singing a
chant, of which an example is presented on Pl. xiv, D. It is a repro-
duction of one made by a Jés'sakkid’ who was also a Midé’ of the
third degree. Hach line is chanted as often as may be desired, or
according to the effect which it may be desirable to produce or the
inspired state of the singer.

Me-we'-yan, ha’, ha’, ha’,

I go into the Jés’sakkan’ to see the medicine.

[The circle represents the Jés'sakkid’ as viewed from
above; the short lines denote the magic character of the
structure, and the central ring, or spot, the magic stone
used by the prophet who appears entering from the side. |

Tschi-nun'-d6n’, he’, he’, he’, he’,

I was the one who dug up life.

[The Otter Man'id6 emerging from the Midé' wigan; he
received it from Ki'tshi Mani'do. }

° Nika-ni’ we-do-ko"’-a, ha’, ha’,

fe) The spirit put down medicine on earth to grow.

O° [The sacred or magic lines descending to the earth denote
supernatural origin of the migis, which is shown by the

2 four small rings. The short lines at the bottom represent

f I) the ascending sprouts of magic plants. ]
Te-ti-ba’-tshi mut’-d-wit', té’, hé’, hé’,
Iam the one that dug up the medicine.
[The otter shown emerging from the jugglery. The
speaker represents himself “like unto the Otter Man ido.”

Ki’ wa"-win -da ma'-kwa-nan’, na’, ha’,
= I answer my brother spirit.
[The Otter Man'id6 responds to the invocation of the
speaker. The diagonal line across the body signifies the
“spirit character” of the animal. ]

254 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA,
Rest or pause.

ae Wa-a-so’-at wén'-ti’-na-man, ha,’ ha,
‘) The spirit has put life into my body.
[The speaker is represented as being in the Midé'-wigan,
where Ki'tshi Man ido placed magic power into his body;
S\ the arms denote this act of putting into his sides the mi gis.
The line crossing the body denotes the person to be possessed
\ of supernatural power. |

Ki-to -na-bi’-in, né’, hé’, hé’,

This is what the medicine has given us.
[The Midé' wigan, showing on the upper line the guardian
2

man id6s. }

Ni-sha-we -ni-bi-ku’, ha’, hi’, hé’,
/} I took with two hands what was thrown down to us.
{The speaker grasped life, i. e., the migis’, to secure the
mysterious power which he professes. ]

In addition tothe practice of medical magic, the Jés'sakkid’ some-
times resorts to a curious process to extract from the patient’s body
the malevolent beings or man‘idés which cause disease. The method
of procedure is as follows: The Jés'sakkid’ is provided with four or
more tubular bones, consisting of the leg bones of large birds, each
of the thickness of a finger and 4 or 5 inches in length. After the
priest has fasted and chanted prayers for success, he gets down upon
all fours close to the patient and with his mouth near the affected
part. After using the rattle and singing most vociferously to cause
the evil man‘id6 to take shelter at some particular spot, so that it may
be detected and located by him, he suddenly touches that place with
the end of one of the bones and immediately thereafter putting the
other end into his mouth, as if it were a cigar, strikes it with the flat
hand and sends it apparently down his throat. Then the second
bone is treated in the same manner, as also the third and fourth,
the last one being permitted to protrude from the mouth, when the
end is put against the affected part and sucking is indulged in amid
the most violent writhings and contortions in his endeavors to
extract the man'id6. As this object is supposed to have been reached
and swallowed by the Jés'sakkid’ he crawls away to ashort distance
from the patient and relieves himself of the demon with violent

HOFFMAN. ] FOURTH DEGREE. 255

retchings and apparent suffering. He recovers inashort time, spits
out the bones, and, after directing his patient what further medi-
cine to swallow, receives his fee and departs. Further description
of this practice will be referred to below and illustrated on Pl. xviii.

The above manner of disposing of the hollow bones is a clever
trick and not readily detected, and it is only by such acts of jug-
glery and other delusions that he maintains his influence and
importance among the credulous.

tograph was drawn upon a piece of birch bark which
was carried in the owner’s Midé’ sack, and was intended

Fig. 31 represents a Jés'sakkid’ curing a sick woman
_by sucking the demon through a bone tube. The pic- “e
1 2

to record an event of importance. Fig. 31. Jes’
No. 1 represents the actor, holding a rattle in hand. Around his Higeunang

head is an additional circle, denoting quantity (literally, more
than an ordinary amount of knowledge), the short line pro jecting to the right
indicating the tube used.

No. 2 is the woman operated upon.

Fig. 32 represents an exhibition by a
Jés'sakkid’, a resident of White Earth,
Minnesota. The priest is shown in No.
1 holding his rattle, the line extending
from his eye to the patient’s abdomen
signifying that he has located the de-

(€ mon and is about to begin his exor-
cism. No. 2 is the patient lying before
the operator.

Fie. 32. Jés‘sakkid’ curing man.

FOURTH DEGREE.

The Midé'wigan, in which this degree is conferred, differs from the
preceding structures by having open doorways in both the northern
and southern walls, about midway between the eastern and western
extremities and opposite to one another. Fig. 33 represents a ground
plan, in which may also be observed the location of each of the four
Midé’ posts. Fig. 34 shows gen-
eral view of same structure. A 7 te
short distance from the eastern
entrance is deposited the sacred
stone, beyond which is an area y

ia :
Teereeoteseeessceses® oy

reserved for the presents to be “": z gts
deposited by an applicant for Siac See oe ae
initiation. The remaining two- 10 ee

; , % S
thirds of the space toward the Fic. 33. Diagram of Midée’wigan of the fourth

western door is occupied at regu- degree.

lar intervals by four posts, the first being painted red with a band
of green around the top. (Pl. xv, No. 1.) The second post is red,
and has scattered over its surface spots of white clay to symbolize

256 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

the sacred mi'gis shell. Upon it is perched the stuffed skin of an
owl—k6-k6-k6-6’. (Pl. xv, No. 2.) The third post is black; but in-
stead of being round is cut square. (Pl. xv, No.3.) The fourth post,
that nearest the western extremity, is in the shape of a cross, painted

Fic. 34. General view of Midé wigan.

white, with red spots, excepting the lower half of the trunk, which is
squared, the colors upon the four sides being white on the east, green
on the south, red on the west, and black on the north. (Pl. xv, No. 4.)

About 10 paces east of the main entrance, in a direct line between
it and the sweat lodge, is planted a piece of thin board 5 feet high
and 6 inches broad, the top of which is cut so as to present a three-
lobed apex, as shown in Fig. 3. The eastern side of this board is
painted green; that facing the Midé’wigan red. Near the top is a
small opening, through which the Midé’ are enabled to peep into the
interior of the sacred structure to observe the angry man‘idés occu-
pying the structure and opposing the intrusion of anyone not of the
fourth degree.

A cedar tree is planted at each of the outer corners of the Midé’-
wigan, and about 6 paces away from the northern, western, and south-
ern entrances a small brush structure is erected, sufficiently large to
admit the body. These structures are termed bears’ nests, supposed
to be points where the Bear Man'ido rested during the struggle he
passed through while fighting with the malevolent man‘id6s within
to gain entrance and receive the fourth-degree initiation. Immedi-
ately within and to either side of the east and west entrances is
planted a short post, 5 feet high and 8 inches thick, painted red upon
the side facing the interior and black upon the reverse, at the base
of each being laid a stone about as large as a human head. These
four posts represent the four limbs and feet of the Bear Man‘ido,
who made the four entrances and forcibly entered and expelled the
evil beings who had opposed him. The fourth-degree Midé’ post—

HOFFMAN. ] PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE, 257
the cross—fnrthermore symbolizes the four days’ struggle at the four
openings or doors in the north, south, east, and west walls of the
structure.

PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.

Under ordinary circumstances it requires at least one year before
a Midé’ of the third grade is considered eligible for promotion, and
it is seldom that a candidate can procure the necessary presents
within that period, so that frequently a number of years elapse be-
fore any intimation by a candidate is made to the chief priest that
the necessary requirements can be complied with. The chief rea-
son of this delay is attributed to the fact that the fee to the officiat-
ing priests alone must equal in value and quantity four times the
amount paid at the first initiation, and as the success in gathering
the robes, skins, blankets, etc., depends upon the candidate’s own
exertions it will readily appear why so few ever attain the distinc-
tion sought. Should one be so fortunate, however, as to possess the
required articles, he has only to make known the fact to the chief and
assistant Midé’ priests, when a meeting is held at the wig’iwam of
one of the members and the merits of the candidate discussed. For
this purpose tobacco is furnished by the candidate. The more valua-
ble and more numerous the presents the more rapidly will his appli-
cation be disposed of, and the more certainly will favorable consid-
eration on it be had. It becomes necessary, as in former instances
of preparation, for the candidate to procure the service of a renowned
Midé’, in order to acquire new or specially celebrated remedies or
charms. The candidate may also give evidence of his own pro-
ficiency in magic without revealing the secrets of his success or the
course pursued to attain it. The greater the mystery the higher he
is held in esteem even by his jealous confreres.

There is not much to be gained by preparatory instruction for the
fourth degree, the chief claims being a renewal of the ceremony of
“shooting the mi'gis” into the body of the candidate, and enacting
or dramatizing the traditional efforts of the Bear Man‘id6 in his en-
deavor to receive from the Otter the secrets of this grade. One who
succeeds becomes correspondingly powerful in his profession and
therefore more feared by the credulous. His sources of income are
accordingly increased by the greater number of Indians who require
his assistance. Hunters, warriors, and lovers have occasion to call
upon him, and sometimes antidoting charms are sought, when the
evil effects of an enemy’s work are to be counteracted.

The instructor receives the visit of the candidate, and upon com-
ing to asatisfactory agreement concerning the fee to be paid for the
service he prepares his pupil by prompting him as to the part he
is to enact during the initiation and the reasons therefor. The
preparation and the merits of magic compounds are discussed, and

7 ETH——17

258 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

the pupil receives instruction in making effective charms, com-
pounding love powder, etc. This love powder is held in high
esteem, and its composition is held a profound secret, to be transmitted
only when a great fee is paid. It consists of the following ingre-
dients: Vermilion; powdered snakeroot (Polygala senega, L.); ex-
iguam particulam sanguinis a puella effusi, qaum in primis men-
struis esset; and a piece of ginseng cut from the bifurcation of the
root, and powdered. These are mixed and put into a small buckskin
bag. The preparation is undertaken only after an offering to
Ki'tshi Man‘id6 of tobacco and a Midé’ song with rattle accompani-
ment. The manner of using this powder will be described under
the caption of ‘descriptive notes.” It differs entirely from the
powder employed in painting the face by one who wishes to attract
or fascinate the object of his or her devotion. The latter is referred
to by the Rey. Peter Jones’ as follows:

There is a particular kind of charm which they use when they wish to obtain
the object of their affections. It is made of roots and red ocher. With this they
paint their faces, believing it to possess a power so irresistible as to cause the object
of their desire to love them. But the moment this medicine is taken away and the
charm withdrawn the person who before was almost frantic with love hates with
a perfect hatred.

It is necessary that the candidate take asweat-bath once each day,
for four successive days, at some time during the autumn months of
the year preceding the year in which the initiation is to occur. This
form of preparation is deemed agreeable to Ki'tshi Man'id6, whose
favor is constantly invoked that the candidate may be favored with
the powers supposed to be conferred in the last degree. As spring
approaches the candidate makes occasional presents of tobacco to
the chief priest and his assistants, and when the period of theannual
ceremony approaches, they send out runners to members to solicit
their presence, and, if of the fourth degree, their assistance.

INITIATION OF CANDIDATE,

The candidate removes to the vicinity of the Midé’wigan so as to
be able to go through the ceremony of purgation four times before
the day of initiation. The sudatory having been constructed on the
usual site, east of the large structure, he enters it on the morning of
the fifth day preceding the initiation and after taking a sweat-bath
he is joined by the preeeptor, when both proceed to the four entrances
of the Midé’wigan and deposit at each a small offering of tobacco.
This procedure is followed on the second and third days, also, but
upon the fourth the presents are also carried along and deposited at
the entrances, where they are received by assistants and suspended
from the rafters of the interior. On the evening of the last day,
the chief and officiating priests visit the candidate and his preceptor,

‘Hist. of the Ojebway Indians. London [18437], p. 155.

HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION SONGS. 259

in the sweat-lodge, when ceremonial smoking is indulged in followed
by the recitation of Midé’ chants. The following (Pl. xvi, A) isare-
production of the chant taught to and recited by the candidate. The
original was obtained from an old mnemonic chart in use at Mille
Lacs, Minnesota, in the year 1825, whichin turn had been copied from
arecord in the possession of a Midé’ priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin.
Many of the words are of an older form than those in use at, the
present day. Hach line may be repeated ad libitum.

Ni-ka-ni-na’, ni-ka-ni-na, ni-ka'-ni-na’,
Iam the Nika/ni, Iam the Nika’ni, I am the Nika‘ni,
FA man -i-do wig’ -i-wam win -di-ge’-un.
S I am going into the sacred lodge.
(Xs [The speaker compares himself to the Bear Man ‘ido, and as such
is represented at the entrance of the Midé wigan. }

Ni-ka-ni-na, ni-ka-ni-na’, ni-ka-ni-na’,
Iam the Nika/ni, Iam the Nika/ni, I am the Nika/ni,
y ni-kan -gi-nun’-da we-mi-dik’.
I ‘suppose * you hear me.
[The lines from the ear denotes hearing; the words are ad-
dressed to his auditors. |
Wa’, he-wa'-ke-wa ke-wa’, he-wa’-ke-wa’, wa’.
He said, he said.
(Signifies that Kitshi Man‘ido, who is seen with the voice lines
issuing from the mouth, and who promised the Ani’shina beg
“life,” that they might always live. ]

Rest. A ceremonial smoke is now indulged in.

We -shki-nun -do-ni-ne ,
ke-nosh -ki-nun -do-ni-ne’.
This is the first time you hear it.
; [The lines of hearing are again shown; the words refer to the
; first time this is chanted as it is an intimation that the singer is
to be advanced to the higher grade of the Midé' wiwin. |

! Hwe -na-ni-ka he-na’, he-n0’
mi-té'-wi?-wi® gi-ga-wa -pi-no-don’.
/ You laugh, you laugh at the “ grand medicine.”
{The arms are directed towards Ki'tshi Man ‘ido, the creator of

the sacred rite; the words refer to those who are ignorant of the
Midé wiwin and its teachings. ]

Nun-te’-ma-ne’, hé’, wi -na-nun -te-ma-ne’
Fal ki'-pi-nan’.
{ hear, but they hear it not.
[The speaker intimates that he realizes the importance of the
Midé’ rite, but the uninitiated do not.]

260 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Pe -ne-stti -a ke -ke-kwi -yan.

I am sitting like a sparrow-hawk.

{The singer is sitting upright, and is watchful, like a hawk
watching for its prey. He is ready to observe, and to acquire,
everything that may transpire in the Midé’ structure. ]

Upon the conclusion of the chant, the assembled Midé’ smoke and
review the manner of procedure for the morrow’s ceremony, and when
these details have been settled they disperse, to return to their wig’l-
wams, or to visit Midé’ who may have come from distant settlements.

Early on the day of his initiation the candidate returns to the suda-
tory to await the coming of his preceptor. The gifts of tobacco are
divided into parcels which may thus be easily distributed at the
proper time, and as soon as the officiating priests have arrived, and
seated themselves, the candidate produces some tobacco of which all
present take a pipeful, when a ceremonial smoke-offering is made to
Kitshi Man'id6. The candidate then takes his midé’ drum and
sings asong of his own composition, or one which he may have pur-
chased from his preceptor, or some Midé’ priest. The following is
reproduction of an old mnemonic song which the owner, Sikas’sigé,
had received from his father who in turn had obtained it at La
Pointe, Wisconsin, about the year 1800. The words are archaic to
a great extent, and they furthermore differ from the modern lan-
guage on account of the manner in which they are pronounced in
chanting, which peculiarity has been faithfully followed below.
The pictographic characters are reproduced in Pl. xvi, B. As usual,
the several lines are sung ad libitum, repetition depending entirely
upon the feelings of the singer.

Hin -to-na-ga-ne’ 0-sa-ga-tshi-wed o-do'-zhi-ton’.
The sun is coming up, that makes my dish.
e {The dish signifies the feast to be made by the singer. The

zigzag lines across the dish denote the sacred character of the
feast. The upper lines are the arm holding the vessel. ]

Man -i-d6 i-ya-né’, ish’-ko-te'-wi-wa -we-van .
My spirit is on fire.
[The horizontal lines across the leg signify magic power of
traversing space. The short lines below the foot denote flames,
tf i. e., magic influence obtained by swiftness of communication
with the man idos. |

Ko'tshi-ha-ya-né , né,

ish -ki-to’-ya-ni’, nin-do'-we-he’, wi-a-we-yan’.

I want to try you, I am of fire.

[The zigzag lines diverging from the mouth signify voice, sing-
ing; the apex upon the head superior knowledge, by means of
which the singer wishes to try his Midé’ sack upon his hearer, to
give evidence of the power of his influence. ]

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM

HOFFMAN. | INITIATION CEREMONIES. 261

A pause. Ceremonial smoking is indulged in, after which the
chant is continued.

Ni-mi-ga-sim’-ma man’-i-d6, sa-ko'-tghi-na’.
My mi‘gis spirit, that is why Iam stronger than you.

} [The three spots denote the three times the singer has re-
ceived the mi'gis by being shot; it is because this spirit is within
him that he is more powerful than those upon the outside of the
wigiwam who hear him. ]

Mi-ga-ye'-nin en'-dy-an, ya’, ho’, ya, man’-i-do'-ya.
That is the way I feel, spirit.
[The speaker is filled with joy at his power, the mi’gis within

him, shown by the spot upon the body, making him confident. ]

Ya-g0'-sha-hi’, na’, ha’, ha’,
Ya-g0'-sha-hi’, man’-i-d6-wi'-yin.
I am stronger than you, spirit that you are.

G [He feels more powerful, from having received three times the
migis, than the evil spirit who antagonizes his progress in ad-
vancement. |

Upon the completion of this preliminary by the candidate, the
priests emerge from the wig'iwam and fall in line according to their
official status, when the candidate and preceptor gather up the par-
cels of tobacco and place themselves at the head of the column and
start toward the eastern entrance of the Midé’wigan. As they ap-
proach the lone post, or board, the candidate halts, when the priests
continue to chant and drum upon the Midé’ drum. Thechief Midé’
then advances to the board and peeps through the orifice near the
top to view malevolent man‘idés occupying the interior, who are an-
tagonistic to the entrance of a stranger. This spot is assumed to
represent the resting place or “‘ nest,” from which the Bear Man’ido
viewed the evil spirits during the time of his initiation by the Otter.
The evil spirits within are crouching upon the floor, one behind the
other and facing the east, the first being Mi-shi’-bi-shi—the panther ;
the second, Me-shi’-ké—the turtle ; the third, kwin’-go-a’-gi—the big
wolverine ; the fourth, wa’-gitish—the fox ; the fifth, ma-in’-gtin—
the wolf ; and the sixth, ma-kwa’—the bear. They are the ones
who endeavor to counteract or destroy the good wrought by the rites
of the Midé’wiwin, and only by the aid of the good man‘idds can
they be driven from the Midé'wigan so as to permit a candidate to
enter and receive the benefits of the degree. The second Midé’ then
views the group of malevolent beings, after which the third, and
lastly the fourth priest looks through the orifice. They then advise

262 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

the presentation by the candidate of tobacco at that point to invoke
the best efforts of the Midé’ Man ‘idds in his behalf.

It is asserted that all of the malevolent man‘id6s who occupied and
surrounded the preceding degree structures have now assembled
about this fourth degree of the Midé’wigan to make a final effort
against the admission and advancement of the candidate ; therefore
he impersonates the good Bear Man‘id6, and is obliged to follow e
similar course in approaching from his present position the entrance
of the structure. Upon hands and knees he slowly crawls toward
the main entrance, when a wailing voice is heard in the east which
sounds like the word ha®’, prolonged in a monotone. This is ge’-gi-
si’-bi-ga’-ne-dat man'id6. His bones are heard rattling as he ap-
proaches ; he wields his bow and arrow ; his long hair streaming in
the air, and his body, covered with mi’gis shells from the salt sea,
from which he has emerged to aid in the expulsion of the opposing
spirits. This being the information given to the candidate he
assumes and personates the character of the man‘id6 referred to,
and being given a bow and four arrows, and under the guidance of
his preceptor, he proceeds toward the main entrance of the structure
while the officiating priests enter and station themselves within the
door facing the west. The preceptor carries the remaining parcels
of tobacco, and when the candidate arrives near the door he makes
four movements with his bow and arrow toward the interior, as if
shooting, the last time sending an arrow within, upon which the
grinning spirits are forced to retreat toward the other end of the
inclosure. The candidate then rushes in at the main entrance, and
upon emerging at the south suddenly turns and again employs his
bow and arrow four times toward the crowd of evil man‘idés, who
have rushed toward him during the interval that he was within.
At the last gesture of shooting into the inclosute, he sends forward
an arrow, deposits a parcel of tobacco and crouches to rest at the so-
called ‘‘bear’s nest.” During this period of repose the Midé’ priests
continue to drum and sing. Then the candidate approaches the
southern door again, on all fours, and the moment he arrives there
he rises and is hurried through the inclosure to emerge at the west,
where he turns suddenly, and imitating the manner of shooting
arrows into the group of angry man‘idds within, he at the fourth
movement lets fly an arrow and gets down into the western ‘* bear’s
nest.” After a short interval he again approaches the door, crawl-
ing forward on his hands and knees until he reaches the entrance,
where he leaves a present of tobacco and is hastened through the
inclosure to emerge at the northern door, where he again turns sud-
denly upon the angry spirits, and after making threatening move-
ments toward them, at the fourth menace he sends an arrow among
them. The spirits are now greatly annoyed by the magic power
possessed by the candidate and the assistance rendered by the Midé’

HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION CEREMONIES. 268

Man’id6és, so that they are compelled to seek safety in flight. The
candidate is resting in the northern ‘*bear’s nest,” and as he again
crawls toward the Midé’wigan, on hands and knees, he deposits
another gift of a parcel of tobacco, then rises and is hurried through
the interior to emerge at the entrance door, where he turns around,
and seeing but a few angry man‘idéds remaining, he takes his last
arrow and aiming it at them makes four threatening gestures to-
ward them, at the last sending the arrow into the structure, which
puts to flight all opposition on the part of this host of man‘idds.
The path is now clear, and after he deposits another gift of tobacco
at the door he is led within, and the preceptor receives the bow and
deposits it with the remaining tobacco upon the pile of blankets and
robes that have by this time been removed from the rafters and laid
upon the ground midway between the sacred Midé’ stone and the first
Midé’ post.

The chief Midé’ priest then takes charge of the candidate, saying:

Mi-a-shi-gwa wi-ka’-we-a’-kwa-mis-sin nuk, Mi’-a-shi-gwa wi-kan -do-we-an’

Now is the time [to take] the path that Now is the I shall inform you [of]

has no end. time

mi -ga-i -zhid wen -dzhi-bi-ma -dis.
that which I wastold the reason I live.

To this the second Midé’ priest remarks to the candidate, Wa/-shi-
gan’-do-we-an’ mi-gai-i-nok’ wa'-ka-no -shi-dzin—which freely trans-
lated signifies: “‘The reason I now advise you is that you may heed
him when he speaks to you.” The candidate is then led around the
interior of the inclosure, the assistant Midé’ fallin line of march and
are followed by all the others present, excepting the musicians. Dur-
ing the circuit, which is performed slowly, the chief Midé’ drums
upon the Midé’ drum and chants. The following, reproduced from
the original, on Pl. xvir, B, consists of a number of archaic words,
some of which are furthermore different from the spoken language on
account of their being chanted, and meaningless syllables introduced
to prolong certain accentuated notes. Hach line and stanza may be
repeated ad libitum.

_Man’-i-d6, hé’, né'-yé’, man’-i-d6d, hé’, né’, ye,
én’-da-na -bi-yén wen -d0-bi-yén
,) A spirit, a spirit, you who sit there, who sit there.

[The singer makes a spirit of the candidate by thus giving him
new life, by again shooting into his body the sacred mi'gis. The
lisk is the dish for feast of spirits in the dzhibai’ midé wigan—
‘Ghost Lodge,” the arms reaching towards it denoting the spirits

« who take food therefrom. The signification is that the candidate
will be enabled to invoke and commune with the spirits of departed
Midé’, and to learn of hidden powers. |

THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

He'-ha-wa'-ni, ye’, he -ha-wa’-ni, ye’,

na -bi-nesh -ga-na’-bi, hi’, he’.

[These words were chanted, while the following are those as
spoken, apart from the music. |

A-wan'-6-de -no-win ni-bi-désh'-ka-win un'-de-no'-win.

The fog wind goes from place to place whence the wind blows.

[The reason of the representation of a human form was not sat-
isfactorily explained. The preceptor felt confident, however, that
it signified a man id6 who controls the fog, one different from one
of the a-na’-mi-ki’, or Thunderers, who would be shown by the fig-
ure of an eagle, or a hawk, when it would also denote the thunder,
and perhaps lightning, neither of which occurs in connection with
the fog. ]

Rest.

Man -i-d6'-we ni-mi-nan’ ku-ni-ne man-to'-ke ni’-mi-ne’.

I who acknowledge you to be a spirit, and am dying.

[The figure is an outline of the Midé wigan with the sacred Midé’
stone indicated within, as also another spot to signify the place
occupied by a sick person. The waving lines above and beneath
the oblong square are magic lines, and indicate magic or super-
natural power. The singer compares the candidate to a sick man
who is seeking life by having shot into his body the mi gis. ]

Ga-kwe -in-nan’'-tshi-ha’-gé-na’ ma-kwa’ ni-go-tshi-ni’.

I am trying you who are the bear.

[The Midé’ who is chanting is shown in the figure; his eyes are
looking into the candidate’s heart. The lines from the mouth are
also shown as denoting speech, directed to his hearer. The horns
are a representation of the manner of indicating superior powers. ]

Pi-né-si ka’-ka-gi-wai-yan’ wen -dzhi man -i-do wid.

The bird, the crow bird’s skin is the reason why I am a spirit.

[Although the crow is mentioned, the Thunder-bird (eagle) is
delineated. The signification of the phrase is, that the speaker is
equal in power to a man ido, at the time of using the Midé’ sack—
which is of such a skin. ]

Tshin-gwe'-wi-he'-na né’, ka", tshi-wa’-ba-ku-net’.

The sound of the Thunder is the white bear of fire. ’

[The head is, in this instance, symbolical of the white bear
man id6; the short lines below it denoting flame radiating from
the body, the eyes also looking with penetrating gaze, as indicated
by the double waving lines from each eye. The white bear man -
ido is one of the most powerful man idos, and is so recognized. |

By the time this chant is completed the head of the procession
reaches the point of departure, just within the eastern door, and all
of the members return to their seats, only the four officiating Midé’
remaining with the candidate and his preceptor. To search further

HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION CEREMONIES. 265

that no malevolent man'idés may remain lurking within the Midé’-
wigan, the chief priests lead the candidate in a zigzag manner to
the western door, and back again to the east. In this way the path
leads past the side of the Midé’ stone, then right oblique to the
north of the heap of presents, thence left oblique to the south of
the first-degree post, then passing the second on the north, and so
on until the last post is reached, around which the course continues,
and back in a similar serpentine manner to the eastern door. The
candidate is then led to the blankets, upon which he seats himself,
the four officiating priests placing themselves before him, the pre-
ceptor standing back near the first of the four degree posts.

The Midé’ priest of the fourth rank or place in order of precedence
approaches the kneeling candidate and in a manner similar to that
which has already been described shoots into his breast the mi'gis;
the third, second and first Midé’ follow in like manner, the last
named alone shooting his mi gis into the candidate’s forehead, upon
which he falls forward, spits out a mi’gis shell which he had pre-
viously secreted in his mouth, and upon the priests rubbing upon his
back and limbs their Midé’ sacks he recovers and resumes his sitting
posture.

The officiating priests retire to either side of the inclosure to find
seats, when the newly received member arises and with the assist-
ance of the preceptor distributes the remaining parcels of tobacco,
and lastly the blankets, robes, and other gifts. He then begins at
the southeastern angle of the inclosure to return thanks for admis-
sion, places both hands upon the first person, and as he moves them
downward over his hair says: Mi-gwétsh’ ga-o'-shi-td’-in bi-ma’-di-
sI-win—‘‘ Thanks, for giving to me life.” The Midé’ addressed bows
his head and responds, hau’, é"’,—yes when the newly admitted
member steps back one pace, clasps his hands and inclines his head
to the front. This movement is continued until all present have
been thanked, after which he takes a seat in the southeastern corner
of the inclosure.

A curious ceremony then takes place in which all the Midé’ on
one side of the inclosure arise and approach those upon the other, each
grasping his Midé’ sack and selecting a victim pretends to shoot
into his body the mi'gis, whereupon the Midé’ so shot falls over, and
after a brief attack of gagging and retching pretends to gain relief
by spitting out of his mouth a mi‘gis shell. This is held upon the
left palm, and as the opposing party retreat to their seats, the side
which has just been subjected to the attack moves rapidly around
among one another as if dancing, but simply giving rapid utterance
to the word ho’, hd’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, and showing the mi'gis to
everybody present, after which they place the flat hands quickly to
the mouth and pretend again to swallow their respective shells. The
members of this party then similarly attack their opponents, who

266 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

submit to similar treatment and go through like movements in ex-
hibiting the mi’gis, which they again swallow. When quiet has
been restored, and after a ceremonial smoke has been indulged in,
the candidate sings, or chants, the production being either his own
composition or that of some other person from whom it has been
purchased. The chant presented herewith was obtained from Sikas’-
sigé, who had received it in turn from his father when the latter
was chief priest of the Midé’wiwin at Mille Lacs, Minnesota. The
pictographic characters are reproduced on Pl. xvi, A, and the mu-
sical notation, which is also presented, was obtained during the
period of my preliminary instruction. The phraseology of the chant,
of which each line and verse is repeated ad libitum as the singer
may be inspired, is as follows:

Do-na'-ga-ni’, Na'-wa-kwe’ in-do’-shi-t6n’, do-nA-pe-ni
My dish, At noon I make it, my dish.

[The singer refers to the feast which he gives to the
Mide’ for admitting him into the Midé wiwin. |

———————__ —_—_—_—_—_—_—__

(A eee SS = SS

7 a ——

— - =5 — 4 er

ee
Do-na- ga ni . Do-na-ga - ni, . . Do-na-ga -

ze x P > = > SS
eS ~ 2 -
Es 4 —} - 4 PS SS —— SS SS ee
Z i oe oe ee lee 7
— en
- ni, Do-na-ga - ni, . . Do-na-ga - ni, Do-na-ga -
utes f \— SS = SS

a = ee So _—

[ a = waa a me cease eee eee a =
ee a SSS ee
Se a eee
- ni; Na-/kwa-we’,. . In-do-shi-ton Donagani,Donaga - ni, . . Do-tia-ga-

D. Ge lib.
b — = > if, > fee. =,
SS See

- ni,. .. Do-na-ga- ni,. . . Do-na-ga- ni,. . . Do-na-ga - ni.

“SONOS OINOWSNW

———|

fod

HOFFMAN, ] MIDE’ SONGS. 267

S Man’-i-d6’ i-yan-ni, Esh-ko'-te nin’-do-we'-yo-win’.
pS Iam such a spirit, My body is made of fire.

[His power reaches to the sky, i. e., he has power to
invoke the aid of Ki'tshi Manid6. The four degrees
which he has received are indicated by the four short
lines at the tip of the hand. ]

TRS
E pe ee oe er teere age —o{4 Sarees scoot

Ma/ni-do-i-ya-ni, Ma/ni- doy -i-ya- ni, Ma/ni- -doi- -i-ya-ni, Ma/ ni-do-i-y i-ya-

oe Sa a : <a
= ge
Se cm) + cess ae
<= =2 NS
5 — —
- ni, Ma/ni-do-i-ya - ni; been Ne te nin-do we-yo-win, Maniddiya-

== ae = eae

ni, Ma/ni- do-i-y -i-ya- mi, Ma/‘ni- aay i-ya- ni, Ma/ni-do-i-ya-ni,

K6'-tshi-hai’-o-ni’, Esh-ko'-te wa-ni’-yo.

I have tried it, My body is of fire.

[He likens himself to the Bear Man‘ido, and has like
power by virtue of his mi gis, which is shown below the
lines running downward from the mouth. He is repre-
sented as standing in the Midé’wigan—where his feet
rest. |

——— =

(==
—- = ae = == A TESS

Ko/tshi-hai’o- ni, ae hai’o-ni, Ko/tshi-hai/o-ni, Ko/tshihai/oni,

at aN — = er i.
{eee eee eee Ee eearea aes
v =F
Ko/tshi-hai’o-ni, Ko/tshi-hai’o-ni, | Ko’tshi-hai/o- ni, ee
ad lib.
> > ——————_— > QV pr

Esh’kote/wani’yo, Ko’tshihaioni, Ko’tshihai‘oni,Kotshihaioni, hé/6, —_hé/0.

Pause. An offering of smoke is made to Ki'tshi
Man ido,

THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Ni-mi -gi-sim’ man -i-d6'-we, hwé’', he’,

Sha -go-dzhi -hi-na’.

My mi’gis spirit,

I overpower death with.

[His body is covered with mi gis as shown by the short
lines radiating from the sides, and by this power he is
enabled to overcome death. |

a Ok os pee
Ait erro Fee PPG |
SSS Sees a = SSS Se — eS
Nimegasimani do— we, hwe, hé, Nimegasimani do—
r—- tr~ tr r— r~—
fen fen “~ fe lon
% 4 ae p> SS —— > eed Si
Ro |RSS Pa Aree fo fae fe
iG tg lig leg a eer Sees te a
we, hwe, he, Shagodzhihina ni - mega-si, Manido - we, hwe,
D.C. ad lib.
ir I ee eee ee
4 ia SS Se S >
sis ey Iss = |= : s pe =]
ee reer mere a a a ee ee ees Cee
he Ni-me-ga-si- ma-ni - do— we, hwe he.

Ni-ka-ni’ nin-man’'-e-d0'-we-ya’.

Ya'-ho-ya’ man’-i-d0’-wa nin-da’-ho-ha’.

That is the way with me, spirit that I am.

[The hand shows how he casts the mi'gis forward into
the person requiring life. He has fourfold power, i. e.,
he has received the mi'gis four times himself and isthus
enabled to infuse into the person requiring it. ]

f = LEN oN een eas eee
Pg eee are eee ee ee
=a le —— cae & IS —— *.

Ni/-ga-ne’ nin ma/ni-d0’we ya Ni’-ga-ne’ nin ma/ni-d0’we ya,

D.C. ad lib.

Ya‘ho-ya’

SNe see ree Coes Sees Ea =

ma/nido-we, Nin’dohdhani’gane, ma/ni - do - we,

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 269

E-kotsh -i-na’-ha,
E-kotsh’-ha man -i-dd’ hwe-do'-wi.
I hang it,
I hang up the Spirit sack.
[After using his Midé’ sack he hangs it against the wall
| | of the Midé’wigan, as is usually done during the ceremo-
nial of initiation. }

N
: —T\>—3 3
Ee 2 = Lethe p=es = a a 7 at ae Ne EX
ass ee a oe re
E -ko’tshi-na-ha, E - ko’tshi-na-ha, E - ko’tshi-na-ha, E -

——— SS sas st Sorte nae |
s

E Ss FS. 4 tS

oe o-* t@°-—@

——
- ko/-tshi - na - ha, E - ko/-tshi-na - ha, E - ki’-tshi-ma/-ni - d0/

D.C. ad lib.
f > SS — > fou i

pia 3== So:sS= =e 7
=; — ——s 3 — aos =

~~ <=
hwe-do-wi, E - ko’tshi-na-ha, E-ko/’tshi-na-ha, EF - Fisica leat hé/a.

He’-a-wi-non’-dam-a -ni,
Man’-i-do’ mi-de’-wi-he’
ne -ma-da -wi-dzig .
HS Let them hear,
Midé@’ spirit, those who are sitting around.
{He invokes Ki'tshi Man'id6 to make his auditors un-
derstand his power. ]

Noles —— r—~
Besos: = 2 ees" 2 te a i= a |
BSS] SSS =
Sine a-wi-non-da-ma-ni hé, He -a - wi-nonda-ma- ni he ;
ae = =
=——— = a5 —
¢—0—0 66 oe —— ft
= a rd Si aoa
He’-a - wi-non-da-ma- ni he, ees wi-non-da-ma-ni he’;
D.C. gs lib.
ir br tr pecs
nae —
pinay ae: eee
—+—+— +-_+—_ —6-6-6-6—-6-g— | = —+- :
Soe eae
Manidomidéwi he, Nemadawi dzhig, Heawinondamani Pie he, he

270 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

He’-a-we-na ni-we-do',
Man -i-d0’ we-a-ni’
Ni-ka-na’ ni-na-na’.
He who is sleeping,
The Spirit, I bring him, a kinsman,
{In the employment of his powers he resorts to the
help of Ki'tshi Man'idd—his kinsman or Midé’ colleague. }

Z tr~~ re ire. fr Bee
e ee NA N= =e Bere ee
| a ee es foe == o- == Bie =e =
=Qeei =f a a ee eee = ettas =
ee
He -a- we-na-ne-we - do, ho, a a- we-na-ne-we - do, ho,
lie ip Lies r—
pit ee oe
[oe ae ee be =]
= ee SS SSS cao
He-a-we-na-ne-we - do, ho, Hes a - We-na-ne-we “as, “hae
D.C. ad lib
— ee oe tr ee
eee = i
(ae e SES Sa aa
== i: =e aes OR jae hea meme
Ma/- ni - dO - we - a- ni ni - ka - na ni - iekcae na, ae, a
Man -i-do’ we-a-ni’
Esh-ke’-ta we’-a-ni’ man -i-d6’ we'-a-ni’.
I am a spirit,
Fire is my spirit body.
| [The hand reaches to the earth to grasp fire, showing
' his ability to do so without injury and illustrating in this
(eg manner his supernatural power. |
a ho SS ijNDa iF ——__——

E i ea0 = 0-0 fas 5 ee ae or eT —_ 2 =e es
= Se eS ee eee
Ma/ni-d0/wi-a-ni he, Ma/ni-d0/wi-a-ni he, Ma/-ni-d6/-wi-a - ni
iy O—— OS 6) jf Vee
$ ia ———— = \S a NSS
So |Le=e ca ae ae os =e ——— 33-3 - :|
eS ee o —e— SEs

he, Ma/-ni-d0/-wi- a- ni he, Ma/-ni - d0/wi - a-ni he ;
pean Re = D.C. ad lib.

phe Nh (Pn (—=——

F meee a See _— ee see ene SSS22
a t o-0-0-\|*4---|"e 6 aes

Esh’kato’weani he, Ma/nido/wiani he, “Mafwids’ wia-ni she.

x! il

HOFFMAN.) MIDE’ SONGS. 271

Ai-ya -swa-kit-te’, he’ ,he’,
He -a se-wi -kit-te’, bé’, hé’
Na-se -ma-got’ nin-dé’.

= It is leaning,
My heart breathes.
S [The phrase refers to the mi’gis within his heart. The
short radiating lines indicate the magic power of the
shell. |

3
a a - ————e a

He’-a - si- wi-kit-te hé, He’-a -si-wi-kit-te he, He/a-si-wikit-te he

ee nN agers \~ ~~ UN Se oe
a seen a 0-0-0 0 9 0 * 5 }« 23 AS
* 9-6-3 6-6-— a = Se aa = 9 e—_e—6£ 6
ee ——
Pe ae . ‘ F : 4 neers 4 As
He’a-si-wi-kit-te he, -Na/simagotnin/de he, He’-a- si- wi-kit-te hé,

D.C. ad lib.
cea ee IS SSS

a — n= 2 oe see
fe 2 eee ar i 4 == aee ace === H =f]

LeU

He/-a - si- wi-kit-te he, He’-a - si - wi-kit-te hé’, He’a-si-wi-kitte he.

Rest, or pause, after which dancing accompanies the
remainder of the song.

Z
a Ni-ka -nin-ko'-tshi’-ha ni-ka-na
\\ Ni-ka -na-nin-ko -tshi-ha.
Midé’ friends, [am trying, Midé’ friends, Mide’ friends, I am trying.
[His hand and arm crossed by lines to denote magic
power, in reaching to grasp more than four degrees have
given him; he has in view a fifth, or its equivalent. ]

a ———————— f SS _——S
CS as er ose | Za ie oe
5S = a aS ee
Ni’-ka- ni ko’tshiha Ni’ka-ni ha, Ni’-ka-ni ko’tshini Ni’-ka-ni
D.C. ad lib.
fee ——————— ee ee
Fou 2 SS SSS SS Ss SS Se SS
= oe oe o Hs
— —3 3 3 S :
ha, Ni/-ka- ni ko’-tshi- ha WNi’- ka - ni ha.

272 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Hi -ne-na-wa’ ni-be'-i-d6n’ ni-di’-na.

I hold that which I brought, and told him.

[The singer is holding the mi'gis and refers to his hay-
ing its power, which he desires Kitshi Man‘id6 to aug-
ment. |

—— > — >
Ser aera —\— Fhe Se Ne
[ Po ? @__@_._@ @ I< —* [=#= e @ a | =! |- --> |
= eS t a fF =| {=e Se et re aoe
He - ne- na- wa -ni - bei - don, He -ne - na- wa- ni-bei - don,
a ee Ve a Be el D. C. ad lib.
= = \ = I an
SS Seay
He - ne- na - wa-ni - bei - don, He - ne- na- wa-ni- bei - don.

Ye'-we-ni-mi-dé’, hwa’, da’, Ke-wa'-shi-mi-dé’, hi-a ,
hwe’, Ye-we-ni -mi-dé ?

Who isthis grand Midé’» Youwhaye not much grand medicine.
Who is the Midé’

[The first line, when used with the music, is a’-we-nin-
o'-au-midé’. The whole phrase refers to boasters, who
have not received the proper initiations which they pro-
fess. The figure is covered with mi'gis shells, as shown
by the short lines attached to the body. |

> f = = 62 tr
—— : 5
= =e I AS 4 AS + 45
, ae Saees SS Err a |
Ye - we-ni- mi-deé wa, da Ke-wa-shi-mi-de hia, hwe,
== ak = ———— Re
2 aioe ———
c a = — = =6 6s =| eS
= sie S =S =
Ye- we-ni-mi- dé ee, da, Ke-wa-shi-mi-deé hia, hwe.
D.C. ad lib
—— = ee RS

ae z S\Sjeae
ee il

Ye - we - ni - mi - dé, Anta eiine mi- dé hwa, da.

HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 273

Nai-a-na-wi na-ma’, ha’, Wa-na’-he-ne-ni-wa’, ha’,
O'-ta-be-we-ni’, mé’, hé’.

I can not reach it,

Only when I go round the Midé’wigan;

Ican not reach it from where I sit.

[The mi'gis attached to the arrow signifies its swift
and certain power and effect. The first line of the
phrase, when spoken, is nin-na’-na-wi-nan’. |

age ——= hE i ea _fo~
E = foe —2— 2» 9 —_ 9 —_0 o=|ee = ——
= Se ee ole — Sa et eer as Ber
Nai - a - na- wi- pa-ma ie Nai- @ - na- wi-na-ma ha,
= — LS oN
a
Sue ea Oo = == =—s para a
Nai-a - na- wi-na-ma ha, Nai - @ - na-wi-na-ma ha,
D.C. ad lib.
at — aoe
ee ee ING Ss
i aoe = 4 J TE See N == =
= eee te sj = = — =
Wa - na -he - ne- ni- wa ha, O - ta - be - we - ni - me

Ai-ya’ ha ’-na-wi’-na-ma’.

I can not strike him.

[The speaker is weeping because he can not see imme-
diate prospects for further advancement in the acquisi-
tion of power. The broken ring upon his breast is the
place upon which he was shot with the mi'gis.]

Sa at QV Sa ee
ee SS = =]
- ya- ha-na-wi- na - ma, Ai - ya -ha - Speunlann -na - ma,

D.C. ad lib.
6 SS fe i fp pe

——————
+ f — es
Sa.

Ai-ya- ha-na-wi-na- ma, Ai-ya- aha wan na - ma, héo, hed, héo.

The following musical notation presents accurately the range of
notes employed by the preceptor. The peculiarity of Midé’ songs
lies in the fact that each person has his own individual series of notes
which correspond to the number of syllables in the phrase and add
thereto meaningless words to prolong the effect. When a song is
taught, the words are the chief and most important part, the mu-
sical rendering of a second person may be so different from that of
the person from whom he learns it as to be unrecognizable without

7 ETH——18

274 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

the words. Another fact which often presents itself is the absence of
time and measure, which prevents any reduction to notation by full
bars; e. g., one or two bars may appear to consist of four quarter
notes or a sufficient number of quarters and eighths to complete such
bars, but the succeeding one may consist of an additional quarter, or
perhaps two, thus destroying all semblance of rythmic continuity.
This peculiarity is not so common in dancing music, in which the
instruments of percussion are employed to assist regularity and to
accord with the steps made by the dancers, or vice versa.

In some of the songs presented in this paper the bars have been
omitted for the reasons presented above. The peculiarity of the
songs as rendered by the preceptor is thus more plainly indicated.

When the chant is ended the ushers, who are appointed by the
chief Midé’, leave the inclosure to bring in the vessels of food. This
is furnished by the newly elected member and is prepared by his
femalerelatives and friends. The kettles and dishes of food are borne
around four times, so that each one present may have the opportunity
of eating sufficiently. Smoking and conversation relating to tlie
Midé’wiwin may then be continued until toward sunset, when, upon
an intimation from the chief Midé’, the members quietly retire, leav-
ing the structure by the western door. All personal property is re-
moved, and upon the following day everybody departs.

DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.

The amount of influence wielded by Midé’ generally, and partic-
ularly such as have received four degrees, is beyond belief. The
rite of the Midé’wiwin is deemed equivalent to a religion—as that
term is commonly understood by intelligent people—and is believed
to elevate such a Midé’ to the nearest possible approach to the re-
puted character of Mi’nabd’zho, and to place within his reach the
supernatural power of invoking and communing with Ki'tshi Man'id6
himself.

By reference to Pl. 11, A, No. 98, it will be observed that the hu-
man figure is specially marked with very pronounced indications of
mi'gis spots upon the head, the extremities, and more particularly
the breast. These are placed where the migis was ‘‘shot” into the
Midé’, and the functions of the several parts are therefore believed
to be greatly augmented. All the spots are united by a line to de-
note unity and harmony of action in the exercise of power.

The mi'gis, typical of the fourth degree, consists of small pieces of
deer horn, covered with red paint on one end and green upon the
other. Sometimes but one color is employed for the entire object.
The form is shown on Pl. x1, No. 6. No. 2, upon the same plate,
represents a shell, used as a mi’gis, observed at White Earth.

Figs. 5-11, on Pl. xv, present several forms of painting midé’

HOFFMAN. | DESCRIPTIVE NOTES. 275

posts, as practiced by the several societies in Minnesota. Each
society claims to preserve the ancient method. The cross, shown in
No. 7, bears the typical colors—red and green—upon the upper half,
while the lower post is square and colored white on the east, green
on the south, red on the west, and black on the north. The Midé’
explain the signification of the colors as follows: White represents
the east, the source of light and the direction from which the sacred
mi gis came; green, sha’man6 the southern one, refers to the source
of the rains, the direction from which the Thunderers come in the
spring, they who revivify the earth; red refers to the land of the set-
ting sun, the abode of the shadows or the dead; and north being
black, because that is the direction from which come cold, hunger,
and disease.

The words of the Midé’ priest alluding to ‘‘the path that has no
end” refer to the future course and conduct of the candidate for
the last degree, as well as to the possibility of attaining unlimited
powers in magic, and is pictorially designated upon the chart on Pl.
mr, A, at No. 99. The path is devious and beset with temptations,
but by strict adherence to the principles of the Midé’wiwin the
Midé’ may reach the goal and become the superior of his confréres.
designated Mi-ni’-si-n6’-shkwe, ‘‘he who lives on the island.”

A Midé’-Wabénd’ of this degree is dreaded on account of his ex-
traordinary power of inflicting injury, causing misfortune, etc., and
most remarkable tales are extant concerning his astounding per-
formances with fire.

The following performance is said to have occurred at White
Earth, Minnesota, in the presence of a large gathering of Indians
and mixed bloods. Two small wig’iwams were erected, about 40
paces from each other, and after the Wabéno’ had crawled into
one of them his disparagers built around each of them a continuous
heap of brush and firewood, which were then kindled. When the
blaze was at its height all became hushed for a moment, and pres-
ently the Wabénd’ called to the crowd that he had transferred him-
self to the other wig’iwam and immediately, to their profound aston-
ishment, crawled forth unharmed.

This is but an example of the numerous and marvelous abilities
with which the Wabénd’ of the higher grade is accredited.

The special pretensions claimed by the Midé-Wabénd’ have already
been mentioned, but an account of the properties and manner of
using the ‘‘love powder” may here be appropriate. This powder—
the composition of which has been given—is generally used by the
owner to accomplish results desired by the applicant. It is carried
in a small bag made of buckskin or cloth, which the Wabéno’ care-
fully deposits within his Midé’ sack, but which is transferred to an-
other sack of like size and loaned to the applicant, for a valuable
consideration.

276 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA,

During a recent visit to one of the reservations in Minnesota, I
had oceasion to confer with a Catholic missionary regarding some
of the peculiar medical practices of the Indians, and the implements
and other accessories employed in connection with their profession.
He related the following incident as having but a short time pre-
viously come under his own personal observation:

One of the members of his church, a Norwegian, sixty-two years
of age, and a widower, had for the last preceding year been consid-
ered by most of the residents as demented. The missionary himself
had observed his erratic and frequently irrational conduct, and was
impressed with the probable truth of the prevailing rumor. One
morning, however, as the missionary was seated in his study, he was
surprised to receive a very early call, and upon invitation his visitor
took a seat and explained the object of his visit. He said that for
the last year he had been so disturbed in his peace of mind that he
now came to seek advice. He was fully aware of the common re-
port respecting his conduct, but was utterly unable to control him-
self, and attributed the cause of his unfortunate condition to an
occurrence of the year before. Upon waking one morning his
thoughts were unwillingly concentrated upon an Indian woman with
whom he had no personal acquaintance whatever, and, notwith-
standing the absurdity of the impression, be was unable to cast it
aside. After breakfast he was, by some inexplicable influence, com-
pelled to call upon her, and to introduce himself, and although he ex-
pected to be able to avoid repeating the visit, he never had sufficient
control over himself to resist lurking in the-vicinity of her habita-
tion.

Upon his return home after the first visit he discovered lying upon
the floor under his bed, a Midé’ sack which contained some small
parcels with which he was unfamiliar, but was afterward told that
one of them consisted of ‘‘love powder.” He stated that he had
grown children, and the idea of marrying again was out of the ques-
tion, not only on their account but because he was now too old. The
missionary reasoned with him and suggested a course of procedure,
the result of which had not been learned when the incident was re-
lated.

