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Smithsonian institution. Bureau of ethnology. 

1 Eighth aunual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to tho | 

i secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1836-W | by | J. W. 
I Powell I director | [Vignette] | 
j Washington \ govuriiiueut printing office | 1891 

8°. xxxvi. 298 pp. 123 pi. 

Po'well (.John Wesley). 

Eighth annual report | of tho | Bureau of ethnology | to the | 
I secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 18du-W | by | J. W. 
I Powell I director | [Vignette] | 

Washington | goverumeut printing office | 1891 

8°. xxxvi, 298 pp. 123 pi. 

[Smitiiso.vian institution. Bureau. 0/ ethnol'igy.] 

Eighth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to tho | 
secretary of the Smithsonian institution | lS3i)-'87 | by | J. W. 
Powell I director | [Vignette] | 

Washiugtou | government printing office | 1891 

8°. xxXTi, 298 pp. 123 pi. 

[Smithsonian institution. Burrau of etknolvgy.] 








J. ^^r, POA^TELL 







Letter of transmittal x v 

Iiitroiluction ,\vii 

Pul)lic;iti(m : xviii 

Field work X Vlii 

Mound explorations xix 

Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas xix 

General lield studies i x.x 

Work of Mr. A. S. Gatschet xx 

Work of Mr. .Tereiniali Curtin xxi 

Work of Dr. W. J. Hoflman xxi 

Office work xxiii 

Workof Maj. J. W. Powell x.\iii 

Work of Prof. C'ynis Thomas xxiii 

Work of Mr. Gerard Fowke xxiv 

Work of Mr. II. L. Reynold.s xxiv 

Work of Mr. James D. Middleton x.xiv 

Work of Mr. James C Pilling xxiv 

Work of Mr. Frank H. Cnshiug xxiv 

Work of Mr. Charles C. Royce xx v 

Work of Mr. William H. Holmes xxv 

Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff X X \i 

Work of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff x.wi 

Work of Mr. E. W. Nelson xx vii 

Work of Mr. Liuien M. Turner x.wiii 

Work of Mr. Henry W. lleushaw x.\ viii 

Work of Col. Garriek Mallery .x.wiii 

Work of Mr. James Mooney x.xviil 

Work of Mr. John N. B. Hewitt x.\ vm 

Work of Mr. Albert S. Gatschet xxvin 

Work of Mr. J. Owen Dorsey x.wiii 

Work of Dr. W. J. Hoffman xxix 

Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin xxi.\ 

.\ceomiianying papers .\,\ix 

A study of Pueblo Architecture, Tusayan and Cibola, by Victor Minde- 
leff . XXX 

Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the Navajo 

Indians, by James Stevenson xxxiv 

Financial statement x.xxvi 







lutrodnction ' 13 

Chapter I. — Traditionary history of Tusayan 16 

Explanatory 16 

Summary of traditions 16 

List of traditionary gentes 38 

Supplementary legend 40 

Chapter II. — Ruins and inhabited villages of Tusayan 42 

Physical features of the province i2 

Methods of survey 44 

Plans and descriiitiou of ruins 45 

Walpi ruins 4(j 

Old Mashongnavi 46 

ShitaLmuvi 48 

Awatuhi 49 

Horn House 50 

Small ruin near Horn House 51 

Bat House 52 

Mishiptonga 52 

Moen-kopi 53 

Kuins ou the Oraibi wash 54 

K waituki 56 

Tebugkihu, or Fire House 57 

Chukubi 59 

Paynpki 59 

Plans and descriptious of inhabited villages 61 

Hano 61 

Sichumovi » 62 

Walpi 63 

Mashongnavi 66 

Shupaulovi 71 

Shumopavi 73 

Oraibi 76 

Moen-kopi 77 

Chapter III. — Ruins and inhabited villages of Cibola 80 

Physical features of the province 80 

Plans and descriptions of ruins 80 

Hawikuh 80 

Ketchipauan 81 

Chalowe 83 

Hampassawau 84 

K'iakima 85 

Matsaki 86 

Piuawa 86 

Halona 88 

Tiaaiyalana ruins 89 

Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde 91 

Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 94 

Nutria 94 

Pescado 95 

Ojo Calieute 96 

Zuiii 97 


CHAPTEn IV. — Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola compared by constructional 

details 100 

Introdiution " 100 

House building 100 

Rites and methods 100 

Loc.ilizatiou of gentes 104 

Interior arrangement .' 108 

Kivns in Tusayan Ill 

General use of kivas by pueblo builders Ill 

Origin of the name Ill 

Anticjuity of the kiva Ill 

Excavation of the kiva 112 

Access 113 

Masonry 114 

Orientation 115 

The ancient form of kiva 116 

Native explanations of position 117 

Methods of kiva building and rites 118 

Typical plans 118 

Work by women 129 

Consecration 129 

Various uses of kivas 130 

Kiva ownership 133 

Motives for building a kiva 134 

Significance of structural plan 135 

Typical measurements 136 

List of Tusayan kivas 136 

Details of Tusayan and Cibola construction 137 

Walls 137 

Roofs and floors 148 

Wall copings and roof drains 151 

Ladders and steps 156 

Cooking pits and ovens 162 

Oven-shaped structures 167 

Fireplaces and chimuej-s 167 

Gateways and covered passages 180 

Doors 182 

Windows 194 

Roof openings 201 

Furniture 208 

Corrals and gardens ; eagle cages 214 

" Kisi" construction 217 

Architectural nomenclature 220 

Concluding remarks 223 


Introduction 235 

Construction of the Medicine Lodge 237 

First day 237 

Personators of the gods 237 

Second day 239 

Description of the sweat houses 239 

Sweat houses and masks 242 

Preparation of the sacred reeds (cigarettes) and prayer-sticka .. , 242 



Third day 244 

First ceremony 244 

SecoiKl cercniouy 245 

Third ceremony 247 

Fourth ceremony (niirht) 248 

Fourth day 249 

First ceremony .' 249 

Second ceremony 250 

Third ceremony 250 

Fourth ceremony 252 

Fifth ceremony 253 

Sixtli ceremony 253 

Foods bronglit into the lodge 256 

Fifth day 257 

First ceremony 257 

Second ceremony 259 

Third ceremony 260 

Sixth day 261 

Seventh day 263 

Eighth day 265 

Ninth day 269 

First ceremony 269 

Second ceremony 270 

Song of the Etsethle 272 

Prayer to th(! Etsethle 272 

Conclusion — the dance 273 

Myths of the Navajo 275 

Creation of the sun 275 

Hasjelti and Hostjoghou 277 

The floating logs 278 

Naiyenesgony and Tol)aidischinni 279 

The brothers 280 

The old man and woman of the first, world 284 



Plate I. Map of tlio provinoos of Tusayan and Cibola 12 

II. Olil Masbouguavi, plan 14 

III. General view of Awatubi 16 

IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan 18 

V. Staniling walls of Awatubi 20 

VI. A(lol>e fragment in Awatubi 22 

VII. Horn House ruin, plan 24 

VIII. Bat House 26 

IX. Micshiptonga (Jeditob) 28 

X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi 30 

XI. Masonry on tbe outer wall of the Fire-House, detail 32 

XII. Cbukubi, plan 34 

XIII. Pay upki, plan 36 

XIV. General view of Payupki 38 

XV. Standing walls of Payupki 40 

XVI. Plan of Hauo 42 

XVII. View of Hano 44 

XVIII. Plan of Sicburaovi 46 

XIX. View of Siebumovi 48 

XX. Plan ofWalpi 50 

XXI. Viewof Walpi 52 

XXII. South passageway of Walpi 54 

XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi .56 

XXIV. Dance rock and ki va, Walpi 58 

XXV. Foot trail to Walpi 60 

XXVI. Mashongnavi, plan 62 

XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in distance 64 

XXVIII. liai'k wall of a. Mashongnavi house row 66 

XXIX. West side of a principal row in Mashongu.avi 68 

XXX. Plan of SliMiiaulovi 70 

XXXI. View of Shupaulovi 72 

XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi 74 

XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi 76 

XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi 78 

XXXV. View of Shumopavi 80 

XXXVI. Oraibi, plan In pocket. 

XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing localization of gentes 82 

XXXVIII. A court of Oraibi 84 

XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi 86 

XL. Oraibi house row, showing court side 88 

XLI. Back of Oraibi house row 90 




Plate XLII. Tbo site of Moen-kopi 92 

XLIII. Plan of Moou-kopi 94 

XLI V. Mocu-kopi 96 

XLV. The Mormon mill at Moen-kopi 98 

XLVI. Hawiknli, plan 100 

XLVII. Hawikuh, view 102 

XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuh ). 104 

XLIX. Ketchipauan, plan 106 

L. Ketchipauan 108 

LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan 110 

LII. K'iakinia. plan 112 

LIII. Site of K'iakinia, at base of TiXaalyalaua 114 

LIV. Recent wall at K'iakinia 116 

LV. Matsaki.iilau 118 

LVI. Standinj; wall at Piuawa 120 

LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuni 122 

L VIII. Fragments of Halona wall 124 

LIX. The mesa of Taaaiy.alana, from Zufii 126 

LX. Taaaiyalana, plan 128 

LXI. Standing walls of Taaaiyalana ruins 130 

LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Tilaaiyalana 132 

LXIIl. Kin-tiel, plan (also showing excavations) 134 

LXI V. North wall of Kin-tiel 136 

LXV. Stauding walls of Kin-tiel 138 

LXVI. Kinna-Zinde 140 

LXVII. Nutria, plan 142 

LXVIII. Nutria, view 144 

LXIX. Pescado, plan 146 

LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals 148 

LXXI. Pescado houses 150 

LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry iu Pescado 152 

LXXIII. Ojo Caliente, plan In pocket. 

LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente 154 

LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente 156 

LXXVI. Zufu, plan In pocket. 

LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuni, showing distribution of ol)liquo openings. 158 

LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuni, looking west 160 

LXXIX. Zuni terraces 162 

LXXX. Old ailobe church of Zuni 164 

LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuni 166 

LXXXII. A Zufii court 168 

LXXXIII. A Zuni suuill house 170 

LXXXIV. A building at Oraibi 172 

LXXXV. A Tusayan interior 174 

LXXXVI. A Zuni interior 176 

LXXX VII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan 178 

LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shumopavi, from the northeast 180 

LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel 182 

XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuni 184 

XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi 186 

XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at Ojo Caliente 188 

XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into an ancient pueblo wall.. 190 

XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in southwestern Colorado 192 

XCV. Ancient floor beams at Kin-tiel 194 

XC VI. Adobe walls iu Zuni 196 


Plate XC VII. Wall cojiing and oveu at Zuui W>i 

XC VIII. Cross iiioces ou Zuni l.itlders 200 

XC'IX. Outsiae steps at Pescado 202 

C. All I'.Kcav.ated room at Kin-ticl 204 

CI. M.asoiuy chimneys of Zuui 206 

C'll. Rcuiains of a gateway iu Awatubi 208 

GUI. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel 210 

CIV. A cov(^red iiassageway iu Mashongnavi 212 

CV. Small square opeuiugs iu Pueblo Bonlto 214 

CVI. Scaled openings in a dctaclied house of Nutria 216 

C'VII. Partial filling in of a large opening in Oraibi, convertiug it 

into a doorway 218 

CVIII. Large openings reduced to small windows, Oraibi 220 

CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashouguavi 222 

ex. Portion of a corral In Pescado 224 

CXI. Zuui eagle cage 226 

CXII. A, Rainbow over eastern sweat house; \i, Raiubow over west- 
ern sweat liouse 240 

CXIIl. Blankest rug and medicine tubes 242 

CXIV. Blanket rug and medicine tul>es 244 

CXV. Masks: 1, Naiyenesyong; 2, 3, Tobaidischinne; 4, 5, Hasjelti; 

6, Hostjoghon; 7, Hostjobokon; 8, Hostjoboard 246 

C'XVI. Blanket rug and mediQine tubes 248 

CXVII. 1, Pine boughs on sand bed; 2, Apache basket containing yucca 
suds lined with corn pollen ; 3, Basket of water surface covered 

with pine needles 250 

CXVIII. Blanket rug and medicine tubes and sticks 252 

CXIX. Blanket rug .and medicine tube 258 

CXX. First sand painting 260 

CXXI. Second sand painting 262 

CXXII. Third sand painting 264 

CXXIII. Fourth sand painting 266 

Fig. 1. View of thi^ First Mesa 43 

2. Ruins, old Walpi mound 47 

3. Ruin between Bat House and Horn House 51 

4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan 53 

5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraiiii 55 

6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi ( K waituki ) 56 

7. Oval lire-house ruin, plan (Tebugkihu) - 58 

8. Topography of the site of Walpi 64 

9. Mashouguavi and Shupaulovi from Shumopavi 66 

10. Diagram sliowiiig growth of Mashongnavi 67 

11. Diagram showing growth of Mashouguavi 68 

12. Diagram sliowing growth of Masliongnavi 69 

13. Topography of tlie site of Shupaulovi 71 

14. Court kiva of Sluimopavi 75 

. 15. Hampassawan, plan 84 

Ifi. Pina wa, iilau 87 

17. Nutria, plan, small diagram, old wall !'4 

18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram 95 

19. A Tusayan wood-rack 103 

20. Interior ground plan of a Tusayan room 108 

21. North kivas of Shumopavi from the southwest 114 

22. Ground plan of the chief kiva of Shupaulovi 122 

23. Ceiling plan of the chief kiva of Shupaulovi 123 



Fig. 24. Interior view of .a Tiisay an kiva 124 

25. Ground plan of a Sliupaulovi kiva 125 

26. Ceilinii jilan of a Sluipaulovi kiva 125 

27. Ground plan of tlie chief kiva of Masbonguavi 126 

28. Interior view of a kiva hatelivvay in Tusayan 127 

29. Mat used in closing' the i-ntrance of Tusayan ki vas 128 

30. R(^ctauj;ular sipapuli in a Mashi)n'4U:i(Vi kiva 131 

31. Loom-post in kiva lloor at Tusayan 132 

32. ,\ Zufii cliinniey, sliowinj; pottery iVa<;'nients euibeddecl in its adol)e 

base 139 

33. A Zuui oven with pottery scales embedded in its surface 139 

34. Stou(5 wedges of Zuui ma.soury expos(Ml in a rain-washed wall 141 

35. An unjilastered house wall iu Ojo C'aliente 142 

36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi, executed iu i)iuk on a wliiti^ 

ground 146 

37. Diagram of Zuui roof eoustrnction 149 

38. Showing abutuu>nt of smaller roof-beams ov<'r round ginlers 151 

39. Single stoni! roof-drains 1.53 

40. Trough roof-drains of stone 153 

41. Wooden roof-drains 1,54 

42. Curved roof-drains of stone in Tusayan 1.54 

43. Tusayan roof-drains; a discarded metate .and a gourd 1!55 

44. Zuui roof-drain, with splash-stones on roof lielow 156 

45. A modern notched ladder iu Oraibi 157 

46. Tusayan notched ladders from Mashongnavi 157 

47. American forms of ladder 1.58 

48. Stone steps at Oraibi with platform at corner 161 

49. Stone steps, with platform at chimney, iu Oraibi 161 

50. Stone steps iu Sh umopavi 162 

51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi 163 

52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 

53. Cross sietions of pi-gnmmi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 

54. Diagrams showing foundation .stones of a Zufii oven 164 

55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry 165 

.56. Oven in Pcscado exposing stones of nuisonry 166 

57. 0\'en iu Peseado exposing stones of masonry 166 

58. Shrines in Mashongnavi 167 

59. A poultry house iu Sichumovi resembling an oven 167 

60. Ground plan of an excavated room iu Kiu-tiel 168 

61. A corner chimney-hood, with two sujiportiug poles, Tusayan 170 

62. A curveil chimney-hood of Miwhouguavi 170 

63. A Mashongnavi chimney-hood and walled-up fireplace 171 

64. A chiuniey-hood of .'^hupaulovi 172 

65. A semi-detached square ehimuey-hood of Zuui 172 

66. Unplastered Zuui chimney-hoods, illustrating construction 173 

67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi 174 

68. A second-story lireplaco in Mashongnavi 174 

69. Piki stone and chimney-hood in i^ii'linmovi 175 

70. Piki stoue and primitive au<liron iu Shnmojiavi 176 

71. A terrace fireplace and chimney of .Shumopavi 177 

72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi 177 

73. A grouud cooking-pit of Shumopavi covered with a chimney 178 

74. Tusayan chimneys 179 

75. A b.arred Zuui door 183 

76. Wooden pivot hinges of a Zuui door 184 



Fig. 77. Paneled wooden doors in Hano 185 

78. Framing of a Znni door panel 186 

79. Rude transoms over Tusayau openings 188 

80. A large Tusayau doorway, with small transom openings 189 

81. A doorway and double transom in Walpi 189 

82. An ancient doorway in a C'anyon dc Chelly cliflf ruiu 190 

83. A symmetrical notche<l doorwaiy in Mashongn.avi 190 

84. A Tusayan notched doorway 191 

85. A large Tusayau doorway with one notched Jamli 192 

86. An ancient circular doorway, or "stone-close," in Kin-tiel 193 

87. Diagram illustrating synunetrical arrangement of small oi>enings in 

Pueblo Bonito 195 

88. Incised decoration on a rude window-sasli in Znni 196 

89. Sloping selenite window at base of Zuui wall on upper terrace 197 

90. A Zuni window glazed with selenite 197 

91. Small openings in thi^ back wall of a Zuni house cluster 198 

92. Sealed openings in Tusayan 199 

93. A Zuui doorway converted into a window 201 

94. Zuni roof-openings 202 

95. A Zuni roof-opening with raised coping 203 

96. Zuni roof-openings with one raised end 203 

97. A Zuui roof-hole with cover 204 

98. Kiva trap-door in Zuui 205 

99. Halved and pinned trap-door frame of a Zuui kiva 206 

100. Typical sections of Zuui oblique openings 208 

101. Arrangement of mealing stones in a Tusayan house 209 

102. A Tusayan grain bin 210 

103. A Zufii plume-box 210 

104. A Zuui plume-box 1210 

105. A Tusayan mealing trough 211 

106. An ancient pueblo form of metate 211 

107. Zuui stools 213 

108. A Zuni chair 213 

109. Constrnction of a Zvini corral 215 

110. Gardens of Znni 216 

111. "Kishoni," or uncovered shaile, of Tusayan 218 

112. A Tusayan field shelter, from south west 219 

113. A Tusayau field shelter, from northeast 219 

114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces, with Tusayan names 223 

115. Kxterior lodge 2.36 

116. Interior lodge 237 

117. Gaming ring 238 

118. Sweat house 240 




Smithsonian Institution, 

Bureau of Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C, October 1, 1887. 
Sir : I have the honor to submit my Eighth Annual Report 
as Director of the Bureau of Ethnol<;)gy. 

The first part presents an exphmation of the plan and oper- 
ations of the Bureau ; the second consists of a series of j)apers 
on anthrojKdogic subjects, prepared by my assistants to ilhis- 
trate the methods and resuhs of the work of the Bureau. 

I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and 
your wise counsel relating to the work under my charge. 
I am, with respect, youi' obedient servant, 

Prof. S. P. Langley, 

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 




By J. W. Powell, Director. 


The prosecution of research among the North American 
Indians, as directed by act of Congress, was continued diu'ing 
the fiscal year 1886-87. 

The general plan upon which the woi'k has been prosecuted 
has been explained in former reports and has not been changed. 
After certain lines of investigation had been decided upon, they 
were confided to persons trained in their pui'suit, with the 
intention that the results of their labors, when completed or 
well advanced, should be presented from time to time in the 
publications of the Bureau provided for by law. A brief state- 
ment of the work upon wliich each one of the special students 
was actively engaged during the fiscal year is furnished below, 
but this statement does not embrace all the studies under- 
taken or services rendered by them, since particular lines of 
research have been suspended in this, as in former years, in 
order to prosecute unto substantial completeness work regarded 
as of paramount importance. From this cause delays have 
been occasioned in the completion of several treatises and 
monographs, already partly in tyjje, wliich otherwise would 
have been published. 

Invitation is renewed for the assistance of explorers, writers, 
and students who are not and may not desire to be officially 
connected with the Bureau. Their contributions, whether in 



the shape of suggestions or of extended communications, Avill 
be gratefully acknowledged, and will always receive proper 
credit if published either in the series of reports or in mono- 
graphs or bulletins, as the liberality of Congress may in future 

The items now reported upon are presented in thi-ee princi- 
pal divisions. . The first relates to the publication made; the 
second, to the work prosecuted in the field; and the thii-d, to 
the office work, which largely consists of the pre})aration for 
l)ublicatioii of the results of field wcn-k, with the corrections 
and additions obtained from the literature relating to the sub- 
jects discussed and by con-espondence. 


The only publication actually issued during the year Avas 
the Fourth Annual Rejjort of the Bureau of Ethnology to the 
Smithsonian Institution, 1882-83. It is an imperial octavo 
volume of Ixiii + 532 pages, illusti'ated by 83 plates, of which 
11 are colored, and 564 figures in the text. The official report 
of the Director, occupying 39 pages (pp. xxv-lxiii), is accom- 
panied by the following papers : 

Pictographs of the North American Indians, a preliminary 
paper, by Garrick Mallery; pp. 3-256, Pis. i-lxxxiii. Figs. 1-209. 

Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, by William H. Holmes ; 
pp. 257-360, Figs. 210-360. 

Ancient Pottery of the Mississippi Valley, by William H. 
Holmes; pp. 361-436, Figs. 361-463. 

Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in Ceramic 
Art, by Wilham H. Holmes; pp. 437-465, Figs. 464-489. 

A Study of Pueblo Pottery, as illustrative of Zuiii culture 
growth, by Frank Hamilton Gushing; jDp. 467-521, Figs. 490- 


The field work of the year is divided into (1) mound explo- 
rations and (2) general field studies, embi'acing those relating 
to social customs, institutions, linguistics, pictography, and 
other divisions of anthropology 



The work of exploring the mounds of the eastern United 
States was, as in j)revious ye^rs, under the charge of Prof 
Cyrus Thomas. 

Ahhough Prof Thomas and his assistants have devoted a 
large portion of the year to the study of the collections made 
in the division of mound exploration and to the preparation of 
a report of its operations for the last five years, yet some field 
work of importance has been done. 

Prof. Thomas in person examined the more important 
ancient works of New York and Ohio. He gave special atten- 
tion to the latter, with a view of determining where new and 
more accurate descriptions, surveys, and illustrations were 
necessary. It was found requisite to undertake a cai-eful re- 
survey and description of a number of the well known works 
in Ohio. This reexamination was the more necessary in view 
of the light shed on the origin and use of these monuments by 
the explorations which had been carried on in West Virginia, 
western North Carolina, and eastern Tennessee. 

Mr. J. P. Rogan continued his work as assistant until the 
close of November, when he voluntarily resigned his position to 
enter upon other engagements. A portion of his time during 
the first month was occu})ied in arranging and preparing for 
shipment the collection purchased of Mrs. McGlashaii, in Sa- 
vannah, Georgia. The rest of his time was employed in 
exploring mounds along the upper Savannah River in Georgia 
and South Carolina and along the lower Yazoo River in Mis- 

Mr. J. W. Emmert continued to act as field assistant until 
the end of February, when the field work closed. His labors, 
with the exception of a short visit to central New York, were 
confined to eastern Tennessee, chiefly Blount, Monroe, and 
Loudon counties, where numerous extensive and very interest- 
ing groups are found in the section formerly occupied by the 
Cherokees. Prof Thomas thought it necessary to devote con- 
siderable attention to the ancient works of that region, as it is 


23robable that there and in western Xdrth CaroHna is to be 
found the key that will materially assist in solving the problem 
of the peculiar works of Ohio. The results of these explora- 
tions are of unusual interest, independent of their supposed 
bearing on the Ohio mounds. 

Mr. James D. Middleton, who has been a constant assistant 
in the division since its organization, after completing some 
investigations begun in southern Illinois, visited western Ken- 
tucky for the purpose of investigating the Avorks of that section, 
but was soon afterwards called to Washington to take part in 
the office work. During the month of June he A'isited and 
made a thorough survey of the extensive group of works near 
Charleston, West Virginia, of which Colonel Nori-is had made 
a partial exploration, the latter having been prevented from 
completing it by the sickness which immediately preceded his 
death. During the same month Mr. Middleton commenced the 
survey of the Ohio works before alluded to, obtaining some val- 
uable results in the short time before the close of the year. 

Mr. Gerard Fowke was also eno-ao'ed for a short time in tield 
work in western Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky, but was 
called early iu autumn to Washington to assist in office work. 


During October and December Mr. Albeit S. Gatschet was 
engaged in gathering historic and linguistic data in Louisiana, 
Texas, and the portion of Mexico adjoining the Rio Grande, 
which region contains the remnants of a number of tril^es whose 
language and linguistic affinity are practically unknown. After 
a long search Mr. Gatschet found a small settlement of Biloxi 
Indians at Indian Creek, five or six miles west of Lecompte, 
Rapides Pansh, Louisiana, where they gain a livelihood as dav 
laborers. Most of them speak more than their native 
tongue ; in fact, about two-thirds of the thirty-two survivors 
speak English only. The vocabulary obtained by him dis- 
closes the interesting fact that the Biloxi belong to the Siouan 
linguistic family. 


He heard of about twenty-live of the Tuuika tribe still livino- 
in their old homes on the Marksville Prairie, x4.voyelles Parish, 
Louisiana. An excellent vocabulary was obtained of their 
language at Lecompte, Louisiana, and a careful comparison of 
this with other Indian languages shows that the Tuuika is re- 
lated to none, but represents a distinct linguistic family. He 
was unable to collect any infoi'mation in regard to the Karan- 
kawa tribe, concerning which little is known except that they 
lived u])on the Texan coast near Lavaca Bay. 

Leaving Laredo County, Texas, he visited Camargo, in 
Tamaulipas, Mexico, finding near San Miguel the remnants 
of the Comecnido tribe, or, as they are called by the whites, 
Carrizos. Only the older men and women still remember their 
language. The full-blood Comecrudos seen were tall and thin, 
some of them with fairer complexions than the Mexicans. Sub- 
sequently the Cotoname language, formerly spoken in the same 
district, Avas studied and found to be a distinctly related dialect 
of Comecrudo. Both of them belong to the Coahuiltecan 
family. From the Comecrudo Mr. Gatschet obtained the names 
of a number of extinct tribes which formerly lived in their 
vicinity, but of which no representatives are left. These are 
theCasas Chiquitas, Tejones (or "Raccoons"), Pintos or Paka- 
was, Miakkan, and Cartujanos. He next A-isited the Tlaskaltee 
Indians, who live in the city of Saltillo. (Jf these Indians about 
two hundred still speak their own language, which is almost 
identical with the Aztec, although largely mixed with Spanish. 


Mr. Jeremiah Curtin was engaged from the middle of March 
to June 1 in completing investigations begun the previous year 
into the history, myths, and language of the Iroquois Indians 
at Versailles, Cattaraugus County, New York. The material 
obtained by him is of great interest and value. 


Dr. W. J. Hotfman proceeded early in August to Paint 
Rock, North Carolina, to secure sketches of pictographs upon 
the canyon walls of the French Broad River near that place. 


Owing to disintegration of the sandstone rocks, the painted 
onthnes of animals and other figures are becoming slowly 
oblitei-ated, though sufficient remained to show their similarity 
to others in various porti(^ns of the region which it is believed 
was occupied by the Cherokee Indians. Similar outlines were 
reported to have been formerly visible on the same river, as 
well as on the Tennessee, near Knoxville, Tennessee, though 
no traces of them were found. 

The next ]ilace visited was a few miles distant from and 
northwest of Liberty, Tazewell County, Virginia, where 
some painted characters still remain in a good state of preser- 
vation. They are on the sandstone cliflFs near the summit of 
the mountains and consist of human figures, birds, and other 
forms, appearing to resemble artistically those of North Caro- 
lina. Five miles eastward, on the same range, is a single 
diamond-shaped chister of red and black marks, no other forms 
being visible. This rock is known in the surrounding coun- 
try as the "Handkerchief Rock," because of its resemblance to 
an outspread colored handkerchief He then proceeded to 
Charleston, West Virginia, obtaining copies of petroglyphs on 
Big Horse Creek, 12 miles southwest of that place, and at 
several points along the Kanawha River. It was learned that 
20 miles south of Charleston, on the reputed trail leading from 
the Kanawha Valley into Kentucky, "painted trees" formei'ly 
marked the direction of the trails leading into the Cherokee 
country, and into Kentucky. These trees bore various marks 
in red, but no accurate information pertaining to the precise 
form of the characters could be ascertained. At the other 
points mentioned characters were noticed resembling in gen- 
eral those found in other portions of the Eastern and Middle 
States known to have been occupied by tribes of the Algon- 
quian linguistic family. 

The "Indian God-Rock," 115 miles north of Pittsburg, 
Pennsylvania, on the Alleghany River, was next examined 
and sketches were made of the figures. This rock is an 
immense bowlder, the sculi>tured face of which is about 15 
feet higli aiid from 8 to 10 feet broad, and lies at the water's 
edge. The figures upon the lower surface are being gradually 


obliterated by erosion from floating logs and driftwood during 
seasons of high water, while those upon the upper portions 
are being ruined by the visitors who cut names and dates over 
and upon the sculptured surfaces. Another place visited was 
on the Susquehanna River, 3 miles below Columbia, Pennsyl- 
vania. Here a small streani empties into the river from the 
east, along whose course several rocks were found bearing 
deeply cut and polished grooves, indicating a nearly east and 
west direction. These rocks are believed to be on the line of 
one of the Indian trails leading to the Delaware River, similar 
to that at Conowingo, Maryland, which was the last locality 
inspected, and which is known as ' ' Bald Friar." A large mass of 
rock projecting from the bed of the river is almost covered ndth 
numerous circles, cup-shaped depressions, human forms, and 
ellipses, strongly resembling characters from other points in 
the regions formerly occupied by the Algonquian family. 
Measurements and sketches of these petroglyplis were made, 
with a view to future rei)roduction upon models. 


The Director, Maj. J. W. Powell, has continued the work 
of the linguistic classification of the Indian tribes in North 
America north of Mexico, and in connection with it is prepar- 
ing a map upon a linguistic basis showing the original habitat 
of the tribes. The work is now far advanced. 

Prof Cyrus Thomas, as previously stated, has devoted much 
of his time dui-ing the year to the study of the collections made, 
and in pre})aring for publication the account of field work 
})erformed by himself and assistants. That account will form 
the first volume of his final report, and will consist almost 
wholly of descriptions, plans, and figures of the ancient works 
examined, narrative and speculation being entirely excluded. 
It ^^'ill also include a pajjer by Mr. Gerard Fowke on the stone 
articles of the collection. The second volume will be devoted 
to the geographic distribution of the various types of mounds, 
archeologic maps and charts, and a general discus.sion of the 
various forms and types of ancient works. The preliminary 
lists of the various monuments known, and of the localities 


where they are found, together with references to the works 
and periodicals in which they are mentioned, which Mrs. V. L. 
Thomas, in addition to her other duties, has been engaged 
upon for nearly three years, is now completed, and is being 
used in the preparation of maps. It will be issvied as a bul- 

Mr. Gerard Fowke, in addition to assisting in the prepara- 
tion of the final report on the field work of the mound explo- 
ration division, has made a study of the stone articles of the 
collection made by it. 

Mr. H. L. Reynolds has made a study of the copper articles 
collected, and has prepared a paper which is nearly completed. 

Mr. J. D. Middleton's office work has consisted entirely in 
the preparation of maps, charts, and diagrams. These are of 
two classes — (1) those made entirely from original surveys, 
which constitute the larger poi-tion, and (2) the archeological 
maps of States and districts, showing the distribution of given 
types, which are made from all the data obtainable, including 
additions and verifications made by the mound exploration 
division of the Bureau. 

Mr. J. C. Pilling continued his bibliographic studies during 
the year, with the intention of completing for the press his 
bibliography of North American languages. After consultation 
with the Director and a number of gentlemen well infonned on 
the subject, it was concluded that the wants of students in this 
branch of ethnology would be better subserved if the material 
were issued in separate biljliographies, each devoted to one of 
the great linguistic stocks of North America. The first one 
selected for issue related to the Eskimo, which was prepared 
during the year, and when put in type formed a pamphlet of 1 1 6 
pages. The experiment proved successful, and Mr. Pilling 
coutim.ed the preparation of the separates. Late in the fiscal 
year the manuscript of his biblictgraphy of the Siouan family 
was sent to the Public Printer. It is the intention to continue 
this work by preparing a bibliography of each of the linguistic 
groups as fast as opportunity will peiTuit. 

Mr. Frank H. Gushing continued work upoii his Zuni ma- 
terial, so far as his health permitted, until the middle of Decem- 


ber. At that time he gave up (iffice work and left for Arizona 
and New Mexico, intending to devote himself for a time to the 
examination of the ruins of that region with the view of ob- 
taining material of collateral interest in connection with his 
Zuili studies as well as in hope of restoring- his impaired health. 

Mr. Charles C. Royce, although no longer officially con- 
nected with the Bureau, devoted much time dming the year 
to the completion of his work upon the former title of Indian 
tribes to lands within the United States and the methods by 
which their relinquishment had been procm'ed. This work, de- 
layed by Mr. Royce's resignation from the Bureau force, is 
reported by him as nearly completed. 

Mr. William H. Holmes has continued the archeolog-ic work 
begun in preceding years, utilizing such portions of his time as 
were not absorbed in work pertaining to the U. S. Geological 
Survey. A paper upon the antiquities of Chiriqui and one 
upon textile art in its relation to form and ornament, prepared 
tor the Sixth Annual Report, were completed and proofs were 
read. During the year work was begun upon a review of 
the ceramic art of Mexico. A special paper, with twenty 
illustrations, upon a remarkable group of spurious antiquities 
belonging to that (^ountry, was prepared and turned over to 
the Smithsonian Institution for publication. In addition, a 
preliminary study of the prehistoric textile fabi-ics of Peru 
was begun, and a short paper with numerous illustrations was 
written. As in former years, Mr. Holmes has superintended 
the preparation of di-awings and engravings for the Bureau 
publications. The number of illustrations prepared during the 
year amounted to 650. 

He has also general charge of the miscellaneous archeologic 
and ethnologic collections of the Bureau, and reports that Prof 
Cyrus Thomas, ^Ir. James Stevenson, and other officers and 
agents of the Bureau liave obtained collections of ai-ticles from 
the mounds of the Mississippi Valley and from the iiiins of the 
Pueblo country. A number of interesting articles have also 
been acquired by gift. Capt. J. G. Bourke, U. S. Ai-my, pre- 
sented a series of vases and other ceremonial objects obtained 
from cliff dwellings and caves in the Pueblo country; Mr. J. B. 


Steams, of" Short Hills, N. J., made a few additions to his already 
valuable donations of relics from the ancient graves of Chiriqui, 
Colombia, and Mr. J. N. Macomb presented a number of frag- 
ments of earthenware from Graham County, North Carolina. 
Some important accessions have been made by purchase. A 
large collection of pottery, textile fabi'ics, and other articles 
from the graves of Peru was obtained from Mr. William E. 
Curtis ; a series of ancient and modern vessels of clav and 
numerous articles of other classes from Chihuahua, Mexico, 
were acquired through the agency of Dr. E. Palmer ; a small 
set of handsome vases of the ancient white ware of New Mexico 
was acquired by purchase from Mr. C. M. Landon, of Lawrence, 
Kansas, and several handsome vases from various jiarts of 
Mexico were obtained from Dr. Eugene Bobau. 