Jugglery of another kind, to which allusion has before been made,
is also attributed to the highest class of Jés’sakkid’. Several years
ago the following account was related to Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S.
Army, and myself, and as Col. Mallery subsequently read a paper
before the Anthropological Society of Washington, District of Co-
lumbia, in which the account was mentioned, I quote his words:

Paul Beaulieu, an Ojibwa of mixed blood, present interpreter at White Earth
Agency, Minnesota, gave me his experience with a Jés'sakkid’, at Leech Lake, Min-
nesota, about the year 1858. The reports of his wonderful performances had
reached the agency, and as Beaulieu had no faith in jugglers, he offered to wager

HOFFMAN.) INDIAN JUGGLERY. 277

$100, a large sum, then and there, against goods of equal value, that the juggler
could not perform satisfactorily one of the tricks of his repertoire to be selected by
him (Beaulieu) in the presence of himself and a committee of his friends. The
Jés'sakkan’—or Jés'sakkid’ lodge—was then erected. The framework of vertical
poles, inclined to the center, was filled in with interlaced twigs covered with blank-
ets and birch-bark from the ground to the top, leaving an upper orifice of about a
foot in diameter for the ingress and egress of spirits and the objects to be men-
tioned, but not large enough for the passage of a man’s body. At one side of the
lower wrapping a flap was left for the entrance of the Jés'sakkid’.

A committee of twelve was selected to see that no communication was possible
between the Jés'sakkid’ and confederates. These were reliable people, one of them
the Episcopal clergyman of the reservation. The spectators were several hundred
in number, but they stood off, not being allowed to approach.

The Jés'sakkid’ then removed his clothing, until nothinz remained but the
breech-cloth. Beaulieu took a rope (selected by himself for the purpose) and first
tied and knotted one end about the juggler’s ankles; his knees were then securely
tied together, next the wrists, after which the arms were passed over the knees and
a billet of wood passed through under the knees, thus securing and keeping the arms
down motionless. The rope was then passed around the neck, again and again,
each time tied and knotted, so as to bring the face down upon the knees. <A flat
river-stone, of black color—which was the Jés'sakkid’’s ma’‘nid6 or amulet—was left
lying upon his thighs.

The Jés'sakkid’ was then carried to the lodge and placed inside upon a mat on the
ground, and the flap covering was restored so as to completely hide him from view.

Immediately loud, thumping noises were heard, and the framework began to
sway from side to side with great violence; whereupon the clergyman remarked
that this was the work of the Evil One and ‘it was no place for him,’ so he left
and did not see the end. After a few minutes of violent movements and swayings
of the lodge accompanied by loud inarticulate noises, the motions gradually ceased
when the voice of the juggler was heard, telling Beaulieu to go to the house of a
friend, near by, and get the’rope. Now, Beaulieu, suspecting some joke was to be
played upon him, directed the committee to be very careful not to permit any one
to approach while he went for the rope, which he found at the place indicated, still
tied exactly as he had placed it about the neck and extremities of the Jés'sakkid’.
He immediatedly returned, laid it down before the spectators, and requested of the
Jéss akkid’ to be allowed to look at him, which was granted, but with the under-
standing that Beatlieu was not to touch him.

When the covering was pulled aside, the Jés'sakkid’ sat within the lodge, con-
tentedly smoking his pipe, with no other object in sight than the black stone man-
idd. Beaulieu paid his wager of $100.

An exhibition of similar pretended powers, also for a wager, was announced a
short time after, at Yellow Medicine, Minnesota, to be given in the presence of a
number of Army people, but at the threat of the Grand Medicine Man of the Leech
Lake bands, who probably objected to interference with his lucrative monopoly, the
event did not take place and bets were declared off.

Col. Mallery obtained further information of a similar kind from
various persons on the Bad River Reservation, and at Bayfield, Wis-
consin. All of these he considered to be mere variants of a class of
performances which were reported by the colonists of New England
and the first French missionaries in Canada as early as 1613, where
the general designation of ‘‘ The Sorcerers” was applied to the whole
body of Indians on the Ottawa River. These reports, it must be

278 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

remembered, however, applied only to the numerous tribes of the
Algonkian linguistic family among which the alleged practices ex-
isted; though neighboring tribes of other linguistic groups were no
doubt familiar with them, just as the Winnebago, Omaha, and other
allied tribes, profess to have ‘‘ Medicine Societies,” the secrets of
which they claim to have obtained from tribes located east of their
own habitat, that practiced the pecular ceremony of ‘‘shooting
small shells” (i. e., the migis of the Ojibwa) into the candidate.

In Pl. xvi is shown a Jés'sakkid’ extracting sickness by suck-
ing through bone tubes.

DZHIBAI’ MIDE’WIGAN, OR “GHOST LODGE.”

A structure erected by Indians for any purpose whatever, is now
generally designated a lodge, in which sense the term is applied in
connection with the word dzhibai—ghost, or more appropriately
shadow—in the above caption. This lodge is constructed in a form
similar to that of the Midé’wigaén, but its greatest diameter extends
north and south instead of east and west. Further reference will
be made to this in describing another method of conferring the
initiation of the first degree of the Midé’wiwin. This distinction is
attained by first becoming a member of the so-called ‘‘Ghost So-
ciety,” in the manner and for the reason following:

After the birth of a male child it is customary to invite the friends
of the family to a feast, designating at the same time a Midé’ to
serve as godfather and to dedicate the child to some special pursuit
in life. The Midé’ is governed in his decision by visions, and it thus
sometimes happens that the child is dedicated to the ‘*‘ Grand Medi-
cine,” i. e., he is to be prepared to enter the society of the Midé’. In
such a case the parents prepare him by procuring a good preceptor,
and gather together robes, blankets, and other gifts to be presented
at initiation.

Should this son die before the age of puberty, before which period
it is not customary to admit any one into the society, the father paints
his own face as before described, viz, red, with a green stripe
diagonally across the face from left to right, as in Pl. v1, No. 4, or
red with two short horizontal parallel bars in green upon the fore-
head as in Pl. vr, No. 5, and announces to the chief Midé’ priest his
intention of becoming himself a member of the ‘* Ghost Society ”
and his readiness to receive the first degree of the Midé’wiwin, as
a substitute for his deceased son. Other members of the mourner’s
family blacken the face, as shown on Pl. vi, No. 5.

In due time a council of Midé’ priests is called, who visit the wig’-
iwam of the mourner, where they partake of a feast, and the subject
of initiation is discussed. This wig’iwam is situated south and east

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U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM

HOFFMAN. ] THE “GHOST LODGE.” 279

of the Midé’wigan, as shown in Fig. 30, which illustration is a re-
production of a drawing made by Sikas’sigé.

ae
a oe nde
‘ SS
8
ye
Se RS AA er me Se a
s 4

Fic. 35. Indian diagram of ghost lodge.

The following is an explanation of the several characters :

No. 1 represents the wig'iiwam of the mourner, which has been erected in the
vicinity of the Midé wigan, until after the ceremony of initiation.

No. 2 is the path supposed to be taken by the shadow (spirit) of the deceased; it leads
westward to the Dzhibai’ Midé wigan; literally, shadow-spirit wig’iwam.

No. 3,4, 5, and 6, designate the places where the spirit plucks the fruits referred to—
respectively the strawberry, the blueberry. the June cherries, and the plum.

No. 7designates the form and location of the Dzhihai’ Mide’wigan. The central
spot is the place of the dish of food for Dzhibai Man'idd—the good spirit—
and the smaller spots around the interior of the inclosure are places for the
deposit of dishes for the other Midé’ spirits who have left this earth.

No. 8 is the path which is taken by the candidate when going from his wig’iwam
to the Midé’ wigan.

No. 9 indicates the place of the sweat-lodge, resorted to at other periods of initia-
tion.

No. 10 is the Midé wigan in which the ceremony is conducted at the proper time.

It is stated that in former times the Ghost Lodge was erected west
of the location of the mourner’s wig’iwam, but for a long time this
practice has been discontinued. The tradition relating to the Spirit’s
progress is communicated orally, while the dramatic representation
is confined to placing the dishes of food in the Midé’wigan, which is
selected as a fitting and appropriate substitute during the night pre-
ceding the initiation.

This custom, as it was practiced, consisted of carrying from the
mourner’s wig'iwam to the Ghost Lodge the dishes of food for the
spirits of departed Midé’ to enjoy a feast, during the time that the
Midé’ priests were partaking of one. A large dish was placed in the
center of the structure by the mourner, from which the supreme
Midé’ spirit was to eat. Dishes are now carried to the Midé’wigan,
as stated above.

The chief officiating Midé’ then instructs the father of the deceased
boy the manner in which he is to dress and proceed, as symbolizing
the course pursued by the spirit of the son on the way to the spirit

280 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

world. The instructions are carried out, as far as possible, with the
exception of going toan imaginary Ghost Lodge, as he proceeds only
to the Midé’wigan and deposits the articles enumerated below: He.
is told to take one pair of bear-skin moccasins, one pair of wolf-skin,
and one pair of birds’ skins, in addition to those which he wears
upon his feet; these are to be carried to the structure in which the
Midé’ spirits are feasting, walking barefooted, picking a strawberry
from a plant on the right of the path and a blueberry from a bush
on the left, plucking June cherries from a tree on the right and
plums on the left. He is then to hasten toward the Ghost Lodge,
which is covered with mi’gis, and to deposit the fruit and the moc-
sasins; these will be used by his son’s spirit in traveling the road of
the dead after the spirits have completed their feast and reception of
him. While the candidate is on his mission to the Ghost Lodge (for
the time being represented by the Midé'wigan) the assemblage in
the wig’iwam chant the following for the mourner: Yan’-i-ma-tsha’,
yan’/-i-ma-tsha’, ha’, yan’-i-ma-tsha’ yan’-i-ma-tsha’ ha’, yu’-te-no-win’
@é,’ hé’ nin-de’-so-ne’-—‘*‘ I] am going away, I am going away, I am
going away, to the village I walk”—i. e., the village of the dead.

The person who desires to receive initiation into the Midé’wigan,
under such circumstances, impersonates Minabd'zho, as he is believed
to have penetrated the country of the abode of shadows, or ne’-ba-
gi'-zis—‘‘ land of the sleeping sun.” He, it is said, did this to de-
stroy the ‘‘ Ghost Gambler” and to liberate the many victims who had
fallen into his power. To be enabled to traverse this dark and dis-
mal path, he borrowed of Ko-ko’-ko-6'—the owl—his eyes, and re-
ceived also the services of wé’-we-té'-si-wig—the firefly, both of
which were sent back to the earth upon the completion of his jour-
ney. By referring to Pl. 1, A, the reference to this myth will be
observed as pictorially represented in Nos. 110 to 114. No. 110 is the
Midé'wigan from which the traveler has to visit the Dzhibai’ Midé’-
wigan (No. 112) in the west. No. 113, represented as K6-ko’-k6-6/—
the owl—whose eyes enabled Mi’nabd’zho to follow the path of the
dead (No. 114); the owl skin Midé’ sack is also sometimes used by
Midé’ priests who have received their first degree in this wise. The
V-shaped characters within the circle at No. 111 denote the presence
of spirits at the Ghost Lodge, to which reference has been made.

The presents which had been gathered as a gift or fee for the
deceased are now produced and placed in order for transportation
to the Midé’wigan, early on the following morning.

The Midé’ priests then depart, but on the next morning several of
them make their appearance to assist in clearing the Midé'wigan of
the dishes which had been left there over night, and to carry thither
the robes, blankets, and other presents, and suspend them from the
rafters. Upon their return to the candidate’s wig'iwam, the Midé’
priests gather, and after the candidate starts to lead the procession

HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION BY SUBSTITUTION. 281

toward the Midé’ wigan, the priests fall in in single file, and all move
forward, the Midé’ priests chanting the following words repeatedly,
viz: Ki-e’-ne-kwo-ta’ ki-e’-ne-kwo-ta’, ha’, ha’, ha’, nds e'wi-e’, hé’,
ki’-na-ka’-ta-mtin’ do-na’-gan—‘‘I also, I also, my father, leave you
my dish.” :

This is sung for the deceased, who is supposed to bequeath to his
father his dish, or other articles the names of which are sometimes
added.

The procession continues toward and into the Midé’wigan, passing
around the interior by the left side toward the west, north, and east
to apoint opposite the space usually reserved for the deposit of goods,
where the candidate turns to the right and stands in the middle of
the inclosure, where he now faces the Midé’ post in the west. The
members who had not joined the procession, but who had been await-
ing its arrival, now resume their seats, and those who accompanied
the candidate also locate themselves as they desire, when the officiat-
ing priests begin the ceremony as described in connection with the
initiation for the first degree after the candidate has been turned
over to the chief by the preceptor.

Sometimes the mother of one who had been so dedicated to the
Midé’wiwin is taken into that society, particularly when the father
is absent or dead.

INITIATION BY SUBSTITUTION.

It sometimes happens that a sick person can not be successfully
treated by the Midé’, especially in the wig’iwam of the patient, when
it becomes necessary for the latter to be carried to the Midé'wigan
and the services of the society to be held. This course is particularly
followed when the sick person or the family can furnish a fee equiv-
alent to the gift required for initiation under ordinary circum-
stances.

It is believed, under such conditions, that the evil man‘idés can
be expelled from the body only in the sacred structure, at which
place alone the presence of Ki'tshi Man'id6 may be felt, after invo-
cation, and in return for his aid in prolonging the life of the patient
the latter promises his future existence to be devoted to the practice
and teachings of the Midé’wiwin. Before proceeding further, how-
ever, it is necessary to describe the method pursued by the Midé’
priest.

The first administrations may consist of mashki’kiwabua"’, or medi-
cine broth, this being the prescription of the Midé’ in the capacity
of mashki’kike’wini’ni, or herbalist, during which medication he re-
sorts to incantation and exorcism, accompanying his song by liberal
use of the rattle. Asan illustration of the songs used at this period
of the illness, the following is presented, the mnemonic characters
being reproduced on Pl. xvi, C. The singing is monotonous and
doleful, though at times it becomes animated and discordant.

282 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

Tn -do-na-gat in-da-kwo-nan
That which I live upon has been put on this dish by the spirit.

[Ki tshi Man 'id6 provides the speaker with the necessary food for
the maintenance of life. The dish, or feast, is shown by the con-
centric rings, the spirit’s arm is just below it. |

Mo -ki-yan tshik’-ko-min’.

I bring life to the people.

[The speaker, as the impersonator of the sacred Otter, brings life.

The Otter is just emerging from the surface ot the water, as he

emerged from the great salt sea before the Ani’shi-na'beg, after

having been instructed by Minabo'zho to carry life to them. ]
) Ni-no-mian’ mash-ki’-ki

I can also take medicine from the lodge, or the earth

[The Midé’s arm is reaching down to extract magic remedies
from the earth. The four spots indicate the remedies, while the

| } square figure denotes a hole in the ground. ]

Rest. During this interval the Midé’s thoughts dwell upon the
sacred character of the work in which he is engaged.

Ni-nin-dé’ in’-dai-yo’.

It is all in my heart, the life.
{The concentric circles indicates the mi gis, life, within the heart,
the former showing radiating lines to denote its magic power. |

| \
NG M’bi-mo -se-an-kink .
The spirit saw me and sent me medicine from above.
[The figure is that of Ki'tshi Man'id6, who granted power to the
speaker. |

Don'-de-na mi-tiz’-ktink.
SN It is also on the trees, that from which I take life.

[The tree bears ‘‘ medicine” which the speaker has at his com-
mand, and is enabled to use. ]

HOFFMAN, ] INITIATION BY SUBSTITUTION. 283

When the ordinary course of treatment fails to relieve the patient
the fact is made known to the Midé’ priests and he is consequently
taken to the Midé’wigan and laid upon blankets so that part of his
body may rest against the sacred midé stone. Associate Midé then
attend, in consultation, with the Midé-in-chief, the other members
present occupying seats around the walls of the structure.

The accompanying lecture is then addressed to the sick person,
viz:

Mi-shosh’-ya-gwa'’ ga’-a-nin-nan’ gi/-de-wén’-du-niin ne -tun-ga -da-da-we -in
man -i-domi’-gis. Kit'-ti-ma/-gi-si é'-ni-dau'-A-ya-we’-yin o-ma’-e-na'-sa-ba-bit bi-i-
sha -gaban'-dé-a gi-bi-sha-ban-da’-ét na-pish-ka-tshi-dosh ke'-a-yt -In-ki-go g6t-ta-
s0-nén’, mi-a-shi-gwa-g0-din'-na-wat dzhi-ma -di-a-kad’-d6-yon _bi-mé-di-si-win’.

The following is a free translation of the above:

The time of which I spoke to you has now arrived, and you may deem it neces-
sary to first borrow the sacred mi’gis. Who are you that comes here as a suppli-
cant? Sitdown opposite to me, whereI can see you and speak to you, and fix your
attention upon me, while you receive life you must not permit your thoughts to
dwell upon your present condition, but to support yourself against falling into
despondency.

Now we are ready to try him; now we are ready to initiate him.

The reference to borrowing a mi'gis signifies that the patient may
have this mysterious power “shot into his body” where he lies upon
the ground and before he has arrived at the place where candidates
are properly initiated; this, because of his inability to walk round
the inclosure.

The last sentence is spoken to the assisting Midé’. The following
song is sung, the mnemonic characters pertaining thereto being
reproduced on Pl. xvi, D.

O-da -pi-niing -mung oa'-ki-wen’-dzhi man/-i-d6_ we'-an-i-win -zhi-

gu-san ’.
We are going to take the sacred medicine out of the ground.

( [The speaker refers to himself and the assistants as resorting to reme-
ies dies adopted after consultation, the efficiency thereof depending upon
their combined prayers. The arm is represented as reaching for a
remedy which is surrounded by lines denoting soil. ]

We-a-ki man’-i-dO we-an-gwis’.

The ground is why I am a spirit, my son.
‘4 [The lower horizontal line is the earth, while the magic power which
j i i he possesses is designated by short vertical wavy lines which reach his
: body. ]

Rest.

9 Nish’-u-we-ni-mi-qu nish’-u-we-ni-mi-qu we'-gi ma’-6-dzhig’.

The spirits have pity; the spirits have pity on me.

(The Midé’ is supplicating the Midé’ spirits for aid in his wishes to
cure the sick. ]

284 THE MIDE’ WIWILN OF THE OJIBWA.

Kish '-u-we-ni-mi-qu ki-shi-ging don’-dzhi-wa'-wa-mik.
} NZ The spirits have pity on me; from on high I see you.

[The sky is shown by the upper curved lines, beneath which the
Midé’ is raising his arm in supplication. ]

Man -i-do'-A ni-o.
( My body is a spirit.
, [The Midé’ likens himself to the Bear Man‘ido, the magic powers of
which are shown by the lines across the body and short strokes upon
the back. |

Pi-ne -si-wi-an’ ke-ke'-u-wi-an’.

A little bird Iam: I am the hawk.

\ [Like the thunderer, he penetrates the sky in search of power and
influence. |

Man’-i-do' nu'-tu wa'-kan.
\ Let us hear the spirit.
G [The Ki'tshi Man’ido is believed to make known his presence, and all
are enjoined to listen for such intimation. |

Ka’-nun-ta’-wa man’-i-d6’ wi-da-ku-é’, he’, ki-a-ha-mi’.

You might hear that he is a spirit.

[The line on the top of the head signifies the person to be a superior
being. |

Ka'-ke-na gus-sd’ o’-mi-si-ni’ na’-én.

Lam afraid of all, that is why I am in trouble.

[The Midé’ fears that life can not be prolonged because the evil man’-
idds do not appear to leave the body of the sick person. The arm is
shown reaching for mi'gis, or life, the strength of the speaker's, having
himself received it four times, does not appear to be of any avail. ]

< 5066

Should the patient continue to show decided symptoms of increased
illness, the singing or the use of the rattle is continued until life is
extinct, and no other ceremony is attempted; but if he is no worse
after the preliminary course of treatment, or shows any improve-
ment, the first attendant Midé’ changes his songs to those of a more
boastful character. The first of these is as follows, chanted repeat-
edly and in a monotonous manner, viz:

A’-si-na’-bi-hu -ya, a-si -na’-b-hu'-ya.
I have changed my looks, I have changed my looks.

[This refers to the appearance of the Mide’ stone which it is believed absorbs
some of the disease and assumes a change of color. ]

Nish’-a-we'ni’, ha’, gt’, mi-dé’, wug, a-ne'-ma-bi’-tshig.

The Midé’ have pity on me, those who are sitting around, and those who are sitting from us.

[The last line refers to those Midé’ who are sitting, though absent from the
Midé wigan. |

HOFFMAN. | INITIATION BY SUBSTITUTE 285

The following illustrates the musical rendering :

e =e e252 FE=S= SSS55

Tor

ees a ere ——

. - wy - - ws . . Sa
A-si-na-bi-hti-i- ya, A-si-na-bi-hi-i-ya, A -si-na- bi-hu-i-ya

aes, po. ad lib.

zr, —— == :

eee eet lt be =|
hia, = -si -na-bi - hi-i-ya, A-si - na-bi - hit-i -ya hia.

| My cay Sa na: a =
ieee
Saas os ce —-- fue 82 = Saree Ct heal
ars — Jae 3
Nish-a-wi-in-hu gi, O-ko-mi-dé-wog he, A-ne-ma-bi-tshig hé, Nishawiinhu g ou,
D.C. ad lib.
f = — >

ass
O -ko-mi-dé-wog hé, Nish-a- wi-ni-hu gu, O - ko- nese -wog he.

As the patient continues to improve the song of the Midé’ becomes
more expressive of his confidence in his own abilities and impor-
tance.

The following is an example in illustration, viz:

Ni-ne'-ta-we-hé’ wa-wa'-ba-ma’ man’-i-d6, wa-wa'-ba-ma’.

{I am the only one who sees the spirit, who sees the spirit.]

Nin -da-ni -wi-a, nin’-da-ni -wi-a.

I surpass him, I surpass him.

[The speaker overcomes the malevolent man'idd and causes him to take flight. ]
Na’-sa-ni-nén’-di-ya" a-we'-si-y6k’ no-gwe'-no’-w6k.
See how I act, beasts I shoot on the wing.

[The signification of this is, that he “‘ shoots at them as they fly,” referring to the
man‘idos as they escape from the body. ]

The following is the musical notation of the above, viz:

—— SS

on
i. # G=# o—+— 8-0 io i
—— o-o—
2 Bees eerEes ‘S
ne - ta-we-hé wa- wi’bi-ma man-i-dd wa- wa/- bi-ma er
D. C. ad lib.

SSS aed

Ni-ne-ta-we-hé wa - wi/ - bi-ma mani- do, wa-waA/-bi- ma aa

286 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

—— ————— a At i lon

a = en ———s E
eae eS

Hen - ta- ne-we-a, Hen- ta - ne-we-a, Hen- ta - ne-we-a, Hen- ta - ne-we-a,

—————— :
SS ee ee

> ele + se oe
Heti- ta - ne-we-a, Hen - ta - ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen - ta- ne-we-a,
D.C. ad Ub.
! fi
as ieee = lon — o~ f
ee eS a Sree a
: sad vg + =a = 3
+ +6 ~ te oe

Hen - ta - ne-we-a, Hen - ta - newe-a, Hen - ia - ne-we-a,

D. C. ad lib.
F i eae a ee Bee
= Si fe O-3- = = = = = tess ||
E (ae Bosse eS ee sri das seireniee Fegee*
> =

~—=
Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya,Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Awasiyok, Nogwenowok.

If the patient becomes strong enough to walk round the inclosure
he is led to the western end and seated upon a blanket, where he is
initiated. If not, the mi’gis is ‘‘shot into his body” as he reclines
against the sacred stone, after which a substitute is selected from
among the Midé’ present, who takes his place and goes through the
remainder of the initiation for him. Before proceeding upon either
course, however, the chief attendant Midé’ announces his readiness
in the following manner: Mi’-o-shi’-gwa, wi-kwod’-gi-o-wdg' ga-ma’-
dzhi-a-ka'-diing bi-ma-di-si-win'—*‘ Now we are ready to escape from
this and to begin to watch life.” This signifies his desire to escape
from his present procedure and to advance to another course of ac-
tion, to the exercise of the power of giving life by transferring the’
sacred mi’gis.

The remainder of the ceremony is then conducted as in the manner
described as pertains to the first degree of the Midé/wiwin.

SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES.
PICTOGRAPHY.

Before concluding, it may be of interest to refer in some detail to
several subjects mentioned in the preceding pages. The mnemonic
songs are in nearly every instance incised upon birch bark by means
of a sharp-pointed piece of bone or a nail. The inner surface of the
bark is generally selected because it is softer than the reverse. Bark
for such purposes is peeled from the trunk during the spring months.
On the right hand upper corner of Pl. x1x is reproduced a portion

Bureau of Ethnology Seventh Annual Rep

SACRED BIRCH BARK RECORDS.

HOFFMAN.] PICTOGRAPHY. 287

of a mnemonic song showing characters as thus drawn. The speci-
men was obtained at White Earth, and the entire song is presented
on Pl. xvi, C. A piece of bark obtained at Red Lake, and known to
have been incised more than seventy years ago, is shown on the
right lower corner of Pl. xtx. The drawings are upon the outer
surface and are remarkably deep and distinct. The left hand speci-
men is from the last named locality, and of the same period, and
presents pictographs drawn upon the inner surface.

In a majority of songs the characters are drawn’ so as to be read
from left to right, in some from right to left, and occasionally one is
found to combine both styles, being truly boustrophic. Specimens
have been obtained upon which the characters were drawn around
and near the margin of an oblong piece of bark, thus appearing in
the form of an irregular circle.

The pictographic delineation of ideas is found to exist chiefly among
the shamans, hunters, and travelers of the Ojibwa, and there does
not appear to be a recognized system by which the work of any one
person is fully intelligible to another. A record may be recognized
as pertaining to the Midé’ ceremonies, as a song used when hunting
plants, etc.; but it would be impossible for one totally unfamiliar
with the record to state positively whether the initial character was
at the left or the right hand. The figures are more than simply
mnemonic; they are ideographic, and frequently possess additional
interest from the fact that several ideas are expressed in combina-
tion. Col. Garrick Mallery, U. 8. Army, in a paper entitled ‘ Re-
cently Discovered Algonkian Pictographs,” read before the Ameri-
can Association for the Advancement of Science, at Cleveland, 1888,
expressed this fact in the following words:

It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Midé’ and other bark records of
the Ojibwa and also those of other Algonkian tribes to be mentioned in this paper.
The comparison made by Dr. E. B. Tylor of the pictorial alphabet to teach
children ‘‘A was an archer,” etc., is not strictly appropriate in this case. The
devices are not only mnemonic, but are also ideographic and descriptive. They are
not merely invented toexpress or memorize the subject, but are evolved therefrom.
To persons acquainted with secret societies a good comparison for the charts or
rolls would be what is called the tressel board of the Masonic order, which is printed
and published and publicly exposed without exhibiting any of the secrets of the
order, yet is not only significant, but useful to the esoteric in assistance to their
memory as to degrees and details of ceremony.

A more general mode of explaining the so-called symbolism is by a suggestion
that the charts of the order or the song of a myth should be likened to the popular
illustrated poems and songs lately published in Harper’s Magazine for instance,
“Sally in our Alley,” where every stanza has an appropriate illustration. Now,
suppose that the text was obliterated forever, indeed the art of reading lost, the
illustrations remaining, as also the memory to many persons of the ballad. The
illustrations kept in order would supply always the order of the stanzas and also
the general subject-matter of each particular stanza and the latter would be a re-
minder of the words. This is what the rolls of birch bark do to the initiated
Ojibwa, and what Schoolcraft pretended in some cases to show, but what for actual

288 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

understanding requires that all the vocables of the actual songs and charges of the
initiation should be recorded and translated. This involves not only profound lin-
guistic study, but the revelation of all the mysteries. In other instances the litera-
tion in the aboriginal language of the nonesoteric songs and stories and their
translation is necessary to comprehend the devices by which they are memorized
rather than symbolized. Nevertheless, long usage has induced some degree of
ideography and symbolism.

On Pl. xx are presented illustrations of several articles found
in a Midé@’ sack which had been delivered to the Catholic priest at
Red Lake over seventy years ago, when the owner professed Chris-
tianity and forever renounced (at least verbally) his pagan profes-
sion. The information given below was obtained from Midé’ priests
at the above locality. They are possessed of like articles, being
members of the same society to which the late owners of the relics
belonged. The first is a birch-bark roll, the ends of which were slit
into short strips, so as to curl in toward the middle to prevent the
escaping of the contents. The upper figure is that of the Thunder
god, with waving lines extending forward from the eyes, denoting
the power of peering into futurity. This character has suggested
to several Midé’ priests that the owner might have been a Midé’-
Jés'sakkid’. This belief is supported by the actual practice pur-
sued by this class of priests when marking their personal effects.
The lower figure is that of a buffalo, as is apparent from the presence
of the hump. Curiously enough both eyes are drawn upon one side
of the head, a practice not often followed by Indian artists.

The upper of the four small figures is a small package, folded,
consisting of the inner sheet of birch-bark and resembling paper
both in consistence and color. Upon the upper fold is the outline
of the Thunder bird. The next two objects represent small boxes
made of pine wood, painted or stained red and black. They were
empty when received, but were no doubt used to hold sacred
objects. The lowest figure of the four consists of a bundle of three
small bags of cotton wrapped with a strip of blue cloth. The bags
contain, respectively, love powder, hunter’s medicine—in this in-
stance red ocher and powdered arbor vitee leaves—and another pow-
der of a brownish color, with which is mixed a small quantity of
ground medicinal plants.

The roll of birch-bark containing these relics inclosed also the
skin of a small rodent (Spermophilus sp.?) but in a torn and moth-
eaten condition. This was used by the owner for purposes unknown
to those who were consulted upon the subject. It is frequently, if
not generally, impossible to ascertain the use of most of the fetiches
and other sacred objects contained in Midé’ sacks of unknown own-
ership, as each priest adopts his own line of practice, based upon a
variety of reasons, chiefly the nature of his fasting dreams.

Fancy sometimes leads an individual to prepare medicine sticks
that are of curious shape or bear designs of odd form copied after

i
Se
ae
winapi
= c ves

<.
%
ae

'
aii
a

cad
geek
ios

aah be eX J

a aaa
‘
ae

ie 1 Ad ET
a
{ tint
}
x
a coe!
i | Rs
= H
‘a ont 1
: I bats
\ .
pieerelee ®
«Mb Mek - "s
= 8
' i nee
= a io 1 7 v
e ‘ a *
,
ad
i
i
a : if
4 » yy
Ys '
. J +
= iy 1
te ide

: Sire i ,
. "We ;,
i

HOFFMAN. ] INDIAN SONGS. 289

something of European origin, as exemplified in the specimen illus-
trated on Pl. xxi, Nos. 1 and 2, showing both the obverse and re-
verse. The specimen is made of ash wood and measures about ten
inches in length. On the obverse side, besides the figures of man’-
idés, such as the Thunder bird, the serpent, and the tortoise, there is
the outline of the sun, spots copied from playing cards, etc.; upon
the reverse appear two spread hands, a bird, and a building, from
the top of which floats the American flag. This specimen was found
among the effects of a Midé’ who died at Leech Lake, Minnesota, a
few years ago, together with effigies and other relics already men-
tioned in another part of this paper.

MUSIC.

In addition to the examples of Indian music that have been given,
especially the songs of shamans, it may be of interest to add a few
remarks concerning the several varieties of songs or chants. Songs
employed as an accompaniment to dances are known to almost all
the members of the tribe, so that their rendition is nearly always
the same. Such songs are not used in connection with mnemonic
characters, as there are, in most instances, no words or phrases recited,
but simply a continued repetition of meaningless words or syllables. °
The notes are thus rhythmically accentuated, often accompanied by
beats upon the drum and the steps of the dancers.

An example of another variety of songs, or rather chants, is pre-
sented in connection with the reception of the candidate by the Midé’
priest upon his entrance into the Midé’wigan of the first degree. In
this instance words are chanted, but the musical rendition differs with
the individual, each Midé’ chanting notes of his own, according to
his choice or musical ability. There is no set formula, and such
songs, even if taught to others, are soon distorted by being sung
according to the taste or ability of the singer. The musical render-
ing of the words and phrases relating to the signification of mnemonic
characters depends upon the ability and inspired condition of the
singer; and as each Midé’ priest usually invents and prepares his
own songs, whether for ceremonial purposes, medicine hunting,
exorcism, or any other use, he may frequently be unable to sing them
twice in exactly the same manner. Love songs and war songs, being
of general use, are always sung in the same style of notation.

The emotions are fully expressed in the musical rendering of the
several classes of songs, which are, with few exceptions, in a minor
key. Dancing and war songs are always in quick time, the latter
frequently becoming extraordinarily animated and boisterous as the
participants become more and more excited.

Midé’ and other like songs are always more or less monotonous,
though they are sometimes rather impressive, especially if delivered

? ETH—19

290 THE MIDE’/WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

by one sufficiently emotional and possessed of a good voice. Some
of the Midé’ priests employ few notes, not exceeding a range of five,
for all songs, while others frequently cover the octave, terminating
with a final note lower still.

The statement has been made that one Midé’ is unable either to
recite or sing the proper phrase pertaining to the mnemonic charac-
ters of a song belonging to another Midé’ unless specially instructed.
The representation of an object may refer to a variety of ideas of a
similar, though not identical, character. The picture of a bear may
signify the Bear man‘idd as one of the guardians of the society; it
may pertain to the fact that the singer impersonates that man‘ido;
exorcism of the malevolent bear spirit may be thus claimed; or it
may relate to the desired capture of the animal, as when drawn to
insure success for the hunter. An Indian is slow to acquire the
exact phraseology, which is always sung or chanted, of mnemonic
songs recited to him by a Midé’ preceptor.

An exact reproduction is implicitly believed to be necessary, as
otherwise the value of the formula would be impaired, or perhaps
even totally destroyed. It frequently happens, therefore, that
although an Indian candidate for admission into the Midé’wiwin may
already have prepared songs in imitation of those from which he was
instructed, he may either as yet be unable to sing perfectly the
phrases relating thereto, or decline to do so because of a want of con-
fidence. Under such circumstances the interpretation of a'record is
far from satisfactory, each character being explained simply ob-
jectively, the true import being intentionally or unavoidably omitted.
An Ojibwa named “ Little Frenchman,” living at Red Lake, had
received almost continuous instruction for three or four years, and
although he was a willing and valuable assistant in other matters
pertaining to the subject under consideration, he was not sufficiently
familiar with some of his preceptor’s songs to fully explain them.
A few examples of such mnemonic songs are presented in illus-
tration, and for comparison with such as have already been recorded.
In each instance the Indian’s interpretation of the character is given
first, the notes in brackets being supplied in further explanation,
Pl. xxu, A, is reproduced from a birch-bark song; the incised lines
are sharp and clear, while the drawing in general is of a superior
character. The record is drawn so as to be read from right to left.

= From whence I sit.

[The singer is seated, as the lines indicate contact with the surface
beneath, though the latter is not shown. The short line extending
from the mouth indicates voice, and probably signifies, in this instance,
singing. |

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI

! = = a ———

— = — == = 4

MIDE’ RELICS FROM LEECH LAKE

HOFFMAN. |

HN
Ss

INDIAN SONGS. 291

The big tree in the center of the earth.

[It is not known whether or not this relates to the first destruction
of the earth, when Mi nabd'zho escaped by climbing a tree which con-
tinued to grow and to protrude above the surface of the flood. One Mide’
thought it related to a particular medicinal tree which was held in
estimation beyond all others, and thus represented as the chief of the
earth. |

I will float down the fast running stream,

[Strangely enough, progress by water is here designated by foot-
prints instead of using the outline of acanoe. The etymology of the
Ojibwa word used in this connection may suggest footprints, as in the
Delaware language one word for river signifies ‘‘ water road,” when
in accordance therewith ‘‘ footprints” would be in perfect harmony
with the general idea. ]

The place that is feared I inhabit, the swift-running stream I inhabit.

[The circular line above the Midé’ denotes obscurity, i. e., he is hid-
den from view and represents himself as powerful and terrible to his
enemies as the water monster. ]

You who speak to me.

I have long horns.

[The Midé’ likens himself to the water monster, one of the malevo-
lent serpent man‘id6s who antagonize all good, as beliefs and pract:ces
of the Midé'wiwin. |

A rest or pause.

I, seeing, follow your example.

You see my body, you see my body, you see my nails are worn off in
grasping the stone.

[The Bear man ‘ido is represented as the type now assumed by the
Midé’. He has a stone within his grasp, from which magic remedies
are extracted. |

292 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA,

Q You, to whom I am speaking.
[A powerful Man ‘ido’, the panther, is in an inclosureand to him the
Midé’ addresses his request. |

=
Tam swimming—floating—down smoothly.
[The two pairs of serpentine lines indicate the river banks, while the

character between them is the Otter, here personated by the Midé’.]
Bars denoting a pause.

I have finished my drum.

[The Midé’ is shown holding a Midé’ drum which he is making for
use in a ceremony. ]

My body is like unto you.
[The mrgis shell, the symbol of purity and the Midé wiwin. ]

[The speaker extends his arms to the right and left indicating per-
sons who are talking to him from their respective places. The lines
denoting speech—or hearing—pass through the speaker’s head to ex-
claim as above. |

iS
ive Hear me, you who are talking to me!
See what I am taking.
[The Midé’ has pulled up a medicinal root. This denotes his possess-

ing a wonderful medicine and appears in the order of an advertise
ment. |

See me, whose head is out of water.

On Pl. xxu, B, is presented an illustration reproduced from a
piece of birch bark owned by the preceptor of ** Little Frenchman,”
of the import of which the latter was ignorant. His idea of the
signification of the characters is based upon general information
which he has received, and not upon any pertaining directly to the
record, From general appearances the song seems to be a private

LETOMHD

MNEMONIC SONGS,

SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII

U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM.

HOFFMAN] INDIAN SONGS. 293

record pertaining to the Ghost Society, the means through which
the recorder attained his first degree of the Midé’wiwin, as well as
to his abilities, which appear to be boastfully referred to:

Tam sitting with my pipe.
{Midé@’ sitting, holding his pipe. He has been called upon to visit a
sol patient, and the filled pipe is handed to him to smoke preparatory to
\ his commencing the ceremony of exorcism. |

I employ the spirit, the spirit of the owl.
[This evidently indicates the Owl Man‘id6, which has been referred
to in connection with the Red Lake Midé’ chart, Pl. m1, No. 113. The
LR Owl man ’id6 is there represented as passing from the Midé’ wigan to
the Dzhibai’ Midé wigan, and the drawings in that record and in this
are sufticiently alike to convey the idea that the maker of this song had
obtained his suggestion from the old Midé’ chart. |

Tt stands, that which I am going after.
\ [The Midé’, impersonating the Bear Man ‘ido, is seeking a medicinal
V —-) tree of which he has knowledge, and certain parts of which he employs
33 in his profession. The two footprints indicate the direction the animal
is taking. |

I, who fly.

[This is the outline of a Thunder bird, who appears to grasp in his
talons some medical plants. }

~ Ki-bi-nan’ pi-zan’. Ki'binan’ is what I use, it flies like an arrow.
[The Midé’s arm is seen grasping a magic arrow, to symbolize the
velocity of action of the remedy. |

IT am coming to the earth.

[A Man ‘ido is represented upon a circle, and in the act of descending
toward the earth, which is indicated by the horizontal line, upon which
is an Indian habitation. The character to denote the sky is usually
drawn as a curved line with the convexity above, but in this instance
the ends of the lines are continued below, so as to unite and to com-

7X plete the ring; the intention being, as suggested by several Midé’
priests, to denote great altitude above the earth, i. e., higher than the
visible azure sky, which is designated by curved lines only. ]

I am feeling for it.
(The Midé’ is reaching into holes in the earth in search of hidden
medicines. ]

T am talking to it.
AS [The Midé’ is communing with the medicine Manido’ with the Mide’

sack, which he holds in his hand. The voice lines extend from his
mouth to the sack, which appears to be made of the skin of an Owl, as
before noted in connection with the second character in this song. |

994 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF ‘THE OJIBWA.

They are sitting round the interior in a row.

: [This evidently signifies the Ghost Lodge, as the structure is drawn
T at right angles to that usually made to represent the Midé’ wigan, and
+ also because it seems to be reproduced from the Red Lake chart already
i alluded to and figured in Pl. m1, No, 112. The spirits or shadows, as

— the dead are termed, are also indicated by crosses in like manner. }

O You who are newly hung; you have reached half, and you are now .
full.

sy, [The allusion is to three phases of the moon, probably having refer-

ey ence to certain periods at which some important ceremonies or events

are to occur. ]

y Iam going for my dish.
(The speaker intimates that he is going to make a feast, the dish being

.\y, Shown at the top in the form of a circle; the footprints are directed
Q toward, it and signify, by their shape, that he likens himself to the
V6) Bear man ‘ido, one of the guardians of the Midéwiwin. }
0 9 I go through the medicine lodge.
09 {The footprints within the parallel lines denote his having passed
e 0 through an unnamed number of degrees. Although the structure is
0 9 indicated as being erected like the Ghost Lodge, i.e., north and south,
0 4 itis stated that Midéwiwin is intended. This appears to be an instance
iG ) of the non-systematic manner of objective ideagraphic delineation. ]

Let us commune with one another.

[The speaker is desirous of communing with his favorite man’idds,
with whom he considers himself on an equality, as is indicated by the
anthropomorphic form of one between whom and himself the voice
lines extend. |

On Figs. 36-39, are reproduced several series of pictographs from
birch-bark songs found among the effects of a deceased Midé’ priest,
at Leech Lake. Reference to other relics belonging to the same
collection has been made in connection with effigies and beads
employed by Midé’ in the endeavor to prove the genuineness of their
religion and profession. These menmonic songs were exhibited to
many Midé’ priests from various portions of the Ojibwa country,
in the hope of obtaining some satisfactory explanation regarding
the import of the several characters; but, although they were pro-
nounced to be ‘‘ Grand Medicine,” no suggestions were offered beyond
the merest repetition of the name of the object or what it probably
was meant to represent. The direction of their order was men-
tioned, because in most instances the initial character furnishes the
guide. Apart from this, the illustrations are of interest as exhibit-
ing the superior character and cleverness of their execution.

HOFFMAN. ] INDIAN SONGS. 295

The initial character on Fig. 36 appears to be at the right hand
upper corner, and represents the Bear Man'id6. The third figure is

{eh om

25 WN
i

Fic. 36.—Leech Lake Midé’ song.

that of the Midé@’wiwin, with four man‘idés within it, probably the
guardians of the four degrees. Theowner of the song was a Midé’
of the second degree, as was stated in connection with his Midé’wi-
gwas or ‘medicine chart,” illustrated on Plate 1m, C.

Fig. 37 represents what appears to be a mishkiki or medicine
song, as is suggested by the figures of plants and roots. It is im-
possible to state absolutely at which side the initial character is
placed, though it would appear that the human figure at the upper
left hand corner would be more in accordance with the common cus-
tom.

Fig. 38 seems to pertain to hunting, and may have been recog-
nized as a hunter’s chart. According to the belief of several Midé’,
it is read from right to left, the human figure indicating the direc-
tion according to the way in which the heads of the crane, bear, etc.,
are-turned. The lower left hand figure of a man has five marks
upon the breast, which probably indicate mi'gis spots, to denote the
power of magic influence possessed by the recorder.

296 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

The characters on Fig. 39 are found to be arranged so as to read
from the right hand upper corner toward the left, the next line con-
tinuing to the right and lastly again to the left, terminating with

Fic. 37.—Leech Lake Midé’ song.

ee FE
BNa

the figure of a Midé’ with the mi gis upon his breast. This is inter-
esting on account of the boustrophic system of delineating the fig-
ures, and also because such instances are rarely found to occur.

HOFFMAN. ] INDIAN SONGS. 297

see h Lake Mide’ song.

Fic. 39,—Leech Lake Midé’ song.

298 THE MIDE’/WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.

While it 1s customary among many tribes of Indians to use as little
clothing as possible when engaged in dancing, either of a social or
ceremonial nature, the Ojibwa, on the contrary, vie with one another
in the attempt to appear in the most costly and gaudy dress attain-
able. The Ojibwa Midé’ priests, take particular pride in their ap-
pearance when attending ceremonies of the Midé’ Society, and sel-
dom fail to impress this fact upon visitors, as some of the Dakotan
tribes, who have adopted similar medicine ceremonies after the cus-
tom of their Algonkian neighbors, are frequently without any
clothing other than the breechcloth and moccasins, and the armlets
and other attractive ornaments. This disregard of dress appears,
to the Ojibwa, as a sacrilegious digression from the ancient usa
and it frequently excites severe comment.

Apart from facial ornamentation, of such design as may take the
actor’s fancy, or in accordance with the degree of which the subject
may be a member, the Midé’ priests wear shirts, trousers, and moc-
vasins, the first two of which may consist of flannel or cloth and be
either plain or ornamented with beads, while the latter are always
of buckskin, or, what is more highly prized, moose skin, beaded or
worked with colored porcupine quills.

Immediately below each knee is tied a necessary item of an Ojib-
wa’s dress, a garter, which consists of a band of beads varying in
different specimens from 2 to 4 inches in width, and from 18 to 20
inches in length, to each end of which strands of colored wool yarn,
2 feet long, are attached so as to admit of being passed around the
lez and tied in a bow-knot in front. These garters are made by the
women in such patterns as they may be able to design or elaborate.
On Pl. xxi are reproductions of parts of two patterns which are
of more than ordinary interest, because of the symbolic significa-
tion of the colors and the primitive art design in one, and the sub-
stitution of colors and the introduction of modern designs in the
other. The upper one consists of green, red, and white beads, the
first two colors being in accord with those of one of the degree posts,
while the white issymbolical of the mi’gis shell. In the lower illus-
tration is found a substitution of color for the preceding, accounted
for by the Midé’ informants, who explained that neither of the
varieties of beads of the particular color desired could be obtained
when wanted. The yellow beads are substituted for white, the blue
for green, and the orange and pink for red. The design retains the
lozenge form, though in a different arrangement, and the introduc-
tion of the blue border is adapted after patterns observed among
their white neighbors. In the former is presented also what the
Ojibwa term the groundwork or type of their original style of orna-
mentation, i. e., wavy or gently zigzag lines. Later art work con-

ees,

eS
ree

Oba,
gh: eeebees

aD a
a

al
babe S nl tt A

MSS | era

* be
iit
t

ane
‘Rea

memes

QE.

HOFFMAN.) FUTURE OF THE SOCIETY. 299

sists chiefly of curved lines, and this has gradually become modified
through instruction from the Catholic sisters at various early mis-
sion establishments until now, when there has been brought about
acommon system of working upon cloth or velvet, in patterns, con-
sisting of vines, leaves, and flowers, often exceedingly attractive
though not aboriginal in the true sense of the word.

Bands of flannel or buckskin, handsomely beaded, are sometimes
attached to the sides of the pantaloons, in imitation of an officer’s
stripes, and around the bottom. Collars are also used, in addition
to necklaces of claws, shells, or other objects.

Armlets and bracelets are sometimes made of bands of beadwork,
though brass wire or pieces of metal are preferred.

Bags made of cloth, beautifully ornamented or entirely covered
with beads, are worn, supported at the side by means of a broad
band or baldric passing over the opposite shoulder. The head is
decorated with disks of metal and tufts of colored horse hair or
moose hair and with eagle feathers to designate the particular
exploits performed by the wearer.

Few emblems of personal valor or exploits are now worn, as many
of the representatives of the present generation have never been
actively engaged in war, so that there is generally found only among
the older members the practice of wearing upon the head eagle
feathers bearing indications of significant markings or cuttings. A
feather which has been split from the tip toward the middle denotes
that the wearer was wounded by an arrow. A red spot as large as a
silver dime painted upon a feather shows the wearer to have been
wounded bya bullet. The privilege of wearing a feather tipped with
red flannel or horse hair dyed red is recognized only when the wearer
has killed an enemy, and when a great number have been killed in
war the so-called war bonnet is worn, and may consist of a number
of feathers exceeding the number of persons killed, the idea to be
expressed being ‘‘a great number,” rather than a specific enumera-
tion.

Although the Ojibwa admit that in former times they had many
other specific ways of indicating various kinds of personal exploits,
they now have little opportunity of gaining such distinction, and
consequently the practice has fallen into desuetude.

FUTURE OF THE SOCIETY.

According to a treaty now being made between the United States
Government and the Ojibwa Indians, the latter are to relinquish the
several areas of land at present occupied by them and to remove to
portions of the Red Lake and White Earth Reservations and take
lands in severalty. By this treaty about 4,000,000 acres of land will
be ceded to the Government, and the members of the various bands
will become citizens of the United States, and thus their tribal ties

300 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA.

will be broken and their primitive customs and rites be abandoned.

The chief Midé’ priests, being aware of the momentous conse-
quences of such a change in their habits, and foreseeing the imprac-
ticability of much longer continuing the ceremonies of so-called
“pagan rites,” became willing to impart them to me, in order that a
complete description might be made and preserved for the future
information of their descendants.

There is scarcely any doubt that these ceremonies will still be
secretly held at irregular intervals; but under the watchful care of
the national authorities it is doubtful whether they will be performed
with any degree of completeness, and it will be but a comparatively
short time before the Midé’wiwin will be only a tradition.

BW sh aa

SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES,

JAMES MOONE Y.