Mr. Victor Mindeleff was engaged during the fiscal year 
in the preparation of a re^iort on the architecture of the Tusa- 
yan and Cibola groups of jnieblos, which appears in the present 
volume. This report contains a description of the topography 
and climate of the region, in illustration of the influence of 
environment uj)on the development of the pueblo type of 
architecture. It also contains a traditionary account of the 
Tusayan pueblos and of their separate clans or phratries. A 
description in detail of the Tusayan group treats of the relative 
position of the villages and such ruins as are connected tradi- 
tionally or historically with them. A comparative study is 
also made between the Tusayan and Cibola groups and be- 
tween them and certain well preserved ruins in regard to con- 
structive details, by which means the comparatively advanced 
type of the modern puel^lo architecture is clearly established. 
Maps of the groups discussed and of the topography of the 
countrj' and ground plans of houses and ajjartinents were pre- 
pared to illustrate the rejjort and give effect to the descriptions 
and discussion, 

Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff devoted the early part of the fiscal 
year to the preparation of a report upon the exhibits of the 
Bin-eau of Ethnology and the Geological Survey at the Cin- 
cinnati Industrial Exposition, 1884; the Southern Exposition 
at Louisville, 1884; and the Industrial and Cotton Centennial 


Exposition at New Orleans, 1884-85. The report includes a 
descriptive catalogue of the various exhibits. As these con- 
sisted largely of models, and as the locality or object repre- 
sented by each model was described in detail, the report was 
lengthy. It was finished in October and transmitted to the 
Commissioner representing the Department of the Interior. 
During the remainder of the year the portion of time Avliich 
Mr. Cosmos Mindeleflf was able to devote to office work was 
employed in assisting Mr. Victor IMindelefl' in the preparation of 
a preliminary report on the architecture of Zuni and Tusayan. 
The portion assigned to him consists of an introductory chapter 
devoted to the traditionary history of Tusayan, arranged 
from material collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen, of Ream's Canyon, 

The modeUng room has ren^ained in charge of Mr. Cosmos 
Mindeleff. The preparation of a duphcate series of the models 
made in the last few years and now deposited in the National 
Museum was continued, a large portion of the time being given 
to that work. During the year the following models were 
added to this series : (1) model of Shumopavi, Tusayan, Aiizona ; 
(2) model of Etowah mound, Georgia ; (3) models of Mashong- 
navi; (4) model of Zuni; (5) model of Penasco Blanco; 
(6) models of Etruscan graves, being a series to illusti-ate 
ancient Etniscan gi-aves, from material furnished by Mr. Thomas 

Mr. E. W. Nelson, during 1886, and continuously to the end 
of the fiscal year, has devoted much time to preparing a report 
upon the Eskimo of northern Alaska, for which his note books 
and large collections obtained in that region furnish ample 
material. During 1886 the vocabularies, taken from twelve 
Eskimo dialects for use in Arctic Alaska, were an-anged in the 
form of an English-Eskimo and Eskimo-English dictionary. 
These dictionaries, with notes upon the alphabet and grammar, 
will form one part of his report. The other part Avill consist 
of chapters upon various phases of Eskimo life and customs in 
Alaska, and will be illustrated by photographs taken by him 
on the spot and by specimens collected during his extended 
journeys in that region. His notes upon Eskimo legends, fes- 
tivals, and other customs will form an important contribution. 


Mr. LuciEN M. Turner is also engaged in the preparation 
of a similar report upon the Eskimo, in the form of a descrip- 
tive catalogue of the large amount of material collected by him 
during a residence of several years at St. Michaels and in 
the Aleutian Islands. When these two reports shall be com- 
pleted the amount of accurate information concerning the 
remarkable people to whom they relate will be materially 

Mr. Henry W. Henshaw has continued in charge of the work 
upon the synonj-my of the Indian tribes of the United States, 
wliich was alluded to in some detail in the annual report of 
last year. This work has been temporarily suspended, and Mr. 
Henshaw has assisted the Director in the })reparation of a lin- 
guistic map of the i-egion north of Mexico and in the classifi- 
cation of the Indian triljes, a Avork which properly precedes and 
forms the basis of the volume on synonymy. 

Col. Garrick Mallery was steadily occupied during the 
year in the work of the synonymy of the Indian tribes, his 
special field being the Iroqvioian and Algonquian linguistic 
stocks, and his particular responsibility being the careful study 
of all the literature on the subject in the French language. 
He also, when time allowed, continued researches in and cor- 
respondence concerning sign language and pictographs. 

Mr. James Mooney has been occupied during the entire year, 
in conjunction with Col. Mallerv, in that portion of the work 
of the Indian svnonAim' relating to the Algonquian and Iro- 
quoian families. 

Mr. John N. B. Hewitt has continued the linguistic work 
left unfinished by Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith. During the year 
he has been engaged in recording, translating, and ti'acing the 
derivation of Tuscaritra words for a Tuscarora-English dic- 
tionary. He has thus far recorded about 8,000 words. 

Mr. Albert S. Gatschet has devoted almost the entire year 
to the synonymy oi Indian tribes, and has practically completed 
the section assigned to him, A-iz, the tribes of the southeastern 
United States. 

Mr. J. Owen Dorsey continued liis labors on the Indian 
synonymy cards of the Siouan, Caddoan, Athapascan, Kusan, 


Yakonan, and Takilnian linguistic stocks. He resumed his 
preparation of the dictionary cards for contributions to North 
American Ethnology, Vol. vi, Part ii, and in connection there- 
with found it necessary to elaborate his additional (|^egiha 
texts, consisting of more tlian two hundi-ed and tifty epistles, 
besides ten or more myths' gained since 1880. This work was 
interrupted in March, 1887,when he was obhged to undertake the 
arrangement of a new collection of Teton texts for pubHcation. 
Mr. George Bushotter, a Dakota Indian, wh( > speaks the Teton 
dialect, was employed by the Director from March 23, for the 
purpose of recording for future use of the Bureau some of the 
Teton myths and legends in the original. One hundred of 
these texts were thus written, and it devolved on Mr. Dorsey 
to prepare the interlinear translations of the texts, critical and 
explanatory notes, and other necessary linguistic material, as 
dictated by Mr. Bushotter. Besides writing the texts in the 
Teton dialects, Mr. Bushotter has been able to furnish numer- 
ous sketches as illustrations, all of which ha^-e been drawn and 
colored according to Indian ideas. His collection of sketches 
is the most extensive that has been gained from among the 
tribes of the Siouan family, and it is the first one contributed 
by an Indian. 

Dr. Walter J. Hoffman and Mr. Jeremiah Curtin, when 
not in the field as above mentioned, have continued to assist 
in the work of the synonymy of the Indian tribes. 


The papers contained in the present volume relate to the 
Pueblo and Navaj() Indians, who occupy a large territory in 
the interior southwestern parts of the United States. The pre- 
historic archeology of the Pueblos in the special department 
of architecture is the most prominent single subject presented 
and discussed, but the papers also include studies of the his- 
tory, mythology, and sociology of that people, as well as of 
their neighbors and hereditary enemies the Navajo. All of 
these con-elated studies are set forth with detail and illustra- 



This study relates to the ruius and inhabited towns found 
in that immense southwestern region composed of tlie arid 
plateaus which is approximately bounded on the east by the 
Rio Pecos and the west by the Colorado River, on the north 
by Central Utah, and which extends southward to yet unde- 
termined limits in Mexico. The present paper is more directly 
conlined to the ancient provinces of Tusayan and Cibola which 
are situated within the drainage of the Little Colorado River, 
and the intention is to follow and supplement it by studies of 
other typical groups in the region, but the necessary compari- 
sons and generalizations now presented apply to all the varied 
features which are observed in the remains of Pueblo architec- 
ture now scattered over thousands of square miles. The work 
of surveying and platting in this vast field, together with the 
consequent coordination of studies and preparation of illus- 
trations, has occupied the author and Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff 
a large amount of time since the year 1881, though it did not 
include all of their duties perfoi-med during that period. 

The title of the paper, which only indicates architecture, 
ffiils to do justice to the broad and suggestive treatment of the 
subject. It would be expected, indeed required, that the sur- 
veys should be accurate in details and that the physical fea- 
tures of the region should be exhaustively described, but while 
all this is well done, much more matter of a different though 
related class, and of great value to ethnology, is furnished. 
The history, prehistoric and recent, the religion, the sociology 
and the arts of the people, with their home life and folklore, 
are studied and discussed in a manner which would be credit- 
able in essays devoted to those special subjects, but are so 
employed as to be thoroiighly appropriate to the elucidation 
of the general theme. 

The chapter on the traditional history of Tusa^'an, which is 
the individual compilation of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, is an im- 
portant and interesting contribution relative to the history, 
migrations, and mythology of the people. The traditions are, 
however, used with proper caution, the fact being recognized 
that they seldom contain distinct information, but are often of 


high value from their incidental allusions and in their preser- 
vation of the conditions of the past Avhich influenced the lines 
and limitations of their growth. 

The classification and account of the Pueblo plu-atries and 
gentes form an important contnbution to anthropology, and the 
discussion upon the origin alid use of the kivas is more explan- 
atory and exhaustive than any before made on that subject. 
This word of the Tusayan language is adopted to take the 
place of the Spanish term "estufa," which literally means a 
stove, and is misleading, because it strictly applies only to the 
sweat houses which lodge-building Indians use. The kiva is 
the ceremonial chamber of the ancient and modern Pvieblo 
peoples. Thev are f^und wherever the remains of Pueblo archi- 
tecture occur, and are distinguished from the typical dwelling 
rooms by their size and position and generally by their form. 
The author dwells instructively upon the antiquity, excavation, 
access, exterior masonr}-, orientation, and genei-al construction, 
furniture, and ornaments of these remarkable chambers, and 
upon the rites connected with them. He also gives an original 
and acute suggestion to • account for the persistence of the 
structural plan of the kivas by its religious or mythologic 

The designation of the curious orifice of the sipapuh as "the 
place from which the people emerged," in connection with the 
peculiar an-angement of the kiva interior, with its change of 
floor level, suggested to Mr. Mindelefl" that these features might 
be regarded as typifying the four worlds of the genesis myth 
that has exercised such an influence on Tusayan customs. 
He was also led to infer that it typifies the "four houses" or 
stages described in their creation myths. The sipapuh, with 
its cavity beneath the floor, is certainly regarded as indicating 
the place of beginning, the lowest lK>use under the earth, the 
abode of Myuingwa, the Creator; the main or lower floor 
represents the second stage; and the elevated section of the 
floor is made to denote the third stage, where animals were 
created. At the New Year festivals animal fetiches were set 
in groups upon this platfonn. It is also to be noted that the 
ladder to the surface is invariably made of pine, and always 
rests upon the platform, never iipon the lower floor, and in 


their traditional genesis it is stated that the people climbed up 
from the third house (stage) by a ladder of pine, and through 
swch an opening as the kiva hatchway The outer air is the 
fourth Avorld, or that now occupied. 

Another apt observation is connected with the evolution of 
ornament, and was prompted to ttfe author by the common use 
of small chinking stones for bringing the masonry to an even 
face after the larger stones forming the l)ody of the wall had 
been laid in place. This method of construction in the case of 
some of the best built ancient pueblos resulted in the produc- 
tion of marvelously finished stone walls, in which the mosaic- 
like bits are so closely laid as to show none but the finest joints 
on the face of the wall, with but little trace of mortar. The 
clunking wedges necessarily varied greatly in dimensions to 
suit the sizes of the interstices between the larger stones of the 
wall. The use of stone in this manner probably suggested the 
banded walls that form a striking feature in some of tlie Chaco 
houses. In connection with these walls the seams of stone of 
two degrees of thickness, which are observable in the cliifs, 
naturally suggested to the builders their imitation by the use 
of stones of similar thickness in continuous bands. The orna- 
mental effect of this device was originally an accidental result 
of adopting the most convenient method of using the material 
at hand. 

The author exhibits the result of thoughtful study in his 
expressed views upon the mooted questions of racial origins 
and diffusions. He noted that some of the ruins comiected 
traditionally and historically with Tusayan and Cibola differ 
in no particular from those stone pueblos widely scattered over 
the southwestern plateaus Avhich from time to time have been 
invested by travelers and writers with a halo of romance and 
res:arded as the wondrous achievements in civilization of a van- 
ished but once powerful race. These abandoned stone houses 
found in the midst of desert solitudes excited the imaginations 
of early explorers to connect the remains with "Aztecs" and 
other mysteriovis peoples. From this earl}' implanted bias 
arose many ingenious theories concerning the origin and dis- 
appearance of the builders of the ancient pueblos. 

In connection with the architectural examination of some of 


these remains m.anv traditions were obtained from the living 
members of the tribes, several of which are pubhshed in the 
present paper, and which clearly indicate that some of the vil- 
lage ruins and cliff dwelling's have been built and occupied by 
ancestors of the present Pueblo Indians at a date well within 
the historic period. Both architectural and traditional evidence 
are in accord in estal^lishing a continuity of descent from the 
ancient Pueblos to those of the present day. Many of the 
communities are now made up of the more or less scattered 
but interrelated remnants of gentes which in former times oc- 
cupied villages on the present or neighboring sites. 

Mr. Mindeleflf's conclusions may be condensed as follows : 
The general outlines of the develo])ment of architecture, 
wherein the ancient builders were stimulated to the best use 
of the exceptional materials about them both by the difficult 
conditions of their semidesert environment and by constant 
necessity for protection against their neighbors, can be traced 
in its various stages of growth from the primitive conical lodge 
to its cidmination in the lary-e communal villag-e of manv- 
storied terraced buildings which were in use at the time of the 
Spanish discovery, and which still survive in Zufii. Yet the 
various steps have resulted from a simple and direct use of the 
material immediately at hand, while methods gradually im- 
proved as freiiuent experiments taught the builders to utilize 
more fully the local facilities. In all cases the material was 
derived from the nearest available source, and often variations 
in the quality of the finished woi'k are due to variations in the 
quality of the stone near by. The results accomplished attest 
the patient and persistent industry of the ancient builders, but 
the work does not display great skill in the construction or the 
preparation of material. 

The same desert environment that furnished an abundance 
of material for the ancient builders, from its inhospitable char- 
acter and the constant variations in the water supply, also 
compelled the frequent use of this material in the change of 
house and village sites. This was an important factor in biing- 
ing about the degree of advancement attained in the art of 
building. The distinguishing characteristics of Pueblo archi- 
tecture may therefore be regarded as the product of a defensive 



motive and of an arid environment that furnished an abundance 
of suitable building material, and at the same time the climatic 
conditions that compelled its frequent employment. 

The cultural distinctions once drawn by writers between the 
Pueblo Indians and neighboring tribes gradually become less 
clearly detined as they have been intelligently studied. An 
understanding of their social and religious system establishes 
the essential identity in their grade of culture with that of other 
tribes. In many of the arts, too, such as weaving and cera- 
mics, these people in no degree surpass many tribes who build 
ruder dwellings. Though they have progressed far beyond 
their neighbors in architecture, many of the de\'ices employed 
attest the essentially primitive character of their art, and dem- 
onstrate that tlie apparent distinction in grade of culture is 
mainly due to the exeej^tional condition of theu* environment. 

This important and timely paper furnishes new evidence 
taken from one of the strongholds of sentunental jjhantasy to 
show that there is no need for the hypothesis of an extinct race 
with dense population and high civilization to account for the 
conditions actually existing in North America before the Euro- 
pean discovery. 


This paper, apart from its intrinsic merits, has a peculiar 
interest to American anthropologists from its being the last 
official work of Mr. Stevenson, whose untimely death on July 
25, 1888, was noticed in a former report. It shows liis per- 
sonal characteristics, being a clear and accurate statement of 
the facts actually observed and of the information acquii-ed by 
him at tirst hand, without diffuseness or unnecessary theorizing. 

Hasjelti Dailjis, in the Navajo tongue, signifies the dance of 
Ha.sjelti, who is the chief or rather the most imjiortant and 
conspicuous of the gods. The word dance does not well desig- 
nate the ceremonies, as they are in general more histrionic than 
saltatory. The whole of the ceremonial, which lasts for nine 
days, is familiarly called among the tril)e "Yebitchai," which 
means "the giant's uncle," tliis term being used to awe the 
youthful candidates for initiation. 


The ceremony witnessed by IVIr. Stevenson was performed 
to cure a wealthy member of the tribe of an iutiammation of the 
eyes. Twelve hundred Navajo Indians were present, chiefly 
as spectators, but that exhibition of their interest may partly 
lie accounted for by the fact that they lived while on their 
\isit at the expense of the invalid and occupied most of the 
time in gambling and horse racing. The very numerous active 
participants in the ceremonies, who might be called the mys- 
tery company, in reference to the early form of our drama, 
were not directly paid for their services, but acted because 
they were the immediate relatives of the invalid for whose 
benefit the performance Avas given. The tribesman who com- 
bined the offices of manager, theurgist, song priest, or master 
of ceremonies was paid exorbitantly for his jirofessional serv- 
ices. The j)ersonation of the various gods and their attend- 
ants and the acted drama of their niythical adventures and 
displayed powers exhibit features of peculiar interest, while the 
details of the action day after day show all imaginable and 
generally incomprehensible changes and nmltii)lication of cos- 
tume and motions and postures and manipulations of feathers 
and meal and sticks and paint and water and sand and innu- 
merable other stage properties in astounding complexity and 
seemino- confusion. Yet, from what is known of isolated and 
fragmentary parts of the dramatized myths, it is to be inferred 
that every one of the stricth- regulated and prescribed actions 
has or has had a special significance, and it is obvious that they 
are all maintained with strict religious scrupulosity, indeed with 
constant dread of fatal consequences which would result from 
the slightest divergence. In connection with this ritualistic 
form of punctilio, which is noticed in the religious practices of 
•other peoples and lands, the established formal invocation of 
and prayer to the divinity may be mentioned. It clearly off'ers 
a bribe or jiroposes the terms of a bargain to the divinities, and 
has its parallel in the archaic prayers of many other languages. 
Translated from the Navajo, it is given as follows: 

People of the mouutaiiis and rocks [i. e., the gods, as showi' by the 
context], I hear yoii wish to be paid. I give to you food of corn polleu 
and luimmiug-bird feathers, and I send to you precious stones, and 



tobacco, wliicli you must siiioke; it lias been liglitccl by the sun's rays, 
and tor tliis 1 bc,u' you to give me a good dance; be with me! Earth, I 
beg you to give me a. good dance, and I offer to yon food of hnnnning- 
bird's pinnies and precious stomas, and tobacco to smoke lighted by the 
sun's rays, to pay for using you for the dance; make a good solid 
ground for me, tliat the gods who come to see the dance may be ]i]eased 
at the ground their ))eople dance upon; make my people healthy and 
strong of mind and body. 

In addition to liis exhaustive account of the Hasjehi Dailjis 
and of the curious dry-sand painting' which the Navajo in com- 
mon with the Pueblo tribes make a prominent feature of their 
mysteries, and of which ilhistrations are furnished, Mr. Steven- 
son presents transhxtions of six of the Navajo myths, some of 
which elucidate parts of the ceremony formhig the main title 
of his jiaper. These myths are set forth in a simple and 
straig'htforward style, which p^ives intrinsic evidence that they 
retain the spirit of the original. They are certainly free from 
the pretentious embellishment and literary conceit which have 
perverted nearly all the published forms of Indian myths and 
tales hitherto accessible to general readers, and have even mis- 
led the numerous special students who had no facilities for 


Classification of expenditures mode from the (ipprnpriation for North Jmerieaii ethnology 
for the fiseal year ending Juno SO, 1SS7. 



Travelinjx expenses , 

Tranapfirtation of property 

Field subsisteno<' 

Fieltl supi)lics 

Field material 


Laboratory material 

Photograpliie material 

Books and maps 


Ulustr.itions for report 

Goods for distribution to Indians 

Office furniture 



Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to Treasury for settlement 
Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities 



$27, 988. 50 

2, 339. 89 

164. 90 


204. 51 






133. 12 

411. 00 

100. 00 



2, 600. 20 


5, 683. 95 


40, 000. 00 

.$40, 000. 00 


8 ETH 1 









Introduction 13 

Chapter I. — Traditionary history of Tusayan 16 

Explanatory 16 

Summary of traditions 16 

List of traditionary gentps 38 

Supplementary legend 40 

Chapter II.— Ruins and inhabited villages of Tusayan 42 

Physical features of the province 42 

Methods of survey 44 

Plans and descri ption of ruins 45 

Walpi ruins 46 

Old Mashongnavi 47 

Shitaimuvi 48 

Awatubi 49 

Horn House 50 

Small ruin near Horn House 51 

Bat House 52 

Mishiptonga 5.. 

Moen-kopi 53 

■ Ruius on the Oraibi wash 54 

Kwaituki 56 

Tebugkihu, or Fire House 57 

Chukubi 59 

Payupki 59 

Plans anil descriptions of inhabited villages 61 

Hano 61 

Sichumovi 62 

Walpi 63 

Mashongnavi 66 

Shupaulovi 71 

Shumopavi ''^3 

Oraibi ''6 

Moen-kopi " 

Chapter III. — Ruins and inhabited villages of Cibola >iO 

Physical features of the province >*0 

Plans and descriptions of ruins !^0 

Hawikuh ^0 

Ketchipauan ^1 

Chalowe ''3 

Hampassawan ^ 

K'iakima ^5 

Matsaki 86 

Pinawa . 




Chapter III. — Ruins and inhabited villages of Cibola — Continued. 

Halona 88 

Taaaiyalana ruins 89 

Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde 91 

Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 94 

Nutria 94 

Pescado 95 

Ojo Caliente b 96 

Zufii 97 

Chapteu IV. — Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola compared by constructional 

details 100 

Introduction 100 

House building 100 

Ritus and inctlioils 100 

Localization of gentes 104 

Interior arrangement 108 

Kivas in Tusayan Ill 

General use of kivas by pueblo builders Ill 

Origin of the name Ill 

Antiquity of the kiva Ill 

Excavation of the kiva 112 

Access 113 

Masonry 114 

Orientation 115 

The ancient form of kiva 116 

Native explanations of position 117 

Methods of kiva building and rites 118 

Typical plans 118 

Work by women 129 

Consecration 129 

Various uses of kivas 130 

Kiva owncrsliip 133 

Motives for building a kiva 134 

Significance of structural plan 135 

Typical measurements 136 

List of Tusayan kivas 136 

Details of Tusayan and Cibola coustructiou 137 

Walls 137 

Koofs and floors 148 

Wall cojiings and roof drains 151 

liadders and steps 156 

Cooking pits and ovens 162 

Oveu-shaj)ed structures 167 

Fireplaces and chlmueys 167 

Gateways and covered passages 180 

Doors 182 

Windows 194 

Roof openings 201 

Furniture 208 

Corrals and gardens ; eagle cages 214 

"Kisi" construction 217 

Arcliitectural nomenclature 220 

Concluding remarks 223 



Plate I. Map of the proviiuus of Tusayan ami Cibola 12 

II. Old MasUongnavi, plan H 

III. General view of Awatubi 16 

IV. Awatnbi (Talla-Hogan), plan 18 

V. Standing walls of Awatubi 20 

VI. Adobe fragment in Awatnlji 22 

VII. Horn House ruin, plan 24 

VIII. Bat House. 


IX. Mishiptonga (.leditob) 28 

X. A small ruin near Moen-kojji 30 

XI. Masonry on tlie outer wall of tlie Fire-House, detail 32 

XII. Cliukubi, plan 34 

XIII. Payupki, plan 3G 

XIV. General view of Payupki 38 

XV. Standing walls of Payupki 40 

XVI. Plan of Hano 12 

XVII. View of Hano H 

XVIII. Plan of SieUnniovi 16 

XIX. View of Sichumovi 18 

XX. Plan of Walpi 50 

XXI. View of Walpi i52 

XXII. Soutli passageway of Walpi 54 

XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi 56 

XXIV. Dance roek and kiva, Walpi 58 

XXV. Foot trail to Walpi 60 

XXVI. Mashongnavi, ]dan 62 

XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in distance 61 

XXVIII. Back wall of a Mashongnavi house-row 66 

XXIX. West side of a principal row in Mashongnavi 68 

XXX. Plan of Shupaulovi 70 

XXXI. View of Shupaulovi 72 

XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi 71 

XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi 76 

XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi 78 

XXXV. View of Shumopavi 80 

XXXVI. Oraibi, plan I" pocket. 

XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing localization of gentes 82 

XXXVIII. A court of Orail>i 81 

XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi 86 

XL. Oraibi liouse row, showing court side 88 

XLI. Back of Oraibi hinise row 90 

XLII. The site of Moen-kopi 92 

XLIII. Plan of Moen-kopi 91 

XLIV. Moeu-kopi 96 




Plate XLV. Tho Mormon mill at Moeii-kopi 98 

XL VI. Hawikuh, plan 100 

XLVII. Hawikuli, view 102 

XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuli 104 

XLIX. Ketchipauan, plan 106 

L. Ketchipauan 108 

LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan . . . , 110 

LII. K'iakima, plan 112 

LIII. Site of K'iakima, at base of Taaaiyalana 114 

LIV. Recent wall at K'iakima 116 

hV. Matsaki, plan 118 

LVI. Standing wall at Pinawa 120 

LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuni 122 

LVIII. Fragments of Halona wall 124 

LIX. The mesa of Tfiaaiyalana, from Zuni 126 

LX. Titaaiyalana, jilan 128 

LXI. Standing walls of Taaaiyalana ruins 130 

LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Taaaiyalana 132 

LXIII. Kin-tiel, ])lan (also showing excavations) 134 

LXIV. North wall of Kin-tiel 136 

LXV. Standing walls of Kin-tiel 138 

LX VI. Kinna-Zinde 140 

LXVII. Nutria, plan 142 

LX VIII. Nutria, view 144 

LXIX. Pescado, plan 146 

LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals 148 

LXXI. Pescado houses 150 

LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry in Pescado 152 

LXXIII. Ojo Caliente, plan In pocket. 

LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente 154 

LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente 156 

LXXVI. Zuni, plan In pocket. 

LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuni, showing distribution of oblique openings. 158 

LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuni, looking west 160 

LXXIX. Zuni terraces 162 

LXXX. Old adobe church of Zuni 164 

LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuni 166 

LXXXll. A Zuni court 168 

LXXXIII. A Zuni small house 170 

LXXXIV. A at Oraibi 172 

LXXXV. A Tusayan interior 174 

LXXXVI. A Zuni interior 1^6 

LXXXVII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan 178 

LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shnmopavi, from the northeast 180 

LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel 182 

XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuni 184 

XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi 186 

XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at Ojo Caliente 188 

XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into an ancient pueldo wall. . . 190 

XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in southwestern Colorado 192 

XC V. Ancient floor-beams at Kin-tiel 194 

XCVI. Adobe walls in Zuni 196 

XCVII. W.all coping and oven at Zuni 198 

XCVIII. Cross-pieces on Zuni ladders 200 

XCIX. Outside steps at Pescado 202 



Plate C. An excavated room at Kin-tiel 204 

CI. Masonry cliimueys of ZuQi 206 

CII. Remains of a gateway in Awatnbi 208 

cm. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel 210 

CIV. A covered passageway in Mashongnavi 212 

CV. Small square openings in Pueblo Bouito 214 

CVI. Sealed oi)enings in a de^ched house of Nutria 216 

C'VII. Partial filling-in of a large opening in Oraibi, converting it into a 

doorway 218 

C VIII. Large openings reduced to small windows, Oraibi 220 

CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashougnavi 222 

ex. Portion of a corral in Pescado 224 

CXI. Zuni eagle-cage 226 

Fig. 1. View of the First Mesa 43 

2. Ruins, Old Walpi mound 47 

3. Ruin between Biit House and Horn House 51 

4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan 53 

5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi .55 

6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki) 56 

7. Oval fire-house ruin, plan. (Tel)ugkihu) 58 

8. Topography of the site of Walpi 64 

9. Mashougnavi and Shupaulo^'i from Shumopa vi 66 

10. Diagram showing growth of Mashougnavi 67 

11. Diagram showing growtli of Mashougnavi 68 

12. Diagram showing growth of Masliongnavi 69 

13. Topography of the site of Shupaulovi 71 

14. Court kiva of Shumopavi 75 

15. Hampassa wan, plan 84 

16. Pinawa, plan 87 

17. Nutria, plan, small diagram, old wall 94 

18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram 95 

19. A Tusayan wood-rack 103 

20. Interior ground plan of a Tusayan room 108 

21. North ki vas of Shumopavi from the southwest 114 

22. Ground i)lau of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 122 

23. Ceiling-plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 123 

24. Interior view of a Tusayan kiva 124 

25. Ground-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125 

26. Ceiliug-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125 

27. Ground-plan of the chief-kiva of Mashougnavi 126 

28. Interior view of a kiva hatchway in Tusayan 127 

29. Mat used in closing the entrance of Tusayan kivas 128 

30. Rectangular sipapuh in a Mashougnavi kiva 131 

31. Loom-post in kiva floor at Tusayan 132 

32. A Zuni chimney showing jjottery fragments embedded in its adobe 

base 139 

33. A Zurd oven with pottery scales embedded in its surface 139 

34. Stone wedges of Zuni masonry exposed in a rain-washed wall 141 

35. An unpla.stered house wall in Ojo Caliente 142 

36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi, executed in pink on a white 

ground 146 

37. Diagram of Zuni roof construction 149 

38. Showing aViutment of smaller roof-beams over round girders 151 

39. Single stone roof-drains . 153 

40. Trough roof-drains of stone 153 



Fig. 41. Wooden roof-(lrain.s 154 

42. Curved roof-drain.s of stone in Tusayan 154 

43. Tusayan ioof-drain.s ; a discarded metate and a gourd 155 

44. Zuni roof-drain, with splush-stones on roof below 156 

45. A modern notclied ladder in Oraibi 157 

46. Tusayan notched ladders from Ma.shongnavi 157 

47. Aborifjinal Amerii'an forms of ladder^ 1.58 

48. Stone stej)s at Oraibi with jdatform at corner 161 

49. Stone steps, with jilatforni at chimney, in Oraibi 161 

50. Stone steps in .Shuuiopa vi 162 

51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi 163 

.52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 

53. Cross sections of pi-gunimi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 

54. Diagrams showing foundation stones of a Zuni oven 164 

55. Dome-shaped oveu on a jjlinth of masonry 165 

56. Oven in Pcscado exposing stones of masonry 166 

57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166 

58. Shrines in Ma.shongnavi 167 

59. A poultry house in Siehumovi resembling an oven 167 

60. Ground-plan of an excavated room in Kin-tiel 168 

61. A corner ehimney-hood with two supporting poles, Tusayan 170 

62. A curved chimni'y-hood of Mashongnavi 170 

63. A Mashongnavi chimney-hood and walled-up fireplace 171 

64. A chimney-hood of Shupaulovi 172 

65. A semi-detached square chimney-hood of Zuni 172 

66. Unplastered Zuni chimney-hoods, illustrating construction 173 

67. A fireplace and mantel in Siehumovi 174 

68. A second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi 174 

69. Piki stone and chimney-hood in Siehumovi 175 

70. Piki .stone and primitive andiron in Shumopavi 176 

71. A terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumoj>avi 177 

72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi 177 

73. A ground cooking-pit of Shumopavi covered with a chimney 178 

74. Tusayan chimneys 179 

75. A barred Zuni door 183 

76. Wooden pivot hinges of a ZniTi tloor 184 

77. Paneled wooden doors in Hauo 185 

7». Framing of a Zuni door panel 186 

79. Rude transoms over Tusayan openings 188 

80. A large Tusayan doorway, with small transom openings 189 

81. A doorway and double transom in Walpi 189 

82. An ancient doorway in a Canyon de Chelly cliii' ruin 190 

83. A symmetrical notched doorway in Mashongnavi 190 

84. A Tusayan notched doorway 191 

85. A large Tusayan doorway with one notched jamb 192 

86. An ancient circular doorway, or "stone-close," in Kin-tiel 193 

87. Diagram illustrating symmetrical arrangement of small openings in 

Pueblo Bouito 195 

88. Inciseil decoration on a rude window-sash in Zuni 196 

89. Sloping selcnite window at base of Zuni wall on upper terrace 197 

90. A Zuni window glazed with selenite 197 

91. Small openings in the back wall of a Zuni house cluster 198 

92. Sealed ojjenings in Tusayan 199 

93. A Zuni doorway converted into a window 201 

94. Zufu roof-opeuiugs 202 



Fig. 95. A Zufii roof-npening with raised coping 203 

96. Zuui roof-openings with one raised end 203 

97. A Zufii roof-hole with cover 204 

98. Ki\a trap-door in Zufii 205 

99. Halved and pinned trap-door frame of a Zuiii kiva 206 

100. Typical sections of Zuui oblique openings 208 

101. Arrangement of mealing stones in a Tusayan house 209 

102. A Tusayan grain bin :'. 210 

103. A Zuni plume-box 210 

104. A Zufii plume-box 210 

105. A Tusayan mealing trough 211 

106. An ancient pueblo form of mctate 211 

107. Zufii stools 213 

108. A Zuui chair 213 

109. Construction of a Zuui corral 215 

110. Gardens of Zuui 216 

111. " Kishoni," or uncovered shade, of Tusayan 218 

112. A Tusayan field shelter, from southwest 219 

113. A Tusayan field shelter, from northeast 219 

114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces, with Tusayan names 223 







_iS^ -c 








M OKIp ^lNDIA>»r Bf 


\X pr I 







General Map 


Pueblo Region 


Arizona and New Mexico 
showing rel^t1ve position of the provinces 




Victor M ndeleff 

shaded area, r prfsc /•* the f^ov nces g^ 

Twava/L ind Cijbohi 



' n 



/ZJ^^'^y -^AZ^ ^^^ -^^■ 


■ Vi 

«■« 1 *^/ 



^ J>*».. 

„ ^< 









^7 CfS^" ^^tSkl '•^^"^ * 




TrcLtLa It >ad. s • — -^^>*' 

JVfo it rt jpneblos • 

HitLThS — Toivfrs Cliff i o 1^3 tc j 
Surutl PI ic€3 a 


/? rt / ou c 



By Victor Mindeleff. 


The remains of pueblo arcliitecture are found scattered over thousands 
of sqnare miles of the arid region of the southwestern plateaus. This 
vast area includes the drainage of the IJio Pecos on the east and that of 
the Colorado on the west, and extends from central Utah on the north 
beyond the limits of the United States southward, in which direction 
its boundaries are still undefined. 

The descendants of those who at various tinu-s built these stone vil- 
lages are few in number and inhabit about thirtii' pueblos distributed 
irregularly over parts of the region f(U-merly occupied. Of thes(> the 
greater uund)er are scattered along tlu- ui)per course of the Kio Grande 
and its tributaries in New Mexico; a few of them, comprised within the 
ancient provinces of Cibola and Tusayan, are located within the drainage 
of the Little Coh)rado. From the time of the earliest Spanish expedi- 
tions into the country to the present day, a period covering more than 
three centuries, the former province has been often visited by whites, 
but the remoteness of Tusayan and the arid and forl)idding character 
of its surroundings have caused its more complete isolation. The archi- 
tecture of this district exhibits a close adherence to aboriginal practices, 
still bears the marked impress of its development under the exacting 
conditions of an arid environment, and is but slowly yielding to the in- 
fluence of foreign ideas. 

The present study of the architecture of Tusayan and Cibola embraces 
all of the inhal)ited pueblos of those provinces, and includes a number 
of the ruins traditionally connected with them. It will be observed by 
reference to the map that the area embraced in these provinces comprises 
but a small portion of the vast region over which pueblo culture once 

This study is designed to be followed by a similar study of two typical 
gi-oups of ruins, viz, that of Canyon de Chelly, in northeastern Arizona, 
and that of the Chaco Canyon, of New Mexico ; but it has been necessary 
for the writer to make occasional reference to these ruins in the present 



piiper, l)()tli ill the discussinH of f;encial arraiijicnK^iit and cliaractciistic 
giouiid phius, embodied in Cliapters il and iii and in tlie eonipaiison 
by constructional details treated in Chapter iv, in order to define clearly 
tlie relations of the various featuri's of pueblo architei-ture. They belong 
to the same jmeblo system illustrated by the villajj;es of Tusayan and 
Cibola, and with the Canyon de Chelly group there is even some trace of 
traditional connection, as is set forth by Mr. Stephen in Chajiter I. The 
more detailed studies of these ruins, to be pul)lish('d later, together with 
the material embodied in the present paper, will, it is thought, furnish a 
record of the principal characteristics of an important type of primitive 
architecture, which, under the influence of the arid envircmnient of the 
southwestern plateaus, luis developed from the rude lodge into the nniny- 
storicd hctuse of rectangular rooms. Indications of some of the steps of 
this development are traceable even in the architecture of the present 

The pueblo of Zuni was surveyed by the writer in the autumn of 
1881 with a view to procuring the necessary data for the constniction of 
a large-scale model of this pueblo. For this reason the woik afforded 
a record of external features only. 