301

CONTENTS

Page

Prato CEA OMN A aysvete acs eeetclers chats oie atelsYoress!olelefats eieieteis siaieictale a isieveso(e 6 lester ai ve(é wie averere eit 307
How the: formilas were Obtained s-.-\cs -rierersccne sciatersie © «e) (e(e/aetoreia | (estazorensiote «ict 310
herAGy arin (Swimmen) manuscript. 2. seers cece oee cece cece eles e 310
The Gatiewanasti (Belt) manuscripts «cq occ <icjc siasevec:o:0-01/aeye ostaiei ore se 10 oe ee 312
hey Gahunimm anuseripuaryey cae cee ceetsicinte ob innceieratelelsiactan ee nile saieunrs 313
Whevlnalin(BlackaBox) mnmanuscripbersseais. cman teaweinecereniceciske aie ciceiaee: 314
Otherrmanuserapis ey es Mae Se ako oais Ro owen, SoU Asie sae aeae 316
The Kanahe'ta Ani-Tsa lagi Eti or Ancient Cherokee Formulas ........... 317
Character of the formulas—the Cherokee religion.... .....................0- 318
Myth of the origin of disease and medicine.................0..00c00seeeeeeees 319
Theory of disease—animals, ghosts, witches................c0ccceeeeceeeees . d22
Selected istion span tswuased sere qso inv cte erevcheue ois oicinia) ovaveleioiclateictova oS novelstars sparen ouatasterous 324
Medical practice—theory of resemblances—fasting—tabu—seclusion—women.. 828
Mlustration(of cwherrakune ta orbabule cern) screceuer «cs anams amie ciucel nae 331
Neclectiot sanitary rerctlationsy: <a. 2-cse-c 2% = cicsesiee ee caiceiecc deme emeee 332
The sweat bath—bleeding—rubbing—bathing...................... Serereiers 333
Opposition of shamans to white physicians.....................- Sodbaonae 336

Me danine vGAnGeseerrva cer ee yy pte: reisars clsiaieie seis sitet etmare ie aloes ee ers 337
Desorption OMSyMPLOMBs cic rrareisis core ewloreeclste sioteie ee eeoietcleuaters 337
Mhemupasta- thrompay Obsthe shaman «-irecidc asics. cole edeiejele-a)s\cicie sis: s,<islers wieletsrsis 337
Ceremonies for gathering plants and preparing medicine........... ........- 339
The Cherokee gods and their abiding places................00000eeesceeecees 340
WOloris vat OMS atest ratetete eye roc tsystacsye rele vers teieea cis ait ie avale ool leranevedeys oyerevetacis,cereeeersts 342
Importance attachedsto mam ess P71. 10\.jetstaleis:«latsrsie)e (ele al sfavorsislcieleiere.orcioie s kisieiee aleeitieve 343
hanpuare ofptbhert orm ulaste casiicre< ceive icieie)” sicisecielolelere oe iciverelaye elsiaiate atestors 343
SPECI CMe OLIN ULAS mrareteers ete tel rereyehafetevay-tele eleretelarareiate oie aieustavore ateraye ctsiapelaveierstatcieteeeise 344
IMG GI GEM eee acres: ete renn sete yates eresevar cava eestor eicirajecete elees epayajenatis ayecevaleoS ais oh fares ntstratenete 345

To treat the crippler (rheumatism)—from Gahuni..................... 345

Second formula for the crippler—from Gahuni.... . saaboatodoososdss 349

Song and prescription for snake bites—from Gahuni................. 351

When something is causing something to eat them—Gahuni.. ....... 353

Second formula for the same disease—A‘wanita....................-- 355

For moving pains in the teeth (neuralgia ?)—Gatigwanasti............ 306

Song and prayer for the great chill—A‘y@tini........................ 359

To make children jump down (child birth)—A‘yfi"ini................. 363

Second formula for child birth—Takwatihi.................... ..... 364

Song and prayer for the black yellowness (biliousness)—A‘y@i"ini...... 365

To treat for ordeal diseases (witchcraft)—A‘ytiini............ ....... 366

Ja lininh\=) soc uconods UbScoERapod Guano En ool sob C onUReDEHODoaneEa come ae 369
Concerning hurtin Ss — AS yQMiny erae soi ie lateretataleley heres ever =i ayes oie ieds is/are epee 369

Hor nun hin ybIKds— Ay eT lps eye crete ofeney-lerstereterelcterets eretercicteleciai=iclaie sjateiaclsbs 371

To shoot dwellers in the wilderness—A‘wanita ..........0...-.00...--- 372

GAIA SOM PAC VLU LINM a ates sreyerey et ctaystehod at (ol stey Scorers) ater (etetelsiete\otcie/evaie fate’ avetetyore 373

or catching large fish— Ary Qaimie a). <:<telsi-leleic,c1e.0ie1 «ir s)sieraforeteleie|sleisials.e = 374

304 CONTENTS.
. Page
Specimen formulas—Continued. 3
110) CROC RET Gard CUA Sr een EO ET ND CRES ROC UDOUSe ooo besbD ObNogakaouae 375
Concerning living humanity—Gatigwanasti.......................05- 376
For going to water—Gatigwanasti................. Mave tiesto axataeocke ores 378
Yt wehi song for painting—Gatigwanasti........................... 379
Song and prayer to fix the affections—A‘yfi"ini . .................... 380
Woseparate LOvers—A yA asaya ete e cleietevelaets tera Spats ae lere fateta heehee steps 381
Song and prayer to fix the affections—Gatigwanasti.......... SauteeeOoe
WHEE Neo aoonsposcd kee nancodSanbe soap ndsudor BANOBE a nao IO.G 5 384
To shorten a night goer on this side—A‘y0™ini........................ 384
Towmnd Jostiarticles— Gabi owamasubeecrfayep-aielairsiotn el atsteieisyoreteret tele eeeeeeeene 386
To frighten away a storm—A‘yliini............ 00.0006. . es sees e ens B87
Tovhelprwarniors—As wan bees cremate lelewriopeietetel facet verveteltcictolesterate .. 388
To destroy life (ceremony with beads)—A‘yti"ini ...................0. 391
To take to water for the ball play—A‘yt"ini ...................-..... 395

ILLUSTRATIONS

Page

PIBPSOGNV) EOLcralbsObeAcyleinl (SO WAININECT), o)teye = chese1-/e)e eleiele eleivicie sis) ele sieiese sei 306
XXYV. Facsimile of A‘yG"ini manuscript—Formula for Dalani Urnagei... 310
XXVI. Facsimile of Gatigwanasti manuscript—Ya"weéhi formula... ..... 312
XXVII. Facsimile of Gahuni manuscript—Formula for Didtléski........ 314

7 ETH——20

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV

A'YU"INI (SWIMMER).

._ a.

a 4

SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

By JAMES MOONEY.

INTRODUCTION.

The sacred formulas here given are selectea from a collection of
about six hundred, obtained on the Cherokee reservation in North
Carolina in 1887 and 1888, and covering every subject pertaining to
the daily life and thought of the Indian, including medicine, love,
hunting, fishing, war, self-protection, destruction of enemies, witch-
craft, the crops, the council, the ball play, etc., and, in fact, embody-
ing almost the whole of the ancient religion of the Cherokees. The
original manuscripts, now in the possession of the Bureau of Eth-
nology, were written by the shamans of the tribe, for their own use,
in the Cherokee characters invented by Sikwa’ya (Sequoyah) in 1821,
and were obtained, with the explanations, either from the writers
themselves or from their surviving relatives.

Some of these manuscripts are known to be at least thirty years
old, and many are probably older. The medical formulas of all
kinds constitute perhaps one-half of the whole number, while the
love charms come next in number, closely followed by the songs and
prayers used in hunting and fishing. The great number of love
charms will doubtless be a surprise to those who have been educated
in the old theory that the Indian is insensible to the attractions of
woman. The comparatively small number of war formulas is ex-
plained by the fact that the last war in which the Cherokees, as a
tribe, were engaged on their own account, closed with the Revolu-
tionary period, so that these things were well nigh forgotten before
the invention of the alphabet, a generation later. The Cherokees
who engaged in the Creek war and the late American civil war
fought in the interests of the whites, and their leaders were subordi-
nated to white officers, hence there was not the same opportunity for
the exercise of shamanistic rites that there would have been had
Indians alone been concerned. The prayers for hunting, fishing, and
the ball play being in more constant demand, have been better pre-

served,
307

308 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

These formulas had been handed down orally from a remote an-
tiquity until the early part of the present century, when the inven-
tion of the Cherokee syllabary enabled the priests of the tribe to put
them into writing. The same invention made it possible for their
rivals, the missionaries, to give to the Indians the Bible in their own
language, so that the opposing forces of Christianity and shaman-
ism alike profited by the genius of Sikwaya. The pressure of the
new civilization was too strong to be withstood, however, and
though the prophets of the old religion still have much influence
with the people, they are daily losing ground and will soon be with-
out honor in their own country.

Such an exposition of the aboriginal religion could be obtained
from no other tribe in North America, for the simple reason that no
other tribe has an alphabet of its own in which to record its sacred
lore. Itis true that the Creesand Micmacs of Canada and the Tukuth
of Alaska have so-called alphabets or ideographic systems invented
for their use by the missionaries, while, before the Spanish conquest,
the Mayas of Central America were accustomed to note down their
hero legends and priestly ceremonials in hieroglyphs graven upon
the walls of their temples or painted upon tablets made of the leaves
of the maguey. But it seems never to have occurred to the northern
tribes that an alphabet coming from a missionary source could be
used for any other purpose than the transcription of bibles and cate-
chisms, while the sacred books of the Mayas, with a few exceptions,
have long since met destruction at the hands of fanaticism, and the
modern copies which have come down to the present day are written
out from imperfect memory by Indians who had been educated under
Spanish influences in the language, alphabet and ideas of the conquer-
ors, and who, as is proved by an examination of the contents of the
books themselves, drew from Kuropean sources a great part of their
material. Moreover, the Maya tablets were so far hieratic as to be
understood only by the priests and those who had received a special
training in this direction, and they seem therefore to have been
entirely unintelligible to the common people.

The Cherokee alphabet, on the contrary, is the invention or adapta-
tion of one of the tribe, who, although he borrowed most of the
Roman letters, in addition to the forty or more characters of his own
devising, knew nothing of their proper use or value, but reversed
them or altered their forms to suit his purpose, and gave them a
name and value determined by himself. This alphabet was at once
adopted by the tribe for all purposes for which writing can be used,
including the recording of their shamanistic prayers and ritualistic
ceremonies. The formulas here given, as well as those of the entire
collection, were written out by the shamans themselyes—men who
adhere to the ancient religion and speak only their native language—
in order that their sacred knowledge might be preserved in a syste-

MOONEY.] INTRODUCTION. 309

matic manner for their mutual benefit. The language, the concep-
tion, and the execution are all genuinely Indian, and hardly a dozen
lines of the hundreds of formulas show a trace of the influence of the
white man or his religion. The formulas contained in these manu-
scripts are not disjointed fragments of a system long since extinct,
but are the revelation of a living faith which still has its priests and
devoted adherents, and it is only necessary to witness a ceremonial
ball play, with its fasting, its going to water, and its mystic bead
manipulation, to understand how strong is the hold which the old
faith yet has upon the minds even of the younger generation. The
numerous archaic and figurative expressions used require the inter-
pretation of the priests, but, as before stated, the alphabet in which
they are written is that in daily use among the common people.

In all tribes that still retain something of their ancient organiza-
tion we find this sacred knowledge committed to the keeping of va-
rious secret societies, each of which has its peculiar ritual with regular
initiation and degrees of advancement. From this analogy we may
reasonably conclude that such was formerly the case with the Cher-
okees also, but by the breaking down of old customs consequent
upon their long contact with the whites and the voluntary adoption
of a civilized form of government in 1827, all traces of such society
organization have long since disappeared, and at present each
priest or shaman is isolated and independent, sometimes confining
himself to a particular specialty, such as love or medicine, or even
the treatment of two or three diseases, in other cases broadening his
field of operations to include the whole range of mystic knowledge.

It frequently happens, however, that priests form personal friend-
ships and thus are led to divulge their secrets to each other for their
mutual advantage. Thus when one shaman meets another who he
thinks can probably give him some valuable information, he says
to him, ‘‘ Let us sit down together.” This is understood by the other
to mean, ‘‘ Let us tell each other our secrets.” Should it seem prob-
able that the seeker after knowledge can give as much as he receives,
an agreement is generally arrived at, the two retire to some conven-
ient spot secure from observation, and the first party begins by
reciting one of his formulas with the explanations. The other then
reciprocates with one of his own, unless it appears that the bargain
is apt to prove a losing one, in which case the conference comes to
an abrupt ending.

It is sometimes possible to obtain a formula by the payment of a
coat, a quantity of cloth, ora sum of money. Like the Celtic Druids
of old, the candidate for the priesthood in former times found it nec-
essary to cultivate a long memory, as no formula was repeated more
than once for his benefit. It was considered that one who failed to
remember after the first hearing was not worthy to be accounted a
shaman. This task, however, was not so difficult as might appear on

310 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

first thought, when once the learner understood the theory involved,
as the formulas are all constructed on regular principles, with con-
stant repetition of the same set of words. The obvious effect of
such a regulation was to increase the respect in which this sacred
knowledge was held by restricting it to the possession of a chosen
few.

Although the written formulas can be read without difficulty by
any Cherokee educated in his own language, the shamans take good
care that their sacred writings shall not fall into the hands of the
laity or of their rivals in occult practices, and in performing the cere-
monies the words used are uttered in such a low tone of voice as to
be unintelligible even to the one for whose benefit the formula is
repeated. Such being the case, it is in order to explain how the
formulas collected were obtained.

HOW THE FORMULAS WERE OBTAINED.

On first visiting the reservation in the summer of 1887, I devoted
considerable time to collecting plants used by the Cherokees for
food or medicinal purposes, learning at the same time their Indian
names and the particular uses to which each was applied and the
mode of preparation. It soon became evident that the application
of the medicine was not the whole, and in fact was rather the sub-
ordinate, part of the treatment, which was always accompanied by
certain ceremonies and ‘‘ words.” From the workers employed at
the time no definite idea could be obtained as to the character of these
words. One young woman, indeed, who had some knowledge of the
subject, volunteered to write the words which she used in her pre-
scriptions, but failed to do so, owing chiefly to the opposition of the
half-breed shamans, from whom she had obtained her information.

THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT.

Some time afterward an acquaintance was formed with a man
named A’yti" ji or “Swimmer,” who proved to be so intelligent that
I spent BE res with him, procuring information in regard to
myths and old customs. He told a number of stories in very good
style, and finally related the Origin of the Bear’. The bears were
formerly a part of the Cherokee tribe who decided to leave their
kindred and go into the forest. Their friends followed them and
endeavored to induce them to return, but the Ani-Tsa’kahi, as they
were called, were determined to go, Just before parting from their
relatives at the edge of the forest, they turned to them and said, *‘It
is better for you that we should go; but we will teach you songs,
and some day when you are in want of food come out to the woods
and sing these songs and we shall appear and give you meat.” Their

'To appear later with the collection of Cherokee myths.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV

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FACSIMILE OF GAHUNI MANUSCRIPT.
Formula for DidG™léski, (Page 349,)

MOONEY.] THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT. 311

friends, after learning several songs from them, started back to their
homes, and after proceeding a short distance, turned around to take
one last look, but saw only a number of bears disappearing in the
depths of the forest. The songs which they learned are still sung
by the hunter to attract the bears.

When Swimmer had finished the story he was asked if he knew
these songs. He replied that he did, but on being requested to sing
one he made some excuse and was silent. After some further efforts
the interpreter said it would be useless to press the matter then as
there were several other Indians present, but that to-morrow we
should have him alone with us and could then make another attempt.

The next day Swimmer was told that if he persisted in his refusal
it would be necessary to employ some one else, as it was unfair in
him to furnish incomplete information when he was paid to tell all
he knew. He replied that he was willing to tell anything in regard
to stories and customs, but that these songs were a part of his secret
knowledge and commanded a high price from the hunters, who
sometimes paid as much as $5 fora single song, “‘ because you can’t
kill any bears or deer unless you sing them.”

He was told that the only object in asking about the songs was to
put them on record and preserve them, so that when he and the half
dozen old men of the tribe were dead the world might be aware how
much the Cherokees had known. This appeal to his professional
pride proved effectual, and when he was told that a great many simi-
lar songs had been sent to Washington by medicine men of other
tribes, he promptly declared that he knew as much as any of them,
and that he would give all the information in his possession, so that
others might be able to judge for themselves who knew most.
The only conditions he made were that these secret matters should
be heard by no one else but the interpreter, and should not be dis-
cussed when other Indians were present.

As soon as the other shamans learned what was going on they en-
deavored by various means to persuade him to stop talking, or fail-
ing in this, to damage his reputation by throwing out hints as to his
honesty or accuracy of statement. Among other objections which
they advanced was one which, however incomprehensible to a white
man, was perfectly intelligible to an Indian, viz: That when he had
told everything this information would be taken to Washington and
locked up there, and thus they would be deprived of the knowledge.
This objection was one of the most difficult to overcome, as there
was no line of argument with which to oppose it.

These reports worried Swimmer, who was extremely sensitive in
regard to his reputation, and he became restive under the insinua-
tions of his rivals. Finally on coming to work one day he produced
a book from under his ragged coat as he entered the house, and said
proudly : ‘ Look at that and now see if I don’t know something.” It

312 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES,

was a small day-book of about 240 pages, procured originally from
a white man, and was about half filled with writing in the Cherokee
characters. A brief examination disclosed the fact that it contained
just those matters that had proved so difficult to procure. Here
were prayers, songs, and prescriptions for the cure of all kinds of
diseases—for chills, rheumatism, frostbites, wounds, bad dreams,
and witchery ; love charms, to gain the affections of a woman or
to cause her to hate a detested rival; fishing charms, hunting
charms—including the songs without which none could ever hope to
kill any game; prayers to make the corn grow, to frighten away
storms, and to drive off witches; prayers for long life, for safety
among strangers, for acquiring influence in council and success in
the ball play. There were prayers to the Long Man, the Ancient
White, the Great Whirlwind, the Yellow Rattlesnake, and to a hun-
dred other gods of the Cherokee pantheon. It was in fact an Indian
ritual and pharmacopceia.

After recovering in a measure from the astonishment produced
by this discovery I inquired whether other shamans had such books.
** Yes,” said Swimmer, ‘‘ we all have them.” Here then was a clew
to followup. A bargain was made by which he was to have another
blank book into which to copy the formulas, after which the orig-
inal was bought. It is now deposited in the library of the Bureau
of Ethnology. The remainder of the time until the return was occu-
pied in getting an understanding of the contents of the book.

THE GATIGWANASTI MANUSCRIPT.

Further inquiry elicited the names of several others who might
be supposed to have such papers. Before leaving a visit was paid to
one of these, a young man named Wilnoti, whose father, Gatigwan-
asti, had been during his lifetime a prominent shaman, regarded as
a man of superior intelligence. Wilnoti, who is a professing Chris-
tian, said that his father had had such papers, and after some ex-
planation from the chief he consented to show them. He produced
a box containing a lot of miscellaneous papers, testaments, and hymn-
books, all in the Cherokee alphabet. Among them was his father’s
chief treasure, a manuscript book containing 122 pages of foolscap
size, completely filled with formulas of the same kind as those con-
tained in Swimmer’s book. There were also a large number of loose
sheets, making in all nearly 200 foolscap pages of sacred formulas.

On offering to buy the papers, he replied that he wanted to keep
them in order to learn and practice these things himself—thus show-
ing how thin was the veneer of Christianity, in his case at least. On
representing to him that in a few years the new conditions would
render such knowledge valueless with the younger generation, and
that even if he retained the papers he would need some one else
to explain them to him, he again refused, saying that they might

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI

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MOONEY. ] THE GAHUNI MANUSCRIPT. old

fall into the hands of Swimmer, who, he was determined, should
never see his father’s papers. Thus the negotiations came to an end
for the time.

On returning to the reservation in July, 1888, another effort was
made to get possession of the Gatigwanasti manuscripts and any
others of the same kind which could be procured. By this time the
Indians had had several months to talk over the matter, and the
idea had gradually dawned upon them that instead of taking their
knowledge away from them and locking it up in a box, the inten-
tion was to preserve it to the world and pay them for it at the same
time. In addition the writer took every opportunity to impress
upon them the fact that he was acquainted with the secret knowl-
edge of other tribes and perhaps could give them as much as they
gave. It was now much easier to approach them, and on again vis-
iting Wilnoti, in company with the interpreter, who explained the
matter fully to him, he finally consented to lend the papers for a
time, with the same condition that neither Swimmer nor anyone
else but the chief and interpreter should see them, but he still re-
fused to sell them. However, this allowed the use of the papers, and
after repeated efforts during a period of several weeks, the matter
ended in the purchase of the papers outright, with unreserved per-
mission to show them for copying or explanation to anybody who
might be selected. Wilnoti was not of a mercenary disposition, and
after the first negotiations the chief difficulty was to overcome his
objection to parting with his father’s handwriting, but it was an
essential point to get the originals, and he was allowed to copy
some of the more important formulas, as he found it utterly out of
the question to copy the whole.

These papers of Gatigwanasti are the most valuable of the whole,
and amount to fully one-half the entire collection, about fifty pages
consisting of love charms. The formulas are beautifully written in
bold Cherokee characters, and the directions and headings are gen-
erally explicit, bearing out the universal testimony that he was a
man of unusual intelligence and ability, characteristics inherited by
his son, who, although a young man and speaking no English, is
one of the most progressive and thoroughly reliable men of the
band.

THE GAHUNI MANUSCRIPT.

The next book procured was obtained from a woman named
Ayasta, ‘The Spoiler,” and had been written by her husband, Ga-
huni, who died about 30 years ago. The matter was not difficult to
arrange, as she had already been employed on several occasions, so
that she understood the purpose of the work, besides which her son
had been regularly engaged to copy and classify the manuscripts
already procured. The book was claimed as common property by

314 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

Ayasta and her three sons, and negotiations had to be carried on
with each one, although in this instance the cash amount involved
was only half a dollar, in addition to another book into which to
copy some family records and personal memoranda, The book con-
tains only eight formulas, but these are of a character altogether
unique, the directions especially throwing a curious light on Indian
beliefs. There had been several other formulas of the class called
Y a" wehi, to cause hatred between man and wife, but these had been
torn out and destroyed by Ayasta on the advice of an old shaman, in
order that her sons might never learn them. In referring to the
matter she spoke in a whisper, and it was evident enough that she
had full faith in the deadly power of these spells.

In addition to the formulas the book contains about twenty pages
of Scripture extracts in the same handwriting, for Gahuni, like sev-
eral others of their shamans, combined the professions of Indian con-
jurer and Methodist preacher. After his death the book fell into
the hands of the younger members of the family, who filled it with
miscellaneous writings and scribblings. Among other things there
are about seventy pages of what was intended to be a Cherokee-
English pronouncing dictionary, probably written by the youngest
son, already mentioned, who has attended school, and who served
for some time as copyist on the formulas. This curious Indian pro-
duction, of which only a few columns are filled out, consists of a list
of simple English words and phrases, written in ordinary English
script, followed by Cherokee characters intended to give the approxi-
mate pronunciation, together with the corresponding word in the
Cherokee language and characters. <As the language lacks a number
of sounds which are of frequent occurrence in English, the attempts
to indicate the pronunciation sometimes give amusing results. Thus
we find: Fox (English script); kwdgisi’ (Cherokee characters); tsi#‘1it’
(Cherokee characters). As the Cherokee language lacks the labial
f and has no compound sound equivalent to our wx, kwdgisi' is as near
as the Cherokee speaker can come to pronouncing our word fox. In
the same way ‘‘bet” becomes wét7, and ‘“‘sheep” is stkw?, while ‘‘if
he has no dog” appears in the disguise of tkwi hdsi nd dd'ga.

THE INALI MANUSCRIPT.

In the course of further inquiries in regard to the whereabouts of
other manuscripts of this kind we heard a great deal about Ina‘li, or
“Black Fox,” who had died a few years before at an advanced age,
and who was universally admitted to have been one of their most
able men and the most prominent literary character among them,
for from what has been said it must be sufficiently evident that the
Cherokees have their native literature and literary men. Like those
already mentioned, he was a full-blood Cherokee, speaking no Eng-
lish, and in the course of a long lifetime he had filled almost every

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MOONEY.] THE INALI MANUSCRIPT. 315

position of honor among his people, including those of councilor,
keeper of the townhouse records, Sunday-school leader, conjurer,
officer in the Confederate service, and Methodist preacher, at last
dying, as he was born, in the ancient faith of his forefathers.

On inquiring of his daughter she stated that her father had left a
great many papers, most of which were still in her possession, and
on receiving from the interpreter an explanation of our purpose she
readily gave permission to examine and make selections from them
on condition that the matter should be kept secret from outsiders.
A day was appointed for visiting her, and on arriving we found her
living in a comfortable log house, built by Inali himself, with her
children and an ancient female relative, a decrepit old woman with
snow-white hairand vacant countenance. This was the oldest woman
of the tribe, and though now so feeble and childish, she had been a
veritable savage in her young days, having carried a scalp in the
scalp dance in the Creek war 75 years before.

Having placed chairs for us in the shade Inali’s daughter brought
out a small box filled with papers of various kinds, both Cherokee
and English. The work of examining these was a tedious business,
as each paper had to be opened out and enough of it read to get the
general drift of the contents, after which the several classes were
arranged in separate piles. While in the midst of this work she
brought out another box nearly as large as a small trunk, and on
setting it down there was revealed to the astonished gaze such a
mass of material as it had not seemed possible could exist in the
entire tribe.

In addition to papers of the sort already mentioned there were a
number of letters in English from various officials and religious
organizations, and addressed to ‘‘ Enola,” to ‘‘ Rey. Black Fox,” and
to ‘‘ Black Fox, Esq,” with a large number of war letters written to
him by Cherokees who had enlisted in the Confederate service.
These latter are all written in the Cherokee characters, in the usual
gossipy style common among friends, and several of them contain
important historic material in regard to the movements of the two
armies in Kast Tennessee. Among other things was found his cer-
tificate as a Methodist preacher, dated in 1848. ** Know all men by
these presents that Black Fox (Cherokee) is hereby authorized to
exercise his Gifts and Graces as a local preacher in M. E. Church
South.”

There was found a manuscript book in Inali’s handwriting con-
taining the records of the old council of Wolftown, of which he had
been secretary for several years down to the beginning of the war.
This also contains some valuable materials.

There were also a number of miscellaneous books, papers, and pic-
tures, together with various trinkets and a number of conjuring
stones.

316 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES,

In fact the box was a regular curiosity shop, and it was with a
feeling akin to despair that we viewed the piles of manuscript which
had to be waded through and classified. There was a day’s hard
work ahead, and it was already past noon; but the woman was not
done yet, and after rummaging about inside the house for a while
longer she appeared with another armful of papers, which she emp-
tied on top of the others. This was the last straw; and finding it
impossible to examine in detail such a mass of material we contented
ourselves with picking out the sacred formulas and the two manu-
script books containing the town-house records and scriptural quota-
tions and departed.

The daughter of Black Fox agreed to fetch down the other papers
in afew days for further examination at our leisure; and she kept her
promise, bringing with her at the same time a number of additional
formulas which she had not been able to obtain before. <A large
number of letters and other papers were selected from the miscella-
neous lot, and these, with the others obtained from her, are now
deposited also with the Bureau of Ethnology. Among other things
found at this house were several beads of the old shell wampum, of
whose use the Cherokees have now lost even the recollection. She
knew only that they were very old and different from the common
beads, but she prized them as talismans, and firmly refused to part
with them.

OTHER MANUSCRIPTS.

Subsequently a few formulas were obtained from an old shaman
named Tsiskwa or ‘‘ Bird,” but they were so carelessly written as to
be almost worthless, and the old man who wrote them, being then
on his dying bed, was unable to give much help in the matter. How-
ever, as he was anxious to tell what he knew an attempt was made
to take down some formulas from his dictation. A few more were
obtained in this way but the results were not satisfactory and the
experiment was abandoned. About the same time A‘wani’ta or
“Young Deer,” one of their best herb doctors, was engaged to col-
lect the various plants used in medicine and describe their uses.
While thus employed he wrote in a book furnished him for the pur-
pose a number of formulas used by him in his practice, giving at
the same time a verbal explanation of the theory and ceremonies.
Among these was one for protection in battle, which had been used
by himself and a number of other Cherokees in the late war. An-
other doctor named Takwati’hi or ‘“‘Catawba Killer,” was after-
ward employed on the same work and furnished some additional
formulas which he had had his son write down from his dictation,
he himself being unable to write. His knowledge was limited to
the practice of a few specialties, but in regard to these his informa-

MOONEY.] THE KANAHETA ANI-TSALAGA ETT. lat

tion was detailed and accurate. There was one for bleeding with
the cupping horn. All these formulas obtained from Tsiskwa,
A‘wanita, and Takwtihi are now in possession of the Bureau.

THE KANAHETA ANI-TSALAGI ETI.

Among the papers thus obtained was a large number which for
various reasons it was found difficult to handle or file for preserva-
tion. Many of them had been written so long ago that the ink had
almost faded from the paper ; others were written with lead pencil,
so that in handling them the characters soon became blurred and
almost illegible; a great many were written on scraps of paper of
allshapes and sizes ; and others again were full of omissions and doub-
lets, due to the carelessness of the writer, while many consisted
simply of the prayer, with nothing in the nature of a heading or
prescription to show its purpose.

Under the circumstances it was deemed expedient to have a num-
ber of these formulas copied in more enduring form. For this pur-
pose it was decided to engage the services of Ayasta’s youngest son,
an intelligent young man about nineteen years of age, who had at-
tended school long enough to obtain a fair acquaintance with Eng-
lish in addition to his intimate knowledge of Cherokee. He was
also gifted with a ready comprehension, and from his mother and
uncle Tsiskwa had acquired some familiarity with many of the
archaic expressions used in the sacred formulas. He was commonly
known as “‘ Wili West,” but signed himself W. W. Long, Long
being the translation of his father’s name, Gtinahi'ta. After being
instructed as to how the work should be done with reference to par-
agraphing, heading, etc., he was furnished a blank book of two hun-
dred pages into which to copy such formulas as it seemed desirable to
duplicate. He readily grasped the idea and in the course of about a
month, working always under the writer’s personal supervision, suc-
ceeded in completely filling the book according to the plan outlined.
In addition to the duplicate formulas he wrote down a number of
dance and drinking songs, obtained originally from A‘yi" ini, with
about thirty miscellaneous formulas obtained from various sources.
The book thus prepared is modeled on the plan of an ordinary book,
with headings, table of contents, and even with an illuminated title
page devised by the aid of the interpreter according to the regular
Cherokee idiomatic form, and is altogether a unique specimen of
Indian literary art. It contains in all two hundred and fifty-eight
formulas and songs, which of course are native aboriginal produc-
tions, although the mechanical arrangement was performed under
the direction of a white man. This book also, under its Cherokee
title, Kandhe'ta Ani-Tsa'lagi E’ti or ‘Ancient Cherokee Formulas,”
is now in the library of the Bureau.

There is still a considerable quantity of such manuscript in the

318 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

hands of oneor two shamans with whom there was no cnance for
negotiating, but an effort will be made to obtain possession of these
on some future visit, should opportunity present. Those now in the
Bureau library comprised by far the greater portion of the whole
quantity held by the Indians, and as only asmall portion of this was
copied by the owners it can not be duplicated by any future collector.

CHARACTER OF THE FORMULAS—THE CHEROKEE RELIGION.

It is impossible to overestimate the ethnologic importance of the
materials thus obtained. They are invaluable as the genuine pro-
duction of the Indian mind, setting forth in the clearest light the
state of the aboriginal religion before its contamination by contact
with the whites. To the psychologist and the student of myths they
are equally precious. In regard to their linguistic value we may
quote the language of Brinton, speaking of the sacred books of the
Mayas, already referred to:

Another value they have, * * * and it is one which will be properly appre-
ciated by any student of languages. They are, by common consent of all compe-
tent authorities, the genuine productions of native minds, cast in the idiomatic
forms of the native tongue by those born to its use. No matter how fluent a
foreigner becomes in a language not his own, he can never use it as does one who
has been familiar with it fromchildhood. This general maxim is tenfold true when
we apply it toa European learning an American language. The flow of thought, as
exhibited in these two linguistic families, is in such different directions that no
amount of practice can render one equally accurate in both. Hence the importance
of studying a tongue as it isemployed by natives; and hence the very high estimate
I place on these *‘ Books of Chilan Balam” as linguistic material—an estimate much
increased by the great rarity of independent compositions in their own tongues by
members of the native races of this continent.!

The same author, in speaking of the internal evidences of authen-
ticity contained in the Popol Vuh, the sacred book of the Kichés,
uses the following words, whichapply equally well to these Cherokee
formulas :

To one familiar with native American myths, this one bears undeniable marks of
its aboriginal origin. Its frequent puerilities and inanities, its generally low and
coarse range of thought and expression, its occasional loftiness of both, its strange
metaphors and the prominence of strictly heathen names and potencies, bring it
into unmistakable relationship to the true native myth.?

These formulas furnish a complete refutation of the assertion so
frequently made by ignorant and prejudiced writers that the Indian
had no religion excepting what they are pleased to call the meaning -
less mummeries of the medicine man. This is the very reverse of
the truth. The Indian is essentially religious and contemplative,

' Brinton, D. G.: The books of Chilan Balam 10, Philadelphia, n. d., (1882).
? Brinton, D. G: Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths, in Proc. Am, Philos,
Soc., Philadelphia, 1881, vol. 19, p. 613.

MOONEY.] THE ORIGIN OF DISEASE AND MEDICINE. ol9

and it might almost be said that every act of his life is regulated
and determined by his religious belief. It matters not that some
may call this superstition. The difference is only relative. The
religion of to-day has developed from the cruder superstitions of
yesterday, and Christianity itself is but an outgrowth and enlarge-
ment of the beliefs and ceremonies which have been preserved by
the Indian in their more ancient form. When we are willing to ad-
mit that the Indian has a religion which he holds sacred, even though
it be different from our own, we can then admire the consistency of
the theory, the particularity of the ceremonial and the beauty of the
expression. So far from being a jumble of crudities, there is a won-
derful completeness about the whole system which is not surpassed
eyen by the ceremonial religions of the East. It is evident from a
study of these formulas that the Cherokee Indian was a polytheist
and that the spirit world was to him only a shadowy counterpart of
this: Ali his prayers were for temporal and tangible blessings—for
health, for long life, for success in the chase, in fishing, in war and
in love, for good crops, for protection and for revenge. He had no
Great Spirit, no happy hunting ground, no heaven, no hell, and
consequently death had for him no terrors and he awaited the in-
evitable end with no anxiety as to the future. He was careful not
to violate the rights of his tribesman or to do injury to his feelings,
but there is nothing to show that he had any idea whatever of what
is called morality in the abstract.

As the medical formulas are first in number and importance it
may be well, for the better understanding of the theory involved, to
give the Cherokee account of

‘ THE ORIGIN OF DISEASE AND MEDICINE.

In the old days quadrupeds, birds, fishes, and insects could all
talk, and they and the human race lived together in peace and friend-
ship. But as time went on the people increased so rapidly that
their settlements spread over the whole earth and the poor animals
found themselves beginning to be cramped for room, This was bad
enough, but to add to their misfortunes man invented bows, knives,
blowguns, spears, and hooks, and began to slaughter the larger ani-
mals, birds and fishes for the sake of their flesh or their skins, while
the smaller creatures, such as the frogs and worms, were crushed
and trodden upon without mercy, out of pure carelessness or con-
tempt. In this state of affairs the animals resolved to consult upon
measures for their common safety.

The bears were the first to meet in council in their townhouse in
Kuwa'hi, the ‘‘ Mulberry Place,”! and the old White Bear chief pre-

‘One of the high peaks of the Smoky Mountains, on the Tennessee line, near
Clingman’s Dome.

320 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

sided. After each in turn had made complaint against the way in
which man killed their friends, devoured their flesh and used their
skins for his own adornment, it was unanimously decided to begin
war at once against the human race. Someone asked what weapons
man used to accomplish their destruction. ‘‘ Bows and arrows, of
course,” cried all the bears in chorus. ‘* And what are they made
of ?” was the next question. ‘‘The bow of wood and the string of
our own entrails,” replied one of the bears. It was then proposed
that they make a bow and some arrows and see if they could not
turn man’s weapons against himself. Soone bear got anice piece of
locust wood and another sacrificed himself for the good of the rest in
order to furnish a piece of his entrails for the string. But when
everything was ready and the first bear stepped up to make the
trial it was found that in letting the arrow fly after drawing back
the bow, his long claws caught the string and spoiled the shot. This
was annoying, but another suggested that he could overcome the
difficulty by cutting his claws, which was accordingly done, and on
a second trialit was found that the arrow went straight to the mark.
But here the chief, the old White Bear, interposed and said that it
was necessary that they should have long claws in order to be able
to climb trees. ‘*‘One of us has already died to furnish the bow-
string, and if we now cut off our claws we shall all have to starve
together. It is better to trust to the teeth and claws which nature
has given us, for it is evident that man’s weapons were not intended
for us.”

No one could suggest any better plan, so the old chief dismissed
the council and the bears dispersed to their forest haunts without
having concerted any means for preventing the increase of the hu-
man race. Had the result of the council been otherwise, we should
now be at war with the bears, but as it is the hunter does not even
ask the bear’s pardon when he kills one.

The deer next held a council under their chief, the Little Deer,
and after some deliberation resolved to inflict rheumatism upon every
hunter who should kill one of their number, unless he took care to
ask their pardon for the offense. They sent notice of their decision
to the nearest settlement of Indians and told them at the same time
how to make propitiation when necessity forced them to kill one of
the deer tribe. Now, whenever the hunter brings down a deer, the
Little Deer, who is swift as the wind and can not be wounded, runs
quickly up to the spot and bending over the blood stains asks the
spirit of the deer if it has heard the prayer of the hunter for par-
don. If the reply be ‘‘ Yes” all is well and the Little Deer goes on
his way, but if the reply be in the negative he follows on the trail
of the hunter, guided by the drops of blood on the ground, until he
arrives at the cabin in the settlement, when the Little Deer enters
invisibly and strikes the neglectful hunter with rheumatism, so that

MOONEY. ] THE ORIGIN OF DISEASE AND MEDICINE. 321

he is rendered on the instant a helpless cripple. No hunter who has
regard for his health ever fails to ask pardon of the deer for killing
it, although some who have not learned the proper formula may at-
tempt to turn aside the Little Deer from his pursuit by building a
fire behind them in the trail.

Next came the fishes and reptiles, who had their own grievances
against humanity. They held a joint council and determined to
make their victims dream of snakes twining about them in slimy
folds and blowing their fetid breath in their faces, or to make them
dream of eating raw or decaying fish, so that they would lose appe-
tite, sicken, and die. Thus it is that snake and fish dreams are ac-
counted for.

Finally the birds, insects, and smaller animals came together for
a like purpose, and the Grubworm presided over the deliberations.
It was decided that each in turn should express an opinion and then
vote on the question as to whether or not man should be deemed
guilty. Seven votes were to be sufficient to condemn him. One
after another denounced man’s cruelty and injustice toward the
other animals and voted in favor of his death. The Frog (wala’st)
spoke first and said: ‘*‘ We must do something to check the increase
of the race or people will become so numerous that we shall be
crowded from off the earth. See how man has kicked me about
because I’m ugly, as he says, until my back is covered with sores;”
and here he showed the spots on his skin. Next came the Bird
(tsi’skwa; no particular species is indicated), who condemned man
because “he burns my feet off,” alluding to the way in which the
hunter barbecues birds by impaling them on a stick set over the
fire, so that their feathers and tender feet are singed and burned.
Others followed in the same strain. The Ground Squirrel alone
ventured to say a word in behalf of man, who seldom hurt him
because he was so small; but this so enraged the others that they
fell upon the Ground Squirrel and tore him with their teeth and
claws, and the stripes remain on his back to this day.

The assembly then began to devise and name various diseases, one
after another, and had not their invention finally failed them not one
of the human race would have been able to survive. The Grub-
worm in his place of honor hailed each new malady with delight,
until at last they had reached the end of the list, when some one
suggested that it be arranged so that menstruation should sometimes
prove fatal to woman. On this he rose up in his place and cried:
“Wata™! Thanks! I’m glad some of them will die, for they are
getting so thick that they tread on me.” He fairly shook with joy at
the thought, so that he fell over backward and could not get on his
feet again, but had to wriggle off on his back, as the Grubworm
has done ever since.

When the plants, who were friendly to man, heard what had been

7 ETH—21

322 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

done by the animals, they determined to defeat their evil designs.
Each tree, shrub, and herb, down even to the grasses and mosses,
agreed to furnish a remedy for some one of the diseases named, and
each said: ‘‘ I shall appear to help man when he calls upon me in
his need.” Thus did medicine originate, and the plants, every one
of which has its use if we only knew it, furnish the antidote to coun-
teract the evil wrought by the revengeful animals. When the doc-
tor isin doubt what treatment to apply for the relief of a patient, the
spirit of the plant suggests to him the proper remedy.

THEORY OF DISEASE—ANIMALS, GHOSTS, WITCHES.

Such is the belief upon which their medical practice is based, and
whatever we may think of the theory it must be admitted that the
practice is consistent in all its details with the views set forth in the
myth. Like most primitive people the Cherokees believe that dis-
ease and death are not natural, but are due to the evil influence of
animal spirits, ghosts, or witches. Haywood, writing in 1823, states
on the authority of two intelligent residents of the Cherokee nation:

In ancient times the Cherokees had no conception of anyone dying a natural
death. They universally ascribed the death of those who perished by disease to the
intervention or agency of evil spirits and witches and conjurers who had connec-
tion with the Shina (Anisgina) or evil spirits. * * * <A person dying by disease
and charging his death to have been procured by means of witchcraft or spirits,
by any other person, consigns that person to inevitable death. They profess to be-
lieve that their conjurations have no effect upon white men.!

On the authority of one of the same informants, he also mentions
the veneration which ‘their physicians have for the numbers four
and seven, who say that after man was placed upon the earth four
and seven nights were instituted for the cure of diseases in the human
body and the seventh night as the limit for female impurity.’

Viewed froma scientific standpoint, their theory and diagnosis are
entirely wrong, and consequently we can hardly expect their thera-
peutic system to be correct. As the learned Doctor Berendt states,
after an exhaustive study of the medical books of the Mayas, the
scientific value of their remedies is ‘‘next to nothing.” It must be
admitted that many of the plants used in their medical practice pos-
sess real curative properties, but it is equally true that many others
held in as high estimation are inert. It seems probable that in the
beginning the various herbs and other plants were regarded as so
many fetiches and were selected from some fancied connection with
the disease animal, according to the idea known to modern folk-
lorists as the doctrine of signatures. Thus at the present day the
doctor puts into the decoction intended as a vermifuge some of the

1 Haywood, John: Naturaland Aboriginal History of East Tennessee, 267-8, Nash-
ville, 1823.
*Tbid., p. 281.

MOONEY THEORY OF DISEASE. 323

red fleshy stalks of the common purslane or chickweed (Portulaca
oleracea), because these stalks somewhat resemble worms and conse-
quently must have some occult influence over worms. Here the
chickweed is a fetich precisely as is the flint arrow head which is put
into the same decoction, in order that in the same mysterious man-
ner its sharp cutting qualities may be communicated to the liquid
and enable it to cut the worms into pieces. In like manner, bilious-
ness is called by the Cherokees dala’ni or ‘‘ yellow,” because the
most apparent symptom of the disease is the vomiting by the patient
of the yellow bile, and hence the doctor selects for the decoction four
different herbs, each of which is also called dalani, because of the
color of the root, stalk, or flower. The same idea is carried out in
the tabu which generally accompanies the treatment. Thus a scrof-
ulous patient must abstain from eating the meat of aturkey, because
the fleshy dewlap which depends from its throat somewhat resembles
an inflamed scrofulous eruption. On killing a deer the hunter
always makes an incision in the hind quarter and removes the ham-
string, because this tendon, when severed, draws up into the flesh;
ergo, any one who should unfortunately partake of the hamstring
would find his limbs draw up in the same manner.

There can be no doubt that in course of timea haphazard use of
plants would naturally lead to the discovery that certain herbs are
efficacious in certain combinations of symptoms. These plants would
thus come into more frequent use and finally would obtain general
recognition in the Indian materia medica. By such a process of
evolution an empiric system of medicine has grown up among the
Cherokees, by which they are able to treat some classes of ailments
with some degree of success, although without any intelligent
idea of the process involved. It must be remembered that our own
medical system has its remote origin in the same mythic conception
of disease, and that within two hundred years judicial courts have
condemned women to be burned to death for producing sickness by
spells and incantations, while even at the present day our faith-
cure professors reap their richest harvest among people commonly
supposed to belong to the intelligent classes. In the treatment of
wounds the Cherokee doctors exhibit a considerable degree of skill,
but as far as any internal ailment is concerned the average farmer’s
wife is worth all the doctors in the whole tribe.

The faith of the patient has much to do with his recovery, for the
Indian has the same implicit confidence in the shaman that a child
has in a more intelligent physician. The ceremonies and prayers
are well calculated to inspire this feeling, and the effect thus produced
upon the mind of the sick man undoubtedly reacts favorably upon
his physical organization.

The following list of twenty plants used in Cherokee practice
will give a better idea of the extent of their medical knowledge than

324 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

could be conveyed by a lengthy dissertation. The names are given
in the order in which they occur in the botanic notebook filled on
the reservation, excluding names of food plants and species not iden-
tified, so that no attempt has been made to select in accordance with
a preconceived theory. Following the name of each plant are given
its uses as described by the Indian doctors, together with its proper-
ties as set forth in the United States Dispensatory, one of the leading
pharmacopoias in use in this country.’ For the benefit of those not
versed in medical phraseology it may be stated that aperient, cathar-
tic, and deobstruent are terms applied to medicines intended to open
or purge the bowels, a diuretic has the property of exciting the flow
of urine, a diaphoretic excites perspiration, and a demulcent protects
or soothes irritated tissues, while hemoptysis denotes a peculiar
variety of blood-spitting and aphthous is an adjective applied to
ulcerations in the mouth.
J

SELECTED LIST OF PLANTS USED.

1. Unaste'tstry0=‘ very small root *—Aristolochia serpentaria— Virginia or black
snakeroot: Decoction of root blown upon patient for fever and feverish head-
ache, and drunk for coughs; root chewed and spit upon wound to cure snake
bites ; bruised root placed in hollow tooth for toothache, and held against
nose made sore by constant blowing in colds. Dispensatory : ‘‘A stimulant
tonic, acting also as a diaphoretic or diuretic, according to the mode of its
application; * * * also been highly recommended in intermittent fevers.
and though itself generally inadequate to the cure often proves serviceable
as an adjunct to Peruvian bark or sulphate of quinia.” Also used for typhous
diseases, in dyspepsia, as a gargle for sore throat, as a mild stimulant in
typhoid fevers, and to promote eruptions. The genus derives its scientific
name from its supposed efficacy in promoting menstrual discharge, and some
species have acquired the ‘‘ reputation of antidotes for the bites of serpents.”

2, Unistin 0.1sti °="' they stick on”—Cynoglossum Morrisoni—Beggar lice: De-
coction of root or top drunk for kidney troubles ; bruised root used with bear
oil as an ointment for cancer; forgetful persons drink a decoction of this
plant, and probably also of other similar bur plants. from an idea that the
sticking qualities of the burs will thus be imparted to the memory. From a
similar connection of ideas the root is also used in the preparation of love
charms. Dispensatory: Not named. C. officinale *‘ has been used as a de-
mulecent and sedative in coughs, catarrh, spitting of blood, dysentery, and
diarrhea, and has been also applied externally in burns, ulcers, scrofulous
tumors and goiter.”

1Wood, T. B., and Bache, F.: Dispensatory of the United States of America,
14th ed., Philadelphia, 1877.

°The Cherokee plant names here given are generic names, which are the names
commonly used. In many cases the same name is applied to several species and it
is only when it is necessary to distinguish between them that the Indians use what
might be called specific names. Even then the descriptive term used serves to dis-
tinguish only the particular plants under discussion and the introduction of another
variety bearing the same generic name would necessitate a new classification of
species on a different basis, while hardly any two individuals would classify the
species by the same characteristics.

MOONEY.} LIST OF PLANTS USED. 325

3. C»nacki= ovlack *—Cassia Marilandica—Wild senna: Root bruised and moist-
ened with water for poulticing sores ; decoction drunk for fever and fora dis-
ease also called inage’i, or *‘ black” (same name as plant), in which the hands
and eye sockets are said to turn black ; also for a disease described as similar
to G"nagei, but more dangerous, in which the eye sockets become black, while
black spots appear on the arms, legs, and over the ribs on one side of the
body, accompanied by partial paralysis, and resulting in death should the
black spots appear also on the other side. Dispensatory: Described as ‘‘ an
efficient and safe cathartic, * * * most conveniently given in the form
of infusion.”

4, KAsp'UTa=*‘ simulating ashes,” so called on account of the appearance of the
leaves—Gnaphalium decurrens—Life everlasting: Decoction drunk for colds;
also used in the sweat bath for various diseases and considered one of their
most valuable medical plants. Dispensatory: Not named. Decoctions of
two other species of this genus are mentioned as used by country people for
chest and bowel diseases, and for hemorrhages, bruises, ulcers, etc., although
“probably possessing little medicinal virtue.”

5. ALTSA'STI=(‘‘a wreath for the head “—Vicia Caroliniana—Vetch: Decoction
drunk for dyspepsia and pains inthe back, and rubbed on stomach for cramp;
also rubbed on ball-players after scratching, to render their muscles tough,
and used in the same way after scratching in the disease referred to under
f"nagei, in which one side becomes black in spots, with partial paralysis ;
also used in same manner in decoction with Kasduta for rheumatism ; con-
sidered one of their most valuable medicinal herbs. Dispensatory: Not
named.

6. Distal yi=‘‘ they (the roots) are tough *’—Tephrosia Virginiana—Catgut, Tur-
key Pea, Goat’s Rue, or Devil’s Shoestrings: Decoction drunk for lassitude.
Women wash their hair in decoction of its roots to prevent its breaking or
falling out, because these roots are very tough and hard to break; from the
same idea ball-players rub the decoction on their limbs after scratching,
to toughen them. Dispensatory: Described as a cathartic with roots tonic
and aperient.

7. U'Ga-ATASGI SKI—‘‘ the pus oozes out ’—Euphorbia hypericifolia—Milkweed:
Juice rubbed on for skin eruptions, especially on children’s heads ; also used
as a purgative ; decoction drunk for gonorrhcea and similar diseases in both
sexes, and held in high estimation for this purpose ; Juice used as an ointment
for sores and for sore nipples, and in connection with other herbs for cancer.
Dispensatory : The juice of all of the genus has the property of ** powerfully
irritating the skin when applied to it,” while nearly all are powerful emetics
and cathartics. This species ‘‘has been highly commended as a remedy in
dysentery after due depletion, diarrhea, menorrhagia, and leucorrhea.”

8. GO'NIGWw ALi sKI—" It becomes. discolored when bruised ”—Scutellaria lateriflora
—Skulleap. ‘‘The name refers to the red juice which comes out of the stalk
when bruised or chewed. <A decoction of the four varieties of Ginigwali’ski—
S. lateriflora, 8. pilosa, Hypericum corymbosum, and Stylosanthes elatior—is
drunk to promote menstruation, and the same decoction is also drunk and
used as a wash to counteract the ill effects of eating food prepared by a wo-
man in the menstrual condition, or when such a woman by chance comes
into a sick room ora house under the tabu; also drunk for diarrhea and used
with other herbs in decoction for breast pains. Dispensatory : This plant
“* produces no very obvious effects,” but some doctors regard it as possessed of
nervine, antispasmodic and tonic properties. None of the other three species
are named.

326 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

9. KA’GA SKO'™TAGI—‘‘ crow shin ”’—Adiantum pedatum—Maidenhair Fern: Used
either in decoction or poultice for rheumatism and chills, generally in con-
nection with some other fern. The doctors explain that the fronds of the
different varieties of fern are curled up in the young plant, but unroll and
straighten out as it grows, and consequently a decoction of ferns causes the
contracted muscles of the rheumatic patient to unbend and straighten out in
like manner. It is also used in decoction for fever. Dispensatory: The
leaves ‘‘ have been supposed to be useful in chronic catarrh and other pectoral
affections.”

10, ANDA'NKALAGI SKI—=‘‘ it removes things from the gums’—Geranium macula-
tum—Wild Alum, Cranesbill: Used in decoction with Yani Unihye sti (Vitis
cordifolia) to wash the mouths of children in thrush; also used alone for the
same purpose by blowing the chewed fiber into the mouth. Dispensatory:
** One of our best indigenous astringents. * * * Diarrhea, chronic dysen-
tery, cholora infantum in the latter stages, and the various hemorrhages are
the forms of disease in which it is most commonly used.” Also valuable as
*‘an application to indolent ulcers, an injection in gleet and leucorrhea, a
gargle in relaxation of the uvula and aphthous ulcerations of the throat.”
The other plant sometimes used with it is not mentioned.

11. OLE UKi'Lti=‘ the locust frequents it ’—Gillenia trifoliata—Indian Physic.
Two doctors state that it is good as a tea for bowel complaints, with fever
and yellow vomit; but another says that it is poisonous and that nodecoction
is ever drunk, but that the beaten root is a good poultice for swellings. Dis-
pensatory : ‘‘Gillenia is a mild and efficient emetic, and like most substances
belonging to the same class occasionally acts upon the bowels. In very small
doses it has been thought to be tonic.”

12. Skwa'Li—Hepatica acutiloba—Liverwort, Heartleaf: Used for coughs either in
tea or by chewing root. Those who dream of snakes drink a decoction of
this herb and I‘nat Ga’‘n‘ka—*‘ snake tongue” (Camptosorus rhizophyllus or
Walking Fern) to produce vomiting, after which the dreams do not return.
The traders buy large quantities of liverwort from the Cherokees, who may
thus have learned to esteem it more highly than they otherwise would. The
appearance of the other plant, Camptosorus rhizophyllus,has evidently de-
termined its Cherokee name and the use to whichitis applied. Dispensatory:
* Liverwort is a very mild demulcent tonic and astringent, supposed by some
to possess diuretic and deobstruent virtues. It was formerly used in Europe
in various complaints, especially chronic hepatic affections, but has fallen into
entire neglect. In this country, some years since, it acquired considerable
reputation, which, however, it has not maintained as a remedy in hamop-
tysis and chronic coughs.” The other plant is not named.

13. Da'yewt—‘'it sews itself up,” because the leaves are said to grow together
again when torn—Cacalia atriplicifolia—Tassel Flower: Held in great repute
as a poultice for cuts, bruises, and cancer, to draw out the blood or poisonous
matter. The bruised leaf is bound over the spot and frequently removed.
The dry powdered leaf was formerly used to sprinkle over food like salt.
Dispensatory: Not named.

14. A’rari KOLY—* it climbs the mountain.” —Aralia quinquefolia—Ginseng or
“Sang:” Decoction of root drunk for headache, cramps, etc.,and for female
troubles; chewed root blown on spot for pains in the side. The Cherokees
sell large quantities of sang to the traders for 50 cents per pound, nearly
equivalent there to two days’ wages, a fact which has doubtless increased
their idea of its importance. Dispensatory: ‘‘The extraordinary medical
virtues formerly ascribed to ginseng had no other existence than in the im-
agination of the Chinese. It is little more than a demulcent, and in this

Mooney. ] LIst OF PLANTS USED. 327

country is not employed as a medicine.” The Chinese name, ginseng, is
said to refer to the fancied resemblance of the root to a human figure, while in
the Cherokee formulas it is addressed as the ‘* great man” or *‘ little man,” and
this resemblance no doubt has much to do with the estimation in which it is
held by both peoples.

15. U'rsati Uwapsiska="' fish scales,” from shape of leaves—Thalictrum anemo-
noides—Meadow Rue: Decoction of root drunk for diarrhea with vomiting.
Dispensatory: Not named.

16. K’kwe ULasu'La=“ partridge moccasin *—Cypripedium parviflorum—Lady-
slipper: Decoction of root used for worms in children. In the liquid are
placed some stalks of the common chickweed or purslane (Cerastium vulga-
tum) which, from the appearance of its red fleshy stalks, is supposed to have
some connection with worms. Dispensatory: Described as *‘‘ a gentle nervous
stimulant” useful in diseases in which the nerves are especially affected. The
other herb is not named.

17. A’HAaw!’ AKA'TA —‘‘ deer eye,” from the appearance of the flower—Rudheckia

: fulgida—Cone Flower: Decoction of root drunk for flux and for some private
diseases; also used as a wash for snake bitesand swellings caused by (mythic)
tsgaya or worms; also dropped into weak or inflamed eyes. This last is prob-
ably from the supposed connection between the eye and the flower resembling
the eye. Dispensatory: Not named.

18. Uristuai—Polygonatum multiflorum latifolium—Solomon’s Seal: Root heated
and bruised and applied as a poultice to remove an ulcerating swelling called
tu’sti’, resembling a boil or carbuncle. Dispensatory: This species acts like
P. uniflorum, which is said to beemetic. In former times it was used exter-
nally in bruises, especially those about the eyes, in tumors, wounds, and
cutaneous eruptions and was highly esteemed as a cosmetic. At present it
is not employed, though recommended by Hermann as a good remedy in
gout and rheumatism.” This species in decoction has been found to produce
“nausea, a cathartic effect and either diaphoresis or diuresis,” and is useful
“as an internal remedy in piles, and externally in the form of decoction,
in the affection of the skin resulting from the poisonous exhalations of
certain plants.”

19. AmApiTa‘Ti—‘‘ water dipper,” because water can be sucked up through its hol-
low stalk—Eupatorium purpureum—Queen of the Meadow, Gravel Root:
Root used in decoction with a somewhat similar plant called Amadita’ti0'tanu,
or ‘‘large water dipper” (not identified) for difficult urination. Dispensa-
tory: ‘‘Said to operate as a diuretic. Its vulgar name of gravel root indi-
cates the popular estimation of its virtues.” The genus is described as tonic,
diaphoretic, and in large doses emetic and aperient.

20. YAna Utsista—“‘‘ the bear lies on it "—Aspidium acrostichoides—Shield Fern:
Root decoction drunk to produce vomiting, and also used to rub on the skin,
after scratching, for rheumatism—in both cases some other plant is added to
the decoction; the warm decoction is also held in the mouth to relieve tooth-
ache. Dispensatory: Not named.

The results obtained from a careful study of this list may be sum-
marized as follows: Of the twenty plants described as used by the
Cherokees, seven (Nos. 2, 4, 5, 13, 15, 17, and 20) are not noticed in
the Dispensatory even in the list of plants sometimes used although
regarded as not officinal. It is possible that one or two of these
seven plants have medical properties, but this can hardly be true of
a larger number unless we are disposed to believe that the Indians

328 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

are better informed in this regard than the best educated white phy-
sicians in the country. Two of these seven plants, however (Nos. 2
and 4), belong to genera which seem to have some of the properties
ascribed by the Indians to the species. Five others of the list (Nos.
8, 9, 11, 14, and 16) are used for entirely wrong purposes, taking the
Dispensatory as authority, and three of these are evidently used on
account of some fancied connection between the plant and the dis-
ease, according to the doctrine of signatures. Three of the remain-
der (Nos. 1, 3, anil 6) may be classed as uncertain in their properties,
that is, while the plants themselves seem to possess some medical
value, the Indian mode of application is so far at variance with
recognized methods, or their own statements are so vague and con-
flicting, that it is doubtful whether any good can result from the use
of theherbs. Thus the Unaste’tstiyt, or Virginia Snakeroot, is stated
by the Dispensatory to have several uses, and among other things is
said to have been highly recommended in intermittent fevers,
although alone it is ‘‘ generally inadequate to the cure.” Though
not expressly stated, the natural inference is that it must be applied
internally, but the Cherokee doctor, while he also uses it for fever,
takes the decoction in his mouth and blows it over the head and
shoulders of the patient. Another of these, the Distai'yi, or Turkey
Pea, is described in the Dispensatory as having roots tonic and
aperient. The Cherokees drink a decoction of the roots for a feeling
of weakness and languor, from which it might be supposed that they
understood the tonic properties of the plant had not the same decoc-
tion been used by the women as a hair wash, and by the ball players
to bathe their limbs, under the impression that the toughness of the
roots would thus be communicated to the hair or muscles. From
this fact and from the name of the plant, which means at once hard,
tough, or strong, it is quite probable that its roots are believed to
give strength to the patient solely because they themselves are so
strong and not because they have been proved to be really efficacious.
The remaining five plants have generally pronounced medicinal
qualities, and are used by the Cherokees for the very purposes for
which, according to the Dispensatory, they are best adapted; so that
we must admit that so much of their practice is correct, however
false the reasoning by which they have arrived at this result.

MEDICAL PRACTICE,

Taking the Dispensatory as the standard, and assuming that this
list is a fair epitome of what the Cherokees know concerning the
medical properties of plants, we find that five plants, or 25 per cent
of the whole number, are correctly used; twelve, or 60 per cent, are
presumably either worthless or incorrectly used, and three plants,
or 15 per cent, are so used that it is difficult to say whether they are

MOONEY.] MEDICAL PRACTICE. 329

of any benefit or not. Granting that two of these three produce
good results as used by the Indians, we should have 35 per cent, or
about one-third of the whole, as the proportion actually possessing
medical virtues, while the remaining two-thirds are inert, if not
positively injurious. It is not probable that a larger number of ex-
amples would change the proportion to any appreciable extent. A
number of herbs used in connection with these principal plants may
probably be set down as worthless, inasmuch as they are not named
in the Dispensatory.

The results here arrived at will doubtless be a surprise to those
persons who hold that an Indian must necessarily be a good doctor,
and that the medicine man or conjurer, with his theories of ghosts,
witches, and revengeful animals, knows more about the properties
of plants and the cure of disease than does the trained botanist or
physician who has devoted a lifetime of study to the patient investi-
gation of his specialty, with all the accumulated information con-
tained in the works of his predecessors to build upon, and with all
the light thrown upon his pathway by the discoveries of modern
science. It is absurd to suppose that the savage, a child in intellect,
has reached a higher development in any branch of science than has
been attained by the civilized man, the product of long ages of in-
tellectual growth. It would be as unreasonable to suppose that the
Indian could be entirely ignorant of the medicinal properties of
plants, living as he did in the open air in close communion with
nature; but neither in accuracy nor extent can his knowledge be
compared for a moment with that of the trained student working
upon scientific principles.

Cherokee medicine is an empiric development of the fetich idea.
For a disease caused by the rabbit the antidote must be a plant
called ‘‘ rabbit’s food,” ‘* rabbit’s ear,” or ‘‘ rabbit’s tail;” for snake
dreams the plant used is ‘‘snake’s tooth;” for worms a plant re-
sembling a worm in appearance, and for inflamed eyes a flower hay-
ing the appearance and name of ‘deer’s eye.” A yellow root must
be good when the patient vomits yellow bile, and a black one when
dark circles come about his eyes, and in each case the disease and
the plant alike are named from the color. A decoction of burs must
be acure for forgetfulness, for there is nothing else that will stick
like a bur; and a decoction of the wiry roots of the ‘‘ devil’s shoe-
strings” must be an efficacious wash to toughen the ballplayer’s
muscles, for they are almost strong enough to stop the plowshare in
the furrow. It must be evident that under such a system the fail-
ures must far outnumber the cures, yet it is not so long since half
our own medical practice was based upon the same idea of corre-
spondences, for the medieval physicians taught that similia similibus
curantur, and have we not all heard that ‘‘the hair of the dog will
cure the bite ?”

330 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

Their ignorance of the true medical principles involved is shown
by the regulations prescribed for the patient. With the exception
of the fasting, no sanitary precautions are taken to aid in the re-
covery of the sick man or to contribute to his comfort. Even the
fasting is as much religious as sanative, for in most cases where it
is prescribed the doctor also must abstain from food until sunset,
just as in the Catholic church both priest and communicants remain
fasting from midnight until after the celebration of the divine mys-
teries. As the Indian cuisine is extremely limited, no delicate or
appetizing dishes are prepared for the patient, who partakes of the
same heavy, sodden cornmeal dumplings and bean bread which form
his principal food in health. In most cases certain kinds of food are
prohibited, such as squirrel meat, fish, turkey, etc.; but the reason
is not that such food is considered deleterious to health, as we un-
derstand it, but because of some fanciful connection with the disease
spirit. Thus if squirrels have caused the illness the patient must not
eat squirrel meat. If the disease be rheumatism, he must not eat the
leg of any animal, because the limbs are generally the seat of this
malady. Lye, salt, and hot food are always forbidden when there is
any prohibition atall; but here again, in nine cases out of ten, the regu-
lation, instead of being beneficial, serves only to add to his discom-
fort. Lye enters into almost all the food preparations of the Chero-
kees, the alkaline potash taking the place of salt, which is seldom
used among them, having been introduced by the whites. Their
bean and chestnut bread, cornmeal dumplings, hominy, and gruel
are all boiled in a pot, all contain lye, and are all, excepting the last,
served up hot from the fire. When cold their bread is about as hard
and tasteless as a lump of yesterday’s dough, and to condemn a sick
man to a diet of such dyspeptic food, eaten cold without even a pinch
of salt to give it a relish, would seem to be sufficient to kill him with.
out any further aid from the doctor. The salt or lye so strictly pro-
hibited is really a tonic and appetizer, and in many diseases acts with
curative effect. So much for the health regimen.

In serious cases the patient is secluded and no strangers are allowed
to enter the house. On first thought this would appear to be a genu-
ine sanitary precaution for the purpose of securing rest and quiet to
the sick man. Such, however, is not the case. The necessity for
quiet has probably never occurred to the Cherokee doctor, and this
regulation is intended simply to prevent any direct or indirect con-
tact with a woman ina pregnant or menstrual condition. Among
all primitive nations, including the ancient Hebrews, we find an
elaborate code of rules in regard to the conduct and treatment of
women on arriving at the age of puberty, during pregnancy and the
menstrual periods, and at childbirth. Among the Cherokees the
presence of a woman under any of these conditions, or even the pres-
ence of any oné who has come from a house where such a woman

MooNEY.] ILLUSTRATION OF THE TABU. . oll

resides, is considered to neutralize all the effects of the doctor’s treat-
ment. For this reason all women, excepting those of the household,
are excluded. A man is forbidden to enter, because he may have had
intercourse with a tabued woman, or may have come in contaet with
her in some other way; and children also are shut out, because they
may have come from a cabin where dwells a woman subject to exclu-
sion. What is supposed to be the effect of the presence of amenstrual
woman in the family of the patient is not clear; but judging from
analogous customs in other tribes and from rules still enforced among
the Cherokees, notwithstanding their long contact with the whites,
it seems probable that in former times the patient was removed to a
smaller house or temporary bark lodge built for his accommodation
whenever the tabu as to women was prescribed by the doctor. Some
of the old men assert that in former times sick persons were removed
to the public townhouse, where they remained under the care of the
doctors until they either recovered or died. A curious instance of
this prohibition is given in the second Dida"lé’ski (rheumatism) for-
mula from the Gahuni manuscript (see page 350), where the patient
is required to abstain from touching a squirrel, a dog, a cat, a moun-
tain trout, or a woman, and must also have a chair appropriated to
his use alone during the four days that he is under treatment.

In cases of the children’s disease known as Gi"wani'gista’l (see
formulas) it is forbidden to carry the child outdoors, but this is not
to procure rest for the little one, or to guard against exposure to cold
air, but because the birds send this disease, and should a bird chance
to be flying by overhead at the moment the flapping of its wings
would fan the disease back into the body of the patient. :

ILLUSTRATION OF THE TABU.

On a second visit to the reservation the writer once had a practi-
cal illustration of the gaktfi"ta or tabu, which may be of interest as
showing how little sanitary ideas have to do with these precautions.
Having received several urgent invitations from Tsiskwa (Bird), an
old shaman of considerable repute, who was anxious to talk, but
confined to his bed by sickness, it was determined to visit him at his
house, several miles distant. On arriving we found another doctor
named Saki (The Mink) in charge of the patient and were told
that he had just that morning begun a four days’ gaktt"ta, which,
among other provisions, excluded all visitors. It was of no use to
argue that we had come by the express request of Tsiskwa. The
laws of the gakta’™ta were as immutable as those of the Medes and
Persians, and neither doctor nor patient could hope for favorable
results from the treatment unless the regulations were enforced to
the letter. But although we might not enter the house, there was
no reason why we should not talk to the old man, so seats were
placed for us outside the door, while Tsiskwa lay stretched out on

322 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

the bed just inside and The Mink perched himself on the fence a few
yards distant to keep an eye on the proceedings. As there was a
possibility that a white man might unconsciously affect the opera-
tion of the Indian medicine, the writer deemed it advisable to keep
out of sight altogether, and accordingly took up a position just
around the corner of the house, but within easy hearing distance,
while the interpreter sat facing the doorway within afew feet of the
sick man inside. Then began an animated conversation, Tsiskwa
inquiring, through the interpreter, as to the purpose of the Govern-
ment in gathering such information, wanting to know how we had
succeeded with other shamans and asking various questions in regard
to other tribes and their customs. ‘The replies were given in the
same manner, an attempt being also made to draw him out as to the
extent of his own knowledge. Thus we talked until the old man grew
weary, but throughout the whole of this singular interview neither
party saw the other, nor was the gakti™ta violated by entering the
house. From this example it must be sufficiently evident that the
tabu as to visitors is not a hygienic precaution for securing greater
quiet to the patient, or to prevent the spread of contagion, but that
it is simply a religious observance of the tribe, exactly parallel to
many of the regulations among the ancient Jews, as laid down in
the book of Leviticus.

NEGLECT OF SANITARY REGULATIONS.

No rules are ever formulated as to fresh air or exercise, for the
sufficient reason that the door of the Cherokee log cabin is always
open, excepting at night and on the coldest days in winter, while the
Indian is seldom in the house during his waking hours unless when
necessity compels him. As most of their cabins are still built in the
old Indian style, without windows, the open door furnishes the only
means by which light is admitted to the interior, although when
closed the fire on the hearth helps to make amends for the deficiency.
On the other hand, no precautions are taken to guard against cold,
dampness, or sudden drafts. During the greater part of the year
whole families sleep outside upon the ground, rolled up in an old
blanket. The Cherokee is careless of exposure and utterly indiffer-
ent to the simplest rulesof hygiene. He will walk all day in a pour-
ing rain clad only in a thin shirt and a pair of pants. He goes bare-
foot and frequently bareheaded nearly the entire year, and even on
a frosty morning in late November, when the streams are of almost
icy coldness, men and women will deliberately ford the river where
the water is waist deep in preference to going a few hundred
yards to a foot-log. At their dances in the open air men, women,
and children, with bare feet and thinly clad, dance upon the damp
ground from darkness until daylight, sometimes enveloped in a thick
mountain fog which makes even the neighboring treetops invisible,

MOONEY.] BLEEDING, RUBBING, BATHING. 333

while the mothers have their infants laid away under the bushes
with only a shawl] between them and the cold ground. In their ball
plays also each young man, before going into the game, is subjected
to an ordeal of dancing, bleeding, and cold plunge baths, without
food or sleep, which must unquestionably waste his physical energy.

In the old days when the Cherokee was the lord of the whole coun-
try from the Savannah to the Ohio, well fed and warmly clad and
leading an active life in the open air, he was able to maintain a con-
dition of robust health notwithstanding the incorrectness of his
medical ideas and his general disregard of sanitary regulations.
But with the advent of the white man and the destruction of the
game all this was changed. The Kast Cherokee of to-day is a de-
jected being; poorly fed, and worse clothed, rarely tasting meat, cut
off from the old free life, and with no incentive toa better, and con-
stantly bowed down by a sense of helpless degradation in the pres-
ence of his conqueror. Considering all the circumstances, it may
seem a matter of surprise that any of them are still in existence.
As a matter of fact, the best information that could be obtained in
the absence of any official statistics indicated a slow but steady
decrease during the last five years. Only the constitutional vigor,
inherited from their warrior ancestors, has enabled them to sustain
the shock of the changed conditions of the last half century. The
uniform good health of the children in the training school shows
that the case is not hopeless, however, and that under favorable con-
ditions, with a proper food supply and a regular mode of living, the
Cherokee can hold his own with the white man.

THE SWEAT BATH—BLEEDING—RUBBING—BATHING.

In addition to their herb treatment the Cherokees frequently resort to
sweat baths, bleeding, rubbing, and cold baths in the running stream,
to say nothing of the beads and other conjuring paraphernalia gen-
erally used in connection with the ceremony. The sweat bath was
in common use among almost all the tribes north of Mexico except-
ing the central and eastern Eskimo, and was considered the great
cure-all in sickness and invigorant in health. Among many tribes
it appears to have been regarded as a ceremonial observance, but the
Cherokees seem to have looked upon it simply as a medical applica-
tion, while the ceremonial part was confined to the use of the plunge
bath. The person wishing to make trial of the virtues of the sweat
bath entered the a’si, a small earth-covered log house only high
enough to allow of sitting down. After divesting himself of his
clothing, some large bowlders, previously heated in a fire, were
placed near him, and over them was poured a decoction of the beaten
roots of the wild parsnip. The door was closed so that no air could
enter from the outside, and the patient sat in the sweltering steam

334. SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

until he was in a profuse perspiration and nearly choked by the
pungent fumes of the decoction. In accordance with general Indian
practice it may be that he plunged into the river before resuming
his clothing; but in modern times this part of the operation is omit-
ted and the patient is drenched with cold water instead. Since the
Asi has gone out of general use the sweating takes place in the ordi-
nary dwelling, the steam being confined undera blanket wrapped
around the patient. During the prevalence of the smallpox epi-
demic among the Cherokees at the close of the late war the sweat
bath was universally called into requisition to stay the progress of
the disease, and as the result about three hundred of the band died,
while many of the survivors will carry the marks of the visitation
to the grave. The sweat bath, with the accompanying cold water
application, being regarded as the great panacea, seems to have been
resorted to by the Indians in all parts of the country whenever vis-
ited by smallpox—originally introduced by the whites—and in con-
sequence of this mistaken treatment they have died, in the language
of an old writer, ‘‘ like rotten sheep” and at times whole tribes have
been almost swept away. Many of the Cherokees tried to ward
off the disease by eating the flesh of the buzzard, which they believe
to enjoy entire immunity from sickness, owing to its foul smell,
which keeps the disease spirits at a distance.

Bleeding is resorted to in a number of cases, especially in rheuma-
tism and in preparing for the ball play. There are two methods of
performing the operation, bleeding proper and scratching, the latter
being preparatory to rubbing on the medicine, which is thus brought
into more direct contact with the blood. The bleeding is performed
with a small cupping horn, to which suction is apphed in the ordi-
nary manner, after scarification with a flint or piece of broken
glass. In the blood thus drawn out the shaman claims sometimes
to find a minute pebble, a sharpened stick or something of the kind,
which he asserts to be the cause of the trouble and to have been con-
veyed into the body of the patient through the evil spells of an
enemy. He frequently pretends to suck out such an object by the
application of the lips alone, without any scarification whatever.
Scratching is a painful process and is performed with a brier, a flint
arrowhead, a rattlesnake’s tooth, or even with a piece of glass,
according to the nature of the ailment, while in preparing the young
men for the ball play the shaman uses an instrument somewhat
resembling a comb, having seven teeth made from the sharpened
splinters of the leg bone of a turkey. The scratching is usually
done according to a particular pattern, the regular method for the
ball play being to draw the scratcher four times down the upper
part of each arm, thus making twenty-eight scratches each about 6
inches in length, repeating the operation on each arm below the
elbow and on each leg above and below the knee. Finally, the

MOONEY.] BLEEDING, RUBBING, BATHING. 335

instrument is drawn across the breast from the two shoulders so as
to form a cross; another curving stroke is made to connect the two
upper ends of the cross, and the same pattern is repeated on the
back, so that the body is thus gashed in nearly three hundred places.
Although very painful for a while, as may well be supposed, the
scratches do not penetrate deep enough to result seriously, except-
ing in some cases where erysipelas sets in. While the blood is still
flowing freely the medicine, which in this case is intended to toughen
the muscles of the player, is rubbed into the wounds after which
the sufferer plunges into the stream and washes off the blood. In
order that the blood may flow the longer without clotting it is
frequently scraped off with a small switch as it flows. In rheuma-
tism and other local diseases the scratching is confined to the part
affected. The instrument used is selected in accordance with the
mythologic theory, excepting in the case of the piece of glass, which
is merely a modern makeshift for the flint arrowhead.

Rubbing, used commonly for pains and swellings of the abdomen,
is a very simple operation performed with the tip of the finger or
the palm of the hand, and can not be dignified with the name of
massage. In one of the Gahuni formulas for treating snake bites
(page 351) the operator is told to rub in a direction contrary to that
in which the snake coils itself, because ‘‘this is just the same as
uncoiling it.” Blowing upon the part affected, as well as upon the
head, hands, and other parts of the body, is also an important
feature of the ceremonial performance. In one of the formulas it
is specified that the doctor must blow first upon the right hand of
the patient, then upon the left foot, then upon the left hand, and
finally upon the right foot, thus making an imaginary cross.

Bathing in the running stream, or ‘ going to water,” as it is called,
is one of their most frequent medico-religious ceremonies, and is
performed on a great variety of occasions, such as at each new
moon, before eating the new food at the green corn dance, before
the medicine dance and other ceremonial dances before and after
the ball play, in connection with the prayers for long life, to coun-
teract the effects of bad dreams or the evil spells of an enemy,
and as a part of the regular treatment in various diseases. The
details of the ceremony are very elaborate and vary according to
the purpose for which it is performed, but in all cases both shaman
and client are fasting from the previous evening, the ceremony be-
ing generally performed just at daybreak. The bather usually dips
completely under the water four or seven times, but in some cases
it is sufficient to pour the water from the hand upon the head and
breast. In the ball play the ball sticks are dipped into the water at
the same time. While the bather is in the water the shaman is
going through with his part of the performance on the bank and
draws omens from the motion of the beads between his thumb and

336 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

finger, or of the fishes in the water. Although the old customs are
fast dying out this ceremony is never neglected at the ball play,
and is also strictly observed by many families on occasion of eating
the new corn, at each new moon, and on other special occasions,
even when it is necessary to break the ice in the stream for the
purpose, and to the neglect of this rite the older people attribute
many of the evils which have come upon the tribe in later days.
The latter part of autumn is deemed the most suitable season ot
the year for this ceremony, as the leaves which then cover the
surface of the stream are supposed to impart their medicinal vir-
tues to the water.

SHAMANS AND WHITE PHYSICIANS.

Of late years, especially since the establishment of schools among
them, the Cherokees are gradually beginning to lose confidence in
the abilities of their own doctors and are becoming more disposed
to accept treatment from white physicians. The shamans are
naturally jealous of this infringement upon their authority and
endeavor to prevent the spread of the heresy by asserting the con-
venient doctrine that the white man’s medicine is inevitably fatal to
an Indian unless eradicated from the system by a continuous course
of treatment for four years under the hands of a skillful shaman.
The officers of the training school established by the Government a
few years ago met with considerable difficulty on this account for
some time, as the parents insisted on removing the children at the
first appearance of illness in order that they might be treated by the
shamans, until convinced by experience that the children received
better attention at the school than could possibly be had in their
own homes. In one instance, where a woman was attacked by a
pulmonary complaint akin to consumption, her husband, a man of
rather more than the usual amount of intelligence, was persuaded to
call in the services of a competent white physician, who diagnosed
the case and left a prescription. On a second visit, a few days later,
he found that the family, dreading the consequences of this de-
parture from old customs, had employed a shaman, who asserted that
the trouble was caused by a sharpened stick which some enemy had
caused to be imbedded in the woman’s side. He accordingly began
a series of conjurations for the removal of the stick, while the white
physician and his medicine were disregarded, and in due time the
woman died. Two children soon followed her to the grave, from the
contagion or the inherited seeds of the same disease, but here also
the sharpened sticks were held responsible, and, notwithstanding the
three deaths under such treatment, the husband and father, who was
at one time a preacher, still has faith in the assertions of the shaman.
The appointment of a competent physician to look after the health
of the Indians would go far to eradicate these false ideas and prevent

MOoNEY.] THE PAY OF THE SHAMAN, 337

much sickness and suffering; but, as the Government has made no
such provision, the Indians, both on and off the reservation, except-
ing the children in the home school, are entirely without medical
care.

MEDICINE DANCES.

The Cherokees have a dance known as the Medicine Dance, which
is generally performed in connection with other dances when a num-
ber of people assemble for a night of enjoyment. It possesses no
features of special interest and differs in no essential respect from a
dozen other of the lesser dances. Besides this, however, there was
another, known as the Medicine Boiling Dance, which, for importance
and solemn ceremonial, was second only to the great Green Corn
Dance. It has now been discontinued on the reservation for about
twenty years. It took place in the fall, probably preceding the Green
Corn Dance, and continued four days. The principal ceremony in
connection with it was the drinking of a strong decoction of various
herbs, which acted as a violent emetic and purgative. The usual
fasting and going to water accompanied the dancing and medicine-
drinking.

DESCRIPTION OF SYMPTOMS.

It is exceedingly difficult to obtain from the doctors any accurate
statement of the nature of a malady, owing to the fact that their
description of the symptoms is alwaysof the vaguest character, while
in general the name given to the disease by the shaman expresses
only his opinion as to the occult cause of the trouble. Thus they
have definite names for rheumatism, toothache, boils, and afew other
ailments of like positive character, but beyond this their descrip-
tion of symptoms generally resolves itself into a statement that
the patient has bad dreams, looks black around the eyes, or feels
tired, while the disease is assigned such names as ‘‘ when they dream
of snakes,” ‘‘ when they dream of fish.” ‘* when ghosts trouble them,”
““when something is making something else eat them,” or ‘‘ when
the food is changed,” i. e., whena witch causes it to sprout and grow
in the body of the patient or transforms it into a lizard, frog, or
sharpened stick.

THE PAY OF THE SHAMAN.

The consideration which the doctor receives for his services is
ealled ugista ‘ti, a word of doubtful etymology, but probably derived
from the verb tsi'gid, ‘‘I take” or ‘“‘I eat.” In former times this was
generally a deer-skin or a pair of moccasins, but is now a certain
quantity of cloth, a garment, or a handkerchief. The shamans dis-
claim the idea that the ugista’‘ti is pay, in our sense of the word, but
assert that it is one of the agencies in the removal and banishment
of the disease spirit. Their explanation is somewhat obscure, but

7 ETH

99
ne

338 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES,

the cloth seems to be intended either as an offering to the disease
spirit, as a ransom to procure the release of his intended victim, or
as a covering to protect the hand of a shaman while engaged in pull-
ing the disease from the body of the patient. The first theory, which
includes also the idea of vicarious atonement, is common to many
primitive peoples. Whichever may be the true explanation, the evil
influence of the disease is believed to enter into the cloth, which
must therefore be sold or given away by the doctor, as otherwise it will
cause his death when the pile thus accumulating reaches the height
of his head. No evil results seem to follow its transfer from the
shaman to a third party. The doctor can not bestow anything thus
received upon a member of his own family unless that individual
gives him something in return. If the consideration thus received,
however, be anything eatable, the doctor may partake along with the
rest of the family. As a general rule the doctor makes no charge
for his services, and the consideration is regarded as a free-will offer-
ing. This remark applies only to the medical practice, as the shaman.
always demands and receives a fixed remuneration for performing
love charms, hunting ceremonials, and other conjurations of a mis-
cellaneous character. Moreover, whenever the beads are used the
patient must furnish a certain quantity of new cloth upon which to
place them, and at the close of the ceremony the doctor rolls up the
cloth, beads and all, and takes them away with him. The cloth thus
received by the doctor for working with the beads must not be used
by him, but must be sold. In one instance a doctor kept a handker-
chief which he received for his services, but instead sold a better one
of hisown. Additional cloth is thus given each time the ceremony is
repeated, each time a second four days’ course of treatment is begun,
andas often as the doctor sees fit to change his method of procedure.
Thus, when he begins to treat a sick man for adisease caused by rab-
bits, he expects to receive a certain ugista’‘ti; but, should he decide
after a time that the terrapin or the red bird is responsible for the
trouble, he adopts a different course of treatment, for which another
ugista’‘ti is necessary. Should the sickness not yield readily to his
efforts, it is because the disease animal requires a greater ugista’ ‘ti, and
the quantity of cloth must be doubled, so that on the whole the doctrine
is a very convenient one for the shaman. In many of the formulas
explicit directions are given as to the pay which the shaman is to
receive for performing the ceremony. In one of the Gatigwanasti
formulas, after specifying the amount of cloth to be paid, the writer
ot it makes the additional proviso that it must be ‘*‘ pretty good cloth,
too,” asserting as a clincher that ‘‘this is what the old folks said a
long time ago.”

The ugista'‘ti can not be paid by either one of a married couple to
the other, and, as it is considered a necessary accompaniment of the
application, it follows that a shaman can not treat his own wife in

MOONEY. | CEREMONIES. 339

sickness, and vice versa. Neither can the husband or wife of the
sick person send for the doctor, but the call must come from some
one of the blood relatives of the patient. In one instance witnin the
writer’s knowledge a woman complained that her husband was very
sick and needed a doctor’s attention, but his relatives were taking
no steps in the matter and it was not permissible for her to do so.

CEREMONIES FOR GATHERING PLANTS AND PREPARING MED-
ICINE,

There are a number of ceremonies and regulations observed in
connection with the gathering of the herbs, roots, and barks, which
can not be given in detail within the limits of this paper. In search-
ing for his medicinal plants the shaman goes provided with a num-
ber of white and red beads, and approaches the plant from a certain
direction, going round it from right to left one or four times, recit-
ing certain prayers the while. He then pulls up the plant by the
roots and drops one of the beads into the hole and covers it up with
the loose earth. In one of the formulas for hunting ginseng the
hunter addresses the mountain as the “Great Man” and assures it
that he comes only to take a small piece of flesh (the ginseng) from
its side, so that it seems probable that the bead is intended as a compen-
sation to the earth for the plant thus torn from her bosom. In some
cases the doctor must pass by the first three plants met until he comes
to the fourth, which he takes and may then return forthe others. The
bark is always taken from the east side of the tree, and when the
root or branch is used it must also be one which runs out toward
the east, the reason given being that these have imbibed more med-
ical potency from the rays of the sun.

When the roots, herbs, and barks which enter into the prescription
have been thus gathered the doctor ties them up into a convenient
package, which he takes to a running stream and casts into the water
with appropriate prayers. Should the package float. as it generally
does, he accepts the fact as an omen that his treatment will be suc-
cessful. On the other hand, should it sink, he concludes that some
part of the preceding ceremony has been improperly carried out
and at once sets about procuring a new package, going over the
whole performance from the beginning. Herb-gathering by moon-
light, so important a feature in European folk medicine, seems to
be no part of Cherokee ceremonial. There are fixed regulations in
regard to the preparing of the decoction, the care of the medicine
during the continuance of the treatment, and the disposal of what
remains after the treatment is at an end. In the arrangement of de-
tails the shaman frequently employs the services of a lay assistant.
In these degenerate days a number of upstart pretenders to the heal-
ing art have arisen in the tribe and endeavor to impose upon the
ignorance of their fellows by posing as doctors, although knowing

340 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

next to nothing of the prayers and ceremonies, without which there
can be no virtue in the application. These impostors are sternly
frowned down and regarded with the utmost contempt by the real
professors, both men and women, who have been initiated into the
sacred mysteries and proudly look upon themselves as conservators
of the ancient ritual of the past.

THE CHEROKEE GODS AND THEIR ABIDING PLACES.

After what has been said in elucidation of the theories involved
in the medical formulas, the most important and numerous of the
series, but little remains to be added in regard to the others, beyond
what is contained in the explanation accompanying each one. A
few points, however, may be briefly noted.

The religion of the Cherokees, like that of most of our North
American tribes, is zootheism or animal worship, with the survival
of that earlier stage designated by Powell as hecastotheism, or the
worship of all things tangible, and the beginnings of a higher sys-
tem in which the elements and the great powers of nature are deified.
Their pantheon includes gods in the heaven above, on the earth be-
neath, and in the waters under the earth, but of these the animal
gods constitute by far the most numerous class, although the ele-
mental gods are more important. Among the animal gods insects
_and fishes occupy a subordinate place, while quadrupeds, birds, and
reptiles are invoked almost constantly. The uktena (a mythic great
horned serpent), the rattlesnake, and the terrapin, the various species
of hawk, and the rabbit, the squirrel, and the dog are the principal
animal gods. The importance of the god bears no relation to the size
of the animal, and in fact the larger animals are but seldom invoked.
The spider also occupies a prominent place in the love and life-
destroying formulas, his duty being to entangle the soul of his victim
in the meshes of his web or to pluck it from the body of the doomed
man and drag it way to the black coffin in the Darkening Land.

Among what may be classed as elemental gods the principal are
fire, water, and the sun, all of which are addressed under figura-
tive names. The sun is called Une'‘lant/hi, ‘‘the apportioner,”
just as our word moon means originally ‘‘the measurer.” In-
diang and Aryans alike, having noticed how these great luminaries
divide and measure day and night, summer and winter, with never-
varying regularity, have given to each a name which should indi-
cate these characteristics, thus showing how the human mind con-
stantly moves on along the same channels. Missionaries have nat-
urally, but incorrectly, assumed this apportioner of all things to be
the suppositional ‘‘Great Spirit” of the Cherokees. and hence the
word is used in the Bible translation as synonymous with God. In
ordinary conversation and in the lesser myths the sun is called

MOONEY.] THE CHEROKEE GODS. 341

Nata. The sun is invoked chiefly by the ball-player, while the
hunter prays to the fire; but every important ceremony—whether
connected with medicine, love, hunting, or the ball play—contains
a prayer to the ‘‘ Long Person,” the formulistic name for water, or,
more strictly speaking, for the river. The wind, the storm, the
cloud, and the frost are also invoked in different formulas.

But few inanimate gods are included in the category, the principal
being the Stone, to which the shaman prays while endeavoring to
find a lost article by means of a swinging pebble suspended by a string;
the Flint, invoked when the shaman is about to scarify the patient
with a flint arrow-head before rubbing on the medicine; and the
Mountain, which is addressed in one or two of the formulas thus
far translated. Plant gods do not appear prominently, the chief one
seeming to be the ginseng, addressed in the formulas as the ‘‘ Great
Man” or *‘ Little Man,” although its proper Cherokee name signifies
the ‘*‘ Mountain Climber.”

A number of personal deities are also invoked, the principal being
the Red Man. He is one of the greatest of the gods, being repeatedly
called upon in formulas of all kinds, and is hardly subordinate to
the Fire, the Water, or the Sun. His identity is as yet uncertain,
but he seems to be intimately connected with the Thunder family. In
a curious marginal note in one of the Gahuni formulas (page 350), it
is stated that when the patient is a woman the doctor must pray to
the Red Man, but when treating a man he must pray to the Red
Woman, so that this personage seems to have dual sex characteris-
tics. Another god invoked in the hunting songs is Tsu'l’kali’, or
“Slanting Eyes” (see Cherokee Myths), a giant hunter who lives in
one of the great mountains of the Blue Ridge and owns all the game.
Others are the Little Men, probably the two Thunder boys; the
Little People, the fairies who live in the rock cliffs; and even the
De'tsata, a diminutive sprite who holds the place of our Puck. One
‘ unwritten formula, which could not be obtained correctly by dic-
tation, was addressed to the ‘*‘ Red-Headed Woman, whose hair hangs
down to the ground.”

The personage invoked is always selected in accordance with the
theory of the formula and the duty to be performed. Thus, when
a sickness is caused by a fish, the Fish-hawk, the Heron, or some
other fish-eating bird is implored to come and seize the intruder and
destroy it, so that the patient may find relief. When the trouble is
caused by a worm or an insect, some insectivorous bird is called in
for the same purpose. When a flock of redbirds is pecking at the
vitals of the sick man the Sparrow-hawk is brought down to scatter
them, and when the rabbit, the great mischief-maker, is the evil
genius, he is driven out by the Rabbit-hawk. Sometimes after the
intruder has been thus éxpelled ‘‘a small portion still remains,” in
the words of the formula, and accordingly the Whirlwind is called

342 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

down from the treetops to carry the remnant to the uplands and
there scatter it so that it shall never reappear. The hunter prays
to the fire, from which he draws his omens; to the reed, from which
he makes his arrows; to Tsu'l’kalt, the great lord of the game, and
finally addresses in songs the very animals which he intends to kill.
The lover prays to the Spider to hold fast the affections of his
beloved one in the meshes of his web, or to the Moon, which looks
down upon him in the dance. The warrior prays to the Red War-
club, and the man about to set out on a dangerous expedition prays
to the Cloud to envelop him and conceal him from his enemies.

Each spirit of good or evil has its distinct and appropriate place
of residence. The Rabbit is declared to live in the broomsage en
the hillside, the Fish dwells in a bend of the river under the pendant
hemlock branches, the Terrapin lives in the great pond in the West,
and the Whirlwind abides in the leafy treetops. Each disease ani-
mal, when driven away from his prey by some more powerful ani-
mal, endeavors to find shelter in his accustomed haunt. It must be
stated here that the animals of the formulas are not the ordinary,
everyday animals, but their great progenitors, who live in the upper
world (galt’"lati) above the arch of the firmament.

COLOR SYMBOLISM.

Color symbolism plays an important part in the shamanistic sys-
tem of the Cherokees, no less than in that of other tribes. Hach one
of the cardinal points has its corresponding color and each color its
symbolic meaning, so that each spirit invoked corresponds in color
and local habitation with the characteristics imputed to him, and is
connected with other spirits of the same name, but of other colors,
living in other parts of the upper world and differing widely in their
characteristics. Thus the Red Man, living in the east, is the spirit
of power, triumph, and success, but the Black Man, in the West, is
the spirit of death. The shaman therefore invokes the Red Man to
the assistance of his client and consigns his enemy to the fatal influ-
ences of the Black Man.

The symbolic color system of the Cherokees, which will be ex-
plained more fully in connection with the formulas, is as follows:

East = red = success; triumph.
North = blue = defeat; trouble.
West = black = death.

South = white = peace; happiness.

Above?= brown = unascertained, but propitious.
——— = yellow= about the same as blue.

There is a great diversity in the color systems of the various tribes,
both as to the location and significance of the colors, but for obvious
reasons black was generally taken as the symbol of death, while
white and red signified, respectively, peace and war. It is somewhat

U, S. NATIONAL MUSEUM

LANGUAGE OF THE FORMULAS. 343

MOONEY.]

remarkable that red was the emblem of power and triumph among
the ancient Oriental nations no less than among the modern Cher-

okees.'
IMPORTANCE ATTACHED TO NAMES.

In many of the formulas, especially those relating to love and to
life-destroying, the shaman mentions the name and clan of his client,
of the intended victim, or of the girl whose affections it is desired to
win. The Indian regards his name, not as a mere label, but as a
distinct part of his personality, just as much as are his eyes or his
teeth, and believes that injury will result as surely from the mali-
cious handling of his name as from a wound inflicted on any part of
his physical organism. This belief was found among the various
tribes from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and has ocvasioned a number
of curious regulations in regard to the concealment and change of
names. It may be on this account that both Powhatan and Poca-
hontas are known in history under assumed appellations, their true
names having been concealed from the whites until the pseudonyms
were too firmly established to be supplanted. Should his prayers
have no apparent effect when treating a patient for some serious ill-
ness, the shaman sometimes concludes that the name is affected, and
accordingly goes to water, with appropriate ceremonies, and chris-
tens the patient with a new name, by which he is henceforth to be
known. He then begins afresh, repeating the formulas with the
new name selected for the patient, in the confident hope that his

efforts will be crowned with success.

LANGUAGE OF THE FORMULAS.

A few words remain to be said in regard to the language of the
formulas. They are fullof archaic and figurative expressions, many
of which are unintelligible to the common people, andsome of which
even the shamans themselves are now unable to explain. These
archaic forms, like the old words used by our poets, lend a peculiar
beauty which can hardly be rendered in a translation. They fre-
quently throw light on the dialectic evolution of the language, as
many words found now only in the nearly extinct Lower Cherokee
dialect occur in formulas which in other respects are written in the
Middle or Upper dialect. The R sound, the chief distinguishing
characteristic of the old Lower dialect, of course does not occur, as
there are no means of indicating it in the Cherokee syllabary. Those
who are accustomed to look to the Bible for all beauty in sacred

1For more in regard to color symbolism, see Mallery’s Pictographs of the North
American Indians in Fourth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 58-57, Wash-
ington, 1886; Gatschet’s Creek Migration Legend, vol. 2, pp. 31-41, St. Louis, 1888;
Brinton’s Kiche Myths in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol.

19, pp. 646-647, Philadelphia, 1882.

344 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

expression will be surprised to find that these formulas abound in
the loftiest flights of poetic imagery. This is especially true of the
prayers used to win the love of a woman or to destroy the life of an
enemy, in which we find such expressions as—‘‘ Now your soui fades
away—your spirit shall grow less and dwindle away, never to reap-
pear ;” ‘‘ Let her be completely veiled in loneliness—O Black Spider,
may you hold her soul in your web, so that it may never get through
the meshes;” and the final declaration of the lover, ‘‘ Your soul has
come into the very center of my soul, never to turn away.”

In the translation it has been found advisable to retain as technical
terms a few words which could not well be rendered literally, suchas
ada wéhi and ugista’‘ti. These words will be found explained in the
proper place. Transliterations of the Cherokee text of the formulas
are given, but it must be distinctly understood that the translations
are intended only as free renderings of the spirit of the originals,
exact translations with grammatic and glossarial notes being defer-
red until a more extended study of the language has been made,
when it is hoped to present with more exactness of detail the whole
body of the formulas, of which the specimens here given are but a
small portion.

The facsimile formulas are copies from the manuscripts now in
possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, and the portraits are from
photographs taken by the author in the field.

SPECIMEN FORMULAS.
NOTE ON THE ORTHOGRAPHY AND TRANSLATION,

In the Cherokee text both d and g have a medial sound, approximating the
sounds of ¢ and k respectively. The other letters are pronounced inregular accord-
ance with the alphabet of the Bureau of Ethnology. The language abounds in
nasal and aspirate sounds, the most difficult of the latter being the aspirate ‘/,
which to one familiar only with English sounds like ¢1.

A few words whose meaning could not be satisfactorily ascertained have been
distinctively indicated in the Cherokee text by means of italics. In the transla-
tion the corresponding expression has been queried, or the space left entirely blank.
On examining the text the student can not fail to be struck by the great number
of verbs ending in iga. This is a peculiar form hardly ever used excepting in these
formulas, where almost every paragraph contains one or more such verbs. It im-
plies that the subject has just come and is now performing the action, and that
he came for that purpose. In addition to this, many of these verbs may be either
assertive or imperative (expressing entreaty), according to the accent. Thus
hati *gani' ga means ‘‘ you have just come and are listening and it is for that pur- .
pose you came.” By slightly accenting the final syllable it becomes ‘‘ come at once
to listen.” It will thus be seen that the great majority of the formulas are declara-
tive rather than petitional in form—laudatory rhapsodies instead of prayers, in the
ordinary sense of the word.

MooNeY.] MEDICAL FORMULAS. — 345

MEDICINE.
DIDU"LE’SKI ADANU»WATI KANAHB®’SKI.

Sgé! Ha-Nua'dagtyi tsil‘da’histi, Gili Gigage’i, hana’gwa ha-
ta’ gani’ga usinul yu. Hida’wéhi-gagt’, gahu’'sti tsan’ulti nige’st®-
na. Ha-diskwilti’yi tinanugagi’, ase’'gwi nige’si"na tsagista’ ‘ti
adtini’ga. Ulsg’eta hti"hihyt’"stani’ga. Ha-usdig’iyu-gwat ha-e’la-
wastti™ iyt’"ta dahila’histani'ga.

Sgt! Ha-Uht"tsa’yi tstl‘da’histi Gi'‘li Sa‘ka'ni, hana’gwa ha-
ti'™gani’ga usinuli’yu. Hida'wéhi-gagt’, gahu’sti tsanu’lti nige’-
st'na. Diskwiltiyti tinanugai’, ase’gwi nige’sfi"na tsagista’‘ti
adt'ni’ga. Ulsge’ta hi"hihya’stani’ga. Ha-usdigi'yu-gwt ha-e'la-
wastt’" iyt'ta dthita’histani ga.

Sgé! (Ha)-Usthi’(-y1) tstil‘da’histi, Gill Gti"nage'l, hana’gwa
hata’gani'ga usinuli'yt. Hida’wéhi-gagt’, gahu’sti tsanu’lti nige’-
st™na. Diskwitlti’yi tinanugagi’, ase’gwti nige’sti™na tsagista’ ‘ti
ada'ni’ga. Ulsg’eta hthihyi"stani’ga. Ha-usdigi’yu-gwt ha-e'la-
wasti" iyt'"ta dthita’histani'ga.

Sgt! Wa’hala’ tsal‘da’histi, Gili Tstne’ga, hana’gwa hati’gani’-
gausinuliyu. Hida’wéhi-gagt’, gahu'sti tsanu'lti nige’st"na. Disk-
wultiyai tinanugagi’, ase’gwi nige’sti"na tsagista“ti adt"ni’ga.
Ha-ulsge'ta ht"hihyastani’ga. Ha-usdigi/yu-gwt elawastt” iya’®-
ta dihita’histani' ga.

Sgé! Wahala tsal‘da/histt Tai’ksi Tstine’ga, hana’gwa hati'ga-
niga usinuliyu. MHida'wéhi-gagi’, gahu’sti tsanu'lti nige’sti"na.
Ha-ka'lai gaytske'ta tsatti" neli’ga. Utsina’wa nu'tatéint'ta.

(Degasisisgi' "1. )—Tiaksi uhya’ska ginsta‘ti’ na’ski igahi'ta ginstat
hi'ski iyuntale’gi tsintangi’ya. U*skwi'ta kilt’ atsa’tasti sa’gwa
iyatsa'tasti, nai’‘ki igikta‘ti, naski-gwt’ dit™lé’niskahi’ iga"yi'yi
tsale‘niht, Nda'‘kine i"skwt'ta kilt’ na’‘ki iyatsa'tasti. Uhyaska’-
hi-‘nt ade'la degt‘laT t&'li unine’ga-gwt’ nt’"wati-‘nt’ higtineha'y
uhyaské’'hi usdi’a-gwi. Une'lagi-‘nt sai’ agada agadi'di i"ti-gwt’
yiki asi’yu-gwt na’ski-‘nfi agant"li’eskai da’ginstaneht'"l t‘taa’ta.
Hid‘-nt’ na™wati: Ya'na-Unatstsda’gi tsana'sehai sa'i-‘nii Ka'ga-
Asgt"tagé tsana’sehat, sai-‘nt’ Hgili-gwt, saint’ (U)wa’sgill
tsigi’ Egt’li Usdi'a tsigi’, ni®ya’hi-nt tsuyé#‘dai Ya’na-Utsésdagit
naskiyt’ tsigi’, usdi’-gwt tsigi’. Ega’"lt (u)wa’sgili tsigi’; sa’1 Wa’-
tige Unas(te’)tsa tsigi’, sa'i-‘nti U™age Tsunaste'tsa, Niga’'ta unas-
te'tsa gesa'l.

Sunale’-gwi ale’ndi adant'wati; ta'line e’ladi tsitkala'; tsa'ine
uw lsaladi’‘sata’; nfi'‘kine igi’ ts’kalai. Yeli'gwt’ igesay. Na’'lstaiya-
nina gesa'i akant"wi'ski, nasgwt’ nulstaiyant’na.

346 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.
Translation.
FORMULA FOR TREATING THE CRIPPLER (RHEUMATISM),.

Listen! Ha! In the Sun Land you repose, O Red Dog, O now you have swiftly
drawn near to hearken. O great ada’wéhi', you never fail in anything. O, ap-
pear and draw near running, for your prey never escapes. You are now come to
remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled a very small part of it far off there
at the end of the earth. c

Listen! Ha! In the Frigid Land you repose, O Blue Dog. O now you have
swiftly drawn near tohearken. O great adaw hi, you never fail in anything.
O. appear and draw near running, for your prey never escapes. You are now
come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled a very small part of it far off
there at the end of the earth.

Listen! Ha! In the darkening land you repose, O Black Dog. O, now you have
swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada’ wehi, you never fail in anything. O,
appear and draw near running, for your prey never escapes. You are now come
to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled a very small part of it far off there
at the end of the earth.

Listen! On Wa’hala you repose. O White Dog. Oh, now you have swiftly drawn
near to hearken. O great ada’wéhi, you never fail in anything. Oh, appear and
draw near running, for your prey never escapes. You arenowcome to remove the
intruder. Ha! You have settled a very small part of it far off there at the end of
the earth.

Listen! On Wa‘hala, you repose, O White Terrapin. O, now you have swiftly
drawn near to hearken. O great ada’ wéhi, you never fail in anything. Ha! It is
for you to loosen its hold on the bone. Relief is accomplished.