The modern pueblos of Tusayan were similaily surveyed in tlie fol- 
lowing season (l.SS2-'8.'i), the jilaiis being supplemented by photographs, 
from wliich many of the illustrations accomi)anying this jiaper have 
been drawn. The ruin of Awatubi was also included in the work of 
this season. 

In the autumn of 1885 many of the ruined jnieblos of Tusayau Avere 
surveyed and examined. It was during this season's work that the 
details of the kiva construction, embodied in the last chapter of this 
paper, M'ere studied, together with interior details of the dwellings. It 
was in the latter part of this season that the farming pueblos of Cibola 
were surveyed and iihotographed. 

The Tusayan farming jmeblo of Moen-kojii and a number of the 
ruins in the province were surveyi'il and studied in the early part of the 
season of 1SS7-'.S8, the latter portion of which season was principally 
devoted to an examination of the Chaco ruins iu New Mexico. 

In the i)rosecution of the field work above outlined the author has 
been greatly indebted to the efdcient assistance and hearty cooperation 
of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, by whom nearly all the jineblos illustrated, 
with the exception of Zufii, have been surveyed and platted. 

The jdans obtained have involved much careful work with surveying 
instruments, and have all been so platted as faithfully to record the 
minute variations from geometric forms which are so characteristic of 
the pueblo work, but which have usually been ignored in the hastily 
prepared sketch plans that have at times appeared. In conse([uence of 
the necessary omission of just such information in hastily drawn plans, 
erroneous impi-essions have been given regarding the degree of skill to 
which the pueblo peoples had attained in the iilauning and building of 






tlii'ir villages. In flic j;t'iicral distributiou of the houses, aixl in the 
aligiiiiieut and arniiigeiuetit of their walls, as indicated in the plans 
shown in Chapters ii and iii, au absence of high architectural attaiu- 
ment is found, which is entirely in keeping with the lack of skill ap- 
parent in many of the constructional devices shown in Chapter iv. 

In preparing this paper for publication Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff has 
rendered nuich assistance in the revision of manuscri])t, and in the pre- 
paration of some of the final drawings of ground plans; on 1dm has also 
fallen the compilation and arrangement of Mr. A. M. Stephen's tradi- 
tionary material from Tusayan, embraced in the first chapter of the 

This latter material is of special interest in a study of the i)ueblos as 
indicating some of the conditions under which this architectural type 
was developed, and it appropriately introduces the more purely archi- 
tectural study by the author. 

Such traditions must be used as history with the utmost caution, and 
only for events that are very recent. Time relations are often hoiie 
lessly confused and the narratives are greatly incumbered with mytlio- 
logic details. But while so barren in definite information, these tradi- 
tions are of the greatest value, often through their merely incidental 
allusions, in presenting to our minds a picture of the conditions under 
which the repeated migrations of the puel)lo builders took place. 

The development of architecture among the Pueldo Indians was com- 
paratively rapid and is largely attributable to ti-equent changes, migra- 
tions, and movements of the people as described in Mr. Stephen's 
account. These changes were due to a variety of causes, such as dis- 
ease, death, the frequent warfare carried on between different tribes and 
branches of the builders, and the hostility of outside tribes ; but a most 
potent factor was certainly the inhospitable character of their environ- 
ment. The disappearance of some venerated spring during an unusually 
dry season would be taken as a sign of the disfavor of the gods, and, in 
spite of the massive character of the buildings, would lead to the migra- 
tion of the people to a more favorable spot. The traditions of theZunis, 
as well as those of the Tusayan, frequently refer to such migrations. 
At times tribes split u]i and separate, and again phratries or distant 
groups meet and band together. It is remarkable that the substantial 
character of the architecture should persist through such long series of 
compulsory removals, but while the builders were held together by the 
necessity for defense against their wilder neighl)ors or against each other, 
this strong defensive motive would i)er])etuate the laborious type of con- 
struction. Such conditions would contribute to the rapid development 
of the building art. 

C ri A P T E R T . 



In this chapter' is presented a summary of the traditions of the 
Tusayaii, a number of which were collected from old men, from Wal])i 
on the east to Moen-kopi on the west. A tradition varies much with the 
tribe and the individual; an authoritative statement of the current 
tradition on any i)oint could be made only with a complete knowledge 
of all traditions extant. kSuch knowledge is not possessed by any one 
man, and the material included in this chai)ter is presented simply as a 
summaiy of the traditions secured. 

The material was collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen, of Keam's Canyon, 
Arizona, who has enjoyed unusual facilities for the work, having lived 
for a number of years past in Tusayan and jxissessed tlie confidence of 
the principal priests — a very necessary condition in work of this char- 
acter. Though far from complete, this summary is a more comprehen- 
sive i)resentation of the traditionary history of these people than has 
heretofore been published. 


The creation myths of the Tusayan difl'er widely, but none of them 
designate the region now occupied as the place of their genesis. These 
people are socially divided into family groups called wi'ngwu, the de- 
scendants of sisters, and groups of wi'ngwu tracing descent from the 
same female ancestor, and luiving a common totem called my'umu. 
Each of these totemic groups jtreserves a creation myth, carrying in its 
details special reference to themselves; but all of them claim a common 
origin in the interior of the earth, although the place of emergence to 
the surface is set in widely separated localities. They all agree in main- 
taining this to be the fourtli plaiu', on which mankind has existed. In 
the beginning all men lived together in the lowest depths, in a region of 
darkness and moisture; their bodies were misshaped and horrible, and 
they suffered great misery, moaning and bewailing continually. 
Through the intervention of Myuingwa (a vague conception known as 
the god of the interior) and of Baholikonga (a crested serpent of enor- 
mous size, the genius of water), the "old men" obtained a seed trom 
which sprang a magic growth of caue. It penetrated through a crevice 

' This chapter is compiled by Cosmos Miutloleff from material collected by A. M. Stephen. 



111 the roof overhead ami inaukhid climbed to a liiglier plaue. A dim 
light appeared in this stage and \'egetatiou was produced. Anotlier 
magic growth of cane afforded the means of rising to a still higiier 
plane on which the light was brighter; A-egetation was reproduced and 
the animal kingdom was created. The final ascent to this present, or 
fourth plane, was effected by similar magic growths and was led by 
mythic twins, according to some of the myths, by climbing a great pine 
tree, in others by climbing the cane, Phragmiics communis, the alternate 
leaves of which afforded steps as of a ladder, and in still others it is 
said to have been a rush, through the interior of which the people 
passed up to the surface. The twins sang as they pulled the people 
out, and when their song was ended no mure were allowed to come; 
and hence, many more were left below than were permitted to come 
above; but the outlet through which mankind came has never been 
closed, and Myu'iugwa sends through it the germs of all living things. 
It is still symbolized by the peculiar construction of the hatchway of 
the kiva and iu the designs on the sand altars in these underground 
chambers, by the unconnected circle painted (ni pottery and 1).\- devices 
on basketry and other textile fabrics. 

All the people that were permitted to come to the surface were col- 
lected and the different families of men were arranged together. This 
was done under the direction of twins, who are called Pek(highoya, the 
younger one being distinguished by the term Balingahoya, the Echo. 
They were assisted by their grandmother, Kohkyang wiiliti, the Spider 
woman, and these appear in varying giuses in many of the myths and 
legends. They instructed the peojjle in divers modes of life to dwell on 
mountain or on plain, to build lodges, or huts, or windbreaks. They 
distributed appropriate gifts among them and assigned each a pathway, 
and so the various families of mankind were disi>ersed over the earth's 

The Hopituh,' after being taught to Imild stone houses, were also 
divided, and the different divisions took separate paths. The legends 
indicate a long period of extensive migrations in separate communities; 
the groups came to Tusayan at different times and from different di- 
rections, but the people of all the villages concur in designating the 
Snake people as the first occupants of the region. The eldest member 
of that nyumu tells a curious legend of tlieir migration fi-om which the 
following is quoted : 

At the general dispersal my people lived in su.ike skins, each family occupying .a 
separate snake skiu bag, anil all were hung on the end of a rainbow, which swung 
around until the end touched Navajo Mountain, where the bags dropped from it; 
aud wherever a bag dropped, there was their house. After they arranged their bags 
they came out from them as men and women, and they then built a stone house which 
had tive sides. [The story here relates the adventures of a mythic .Snake Youth, 
who brought back a strange woman who gave birth to rattlesnakes; these bit the 
people and compelled them to migrate.] A brilliant star arose in the southeast, 

' The term liy which the Tusayan Indians proper dcsignati* thi-msflves. Thia term does nut include 
the inhabitants of the village of Tewa or Hano, who are called Ualiumuh. 
8 ETH li 


■which would shine for a while and then disappear. The old men .said, "Beneath 
that star there must be people," so they determined to travel toward it. They cut 
a staif and set it in the ground and watched till the star reached its top, then they 
started and traveled as long as the star shone ; when it disappeared they halted. 
But the star did not shine every night, for sometimes many years elapsed before it 
appeared again. When this occurred, our people built houses during their halt; 
they built lioth round and square houses, and all the ruins between here and Navajo 
Mountain mark the places where our people lived. They waited till the star came 
to the top of the staff again, then they moved on, but many people were left in those 
houses and they followed afterward at various times. When our people reached 
Wiplio (a spring a few miles north from AValpi) the star disappeared and has never 
been seen since. They built a house there and after a time Mitsauwu (the god of the 
face of the earth) came and compelled them to move farther down the valley, to a 
point about half way between the East and Middle Mesa, and there they stayed 
many plantings. One time the old men were assembled and Mfisauwu came among 
them, looking like a horrible skeleton, and his bones rattling dreadfully. He menaced 
them with awful gestures, and lifted off his fleshless head and thrust it into their 
faces; but he could not frighten them. So he said, ''I have lost my wager; all 
that I have is yours; ask for anything you want and I will give it to you." At that 
time our people's house was beside the water course, and Mdsauwu said, "Why are 
you sitting here in the mud? Go up yonder where it is dry." So they went across to 
the low, sandy terrace on the west side of the mesa, near the ])oiut, and built a 
house anil lived there. Again the old men were assembled and two demons came 
among them and the old men took the great Baho and the nwelas and chased them 
away. When they were returning, and were not far north from their village, they 
met the Lenbaki ( Cane-Flute, a religious society still maintained) of the 1 loru fiimily . 
The old men would not allow them to come in until Masauwu appeared and declared 
them to be good Hopituh. So they built houses adjoining ours and that made a fine, 
large village. Then other Hopituh came in from time to time, and our people would 
say, "Build here, or build there," and portioned the land among the new comers. 

The site of the first Snake house in the valley, mentioned in the 
foregoing legend, is now barely to be discerned, and the people refuse 
to point out the exact spot. It is held as a place of votive offerings 
during the ceremony of the Snake dance, and, as its name, Biltni, im- 
plies, certain rain-fetiches are deposited there in small jars buried in 
the ground. The site of the village next occupied can be quite easily 
distinguished, and is now called Kwetcap tntwi, ash heap terrace, and 
this was the village to which the name Walpi was first applied — a term 
meaning the place at the notched mesa, in allusion to a broad gap in 
the stratum of sandstone on the summit of the mesa, and by which it 
can be distinguished from a great distance. The ground i)lan of this 
early Walpi can still be partly traced, indicating the former existence 
of an extensive village of clustering, little-roomed houses, with thick 
walls constructed of small stones. 

The advent of the Lenbaki is still commemorated by a biennial cere- 
mony, and is celebrated on the year alternating with their other bien- 
nial ceremony, the Snake dance. 

The Horn people, to which the Lenbaki belonged, have a legend of 
coming from a mountain range in the east. 

Its peaks were always snow covered, and the trees were always green. From the 
hillside the plains were seen, over which roamed the deer, the anteloiie, and the 




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1 I M I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I M I I ) 



bison, feeding on nerer-failiug grasses. Twining through these plains were streams 
of liright water, beautiful to look upon. A place where none but those who were 
of our people ever gained access. 

This description suggests some region of the headwaters of the Rio 
Grande. Like the Snake people, they tell of a protracted migration, 
not of continuons travel, for they remained for many seasons in one 
place, where they would plant and bnild permanent houses. One of 
these halting places is described as a canyon with high, steep walls, in 
which was a flowing stream; this, it is said, was the Tsegi (the Navajo 
name for Canyon de Chelly). Here they built a large house in a cavern- 
ous recess, high tip in the canyon wall. They tell of devoting two years i 
to ladder making and cutting and pecking shallow holes up the steep 
rocky side by which to mount to the cavern, and three years more were 
employed in building the house. While this work was in progress part 
of the men were planting gardens, and the women and children were 
gathering stones. But no ade(iuate reason is given for thus toiUng to 
fit this impracticable site for occupation; the footprints of Masauwu, 
which they were following, led them there. 

The legend goes on to tell that after they had lived there for a long 
time a stranger happened to stray in their vicinity, who proved to be 
a Hopituh, and said that he lived in the south. After some stay he 
left and was accompanied by a party of the " Horn," who were to visit 
the land occupied by their kindred Hopituh and return with an account 
of them; but they never came back. After waiting a long time another 
band was sent, who returned and said that the first emissaries had 
found wives and had built houses on the brink of a beautiful canyon, not 
far fi'om the other Hopituh dwellings. After this many of the Horns 
grew dissatisfied with their cavern home, dissensions arose, they left 
their home, and flimlly they reached Tusayan. They Uved at first in one 
of the canyons east of the villages, in the vicinity of Keam's Canyon, 
and some of the numerous ruins on its brink mark the sites of their 
early houses. There seems to be no legend distinctly attaching any 
particular ruin to the Horn people, although there is little doubt that 
the Snake and the Horn were the two first peoples who came to the 
neighborhood of the present villages. The Bear people were the next, 
but they arrived as separate branches, and from opposite directions, 
although of the same Hopituh stock. It has been impossible to obtain 
directly the legend of the Bears trom the west. The story of the Bears 
ii'om the east tells of encountering the Fire people, then living about 
25 miles east from Walpi ; but these are now extinct, and nearly all 
that is known of them is told in the Bear legend, the gist of which is as 
follows : 

The Bears originally lived among the mountains of the east, not f;ir 
distant from the Horns. Continual (fuarrels with neighboring villages 

'The term yasuna, translated here as "year." is of rather indefinite significance ; it sometimes means 
thirteen moons and in other instances much longer periods. 


brought on actual fi.ulitiug, and tlie Bears left that region and traveled 
westward. As with all the other people, they halted, built houses, aud 
planted, remaining stationary for a long while; this occurred at different 
places along their route. 

A portion of these people had wings, aud they flew in advance to sur- 
vey the land, and when the main body were traversing au arid region 
they found water for them. Another portion had claws with which they 
dug edible roots, and they could also use them for scratching hand and 
foot boles iu the face of a steep cliff. Others had hoofs, aiul these car- 
ried the heaviest burdens; aud some had balls of magic spider web, 
which they could use on occasion for ropes, and they could also spread 
the web and use it as a mantle, rendering the wearer in\isible when he 
apprehended danger. 

They too came to the Ts6gi (Canyon de Chelly), where they found 
houses but no peo])le, and they also built houses there. "\Thile living 
there a rupture occurred, a portion of them separating and going far to 
the westward. These seceding bands are probably that branch of the 
Bears who c.liiim their origin in the west. Some time after this, but how 
long after is not known, a plague visited the canyon, and the greater 
portion of the ijeople moved away, but leaving numbers who chose to 
remain. They crossed the Chinli valley and halted for a short time at a 
place a short distance northeast from Great Willow water ("Eighteen 
Mile Spring"). They did not remain there long, however, but moved a 
few miles farther west, to a place occupied by the Fire people who lived 
in a large oval house. The ruin of this house still stands, the walls ft'om 
5 to 8 feet high, and remarkable ft'om the large-sized blocks of stone 
used in their construction; it is still known to the Hopituh as Tebvwu- 
ki, the Fire-house. Here some fighting occurred, and the Bears moved 
westward again to the head of Antelope (Jeditoh) Canyon, about 4 miles 
from Ream's Canyon and about 15 miles east from Walpi. They built 
there a rambling cluster of small-roomed houses, of which the ground 
plan has now become almost obliterated. This ruin is called by the 
Hopituh "■ the ruin at the place of wild gourds." They seem to have 
occupied this neighborhood for a considerable period, as mention is made 
of two or three segregations, when groups of families moved a few miles 
away and built similar house clusters on the brink of that canyon. 

The Fire-people, who, some say, were of the Horn people, must have 
abandoned their dwelling at the Oval House or must have beeu driven 
out at the time of their conflict with the Bears, and seem to have traveled 
directly to the neighborhood of Walpi. The Snakes allotted them a 
place to build in the valley on the east side of the mesa, and about two 
miles north from the gap. A ridge of rocky knolls and sand dunes lies 
at the foot of the mesa here, and close to the main cliff" is a spring. There 
are two prominent knolls about 400 yards apart and the summits of these 
are covered with traces of house walls ; also portions of walls can be dis- 
cerned on all the intervening hummocks. The place is known as Sikydt- 

i\ skv .jM- i'>.^ ^Mrffi^rWri! 


ki, the yellow-house, from the color of the saudstoue of which the Louses 
were built. These aud otlier fragmentary bits have walls uot over a 
foot thick, built of small stones dressed by rubbing, and all laid in mud; 
the inside of the walls also show a smooth coating of mud plaster. The 
dimensions of the rooms are very small, the largest measuring 9J feet 
long, by -i^ feet wide. It is improbable that any of these structures were 
over two stories high, and many of them were built in excavated places 
around the rocky summits of the knolls. In these instances no rear wall 
was built; the partition walls, radiating at irregular angles, abut against 
the rock itself. Still, the great numbers of these houses, small as they 
were, nuist have been far more than the Fire-people could have required, 
for the oval house which tlu\y abandoned measures not more than a 
iiundred feet by fifty. Probably other incoming gentes, of whom no 
story has been preserved, had also the ill fate to build there, for the 
Walpi people afterward slew all its inhabitants. 

There is little or no detail in the legends of the Bear j)eople as to their 
life in Anteloije Canyon; they can now distinguish only one ruin with 
certainty as having been occupied l»y their ancestors, while to all the 
other ruins fiinciful names have been applied. Xor is there any special 
cause mentioned for abandoning tlieir dwellings there ; probably, how- 
ever, a sufficient reason was the cessation of springs in their vicijiity. 
Traces of former large springs are seen at all of them, but no water flows 
from them at the present time. Whatever their motive, the Bears left 
Antelope Canyon, and moved over to the village of AYalpi, on the terrace 
below the point of the mesa. They were received kindly there, and were 
apiiarently placed on an equal footing with the Walpi, for it seems the 
Snake, Horn, and Bear have always been on terms of friendship. They 
built houses at that village, and lived there for some considerable time; 
then they nutved a short distance and built again almost on the very 
point of the mesa. This change was not caused by any disagreement 
with their neighbors ; they simply chose that point as a suitable place 
on which to build all their houses together. The site of this Bear house 
is called Kisakobi, the obliterated house, and the name is very appropri- 
ate, as there is merely the faintest trace here and there to show where 
a building stood, the stones having been used in the construction of the 
modern Walpi. These two villages were quite close together, and the 
subsequent construction of a few adtlitional grou^js of rooms almost con- 
nected them, so that they were always considered and spoken of as one. 

It was at this period, while Walpi was still on this lower site, that the 
Spaniards came into the country. They met with little or no opposition, 
and their entrance was marked by no great disturbances. No special 
tradition preserves any of the circumstances of this event; these first 
coming Spaniards being only spoken of as the "Kast'ilunuih who wore 
iron garments, and came from the south," and this brief mention may 
be accounted for by the fleeting nature of these early visits. 

The zeal of the Spanish priests carried them everywhere throughout 


their newly aet|uire(l territory, and some time in the seventeenth cen- 
tury a baud of missionary monks found their way to Tusayan. Tliey 
were accompanied by a few troops to ini])ress the people with a dne re- 
gard for Spanish authority, but to disi^lay the milder side of their mission, 
they also brought herds of sheep and cattle for distribution. At first 
these were herded at various springs within a wide radius around the 
tillages, and the names still attaching to these places memorize the in- 
ti'odiictiou of sheep and cattle to this region. The Navajo are first 
definitely mentioned in tradition as occupants of tliis vicinity in con- 
nection with these flocks and herds, in the distribution of which they 
ga\e nuich undesirable assistance by driving ofl' the larger portion to 
their own haunts. 

The missionaries selected Awatubi, Wa]i)i, and Shumopavi as the 
sites for their mission biuldings, and at once, it is said, began to intro- 
duce a sj'stem of enforced laboi'. The memory of the mission period is 
held in great detestation, and the onerous toil the priests imposed is 
still adverted to as the principal grievance. Heavy pine timbers, many 
of which are now pointed out in the kiva roofs, of from 15 to 20 feet in 
length and a foot or more in diameter, were cut at the San Francisco 
Mountain, and gangs of men were compelled to carry and drag them to 
the building sites, where they were used as house beams. This neces- 
sitated prodigious toil, for the distance by trail is a hundred miles, most 
of the way over a rough and dilHcult country. The Spaniards are said 
to have employed a few ox teams in this labor, but the heaviest share 
was periV)i'nied by the impi'essed Hopituh, who were driven in gangs by 
the Spanish soldiers, and any who refused to work were confined in a 
prison house and starved into submission. 

The "men with the long robes,'' as the missionaries were called, are 
said to have lived among these people for a k)ng time, but no trace of 
their individuality survives in tradition. 

Possibly the Spanish missionaries may have striven to effect some 
social improvement among these peoi)le, and by the adoption of some 
harsh measures incurred the jealous anger of the chiefs. But the sys- 
tem of labor they enforced was regarded, perhaps justly, as the intro- 
duction of serfdom, such as then prevailed in the larger communities in 
the Eio Grande valleys. Perhaps tradition beUes them; but there are 
many stories of their evil, sensual lives — assertions that they violated 
women, and held many of the young girls at their mission houses, not 
as i^upils, but as concubines. 

In any case, these hapless monks were engaged in a perilous mission 
in seeking to supplant the primitive faith of the Tusayan, for among the 
xiative priests they encountered piejndices even as violent as their own. 
With too great zeal they i^rohibited the sacred dances, the votive oft'er- 
ings to the nature-deities, and similar public observances, and strove to 
suppress the secret rites and abolish the religious orders and societies. 
JBut these were too closely incorporated ^\ith the system of gentes and 


other family kiusliips to admit of their extinction. Traditionally, it is 
said that, following the discontinnance of the prescribed ceremonies, the 
favor of the gods was withdrawn, the clouds brought no rain, and the 
fields yielded no corn. Such a coincidence in this arid region is by no 
means improbable, and according to the legends, a succession of dry 
seasons residting iu famine has been of not inft-equent occurrence. The 
superstitious fears of the people were thus aroused, and they cherished 
a mortal hatred of the monks. 

In such mood were they in the summer of 1G80, when the \allage 
Indians rose in revolt, drove out the Spaniards, and compelled them to 
retreat to Mexico. There are some dim traditions of that event still 
existing among the Tusayan, and they tell of one of their own race com- 
ing from the river region by the way of Zuiii to obtain their cooperation 
in the proposed revolt. To this they consented. 

Only a few Spaniards being present at that time, the Tusayan found 
courage to vent their enmity in massacre, and every one of the bated 
invaders perished on the appointed day. The traditions of the massacre 
center on the doom of the monks, for they were I'egarded as the embodi- 
ment of all that was evil in Spanish rule, and their pursiut, as they tried 
to escape among the sand dunes, and the mode of their slaughter, is told 
with grim precision; they were all overtaken and hacked to pieces with 
stone tomahawks. 

It is told that while the monks were still iu authority some of the 
Snake women urged a withdrawal from Walpi, and, to incite the men 
to action, carried their mealing-stones and cooking vessels to the sum- 
mit of the mesa, where they desired the men to build new houses, less 
accessible to the domineering priests. The men followed them, and two 
or three small house groTips were built near the southwest end of the 
present village, one of them being still occupied by a Snake family, but 
the others have been demolished or remodeled. A little farther north, 
also on the west edge, the small house clusters there were next built by 
the families of two women called Tji-vwo-wati and Si-kya-tci-wati. 
Shortly after the massacre the lower village was entirely abandoned, 
and the building material carried above to the point which the Snakes 
had chosen, and on which the modern Walpi was constructed. Several 
beams of the old mission houses are now pointed out in the roofs of the 

There was a general apprehension that the Spaniards would send a 
force to punish them, and the Shumopavi also reconstructed their "sil- 
lage iu a stronger position, on a high mesa overlooking its former site. 
The other villages were already in secure positions, and all the smaller 
agricultural settlements were abandoned at this period, and excepting 
at one or two places on the Moen-kopi, the Tusayan have ever since 
confined themselves to the close vicinity of their main villages. 

The house masses do not appear to bear any relation to division by 
phratries. It is surprising that eveu the social division of the phratries 


is preserved. The Hopitub certainly marry within phratries, and occa- 
sionally with the same gens. There is no donbt, however, that in 
the earlier villages each gens, and where practicable, the whole of the 
phratry, built tlieir houses together. To a certain extent tlie house of 
the priestess of a gens is still regarded as the home of the gens. She 
has to be consulted concerning proposed marriages, and has much to 
say ill other social arrangements. 

Wiiile the village of the Walpi was still upon the west side of the 
mesa point, some of them moved around and built houses beside a 
spring close to the east side of the mesa. Boon after this a dispute over 
planting ground arose between them and the Sikyatki, whose village 
Mas also on that side of the mesa and but a short distance above them. 
From this time forward bad blood lay between the Sikyatki and the 
Walpi, who took up the quancl of their suburb. It also happened about 
that time, so tradition says, more of the Coyote people came from the 
north, and the Pikyas nyu inu, the young cornstalk, who were the 
latest of the Water peojde, caiiie in from the south. The Sikyatki, hav- 
ing ac(iuired their friendship, induced them to build on two mounds, on 
the summit of the mesa overlooking their village. They had been greatly 
harrassed by the young slingers and archers of Walpi, who would come 
across to the edge of the high cliff and assail them with impunity, but 
the occupation of these two mounds by friends afforded effectual pro- 
tection to their village. These knolls are about -10 yards apart, and 
about 40 feet above the level of the mesa which is something over 400 
feet above Sikyatki. Their roughly leveled summits measure 20 by 10 
feet and are covered with traces of house walls; and it is evident that 
groups of small-roomed houses were clustered also around the sloping 
sides. About a hundred yards south from their dwellings the people 
of the mounds built for their own jirotection a strong wall entirely across 
the mesa, which at that point is contracted to about 200 feet in width, 
with deej) vertical cliffs on either side. The base of the wall is still 
quite distinct, and is about 'A feet thick. 

But no reconciliation was ever effected between the Walpi and the 
Siky.ltki and their allies, and in spite of their defensive wall frequent 
assaults were nuide ui)on the latter until they were forced to retreat. 
The greater niunber of them retired to Oraibi and the remainder to Sik- 
yatki, and the feud was still maintained between them and the Walpi. 

Some of the incidents as well as the disastrous termination of this 
feud are still narrated. A party of the Sikyatki went prowling through 
Walpi one day wliile the men were afield, and among other outrages 
one of them shot an arrow through a window and killed a chief's daugh- 
ter while she was grinding corn. The chief's son resolved to avenge 
the death of his sister, and some time after this went to Sikyatki, pro- 
fessedly to take part in a rehgious dance, in which he joined until just 
before the close of the ceremony. Having i)re\iously ol)served where 
the handsomest girl was seated among tlie spectators on the house ter- 




I I I I I ' M I I I M I I I I J I I I -rrrl 



races, he rau up the ladder as if to offer her a prayer emblem, but in- 
stead he drew out a sharp flint knife from his .girdle and cut her throat. 
He threw the body down where all could see it, and ran along the ad- 
joining terraces till he cleared the village. A little way up the mesa 
was a large flat rock, upon which he sprang and took off his dancer's 
mask so that all might recognize him, then turning again to the mesa 
he sped swiftly up the trail .and escaped. 

And so foray and slaughter continued to alternate between them until 
the i)lanting season of some indefinite year came around. All the Sik- 
yatki men were to begin the season by planting the fields of their chief 
on a certain day, which was announced from the housetop by the Sec- 
ond Chief as he made his customary evening proclamations, and the 
Walpi, becoming aware of this, i)launed a fatal onslaught. Every man 
and woman able to draw a bow or wield a weapon were got in readiness 
and at night they crossed the mesa and concealed themselves along its 
edge, overlooking the doomed village. When the day came they waited 
until the men had gone to the field and then rushed down ui)on the 
houses. The chief, who was too old to go afield, was the first one killed, 
and then followed the indiscriminate slaughterof women and children, and 
the destruction of the houses. The wild tumult in the ^^llage alarmed 
the Sikydtki and they came rushing l)ack, but too late to defend their 
homes. Their struggles were hopeless, for they had only their planting 
sticks to use as weapons, which availed l)ut little against the Walpi 
with their bows and arrows, spears, slings, and war clubs. Nearly all 
of the Siky4tki men were killed, but some of them escaped to Oraibi 
and some to Awatubi. A numlier of the girls and younger women were 
spared, and distributed among the diflereut villages, where they became 
wives of their despoilers. 

It is said to have been shortly after the destruction of Siky^tki that 
the first serious inroad of a hostile tribe occurred within this region, and 
all the stories aver that these early hostiles were from the north, the 
TJte being the first Avho are mentioned, and after them the Apache, who 
made an occasional foray. 

"\\niile these families of Hopituh stock had been building their strag- 
gling dwellings along the canyon brinlvs, and grouping in villages around 
the base of the East Mesa, other migratory bands of Hopituh had be- 
gun to arrive on the Middle ^lesa. As already said, it is admitted that 
the Snake were the first occui)ants of this region, but beyond that fact 
the traditions are contradictory and confused. It is probable, however, 
that not long after the arrival of the Horn, the Squash people came 
from the south and built a \'iUage on the Jliddle Mesa, the ruin of which 
is called Chukubi. It is on the edge of the cliff on the east side of the 
neck of that mesa, and a short distance south of the direct trail leading 
ft'om Walpi to Oraibi. The Squash people say that they came from Pa- 
liit Kwabi, the Bed Land in the far South, and this vague term expresses 
nearly all their knowledge of that traditional land. They say they Uved 


for a, loug time in the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, on the south side 
of that stream and not far fi-om the point where the railway crosses it. 
They still distinguish the ruin of their early village there, which was 
built as usual on the brink of a canyon, and call it Etipsikya, after a 
shrub that grows there profusely. They crossed the river opposite that 
place, but built no permanent houses until they reached the \icinity 
of Chukubi, near which two smaller clusters of ruins, on knolls, mark 
the sites of dwellings which they claim to have been theirs. Three 
groups (nyumu) traveUng together were the next to follow them; these 
were the Bear, the Bear-skinrope, and the Blue Jay. They are said to 
have been very uumei'ous, and to have come from the vicinity of San 
Francisco Mountain. They did not move n\) to Chukubi, but built a large 
village on the sununit, at the south end of the mesa, close to the site of 
the present Mashongnavi. Soon afterward came the Burrowing Owl, and 
the Coyote, from the vicinity of jSTavajo Mountains in the north, but they 
were not very numerous. They also built upon the Mashongnavi summit. 

After this the Squash people found that the water from their springs 
was decreasing, and began moving toward the end of the mesa, where 
the other people were. But as there was then no suitable place left on 
the summit, they built a village on the sandy terrace close below it, on 
the west side; and as the springs at Chukubi ultimately ceased entirely, 
the rest of the Squash i^eople came to the terrace and were again united 
in one village. Straggling bands of several other groups, both wingwu 
and nyumu, are mentioned as coming from various directions. Some 
built on the terrace and some found house room in Mashongnavi. This 
name is derived as follows: On the south side of the terrace on which 
the Squash village was built is a high column of sandstone which is 
vertically spUt in two, and formerly there wa.s a third pillar in line, 
which has long since fallen. These three columns were called Tutu- 
walha, the guardians, and both the Squash village and the one on the 
summit were so named. On the north side of the terrace, close to the 
present village, is another irregular massy pillar of sandstone called 
Mashoniniptu, meaning " the other which remains erect," having ref- 
erence to the one on the south side, which had fallen. When the Squash 
withdrew to the summit the village was then called Mashoniuiptuovi, 
"at the place of the other which remains erect;" now that term is never 
used, but always its syncopated form, Mashongnavi. 

The Squash village, on the south eiul of the Middle Mesa, was at- 
tacked by a fierce band that came from the north, some say the Ute, 
others say the Apache ; but whoever the invaders were, they completely 
overpowered the people, and carried oft' great stores of food and other 
plunder. The -village was then evacuated, the houses dismantled, and 
the material removed to the high summit, where they reconstructed 
their dwellings around the village whicli thencefoi'th bore its present 
name of Mashongnavi. Some of the Squash people moved over to 
Oraibi, and portions of the Katchina and Paroquet people came from 





there to Masliougnavi about the same time, and a few of these two 
groups occupied some vacant houses also in Shupaulovi; for this village 
even at that early date had greatly diminished in population, having 
sustained a disastrous loss of men in the canyon affrays east of AValpi. 

Shumopavi seems to have been built by portions of the same groups 
who went to the adjacent Mashongnavi, but the traditions of the two 
villages are conflicting. The old traditionists at Shumopavi hold that 
the first to come there were the Paroquet, the Bear, the Bear-skin-rope, 
and the Blue Jay. Tliey came trom the west — probably from San Fran- 
cisco Mountain. They claim that ruins on a mesa bluft" about 10 miles 
south from the present village are the remains of a vilhige built by these 
groups before reaching Shumopavi, and the Paroquets arrived first, it 
is said, because they were i>erclied on the heads of the Bears, and, when 
nearing the water, they flew in ahead of the others. These groups built 
a village on a broken terrace, on the east side of the chff, and just below 
the present village. There is a spring close by called after the Shun- 
ohu, a tall red grass, which grew abundantly there, and from which the 
town took its name. This spring was formerly very large, but two years 
ago a landslide completely buried it ; lately, however, a small outflow 
is again apj)arent. 

The ruins of the early village cover a hillocky area of about 800 by 
250 feet, but it is impossible to trace much of the ground plan with 
a<'curacy. The corner of an old house still stands, some G or 8 feet high, 
extending about 15 feet on one face and about 10 feet on the other. The 
wall is over 3 feet in thickness, but of very clumsy masonry, no care 
having been exercised in dressing the stones, which are of varying sizes 
and laid in mud plaster. Interest attaches to this fragment, as it is one 
of the few tangible evidences lefti of the Spanish priests who engaged in 
the fatal mission to the Hoi)ituh in the sixteeuth century. This bit of 
wall, which now forms part of a sheep-fold, is pointed out as the remains 
of one of the mission buildings. 

Other groups followed — the Mole, the Spider, and the " Wiksrun." 
These latter took their name trom a curious ornament worn by the men. 
A piece of the leg-bone of a bear, fi-om which the marrow had been 
extracted and a stopper fixed in one end, was attached to the fillet bind- 
ing the hair, and bung down in ft-ont of the forehead. This gens and 
the Mole are now extinct. 

Shumopavi received no further accession of population, but lost to 
some extent by a portion of the Bear people moving across to Walpi. 
No important event seems to have occurred among them for a long period 
after the destruction of SikyAtki, in which they bore some part, and 
only cursory mention is made of the ingress of "enemies from the north;" 
but their \'illage, api)arently, was not assailed. 