(Prescription. )—Lay a terrapin shell upon (the spot) and keep it there while the
five kinds (of spirits) listen. On finishing, then blow once. Repeat four times,
beginning each time from the start. On finishing the fourth time, then blow four
times. Have two white beads lying in the shell, together with a little of the medi-
cine. Don’t interfere with it, but have a good deal boiling in another vessel—a
bow! will do very well—and rub it on warm while treating by applying the hands.
And this is the medicine: What is called Ya’na-Utsé'sta (‘‘bear’s bed,” the Aspid-
ium acrostichoides or Christmas fern); and the other is called Ka’ga-Asgi'"tagi
(*‘crow’s shin.” the Adianthum pedatum or Maidenhair fern); and the other is the
common Egti'"li (another fern); and the other is the Little Soft (-leaved) Egd’"li
(Osmunda Cinnamonea or cinnamon fern), which grows in the rocks and resembles
Yana-Utsé’sta and is a small and soft (-leaved) Egt"li. Another has brown roots
and another has black roots. The roots of all should be (used),

Begin doctoring early in the morning; let the second (application) be while the
sun is still near the horizon; the third when it has risen to a considerable height
(10 a. m.); the fourth when it is above at noon. This is sufficient. (The doctor)
must not eat, and the patient also must be fasting.

‘ Ada'wéhi is a word used to designate one supposed to have supernatural powers,
and is applied alike to human beings and to the spirits invoked in the formulas.
Some of the mythic heroes famous for their magic deeds are spoken of as ada’ wéhi
(plural anida'wéhi or anida'we), but in its application to mortals the term is used
only of the very greatest shamans. None of those now belonging to the band are
considered worthy of being thus called, although the term was sometimes applied
to one, Usawi, who died some years ago. In speaking of himself as an ada wéhi, as
occurs in some of the formulas, the shaman arrogates to himself the same powers
that belong to the gods. Our nearest equivalent is the word magician, but this falls
far short of the idea conveyed by the Cherokee word. In the bible translation the
word is used as the equivalent of angel or spirit.

MOONEY.] EXPLANATION OF FORMULAS. ~ 347
Explanation.

As this formula is taken from the manuscript of Gahuni, who died
nearly thirty years ago, no definite statement of the theory of the
disease, or its treatment, can be given, beyond what is contained in
the formula itself, which, fortunately, is particularly explicit; most
doctors contenting themselves with giving only the words of the
prayer, without noting the ceremonies or even the medicine used.
There are various theories as to the cause of each disease, the most
common idea in regard to rheumatism being that it is caused by the
spirits of the slain animals, generally the deer, thirsting for ven-
geance on the hunter, as has been already explained in the myth of
the origin of disease and medicine. :

The measuring-worm (Catharis) is also held to cause rheuma-
tism, from the resemblance of its motions to those of a rheumatic
patient, and the name of the worm wahi/i’ is frequently applied also
to the disease.

There are formulas to propitiate the slain animals, but these are
a part of the hunting code and can only be noticed here, although
it may be mentioned in passing that the hunter, when about to
return to the settlement, builds a fire in the path behind him, in
order that the deer chief may not be able to follow him to his home.

The disease, figuratively called the intruder (ulsgéta), is regarded
as a living being, and the verbs used in speaking of it show that it
is considered to be long, like a snake or fish. It is brought by
the deer chief and put into the body. generally the limbs, of the
hunter, who at once begins to suffer intense pain. It can be driven
out only by some more powerful animal spirit which is the natural
enemy of the deer, usually the dog or the wolf. These animal gods
live up above beyond the seventh heaven and are the great prototypes
of which the earthly animals are only diminutive copies. They are
commonly located at the four cardinal points, each of which has a
peculiar formulistic name and a special color which applies to every-
thing in the same connection. Thus the east, north, west, and south
are respectively the Sun Land, the Frigid Land, the Darkening Land,
and Wa/hala’, while their respective mythologic colors are Red,
Blue, Black, and White. Wahala is said to be a mountain far to the
south. The white or red spirits are generally invoked for peace,
health, and other blessings, the red alone for the success of an under-
taking, the blue spirits to defeat the schemes of an enemy or bring
down troubles upon him, and the black to compass hisdeath. The
white and red spirits are regarded as the most powerful, and one of
these two is generally called upon to accomplish the final result.

In this case the doctor first invokes the Red Dog in the Sun Land,
ealling him a great addéwehi, to whom nothing is impossible and
who never fails to accomplish his purpose. He is addressed as if

348 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

out of sight in the distance and is implored to appear running swiftly
to the help of the sick man. Then the supplication changes to an
assertion and the doctor declares that the Red Dog has already arrived
to take the disease and has borne away a small portion of it to the
uttermost ends of the earth. In the second, third, and fourth par-
agraphs the Blue Dog of the Frigid Land, the Black Dog of the
Darkening Land, and the White Dog of Wéahal& are successively
invoked in the same terms and each bears away a portion of the
disease and disposes of it in the same way. Finally, in the fifth
paragraph, the White Terrapin of Wahal& is invoked. He bears
off the remainder of the disease and the doctor declares that relief
is accomplished. The connection of the terrapin in this formula is
not evident, beyond the fact that he is regarded as having great
influence in disease, and in this case the beads and a portion of the
medicine are kept in a terrapin shell placed upon the diseased part
while the prayer is being recited.

The formulas generally consist of four paragraphs, corresponding
to four steps in the medical ceremony. In this case there ave five,
the last being addressed to the terrapin instead of to a dog. The
prayers are recited in an undertone hardly audible at the distance of
a few feet, with the exception of the frequent ha, which seems to be
used as an interjection to attract attention and is always uttered in
a louder tone. The beads—which are here white, symbolic of relief
—are of common use in connection with these formulas, and are held
between the thumb and finger, placed upon a cloth on the ground,
or, as in this case, put into a terrapin shell along with a small por-
tion of the medicine. According to directions, the shell has no other
part in the ceremony.

The blowing is also a regular part of the treatment, the doctor
either holding the medicine in his mouth and blowing it upon the
patient, or, as it seems to be the case here, applying the medicine by
rubbing, and blowing his breath upon the spot afterwards. In some
formulas the simple blowing of the breath constitutes the whole
appleation. In this instance the doctor probably rubs the medicine
upon the affected part while reciting the first paragraph in a whisper,
after which he blows once upon the spot. The other paragraphs are
recited in the same manner, blowing once after each. In this way
the whole formuia is repeated four times, with four blows at the end
of the final repetition. The directions imply that the doctor blows
only at the end of the whole formula, but this is not in accord with
the regular mode of procedure and seems to be a mistake.

The medicine consists of a warm decoction of the roots of four varie-
ties of fern, rubbed on with the hand. The awkward description of
the species shows how limited is the Indian’s power of botanic classifi-
cation. Theapplication is repeated four times during the same morn-
ing, beginning justat daybreak andendingat noon. Fouristhesacred

MOONEY.] FORMULA OF RHEUMATISM. 349

number running through every detail of these formulas, there being
commonly four spirits invoked in four paragraphs, four blowings with
four final blows, four herbs in the decoction, four applications, and fre-
quently four days’ gaktu"’ta or tabu. In this case no tabu is specified
beyond the fact that both doctor and patient must be fasting. The
tabu generally extends to salt or lye, hot food and women, while in
rheumatism some doctors forbid the patient to eat the foot or leg of
any animal, the reason given being that the limbs are generally the
seat of the disease. Forasimilar reason the patient is also forbidden
to eat or even to touch a squirrel, a buffalo, a cat, or any animal which
“humps” itself. In the same way a scrofulous patient must not eat
turkey. as that bird seems to have a scrofulous eruption on its head,
while ball players must abstain from eating frogs, because the bones
of that animal are brittle and easily broken.

HIA- Nt’ NASGWU’ DIDCLE’SKI ADANU“WATI.

Asga'ya yikant’"wi | Yt! Higé'*ya Gigagel tstidante’lihi
- * ~ yh || Ie ' Sree tees. “1) 1

Agé‘ya Giagage’t atati’; gese'l. Ulsge'ta hi'tsanu’y’tani let’. Ha-

agé’‘ya-na yikant'*wi | Nandagi™yi ni"ta'tsidalent/hi — gese’l.

Asga'ya Gigage’t atati’. | Gasgila’ gigage'l tsusdi’ga tetsadiilé’ det-
sala'sidité-g@'1. Hana'gwa usinuli’yu det-
saldisi'yui.

Utsi(na’)wa nu'tatanfi"ta. Usi’hita nutanf’na. “Utsind’wa-gwt

nigt"tisge’sti.

(Deg@'sisisgt'"1)—Hiad-gwt’ nigaf’ kanahe'ta. Na'‘kiha nagt’n-
kw'tisga’ dagistisk'l. Sa’gwa nf"skwi'ta gansta’ aginstagi's-
kai ha"tsatasgaI na‘kine-‘ni O"skwi'ta niki nt"tsatasgaT. Hia-
ni’ nai™wati: Ega/"h, Ya’na-‘nt Utsésda’gi, (U)wa'sgili tsigi’ Egt "li,
ta'li tsinu’dalé’ha, Ka’ga-‘na Asgi™tagé tsii"na’seha', Da’yi-‘nt
Uwa’yi tsifna’seha’t. Su'tali iyutale’gi unaste'tsa aga'ti, uga nawt-
‘ni’ dagtnsta'‘tisga’l nfi/"wati asi"ga‘lal. Ust/hi adant'™watt.
nu'‘ki tsust'hita dulsi’nisi adanf/"wati. A‘nawa’gi-‘nf dilasula’gt
gest! alé’ tsikani’kaga'l giw’sdi’-gwii utsawa'ta a‘nawa -gwt-nw’.

His-ni’ gaktata gilkwa’gi tsusi/hita. Gt™wadana’datlahisti’
nige’st™na—Sala'li, gi‘li-‘na, wé/sa-‘nt, a/tatsd-nt’, a’ma-‘nu’, ani-
gé'‘tyant. Uda‘li! ya‘kanf"wi'ya ni'‘kiha tsust’/hita unddani latsi -
tasti nige’sfi"na. Gasgila’gi-‘na uw4’/su’-gwt’ u'skiladi'sti uwa’st
ni’‘ki tsust/hita’. Disa'i-‘nd dega’sgila a'"tsa nt‘na’ uwa'‘ti yigestl
nt ‘ki tsust’hita.

Translation.
AND THIS ALSO IS FOR TREATING THE CRIPPLER.

Tf! O Red Woman, you have caused it. You have put the intruder under him.
Ha! now you have come from the Sun Land. You have brought the small red
seats, with your feet resting upon them. Ha! now they have swiftly moved away
from you. Relief is accomplished. Letit not be for one night alone. Let the re-
lief come at once.

350 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

(Prescription)—(corner note at top.) If treating a man one must say Red Woman,
and if treating a woman one must say Red Man.

This is just all of the prayer. Repeat it four times while laying on the hands.
After saying it over once, with the hands on (the body of the patient), take off the
hands and blow once, and at the fourth repetition blow four times. And this is
the medicine. Egtli(a species of fern). Ya’-na-Utsé'sta (‘‘ bear’s bed,” the Aspid-
ium acrostichoides or Christmas fern), fwo varieties of the soft-(leaved) Egili (one,
the small variety, is the Cinnamon fern, Osmunda cinnamonea), and what is called
Ka'ga Asgt'"tageé (‘‘crow’s shin,” the Adiantum pedatum or Maidenhair fern) and
what is called Da yi-Uwa’yi (‘‘beaver’s paw ’—not identified). Boil the roots of the
six varieties together and apply the hands warm with the medicine upon them.
Doctor in the evening. Doctor four consecutive nights. (The pay) is cloth and
moccasins; or, if one does not have them, just a little dressed deerskin and some
cloth.

And this is the tabu for seven nights. One must not touch a squirrel, a dog, a
eat, the mountain trout, or women. If one is treating a married man they (sic)
must not touch his wife for four nights. And he must sit on a seat by himself for
four nights, and must not sit on the other seats for four nights.

Explanation.

The treatment and medicine in this formula are nearly the same
as in that just given, which is also for rheumatism, both being
written by Gahuni. The prayer differs im several respects from any
other obtained, but as the doctor has been dead for years it is impos-
sible to give a full explanation of all the points. This is probably
the only formula in the collection in which the spirit invoked is the
‘Red Woman,” but, as explained in the corner note at the top, this
is only the form used instead of ‘‘Red Man,” when the patient is a
man. The Red Man, who is considered perhaps the most powerful
god in the Cherokee pantheon, is in some way connected with the
thunder, and is invoked in a large number of formulas. The change
in the formula, according to the sex of the patient, brings to mind a
belief in Irish folk medicine, that in applying certain remedies the
doctor and patient must be of opposite sexes. The Red Man lives
in the east, in accordance with the regular mythologic color theory,
as already explained. The seats also are red, and the form of the
verb indicates that the Red Woman is either standing upon them
(plural) or sitting with her feet resting upon the rounds. These
seats or chairs are frequently mentioned in the formulas, and always
correspond in color with the spirit invoked. It is not clear why the
Red Woman is held responsible for the disease, which is generally
attributed to the revengeful efforts of-the game, as already ex-
plained. In agreement with the regular form, the disease is said to
be put under (not into) the patient. The assertion that the chairs
‘have swiftly moved away ” would seem from analogy to mean that
the disease has been placed upon the seats and thus borne away.
The verb implies that the seats move by their own volition, Imn-

MOONEY.] FORMULA FOR SNAKE BITE. 351

mediately afterward it is declared that relief is accomplished. The
expression ‘* ust/hita nutant’/na” occurs frequently in these formu-
las, and may mean either *‘ let it not be for one night alone,” or ** let
it not stay a single night,” according to the context.

The directions specify not only the medicine and the treatment,
but also the doctor’s fee. From the form of the verb the tabu, ex-
cept as regards the seat to be used by the sick person, seems to apply
to both doctor and patient. It is not evident why the mountain
trout is prohibited, but the dog, squirrel, and cat are tabued, as
already explained, from the fact that these animals frequently as-
sume positions resembling the cramped attitude common to persons
afflicted by rheumatism. The cat is considered especially uncanny,
as coming from the whites. Seven, as well as four, is a sacred
number with the tribe, being also the number of their gentes. It
will be noted that time is counted by nights instead of by days.

HIA’ ’NATU YUNISKU’LTSA ADANU/NWATI.

1. Dinu'wa, dinu'wa, dinu’wa, dinu’wa, dinu' wa, danu’wa (song).
Sg@! Ha-Wala’si-gwt tst"lttani'ga.

2. Dayuha, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha dayuha (song).
Sg@! Ha-Usugi-gwt tst”-]i"’-tani ga.

(Dega'sisisgi'"1).—Kanagi'ta naya’ga hia’ dilentisg’t"t. Ta'liigt’n-
kw’ta‘ti, lé’ taliné’ tsutani’"na nasgwit’ ta’li igi’nkw’ta‘ti’. Tsala
? 5
agant'lieskai’ tsAla yikani gi"gt'ai’ watsila-gwt gant"lyéti unis-
kal‘tsi’?. Naki nagade’stiseal’ agant"lieseti. Akskt’ni gades-
t/a‘ti, nidi‘ki nagade’ sta ha"tsatasga’1. Hid-‘nt’ inatt akti'si udes-
3

Aly

tai yigt’n‘ka, naski-‘nt’ tsagadt'lagisga'l iyu'sti gatga"l.
Translation.

THIS IS TO TREAT THEM IF THEY ARE BITTEN BY A SNAKE,

1. Dinu wa, dainu'wa, dinu'wa, dinu'wa, dinu’wa, ditinu wa.

Listen! Ha! It is only a common frog which has passed by and’put it (the in-

truder) into you.
2. Dayuha’, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha.

Listen! Ha! It is only an Usu'‘gi which has passed by and put it into you.

(Prescription. )—Now this at the beginning isasong. One should say it twice and

also say the second line twice. Rub tobacco (juice) on the bite for some time, or if
there be no tobacco just rub on saliva once. In rubbing it on, one must go around
four times. Go around toward the left and blow four times in a circle. This is be-
cause in lying down the snake always coils to the right and this is just the same
(lit. ‘means like”’) as uncoiling it.

Explanation.

This is alsofrom the manuscript book of Gahuni, deceased, so that
no explanation could be obtained from the writer. The formula
consists of a song of two verses, each followed by a short recitation.

352 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

The whole is repeated, according to the directions, so as to make
four verses or songs; four, as already stated, being the sacred num-
ber running through most of these formulas. Four blowings and
four circuits in the rubbing are also specified. The words used in
the songs are sometimes composed of unmeaning syllables, but in
this case dtnuwa and dayuha seem to have a meaning, although
neither the interpreter nor the shaman consulted could explain them,
which may be because the words have become altered in the song,
as frequently happens. Dtnu'wa appears to be an old verb, meaning
“it has penetrated,” probably referring to the tooth of the reptile.
These medicine songs are always sung in a low plaintive tone, some-
what resembling a lullaby. Usu'‘gi also is without explanation, but
is probably the name of some small reptile or batrachian.

As in this case the cause of the trouble is evident, the Indians
have no theory to account for it. It may be remarked, however,
that when one dreams of being bitten, the same treatment and cere-
monies must be used as for the actual bite; otherwise, although
perhaps years afterward, a similar inflammation will appear on the
spot indicated in the dream, and will be followed by the same fatal
consequences. The rattlesnake is regarded as a supernatural being
or ada’wehi, whose favor must be propitiated, and great pains are
taken not to offend him. In consonance with this idea it is never
said among the people that a person has been bitten by a snake, but
that he has been ‘‘ scratched by a brier.” In the same way, when an
eagle has been shot for a ceremonial dance, it is announced that “a
snowbird has been killed,” the purpose being to deceive the rattle-
snake or eagle spirits which might be listening.

The assertion that it is ‘‘ only a common frog” or ‘‘ only an Usu’ gi
brings out another characteristic idea of these formulas. Whenever
the ailment is of a serious character, or, according to the Indian
theory, whenever it is due to the influence of some powerful disease
spirit the doctor always endeavors to throw contempt upon the in-
truder, and convince it of his own superior power by asserting the
sickness to be the work of some inferior being, just as a white physi-
cian might encourage a patient far gone with consumption by telling
him that the illness was only a slight cold. Sometimes there is a
regular scale of depreciation, the doctor first ascribing the disease to
a rabbit or groundhog or some other weak animal, then in succeed-
ing paragraphs mentioning other still less important animals and
finally declaring it to be the work of a mouse, a small fish, or some
other insignificant creature. In this instance an ailment caused by
the rattlesnake, the most dreaded of the animal spirits, is ascribed
to a frog, one of the least importance.

In applying the remedy the song is probably sung while rubbing
the tobacco juice around the wound. Then the short recitation is
repeated and the doctor blows four times in a circle about the spot.

MOONEY.] FORMULA FOR INFANT DISEASES, 353

The whole ceremony is repeated four times. The curious directions
for uncoiling the snake have parallels in European folk medicine.

GU=®WANT'GISTA’I ADANU™WATI.

Sgé! Ha-tsida’wéiyu, gahus'ti agintl‘ti nige’si"na, Gti"gwida-
gaaad'diyt’ tsida'wéi'yu. Ha-Wahuhu-gwi_ hitagu’sgastané‘het.
Ha-na'gwa hii‘kikaht"nt’ ha-dusii’‘gahi digest'I, iya’"ta wi"‘kida’-
histani ga.

Sgé! Ha-tsida’wéiyu, gahu'sti aginu ‘ti nige'si"na. Gi"gwi-
daga‘nad’diyt’’ tsida’wéi’yu. Ha-Uguku'-gwa_ hitagu’sgastané’hei’
udahiyu tag’u’sgastané’hél’. Ha-na/gwadina ht"kikahfi'nt’. Ha-
nana'hi digest’"i, 1ya"ta wi"‘kida’histani’ga.

Sgé! Ha-tsida’wéiyu, gahu'sti aginu'l‘ti nige'si"na. Gai"gwida-
ganad’diyt tsida’wéi’yu. Ha-Tsistu-gwi hitagu’sgastané’hé uda-
hiyu tagu’sgastané’héi’, Ha-na'gwadi’naht"kikaha’"nt. Ha-sunt"-
da'si iyti"ta kane’skawa'dihi digest’'"1, wi"‘kida’histani’ga,

Sgé! Ha-tsida’wéi'yu, gahu'sti aginu ‘ti nige’sfi"na. Gt"gwida-
ganad'di'yt tsida'wéiyu. Ha-De'tsata-gwi (hi)tagu'sgastané’het
udahiyu tagu’sgastané’héi’. Ha-na/gwadina ha"kikahfi’"na. Ha-
uda'tale'ta digesi’"l, iya’ta wi"‘kida histani’ga.

(Dega sisisga'"1)—Hia -skini’ unsdi'ya dikani*wati tsa‘natsa/viha't
tsaniska‘iha'; ga"wani'gista’l hi/anfidi’sgai’. Ama’ datsati’stisga'l
nt‘ki tsust’hita dikanf/"wati Ulsinide’na dakana"wisgal. U’"tsa
iyata witunini’dasti yigesa'l.

Translation.
TO TREAT THEM WHEN SOMETHING IS CAUSING SOMETHING TO EAT THEM.

Listen! Ha! Iam a great ada wehi, I never fail in anything. I surpass all oth-
ers—I am a great ada'wehi. Ha! It is a mere screech owl that has frightened him.
Ha! now I have put it away in the laurel thickets. There I compel it to remain.

Listen! Ha! I ama great ada’wehi, I never fail in anything. I surpass all
others—I am a great ada wehi. Ha! It is a mere hooting owl that has frightened
him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha! At once I have put it away in
the spruce thickets. Ha! There I compel it to remain.

Lister! Ha! Iam a great adawehi. I never fail in anything. I surpass all
others—I am a great ada'wehi. Ha! It is only a rabbit that has frightened him.
Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha! Instantly I have put it away on the
mountain ridge. Ha! There in the broom sage I compel it to remain.

Listen! Ha! I am a great ada’wehi, I never fail in anything. I surpass all
others—I am a great ada wehi. Ha! It is only a mountain sprite that has fright-
ened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha Instantly I have put it
away on the bluff. Ha! There I compel it to remain.

(Prescription)—Now this is to treat infants if they are affected by crying and
nervous fright. (Then) it is said that something is causing something to eat them.
To treat them one may blow water on them for four nights. Doctor them just be-
fore dark. Be sure not to carry them about outside the house.

7 ETH 20

354 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.
Explanation.

The Cherokee name for this disease is Gu"wani gistai’, which sig-
nifies that ‘‘something is causing something to eat,” or gnaw the
vitals of the patient. The disease attacks only infants of tender
age and the symptoms are nervousness and troubled sleep, from
which the child wakes suddenly crying as if frightened. The civi-
lized doctor would regard these as symptoms of the presence of
worms, but although the Cherokee name might seem to indicate the
same belief, the real theory is very different.

Cherokee mothers sometimes hush crying children by telling them
that the screech owl is listening out in the woods or that the De'tsata
—a malicious little dwarf who lives in caves in the river bluffs—
will come and get them. This quiets the child for the time and is
so far successful, but the animals, or the De'tsata, take offense at
being spoken of in this way, and visit their displeasure upon the
children born to the mother afterward. This they do by sending an
animal into the body of the child to gnaw its vitals. The disease
is very common and there are several specialists who devote their
attention to it, using various formulas and prescriptions. It is also
called itawi/néhi, signifying that it is caused by the “‘ dwellers in
the forest,” 1. e., the wild game and birds, and some doctors declare
that it is caused by the revengeful comrades of the animals, espe-
cially birds, killed by the father of the child, the animals tracking
the slayer to his home by the blood drops on the leaves. The next
formula will throw more light upon this theory.

In this formula the doctor, who is certainly not overburdened
with modesty, starts out by asserting that he is a great ada’wehi,
who never fails and who surpasses all others. He then declares that
the disease is caused by a mere screech owl, which he at once ban-
ishes to the laurel thicket. In the succeeding paragraphs he reiter-
ates his former boasting, but asserts in turn that the trouble is
caused by a mere hooting owl, a rabbit, or even by the De'tsata,
whose greatest exploit is hiding the arrows of the boys, for which
the youthful hunters do not hesitate to rate him soundly. These
various mischief-makers the doctor banishes to their proper haunts,
the hooting owl to the spruce thicket, the rabbit to the broom sage
on the mountain side, and the De'tsata to the bluffs along the river
bank.

Some doctors use herb decoctions, which are blown upon the body
of the child, but in this formula the only remedy prescribed is
water, which must be blown upon the body of the little sufferer
just before dark for four nights. The regular method is to blow
once each at the end of the first, second, and third paragraphs and
four times at the end of the fourth or last. In diseases of this kind,
which are not supposed to be of a local character, the doctor blows

MOONEY. | FORMULA FOR INFANT DISEASES. 355

first upon the back of the head, then upon the left shoulder, next
upon the right shoulder, and finally upon the breast, the patient
being generally sitting, or propped up in bed, facing the east. The
child must not be taken out of doors during the four days, because
should a bird chance to fly overhead so that its shadow would fall
upon the infant, it would fan the disease back into the body of the
little one.
GU®"WANI'GISTU"I DITANU*WATYYI.

Ya! Sgé! Usinu'li hati™gani’ga, Giya’giya’ Sa*ka'ni, ew’sata’gi
tstl‘da’histi. Ustnu'll hatlasi’ga. Tsis’kwa-gwti’ ulsge'ta uwu'tla-
ni‘lé’. Usinuli'yu atsahilu’gisi’ga. Utsina’wa nu'tatanita. Yu!

Ya! Sgé! Usinu'li hati®gani’ga, Diga'tiski WaAtige%, gali™latt
iya"ta ditstl‘da‘histi. Ha-na’gwa usinu'li hatlasi’ga. Tsi’skwa-gwt
ditw/nila'witst’'hi higese?. Usintli ké‘tati'gi‘lahi’ga. Utsina’wa
adti"ni’ga. Yat!

Translation.

TO TREAT GO™WANI GISTU "I—(SECOND),

Yu! Listen! Quickly you have drawn near to hearken, O Blue Sparrow-Hawk;
in the spreading tree tops you are at rest. Quickly you have come down. ° The
intruder is only a bird which has, overshadowed him. Swiftly you have swooped
down upon it. Relief is accomplished. Yt!

Yu! Listen! Quickly you have drawn near to hearken, O Brown Rabbit-Hawk;
you are at rest there above. Ha! Swiftly now you have come down. It is only
the birds which have come together for a council. Quickly you have come and
scattered them. Relief isaccomplished. Yd!

Explanation.

This formula, also for Ga" wani' gist"! or Atawiné-hi, was obtained
from A‘wan ita (Young Deer), who wrote down only the prayer and
explained the treatment crally. He coincides in the opinion that
this disease in children is caused by the birds, but says that it orig-
inates from the shadow of a bird flying overhead having fallen
upon the pregnant mother. He says further that the disease is
easily recognized in children, but that it sometimes does not develop
until the child has attained maturity, when it is more difficult to
discern the cause of the trouble, although in thelatter case dark
circles around the eyes are unfailing symptoms.

The prayer—like several others from the same source—seems in-
complete, and judging from analogy is evidently incorrect in some
respects, but yet exemplifies the disease theory in astriking manner.
The disease is declared to have been caused by the birds, it being
asserted in the first paragraph that a bird has cast its shadow upon
the sufferer, while in the second it is declared that they have gath-
ered in council (in his body). This latter is a favorite expression in
these formulas to indicate the great number of the disease animals.

356 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

Another expression of frequent occurrence is to the effect that the
disease animals have formed asettlement or established a townhouse
in the patient’s body. The disease animal, being a bird or birds,
must be dislodged by something which preys upon birds, and ac-
cordingly the Blue Sparrow-Hawk from the tree tops and the Brown
Rabbit-Hawk (Diga’'tiski—‘* One who snatches up”), from above are
invoked to drive out the intruders. The former is then said to have
swooped down upon them as a hawk darts upon its prey, while the
latter is declared to have scattered the birds which were holding a
council, This being done, relief is accomplished. Ya! is a mean-
ingless interjection frequently used to introduce or close paragraphs
or songs.

The medicine used is a warm decoction of the bark of Ktinstt'tst
(Sassafras—Sassafras officinale), Kantsi'ta (Flowering Dogwood—
Cornus florida), Uda'lana (Service tree—Amelanchier Canadensis),
and Uni'kwa (Black Gum—Nyssa multiflora), with the roots of two
species (large and small) of Da’yakali’ski (Wild Rose—Rosa lucida).
The bark in every case is taken from the east side of the tree, and
the roots selected are also generally, if not always, those growing
toward the east. In this case the roots and barks are not bruised,
but are simply steeped in warm water for four days. The child is
then stripped and bathed all over with the decoction morning and
night for four days, no formula being used during the bathing. It
is then made to hold up its hands in front of its face with the palms
turned out toward the doctor, who takes some of the medicine in his
mouth and repeats the prayer mentally, blowing the medicine upon
the head and hands of the patient at the final Ya! of each paragraph.
It is probable that the prayer originally consisted of four para-
graphs, or else that these two paragraphs were repeated. The child
drinks a little of the medicine at the end of each treatment.

The use of salt is prohibited during the four-days of the treatment,
the word (aina’) being understood to include lye, which enters largely
into Cherokee food preparations. No chicken or other feathered
animal is allowed to enter the house during the same period, for
obvious reasons, and strangers are excluded for reasons already
explained.

HIA’ DU'NIYUKWATISGU"I KANA’/HEHU.

Sge! Nardagt'yi tstl‘da’histi, Kanani'ski Gigage. Usinu'li nt-
na gigage hint"niga. Hida'wthi-gagt’, asti’ digi/gage usint'li
dehikssa’ti"tani’ga. Ulsge'ta kane’ge kayu'‘ga gesii'", tsga’ya-gwt
higesei. Ehisti’ hituwa’saniy’tel’. Ustmu'li asti’ digi’gage dehada’-
t"taniga, adina tstlstai-ya'‘ti-gwi higese'l. Nagwa ganagi'ta
da‘tsatane'li. Utsina’wa nu'tatant'"ta nftfineli’ga. Ya!

Higayt’"li Tstne’ga hatigani’ga. ‘“ A’ya-gagt’ gattigisge’sti
tstingili’s! deagwtlstawi'stitege’sti,” tsadint’hi. Na’ski-gagt’ itsa’-

t=} 5 slate}

MOONEY.] FORMULA FOR NEURALGIA. 357

westhi na’gwa usinuli hatfi"gani’ga. Utsina’wa nitatant'ta no”-
ti/neli'ga. Yu!

Sgé! Uhya"tla’yi tsil‘da’histi Kanani’ski Sa‘ka/ni. Usinu'li nana
sa‘ka'ni hint'ni'ga. Hida’wehi-gagi’, ast?’ (di)sa‘ka/ni usinu'li de-
hiksa'fitani’ga. Ulsge’ta kane'ge kayu“ga gest", tsgaya-gwa
higese'l. Ehisti’ hituwa’saniy’te(1). Usinu li asti’ disa‘ka’nige de-
hada't"taniga, adi'na tstlstai-yt'‘ti-gwa higese'l. Na’gwa tsga’ya
gtinagi'ta tstttineli’ga. Utsina’wa nu'tatantta ni“tineli’ga. Yt!

Higaya’"li Tstine’ga hatfitgani’ga. ‘“‘ A’ya-gagt’ gata “gisge’sti
tsiingili’sI deagwilstawi'stitege’st1,” tsadint’/hi. Nas‘ kigagt’ itsa-
west/hi na’gwa usinuli hattgani/ga. Utsina’wa nutatand'™ta
nittineli’ga. Yu!

Sgt! Usthi'yi tsil‘da‘histi Kanani'ski U'nage. Usinuli nana
"nage hintni’ga. Hida wéhi-gagt’, asti’ digi “nage usinu li dehik-
sa'ttani’ga. Ulsge'ta kane’ge kayu'‘ga gesi'”, tsga'ya-gwa higese’T.
Ehisti’ hituwa'saniy’tel’. Usinuli asti’ digi/"nage dehada’t"tani'ga,
adi’na tsilstai-ya'‘ti-gwt higese'l. Na’gwa tsga’ya ginagi ta tsatu-
neliga. Utsind’wa nutataniita ni*tineli’ga. Ya!

Higaya"li Tstine’ga hati"gani’ga. ‘“A’ya-gagi’ gata™gisge’sti
tstingili/s! deagwilstawi'stitege’sti,” tsadtint’ht. Na’skigagt’ itsa-
west/hi na’gwa usinu'li hatf™gani’ga. Utsina’wa nutatant'"ta
nittineli’ga. Yu!

Sgé! Galfi™lati tsal‘da’histi, Kanani’ski Tstne’ga. Usinu'li nti'"-
na une’ga hinti"ni'ga. Hida’wéhi-gagt’, asti’ tsune’ga usinu li de-
hiksa'ti® tani’ga. Ulsge'ta kane’ge kayu'‘ga gest’, tsga’ya-gwa hige-
set. Ehisti’ hituwa’siniy’tel’. Usinu'll asti’ tsune’ga dehada t"tan-
iga, adi/na tstlstai-ya'‘ti-gwai higese’l. Na'gwa tsgaya ginagi' ta
tsfittineli'ga. Utsina’wa nu'tatanfta, nttineli’ga. Ya!

Higaytli Tsfine’ga hati™gani’ga. ““A'ya-gagt’ gati™gisge’sti
tstingili’s! deagwilstawi'stitege’sti,” tsadant’ht. Naski-gagt’ itsa-
west/hi na’gwa usinuli hatfgani'ga. U'tsina’wa nutatanata na'ta-
neli'ga. Yd!

(Degasi'sisgi'"1)—Hia’ duniyukwa'tisgt'" dikant watt atant "si-
da/hi yi'gi. Na’ski digf/nstané'‘ti-gw ale’ tsitsata’ yielist. Ni-
gi"-gwti usi’na | for usiinda’na?] gi’tati naya’ga nt watt unant'"-
ski‘lat. Kane'ska dala’nige unaste’tla tsigi. Selu digaht‘nt/hi
tsuni’yahisti’ na’‘ki tsust/hita, kanahe’na-‘nt naski’ igat udanit'sti
hi'gi naya’ga.

Translation.

THIS TELLS ABOUT MOVING PAINS IN THE TEETH (NEURALGIA ?).

Listen! In the Sunland you repose, O Red Spider. Quickly you have brought
and laid down the red path. O great ada’ wehi, quickly you have brought down the
red threads from above. The intruder in the tooth has spoken and it is only a
worm. The tormentor has wrapped itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly
you have dropped down the red threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for
you to pick it up. The relief has been caused tocome. Yd!

358 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said, ‘‘ When
I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.” Because you have said
it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen. The relief has been caused to
come. Yt!

Listen! In the Frigid Land you repose, O Blue Spider. Quickly you have brought
and laid down the blue path. O great ada’wehi, quickly you have brought down
the blue threads from above. The intruder in the tooth has spoken and it is only a
worm. The tormentor has wrapped itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly
you have dropped down the blue threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for
you to pick it up. The relief has been caused to come. Ya!

O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said, ‘‘ When I
shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.” Because you have said
it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen, The relief has been caused to
come. Yu!

Listen! In the Darkening Land you repose, O Black Spider. Quickly you have
brought and laid down the black path. O great ada’wehi, quickly you have
brought down the black threads from above. The intruder in the tooth has spoken
and it is only aworm. The tormentor has wrapped itself around the root of the
tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the black threads, for it is just what you
eat. Now it is for you to pick it up. The relief has been caused to come. Yu!

O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said, ‘‘ When
I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.” Because you have
said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen. The relief has been caused
tocome. Ya!

Listen! You repose on high, O White Spider. Quickly you have brought and
laid down the white path. O great ada’wehi, quickly you have brought down the
white threads from above. The intruder in the tooth has spoken and it is only a
worm. The tormentor has wrapped itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly
you have dropped down the white threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is
for you to pick it up. The relief has been caused tocome. Yt!

O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said, * When I
shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.” Because you have said
it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen. The relief has been caused to
come. Yt!

(Prescription)—This is to treat them if there are pains moving about in the teeth.
It is only (necessary) to lay on the hands, or to blow, if one should prefer. One
may use any kind of a tube, but usually they have the medicine in the mouth. It
is the Yellow-rooted Grass (kane’ ska dala'nige unaste’tla; not identified.) One must
abstain four nights from cooked corn (hominy), and kandéhe’na (fermented corn
gruel) is especially forbidden during the same period.

EHaplanation.

This formula is taken from the manuscript book of Gatigwanasti,
now dead, and must therefore be explained from general analogy.
The ailment is described as ‘‘ pains moving about in the teeth ”—
that is, affecting several teeth simultaneously—and appears to be
neuralgia. The disease spirit is called ‘“‘the intruder” and ‘the
tormentor” and is declared to be a mere worm (tsga’ya), which has
wrapped itself around the base of the tooth. This is the regular
toothache theory. The doctor then calls upon the Red Spider of
the Sunland to let down the red threads from above, along the red
path, and to take up the intruder, which is just what the spider

MOONEY.] FORMULA FOR NEURALGIA. 359

eats. The same prayer is addressed in turn to the Blue Spider in
the north, the Black Spider in the west and the White Spider above
(gala"'lati). It may be stated here that all these spirits are sup-
posed to dwell above, but when no point of the compass is assigned,
galu" lati is understood to mean directly overhead, but far above
everything of earth. The dweller in this overhead gali™ lati may
be red, white, or brown in color. In this formula it is white, the
ordinary color assigned spirits dwelling in the south. In another
toothache formula the Squirrel is implored to take the worm and
put it between the forking limbs of a tree on the north side of the
mountain.

Following each supplication to the spider is another addressed to
the Ancient White, the formulistic name for fire. The name refers
to its antiquity and light-giving properties and perhaps also to the
fact that when dead it is covered with a coat of white ashes. In
those formulas in which the hunter draws omens from the live coals
it is frequently addressed as the Ancient Red.

The directions are not explicit and must be interpreted from anal-
ogy. ‘‘ Laying on the hands” refers to pressing the thumb against
the jaw over the aching tooth, the hand having been previously
warmed over the fire, this being a common method of treating tooth-
ache. The other method suggested is to blow upon the spot (tooth
or outside of jaw ?) a decoction of an herb described rather vaguely
as ‘‘ yellow-rooted grass” either through a tube or from the mouth
of the operator. Igawi’, a toothache specialist, treats this ailment
either by pressure with the warm thumb, or by blowing tobacco
smoke from a pipe placed directly against the tooth. Hominy and
fermented corn gruel (kanahe’na) are prohibited for the regular
term of four nights, or, as we are accustomed to say, four days, and
special emphasis is laid upon the gruel tabu.

The prayer to the Spider is probably repeated while the doctor is
warming his hands over the fire, and the following paragraph to
the Ancient White (the Fire) while holding the warm thumb upon
the aching spot. This reverses the usual order, which is to address
the fire while warming the hands. In this connection it must be
noted that the fire used by the doctor is never the ordinary fire on
the hearth, but comes from four burning chips taken from the hearth
fire and generally placed in an earthen vessel by the side of the
patient. In some eases the decoction is heated by putting into it
seven live coals taken from the fire on the hearth.

UNAWA STI EGWA (ADANU=WATI).

(2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Sgé! Galt/*lati’ hinehi’ hinehi’y@ hinida’we, utsina’wa ada"niga
12 12 22 34 33 566—Hayr’!
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Sgé! U*wada’hi hinehi’, hinehi’'yi hinida’we utsina’wa adt"ni'ga
12 12 22 34 33 566—Hayr’!

360 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Sge! Natsihi’ hinehi’ hinehi’yti hinida'we utsinaé’wa ada"niga
12 12 22-34 33 566—Hay!’!
(1) 2) (3) (4) 3 (5) (6)
Sgé! Amayi’ hinehi’, hinehiyt hinida’we utsina’wa adtni'ga
12 12 22 33 33 566—Hayi’!

Sge! Ha-na'gwa hatt™gani'ga, Agalu'ga Tstsdi'ga, hida’wéhi,
Atali tsusdiga‘hi duda’w’satt’™ ditstlda‘histi. (Hida’wéhi, gahu'sti
tsanu'lai"ha"sgi’ nige’st™na.) Ha-na’gwa da'tilehi ga’. Usdi'gi(yu)
utiya'stanti" (hi) (higese’). (H™)hiyala'gistani’ga iga’ti usdiga‘hi
usa hilagi’ Igatu'lti na"na/hi wite'tsatana” a's’. A‘ne'tsage'ta getsa-
tinéhi na*gtlstani’ga igi" wilstanita'sti-gwt. Ati’gale’yata tsati’-
neli'ga. Utsina’wa (') nigf"tisge’stt.

Sgé! Ha-na’gwa htthatai"gani'ga, Agalu’ga Hegwahigwt’. A’talti
tsegwa‘hi duda’w’satt" iya"ta ditstlda’histi. Agalu’ga He’gwa, ha-
usinuli da'ttileht"gt. Usdi'giyu utiya’stant’hi. Hiyala’gistani-
ga ulsge'ta iga't-egwa‘hi) usa/hilagi’. (Igat-(egwa’hi iya®’ta nt"-
nahi witetsatanti'"a"si’. A‘ne'tsige'ta getsatine'litise'sti igi” wil-
stanita’sti-gwt. Utsma'wa-gwt nutatant"ta. Nigagi’ Yu!

(Degasi'sisgt’"1)— Unawa'sti e’'gwa wnitli"gal. . Ta'ya gt'tatt,
ditsa'tista' ti. Tsa'l-agayt’"li ya’ha ula™kwati-gwt nasgwt’.

Translation.

TO TREAT THE GREAT CHILL.

Listen! On high you dwell, On high you dwell—you dwell, you dwell. Forever
you dwell, you anida’we, forever you dwell, forever you dwell. Relief has
come—has come. Hayi!

Listen! On U»wada/hi you dwell, On U"wada hi you dwell—you dwell, you dwell.
Forever you dwell, you anida we, forever you dwell, forever you dwell. Relief
has come—has come. Hayi!

Listen! In the pines you dwell, In the pines you dwell—you dwell, you dwell.
Forever you dweil, you anida we, forever you dwell, forever you dwell. Re-
lief has come—has come. Hayi!

Listen! In the water you dwell, In the water you dwell, you dwell, you dwell.
Forever you dwell, you anida we, forever you dwell, forever youdwell. Relief
has come—has come. Hayi!

Listen! O now you have drawn near to hearken, O Little Whirlwind, O ada’-
wehi, in the leafy shelter of the lower mountain, there you repose. Oada’wehi, you
can never failin anything. Ha! Now rise up. <A very small portion [of the dis-
ease] remains. You haye come to sweep it away into the small swamp on the
upland. You have laid down your paths near the swamp. It is ordained that you
shall scatter it as in play, so that it shall utterly disappear. By you it must be scat-
tered. So shall there be relief.

Listen! O now again you have drawn near to hearken, O Whirlwind, surpass-
ingly great. In the leafy shelter of the great mountain there you repose. O Great
Whirlwind, arise quickly. A very small part [of the disease] remains. You have
come to sweep the intruder into the great swamp on the upland. You have laid
down your paths toward the great swamp. You shall scatter it as in play so that
it shall utterly disappear. And now relief has come. Allis done. Yu!

'So written and pronounced by A‘yti" ini instead of utsina’ wa.

MOONEY. ] FORMULA FOR FEVER AND AGUE. 361

(Prescription.)—(This is to use) when they are sick with the great chill. Take a
decoction of wild cherry to blow upon them. If you have Tsa'l-agayt'"li (‘‘ old
tobacco "—Nicotiana rustica) it also is very effective.

Haplanation.

Unawa'sti, ‘‘ that which chills one,” is a generic name for inter-
mittent fever, otherwise knownas fever andague. Itismuch dreaded
by the Indian doctors, who recognize several varieties of the disease,
and have various theories to account for them. The above formula
was obtained from A‘yti"ni (Swimmer), who described the symp-
toms of this variety, the “Great Chill,” as blackness in the face,
with alternate high fever and shaking chills. The disease generally
appeared in spring or summer, and might return year after year. In
the first stages the chill usually came on early in the morning, but
came on later in the day as the disease progressed. There might be
more than one chill during the day. There was no rule as to appe-
tite, but the fever always produced an excessive thirst. In one
instance the patient fainted from the heat and would even lie down in
a stream to cool hifnself. The doctor believed the disease was caused
by malicious tsga’ya, a general name for all small insects and worms,
excepting intestinal worms. These tsga’ya—that is, the disease tsga’ya,
not the real insects and worms—are held responsible for a large
number of diseases, and in fact the tsga’ya doctrine is to the Chero-
kee practitioner what the microbe theory is to some modern scientists.
The tsga’ya live in the earth, in the water, in the air, in the foliage
of trees, in decaying wood, or wherever else insects lodge, and as
they are constantly being crushed, burned or otherwise destroyed
through the unthinking carelessness of the human race, they are
continually actuated by a spirit of revenge. To accomplish their
vengeance, according to the doctors, they ‘establish towns” under
the skin of their victims, thus producing an irritation which results
in fevers, boils, scrofula and other diseases.

The formula begins with a song of four verses, in which the doc-
tor invokes in succession the spirits of the air, of the mountain, of
the forest, and of the water. Galti"lati, the word used in the first
verse, signifies, as has been already explained, ‘‘ on high” or “ above
everything,” and has been used by translators to mean heaven.
U"wada‘hi in the second verse is the name of a bald mountain east
of Webster, North Carolina, and is used figuratively to denote any
mountains of bold outline. The Cherokees have a tradition to ac-
count for the name, which is derived from Uwada'lt, “* provision
house.” Na&’tsiht’ in the third verse signifies ‘‘ pinery,” from na’‘tsi,
‘‘pine,” but is figuratively used to denote a forest of any kind.

In the recitation which follows the song, but is used only in seri-
ous cases, the doctor prays to the whirlwind, which is considered to
dwell among the trees on the mountain side, where the trembling of

362 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

the leaves always gives the first mtimation of its presence. He de-
clares that a small portion of the disease still remains, the spirits
invoked in the song having already taken the rest, and calls upon
the whirlwind to lay down a path for it and sweep it away into the
swamp on the upland, referring to grassy marshes common in the
small coves of the higher mountains, which, being remote from the
settlements, are convenient places to which to banish the disease.
Not satisfied with this, he goes on to direct the whirlwind to scatter
the disease as it scatters the leaves of the forest, so that it shall
utterly disappear. In the Cherokee formula the verb a‘ne'tsage'ta
means literally ‘‘ to play,” and is generally understood to refer to the
ball play, a‘ne’tsa, so that to a Cherokee the expression conveys the
idea of catching up the disease and driving it onward as a player
seizes the ball and sends it spinning through the air from between
his ball sticks. Niga’gi is a solemn expression about equivalent to
the Latin consummatum est.

The doctor beats up some bark from the trunk of the wild cherry
and puts it into water together with seven coals of fire, the latter be-
ing intended to warm the decoction The leavés of Tsal-agaytli
(Indian tobacco—Nicotiana rustica) are sometimes used in place of
the wild cherry bark. The patient is placed facing the sunrise, and
the doctor, taking the medicine in his mouth, blows it over the body
of the sick man. First, standing between the patient and the sun-
rise and holding the medicine cup in his hand, he sings the first verse
in a low tone. Then, taking some of the liquid in his mouth, he ad-
vances and blows it successively upon the top of the head, the right
shoulder, left shoulder, and breast or back of the patient, making
four blowings in all. He repeats the same ceremony with the sec-
ond, third, and fourth verse, returning each time to his original
position. Theceremony takes place in the morning, and if necessary
is repeated in the evening. It is sometimes necessary also to repeat
the treatment for several—generally four—consecutive days.

The recitation is not used excepting in the most serious cases,
when, according to the formula, ‘*avery small portion” of the disease
stilllingers. It is accompanied by blowing of the breath alone, with-
out medicine, probably in this case typical of the action of the whirl-
wind. After repeating the whole ceremony accompanying the song,
as above described, the doctor returns to his position in front of the
patient and recites in a whisper the first paragraph to the Little
Whirlwind, after which he advances and blows his breath upon the
patient four times as he has already blown the medicine upon him.
Then going around to the north he recites the second paragraph to
the Great Whirlwind, and at its conclusion blows in the same man-
ner. Then moving around to the west—behind the patient—he again
prays to the Little Whirlwind with the same ceremonies, and finally
moving around to the south side he closes with the prayer to the

U, 8, NATIONAL MUSEUM.

MOONEY.] FORMULA FOR CHILD-BIRTH. 363

Great Whirlwind, blowing four times at its conclusion. The medi-
cine must be prepared anew by the doctor at the house of the patient
at each application morning or evening. Onty as much as will be
needed is made at a time, and the patient always drinks what re-
mains after the blowing. Connected with the preparation and care
of the medicine are a number of ceremonies which need not be de-
tailed here. The wild cherry bark must always be procured fresh;
but the Tsal-agayali (‘Old Tobacco”) leaves may be dry. When
the latter plant is used four leaves are taken and steeped in warm
water with the fire coals, as above described.

HIA’ TSUNSDI’GA DIL‘TADI’NATANTIYI. 1.

Sgé! Hisga’ya Ts‘sdi'ga ha-na’gwa da'ttleht"gt’ kili-gwt’. Tya’"ta
agayt™linas!’ taya'l. Eska/niyt unay® histi’ na"ta-yu'tanati’. Sgé'!
tintlitgi’! Tleki'yu tsfitsesta’gi hwinagi’. Ya!

Sge! Hige’cya ts‘sdi’ga ha-na’gwa da'ttleht.gt’ kili-gwt’. Tya”-
ta tsitu'tunasi’ tiyad. Eska’niyi unayé‘histi na"tayu tanati’.
Sge! tint’ litg!’! Tleki'yu tsitsesta’ hwinagi. Yu!

Translation.
THIS IS TO MAKE CHIDREN JUMP DOWN.

Listen! You little man, get up now at once. There comes an old woman. The
horrible [old thing] is coming, only a little way off. Listen! Quick! Get your bed

and let usrunaway. Yui!
Listen! You little woman, get up now at once. There comes your grandfather.

The horrible old fellow is coming only a little way off. Listen! Quick! Get your
bed and let usrun away, Ya!

Kxplanation.

In this formula for childbirth the idea is to frighten the child and
coax it to come, by telling it, if a boy, that an ugly old woman is com-
ing, or if a girl, that her grandfather is coming only ashort distance
away. The reason of this lies in the fact that an old woman is the
terror of all the little boys of the neighborhood, constantly teasing
and frightening them by declaring that she means to live until
they grow up and then compel one of them to marry her, old and
shriveled as she is. For the same reason the maternal grandfather,
who is always a privileged character in the family, is especially
dreaded by the little girls, and nothing will send a group of children
running into the house more quickly than the announcement that an
old ‘‘ granny,” of either sex is in sight.

As the sex is an uncertain quantity, the possible boy is always first
addressed in the formulas, and if no result seems to follow, the
doctor then concludes that the child isa girl and addresses her in simi-
lar tones. In some cases an additional formula with the beads is used
to determine whether the child will be born alive or dead. In most

364 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

instances the formulas were formerly repeated with the appropriate
ceremonies by some old female relative of the mother, but they are
now the property of the ordinary doctors, men as well as women.