The Oraibi traditions tend to confirm those of Shumopavi, and tell 
that the first houses there were btiilt l>y Bears, who canu^ ft-om the latter 
place. The foIlo^\'ing is ft-om a curious legend of the early settlement: 


The Bear people had t^o chiefs, who were biothers; the elder was 
called Vwen-ti-s6-ino, and the younger Ma-tci-to. They had a desperate 
quarrel at Shumopavi, and their people divided into two factions, accord- 
ing as they inclined to one or other of the contestants. After a long 
period of contention Ma-tci-to and his followers withdrew to the mesa 
whew; Oraibi now stands, about S miles northwest fioni Sliuniopa\'i, xnd 
built houses a little to the southwest of the limits of the present town. 
These houses were afterwards destrojed by "enemies from the north," 
and the older portion of the existing town, the southwest ends of the 
house rows, were built with stones fi-om the demolished houses. Frag- 
ments of these early walls are still occasionally unearthed. 

After Ma-tci-to and his people were established there, whenever any 
of the 8humopavi jieople became dissatisfied with that place they buUt 
at Oraibi, Ma-tci-to placed a little stone monument about halfway 
between these two villages to mark the boundary of the land. Vwen- 
ti-so'-mo objected to this, but it wasultimatelyaccepted with the jiroviso 
that the village growing the fastest should have the pri\'ilege of moving 
it toward the other ■sillage. The monument still stands, and is on the 
direct Oraibi trail ft-om Shumopavi, 3 miles from the latter. It is a well 
dressed, rectangular block of sandstone, projecting two feet above the 
ground, and measure;; 8i by 7 inches. Ou the end is carved the rude 
semblance of a human head, or mask, the eyes and mouth being merely 
round shallow holes, with a black line ]iaiiited around them. The stone 
is pecked on the side, but the head and front are rubbed quite smooth, 
and the block, tapering slightly to the base, suggests the ancient Eoman 

There are Eagle people living at Oraibi, Mashongnavi, and Walpi, 
and it would seem as if they had journeyed for some time with the later 
Snake people and others ft-om the northwest. Vague traditions attach 
them to several of the ruins north of the jMoen-kojii, although most ot 
these are regarded as the remains of Snake dwelh'jigs. 

The legend of the Eagle people introduces theiu ft-om the west, com- 
ing in by way of the Moen-kopi water course. They found many peo- 
ple living in Tusayan, at Oraibi, the Middle ]\resa, and near the East 
Mesa, but the Snake village was yet in the valley. Some of the Eagles 
remained at Oraibi, but the main body moved to a large mound just 
east of Mashongnavi, on the summit of which they built a village and 
called it Shi-t;ii-mu. Numerous traces of small-roomed houses can be 
seen on this mound and on some of the lower surroundings. The uneven 
summit is about ."lOO by 200 feet, and the village seems to have been l)uilt 
in the form of an irregular ellipse, but the gTOund plan is very obscure. 

While the Eagles were living at Shi-tdi-mu, they sent "Yellow Foot" 
to the mountain in the east (at the headwaters of the Rio Grande) to 
obtain a dog. After many perilous adventures in caverns guarded by 
bear, mountain lion, and rattlesnake, he got two dogs and returned. 





Thfy were wanted to keep the coyotes out of the corn and the gardens. 
The dogs grew numerous, and would go to Mashongna\n in search of 
food, and also to some of the people of that village, which led to serious 
quarrels between them and the Eagle people. Ultimately the Shi-t4i-mu 
chief ijroclaimed a feast, and told the people to prepare to leave the 
village forever. On the feast day the women arranged the food basins 
on the ground in a long line leading out of the village. The people 
passed along this line, tasting a mouthful here or there, but without 
stopping, and when they reached the last basin they were beyond the 
limits of the village. Without turning around they continued on down 
into the valley until they were halted by the Snake people. An arrange- 
ment was efiected with the latter, and the Eagles built their houses in 
the Snake village. A few of the Eagle families who had become attached 
to Mashougnavi chose to go to that village, where their descendants 
.still reside, and are yet held as close relatives by the Eagles of Walpi. 
The land around the East Mesa was then portioned out, the Snakes, 
Horns, Bears, and Eagles each receiving separate lands, and these old 
allotments are still approximately maintained. 

According to the Eagle traditions the early occupants of Tusayan 
came in the following succession: Snake, Horn, Bear, Middle Mesa, 
Oraibi, and Eagle, and finally fi'om the south came the Water families. 
This sequence is also recognized in the general tenor of the legends of 
the other groups. 

Shupaulovi, a small village quite close to Mashongnavi, would seem 
to have been established just before the coming of the Water people. 
^or does there seem to have been any very long interval between the 
arrival of the earliest occupants of the Middle Jlesa and this latest 
colony. These were the Sun people, and like the Squash folk, claim to 
have come ft-om Paldtkwabi, the Red Land, in the south. On theii- 
northward migration, when they came to the valley of the Colorado 
Chiquito, they found the Water people there, with whom they lived for 
some time. This combined village was built upon Homolobi, a round 
terraced mound near Sunset Crossing, where fragmentary ruins cover- 
ing a wide area can yet be traced. 

Incoming people from the east had buOt the large village of Awatubi, 
high rock, upon a steep mesa about nine miles southeast from Walpi. 
When the Sun people came into Tusayan they halted at that \illage 
and a few of them remained there permanently, but the others continued 
west to the Middle Mesa. At that time also they say Chukubi, Shi- 
taimu, Mashongnavi, and the Squash village on the terrace were all 
occupied, and they built on the terrace close to the Squash \illage also. 
The Sun people were then very numerous and soon spread their dwell- 
ings over the summit where the ruin now stands, and many iiulistinct 
lines of house walls around this dilapidated village attest its former size. 
Like the neighboring village, it takes its name from a rock near by, 


■whicli is used as a place for the deposit of votive offerings, but the 
etjinology of the term can not be traced. 

Some of the Bear people also took up their abode at Sliupaulovi, and 
later a nynmu of the Water family called Batni, moisture, biult with 
them; and the diminished families of the existing village are still com- 
posed entu'ely of these three nyiunu. 

The next arrivals seem to have been the Asanyumu, who in early 
days lived in the region of the Chama, in New Mexico, at a village 
called Ka^kibi, near the place now known as Abiquiu. When they left 
that region they moved slowly westward to a place called Tuwii (Santo 
Domingo), where some of them are said to still reside. The next halt 
was at KaiwAika (Lagiina) where it is said some families still remain, 
and they staid also a short time at A'ikoka (Acoma) ; but none of them 
remained at that place. From the latter place they went to Sioki (Zuiii), 
where they remained a long time and left a number of their people there, 
who are now called Aiyahokwi by the Zuni. They finally reached Tu- 
sayan by way of Awatubi. They had been i^receded from the same part 
of New Mexico by the Honan nyumu (the Badger ijeojde), whom they 
found living at the last-named village. The Mag-pie, the Putc Kohu 
(Boomerang-shaped hunting stick), and the Field-mouse families of the 
Asa remained and built beside the Badger, but the rest of its groups con- 
tinued across to the Walpi Mesa. They were not at first permitted to 
come up to Walpi, which then occupied its present site, but were allt)tted 
a place to build at Coyote Water, a small sijring on the east side of the 
mesa, just under the gap. They had not lived there very long, however, 
when for some valuable ser\ices in defeating at one time a raid of the 
Ute (who used to be called the Tcingawiiptuh) and of the Navajo at 
another, they were given for planting grounds all the space on the mesa 
summit from the gap to where Sichumovi now stands, and the same width, 
exteuding across the valley to the east. On the mesa summit they built 
the early portion of the house mass on the north side of the village, now 
known as Hano. But soon after this came a succession of dry seasons, 
which caused a great scarcity of food almost amounting to a famine, and 
many moved away to distant streams. The Asa people went to Tiip- 
kabi (Deep Canyon, the de Chelly), about 70 miles northeast from Walpi, 
where the Navajo received them kindly and supplied them with food. 
The Asa had preserved some seeds of the peacli, which they planted in 
the canyon nooks, and immerous little orchards still flourish there. They 
also brought the Navajo new varieties of food plants, and their relations 
grew very cordial. They built houses along the base of the canyon walls, 
and dwelt there for two or three generations, during which time many 
of the Asa women were given to the Navajo, and the descendants of 
these now constitute a numerous clan among the Navajo, known as the 
Ki4iui, the High-house people. 

The Navajo and the Asa eventually quarreled and the latter returned 
to Walpi, but this was after the arrival of the Hano, by whom they 

£ [ 


' r 

-I '. 

O 5n^.97 "\AF^'7 ^^''5^ 


fouiul tlieir old houses occupied. The Asa were taken into the village of 
Walpi, being given a vacant strip on the east edge of the mesa, just 
where the main trail comes up to the village. The jSTavajo, TJte, and 
Apache had frequently gained entrance to the village by this trail, and 
to guard it the Asa built a house group along the edge of the cliff at that 
point, immediately overlooking the trail, where some of the iieople still 
live; and the kiva there, now used by the Snake order, belongs to them. 
There was a crevice in the rock, with a smooth bottom extending to the 
edge of the cliff and deep enough for a ki'koli. A wall was built to 
close the outer edge and it was at first intended to build a dwelling house 
there, but it was afterward excavated to its present size and made into 
a kiva, still called the wikwalhobi, the kiva of the Watchers of the 
High Place. The Walpi site becoming crowded, some of the Bear and 
Lizard people moved out and built houses on the site of the present 
Sichumovi; several Asa famiUes followed them, and after them came 
some of the Badger people. The village grew to an extent considerably 
beyond its present size, when it was abandoned on account of a ma- 
lignant plague. After the plague, and within the present generation, 
the village was rebuilt — the old houses being torn down to make the 
new ones. 

After the Asa came the next group to arrive was the Water family. 
Their chief begins the story of their migration in thi.s way : 

lu the long ago the Snake, Horn, and Eagle people lived here (in Tusayan), but 
their corn grew only a span high, and when they sang for rain the cloud god .sent 
only a thin mist. My people then lived in the distant Pa-l^t Kwa-bi in the South. 
There was a very bad old man there, who, when he met any one, would spit in his 
face, blow his nose upon him, and rub ordure upon him. He ravished the girls and 
did all manner of evil. Baholikonga got angry at this and turned the world upside 
down, and water spouted uj) through the kivas and through the fireplaces in the 
houses. The earth was rent iu great chasms, and water covered everything except 
one narrow ridge of mud; and across this the serpent deity told all the people to 
travel. As they journeyed across, the feet of the bad slipped and they fell iuto the 
dark water, but the good, after many ilays, reached dry land. While the water was 
rising around the village the old people got on the tops of the houses, for they thought 
they could not struggle across with the younger people; but Baholikonga clothed 
them with the skins of turkeys, and they spread their wings out and floated iu the 
air just above the surface of the water, .and iu this way they got across. There were 
saved of our people Water, Corn, Lizard, Horned Toad, Sand, two families of Ralibit, 
and Tobacco. The turkey tail dragged in the water — hence the white on the turkey 
tail now. Wearing these turkey-skins is the reason why old people have dewlaps 
under the chin like a turkey ; it is also the reason why old people use turkey-feathers 
at the religious ceremonies. 

In the story of the wandering of the Water people, many vague ref- 
erences are made to various villages in the South, which they constructed 
or dwelt in, and to rocks where they carved their totems at temporary 
halting places. They dwelt for a long time at Homolobi, where the Sun 
people joined them ; and probably not long after the latter left the Water 
people followed on after them. The largest number of this family seem 



to liiivo made tbeir dwellings first at Masliougnavi and Shupaulovi ; but 
like the Suu people they soon spread to all the villages. 

The narrative of part of this jonrney is thus given by the chief before 
quoted : 

It occupied 4 years to cross the disrupted country. Tlie kwakwanti (a Tvarrior 
order) went ahead of the people and carried seed of corn, beans, melons, squashes, 
and cotton. They would plant corn in the mud at early morning and by noon it 
was ripe and thus the people were fed. When they reached solid ground thoy rested, 
and then they built houses. The kwakwanti were always out exploring — some- 
times they were gone as long as four years. Again we would follow them on long 
journeys, and halt and build laouses and plant. While we were traveling if a woman 
became heavy with child we would build her a house and put plenty of food in it and 
leave her there, and from these women sprang the Pima, Maricopa, and other Indians 
in the South. 

Away in the South, before we crossed the mountains (south of the Apache country) 
we built large houses and lived there a long while. Near these houses is a large 
rock on which was painted the rain-clouds of the Water phratry, also a man carry- 
ing corn in his arms; and the other phratries also painted the Lizard and the Rabbit 
upon it. ^Vhile they were living there the kwakwanti made an expedition far to 
the north and came iu conflict with a hostile people. They fought day after day, 
for days and days — they fought by day only and when night came they separated, 
each party retiring to its own ground to rest. One night the cranes came and each 
crane took a kwakwanti on his back and brought them back to their people in the 

Again all the people traveled north until they came to the Little Colorado, near 
San Francisco Mountains, and there they built houses up and down the river. They 
also made long ditches to carry the water from the river to their gardens. After 
living there a long while they began to be plagued with swarms of a kind of gnat 
called the sand-fly, which bit the children, causing them to swell up and die. The 
place becoming unendurable, they were forced again to resume their travels. Before 
starting, one of the Rain- women, who was big with child, was made comfortable iu 
one of the houses on the mountain. She told her people to leave her, because she 
knew this was the place where she was to remain forever. She also told them that 
hereafter whenever they should return to the mountain to hunt she would provide 
them with plenty of game. Uniler her house is a spring and any sterile woman who 
drinks of its water will bear children. The people then began a long journey to 
reach the summit of the table land on the north. They camped for rest on one of 
the terraces, where there was no water, and they were very tired and thirsty. Here 
the women celebrated the rain-feast — they danced for three days, and on the fourth 
day the clouds brought heavy rain and refreshed the people. This event is still 
conimeuiorated by a circle of stones at that place. They reached a spring southeast 
from Kaibitho (Kuuuis Spring) and there they built a house and lived for some time. 
Our p(!ople had i)lenty of rain and cultivated much corn and some of the Walpi 
people came to visit us. They told us that their rain only came here and there in 
fine misty sprays, and a Ijasketful of corn was regarded as a large crop. So they 
asked us to come to their land and live with them and finally we consented. When 
we got there we found some Eagle people living near the Second Mesa ; our people 
divided, and part went with the Eagle and have ever since remained there; but we 
camped near the First Mesa. It was planting time and the Walpi celebrated their 
rain-feast but they brought only a mere misty drizzle. Then we celebrated our rain- 
feast and planted. Great rains and thunder and lightning immediately followed 
and on the first day after planting our corn was half an arm's length high; on the 
fourth day it was its full height, ami in one moon it was ripe. When we were going 
up to the village (Walpi was then north of the gap, probably), we were met by a 








Bear man who said that our thunder frightened the -n-omen and we must not go near 
the village. Then the kw.akwauti said, " Let us leave these people and seek a land 
.somewlicre else," but our women said they were tired of travel and insisted upon 
our remaining. Then " Fire-picker " came down from tlie village and told us to come 
up there and stay, but after we had got into the village the Walpi women screamed 
out against us — they feared our thunder — and so the Walpi turned us away. Then 
our people, except those who went to the Second Mesa, traveled to the northeast as 
far as the Tsegi (Canyon de Chelly), hut I can not tell whether our people built the 
houses there. Then they came back to this region again and built houses and had 
much trouble with the Walpi, but we have lived here ever since. 

Groups of the Water people, as already stated, weve distributed 
among all the villages, although the bulk of them remained at the IMid- 
dleMesa; Init it seems that most of the remaiuing groups subsequently 
chose to build their j)ermanent houses at Oraibi. There is no special tra- 
dition of this movement; it is only indicated by this circum.stance, that 
in addition to the Water families common to every village, there are 
still in Oraibi several families of that people which have no representa- 
tives in any of the other villages. At a quite early day Oraibi Ix'came 
a place of importance, and they tell of being sufficiently populous to 
establish many outljing settlements. They still identify these with 
ruins on the detached mesas in the valley to the south and along the 
Moen-koi)i ("place of flowing water") and other intermittent streams in 
the west. These sites were occiipied for the purpose of utilizing culti- 
vable tracts of land in their vicinity, and the remotest settlement, about 
45 miles west, was especially devoted to the cultivation of cotton, the 
place being still called by the Kavajo and other neighboring tribes, the 
"cotton planting ground." It is also said that several of the larger 
ruins along the course of the Moen-kopi were occupied by groups of the 
Snake, the Coyote, and the Eagle who dwelt in that region for a long 
period before they joined the people in Tusayan. The incursions of 
foreign bands from the north may have hastened that movement, and 
the Oraibi say they were compelled to withdraw all their outlying col- 
onies. An episode is related of an attack upon the main Aillage when 
a number of young girls were carried off, and 2 or 3 years afterward 
the same marauders returned and treated with the Oraibi, who paid a 
ransom in corn and received all their girls back again. After a quiet 
interval the pillaging bands renewed their attacks and the settlements 
on the Moen-kopi were vacated. They were again occupied after an- 
other peace was established, and this condition of alternate occupancy 
and abandonment seems to have existed until within quite recent time. 

While the Asa were still sojourning in Canyon de Chelly, and before 
the arrival of the Hano, another bloody scene had been enacted in 
Tusayan. Since the time of the Antelope Canyon feuds there had been 
enmity between Awatubi and some of the other villages, especially- 
Walpi, and some of the Sikyatki refugees had transmitted their feudal 
wrongs to their descendants who dwelt in Awatubi. They had long 
been perpetrating all manner of offenses; they had intercei)ted hunting 
8 ETH 3 


parties from the other villages, seized their game, and sometimes killed 
the hunters ; they had fallen upon men in outlying corn fields, maltreating 
aud sometimes slaying them, and threatened still more serious outrage. 
Awatubi was too strong for Walpi to attack single-handed, S(j the as- 
sistance of the other villages was sought, aud it was determined to 
destroy Awatulji at the close of a feast soon to occur. This was the 
annual "feast of the kwakwanti," which is still maintained and is held 
during the month of November by each village, when the youths who 
have been qualified by certain ordeals are admitted to the councils. 
The ceremonies last several days, and on the concluding night special 
rites are held in the kivas. At these ceremonies every man must be in 
the kiva to which he belongs, and after the close of the rites they all 
sleep there, no one being permitted to leave the kiva until after sunrise 
on the following day. 