This formula was obtained from the manuscript book of A‘yt/ini,
who stated that the medicine used was a warm decoction of a plant
called Dala’nige Unaste'tsi (‘‘ yellow root”—not identified), which
was blown successively upon the top of the mother’s head, upon the
breast, and upon the palm of each hand. The doctor stands beside
the woman, who is propped up in a sitting position, while repeating
the first paragraph and then blows. If this produces no result he
then recites the paragraph addressed to the girl and again blows.
A part of the liquid is also given to the woman to drink. A‘yt"ini
claimed this was always effectual.

(HIA’ TSUNSDI/GA DIL‘TADI/NATANTI’YI. IL.)

Hitsutsa, hitsu’tsa, tleki’yu, tleki'yu, @hinuga’, &hinugé'l! Hi’-
tsu'tsa, tleki'yu, gtltst'ti, gfiltst'ti, tinaga’na, tinaga’na !
Higé‘yu'tsa, higé‘yu'tsa, tleki’yu, tleki’yu, @hinuga’l, ’hinuga'i!
foe? 3 ’ J 5
Hige‘yu'tsa, tleki’yu, gi"gu'sti, gieu’sti, tinaga’na, tinaga’na !
8e 3 ’ 8 sus > Ss

Translation.
THIS IS TO MAKE CHILDREN JUMP DOWN.

Little boy, little boy, hurry, hurry, come out, come out! Little boy, hurry; a
bow, a bow; let’s see who'll get it, let’s see who'll get it!

Little girl, little girl, hurry, hurry, come out, come out. Little girl, hurry; a
sifter, a sifter; let’s see who'll get it, let’s see who'll get it!

Huplanation.

This formula was obtained from Takwati'hi, as given to him by a
specialist in this line. Takwatihi himself knew nothing of the treat-
ment involved, but a decoction is probably blown upon the patient
as described in the preceding formula. In many cases the medicine
used is simply cold water, the idea being to cause asudden muscular
action by the chilling contact. In this formula the possible boy or
girl is coaxed out by the promise of a bow or a meal-sifter to the
one who can get it first. Among the Cherokees it is common, in
asking about the sex of a new arrival, to inquire, ‘“‘Is it a bow or a
sifter?” or ‘‘Is it ball sticks or bread ?”

DALA/NI U*NAGE’T ADANU“WATI.
Yuha‘ahi’, (yuha‘ahi’, yuha‘ahi’, yuha‘ahi’,)
Yuha ahi’. (yuha‘ahi’, yuha‘ahi’), Ya!

Sge! Utal-e'gwaht’ didulta’histi ulsge'ta. Ustnu'li datitulene’t.
Usinu li dunu'y’tani'ler’.

Sge! Ha-na’gwa stati gani’ga, ni"da’y! distil ‘ta’histi, Stisga’ya
Dist‘sdi’ga, stida’'wehi-gagi. Uttal-e’gwa datitulene/(i) ulsge'ta.
Usinu'li detisttl‘tani'ga ulsge'ta. Ditu'talentitsa na"na’hi Vide'tu-

MOONEY.] FORMULA FOR BILIOUSNESS. 365

tant ™tasi’, nu"tadu'ktaht'*sti nige’st"na. Nut'‘gi iyayt’latagi’ aya-
we'sali'"ta de’dudineli'sesti’, Gu™tsatatagi’yi tistadi’gflahi’sesti.
Tidudale‘nt' (i) G"tale’gwa “ti'stil‘tatint"tani'ga. Na’‘nd wittl‘ta’-
histani’ga, tadu’ktahtsti nige’st™na. Ha-na'‘na W'd’ultahiste’stt.
(Yt !)

(Degasisisgi’!)—Hia’ anine’tsi ga'‘tiski adanti/"wati. U"tla atsi’la
titi yl'gi.

Translation.
TO TREAT THE BLACK YELLOWNESS.

Yuha’ahi, yuha’ahi’,, yuha’ahi’, yuha ‘ahi,
Yuha’ahi’, yuha’ahi’, yuha‘ahi’ Ya!

Listen! In the great lake the intruder reposes. Quickly he has risen up there.
Swiftly he has come and stealthily put himself (under the sick man).

Listen! Ha! Now you two have drawn near to hearken, there in the Sun Land
you repose, O Little Men, O great anida’wehi! The intruder has risen up there in
the great lake. Quickly you two have lifted up the intruder. His paths have laid
themselves down toward the direction whence he came. Let him never look back
(toward us). When he stops to rest at the four gaps you will drive him roughly
along. Now hehas plunged into the great lake from which he came. There he is
compelled to remain, never to look back. Ha! there let him rest. (YQ!)

(Ltirections.)—This is to treat them when their breast swells. Fire (coals) is not
put down.

Explanation.

This formula, from A‘y@ini’s manuscript, is used in treating
a disease known as Dalani, literally, *‘ yellow.” From the vague
description of symptoms given by the doctors, it appears to be an
aggravated form of biliousness, probably induced by late suppers and
bad food. According to the Indian theory it is caused by revenge-
ful animals, especially by the terrapin and its cousin, the turtle.

The doctors recognize several forms of the disease, this variety
being distinguished as the “black dalani (Dalani U"nage't) and con-
sidered the most dangerous. In this form of dalani, according to
their account, the navel and abdomen of the patient swell, the ends
of his fingers become black, dark circles appear about his eyes, and
the throat contracts spasmodically and causes him to fall down sud-
denly insensible. A‘yi"ini’s method of treatment is to rub the
breast and abdomen of the patient with the hands, which have been
previously rubbed together in the warm infusion of wild cherry
(ta'ya) bark. The song is sung while rubbing the hands together in
the liquid, and the prayer is repeated while rubbing the swollen abdo-
men of the patient. The operation may be repeated several times
on successive days.

The song at the beginning has no meaning and is sung in a low
plaintive lullaby tone, ending witha sharp Yw/ The prayer pos-
sesses a special interest, as it brings out several new points in the
Cherokee mythologic theory of medicine. The “intruder,” which

366 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

is held to be some amphibious animal—as a terrapin, turtle, or snake
—is declared to have risen up from his dwelling place in the great
lake, situated toward the sunset, and to have come by stealth under
the sick man. The verb implies that the disease spirit creeps wnder
as a snake might crawl under the coverlet of a bed.

The two Little Men in the Sun Land are now invoked to drive out
the disease. Who these Little Men are is not clear, although they
are regarded as most powerful spirits and are frequently invoked in
the formulas. They are probably the two Thunder Boys, sons of
Kanati.

The Little Men come instantly when summoned by the shaman,
pull out the intruder from the body of the patient, turn his face to-
ward the sunset, and begin to drive him on by threats and blows
(expressed in the word giitsatatagi’yi) to the great lake from
which he came. On the road there are four gaps in the mountains,
at each of which the disease spirit halts to rest, but is continually
forced onward by his two pursuers, who finally drive him into the
lake, where he iscompelled to remain, without being permitted even
to look back again. The four gaps are mentioned also in other
formulas for medicine and the ball play and sometimes correspond
with the four stages of the treatment. The direction ‘‘ No fire (coals)
is put down” indicates that no live coals are put into the decoction,
the doctor probably using water warmed in the ordinary manner.

Takwati hi uses for this disease a decoction of four herbs applied
in the same manner. He agrees with A‘yfi"ini in regard to the
general theory and says also that the disease may be contracted by
neglecting to wash the hands after handling terrapin shells, as, for
instance, the shell rattles used by women in the dance. The turtle
or water tortoise (seligu’gi) is considered as an inferior being, with
but little capacity for mischief, and is feared chiefly on account of
its relationship to the dreaded terrapin or land tortoise (taiksi’). In
Takwatihi’s formula he prays to the Ancient White (the fire), of
which these cold-blooded animals are supposed to be afraid, to put
the fish into the water, the turtle into the mud, and to send the ter-
rapin and snake to the hillside.

TSUNDAYE’LIGAKTANU’/HI ADANOWATI.

Sgt! Hana’gwa hatiganiga, galfilati hetsada’hist!, Ka’lant
Unage, gahu'st! tsanu’lahi'"sei nige’si"na. Ha-na’gwa (hetsatsa’-
@tani'ga. Hanigi’watinigwalae'stigwi tsalasai’"I. Asgin-u’dant
higes’el. Sanigala’gi gest"! hastigi'‘lani’ga, duwalu'wa'ta’ti nige’-
st"na, nitineli’ga. Ha-Usthi'yi witita’histani’ga. Dadu’sataht'"stt
nige’sti"na nitf/neli’ga. Utsina&’wa nu'tatant’"ta.

Sgé! Ha-na’gwa hatai™gani’ga, Kalani Gigage'l, hidawéhi'yu.
Ha-gahu'sti tsanu’lahi'"sgi nige’si"na, etsanetselahi. Ha-gald™la-
ti'tsa hetsata’histi. Na’gwa hetsatsa’i"tani’ga. Nigtwatt'"nigwa-

MOONEY.] FORMULA FOR “ORDEAL” DISEASES. 367

lae’sti-gwt tsalasi’"i. Asgin-udant’hi-gwt higese'l. Ha-Sanigalagi
gest" hastigi'‘lani’ga ulsge'ta, ha-utsinai’wa-gwt’ nigtitisge’stt.
Usthi'yi winttine’da. Usthi'yi witita/histani’ga. Utsina’wa adt"-
ni'ga.

Sgé! Ha-na'gwa hati™gani'ga, Ka’lant Sa'ka’ni; galt lati hetsada-
histi, hida’wéhi. Gahu’'sti tsanu’lahiisgi nige’sti'"na, etsanetse thi.
Ha-na’gwa hetsatsa’G"tani'ga. Nigti™watai™nigwalae’sti-zwi tsa-
last’"l. Sanigala’gi gest’ hastigi'‘lani’ga ulsge’ta. Duwalu'watt'ti
nige’sti"na, niti'neli’ga. Usthi'yi witita’histani’ga, dadu’sataht™sti
nige’st''na nitt’neli’ga. Utsina’wa ada"ni’ga.

Sge! Ha-na’gwa hatti™gani'ga, Wa/hili gali"lti'tsa hetsada’histt,
Kalant Tstine’ga, hida’wéhi. Gahu'sti tsanu'l‘ti nige’si a. Ha-
na'gwa hetsatsa’t"tani'ga. Nigi™watt’/nigwalae'sti-ewi tsala-
si". Ha-na’gwa detal‘tani’ga. Sanigala’gi gesti'™ hastig’t‘lani’ga
ulsge'ta, duwalu’watt‘ti nige’si"na niti’neli’ga. Usthi'yi witita’-
histani'ga. Dadu'satahisti nige’sa"na nitt/neli’ga. Utsina’wa
adti"ni’ga.

(Dega'sisisgt’"1)—Hia’ agi‘li’ya unitli"gi"Y adant’wati. Askwan-
u'tsasti’. Tsa'l(a) Agayt' "li unitsi 1a"°nt’hi et tati, ana’"sga‘la’-gwt;
Kanasa'la-‘na unali’gaht, adela’-‘nt nt‘gi-gwi ani’gage1 daha’,
Tsaliyu'sti-‘nti Usdi'ga. Gahn’'sti-‘‘nu yuta’suya™na sawatu hi-gwti
ati’ dawa’hila-gwt iyt'"ta.

Translation.
TO TREAT FOR ORDEAL DISEASES.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken and are resting directly over-
head. O Black Raven, younever failinanything. Ha! Now you are brought down.
Ha! There shall be left no more than a trace upon the ground where vou have been.
It is an evolute ghost. You have now put it into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it
may never find the way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, so
that it may never return. Let relief come.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Red Raven, most powerful
ada'wehi. Ha! You never fail in anything, for so it was ordained of you. Ha!
You are resting directly overhead. Ha! Now you are brought down. There shall
remain but a trace upon the ground where you have been. It is an evolute ghost.
Ha! You have put the Intruder into a crevice of Sanigalagi and now the relief
shall come. It (the Intruder) is sent to the Darkening Land. You have put it to
rest in the Darkening Land. Let the relief come.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Blue Raven; you are rest-
ing directly overhead, ada’wehi. You never fail in anything, for so it was ordained
of you. Ha! Now you are brought down. There shall be left but a trace upon
the ground where you have been. You have put the Intruder into a crevice in
Sanigalagi, that it may never find the way back. You have put it to rest in the
Darkening Land, so that it may never return. Let the relief come.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken; you repose on high on Wa’ hili,
O White Raven, ada’wehi. You neverfail in anything. Ha! Now youare brought
down. There shall be left but a trace upon the ground where you have been. Ha!
Now you have taken it up. You have put the Intruder intoa crevice in Sanigalagi,
that it may never find the way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening
Land, never to return. Let the relief come.

368 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

(Directions)—This is to treat them for a painful sickness. One must suck. Use
Tsa lagayt -li (‘‘ Old Tobacco ”—Nicotiana rustica), blossoms, and just have them in
the mouth, and Kanasaé la (Wild Parsnip), goes with it, and four red beads also must
lie there, and Tsdliyu'sti Usdi’ga (‘‘ Little (plant) Like Tobacco ””—Indian Tobacco—
Lobelia inflata.) And if there should be anything mixed with it (i. e., after suck-
ing the place), just put it about a hand’s-length into the mud.

Explanation.

The Cherokee name for this disease gives no idea whatever of its
serious nature. The technical term, Tsundaye lga’ktant’hi, really
refers to the enthusiastic outburst of sociability that ensues when
two old friends meet. In this instance it ‘might be rendered ‘‘ an
ordeal.” The application of such a name to what is considered a
serious illness is in accordance with the regular formulistic practice
of making light of a dangerous malady in order to convey to the
disease spirit the impression that the shaman is not afraid of him,
A‘ya"ini, from whom the formula was obtained, states also that the
disease is sometimes sent to a man by afriend or even by his parents,
in order to test his endurance and knowledge of counter spells.

As with most diseases, the name simply indicates the shaman’s
theory of the occult cause of the trouble, and is no clue to the
symptoms, which may be those usually attendant upon fevers, indi-
gestion, or almost any other ailment.

In some cases the disease is caused by the conjurations of an
enemy, through which the patient becomes subject to an inordinate
appetite, causing him to eat until his abdomen is unnaturally dis-
tended. By the same magic spells tobacco may be conveyed into
the man’s body, causing him to be affected by faintness and languor.
The enemy, if bitterly revengeful, may even put into the body of
his victim a worm or insect (tsgaya), or a sharpened stick of black
locust or ‘‘ fat” pine, which will result in death if not removed by
a good doctor. Sometimes a weed stalk is in some occult manner
conveyed into the patient’s stomach, where it is transformed into a
worm. As this disease is very common, owing to constant quarrels
and rival jealousies, there are a number of specialists who devote
their attention to it.

The prayer is addressed to the Black, Red, Blue, and White
Ravens, their location at the four cardinal points not being specified,
excepting in the case of the white raven of Wa’hili, which, as
already stated, is said to be a mountain in the south, and hence is
used figuratively to mean the south. The ravens are each in turn
declared to have put the disease into a crevice in Sanigala’gi—the
Cherokee name of Whiteside Mountain, at the head of Tuckasegee
River, in North Carolina, and used figuratively for any high pre-
cipitous mountain—and to have left no more than a trace upon the
ground where it has been. The adjective translated ‘‘ evolute”
(udantihi) is of frequent occurrence in the formulas, but has no

MOoNEY. | FORMULA FOR HUNTING. 369

exact equivalent in English. It signifies springing into being or
life from an embryonic condition. In this instance it would imply
that whatever object the enemy has put into the body of the sick
man has there developed into a ghost to trouble him.

The directions are expressed in a rather vague manner, as is the
case with most of A‘yfiini’s attempts at original composition. The
disease is here called by another name, agi‘li’ya unitla"gt'"l, signify-
ing ‘“‘when they are painfully sick.” The treatment consists in suck-
ing the part most affected, the doctor having in his mouth during
the operation the blossoms of Tsa'l-agaya’"li (Nicotiana rustica),
Kanasala (wild parsnip,) and Tsaliyusti Usdiga (Lobelia inflata. )
The first and last of these names signify ‘‘tobacco” and ‘‘ tobacco-
like,” while the other seems to contain the same word, tsa'la, and the
original idea may have been to counteract the witchcraft by the use
of the various species of ‘‘ tobacco,” the herb commonly used to drive
away a witch or wizard. During the sucking process four red beads
lie near upon a piece of (white) cloth, which afterward becomes the
perquisite of the doctor. Though not explicitly stated, it is proba-
ble that the doctor holds in his mouth a decoction of the blossoms
named, rather than the blossoms themselves. On withdrawing his
mouth from the spot and ejecting the liquid into a bowl, it is expected
that there will be found ‘‘ mixed” with it a small stick, a pebble, an
insect, or something of the kind, and this the shaman then holds up
to view as the cause of thedisease. Itis afterward buried a ‘“‘hand’s
length” (awa’hilfi)' deep in the mud. No directions were given as
to diet or tabu. ,

HUNTING.
GUNA/HILU"TA UGU®WA‘LI.

Unalleli’ eskiska'l‘tast’. Iskwa’leli eskiska'l‘tasi’. Yt! Ela-Ka-
na'ti tsilda‘histti, tsiwatsila asta" detsatasi’ga. Ts’skwa'li uda’
nisi ‘testi, ugwala’ga udu'yahetidege’stl. Suntisi’ya-gwa udanisi’*-
testi, ts’su'lti-gwt nige’sa"na.

Hikaya"li Gi'gage-gagi’, tsine'tsI gest" aw’stitege’sti. Tsdstw
utatiy?, na’'gwa tsds‘ti gasi‘hisa‘ti atisge'sti. Ha-na'gwa nt"na
tsusdi’ tutana’wa-tegt’ digana’watt'ta atisge'sti. Utali’ udant’hi
ugwala'ga gi"watuyahititege’sti, hilahiyi'"ta-gwt “ustt ‘sti nige -
st'na. D’stiskwali deudi'nisa‘te’sti. Ya!

Translation.

CONCERNING HUNTING.

Give me the wind. Give me the breeze. Ya! O Great Terrestrial Hunter, I
come to the edge of your spittle where you repose. Let your stomach cover itself;
let it be covered with leaves. Let it cover itself at a single bend, and may you
never be satisfied.

\'This word, like the expression ‘‘seven days,” frequently has a figurative mean-
ing. Thus the sun is said to be seven awa’hilfi above the earth.
7 ETH 24

370 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

And you, O Ancient Red, may you hover above my breast while I sleep. Now
let good (dreams?) develop; let my experiences be propitious. Ha! Now let my
little trails be directed, as they lie down in various directions(?). Let the leaves be
covered with the clotted blood, and may it never cease to be so. You two (the
Water and the Fire) shall bury it in your stomachs. Yd!

Explanation.

This is a hunting formula, addressed to the two great gods of the
hunter, Fire and Water. The evening before starting the hunter
“goes to water,” as already explained, and recites the appropriate °
formula. In the morning he sets out, while still fasting, and travels
without eating or drinking until nightfall. At sunset he again goes
to water, reciting this formula during the ceremony, after which he
builds his camp fire, eats his supper and lies down for the night,
first rubbing his breast with ashes from the fire. In the morning he
starts out to look for game.

“Give me the wind,” isa prayer that the wind may be in his favor,
so that the game may not scent him. The word rendered here
‘Great Terrestrial Hunter,” is in the original ‘‘ Kla-Kana'ti.” In this
ela is the earth and kana'ti is a term applied to a successful hunter.
The great Kanati, who, according to the myth, formerly kept all
the game shut up in his underground caverns, now dwells above the
sky, and is freqently invoked by hunters. The raven also is often ad-
dressed as Kanati in these hunting formulas. Ela-Kana'ti, the Great
Terrestrial Hunter—as distinguished from the other two—signifies
the river, the name referring to the way in which the tiny streams
and rivulets search out and bring down to the great river the leaves
and débris of the mountain forests. In formulas for medicine, love,
the ball play, etc., the river is always addressed as the Long Person
(Ya"wi Gtnahi'ta). The ‘‘spittle” referred to is the foam at the
edge of the water. ‘‘Let your stomach be covered with leaves”
means, let the blood-stained leaves where the stricken game shall
fall be so numerous as to cover the surface of the water. The hunter
prays also that sufficient game may be found in a single bend of the
river to accomplish this result without the necessity of searching
through the whole forest, and to that end he further prays that
the river may never be satisfied, but continually longing for more.
The same idea is repeated in the second paragraph. The hunter is
supposed to feed the river with blood washed from the game. In
like manner he feeds the fire, addressed in the second paragraph as
the “ Ancient Red,” with a piece of meat cut from the tongue of the
deer. The prayer that the fire may hover above his breast while he
sleeps and brings him favorable dreams, refers to his rubbing his
breast with ashes from his camp fire before lying down to sleep, in
order that the fire may bring him dream omens of success for the
morrow. The Fire is addressed either as the Ancient White or the

MOONEY. ] FORMULA FOR HUNTING. ot

Ancient Red, the allusion in the first case being to the light or the
ashes of the fire; in the other case, tothe color of the burning coals.
“You two shall bury it in your stomachs” refers to the blood-
stained leaves and the piece of meat which are cast respectively into
the river and the fire. The formula was obtained from A‘ya"ini,

who explained it in detail.
HIA’ TSVSKWA GANAHILIDASTY-YI.

Tsigé’! Hikayt'"l-Une’ga, tstlta’histi™ gilita’histani’ga. Na’gwa
’ tsida/nta talehi’sani'ga. Sa’gwa igtnsi’ya ts’skwali’ udt’nisate’sti,
ts’su'lti nige’si™na. Wane'(1) tigi’gage(1) tali/kanéli’ga. °tali uda-
nthi tsigista’ ‘ti.

Hikayt"l-Une'ga, anwya wwdtatd'gi agi'sti tdtsiskd'ltanelihi.
Vatali u'dant’ te'tilskew’si'ga.

Hikayt’"l-Une'ga, nti"na/(hi) kana'ti skwateta'stani’ga. Unigwa-
lagi te’gati"tsi’ga. Na na’(hi) kana’'ti tati’ kiya™gwita watise’sti.
Unigwalt'"ei tigi “watt'tsant’hi.

Hikayt'"l-Une’ga, Kana'ti, sk’salata'titege'sti, sa‘ka’ni ginu’t’ti
nige’si"na. Sgé!

Translation.

THIS IS FOR HUNTING BIRDS.

Listen! O Ancient White, where you dwell in peace I have come to rest. Now
let your spirit arise. Let it (the game brought down) be buried in your stomach,
and may your appetite never be satisfied. The red hickories have tied themselves
together. The clotted blood is your recompense.

O Ancient White, * * * Accept the clotted blood (?)

O Ancient White, put me in the successful hunting trail. Hang the mangled
things upon me. Let me come along the successful trail with them doubled up
(under my belt). It (the road) is clothed with the mangled things.

O Ancient White, O Kanati, support me continually, that I may never become
blue. Listen !

Explanation.

This formula, from A‘yf"ini’s manuscript, is recited by the bird-
hunter in the morning while standing over the fire at his hunting
camp before starting out for the day’s hunt. A‘ytini stated that
seven blowgun arrows are first prepared, including a small one only
a ‘“‘hand-length” (awa‘hili) long. On rising in the morning the
hunter, standing over the fire, addresses it as the ‘‘ Ancient White.”
rubbing his hands together while repeating the prayer. He then
sets out for the hunting ground, where he expects to spend the day,
and on reaching it he shoots away the short arrow at random, with-
out attempting to trace its flight. There is of course some signifi-
cance attached to this action and perhaps an accompanying prayer,
but no further information upon this point was obtainable. Hav-
ing shot away the magic arrow, the hunter utters a peculiar hissing

or SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES,

sound, intended to call up the birds, and then goes to work with his
remaining arrows. On all hunting expeditions it is the regular prac-
tice, reigiously enforced, to abstain from food until sunset.

A favorite method with the bird-hunter during the summer sea-
son is to climb a gum tree, which is much frequented by the smaller
birds on account of its berries, where, taking up a convenient posi-
tion amid the branches with his noiseless blowgun and arrows, he
deliberately shoots down one bird after another until his shafts are
exhausted, when he climbs down, draws out the arrows from the
bodies of the birds killed, and climbs up again to repeat the opera- -
tion. <As the light darts used make no sound, the birds seldom
take the alarm, and are too busily engaged with the berries to notice
their comrades dropping to the ground from time to time, and pay
but slight attention even to the movements of the hunter.

The prayer is addressed to the Ancient White (the Fire), the spirit
most frequently invoked by the hunter, who, as before stated, rubs
his hands together over the fire while repeating the words. The ex-
pressions used are obscure when taken alone, but are full of meaning
when explained in the light of the hunting customs. The “clotted
blood” refers to the bloodstained leaves upon which the fallen game
has lain. The expression occurs constantly in the hunting formulas.
The hunter gathers up these bloody leaves and casts them upon the
fire, in order to draw omens for the morrow from the manner in
which they burn. A part of the tongue, or some other portion of
the animal, is usually cast upon the coals also for the same purpose.
This subject will be treated at length in a future account of the
hunting ceremonies.

‘* Let it be buried in your stomach ” refers also to the offering made
the fire. By the red hickories are meant the strings of hickory bark
which the bird hunter twists about his waist for a belt. The dead
birds are carried by inserting their heads under this belt. Red is,
of course, symbolic of his success. ‘‘ The mangled things” (unigwa-
la’"gi) are the wounded birds. Kana’tiis here used to designate the
fire, on account of its connection with the hunting ceremonies.

INAGE’HI AYASTI'YI.

Usinuli’yu Selagwt'tsi Gigage’l getsi/"neliga tsidandagi'hi aye‘li-
* 5 fo eto} e
yu, usinuliyu. Yu!
Translation.

TO SHOOT DWELLERS IN THE WILDERNESS.

Instantly the Red Selagwi'tsi strike you in the very center of your soul—in-
stantly. Ya!

MOONEY.] FORMULA FOR HUNTING. 373
Explanation.

This short formula, obtained from A‘wani'ta, is recited by the
hunter while taking aim. The bowstring is let go—or, rather, the
trigger is pulled—at the final Yai! He was unable to explain the
meaning of the word selagwit'tsi further than that it referred-to the
bullet. Later investigation, however, revealed the fact that this
is the Cherokee name of a reed of the genus Hrianthus, and the in-
ference follows that the stalk of the plant was formerly used for
arrow shafts. Red imples that the arrow is always successful in
reaching the mark aimed at, and in this instance may refer also to
its being bloody when withdrawn from the body of the animal.
Inagé’hi, ‘‘dwellers in the wilderness,” is the generic term for game,
including birds, but A‘wani'ta has another formula intended espe-
cially for deer.

(YA/NA TI/KANAGI'TA.)

He+! Hayuya/haniwi’. hayuya’haniwi’, hayuya’haniwi’, hayu-
ya haniwit’.

Tsistuyi’ nehandu'yant, Tsistuyi’ nehandu’yant—Yoho'+!

He+! Hayuya/haniwit’, hayuya’haniwi’, hayuya’haniwa’, hayu-
ya haniwit’.

Kuwahi’ nehandu yant’, Kuwahi’ nehandu'yani—Yoho'+!

He+! Hayuya’‘haniwi’, hayuya/‘haniwa&’, hayuya’haniwa’, hayu-
ya haniwiv’.

Uya‘ye’ nehandu’yant’, Uya‘ye’ nehandu'yant’— Yoho'+!

He+! Hayuya’‘haniwit’, hayuya/haniwa’, hayuya'haniwi’, hayu-
ya haniwa’.

Gatekwa'(hi) nehandu’yant’, Gatekwa'(hi) nehandu’yant’—
Yoho'+!

Ole-‘ni’ aschi’ tadeya’'statakthi’ gi’"nage astt’tstk’.

Translation.
BEAR SONG.

He! Hayuya‘haniwa’, hayuya’haniwa’, hayuya’haniwa’, hayuya/haniwa’.
In Rabbit Place you were conceived (repeat)— Yoho'-+-!
He! Hayuyahaniwa’, hayuya haniwa’, hayuya haniwa, hayuya haniwa’.
In Mulberry Place you were conceived (repeat)— Yoho +!
He! Hayuya’haniwa’, hayuya haniwa’, hayuya‘haniwa’, hayuya’haniwa’.
In Uya'‘yé you were conceived (repeat)— Yoho’ +!
He! Hayuya’haniwa’, hayuya haniwa’, hayuya’haniwa’, hayuya haniwa’.
In the Great Swamp (?) you were conceived (repeat)—Yoho ++! ;
And now surely we and the good black things, the best of all, shall see each other.

374 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE, CHEROKEES,
Explanation.

This song, obtained from A‘ytini in connection with the story of
the Origin of the Bear, as already mentioned, is sung by the bear
hunter, in order to attract the bears, while on his way from the
camp to the place where he expects to hunt during the day. It is
one of those taught the Cherokees by the Ani-Tsa’kahi before they
lost their human shape and were transformed into bears. The
melody is simple and plaintive.

The song consists of four verses followed by a short recitation.
Each verse begins with a loud prolonged He+! and ends with
Yoho'+! uttered in the same manner. Hayuya/haniwi’ has no mean-
ing. Tsistu’yi, Kuwa’hi, Uya’‘yé, and Gate’kwahi are four mountains,
in each of which the bears have a townhouse and hold a dance before
going into their dens for the winter. The first three named are high
peaks in the Smoky Mountains, on the Tennessee line, in the neigh-
borhood of Clingman’s Dome and Mount Guyot. The fourth is
southeast of Franklin, North Carolina, toward the South Carolina
line, and may be identical with Fodderstack Mountain. In Kuwahi
dwells the great bear chief and doctor, in whose magic bath the
wounded bears are restored to health. They are said to originate or
be conceived in the mountains named, because these are their head-
quarters. The ‘good black things” referred to in the recitation are
the bears. : : ; ;

HIA’ ATSU‘TY Yi TSUN’/TANU.

Sgé! Na’ewa hitsatigani’ga hitsiga’tugi. Titsila’wist’™hi
“waegi' ‘li tege'tsits‘gt'‘lawisti’. Tsuli’stana’li t16’ waktai, agi'sti
une’‘ka itst’/"yataniltistani’ga. Gdt"watuhwitt’ ni na’ hi degtindal-
tsi/dahe’sti. “Wa’‘hisa’nahi tigiwatsila. Tutsegt’‘awisti'tege’stl.
Utali’ degi"watanthi, uhisa’‘ti nige’st"na. Tsuwatsi’la dadal‘tsi’ga.
A‘yt A‘ytini tigwadaiita. Ya!

Translation.

THIS IS FOR CATCHING LARGE FISH,

Listen! Now you settlements have drawn near to hearken. Where you have
gathered in the foam you are moving about as one. You Blue Cat and the others,
T have come to offer you freely the white food. Let the paths from every direction
recognize each other. Our spittle shall be in agreement. Let them (your and my
spittle) be together as we go about. They (the fish) have become a prey and there
shall be no loneliness. Your spittle has become agreeable. I am called Swimmer.
Yu!

Explanation.

This formula, from A‘yfini's’ book, is for the purpose of catching
large fish. According to his instructions, the fisherman must first
chew asmall piece of Yugwilt’ (Venus’ Flytrap—Dionzea muscipula)
and spit it upon the bait and also upon the hook. Then, standing

Mooney. ] FORMULA FOR LOVE CHARMS. Ba)

facing the stream, he recites the formula and puts the bait upon the
hook, He will be able to pull outa fish at once, or if the fish are
not about at the moment they will come in a very short time.

The Yugwilt’’ is put upon the bait from the idea that it will enable
the hook to attract and hold the fish as the plant itself seizes and
holds insects in its cup. The root is much prized by the Cherokees
for this purpose, and those in the West, where the plant is not found,
frequently send requests for it to their friends in Carolina,

The prayer is addressed directly to the fish, who are represented
as living in settlements. The same expression as has already been
mentioned is sometimes used by the doctors in speaking of the
tsgd’ya or worms which are supposed to cause sickness by getting
under the skin of the patient. The Blue Cat (Amiurus, genws) is
addressed as the principal fish andthe bait isspoken of as the “white
food,” an expression used also of the viands prepared at the feast of
the green corn dance, to indicate their wholesome character. ‘‘ Let
the paths from every direction recognize each other,” means let the
fishes, which are suppesed to have regular trails through the water,
assemble together at the place where the speaker takes his station,
as friends recognizing each other at a distance approach to greet
each other, “Wahisa’nahi tigiwatsi la, rendered ‘* our spittle shall be
in agreement,” is a peculiar archaic expression that can not be liter-
ally translated. It implies that there shall be such close sympathy
between the fisher and the fish that their spittle shall be as the spittle
of oneindividual. As before stated, the spittle is believed to exert an
important influence upon the whole physical and mental being. The
expression ‘‘your spittle has become agreeable” is explained by
A‘yfini as an assertion or wish that the fish may prove palatable,
while the words rendered ‘‘there shall be no loneliness” imply that
there shall be an abundant catch.

LOVE.
(yt Wk’ AL UGO"WA‘LI 1.)

Ku! Set! Alahi'yi tstl‘da’/histi, Higé’‘ya tstl‘di’yt, hatti/™gani’-
ga, EHlahi'yi iya™ta ditsal‘da‘histt, Higé'‘ya Tstne’ga. Tsisa‘‘ti
nige’sa"na. Tsaduhi’yi. Na’gwa-skin’ usinuli’yu hi"skwane’‘la"gt’
tsisga'ya agine’ga. Agisa’‘ti nige’si"na. Nagwa nt'"na une’ga
ha'skwant"neli’ga. Uhisa'‘ti nige’si"na. Na’gwa skwade’tastani -
ga. Sa‘ka/ni u'tati nige’st"na. Naina une’ga skiksa’'‘t"taneli’ga.
Elaye“li iyita skwalewista'‘tani'ga EH lati gest" tsitage’sti. Agi-
sa‘ti nige'si"na. Agwé'duhi'yu. Kaltsa’te une'ga skiga' ‘tani ga.
Uhisa‘ti nige’st"na, gai"kwatsati'tege’stt. Tsi-sa‘ka’ni agwa'tati
nige’stna. Usinuli’'yu ha"skwane' ‘ligt’.

Ha-na'ewtlé Elahi'yi iya ta dahiyane’ lagi’ a‘gé‘ya sa‘ka’ni.
Na’gwa nfina’hi sa‘ka’ni hitane“laneli'ga. Uhisa’‘ti-gwa u’dant
dudusa’gi tanela’st. Na"na/hi sa‘ka‘ni tade'tastani’ga. Nagwilé’

376 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES,

ha"hiyatsa’t"taniga. E'lati gesi’™ tt’l‘taniga. Dedu'laski'"-gwai
igti’"wa‘lawi'sti uhi'sa‘ti’yi widaye'la‘ni’ga. Dedulaskt'"-gwt igt’®-
wa‘lawi'sti uhi’sa‘tiyi niti’"neli'ga. :

Ha-sagwahi'yu itsilasta‘lagi + + uwé’sahi'yu, etsane’‘laneli’ga.
Agisa‘ti nige’sti"na. Agwa/duhi. A’yai agwadanta’gi aye‘liyu
Vka‘lanili duda’nta, uktaht’"sti nige’si"na. Ya"wi tsu’tsatt"
widudante"ti nige’si"na, nitt'"neli’ga. Sa’gwahi itsilasta’lagi,
etsane’‘laneliga ktlkwa’gi-nast’ igtlsta’‘lt gegane‘lanti”.

Anisga’ya anewadi'si” unihisa‘ti’yi. Tsunada/neilti'yi. Di'la-
gwt degt'"winatsegt ‘lawi'sdidegt’. Ayda‘ise'ta-gwt u'dant. Tsu-
nada /neilti'yi. Utse'tsti-gwti degi™winatsegt'‘lawis'’didegt’. Tsu-.
nadaneilti’yi. Ka'ga-gwa degt’*wanatsegt‘awisdidegt’. Tsuna-
da/neilti'yi. Da'l‘ka-gwt degt'"wanatsegt ‘lawisdidegt’.

Kuilkwa’giigtlsta’lagi unihisa‘ti'yu. Ige'ski-gwtinige’si™na. Aya’-
ise'ta-gwa u'danti degi’*wainatstn‘ti-degt’. K’si-gwa degti'wa-
natstin‘ti-degt’. <A’yagagt’ tsisga’ya agine’ga f"gwane’‘lant’hi
+ + Nudagtyi iti'tsa ditsidaé’ga. Agisa’‘ti nige’si"na. Agwadu-
hiyu. Tsi-sa‘ka‘ni agwa'tati nige’si"na. Kiultsa’te une’ga f™ni'ta-
gag’ gikwatsa/nti-degt’. Agisi'‘ti nige’si™na. A’yfi agwadan-
ta'gi aye‘li'yu gulasi'ga tstda/nta, uktahasti nige’si"na, A’yd tsi’gi
tstida’nta 00. Sge!

Translation.
CONCERNING LIVING HUMANITY (LOVE).

Ka! Listen! In Alahi'yi you repose, O Terrible Woman, O you have drawn near.
to hearken. There in Elahiyi youare at rest,O White Woman. No one is ever
lonely when with you. You are most beautiful. Instantly and at once you have
rendered me a white man. No oneis ever lonely when with me. Now you have
made the path white forme. It shall never be dreary. Now you have put me into
it. It shall never become blue. You have brought down to me from above the
white road. There in mid-earth (mid-surface) you have placed me. I shall stand
erect upon the earth. No one is ever lonely when with me. Iam very handsome.
You have put me into the white house. I shall be in it as it moves about and no
one with me shall ever be lonely. Verily, I shall never become blue. Instantly
you have caused it to be so with me.

And now there in Elahiyi you have rendered the woman blue. Now you have
made the path blue for her. Let her be completely veiled in loneliness. Put her
into the blue road. And now bring her down. Place her standing upon the earth.
Where her feet are now and wherever she may go, let loneliness leave its mark
upon her. Let her be marked out for loneliness where she stands.

Ha! I belong to the (Wolf)( + -+ ) clan, that one alone which was allotted
into for you. No one is ever lonely with me. I am handsome. Let her put her
soul the very center of my soul, never to turn away. Grant that in the midst of
men she shall never think of them. I belong to the one clan alone which was
allotted for you when the seven clans were established.

Where (other) men live it is lonely. They are very loathsome. The common
polecat has made them so like himself that they are fit only for hiscompany. They
have became mere refuse. They are very loathsome. The common oppossum has
made them so like himself that they are fit only to be with him. They are very

MOONEY. ] FORMULA FOR LOVE CHARMS. BT

loathsome. Even the crow has made them so like himself that they are fit only
for his company. They are very loathsome. The miserable rain-crow has made
them so like himself that they are fit only to be with him.

The seven clans all alike make one feel very lonely in their company. They are
not even good looking. They go about clothed with mere refuse. They even go
about covered with dung. But I—I was ordained to be a white man. Istand with
my face toward the Sun Land. No one is ever lonely with me. I am very hand-
some. I shall certainly never become blue. Iam covered by the everlasting white
house wherever I go. No one is ever lonely with me. Your soul has come into
the very center of ny soul, never to turn away. I—(Gatigwanasti,) (0 0)—I take
your soul. Sge!

Explanation.

This unique formula is from one of the loose manuscript sheets
of Gatigwanasti, now dead, and belongs to the class known as
Ya" we'hi or love charms (literally, concerning ‘‘ living humanity”),
including all those referring in any way to the marital or sexual
relation. No explanation accompanies the formula, which must
therefore be interpreted from analogy. It appears to be recited by
the lover himself—not by a hired shaman—perhaps while painting
and adorning himself for the dance. (See next tivo formulas.)

The formula contains several obscure expressions which require
further investigation. Elahiyi or Alahiyi, for it is written both
‘ways in the manuscript, does not occur in any other formula met
with thus far, and could not be explained by any of the shamans to
whom it was submitted. The nominative form may be Elaht, per-
haps from ela, ‘‘the earth,” and it may be connected with Wa‘hilt,
the formulistic name for the south. The spirit invoked is the White
Woman, white being the color denoting the south.

Uhisa'‘ti, rendered here ‘* lonely,” is a very expressive word to
a Cherokee and is of constant recurrence in the love formulas.
It refers to that intangible something characteristic of certain per-
sons which inevitably chills and depresses the spirits of all who
may be so unfortunate as to come within its influence. Agisa’‘ti
nige’sti"na, ‘“‘I never render any one lonely,” is an intensified
equivalent for, ‘‘ lam the best company in the world,” and to tella
girl that a rival lover is uhisa’‘ti is to hold out to her the sum of all
dreary prospects should she cast in her lot with him.

The speaker, who evidently has an exalted opinion of himself,
invokes the aid of the White Woman, who is most beautiful and is
never uhisa'‘ti. Sheat once responds by making him a white—that
is, a happy—man, and placing him in the white road of happiness,
which shall never become blue with grief or despondency. She
then places him standing in the middle of the earth, that he may be
seen and admired: by the whole world, especially by the female
portion. She finally puts him into the white house, where happiness
abides forever. The verb implies that the house shelters him like a
cloak and goes about with him wherever he may- go.

378 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

There is something comical in the extreme self-complacency with
which he asserts that he is very handsome and will never become
blue and no one with him is ever lonely. As before stated, white
signifies peace and happiness, while blue is the emblem of sorrow
and disappointment.

Having thus rendered himself attractive to womankind, he turns
his attention to the girl whom he particularly desires to win. He
begins by filling her soul with a sense of desolation and _ loneli-
ness. In the beautiful language of the formula, her path becomes
blue and she is veiled in loneliness. He then asserts, and reiterates,
that he is of the one only clan which was allotted for her when
the seven clans were established.

He next pays his respects to his rivals and advances some very
forcible arguments to show that she could never be happy with any
of them. He says that they are all ‘‘ lonesome ” and utterly loath-
some—the word implies that they are mutually loathsome—and that
they are the veriest trash and refuse. He compares them to so many
polecats, oppossums, and crows, and finally likens them to the rain-
crow (cuckoo; Coccygus), which is regarded with disfavor on account
of its disagreeable note. He grows more bitter in his denunciations
as he proceeds and finally disposes of the matter by saying that
all the seven clans alike are uhisa’‘ti and are covered with filth.
Then follows another glowing panegyric of himself, closing with
the beautiful expression, ‘‘ your soul has come into the very center
of mine, never to turn away,” which reminds one forcibly of the
sentiment in the German love song, ‘‘ Du liegst mir im Herzen.”
The final expression, ‘“‘I take your soul,” implies that the formula
has now accomplished its purpose in fixing her thoughts upon iam
self.

When successful, a ceremony of this kind has the effect of render-
ing the victim so “blue” or lovesick that her life is in danger until
another formula is repeated to make her soul ‘‘ white” or happy
again. Where the name of the individual or clan is mentioned in
these formulas the blank is indicated inthe manuscript by crosses
+ + or ciphers 0 0 or by the word iyw'sti, ‘‘ like.”

HVA AMA’/YI A’/TAWASTI’YI KANA’HEHO.

Sgt! Ha-na’gwa usinuliyu hatti™gani’ga Higé'‘yagu'ga, tsiwa-
tsila gigage tsiyela skina'‘dt‘laniga. 0 0 digwadaiita. Sa‘ka’ni
thgwadtinelahi. Atsanfii™gi gi'gage skwast’hisa*tani’ga. + +
kalsti’lagi + sa‘ka’ni nu'tatanti’"ta. Ditu’ni"na’et dagwtlaskt'™-

wi deganu'y'tasi’ga. Gald/nf"tse'ta-gwi dagwadfine'lidise’stt.

MOONEY.] FORMULA FOR BATHING. 379
Translation.

THIS TELLS ABOUT GOING INTO THE WATER.

Listen ! O, now instantly, you have drawn near to hearken, O Agé‘yagu'ga. You
have come to put your red spittle upon my body. My name is (Gatigwanasti.)
The blue had affected me. You have come and clothed me with a red dress. She
is of the (Deer) clan. She has become blue. You have directed her paths straight
to where I have my feet, and I shall feel exultant. Listen !

Explanation.

This formula, from Gatigwanasti’s book, is also of the Ya"wé’hi
class, and is repeated by the lover when about to bathe in the stream
preparatory to painting himself for the dance. The services of a
shaman are not required, neither is any special ceremony observed.
The technical word used in the heading, 4'tawasti’yi, signifies
plunging or going entirely into a liquid. The expression used for the
ordinary “‘ going to water,” where the water is simply dipped up with
the hand, is 4ma’yi dita‘ti'yi, ‘“‘taking them to water.”

The prayer is addressed to Agé‘*yaguga, a formulistic name for
the moon, which is supposed to exert a great influence in love affairs,
because the dances, which give such opportunities for love making,
always take place at night. The shamans can not explain the mean-
ing of the term, which plainly contains the word agé'*ya, ‘* woman,”
and may refer to the moon’s supposed influence over women. In
Cherokee mythology the moon is a man. The ordinary name is
nu"da, or more fully, ni'"da st™nayé’hi, “the sun living in the
night,” while the sun itself is designated as na'"da igé’hi, ‘‘ the sun
living in the day.”

By the red spittle of Agé‘yagu’ga and the red dress with which
the lover is clothed are meant the red paint which he puts upon
himself. This in former days was procured from a deep red clay
known as ela-wa'ti, or ‘‘reddish brown clay.” The word red as used
in the formula is emblematic of success in attaining his object, be-
sides being the actual color of the paint. Red, in connection with
dress or ornamentation, has always been a favorite color with In-
dians throughout America, and there is some evidence that among
the Cherokees it was regarded also as having a mysterious protective
power. In all these formulas the lover renders the woman blue or
disconsolate and uneasy in mind as a preliminary to fixing her
thoughts upon himself. (See next formula.)

(YU" WHI UGU"WA‘LI 11.)

Ya" wehi, ya"wehi, ya"weéhi, ya" wehi.
Galtlati, datsila’1—Ya"wehi, ya'"wehi, ya'“wehi, ya’"wthi.
Nu'dagtyi gatla’‘ahi— Ya" wehi.

380 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

Gé‘yagu’ga Gi'gage, tstwatsi'la gi'gage tsiye'la skina/di‘lani’ga—
Ya" wehi, ya "wéhi, ya'"wthi.

Hia-‘nt’ ataweladi'yi kana‘héht gal"lti'tla.

Translation.
SONG FOR PAINTING.

Yu wehi, yu wehi, ya wehi, yd wehi.

Tam come from above—Yuwehi, yW™wehi, yW"wehi, yu wehi.

Tam come down from the Sun Land— Yi" wehi.

O Red Agé‘yagu’ga, you have come and put your red spittle upon my body—
Ya" wehi, yd *wehi, yd "wehi.

And this above is to recite while one is painting himself.
Explanation.

This formula, from Gatigwanasti, immediately follows the one
last given, in the manuscript book, and evidently comes immediately
after it alsoin practical use. The expressions used have been already
explained. The one using the formula first bathes in the running
stream, reciting at the same time the previous formula ‘‘Ama’yi
A'tawasti'yi.” He then repairs to some convenient spot with his
paint, beads, and other paraphernalia and proceeds to adorn himself
for the dance, which usually begins about an hour after dark, but is
not fairly under way until nearly midnight. The refrain, yi? wéhi,
is probably sung while mixing the paint, and the other portion is
recited while applying the pigment, or vice versa. Although these
formula are still in use, the painting is now obsolete, beyond an
occasional daubing of the face, without any plan or pattern, on the
occasion of a dance or ball play.

ADALANI/STA‘TVYI. I.

Sg@! Ha-na’ewa hatt’"gani’ga nihi’—
—Tsa’ watsi 10 tsiki’ tsiki’ ayt’.
-—Hiyelt’ tstki’ tsikt’' ayt’.
—Tsawiyt’ tstki’ tstkt’ aya’.
—Tstnahw’ tsiki’ tsikt’ ayt’.

Sgt! Na’ewa hatigani’ga, Hikayi™lige. . Hid’ asga’ya uda'nta
tsa‘ta’hisi’ga [Hikayt'"lige] hiye’lastt™. Tsasktla’histi-gwt’ nige’-
st'na. Dikana’watt'"ta-gwt tsitt’neli’ga. Hilti dudante’ti nige’-
sta. Duda‘nta dtiskali"’tseli’ga. Asti’ digi’"nage tagu’tala"tani'ga.

Translation.
TO ATTRACT AND FIX THE AFFECTIONS.

Listen! O, now you have drawn near to hearken—
—Your spittle, I take it, I eat it. |
—Your body, I take it, I eat it,
—Your flesh, I take it, I eat it,
—Your heart, I take it, I eat it.

} Each sung four times.

MOONEY. ] _ FORMULA FOR LOVERS. 381

Listen! O, now you have drawn near to hearken, O, Ancient One. This man’s
(woman’s) soul has come to rest at the edge of your body. You are never to let go
your hold upon it. It is ordained that you shall do just as you are requested to do.
Let her never think upon any other place. Her soul has faded within her. She is
bound by the black threads.

Explanation.

This formula is said by the young husband, who has just married
an especially engaging wife, who is liable to be attracted by other
men. The same formula may also be used by the woman to fix her
husband’s affections. On the first night that they are together the
husband watches until his wife is asleep, when, sitting up by her
side, he recites the first words: Sgé! Ha-na’gwa hati’"gani’ga nih7’,
and then sings the next four words: Tsawatsi'lt tsiki’ tsikt’ ayt’,
“Your spittle, I take it, I eat it,” repeating the words four times.
While singing he moistens his fingers with spittle, which he rubs
upon the breast of the woman. The next night he repeats the oper-
ation, this time singing the words, ‘‘I take your body.” The third
night, in the same way, he sings, ‘‘I take your flesh,” and the fourth
and last night,he sings “I take your heart,” after which he repeats
the prayer addressed to the Ancient One, by which is probably
meant the Fire (the Ancient White). A‘yf'"ini states that the final
sentences should be masculine, i. e., His soul has faded, etc., and
refer to any would-be seducer. There is no gender distinction in the
third person in Cherokee. He claimed that this ceremony was so
effective that no husband need have any fears for his wife after per-
forming it.

ADAYE/LIGA/GTA‘TI’.

Ya! Galtlati tsal‘da’histi, Giya’giya’ Sa‘ka/ni, naé’gwa nt"talt”
3

i'yai™ta. Tsala Sa‘ka’ni tsigista’ti ada"ni’ga. Na’gwa nidatsu'1‘-

tanita, natatagi’ hisa’hasi’ga. Tani’dagfi” aye'‘li dehida'siga.
? to} fo)
Unada‘nda dehiya’staneli’ga. Nidugale’ntanti"ta nidiht"neli’ga.

fo)

Tsisga’ya agine’ga, ni"dagi'yi ditsida’‘sti. Gi/ni asta’ uhisa’“ti

nige’stina. Agé’‘ya une’ga hi/é iyu'sti gilstt'‘li, iyu'sti tsida’ita.

Uda‘nda usinu'li dadatinili’gi"eli’, Natdagi™yitsh’ dadatinilugt-

staneli. Tsisga’ya agine’ga, ditsidast@’1 nfi‘nt’ kana'tlani’ga.
Tsfinkta’ tegi‘la'watege’sti. Tsiye'li® gesti'"i uhisa’‘ti nige’st"na.

Translation.
FOR SEPARATION (OF LOVERS).

Yt! On high you repose, O Blue Hawk, there at the far distant lake. The blue
tobacco has come to be your recompense. Now you have arisen at once and come
down. You have alighted midway between them where they twoare standing.
You have spoiled their souls immediately. They have atonce become separated.

Iam a white man; I stand at the sunrise. The good sperm shall never allow
any feeling of loneliness. This white woman is of the Paint (iyusti) clan; she is

382 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

called (iyusti) Wayi’. We shall instantly turn her soul over. We shall turn it over
as we go toward the Sun Land. I am a white man. Here where I stand it (her
soul) has attached itself to (literally. ‘‘come against”) mine. Let her eyes in their
sockets be forever watching (for me). There is no loneliness where my body is.

Eaplanation.

This formula, from A‘yaiini’s book, is used to separate two lovers
or even a husband and wife, if the jealous rival so desires. In the
latter case the preceding formula, from the same source, would be
used to forestall this spell. No explanation of the ceremony is
given, but the reference to tobacco may indicate that tobacco is
smoked or thrown into the fire during the recitation. The particu-
lar hawk invoked (giya’giya’) is a large species found in the coast
region but seldom met with in the mountains. Blue indicates that
it brings trouble with it, while white in the second paragraph indi-
cates that the man is happy and attractive in manner.

In the first part of the formula the speaker calls upon the Blue
Hawk to separate the lovers and spoil their souls, ¢. e., change their
feeling toward each other. In the second paragraph he endeavors
to attract the attention of the woman by eulogizing himself. The
expression, ‘‘we shall turn her soul over,” seems here to refer to
turning her affections, but as generally used, to turn one’s soul is
equivalent to killing him.

(ADALANI/STA‘TI’YTI II.)

Ya! Ha-na’gwa ada/nti datsasi’ga, * * hila(sta’‘li), (* *) ditsa-
(data). A’yi 0 0 tsila(st’‘lt). Hiye'la tsiki’ tsika’. (Y0!)

Ya! Ha-nagwa ada/nti datsasi’ga, * * hili(stt'‘li), * * ditsa-
(da'ita). A’yai 0 0 tsiwi'ya tsiki’ tsika’. Ya!

Yq! Ha-na’gwa ada/nti datsdsi'ga. * * hila(stt'‘li) * * ditsa-
(d@ita). A’yu 0 0 tsfiwatsi’la tsiki’ tsika’ a’ya. Ya!

Ya! Ha-na’/gwa ada nti datsasi’ga. * * hila(sta’‘li), * * ditsada’-
(ita). A’ya 0 0 tstnaht’ tstki’ tsikt’. Ya!

Sgé! ‘‘Ha-na’gwa ada/nti dutsase’, tsugale’nti nige’st'"na,” tsada-
nei, Hikayfi"lige galt’lati. Kanané’ski U'nage galtlati (h)et-
satsa’i"tainile't. Tsinilta’gi tstiksa’i"tanilel. * * gitla(sta’li),
* * ditsada’(ita). Dudanta’gi uhanilata tikwenttani’ga. Kdl-
kwa’gi igtlsta/lagi iya'™ta ya™wi adaytlatawa’ dudtne'lida’la"
uhisa' ‘ti nige’st"na.

Sgt! Ha-na’gwati uhisa'‘ti dutla’™tani’ga. Tst’nkta daska‘l0"-
tsiga. Sa’gwahi dikta de’gayelt"tsi'ga. Ga'tsa igint/nugaistu
uda’nta? Ustv’hita nudant’na alta*ge'ta gi"wadtinelidege’stt.
Igi"wilsta'‘ti-gwt duwalu’wa‘ti"ti nige’si"na. Kanané'ski U"nage'l
tsanildew’se’sti ada’nta ukta"lesi'dasti nige’stina. Gadayu'sti tst-
da'ita ada’nti tside’atsasi’'ga. A’ya a’kwatseli’ga.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM

MOONEY.] _TO FIX THE AFFECTIONS. 353

Sgt! Ha-na’ewalé’ hihatiga’ga, Hikayali Gi'gage. Tsetstli'st
hiyelastt” a‘ta/hisi’ga. Ada’nta hast‘gi’‘lawi'stani’ga, tsa’skalahistt
nige’st'na. Hikaytilige denitsegi‘la'wistani'ga. Agé’‘ya ginst”-
gt‘lawis tani’ gauda'nta wwahisi'sata. Diginasktla’histi nige’st*na.
Yu!

Hidnasewti u‘tla’yi-gwt digali’wistan ti snt"a’yi hani‘liht" gtn-
asgi'sti. Gane'tsi aye’‘li asi'tadis'ti watsila, gant"liyeti aguwaye ni
andisga'l. Sai'yi tsika’nahe itsulaha’gwt.

Translation.
TO FIX THE APFECTIONS.

Yu! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer (x x) clan.
Your name is (x x) Aydsta, Iam of the Wolf (0-0) clan. Your body, I take it, I
eat it. Ya! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan.
Your name is Aydsta. Iam of the Wolf clan. Your flesh I take, Teat. Ya!

Ya! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan. Your
name is Ayasta. Iam of the Wolf clan. Your spittle I take, Teat. I! Yu!

Yi! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan. Your
name is Aydsta. Iam of the Wolf clan. Your heart I take, Teat. Yu!

Listen! ‘‘Ha! Now the souls have met, never to part,” you have said, O Ancient
One above. O Black Spider, you have been brought down from on high. You have
let down your web. She is of the Deer clan; her name is Ayasta. Her soul you
have wrapped up in (your) web. There where the people of the seven clans are
continually coming in sight and again disappearing (i. e. moving about, coming
and going), there was never any feeling of loneliness.

Listen! Ha! But now you havé covered her over with loneliness. Her eyes have
faded. Her eyes have come to fasten themselves on one alone. Whither can her
soul escape? Let her be sorrrowing as she goes along, and not for one night alone,
Let her become an aimless wanderer, whose trail may never be followed. O Black
Spider, may you hold her soul in your web so that it shall never get through the
meshes. What is the name of the soul? They two have come together. It ismine!

Listen! Ha! And now you have hearkened, O Ancient Red. Your grandchildren
have come to the edge of your body. You hold them yet more firmly in your
grasp, never to let go your hold. O Ancient One, we have become as one. The
woman has put her (x X X) soul into our hands. We shall never let it go! Ya!

(Directions.)—And this also is for just the same purpose (the preceding formula.
in the manuscript book is also a love charm). It must be done by stealth at night
when they are asleep. One must put the hand on the middle of the breast and rub
on spittle with the hand, they say. The other formula is equally good.

EHxplanation.

This formula to fix the affections of a young wife is taken from
the manuscript sheets of the late Gatigwanasti. It very much re-
sembles the other formula for the same purpose, obtained from
A‘yti'ini, and the brief directions show that the ceremony is alike in
both. The first four paragraphs are probably sung, as in the other
formula, on four successive nights, and, as explained in the direc-
tions and as stated verbally by A‘ytint, this must be done stealthily
at night while the woman is asleep, the husband rubbing his spittle

384 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

on her breast with his hand while chanting the song in a low tone,
hardly above a whisper. The prayer to the Ancient One, or Ancient
Red (Fire), in both formulas, and the expression, ‘‘I come to the
edge of your body,” indicate that the hands are first warmed over
the fire, in accordance with the general practice when laying on the
hands. The prayer to the Black Spider is a beautiful specimen of
poetic imagery, and hardly requires an explanation. The final par-
agraph indicates the suécessful accomplishment of his purpose.
“Your grandchildren” (tsetstili'st) is an expression frequently used
in addressing the more important deities.

MISCELLANEOUS FORMULAS.
sONA/YI EDA’HI E’YSGA ASTOTIyi.

Se@! Uhyt"tsa’yi gala"lti’tla tsilta’histi, Hisgaya Gigage’l, usinu li
di'tsakaini’ denatlti"hi'sani’ga Uy-igawa’sti duda‘nti. Nua"na’hi tatu-
na wati, Usinu'li duda’/nta dani'yt'stanili’.

Sgé! Uhyatla’yi gala"lti'tla tstlta’histi, Hisga’ya Té’halu, hinaw’-
si°’ki. Ha-usinu'li na’gwa di'tsaktini’ denatli"hisani’ga wy-iga-
wa'sti duda/nti. Na'na’hi tituna’witi. Usinu'li duda’nta dani’ga-
listant’.

Translation.

TO SHORTEN A NIGHT-GOER ON THIS SIDE.

Listen! In the Frigid Land above you repose, O Red Man, quickly we two have
prepared your arrows for the soul of the Imprecator. He has them lying along the™
path. Quickly we two will take his soul as we go along.

Listen! In the Frigid Land above you repose,O Purple Man, * * * *. Ha!
Quickly now we two have prepared your arrows for the soul of the Imprecator.
He has them lying along the path. Quickly we two will cut his soul in two.

Haplanation.

This formula, from A‘yft"inis’ book, is for the purpose of driving
away a witch from the house of a sick person, and opens up a most
interesting chapter of Cherokee beliefs. The witch is supposed to
go about chiefly under cover of darkness, and hence is called si"na’yi
eda’hi, ‘‘the night goer.” This is the term in common use; but
there are a number of formulistic expressions to designate a witch,
one of which, u'ya igawa’sti, occurs in the body of the formula and
may be rendered ‘‘the imprecator,” i. e., the sayer of evil things or
curses. As the counteracting of a deadly spell always results in the
death of its author, the formula is stated to be not merely to drive
away the wizard, but to kill him, or, according to the formulistic
expression, “‘to shorten him (his life) on this side.”

When it becomes known that a man is dangerously sick the witches
from far and near gather invisibly about his house after nightfall
to worry him and even force their way in to his bedside unless pre-

MOONEY.] TO KILL A WITCH. 385

vented by the presence of a more powerful shaman within the house.
They annoy the sick man and thus hasten his death by stamping
upon the roof and beating upon the sides of the house; and if they
can manage to get inside they raise up the dying sufferer from the
bed and let him fall again or even drag him out upon the floor. The
object of the witch in doing this is to prolong his term of years by
adding to his own life as much as he can take from that of the sick
man. Thus it is that a witch who is successful in these practices
lives to be very old. Without going into extended details, it may
be sufficient to state that the one most dreaded, alike by the friends
of the sick man and by the lesser witches, is the Ka’lana-ayeli’'ski or
Raven Mocker, so called because he flies through the air at night in
a shape of fire, uttering sounds like the harsh croak of a raven.

The formula here given is short and simple as compared with some
others. There is evidently a mistake in regard to the Red Man, who
is here placed in the north, instead of in the east, as it should be.
The reference to the arrows will be explained further on. Purple,
mentioned in the second paragraph, has nearly the same symbolic
meaning as blue, viz: Trouble, vexation and defeat; hence the Pur-
ple Man is called upon to frustrate the designs of the witch.

To drive away the witch the shaman first prepares four sharpened
sticks, which he drives down into the ground outside the house at
each of the four corners, leaving the pointed ends projecting up-
ward and outward. Then, about noontime he gets ready the Tsal-
agayt/"li or ‘‘ Old Tobacco” (Nicotiana rustica), with which he fills
his pipe, repeating this formula during the operation, after which
he wraps the pipe thus filled in a black cloth. This sacred
tobacco is smoked only for this purpose. He then goes out into the
forest, and returns just before dark, about which time the witch may
be expected to put in an appearance. Lighting his pipe, he goes
slowly around the house, puffing the smoke in the direction of every
trail by which the witch might be able to approach, and probably
repeating the same or another formula the while. He then goes
into the house and awaits results. When the witch approaches
under cover of the darkness, whether in his own proper shape or in
the form of some animal, the sharpened stick on that side of the
house shoots up into the air and comes down like an arrow upon his
head, inflicting such a wound as proves fatal within seven days.
This explains the words of the formula, ‘‘We have prepared your
arrows for the soul of the Imprecator. He has them lying along the
path”. A*‘yf’"ini said nothing about the use of the sharpened sticks
in this connection, mentioning only the tobacco, but the ceremony,
as here described, is the one ordinarily used. When wounded the
witch utters a groan which is heard by those listening inside the
house, even at the distance of half a mile. No one knows certainly

7 ETH 25

386 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES,

who the witch is until a day or two afterward, when some old man
or woman, perhaps in a remote settlement, is suddenly seized with a
mysterious illness and before seven days elapse is dead.

GAHU’STI A’/GIYAHU/SA.

Sg! Ha-na’gwa hati'"gani’ga Naya Watige'l, gahu'sti tsfits-
ka'di nige’si"na. Ha-na’gwadtigihya’l. Agiyahu’sa si/kwa, ha-
ga’ tst"-nt’ iytta datsi’waktt'hi. Tla-‘ke' a’ya a‘kwatseli’ga. 00
digwadai ta.

Translation.
I HAVE LOST SOMETHING.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Brown Rock; you never
lie about anything. Ha! Now I am about to seek for it. Ihave lost a hog and
now tell me about where I shall find it. For is it not mine? My name is .

Eaplanation.

This formula, for finding anything lost, is so simple as to need
but little explanation. Brown in this instance has probably no
mythologic significance, but refers to the color of the stone used
in the ceremony. This is a small rounded water-worn pebble, in
substance resembling quartz and of a reddish-brown color. It is
suspended by a string held between the thumb and finger of the
shaman, who is guided in his search by the swinging of the pebble,
which, according to their theory, will swing farther in the direction
of the lost article than in the contrary direction! The shaman, who
is always fasting, repeats the formula, while closely watching the
the motions of the swinging pebble. He usually begins early in the
morning, making the first trial at the house of the owner of the lost
article. After noting the general direction toward which it seems
to lean he goes a considerable distance in that direction, perhaps half
a mile or more, and makes a second trial. This time the pebble may
swing off at an angle in another direction. He follows up in the
direction indicated for perhaps another half mile, when on a third
trial the stone may veer around toward the starting point, and a
fourth attempt may complete the circuit. Having thus arrived at
the conclusion that the missing article is somewhere within a certain
circumscribed area, he advances to the center of this space and marks
out upon the ground a small circle inclosing a cross with arms point-
ing toward the four cardinal points. Holding the stone over the
center of the cross he again repeats the formula and notes the direc-
tion in which the pebble swings. This is the final trial and he now
goes slowly and carefully over the whole surface in that direction,
between the center of the circle and the limit of the circumscribed
area until in theory, at least, the article is found. Should he fail,
he is never at a loss for excuses, but the specialists in this line are

MOONEY.] TO PREVENT A STORM. 357

generally very shrewd guessers well versed in the doctrine of prob-
abilities.

There are many formulas for this purpose, some of them being
long and elaborate. When there:is reason to believe that the miss-
ing article has been stolen, the specialist first determins the clan or
settlement to which the thief belongs and afterward the name of the
individual. Straws, bread balls, and stones of various kinds are
used in the different formulas, the ceremony differing according to
the medium employed. The stones are generally pointed crystals
or antique arrowheads, and are suspended as already described, the
point being supposed to turn finally in the direction of the missing
object. Several of these stones have been obtained on the reserva-
tion and are now deposited in the National Museum. It need excite
no surprise to find the hog mentioned in the formula, as this animal
has been domesticated among the Cherokees for more than acentury,
although most of them are strongly prejudiced against it.

HIA’ UNALE (ATESTI’YD).

Yuhahi’, yuhahi’, yuhahi’, yuhahi, yuhahi’,
Yuhahi’, yuhahi’, yuhahi’, yuhahi’, yuhahi—Yu!

Sgé! Ha-na’gwa hinahi"'ski tayi’. Ha-ta’sti-gwa gi®ska iht.
Tstitali‘i-gwati‘na halu‘ni. K@’nigwatina dula’ska galt'lati-gwa
witukti. Wigt"yasé’hisi. A'tali tsugiyi wite'tsatana’/"fs!’ ni"-
nahi tsane’lagi de’gatsana’wadise’sti. Ktnsti’ dutsasi’/! ati/wa-
stiite’hahi’ tsfitiineli’sesti. Sgé!

Translation.
THIS IS TO FRIGHTEN A STORM.

Yuhahi’, yuhahi’, yuhahi’, yuhahi’, yuhahi,
Yuhahi’, yuhahi’, yuhahi’, yuhahi’, yuhahi—Yd!

Listen! O now you are coming in rut. Ha! I am exceedingly afraid of you.
But yet you are only tracking your wife. Her footprints can be seen there directed
upward toward the heavens. I have pointed them out for you. Let your paths
stretch out along the tree tops (?) on the lofty mountains (and) you shall have them
(the paths) lying down without being disturbed, Let (your path) as you go along
be where the waving branches meet. Listen!

Heplanation.

This formula, from A‘yf"ini’s book, is for driving away, or
“frightening” a storm, which threatens to injure the growing corn.
The first part is a meaningless song, which is sung in a low tone in
the peculiar style of most of the sacred songs. The storm, which is
not directly named, is then addressed and declared to be coming on
in a fearful manner on the track of his wife, like an animal in the
rutting season. The shaman points out her tracks directed toward

388 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

the upper regions and begs the storm spirit to follow her along the
waving tree tops of the lofty mountains, where he shall be undis-
turbed.

The shaman stands facing the approaching storm with one hand
stretched out toward it. After repeating the song and prayer he
gently blows in the direction toward which he wishes it to go, way-
ing his hand in the same direction as though pushing away the
storm. <A partof the storm is usually sent into the upper regions of
the atmosphere. If standing at the edge of the field, he holds a
blade of corn in one hand while repeating the ceremony.

DANAWU! TSUNEDALUW’HI NUNATO/NELY’'TALU“HI U/NALSTELTA“TANU’HI.

Hay’! Ya! Sg! Na’gwa usinuli’yu A’tasu Gi'gage’l hinisa’lata-
ni’ga. Usinu'li duda/nta u’nanuga’tsidasti’ nige’st"na. Duda/nta
e‘lawini iyt'ta a’‘tasi digti"nagel degt"lskwi'tahise’sti, anetsage’ta
unanugadist! nige’si™na, nitint’"neli’ga. A’tasi’ dusa’ladanisti
nige’sti"na, nitini'neli’ga. E‘lawiniiyi "ta a'‘tast i'nage’ ugi” hata
fi'nage’ sigwa da‘liyé’/kt'lani'ga wnadutld’gi. Unanuga'tsida’sti
nige’st™na, nt"neli’ga.

Usinuli’yu tsunada/nta kil‘kwa’gine tigalt’'"Itiyta’"l iyata ada'nta
tega'yé‘titege’sti. Tsunada‘nta tsuligalt'sti nige’st"na dudtni'tege’sti.
Usinu li denitieli’ga gala’lati iya’ta widu l‘tahisti'tege’sti. A’tast
gigage’i déhatagi'"yastani’ga. Tsunada/nta tsudasti‘nilida’sti nige’-
st™na nt™neli’ga. Tsunada/nta galii™lati iyti™ta wité'‘titege’sti.
Tsunada’nta anigwalu ei une’ga gt" wa nadagt'"yastitege'sti. Sa‘ka’-
ni udtint/hi nige’st"na usinuliyu. Yt!

Translation.

WHAT THOSE WHO HAVE BEEN TO WAR DID TO HELP THEMSELVES.

Hayi’! Ya! Listen! Now instantly we have lifted up the red war club. Quickly
his soul shall be without motion. There under the earth, where the black war
clubs shall be moving about like ball sticks in the game, there his soul shall be,
never to reappear. We cause it to be so. He shall never go and lift up the war
club. We cause it tobe so. There under the earth the black war club (and) the
black fog have come together as one for their covering. It shall never move about
(i. e., the black fog shall never be lifted from them). We cause it to be so.

Instantly shall their souls be moving about there in the seventh heaven. Their
souls shall never break in two. So shall it be. Quickly we have moved them (their
souls) on high for them, where they shall be going about in peace. You (?) have
shielded yourselves (?) with the red war club, Their souls shall never be knocked
about. Cause it to be so. There on high their souls shall be going about. Let
them shield themselves with the white war whoop. Instantly (grant that) they
shall never become blue. Yt!

Haxplanation.
This formula, obtained from A‘wani'ta, may be repeated by the

doctor for as many as eight men at once when about to go to war.
It is recited for four consecutive nights, immediately before setting

MOONEY. | FORMULA USED BEFORE WAR, 389

out. There is no tabu enjoined and no beads are used, but the war-
riors *‘ go to water” in the regular way, that is, they stand at the
edge of the stream, facing the east and looking down upon the water,
while the shaman, standing behind them, repeats the formula. On
the fourth night the shaman gives to each mana small charmed root
which has the power to confer invulnerability. On the eve of bat-
tle the warrior after bathing in the running stream chews a portion
of this and spits the juice upon his body in order that the bullets of
the enemy may pass him by or slide off from his skin like drops of
water. Almost every man of the three hundred East Cherokees
who served in the rebellion had this ora similar ceremony performed
before setting out—many of them also consulting the oracular ult"-
st'ti stone at the same time—and it is but fair to state that not
more than two or three of the entire number were wounded in actual
battle.

In the formula the shaman identifies himself with the warriors,
asserting that ‘“‘ we” have lifted up the red war club, red being the
color symbolic of success and having no reference to blood, as might
be supposed from the connection. In the first paragraph he invokes
curses upon the enemy, the future tense verb J¢ shall be, etc., having
throughout the force of let it be. He puts the souls of the doomed
enemy in the lower regions, where the black war clubs are constantly
waving about, and envelops them in a black fog, which shall never
be lifted and out of which they shall never reappear. From the ex-
pression in the second paragraph, ‘‘their souls shall never be
knocked about,” the reference to the black war clubs moving about
like ball sticks in the game would seem to imply that they are con-
tinually buffeting the doomed souls under the earth. The spirit
land of the Cherokees is in the west, but in these formulas of male-
diction or blessing the soul of the doomed man is generally consigned
to the underground region, while that of the victor is raised by
antithesis to the seventh heaven.

Having disposed of the enemy, the shaman in the second para-
graph turns his attention to his friends and at once raises their souls
to the seventh heaven, where they shall go about in peace, shielded
by (literally, ‘‘ covered with”) the red war club of success, and never
to be knocked about by the blows of the enemy. ‘‘ Breaking the
soul in two” is equivalent to snapping the thread of life, the soul
being regarded as an intangible something having length, like a rod
or astring. This formula, like others written down by the same sha-
man, contains several evident inconsistencies both as to grammar
and mythology, due to the fact that A‘wanita is extremely careless
with regard to details and that this particular formula has probably
not been used for the last quarter of a century. The warriors are
also made to shield themselves with the white war whoop, which
should undoubtedly be the red war whoop, consistent with the red

390 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

war club, white being the color emblematic of peace, which is evi-
dently an incongruity. The war whoop is believed to have a posi-
tive magic power for the protection of the warrior, as well as for
terrifying the foe.

The mythologic significance of the different colors is well shown
in this formula. Red, symbolic of success, is the color of the war
club with which the warrior is to strike the enemy and also of the
other one with which he is to shield or ‘‘cover” himself. There
is no doubt that the war whoop also should be represented as red.
In conjuring with the beads for long life, for recovery from sickness,
or for success in love, the ball play, or any other undertaking, the red
beads represent the party for whose benefit the magic spell is
wrought, and he is figuratively clothed in red and made to stand
upon a red cloth or placed upon a red seat. The red spirits invoked
always live in the east and everything pertaining to them is of the
same color.

Black is always typical of death, and in this formula the soul of
the enemy is continually beaten about by black war clubs and en-
veloped in a black fog. In conjuring to destroy an enemy the sha-
man uses black beads and invokes the black spirits—which always
live in the west—bidding them tear out the man’s soul, carry it to
the west, and put it into the black coffin deep in the black mud,
with a black serpent coiled above it.

Blue is emblematic of failure, disappointment, or unsatisfied desire.
“They shall never become blue” means that they shall never fail
in anything they undertake. In love charms the lover figuratively
coyers himself with red and prays that his rival shall become entirely
blue and walk in a blue path. The formulistic expression, “* He is
entirely blue,” closely approximates in meaning the common English
phrase, ‘‘ He feels blue.” The blue spirits live in the north.

White—which occurs in this formula only by an evident error—
denotes peace and happiness. In ceremonial addresses, as at the
green corn dance and ball play, the people figuratively partake of
white food and after the dance or the game return along the white
trail to their white houses. In love charms the man, in order to
induce the woman to cast her lot with his, boasts ‘I am a white
man,” implying that all is happiness where he is. White beads have
the same meaning in the bead conjuring and white was the color
of the stone pipe anciently used in ratifying peace treaties. The
white spirits live in the south (Wa‘hala).

Two other colors, brown and yellow, are also mentioned in the
formulas. Watige’, ‘‘brown,” is the term used to include brown,
bay, dun, and similar colors, especially as applied to animals. It
seldom occurs in the formulas and its mythologic significance is as
yet undetermined. Yellow is of more frequent occurrence and is
typical of trouble and all manner of vexation, the yellow spirits

MOONEY.] FORMULA TO DESTROY LIFE. 391

being generally invoked when the shaman wishes to bring down ca-
lamities upon the head of his victim, without actually destroying
him. So far as present knowledge goes, neither brown nor yellow
can be assigned to any particular point of the compass.

Usinuli’yu, rendered ‘‘instantly,” is the intensive form of usin-
uli *‘ quickly,” both of which words recur constantly in the for-
mulas, in some entering into almost every sentence. This frequently
gives the translation an awkward appearance. Thus the final sen-
tence above, which means literally ‘‘ they shall never become blue
instantly,” signifies ‘*‘ Grant that they shall never become blue. i. e.,
shall never fail in their purpose, and grant our petition instantly.

DIDA’/LATLI’TI.

Sgt! Na’gwa tstdanta’gi tegi"yatawailateli’ga. Tyusti (0 0) tsila-
sta'‘li Lyu'sti (0 0) ditsada'ita. Tstwatsi'la elawi'ni tsida’histani'ga.
Tstdantagi elawini tsida/histani’ga. Naya gi'nage gf"yu'tli"-
tani'ga. A‘ntiwa'gi gi™nage’ et"yi'tli"tani’ga. Sa"talu'ga gi™nage
degt"yanu'galatani’ga, tst’nanugaé‘isti nige’st"na. Usthi'yi nt"-
nahi wite'tsatant’"i"si gine’sé gi™nage asahalagi’. Tsttt’neli’ga.
Elawa'ti asa/halagi’a/dt"ni’ga. Usinuli’yu Usthi'yi gtltsa'té digt’-
nagesta’yi, elawa’ti gt’"nage tida/histi wa‘yanu galt"tsi’ga. Gtne’sa
eni™age sa"talu’ga gti nage gayu'tlai"tani’ga. Tstidanta’gi tska’-
la"tsi’ga. Sa‘ka/ni adt"ni’ga. Ust’hita atanis’se'ti, aya'latsi’sesti
tstidanta’ei, tsi’nanuga'isti nige’st"na. Sgé!

Translation.
TO DESTROY LIFE.

Listen! Now I have come to step over your soul. You are of the (wolf) clan.
Your name is (A‘yt'"ini). Your spittle I have put at rest under the earth. Your
soul I have put at rest under the earth. I have come to cover you over with the
black rock. I have come to cover you over with the black cloth. I have come to
cover you with the black slabs, never to reappear. Toward the black coffin
of the upland in the Darkening Land your paths shall stretch out. So shall it be
for you. The clay of the upland has come (to cover you. (?) Instantly the black
clay has lodged there where it is at rest at the black houses in the Darkening Land.
With the black coffin and with the black slabs I have come to cover you. Now
your soul has faded away. It has become blue. When darknesscomes your spirit
shall grow less and dwindle away, never to reappear. Listen!

Kxplanation.

This formula is from the manuscript book of A‘yt’"ini, who ex-
plained the whole ceremony. The language needs but little expla-
nation. <A blank is left for the name and clan of the victim, and is
filled in by the shaman. Asthe purpose of the ceremony is to bring
about the death of the victim, everything spoken of is symbolically
colored black, according to the significance of the colors as already

392 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

explained. The declaration near the end, ‘‘It has become blue,”
indicates that the victim now begins to feel in himself the effects of
the incantation, and that as darkness comes on his spirit will shrink
and gradually become less until it dwindles away to nothingness.
When the shaman wishes to destroy the life of another, either for
his own purposes or for hire, he conceals himself near the trail along
which the victim is likely to pass. When the doomed man appears
the shaman waits until he has gone by and then follows him secretly
until he chances to spit upon the ground. On coming up to the
spot the shaman collects upon the end of a stick a little of the dust
thus moistened with the victim’s spittle. The possession of the
man’s spittle gives him power over the life of the man himself.
Many ailments are said by the doctors to be due to the fact that
some enemy has by this means ‘‘changed the spittle” of the patient
and caused it to breed animals or sprout corn in the sick man’s body.
In the love charms also the lover always figuratively ‘‘takes the
spittle” of the girl in order to fix her affections upon himself. The
same idea in regard to spittle is found in European folk medicine.
The shaman then puts the clay thus moistened into a tube consist-
ing of a joint of the Kanesa’la or wild parsnip, a poisonous plant of
considerable importance in life-conjuring ceremonies. He also puts
into the tube seven earthworms beaten into a paste, and several
splinters from a tree which has been struck by lightning. The idea
in regard to the worms is not quite clear, but it may be that they
are expected to devour the soul of the victim as earthworms are
supposed to feed upon dead bodies, or perhaps it is thought that
from their burrowing habits they may serve to hollow out a grave
for the soul under the earth, the quarter to which the shaman con-
signs it. In other similar ceremonies the dirt-dauber wasp or the
stinging ant is buried in the same manner in order that it may kill
the soul, as these are said to kill other more powerful insects by their
poisonous sting or bite. The wood of a tree struck by lightning is
also a potent spell for both good and evil and is used in many for-
mulas of various kinds.
Having prepared the tube, the shaman goes into the forest to a
tree which has been struck by lightning. At its base he digs a hole,
in the bottom of which he puts a large yellow stone slab. He then
puts in the tube, together with seven yellow pebbles, fills in the
earth and finally builds a fire over the spet to destroy all traces of
his work. The yellow stones are probably chosen as the next best
substitute for black stones, which are not always easy to find. The
formula mentions ‘‘ black rock,” black being the emblem of death,
while yellow typifies trouble. The shaman and his employer fast
until after the ceremony.
If the ceremony has been properly carried out, the victim becomes
blue, that is, he feels the effects in himself at once, and, unless

MOONEY.] FORMULA TO DESTROY LIFE. 393

he employs the countercharms of some more powerful shaman, his
soul begins to shrivel up and dwindle, and within seven days he is
dead. When it is found that the spell has no effect upon the in-
tended victim it is believed that he has discovered the plot and has
taken measures for his own protection, or that, having suspected a
design against him—as, for instance, after having won a girl’s affec-
tions from a rival or overcoming him in the ball play—he has al-
ready secured himself from all attempts by counterspells. It then
becomes a serious matter, as, should he succeed in turning the curse
aside from himself, it will return upon the heads of his enemies.

The shaman and his employer then retire to a lonely spot in the
mountains, in the vicinity of a small stream, and begin a new series
of conjurations with the beads. After constructing a temporary shel-
ter of bark laid over poles, the two go down to the water, the shaman
taking with him two pieces of cloth, a yard or two yards in length, one
white, the other black, together with seven red and seven black
beads. The cloth is the shaman’s pay for his services, and is fur-
nished by his employer, who sometimes also supplies the beads.
There are many formulas for conjuring with the beads, which are
used on almost all important occasions, and differences alsoin the
details of the ceremony, but the general practice is the same in all
cases. The shaman selects a bend in the river where his client can
look toward the east while facing upstream. The man then takes up
his position on the bank or wades into the stream a short distance,
where—in the ceremonial language—the water is a “hand length”
(awd@'hili) in depth and stands silently with his eyes fixed upon the
water and his back to the shaman on the bank. The shaman then
lays upon the ground the two pieces of cloth, folded into convenient
size, and places the red beads—typical of success and his client—
upon the white cloth, while the black beads—emblematic of death
and the intended victim—are laid upon the black cloth. It is prob-
able that the first cloth should properly be red instead of white, but
as it is difficult to get red cloth, except in the shape of handkerchiefs,
a substitution has been made, the two colors having a close mytho-
logic relation. In former days a piece of buckskin and the small
glossy seeds of the Viper’s Bugloss (Hchiwm vulgare) were used
instead of the cloth and beads. The formulistic name for the bead is
si'nikta, which the priests are unable to analyze, the ordinary word
for beads or coin being adéld.

The shaman now takes a red bead, representing his client, between
the thumb and index finger of his right hand, and a black bead,
representing the victim, in like manner, in his lefthand. Standing
a few feet behind his client he turns toward the east, fixes his eyes
upon the bead between the thumb and finger of his right hand, and
addresses it as the St’nikta Gigige'l, the Red Bead, invoking bless-
ings upon his client and clothing him with the red garments of

394 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

success. The formula is repeated in a low chant or intonation, the
voice rising at intervals, after the mannerof a revival speaker.
Then turning to the black bead in his left hand he addresses it in sim-
ilar manner, calling down the most withering curses upon the head
of the victim. Finally looking up he addresses the stream, under
the name of Ya™wi Ginahi'ta, the ‘‘ Long Person,” imploring it to
protect his chent and raise him to the seventh heaven, where he will
be secure from all hisenemies. The other, then stooping down, dips
up water in his hand seven times and pours it upon his head, rub-
bing it upon his shoulders and breast at the same time. In some
cases he dips completely under seven times, being stripped, of course,
even when the water isof almost icy coldness. The shaman, then
stooping down, makes a small bole in the ground with his finger,
drops into it the fatal black bead, and buries it out of sight with a
stamp of his foot. This ends the ceremony, which is called ‘‘tak-
ing to water.”

While addressing the beads the shaman attentively observes them
as they are held between the thumb and finger of his outstretched
hands. Ina short time they begin to move, slowly and but a short
distance at first, then faster and farther, often coming down as far
as the first joint of the finger or even below, with an irregular ser-
pentine motion from side to side, returning in the same manner.
Should the red bead be more lively in its movements and come down
lower on the finger than the black bead, he confidently predicts for
the client the speedy accomplishment of his desire. On the other
hand, should the black bead surpass the red in activity, the spells of
the shaman employed by the intended victim are too strong, and the
whole ceremony must be gone over again with an additional and
larger quantity of cloth. This must be kept up until the movements
of the red beads give token of success or until they show by their
sluggish motions or their failure to move down along the finger that
the opposing shaman can not be overcome. In the latter case the
discouraged plotter gives up all hope, considering himself as cursed
by every imprecation which he has unsuccessfully invoked upon his
enemy, goes home and—theoretically—lies down and dies. As a
matter of fact, however, the shaman is always ready with other for-
mulas by means of which he can ward off such fatal results, in con-
sideration of a sufficient quantity of cloth.

Should the first trial, which takes place at daybreak, prove unsuc-
cessful, the shaman and his client fast until just before sunset. They
then eat and remain awake until midnight, when the ceremony is
repeated, and if still unsuccessful it may be repeated four times be-
fore daybreak (or the following noon ?), both men remaining awake
and fasting throughout the night. If still unsuccessful, they con-
tinue to fast all day until just before sundown. Then they eat again
and again remain awake until midnight, when the previous night’s

MOONEY.] FORMULA USED BEFORE BALL PLAY. 395

programme is repeated. It has now become a trial of endurance
between the revengeful client and his shaman on the one side and
the intended victim and his shaman on the other, the latter being
supposed to be industriously working countercharms all the while,
as each party must subsist upon one meal per day and abstain en-
tirely from sleep until the result has been decided one way or the
other. Failure to endure this severe strain, even so much as closing
the eyes in sleep for a few moments or partaking of the least nour-
ishment excepting just before sunset, neutralizes all the previous
work and places the unfortunate offender at the mercy of his more
watchful enemy. If the shaman be still unsuccessful on the fourth
day, he acknowledges himself defeated and gives up the contest.
Should his spells prove the stronger, his victim will die within seven
days, or, as the Cherokees say, seven nights. These ‘seven nights,”
however, are frequently interpreted, figuratively, to mean seven
years, a rendering which often serves to relieve the shaman from a
very embarrassing position.

With regard to the oracle of the whole proceeding, the beads do
move; but the explanation is simple, although the Indians account
for it by saying that the beads become alive by the recitation of the
sacred formula. The shaman is laboring under strong, though sup-
pressed, emotion. He stands with his hands stretched out in a con-
strained position, every muscle tense, his breast heaving and voice
trembling from the effort, and the natural result is that before he is
done praying his fingers begin to twitch involuntarily and thus cause
the beads to move. As before stated, their motion is irregular; but
the peculiar delicacy of touch acquired by long practice probably
imparts more directness to their movements than would at first seem
possible.

HIA’ A‘NE/TSA UGU*WA‘LI AMA/YI DITSUSTA‘TI.

Sge! Ha-nagwa a/sti une’ga aksa/i"tant”™ usinu li a‘ne’tsa un-
atsa/nt"tselahi akta’‘ti adi"ni'ga. ;

Iyu'sti utada’ta, iyu’st! tsunadaita. Noana‘hi anite lahéht’ ige’-
ski nige’st™a. Dt'ksi-gwi’ dedu'natsgt‘la’wate’gt. Da/‘si" uni-
Jatsi’satti. Sa‘ka’ni unati’satt’.

Na na’hi da'tadu’nina'wati’ a’yf-‘nt’ digwatseliiga a‘ne'tsa
unatsa’na"tselahi, Tla’'mehtii Gigage’l sa’gwa dantitsgi’‘lani'ga.
Igi™yi gala’"la ge’st” yd" kantlagi "wahahista’g1. Ta line galt”-
la ge’st” i’ya" kanfilagi "waha‘hista’gi. He’nila danitsgt‘lani'ga.
Tla’ma t®ni'ta a’nigwalu’gi gfi"tla‘tisge’sti, ase’gwi nige’st"na.

Dutalé a‘ne'tsa unatsa’nf"tse'lahi saligu’gi-gwi dedu’‘natsgt‘la-
wisti'tega’. Elawi’ni da’‘si® unilatsi’sata.

Tsa'ine digallatiya™ Sa’niwa Gi'gagel sa’gwa dantitsgt‘lani'ga,
asé‘ga/gi nige’st™na. Kanf’"lagi “waha’hista’gi ni‘gine digali’?-
latiyo®. Guli’sguli’ Sa‘ka’ni sa’gwa dantitsgii‘lani’ga, asé‘ga’gi

396 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES. \

nige’st"na. Kant"lagi "“waha’histagi hi’skine digalt’latiya’.
Tstitst’ Sa‘ka/ni sa’)gwa danttsgt'‘lani’ga, asé‘ga’gi nige’sti"na.

Du'talé a‘ne'tsa utsé/nt"tselahi Tine’gwa Sa‘ka/ni sa’gwa da-
nitsgt‘lani'ga, ige’ski nige’st™na. Da'‘st" unilatsi’satti. Kant™lagi
twaha hista’gi sutali‘ne digalti’latiyi™. A’nigasta’ya sa’gwa dantits-
gt'‘lani'ga, asé‘ga’gi nige’su"na. Kanti™lagi “waha’hista’gi ktl‘-
kwagine digali’"latiya™. Watatt'ga Sa‘ka/ni sa’gwa danttset'‘la-
niga, as@‘ga/oi nige’sti™na.

Du'talé a‘ne'tsa unatsa’nt"tse’lahi, Yana dedu’natsgi’‘lawist-
aniga, ige’ski nige’sti™na. Da‘st™ du'nilatsi’sati. Kant'lagi
de'tagaskala’t"tant’", igt®’ wilstanthi-gwidina tsuye'listi gest".
Akta'‘ti adt™ni’ga.

Sgé! Na’gwa t’ski/naneli ta‘ladw’ iyti’"ta a’gwatseli’ga, Wata-
tu’ga Tstine’ga. Tsuye'listi gest’! ski nahtsi’ a’ gwatseli’ ga—kant?-
lagi a'gwatseli'ga. Nana utada'ta kana’"lagi dedu’skala’asi'ga.

Dedit’/ndagt'"yastani’ga, ga"wa/hisa/ntihi. Yq!

Translation.
THIS CONCERNS THE BALL PLAY—TO TAKE THEM TO WATER WITH IT.

Listen! Ha! Now where the white thread has been let down, quickly we are
about to examine into (the fate of) the admirers of the ball play.

They are of—such a (iyu'sti) descent. They are called—so and so (iyu'sti). They
are shaking the road which shall never be joyful. The miserable Terrapin has
come and fastened himself upon them as they goabout. They have lost all strength.
They have become entirely blue.

But now my admirers of the ball play have their roads lying along in this direc-
tion. The Red Bat has come and made himself one of them. There in the first
heaven are the pleasing stakes. There in the second heaven are the pleasing stakes,
The Pewee has come and joined them. The immortal ball stick shall place itself
upon the whoop, never to be defeated.

As for the lovers of the ball play on the other side, the common Turtle has come
and fastened himself upon them as they goabout. Under the earth they have lost
all strength.

The pleasing stakes are in the third heaven. The Red Tlaniwaé has come and
made himself one of them, that they may ‘never be defeated. The pleasing stakes
are in the fourth heaven. The Blue Fly-catcher has made himself one of them,
that they may never be defeated. The pleasing stakes are in the fifth heaven. The
Blue Martin has made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated.

The other lovers of the ball play, the Blue Mole has come and fastened upon them,
that they may never be joyous. They have lost all strength.

The pleasing stakes are there in the sixth heaven. The Chimney Swift has made
himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. The pleasing stakes are in
the seventh heaven. The Blue Dragon-fly has made himself one of them, that they
may never be defeated.

As for the other admirers of the ball play, the Bear has just come and fastened
him upon them, that they may never be happy. They have lost all strength. He
has let the stakes slip from his grasp and there shall be nothing left for their share.

The examination is ended.

Listen! Now let me know that the twelve are mine, O White Dragon-fly. Tell
me that the share is to be mine—that the stakes are mine. As for the player there
on the other side, he has been forced to let go his hold upon the stakes.

Now they are become exultant and happy. Ya!

MooNeY.] FORMULA USED BEFORE BALL PLAY. 397
Explanation.

This formula, from the A‘yt"ini manuscript is one of those used
by the shaman in taking the ball players to water before the game.
The ceremony is performed in connection with red and black beads,
as described in the formula just given for destroying life. The form-
ulistic name given to the ball players signifies literally, ‘‘admirers
of the ball play.” The Tlé/niwa& (s&/niw& in the Middle dialect) is
the mythic great hawk, as large and powerful as the roc of Arabian
tales. The shaman begins by declaring that it is his purpose to ex-
amine or inquire into the fate of the ball players, and then gives his
attention by turns to his friends and their opponents, fixing his eyes
upen thered bead while praying for his clients, and upon the black
bead while speaking of their rivals. His friends he raises gradually
to the seventh or highest galié’"lat?. This word literally signifies
height, and is the name given to the abode of the gods dwelling
above the earth, and is also used to mean heaven in the Cherokee
bible translation. The opposing players, on the other hand, are put
down under the earth, and are made to resemble animals slow and
clumsy of movement, while on behalf of his friends the shaman in-
vokes the aid of swift-flying birds, which, according to the Indian
belief, never by any chance fail to secure their prey. The birds in-
voked are the He’nilfi or wood pewee (Contopus virens), the Tlaniwa
ormythic hawk, the Guli'sgul!’ or great crested flycatcher (Myiarchus
crinitus), the Tstitst or martin (Progne subis), and the A’nigas-
ta'ya or chimney swift (Chetura pelasgia). In the idiom of the
formulas it is said that these ‘“‘ have just come and are sticking to
them” (the players), the same word (daniitsgi@laniv’ga) being used to
express the devoted attention of a lover to his mistress. The Wat-
atuga, a small species of dragon-fly, is also invoked, together with
the bat, which, according to a Cherokee myth, once took sides with
the birds in a great ball contest.with the four-footed animals, and
won the victory for the birds by reason of his superior skill in dodg-
ing. This myth explains also why birds, and no quadrupeds, are
invoked by the shaman to the aid of his friends. In accordance
with the regular color symbolism the flycatcher, martin, and dragon-
fly, like the bat and the tla’‘niwa, should be red, the color of success,
instead of blue, evidently so written by mistake. The white thread
is frequently mentioned in the formulas, but in this instance the
reference is not clear. The twelve refers to the number of runs
made in the game.

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PNaD EX

A.
Page
Abnaki, population.................:0.-6+ 48
Achastlians, Lamanon’s vocabulary of
RED spcteocepsaebnadeca © apascanc %5
Acoma, a Keresan dialect . - Sia Alterstale ele 83
POPU GION ooo. oo falo scien nie selene nin eee 83
Adair, James, quoted on Choctaw villages 40
AGEN Zoints] Agee Bee ppbion ape aasoeseoore 45-46
Adaizan and Caddoan languages com-
(eet I Seno pbs ioc Sacro cAacedoor 46
Adam, Lucien, on the Taensa language. . 96
Agriculture, effect of, on Indian popula-
LEtnt) i Sos come saropeppoEc ODO csoebee 38
region to which limited 41
extent of practice of, by Indian fee 2
Abt division of Wakashan family........ 129, 130
Ahtena tribe of Copper River ....... ...- 53
population .. .......0--..seee eee eeeee 55
Ai-yan, population...... .........---- , 55
Akansa, or Quapaw tribe....... .....---+ 113
Akoklako, or Lower Cootenai........--.. 85
Aleutian Islanders belong to Eskimauan
family .... v6
population 75
Algonquian family 47-51
RigtrOPMtriDGSie sacs aise cc asieiteia eestor 48
population....... 2.2... -.seeee eee ees 48
habitat of certain eae tribes of . 113
Alibamu, habitat and population......... 95
Alsea, habitat ...... 2.02.6. ..0seeeee =: 134
ALta-tin, population <2... cen cers seeieee 55
Angel de la Guardia Island, occupied by
Wane holes be Goan Mage OmedecorH 138
Apache, habitat .......-.....-.:ssseesesee 54
population...... 252222 ceeceeeeeeec eee 56
Apalaches, supposed by Gallatin to be the
WOM one asane oo

Apalachi tribe
Arapaho, habitat.

population..............-
Arikara, habitat .
population. ...
Arizona, workin.........--. ---
Assinaboin, habitat.... ..... .-.--.----- 115
population. .... 2... ... 2c cere e eee eee 117
Atfalati, population ................------ 2
Athapascan family ..... .........--..+-+ 51-56
Atnah tribe, considered distinct from Sa-
lish by Gallatin 105
Attacapanfamily.........-.-..-- 0 -----++ 56-57
Attakapa language reputed to be spoken
by the Karankawa.............--- 82
Auk, population ....... ..-..-...055 «.00s &7

A‘wanita, or Young Deer, Cherokee
formulas furnished by.........-.-
Ayasta, Cherokee manuscript obtained

A‘ya"’ini, or Swimmer, Cherokee manu-
scripts obtained from.......

Baffin Land, Eskimo population
Bancroft, George, linguistic literature .. .
cited on Cherokee habitat ............
Bancroft, Hubert H., linguistic literature
Bandelier, A. F., on the Keres ...........-
Bannock, former habitat .............---
ject) MILNE LE Gonao oqeaponedess
Bartlett, John R., cited on Lipan end
Apache habitat. .
the Pima described i.
Barton, B. S., comparison of Troquois and
Gherokaieeny cess oa ernets catetel oI
Bathing in medical practice of Cherokees,

Batts on Tutelo habitat in 1671
Bellacoola, population.......... .
Bellomont, Earl of, cited on the Tutelo re
Reich btn ~aARe Gooeebebons nodeun or
Berghaus, Heinrich, linguistic literature .
Bessels, Emil, acknowledgments..........
Biloxi, a Siouan tribe.... .
early habitat ............-
present habitat
population.............
Birch-bark records and songs of the Mide’-
wiwin ;
Bleeding, practice of among the Chero-
LXer tens 5 eg.qbo00s docueacotaanen aye
on Cherokee and Chickasaw
LRA) deapbeo es coceeo aso
Boas, Franz, cited on Chimakum habitat
on population of Chimmesyan tribes
on the middle group of Eskimo
on population of Baffin Land Eskimo
Salishan researches
Haida researches...... - 22...
Wakashan researches ...........-
on the habitat of the Haeltzuk
Boundaries of Indian tribal lands, diffi-
culty of fixing. . Soe
Bourgemont on the habitat of the Co-

Blount,

Brinton, D. G., cited on Haumonté’s
Taensa grammar

309

ad
“i

333-334
335-336

114
105, 131
114
57-58
16

112

114

116

118

286-289

334-335

400 INDEX.
Page. Page.
Brinton, D. G., cited on relations of the Cherokee Sacred Formulas, for bilious-
Pimiailanpuaper.eccces wee cece ee oe 99 FLOSS A sioloin ates iadetare lsat aloe daeeeietetere ate 365-366
cited on linguistic value of Indian rec- for ordeal diseases............. . 367-369
OLOS remeron Mase enetnee 318 | for hunting and fishing 369-375
Buschmann, Johann C. E., linguistic liter- | LOLVOVE eee eecha cece son eLenceeeene 375-384
ature hsae css aoe homeo cee 18,19 | tovidainwiteb te. es -bacccnseeeeas sine 384-386
on the Kiowa language 84 tolfind) something. 5 ics.5 pce cues ee 386-387
on the Pima language ...... ....... 99 to‘prevent.a storm ...... ........... 357-388
on Shoshonean families .............. 109 for going to war...... oy ... 388-391
regards Shoshonean and Nahuatlan for destroying an enemy ..... - . 891-395
families asone..... 140 for;balli play ie s3<2 ee ace eee 395-397
C Cheyenne tribe, habitat . . 48, 109
ise population. ... 49
Cabeca de Vaca, mention of Atayos by .. 46 treaty cited .... 114
Caddoan and Adaizan languages com- Chicasa, population ... 95
pared. . 46 | Homn;they Nai htchin -se-wen re eeee ree eee 96
Caddoan family ne 58-62) (Chilcat) population\=.srcos-+ see eek osde eer 87
Caddoan. See Southern Gaddoants Chillilajtribetin. pies je oe eee cee eee 182
Calapooya, population................... 82) | Chimakwanifamily-i.. eves ccd eceeeeae 62, 63
California, aboriginal game lawsin ...... 42. | Chimakum, habitat and population ..... 62
Calispelipopulation sec jrccci cscs seein 105 | ‘Chimarikan family ~~... 26.000... sce ecee ce 63
Calumet, ceremonial use of, among Al- Chimnresyanvhamily ve. «eee ee ecco 63-65
gonkian tribes . 5 153 | Chinookan family ........ 65-66
“Carankouas,”’ a part of etapapant ace Chippewyan, population 55
BD Vo yeroncyatesete seat apes oie sso Nee one eve 57 | Chitimachan family, possibly allied tothe
Carib, affinities of Timuquana with ... . 123 | SALLACA DAD op ce ens lsct' cnt 57
Carmel language of Mofras.............. 102 | Chitimachan family 66-67
Cartier, Jacques, aborigines met by...... 58,77-78 | Choctaw Muskhogee family of Gallatin... 94
Catawba habitaticc2. cs. saseeece 112,114,116 | Choctaw, population...................... 95
DOPUWIATLON! eats tees alcieisenioeis seer 118 | Choctaw towns described by Adair... .... 40
Catawba Killer, Cherokee formulas fur- Chocuyem, a Moquelumnan dialect. |... 92
mished bye. scene scot senceces Cholovone division of the Mariposan. ... 90
Cathlascon tribes, Scouler on ............ Chopunnish, population ............ 107
Caughnawaga, population Chowanoe, perhaps a Tuscarora tribe.. 79
Cayuga, population. occ. 2.2. 2uaeceeves Chukchilof Asia (7. 0s. isncce decent ve
Cayuse, habitat and population a G@humashan\familly.s 5... ves ee erent 67, 68
Central Eskimo, population .............. 75 | Chumashan languages, Salinan languages
Champlain, §. de, cited ........ . srt 7 held to be dialects of...... eNee 101
Charlevoix on the derivation of “Tro- Clackama, population 66
QUOIS Beer eemrrti dt stride oadaed 77 | Clallam language distinct from Chima-
Chehalis, population................. 2... 105 J abhi Urner Gh oneiboddene Moma hea. o 62
Chemehuevi, habitat and population ..... 110 | Clallam, population ........... .......... 105
Cherokees, habitat and population . - 78-80 | Classification of linguistic families, rules
paper on Sacred Formulas of, by POD sessile iewieiacommaceeeneettatenieis 8,12
JAMES) MOONCY. - acc. cceseec es 301-897 | Classification of Indian languages, litera-
bathing, rubbing, and bleeding in med- ture relating tos. <0 -aneeaniecer 12-25
ical practice of. 333-336 | Clavering, Captain, Greenland Eskimo, re-
manuscripts of, containing sacred, searches of ..... aa Chew. ¢ Danvers 72
medical, and otherformulas, char- Cliff dwellings examined .. XVIII-XXIV
acteriandage Of... s.0.-- ==. O07-015))| "Coabuiltecan- family”... ck cesw cas simemaese 68, 69
medical practice of, list of plants used | Cochitemi, a Keresan dialect 83
Ti baSeeeene Pie eure .... 824-827 | Cochiti, population of .. ... 83
medicine dance of. Rema acaC EAL AA 337 iGoconoonhtribetiis.«.uceoseecasn eet 90
eolor symbolism of. . -oc.sees.... 842-843 | Coeur d'Alene tribe, population of... 105
gods of, and their abiding places 340-342 Cofitachiqui, a supposed Yuchi town .... 126
religion of ...... naa 56.8000 319 | Cognation of languages . on 11,12
Cherokee Sacred Moroiulast erence of Color symbolism of the Cherokees. . 342, 343
Maperon’....).7... AA ...-.«XXXIX-xyL |) Colorado; worlk in\s. 55. s.c-2-- 0 - = XXI-XXIV |
lan fuape OL%e. soe seers sonore. 5 . 843-344 | Columbia River, improvidence of tribes
SPECIMENS OLN wyiieiejaelavee sierete rials sisle 344-397 | () NUABM SU onUppCuano rac ceboste acenn 37, 38
FOr rheumatism cicetetalaieleiieiice steele 345-351 Colville tr ibe: population ovamschudas Sti 105
for snake bite,....... .. 851-353 | Comanche, association of the Kiowa with 84
for worms. .. ... 353-356 | habitat. ........... 109
for neuralgia. a ... 856-859 population 110
for'feverjand ague .....).4......... .. 359-363 | Comecrudo, vocabulary of, collected by
forichilg Dirck hers cite eerste es 363-364 | Gatschebrirs Svc. isisicdd tenner kate 68

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM

INDEX. 401
Page. | Page
Communism among North American In- | Digger Indian tongue compared by Pow-

GENES pode enmaptoes Seam Gentore 34,35 | ers with the Pit River dialects. ... 98
Conestoga, former habitat of the... ... 78 | Disease, Indian belief concerning ........ 39
Cook, Capt. James, names Waukash tribe 129 Cherokee theory of.... ....... . 322-324
Cookkoo-oose tribe of Lewis and Clarke. . 89 | Disease and medicine, Cherokee tradition
Cootenai tribe ... .........-.+-+ «+> aac 85 | Of origin Of ssc 2<.a-c . 319-322
Copehan family . arc 69-70 | Dobbs, Arthur, cited on Eskimo habitat. . 73
Corbusier, Wm. HL. on Geom eecenants | Dog Rib, population of ............. a 55

of Black Hills............- 114 | Dorsey, J. O., work of .........-..-- XXXIV, XXXV
Corn, large quantities of, raised by « cer- cited on Pacific coast tribes .......... 54

Lotiri) hules sf enAen saasooot dn yoeco= 41 cited on Omaha-Arikara alliance. ... 60
Cortez, Jos6, cited... ...- ces ce eee seers 54 Catawba studies.................. a 112
Costano dialects, Latham’s opinion con- | on Crow habitat ...... ....+-.-ssseees 114

(Geyaiistan a eaagae -codeUtuasonscs 92 | Takilman researches ..........-. 5 121
Costanoan family. .....--..2..6s.-5e2 0+ 70,71 | Yakonan researches..... ...-..+.++++ 134
Cotoname vocabulary, collected by acknowledgments to ............ ; 142

(CebioiGln Assounateoe nose ec tae 68 Dress and ornaments used in Ojibwa
Coulter, Dr., Pima vocabulary of......--- 98 GENCE ened ecabee erecta. ene 298, 299
Coyotero Apache, population ........---. 56. Drew, E. P., on Siuslaw habitat .......... 134
Cree, population ...............-+++- fie 49 | Duflot de Mofras, E. de, cited....... .... 92
Creeks, habitat and population .. 95 Soledad, language of .-.......... 102
Cross, use of, in Indian ceremonials. ... 155 Dunbar, John B., quoted on Pawnee Hab
Crows, habitat... Seapasoaauan eisaene 114, 116 I) eee ROP SRePEEECOMOCEC ca 60

population.... . Anan Aeros 118 Duncan, William, settlement ee Chimme-
Cuchan population ..............-+605555: 138 syan tribes by ........-..--. -:++. 65
Curtin, Jeremiah, work of.......-...... - xxx | Duponceau collection, Salishan vocabu-
Chimarikan researches of ..........-- 63) lary ob the... eee =s-==2% 103
Costanoan researches of...........++- 70 | Du Pratz, Le Page, cited on Caddoan nape
Moquelumnan researches of .. 93 | TU orn pee TOROTOeARo eRe Ide 61
Yanan researches of.. .......--- 135 | on certain southern tribes.... .....-- 66
acknowledgments to ....... 142 on the Na*htchi language..........-.. 96
Cushing, Frank H., work of.... ... -.... XX&I | Dzhe Manido, the guardian spirit of the
on the derivation of ‘‘ Zufi’’........- 138 Nibtels) aie Ueemeede AcaoRaOoOe OOOO 163, 166
(Chany hylo=) peaDeoepEaaEnecoate 7ppoEg= 99 | Dzhibai midewigan or ‘Ghost Lodge”’... 278-281
D. E.
Dahcota. See Dakota. } . . ;
Dahcotas, habitat of the divisions of..... 111 Eaton, Captain, Zan VERE a: ie ts ie
{ : Ecclemachs. See Esselenian family.
Dakota, tribal and family sense of name. - 112 | linenictioliteranar 24
divisions of the .... See ereE cee : 114 | ines wT Se Me eee
: Ae e on the Chimakuan language and hab-
population and divisions of the....... 116 itat 62.63
Dall Wa Eiealinpuistic literatunos stone sce 2220260 | a Ne Gee toes 2
: 3 ~ | Emmert, John W., Wonk Gli panei pone 323!
cited on Eskimo habitat............- 53
E-nagh-magh language of Lane. . ze 122
Eskimo researches of. .. ......----- 7
Ka Emory, W. H., visit of, tothe Pima ...... 98
on Asiatic Eskimo.......... aoe 74
<_ | Environment as affecting language ..... 141
on population of Alaskan seine Sos cay i famil 145
Dana on the divisions of the Sacramento | IST eter a ye Eee oC dein WERE 2. epee
Fea aaa sau SN Tati 99 | Eslen nation of Gealianore etree elton : t
Dawson, George cited on Tndian land | Pean'gatdmn, habitat of. TTD
tenure. ee ated 40 | Gukshikni or Klamath............-....+- 90
oa a Tagisch i the Roluschan oF Everette on the derivation of ‘‘ Yakona”’. 134
Sick LO ; ; ; : ; 5 : “ahi aed ‘ 1 Fr Explorations in stone villages. ....... XVIII-XXVIIL
De Bry, ‘imuquanan names on nap Om 124 FE.
Delaware, population. . Baer ocreeno: 49 |
Habivatie assent cases. mene 79 | “Family,” linguistic, defined....... ae 11
De L'Isle cited. a Rraeeieinse Heise oes aie ees 60 | Field work ........------------+++
De Soto, Ferdinand, on early habitat of | Filson, John, on Yuchi habitat ..
the Kaskaskias .........---+--- -- 113 | Financial statement ..-.-.-.-...- -.--++-+
supposed to have visited the Yuchi... 126 | Flatbow. See Kitunahan family.
Timuquanan towns encountered by .. 124 | Flathead Cootenai.... ..---.-.-.-... ar 85
D'Iberville, names of Taensa towns given | Flathead family, Salish or......-. --..--- 102
DIP seine edie cost we Bae eee 96 | Foutanedo, Timuquanan, localnames of - 124
Dieguefio, population. .....-- 138 | Food distribution among North American
Differentiation of languages within single Indians ..... Saetion Aarne 34
stock, to what due.........-- aie 141 | Friendly Village, dialect of 104

Y ETH 26

402 INDEX.
Page. Page.
G. Gibbs, George, linguistic literature. ...... 17,22
Gahuni DoanuScnle of Cherokee tormu- on the Chimakum language .......... 62
las. 313,314 on the Kulanapan family............. 87
Galiano, D. Ne on the Eslen fend igmien 75, 76 the Eh-nek family of ................. 100
Gallatin, Albert, founder of systematic on the Weitspekan language. ..... 131
American philology .... ......... 9,10 | Wishoskan researches................ 133
linguistic literature 2,15, 16, 17 Yuki vocabulary cited................ 136°
Attacapan researches |... 57 | Ginseng, Mide tradition relating to origin
on the Caddo and Pawnee 59 Of. eee eter eee eee cee es - R41, 242
Chimmesyan researches. . 64 | Gioloco language. Bricce dbeuattetr cl 102
on the Chitimachan family... 66 | Gods of the Cherokees and fers abiding
on the Muskhogean family ..... 94 Places... eee eeeee eee sees 340-342
on Eskimauan boundaries......... : 72 | Gosiute, population............... : 110
comparison of Iroquois and Cheroki. 77 | Grammatic elements of language........ 141
on the Kiowa language . . g4 | Grammatic structure in classification of
on the Koluschan family ........... 86 Indian languages .............. 11
GHENT Ceili nti tate : 9 | Grand Medicine Society. See Made wavin
Salishan researches......... iF 102,103 | Gravier, Father, on the Na*htchi and Ta-
reference to “Sahaptin” family. ... 107 EMSA... eee eee eee reece eee eee 7
on the Shoshonean family....... jog | Greely, A. W., on Eskimo of Grinnell
on the Siouan family... 111 Land........ .....eeee se 73
Skittagetan researches . _ 119,120 Greenland, Eskimo of ..................-. 72,75
on Tonika language . Pts V3 jg5 | Grinnell Land, Eskimo of . 73
on the habitat of the Yuchi.......... 126 | Gros Ventres, habitat .................... 116
linpwistic map). ee eeesssie ses: 142 | Guiloco language .......--....... 0s scenes 9
Game laws of California tribes. 42 HW
Garcia, Bartolomé, cited... . — 68 :
Gatigwanasti manuscript of Cherokee Haeltzuk, habitat......... Aetese) CO NOU)
fFOLMMIAS eh cents e eaters 312, 313 principal tribes............. 131
Gatschet, A. S., work of... .7. XXXIV population... .<pceneeiteictane 131
linguistic literature. . ete 23,24 | Haida, divisions of.................. 120
comparison of Caddoan and Adaizan POpUlAbiON eee trie eeech eet : 121
languages by . 46 language, related to Koluschan....... 120
on Pacific Coast tribes. . 54 method of land tenure ............... 40
Attacapan researches 57 | Hailtzuk, population........ REG 105
Beothukan researches ................ 57 | Hale, Horatio, linguistic literature... : 14,25
Chimakuan researches . . Sane 2 discovery of branches of Athapascan
on the derivation of ‘ ‘Ghitimachas 66 family in Oregon by......... 52
Chitimachan researches. 67 on the affinity of Cheroki to finest 7
Coahuiltecan researches. ........... 68 on the derivation of “Troquois.’...... 7
Mutson investigations ....... 70 on the ‘‘ Kaus or Kwokwoos”.. .... 89
Tonkawe vocabulary collected) ray 82 on the! Dalatulen aeecert- seats 92
on the Kitunahan family ... ...... .. 85 onthe Palaihnihan ......... penooe 97
distinguishes the Kusan as a distinct on certain Pujunan tribes... .. ..... 99, 100
Ry@.t) oo aneonsonpoavdooponuosaasho 89 Salishan researches............ J.:.05 104
on the habitat of the Yamasi ........ 95 on the Sastean family 106
on the Taensa language .......... P 96 Tutelojresearchesviac- cris cee specs ceintte 114
on the derivation of ‘‘Palaihnih™ .... 97 classification and habitat of Waiilat-
onthe Pima language ................ 99 puan tribes. .... BR atcios oe 127
discovered radical affinity between on the Yakonan tamily............... 134
Wakashan and Salishan families. 104 | Hamilton manuscript cited.............. 54
Catawbaystudies 5. jc... -..sees 112 | Hanega, population ...... 7
surviving Biloxi found by ............ 114 | Hano pueblo, Tusayan..................:. 122
Takilman researches ..... 121 population.......... spoadeouD Onn 123
on the derivation of ‘‘Tafio”......... 122 | Hare tribe, population ...... : saeacike 55
classes Tonkawan as a distinct stock. 125 | Harrison, on early Tutelo habitat bande. oc 114
Tonikan researches. ..... ........... 125 | Haumonté, J.-D., on the Taensa....... : 96
on early Yuchi habitat ............... 127 | Havasupai habitat and population ....... 138
on the derivation of Waiilatpu....... 127 | Hawk-leg fetish, description and figure . 220, 221
Washoan language separated by ..... 131 | Hayden, Ferdinand V., linguistic litera-
Wishoskan researches..............- 133 TUTE! ssf eck ans sess Saige eo 20
on the Sayfisklan language. 134 | Haynarger vocabulary cited.......... 54
acknowledgments to. ...........- 142 | Haywood, John, cited on witchcraft beliefs
Gens du Lac, habitat ,...... 111 among the Cherokees........ .... 322
Georgia, work in ............ xvmt | Hennepin, Louis, cited on practices of
Ghost Lodge ceremonies.. ..........-...- 278-281 Algonkian medicine men...,..... 152, 154

INDEX. 403
Page. | Page.
Hennepin, Louis,cited on ceremonial use Jewett’s Wakash vocabulary referred to. 129
of Calumet by Algonkian tribes .. 153 | Jicarilla Apache, population ............. 56
Henshaw, H. W., work of..... XXXIV, XXXV,xxxv1 | Johnson, Sir William. treaty with Chero-
Chumashan researches of ............ 68 Udee io nen Aadsenopeccod Sat Ersetic 78
Costanoan researches of............. 7 Johnston, A. R., visit of, tothe Pima. . 98
Esselenian investigations of .... 76 | Jones, Peter, cited on medicine men of
Moquelumnan researches of.......... 93 the Ojibwa ...... 162
Salinan researches of.... aa 101 cited on witcheraft beliefs of Ojibwa
on Salinan population........... .... 102 In ansiaewae sso wea cece 237
on population of Cayuse.............. 128 cited on Ojibwa love charm or pow
acknowledgments to..... ............ 142 (0 | Shae a eatin cess go ee ce A e ee 258
synonomy of tribes by ........ 142 | Joutel on the location of certain Quapaw
Heshotatsina,a Zuni village......... 139 Willa ees seo se are Se. 113
Hewitt, JON. Bi, WOrk OF 4... <6. --e00+0r' XXXxI | Jugglery among Ojibwa Indians .... 276-2
on the derivation of ‘‘ Iroquois.” .... 7
Hidatsa population —................. 118 Ne
Hoffman, W. J., paper on Midewiwin or
Grand Medicine Society of........ 143-300 | Kaigani, divisions of the... .............. 121
WOMESOL Seoonan rience oun eneate xxxvi | Kaiowe, habitat .............. 109
Hoh, population and habitat... 63 | Kaiowe. See Kiowan family,
Holm, G., Greenland Eskimo 72 | Kai Pomo, habitat......... sc 88
on East Greenland Eskimo popula- Kai-yub-kho-tana, ete., population® 56
EID Yh Lee ae ee iaccrs 7% | Kalapooian family................ 81-82
Holmes, W. H., work of .............005+ xxx | Kane, Paul, linguistic literature 19
Hoodsunu, population...............-.... 7_|| Kansaor Kaw tribe... 5-2 <..cesces ove. s 113
Hoquiam, population......... -......---- 105 population Fope 118
Hospitality of American Indians, source Karankawan family..................... 82-83
() eee if “boo ceensoesnrs Baone 34 | Kaskaskias, early habitat ................ 113
Howe, George, on early habitat of the Kastel Pomo, habitat........... 88
ONGrOkee cats aaaecs see acces sce 78 | Kat-la-wot-sett bands........ 134
Hudson Bay. Eskimo of ... . 73 | Kato Pomo, habitat - oa 88
Humptulip, population. . 105 | Kaus or Kwokwoos frie of Hale. 89
Hunah, population.................... 64 S77 | Kaw ihabltabhtccaceen acs schon ese 116
“Hunter’s medicine” of Midewiwin..... 221-223 | Kaw. See Kansa.
Veh EOE Ac cemeignnbaesgarinJdpooose : 2,43 | Keam, Thomas V., aid by ............ XXIX
Hunting, Mide *‘ medicine” practiced in.. 221-223 | Keane, Augustus H., linguistic literature. 23
Hupa, population Of... -....6. ceneene oe 56 on the ** Tegua or Taywaugh”’........ 122
Kek, population ........:......:. ehactatatcicts 7
I. eneshiwhahitagees ee eee ee se eee mene 54
Iakon, see Yakwina................ ASAD || Keresanfamilyew.trscisc csc veces nce meen 83
Illinois, workin. .......... XVII | K‘iapkwainakwin, a Zufi village .....__.. 139
Improvidence of Indians .. ............. 34,37 | Kichai habitat and population. . 61,62
Inali manuscript of Cherokee formulas.. 314-316 | Kickapoo, population. ............... .... 49
Indian languages, principles of classifica- Kinai language asserted to bear analogies
LION Ofer scien te antenatal starac 8-12 to the Mexican 86
literature relating to classification of. 12-25 | Kiowan family Porshe acetone S44
at time of European discovery....... 44 | Kitshi Manido, the mancioal Ojibwa deity. 163
Indian linguistic families, paper by J. W. hapmahannta nil yecee area cere tee sree 85
ROWE Ontertam cert Ne cette te cienieee 1-142 | Kivas of Moki Indians, study of .XXVI-XXVI1
work on classification of... ......... 25,26 | Kiwomi, a Keresan dialect... Sees 83
Indian tribes, work on synonymy of .xxxiv-xxxvi | Klamath, habitat and population. ... 90
Industry of Indians .. 36 | Klanoh-Klatklam tribe .............. 85
Innuit population.............. 75 | Klikitat, population ................. 107
Iowa, habitat and population ........ 116, 118 K’nai-khotana tribe of Cook’s Inlet . 53
Iroquoian family .................. -.-. %6-81 | K’naia-khoténa, population .......... 56
Isleta, New Mexico, population........... 123 | Koaséti, population .... 95
Isleta, Texas, population ....... ......... 123 | Koluschan family ......................-+ 85-87
Ives, J. C., on the habitat of the Cheme- Kuvite villages, location of ............... 134
HUCV] ... 0.6... 0662s eee eee ee ee 110 | Kulanapan and Chimarikan verbal cor-
J respondences ........... ; 63
3 Kulanapan family ...... ........... 87-89
Jargon, establishment of, between tribes. [ial PARTISAN LMT ororerotnies «i tictoiatetelefsieictoterc:etets 89
Jemez, population of .....-.-.......2..-++ 123 | Kutchin, population .......... ..-....... 56
Jessakid class of Shamans, relative im- Kutenay. See Kitunahan family.
pve) yrON(OE NO) Men an ooensashoe ome 156 | Kwaiantikwoket. habitat efeitos le 110
OPACTICCS Of craten aye niaivte tirtels)aisioia'« 157-158, 251-255 | Kwakiutl tribe............. 129

404 INDEX.
Page
L. Long, W. W , collection of Cherokee for-
Labrador, Eskimo of ...........°.......-: 73 mulas and songs prepared by
Labrador, Eskimo population = 75 | Loucheux classed as Athapascan
Gaguna. population’... .. eens scceeee 83 | Love powder of Ojibwa Indians. .

ia JMarpe Cited). x. cirri. ate nan assess 61
La Hontan, A. L, de D., cited on prac-

tices of Algonkian medicine men. 151-152

Lake tribe, Washington, population... ... 105

Lékmint ‘population 22... ood sce cece 82

Lamanon on the Eeclemachs.......-..... 75,76

Land, Indian ownership of ............... 40
amount devoted to Indian agriculture a) 42 |

Lane, William C., linguistic literature .... 17

on Pueblo languages ...............+- 122
Languages, cognate ........ : 11,12
Latham, R. G., linguistic hieentace 514) 15; 16) 177,

18, 20

cited on Beothukan language......... 57

Chumashan researches...... .. = 67

proposes name for C Speen family 69

Costanoan researches ............ vi

Salinasifamilysots creases : 75

mention of the Kaus tribe............ 89

on the Tonika language .... 125

on the Weitspekan language _ 132

Wishoskan researches...............- 133

on the Sayfsklan language. .........- 134 |

Mumaniresearchesin. schicken ser 137

Puehlorescarchesis. nse. esse. 139

classification of the Mariposan family. 90

on the Moquelumnan family BAs66 92

on the Piman family ....... . 98 |

on the Pujunan family ............... 99

on the Ehnik family of . ....-........ 100

on the Salinan family ............... 102
Lawson, John, on Tutelo petiay in

WeyalGee ane 114

Leech Lake record, how obtamed act tats
Lewis and Clarke cited on improvidence

of Indians of the Northwest ... . 37
on Pacific coastitribes...... ..2.:..... 53
on Arikari habitat. SoBe Baee 60
authorities on Giiagreytam habitat ehpa 65
on the habitat of Kalapooian tribes. . &2
on the Kusan tribe.......... e es 89
Salishan tribes met by... fi 104
on habit of Shoshonean tribes... . 109

on Crow habitat ........ 114

on'the -Yakwina.......... «2.509 134
Lexical elements considered in absentee

eation of Indian languages. 11,141

Linguistic classification, rules for 8-12
Linguistic families of North America,
facts brought to view by work

NOD Wetete ole efoler=(cteiele mieisiel terversere XXX VII-XXXVIII

paper by J. W. Powell on 1-142

nomenclature of. -. ; Bee our 7-12

work on classification of
number of . Se
Linguistie ** family ~ defined . asc Naec: BI

25, 26

Linguistic map, preparation of......... 142
MOLES: CONCELMIN Gs. ee reese y-iosietce es ine 25,45
aipan; aD iberterrts nite asoiets ee latecerereteasr talesasey 54
POPUIAONT, <A... see tctemese nase tae 56

Literature relating to c lassific ation of In-
dian languages . 12-25

| Mallery, Garrick, work of..........

Lower California, native population of,

unknown
Lower Spokane, population
Lower Umpqua villages, location ae
EUG POPULATION a aetelejae cess tiieielsiaeist tas
Lutuamian family . .

Madison tribe, population
Magical practices of Midewiwin........
Mahican, population..........:.........
Makahiitribet sjs.-t. gence senate
habitat
populations 52" os kacspicasteneleoenerel

cited on early Indian population
acknowledgments to .... ...........
cited on Schooleraft’s account of the
Ojibwa hieroglyphs . ......... ..
cited on Indian jugglery
cited on character and use of Algon-
kian pictographs
Malthusian law, not applicable to iemse
ican Indians ..
Mandan habitat
population. . :
Map showing icin Rnaantite families,
explanation Of. >:...-..0-...+-
Marchand on the Tshinkitani ..... :
Margry on early habitat of the Biloxi .
Maricopa population. akhe
Mariposantfamilya asta ncorce heater
Marquette, Jaques, cited on practices of
Algonkian medicine men....
cited on use of the cross in Indian cer-
emonials*.cy.y7s-tuseneaetien noe

on
Marriage among Indians
Marys River tribe, population
Maskegon, population

| Matthews, Washington, work of ......

Mdewakantonwan, population..... As

Medical practice of Cherokees, plants
(Hive heetdarrnociger so odadaancs ;

Medical prescriptions of the Midewiwin

Medicine Creek treaty...................+..

Medicine dance of Cherokees.........
Medicine men, practices of, among Algon-
ian tribestinny--isesee ere 151, 152,

Medicine practice of the Indians, evils of.
Meherrin, joined by the Tutelo . .
Mendewahkantoan, habitat
Menominee, population. ......
Mescalero Apache, population.......

Mexican language, Kinai bears analogies

Miami, population. .
Miemac, population - Brey Rcrete
western Newfoundland c plonized aa.

. 205-206

. XXXIV, XXXV

. 287-288

33-34
116
118

26,45
86
114
138
90-91

~ 152-153

155

322-331

197-201,

226.

21-242
84

154, 159
39
114
111
49

INDEX. 405
Page. Page.
Middleton, James D., work of .......... Xvu, xvill_| Mooney, James, acknowledgments to..... 142
Midé class of Shamans, relative impor- paper on sacred formulas of the Chero-
EAN COOL FrcteWhes oy casts cl cosnrers abe (e foisieeiciels 156 KOS, | DY. i.c cfs ciascan nse alas aeteeieee 301-397
Ow lected oa ete ste sane ee. ee 160, 163-164 | Moquelumnan family : 92-93
charts of, described 165, 174-183, 185-187 | Mound explorations.......... .......... XVI-XVIII
therapeutics ‘of. ..... .....2.-.5...- . 197-202 | Muckleshoot, population............ C 105
Midé Society. See Midewiwin. | Mummy cave ruins, exploration of.. XXVII
Midewigan, or Grand Medicine Lodge, Murdoch, John, Eskimo researches of... . 73
described ... 187-189, 224, 240, 255 Musie of Midewiwin described, ... .. .. 289-290
Midewiwin or Grand Medicine Society of | Muskhogean family . .............. 94-95
the Ojibwa, notice of paper on.XXXIX-XL |
paper by W. J. Hoffman on.......... 143-390 N.
DULPOSES GES fnietew- (see aieile'- 151 | Nahanie, population...................... 56
lOKIP NOL. ss ielacsiaisisie as < 160 | Na’htchi, Taensa and Chitimacha, sup-
degrees in S40 164 posed by Du Pratz to be kindred
TECOLAS Of ntsc claw eee ens fee sts . 164-165 tribes . 65-66
ceremonies of first degree ........... 189-224 | Na’htchi, habitat and Reoouiationt 96-97
Songs of . 193-196, 202-208, 207-214, 216, 218-219. | Nahuatl, Pima a branch of the ........ A 99
227-230, 232-233, 239-240, 243-244, Shoshonean regarded by Buschmann
246-251, 253-254, 259-261, 263-264, as a branch of ............ 109
266-273, 282-286, 289-297 | Na-isha Apache, population ... . 56
ceremony of initiation into... .187-196, 202-286 | Nambé, population ....................... 123
magical practices of..... ........ 204-206 | Names, importance attached to. in Chero-
ceremonies of second degres......... 224-240 kee sacred formulas ............. 343
payments made to priests of .... ..-. 225 populations <<Akeeotmaten se eentos ee 56
use of tobacco in ceremonials of ..231,248-249 | Nascapee, population. a 49
drums used in ceremonies of .... Naseapi joined by the Beothuk.. 58
ceremonies of third degree....... 25) Natchesan family c 95
ceremonies of fourth degree ......... 25b-278)||' Navajo; habitat. .<........20... scseseasses 54
initiation into, by substitution....... 281-286 | Navajo medicine dance, studies of ........ xxv
pictography of .......... 286-289 | Nelson, E. W., work of........XXVIII, XXIX, XXXII
dress and ornaments ned in finces cited on Athapascan habitat. ....... 53
ON Paris sehiecisinccis si caine 298-299 | Eskimo researches of ......... 73
MFT A (8) in ye ote . 299-300 | Nespilem, population ...... Race haaetan 105
Migis (Indian charm or inne fone Emil Nesticea habitat. seston -ctes bates meee 104
WSES!OL. =. 2.5 . 191, 192, 215, 217-218, | Newfoundland, aborigines of........... . 57
220, 236, 251,265 | New Metlakahtla, a Chimmesyan settle-
Migration of Siouan tribes westward 112 MEN eee ose 05
Migration, effect of, upon language . . 141 | New Mexico, work in. F XVIII
Milhau on the derivation of ‘‘ Coos” ..... 89 | Nisqually language aistincs fro om. ¢ saint
Minabozho, an Ojibwa deity.............. 166 MEANT eames Sarcie esaheisietere siete aries : 62
Mindeleff, Cosmos, work of....xxy-xxvuI,xxxu1 | Nisqually, population..................... 105
Mindeleff, Victor,work of ...... eR REV EDN OFC. ISCO UNOZE soles oi sicierelelsieteii ialemiete Ret 135
XXXII-Xxx11I | Nomenclature of linguistic families, paper
Misisauga, population ................... 49 by J. W. Powell on........ 1-142
Missouri tribe, habitat.................... 116 | Nootka-Columbian family of Scouler..... 129,130
Miwok division of Moqueluman family, Northwestern Innuit population BAAR 75
Hat 510) So aon taGk eames O Cea EOma Toe 93 | Notaway tribe ....... a9
**Mobilian trade Jargon” Sn 96 | Notaway joined by the Tutelo . paddies 114
Modoe, habitat and population. 90 | Nozitribe........ 135
EGOS ITT ON MOM OG refac rss saipinte ale stoiats steele 90
Mohave, population ....................++ 138 o.
Mohawk, population.................--..- 80 | Office work. .......... Faanavos crcetarcectetote XXXK-XXIV
Moki Indians, study of snake dance of .xxv1,xxIx | Ojibwa, population ....................... 50
Moki pueblos, Arizona, work among ..... XXIX paper on Midewiwin or Grand Medi-
Moki tribes, studies among .............XXIV-Xxv cine\SociebyOt ac onelssotase<! vere 143-300
Moki ruins explored............... XXV-XXVIL area inhabited by............ 149-150
Moki. See Tusayan. | belief of, respecting spirits ... fi 163
Molale, habitat and population........... 127, 128 mythology of see 30 163
Monsoni, population ........ .........-... 49 | Okinagan, population ........... celetele 105
Montagnais, population .................. 49 | Olamentke dialect of Kostromitonov S000 92
Monterey, Cal., natives of. .............. tp Olamentke division of Moquelumnan fam-
Montesano, population ...............-... 105 ily, tribes of ppp eect Chern gC 93
Montigny, M. de, on the Na’htchi and Omabashabitatace. cite sree renee 115
LPT sg nipnnce sep bBes deys0De 96, 97 reeyeniiinty i AAs paccoosngdsusysncorcignt 117
Mooney, James, work of. ...........XXxXIV,xxxv | Onelda, population ...... 80

406 INDEX.
Page. | Page.
Onondaga, population.................... 80 | Powell, J. W., Noje vocabulary of......... 135
Orozco y Berra, Manuel, linguistic litera- separates the Yuki language... .. 136
CUTE. ada Keene eee 20 | Powers, Stephen, linguistic literature. .... 22
Cited aot. ote reise anise carat 54 cited on artificial boundaries of In-
on the Coahuiltecan family , 68 | dian hunting and fishing claims. .. 42
Osage, early occupancy of Arkansas by | cited on Pacific coast tribes .......... 54
GHG seo sirn ie se Ceol noid as See Oar 113 on the Chimarikan family............ 63
Osage, habitat and population SAOCOGeeA 116, 118 on the Meewok name of the Moque-
Oto and Missouri, population. . .... .... 118 ime River sores. noe eee se wearer 92
@toethabitaten.. 1st «hens. 116 | on the Pit River dialects.............. 7
Ottawa, population........................ 50 Cahroc tribe of ..Sonaunk o-eete eaters 100
Oyhut, population. ... 105 Pujunan researches. .. . : 100
on Shoshonean of C: alifornia MAI owobe 110
P. Washoan vocabularies of............. 131
K on habitat of Weitspekan tribes 132
Packard, A. §.,on Labrador Eskimo pop- onthe Noziltribe: onus. ee eee 135
WAtiON. Fe ose eset eeecenee es 7 | Pownall map, location of Totteroy River
Pat Ute, population........... 110 One eon caee eeae 114
Pakawa tribe, habitat ......... 68 | Prairie du Chien, treaty of 112
Palaihnihan family................. 97,98 | Prichard, James C., linguistic literature . 14
Paloos, population. .................- 107 | Priestly, Thomas, on Chinook population . 66
Papago, a division of the Piman family .. 98 | Pueblo languages, see Keresan, Taioan,
population Tere ench ese 99) | Zuitian.
Pareja, Padre, Timuquana vocabulary of i233 Pujunan familyc. Bos can Re 99, 100
Parisot, J., et al., on the Taensa language 96 Pujunitribes i s5.e ee 99
Parry, C. C., Pima vocabulary of......... 98 Purfsima, inhabitants of 67
Patriotism of the Indian.................. 36 Puyallup, population ...... 105
Paviotso, population.............. ; 110
Pawnee, divisions of, and habitat... 60, 61,113 Q.
goauistion sopb00 Roleteisieisieie steisisiciiste 62
Peet, S. D., work of.......... _.xvu, xvi | Quaitso, population. . : 105
Pennsylvania, work in..... xvur | Quapaw, a southern Senne an ibe. 113
Peoria, population of the.... sate 50 early habitat ... ..... 113
Petroff, Ivan, Eskimo researches of ; ve present habitat............. 116
on population of the Koluschan tribes 87 | population......................65. 118
Pictography of Midewiwin 286-289 | Quarrelers classed as Athapascan........ 52
Picuris, population ............. .......-. 323 | “Queen Charlotte’s Islands,” language of,
Pike, Z., on the Kiowa language.......... 84 Gallatin.....................- 119
on the habitat of the Comanche.... 10g | Queniut, population ........ 105
Pilling, James C., work of ..xxx, XXXI, Xxxv1, 142 Quile-ute, population and Bapibat 63
acknowledgments to................. 442 | Quinaielt, population... ........ 0... 105
Pit Biverdinlectsoo, cect eke g7 | Quoratean family ................ ... 100, 101
Pima alta, a division of the injinavena family 98
R.
imiansfamilyicerntaies erie etl 98
Pima, population 99 | Ramsey, J.G.M.,on Cherokee habitat... . %8
Pimentel, Francisco, iTercaritita ita, 21 | Rechahecrian. See Rickohockan.
on the Yuman language. . 137 Red Lake Midé Chart described...... 165
Pinto tribe, habitat. ... 68 | Religion of the Cherokees, character of. . 319

Plants used for medical purposes by ane

Midewiwin. . . 197-201, 226, 241, 242 |
Plants used by Cherokees for medical pur-
DOSES for sien ceteris 322-331
ceremonies for Pathan 339
Point Barrow Eskimo, habitat ........... 43
Pojoaque, population es 123
RONCAADADILAT ERE eas seer eee . 118,115
POPULATION weiter tiadeccire sia siee « 117
Pope on the Kiowa habitat............... 84
Population of Indian tribes discussed .... 33-40
Pottawatomie, population of the......... 50
Powell, J. W., work of. .......... - -XVITI-XXIV
paper of, on Indian linguistic families 1-142
linguistie literature. oer, 2d, 24 |
Mutsun researches.......... . ... 70
Wishoskan researches... ............ 133 |

Religion of the Cherokees, gods of ....... .340-342

Reynolds, H. L., work of ........ XVII
Rickohockan Indians of Virginia......... 7
Riggs, A. L., on Crow habitat............. 114
Riggs, S.R.,Salishan researches.......... 104
Rink, H.J.,on population of Labrador Es-

KIMO Wer een 75
Rogan, John P., work of. XVII, XVI
Rogue River ndians sci. ei) icteuiesisieieetaieire 121

DO PULAGIONE rete eee seers eiseiertetars 56
Ross, Alexander, cited on improvidence of

Indians of Northwest ............. 38

Ross, Sir John, acknowledgmeuts to... ... 73

Royce, Charles C., work of..... ......... XXXII
map of, cited on Cherokee lands... . 7

Runsien nation of Galiano................ 5

Ruslen language of Mofras........... 102

San Juan, population......... ..0...5-..: 123
San Luis Obispo, natives of .............- a7
San Luis Rey Mission, Cal................ 138
San Miguel language ..................... (6
San Miguel Mission, Cal.................. 101, 102
Sans Puell, population ......... .......... 105
Santa Ana, population .................- A 83
Santa Barbara applied as family name... 67
Santa Barbara language, Cal. 101
Santa Clara, Cal., language. . a 92
Santa Clara, population.................-. 123
Santa Clara, Colorado, exploration of
PISA tere ielasie etait teietete raisin) XXI-XXIV
Santa Cruz Islands, natives of..... ....... 67
Santa Cruz, Cal., natives of................ tp
Banta Inez Milanese. neces ain nets 67
Santa Rosa Islanders. ...... 67
Santee population ........... ...... 116
Santiam, population ...... .......... 82
Santo Domingo, population ... 83
Sastean amily... secede cece s- aioe 105
Satsup, population.... ................... 105
Say, Dr., vocabularies of Kiowa by.......
Say’s vocabulary of Shoshoni referred to. 109
Sayfisklan language...........5.......... 134
Scherinerhorn, cited on Kido hadatco... . 61
on the Kiowa habitat..... ....... ... 84

Schoolcraft, H. R., on the Cherokee bounds
RU AUP URL reese estlniotes eiasiese errs 79

on the Tuolumne dialect 92
on the Cushna tribe .................. 99
cited om Wabeno. «0. 6..060 ec ess nt eas 156
initiation into Midéwiwin............. 161
Scouler, John, linguistic literature ....... 13-14
on the Kalapooian family ............ 81
Skittagetan researches ..............- 119
Shahaptan family of 107
“‘ Nootka-Columbian,” family of...... 129
Secumne tribe 99
Sedentary tribes... 30-33

INDEX. 407
Ss. Page.
Page. | Seminole, population ..... 95
Sac and Fox, population of the........ .. 50 | Seneca, population vce 80
Sacramento tribes, Sutter and Dana on the Seneca, population..................--25.. 123
GEER OND 2 op conc aetennnecomeE are on 99 | Shahaptian family . 106
Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees, notice | Shamans, classes of. 156-159
OL PAPer OMe eeu wciie) venice os ----XXXIX-XL decline of power of among Cher oReeS 336
paper by James Mooney on .......... 301-397 | mode of payment of among Cherokees 337-339
Saiazhabitatsc:ccivosccc soca neces ete e . ita NAS AMOR. cose): cae ader amare tse 106
Saidyuka, population.............-....... 110 | Shateras, supposed to be Tutelos ........ 114
Saint Regis, population. ..... ......... 81 -| Shawnee, population ............... ..... 50
Salinan familys sacen. ctaco vances ces os eee 101 Habitat eraneccnsastssietenierlo. « cemnda her 7
AAT era RAY eo oee ona moon pangre mae 102-105 | Shea, J. G., on early habitat of the Kas-
Salish, population..... 105 kaskias . weay hs othacee sve 113
Salish of Puget Sound 130 | Sheepeaters. See mukuarika, .
San Antonio language 75 | Shiwokugmiut Eskimo, population. ...... 7
San Antonio Mission, Cal................-. 101,102 | Shoshonean family. : 2 . 108-110
San Buenaventura Indians.............-..- 67, 68 regarded by Bike nmenets as ehgentical
San Carlos Apache population ........... 56 with Nahuatlan......... ......... 140
Sandia, population, .....................-- 123 | Shoshoni, population ..................... 110
San Felipe, population..................-- BS) USI PO DELAION =. se cise ritini-jahe) te et 83
San Francisco Mountain, exploration of | Sibley, John, cited on language of ‘Adai-
PINE MGAD Se sur cehiee das eke sec XVIHI-XXI | zan family of Indians.... ......... 4647
San Ildefonso. population ....... 123 | Attacapan researches................ 57
Sanitary regulations among the Cherokee cited on Caddo habitat ............... 61
Indians, neglect of........ Sheen 332, 333 on the habitat of the Karankawa ... 82

states distinctness of Tonika language 125
Sikassige (Ojibwa Indian) furnishes ac-
count of origin of the Indians....
Sikassige’s explanation of Mille Lacs

172-173

chart . Snqhenacs 174-181
Siksika, Serato BAT SSCA SBOE IRB ASE 50
| Simpson, James H., Zuni vocabulary . 139
Siouankfamiilyersseciccce cee ciccdh n tesente 111-118
Sioux, use of the term 112
Sisitoans, habitat............ 111
Sisseton, population .......... 116
Sitka tribe, population 87
STUB SL WROTE Ula atetaretetcleter-foreslipislstctatalcie iy unr si 134
Six Nations joined by the Tutelo ..... 114
Skittagetanfamily.............-...:..- 118
Skokomish, population .................. 105
Slave, and other tribes, population. .... 56
Smith, Buckingham, on the Timuquana
LEN agi fot. henson Some OCAS AES 12:
Smith, Charles M., work of . . XVII, XVIII
Smith, Erminnie A., work of ............. XXXI
Snake dance of Moki Indians, study
Cie deccaneercubnkearesensnecetedas XXVI, XXIX
Snohomish, population ...........2....... 105
Sobaipuri, a division of the Piman family . 98
Soke tribe occupying Sooke Inlet....... 130
Soledad language of Mofras.............. 102

Songs used in ceremonies of the Midewi-
Wal Daratereietelvetels = 193-196, 202-203, 207-214, 216,
218-219, 227-230, 232-233, 239-240,
243-244 , 246-251, 253-254, 259-261,
263-264, 266-273, 282-286, 289-207
MOde Of WINE isin scr ce ese se = 286-289
mode of singing deseribed.......... . 289-290
Sorcerers, practice of, among Algonkian

EYIDER Eee ates Mace abides e as 151, 152, 154
Sorcery, a common cause of death among

Indians 39
Southern Caddoan group.............-- 7 113
Southern Killamuks. See Yakwina...... 134

408 INDEX.
Page. Page.
Sproat, G. M., suggests Aht as name of Tobacco, use of, in ceremonies of the
Wakashan family ................ 130 Midéwiwin'vcmepansmarcaites et 231, 260, 262
Squaxon, population ..................... 105 | Tobacco Plains Cootenai ................. 85
Stahkin, population. ............... monies |) Dobilkkhar, populationiets cae «seas ereteet 110.
Stephen, A. M., aid by. .................. xxix | Tolmie, W. F., Chimmesyan vocabulary
Stevens, I. I., on the habitat of the Ban- CICEG a raneicterere Serene x 64
ied daanesnenanoonmondnahaneodaees 109 Salishan researches ......... 104
Stevenson, James, work of...... XVIII, XXI, XXIII Shahaptian vocabularies of 107
xxiv-xxv | Tolmie and Dawson, linguistic literature. 25
Stevenson, Mrs. M. C., work of . ... XXV WMAP CHEE S acta teictass cise telereete eieeve as steiete 53, 64
“Stock,” linguistic, defined ........ aé rk |, on boundaries of the Haeltzuk ...... 130
Stockbridge, population.......-......... 51°| Tongas, population’: «00.2. -c0- «cee eae yfe
Stone villages, explorations in...... xvin-xxvi | Tonikan family................-........-. 125
Stoney, Lieut., investigations of Athapas- Tonkawan family... s..cc\.0< c= cs cieic es secre 125-126
Gan habitatcent to. cee eee 53 | Tonkawe vocabulary collected by Gats-
Supai Indians, work among XXI Chet 0.02. cscs eee e eee eee teense 82
Superstition the most common source of Tonti, cited ....-..---.- sss. senses tees 61
death among Indians...........-. 39 | Toteros. See Tutelo ..................... 114
Sutter, Capt., on the divisions of the Sac- Totteroy River, location of, by Pownall .. 114
ramento tribes. .........----+++: 99 | Towakarehu, population .......... ...... 2
Sweat bath, use of, among Cherokees .... 333-334 | Treaties, difficulties, and defects in, re-
Sweat lodge of Midewiwin, use of . ..... 204, 258 garding definition of tribal bound-
Swimmer manuscript of Cherokee form- ATIES - 60-2. ee eee ---- 43-44
TALS See, ne an ee er SEE 310,312 | Treaty of Prairie du Chien....... ..... > 112
Swinomish, population.................-- 105 | Tribal land classified ..................... 40
Synonymy of Indian tribes, work in-xxx1v-xxxv1 | Trumbull, J. H., on the derivation of
(ofr Ae Ss Bapuduntiscccomsdagesande 59
T. on the derivation of “Sioux”........ 111
Tsamak tribe . eeeists Bridocets 99
Tabu among Cherokees, illustrations of .. 331-332 | Tshinkitani or Rcolneenal finer aietolerelers : 86
Taensa, regarded by Du Pratz as kindred MokuarikasDaDitatien ce eee tere 109
to the Na‘htchi....... aiecestees 66 POPULATION weenie tee eee ns 110
tribe and language - 96 | Turner, William W., linguistic literature. 18
habitat . . % discovery of branches of Athapascan
Taiakwin, a Zuni v Mrs, 139 family in Oregon by............. 52
Takilman family . an : 121 Eskimo researches of...............- v
Takilma, habitat and monulation! Peas 121 on the Keresan language ............. 83
Taku, population. . ae 87 on the Kiowan family .............. 84
Takwatihi, or Gane ips Killer. Gherokea on the Piman family ..... .......... 98
formulas furnished by. . ‘ 316 Wuman'researches'...-....°..:.. 137
Tanoan stock, one Tusayan agate he Zunian researches. . hs ae 138
NONZINGVO se oses cess keene. 110 | Tusayan, Arizona, work in.............XXIV,XXV
Tatioaniiamily sec. coee cecnascie seme cette 121-123 | Tusayan, habitat and population......... 110
Taos language shows Shoshonean affini- Tewan pueblo of ............ 122
Une} Banu edoacdonca no asndns pasos ade 122 a Shoshonean tongue........... : 139
population........ Deiter 123 | Tuscarora, an Iroquoian tribe ......... 79
Taylor, Alexander §., on 1 the Esselen vo- population. . 81
CADULANY en. oaseee in netceerece 75,76 | Tuski of Asia. ......... 74
Taywaugh language of Lane -. ; 122 | Tutelo, a Siouan tribe .. : 112
Teaching among Indians......... SWE 35 habitat in 1671...... Way todas 114
Tegua or Taywaugh language. . . 122 present habitat........5. ....008. ; 116
Tenaino, population ............ oat 107 yaa) HENNE Coan Shunnuncbpopdes yoacbtr 118
Tendn Kutchin, population...... ........ 56 || Tyigh, population .S.cec.. seme) eleceeiaele 107
TEnnOSSeOy WOLK ON seiaiete aia slate elsioip viajes slam XVII
Tesuque, population ..................... 123 U.
Gay MAN COI HaonBrcehosnosomnecocesoar ATA || Wchean fam iyjcaaciec op ofseletwnisitalerdteteinete . 126-127
oye sannanonoaeaneres, caopauedad 117 | Umatilla, population ...... .......... 107
Tiburon Island occupied by Yuman tribes 138 | Umpqua, population........ F orb 56
Millamtogks apices swam tee eee 104 Scoulerionithee.nceece eae 81
population. .... 105 | Unungun, mapulation j 75
Timuquanan tribes, probable early habitat Upper Creek join the Na htchi.. 96
of 95 | Upper Spokane, population .............. 105
family 123-125 | Upper Umpqua villages, location of...... 134
Therapeutics of the Midéwiwin 197-201, 226, 241-242 | Uta, population ......... ... 110
Thomas, Cyrus, work of..... XVI-XVIII, X¥X-xxx1 | Utah, work in car seraYa (niet sieinestt XXIX-XXX
Thomas, Mrs. L. V., work of ........... xxxr || Ute, habitatiof theo occ ccisecmes emcees 109

INDEX. 409

Page. Page.
Vv. Winnebago, population 118
Valle de los Tulares language... .-..+-++ gz | Wisconsin, work in........-. ---- Se eee
Villages of Indians ........---+-++++-++++- 4o | Wishoskan family .......--. 132-133
Witcheraft beliefs among Indians fvsefeisiels 39
Ww. Woccon, an extinct Siouan tribe........-- 112, 116
Wocecon, former habitat 114
Wabeno class of Shamans, relative im- Wyandot, former habitat .. 7
portance Of...-....--+-.60seeeees 156 pOnOlabONeseiat cer see secre Heenan 81
practices Of.......-+++..eeeee eeeeees 156-157
Waco, population. .......++0++2eee seer eee 62 Y.
Wahkpakotoan, habitat... .+-+..-.--+--- 111_| yaketahnoklatakmakanay tribe .......-- 85
Waiilatpuan family ......----+0.+-+5055+ Brij SE || aaeayaenr ENTIAL aban oe sonduneee meaner ASE 133
Wailakki, habitat. ....-- 54 | vatcutat population ... . ........0665 0 87
relationship of to Kulanapan ‘tribes . 88 | yakut or Mariposan family. . .......-.-- 90
Wakashan family .......----++-++++++-++* | 198-131 SFE ALN DURE cen Pine BER arse 134
Wakash, habitat ...-.--------- : 129 | yamasi, believed to be extinct. ... . 95
Walapai, population. ....---- - 138 Atibitatieen tee eaetes sco eee 95
Walla Walla, population 10 || Seat perilsGilgechomhe ee seasecner: 82
Wars, effect of, in reducing Indian popu- Yamkalle, Scouler on . Es. 81
lation ..... eensecseeets seseseescee SBN evannmitarilyd fe. ossecencss = ~ 135
Warren, W. W., cited on Society of the Yanktoanans, habitat wey 11
Mide. -----+ ++: pes eee eas 160-161, 162 | yanktou, habitat ..........--+seeeeeee sees 111
cited on Indian traditions .........--- 183-184 MepUlaOne eaten) canara 116
Wasco. population oe ctoieieie tere stac inva cc 66 | yanktonnais, population..........-..- 117
Washaki, habitat. .....----+++-+++--++-+-- 109 | yarrow, H, C., work of........XXVII-XXX, XXXII
Washoan family... weteeeeteeeerenerses 131 | yonkalla, population......... ---.-.-+- : 82
Wateree, habitat and probable linguistic Youikeones or Youkone of Lewis and
conmection........--++-e+eseee eres 114 Glackoce eens ee 134
Watlala, population .......--.....+---+.+ 66 | Youkiousme, a Moquelumnan dialect .. 92
Wayne, Maumee valley settlements de- Young, William, aid by ......-...--------- xxx
seribed by -...---------++ s-+-- . 41] young Deer, Cherokee formulas fur-
Weather imploration of Midewiwin, .... 207-209 nished by ....----- yess fy Ap Be 316
Weitspekan family Senefeagnsc> snc ersa.eee> 131 | Ysleta, Texas, population ... {23
Western Innuit population .......-...-- 7 | yuchi, habitat and population.........--+ 126, 127
Whipple, A. W., Kiowan researches. ....- 84 | yuchi. See Uchean family.
Pima vocabulary of ....-...-- -+---+- 98 | yuit Eskimo of Asia oa 74
on the derivation of *‘ Yuma”.......- 187 | Yukian family.......- _.. 135-136
Zuni vocabulary.....-----.+.-+-++++5+ 139 | Yuman family..... ....--++.+++ 136-138
White Mountain Apache population... aes 56 | yurok, Karok name for the Weitspekan
Wichita, population. . - 2 Sui Base need coatnsosuasobecnou st 132
Will West, collection ofl Cherokee formulas
and songs prepared by......------ 317 Z.
Winnebago, former habitat ... 111,112 | Zufiian family......-----+---+-+28 20st 138-139
Winnebago, present habitat.........--++- 116 | Zuni ruins explored.. .-XXVI-XXVIII

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Full text of "Annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution"

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