There was still some little intercourse between Awatubi and AValpi, 
and it was easily ascertained when this feast was to be held. On the 
day of its close, the Walpi sent word to their alli(^s "to jjrepare the war 
arrow and ct)me," and in the evening the fighting bands from the other 
villages assembled at Walpi, as the foray was to be led by the chief of 
that village. By the time night had fallen something like 150 marauders 
had met, all armed, of course; and of still more ominous import than 
their weapons were the firebrands they carried — shredded cedar Ijark 
loosely bound in rolls, resinous splinters of pinon, dry greasewood (a 
furze very easily ignited), and pouches fidl of pulverized red peppers. 

Secure in the darkness ftom observation, the bands followed the 
Walpi chief across the valley, every man with his weap(3ns in hand and 
a bundle of inflammables on his back, lieaching the Awatubi mesa 
they cautiously crept up the steep, winding trail to the sununit, and 
then stole round the \Tllage to the passages leailing to the different 
courts holding tlie kivas, near which they hid themselves. They waited 
till just before the gray daylight came, then the Walpi chief shouted 
his war cry and the yelUng bands rushed to the kivas. Selecting their 
positions, they were at them in a moment, and ((uickly snatching up the 
ladilers through the hatchways, the only means of exit, the doomed 
occupants were left as helpless as rats in a trap. Fire was at hand in the 
numerous little cooking pits, containing the jars of food prepared for the 
celebrants, the inflammable bundles were lit and tossed into the kivas, 
aud the piles of firewood on the terraced roofs were thrown d(jwn upon 
the blaze, and soon each kiva became a furnace. The red pepper was 
then cast upon the lire to add its choking tortures, while round the 
hatchways the assailants stood showering their arrows into the mass of 
.struggling wretches. The fires were maintained until the roofs fell in 
and buried and charred the bones of the victims. It is said that every 
male of Awatul)i who had passed infancy perished in the slaughter, not 
one escaping. Such of the women and (children as were spared were 
taken out, and all the houses were destroyed, after which the captives 
were divided among the different villages. 



50 100 ISO Feet. 

^| I Ill Ill Mil 

c:. ^^0 



The date of this last feiKhil atrocity can be made out with some degi'ee 
of exactness, because in 1692, Don Diego Vargas with a mihtary force 
visited Tusayan and mentions Awatubi as a populous village at which 
he made some halt. The Hano (Tewa) claim that tliey have lived in 
Tusayan for five or six generations, and that when they arrived there 
was no Awatubi in existence; hence it must have been destroyed not 
long after the close of the seventeenth century. 

Since the destruction of Awatubi only one other serious affray has 
occurred between the villages; that was between Oraibi and Walpi. 
It appears that after the Oraibi withdrew their colonies from the south 
and west they took possession of all the unoccupied planting grounds to 
the east of the village, and kept reaching eastward till they encroached 
upon some land claimed by the Walpi. This gave rise to intermittent 
warfare in the outlying fields, and whenever the contending villagers 
met a broil ensued, until the strife culminated in an attack upon Walpi. 
The Oraibi chose a day when the Walpi men were all in the field on the 
east side of the mesa, but the Walpi say that their women and dogs 
held the Oraibi at bay until the men came to the rescue. A severe bat- 
tle was fought at the foot of the mesa, in which the Oraibi were routed 
and pursued across the Middle Mesa, where an Oraibi chief tiu'ned and 
implored the Walpi to desist. A conciliation was effected there, and 
harmonious relations have ever since existed between them. UnttL 
within a few years ago the spot wliere they stayed pursuit was marked 
by a stone, on which a shield aud a dog were depicted, but it was a source 
of irritation to the Oraibi aud it was removed by some of the Wali>i. 

lu the early part of the eighteenth century the Ute fi'om the north, 
and the Apache from the south made most disastrous inroads upon the 
villages, in which Walpi especially suffered. The Navajo, who then 
lived upon their eastern border, also suffered severely from the same 
bauds, but the Xavajo and the Tusayan were not on the best terms and 
never made any alliance for a common defense against these invaders. 

Hano was pei>pled by a different linguistic stock from that of the other 
villages — a stock which belongs to the Rio Grande group. According 
to Polaka, the son of the principal chief, and himself an enterprising 
trader who has made many Joiu'ueys to distant localities — and to others, 
the Hano once lived in seven villages on the Rio Grande, and the \'illage 
in wliicli his forefathers lived was called Tceewage. This, it is said, is 
the same as the ijreseut Mexican village of Pefia Blauca. 

The Hano claim that they came to Tusayan onlj^ after repeated solici- 
tation by the Walpi, at a time when the latter were much harassed by 
the Ute and Apache. The story, as told by Kwalakwai, who lives in 
Hano, but is not himself a Hano, begins as follows : 

"Long ago the Hopi tuh were few and were continually harassed by the Yiitamo 
(Ute), Yuittcemo (Apache), and DacSbimo (Navajo). The chiefs of the Tcuin nyii- 
niu (Snake people) and the Hdnin nyumu (Bear people) 7uet together and made the 
ba ho (sacred plume stick) and sent it with a man from each of these people to the 
house of the Tewa, called Tceewadigi, which was far off on the Muiua (river) 
near Alavia (Saute F^). 


The messengers did not succchmI in pcrsimding the Tewa to come and 
the embassy was sent three times more. On the fonrth visit the Tewa 
consented to come, as th(^ Wal|)i had oftVriMl to divi(h' their land and 
their watms witli th(Mn, and set ont for Tnsayan, led hy their own ehicf, 
till' \illag(! Ix'ing left in the care of his son. This first band is said to 
ha\'c eonsist(id of I Ki women, and it was afterwards followed by another 
and j»erhai)s others. 

15efore the llano ariived there liad been a cessation of hostile inroads, 
and the Walpi nieeived them ehnrlisldy and revoked their promises re- 
garding the division of hmd aiid waters with them. Tlu'v were shown 
when^ they coidd hnihi liouses lor tlieniselves on ii yc^llow sand monnd 
on tlie east side of the mesa just below the gap. They built there, but 
they were compelled to go for their food up to Walpi. They could get 
no vessels to carry their food in, and when they iield out tiieir hands for 
some th(^ Waii)i women moelvingly poured out hot porridge aud scalded 
the fingers of tlie Hauo. 

After a time the Tlte eame down the valley on the west side of the 
mesa, doing great iiarm again, and droves olf tlie Walpi tlocks. Then 
the Hano got ready for war; they tied buckskins around llieir loins, 
whitened their legs with clay, and stained their body and arms with 
dark red earth (ociier). Tliey overtook the TJte near Wi])ho (about .'} 
miles north from Uano), but the Ute had driven the tlocks uj) the steep 
mesa sid(', and wiu'.u tluiy saw the Tewa (M)ming tlu'y killed all the sheep 
and ])iled tlu^ carcass(\s up for a defense, behind which they lay down. 
Tiu'v had a few firearms also, while the llano had only clubs and bows 
and arrows; but after some fighting the Ute were driven out and the 
Tewa followed after them. The first Ute was killed a short distance 
beyond, and a stone heap still ( ?) marks the spot. Similar heaps marked 
the places wliere other Ute were killed as tliey fled before the Hauo, 
but not far from tiie San Juan the last one was killed. 

IT])on the rc^tnrn of t he Ibuio from tliis siu'cessful expedition they were 
received gratefully aM<l allowed to eonie up on the mesa to live — tlie old 
houses built by the Asa, in the present village of Hano, being assigned to 
them. The land was then divided, an imaginary line between llano and 
Sichumovi, extending eastward entirely across the valley, marked the 
southern boundary, and from this line as far north as the spot where 
the last Utah was killed was assigned to the Hano as their possession. 

Wlicn the llano first raino the Walpi said to them, "let us spit in your moutlis, 
juiil you will learn our tongue," and to this the Hauo consented. When the H.ino 
came up and linill on the mesa they said to the Walpi, "let us spit in your mouths 
and yon will learu our tongue," but the W.ilpi would not listen to this, saying it 
would make them vomit. Tliis is the reason why all the Hano can talk Hopi, and 
none of the Hopituh can talk Hauo. 

The Asa and the Hano were friends while they dwelt in New ^lex- 
ico, and when they came to this region both of them were (tailed ilanomuh 
by the other people of Tusayan. This term signifies the mode in which 
the women of these people wear their hair, cut off in front on a line with 





the mouth and carelessly parted or hanging over the face, the back hair 
rolled lip in a compact (jueue at the nape of the neck. This uncomely 
fashion prevails with both matron and maid, while among the other 
Tusayan the matron parts her hair evenly down the head and wears it 
hanging in a straight (iuene on either side, the maidens wearing theirs 
in a curious discoid arrangement over each temple. 

Although the Asa and the Hano women have the same peculiar fash- 
ion of wearing the hair, still there is no afiinity of blood claimed between 
them. The Asa speak the same language as the other Tusayan, but the 
Tewa (Hano) have a quite distinct language which belongs to the Tanoan 
stock. They claim that the occupants of the following pueblos, in the 
same region of the Eio Grande, are of their people and speak the same 




.Santa Clara (?) 






San Juaii. 




(Doubtless extinct.) 

Also half 

of Taos. 

Pleasant relations existed for some time, but the Walpi again grew 
ill-tempered ; they encroached upon the Hano planting grounds and stole 
their property. These troubles increased, and the Hano moved away 
from the mesa ; they crossed the west valley and built temporary shelters. 
They sent some men to exi)lore the land on the westward to find a suita- 
ble place for a new dwelling. Tliese scouts went to the Moeu-kopi, and 
on returning, the favorable story they told of the land they had seen 
determined the Tewa to go there. 

Meanwhile some knowledge of tliese troubles had reached Tceewd- 
digi, and a party of the Tewa came to Tusayan to take tlu'ir friends back. 
Tliis led tlie Hopituh to make reparation, which restored tlie confi- 
dence of the Hano, and they returned to the mesa, and the recently 
arrived party were also induced to remain. Yet even now, when the 
Hano (Tewa) go to visit their people on the river, the latter beseech 
them to come back, but the old Tewa say, "we shall stay here till our 
breath leaves us, then surely we shall go back to our first home to live 

The Walpi for a long time frowned down all attempts on the part of the 
Hano to fraternize; they prohibited intermarriages, and in general ta- 
bued the Hano. Something of this spirit was maintained until quite 
rei^ent years, and for this reason the Hano still speak their own lan- 
guage, and have preserved several distinctive customs, although now the 
most friendly relations exist among all the villages. After the Hano 
were quietly established in their present position the Asa returned, and 
the "Walpi allotted them a place to biuld in their own village. As before 
mentioned, the house mass on the southeast side of Walpi, at the head 
of the trail leading up to the village at that point, is still occupied by 
Asa families, and their tenure of possession was on the condition that 
they should always defend that point of access and guard the soutli end 


of the village. Their kiva is named after this circumstance as that of 
"the Watchers of the High Place." 

Some of the Bear and Lizard families being crowded for building space, 
moved from Walpi and bnilt the first lionses on the site of the present 
village of Sichumovi, which is named from tlie Sivwapsi, a shrub which 
formerly grew there on some mounds (chumo). 

This was after the Asa had been in Walpi for some time; probably 
about 125 years ago. Some of the Asa, and the Badger, the latter 
descendants of women saved from the Awatubi catastrophe, also moved 
to Sichumovi, but a plague of smalliiox caused the village to be aban 
doned shortly afterward. This pestilence is said to have greatly re- 
duced the number of the Tusayau, and after it disappeared there were 
many vacant houses in every village. Sichumovi was again occupied 
by a few Asa families, but the first houses were torn down and new ones 
constructed from them. 


In the following table the early phratries (uyu-mu) are arranged in the 
order of their arrival, and the direction from which each came is given, 
except in the case of the Bear people. There are very few represent- 
atives of this phratry existing now, and very little tradition extant con- 
cerning its early history. The table does not show the condition of these 
organizations in the present community but as they appear in the tra- 
ditional accounts of their coming to Tusayan, although representatives 
of most of them can still be found in the various villages. There are, 
moreover, in addition to these, many other gentes and sub-gentes of 
more recent origin. The subdivision, or rather the multiplication of 
gentes may be said to be a continuous process; as, for example, in 
"corn" can be found families claiming to be of the root, stem, leaf, ear, 
blossom, etc., all belonging to corn ; but there may be several families 
of each of these components constituting district sub-gentes. At iiresent 
there are really but four phratries recognized among the Hopituh, the 
Snake, Horn, Eagle, and Eaiu, which is indifferently designated as 
Water or Corn : 

1. Ho'-nau — Bear. 

Ho'-nan Bear. 

Ko'-kyau-a Spider. 

Tco'-zir Jay. 

He'k-pa Fir. 

2. Tcu'-a — Eattlesnalie — from the west 

and iiortli. 

2. Tcu'-a — Rattlesnake — I'rnni the west 
and north — Continued. 
U'-8e Cactus, candela- 
bra, or branch- 
ing stemmed 

He'-wi Dove. 

Pi-vwa'ni Maniviit. 

Tcu'-a Rattlesnake. Pi'h-tca 8kunk. 

YuTi-ya Cactus — opuntia. 

PU'u-e Cactus, the spe- 
cies that grows 
i n dome - like 

Ka-la'-ci-au-u Raccoon. 

3. A'-la — Horn — from the east. 

So'-wiu-wa Deer. 

Tc'ib-io Antelope. 

masses. Pa'n-wa Mountain sheep. 



" ^ ^ » ' fc" '■ >} ^ft* t Til 






4. Kwa'-hii — Eagle — from the west and 


Kwa'-hu Eagle. 

Kwa'-yo Hawk. 

Mas-si' kwa'-yo ..Chickeu hawk. 

Tda'-wa Sun, 

Ka-ha'-bi Willow. 

Te'-bi Greasewood. 

5. Ka-tci'-na — Sacred dancer — from the 


Ka-tci'-na Sacred <lancer. 

Gya'-zro Parroquet. 

Un-wu'-si Raven. 

Si-kya'-tci Yellow bird. 

Si-he'-bi Cottonwood. 

Sa-la'-bi Spruce. 

6. A'sa— a plant (unknown) —from the 



Tca'-kwai-na Black earth Kat- 

Pu'tc-ko-hu Boomerang 

hunting stick. 
Pi'-ca Field mouse. 

6. A'sa — a plant (unkuown)- 
Chama — Continued. 

-from the 


.Road runner, or 

. Magpie. 



Kwi'nobi ... 

7. Ho-na'-ni — Badger — from the east. 

Ho-na'-ni Badger. 

Miiu-yau-wu Porcupine. 

Wu-so'-ko Vulture. 

Bu'-li Butterfly. 

Bu-li'-so Evening prim- 

Na'-hii Medicine of all 

kinds ; generic. 

8. Yo'-ki — Rain — from the south. 

Yo'-ki Rain. 

O'-mau Cloud. 

Ka'i-e Corn. 

Mu'r-zi-bu-si Bean. 

Ka-wa'i-ba-tuu-a .Watermelon. 

Si-vwa'-pi Bigelovia gra- 


The foregoing is the Water or Eainphratry proper, but allied to them 
are the two followiug phratries, who also came to this region with the 
Water phratry. 

Species of liz- 


So'-wi Jackass rabbit. 

Tda'-bo Cottontail r a b - 


Pi'-ba Tobacco. 

Tcon-o Pipe. 



Ba-tci'p-kwa-si . 
Na'-nan-a-wi . . . 


Pi'-sa White sand 

Tdu'-wa Red sand. 

Tcu'-kai Mud. 

Polaka gives the following data: 

Te'-wa gentes and phratries. 

Xewa Hopi'tuh Navajo. 

Ko'"-lo ) Ka'-ai Nata'" Corn. 

Q-^ ( Pi'-ba Na'-to Tobacco. 

Ke / Ho'-nau . . - Cac Bear. 

Xce'-li ^ Ca'-la-bi Ts'-eo Spruce. 

Ke'gi ( Ki'-hu Ki-a'-ni House. 

Tun ^ Tda'-wu Tjon-a-ai' Sun. 

O'-ku-wun } O'-mau Kus Cloud. 

NuB ^ Tcu'-kai Huc-klic Mud. 

The gentes bracketed are said to "belong together," but do not seem 
to have distinctive names — as phratries. 



Au interestiug ruin which occurs on a mesa point a short distance 
north of Mashongnavi is known to the Tusayan under the name of 
Payupki. There are traditions and legends concerning it among the 
Tusayan, but the only version that could he obtained is not regarded by 
the writer as being up to the standard of those incorporated in the 
"Summary" and it is tlierefore given separately, as it has some sug- 
gestive value. It was obtained through Dr. Jeremiah Sullivan, then 
resident in Tusayan. 

The people of Payupki spoke the same language as those on the first 
mesa (Walpi). Long ago they lived in the nortli, on the San -Juan, but 
they were compelled to abandon that region and came to a place about 
20 miles northwest from Oraibi. Being comjtelled to leave there, they 
went to Canyon de Chelly, where a band of Indians from the southeast 
joined them, with whom they formed an alliance. Together the two 
tribes moved eastward toward the Jemez Mountains, whence they 
drifted into the valley of the Rio Grande. There they became converts 
to tlie fire-worship then prevailing, but retained their old customs 
and language. At the time of the great insurrection (of 1680) they 
sheltered the native priests that were driven from some of the Rio 
Grande villages, and this action created such distrust and hatred among 
the people that the Payupki were forced to leave their settlement. 
Their first stop was at Old Laguna (12 miles east of the modern village) 
and they had with them then some 35 or 10 of the priests. After leav- 
ing Laguna they came to Bear Spring (Fort Wingate) and had a fight 
there with the Apache, whom they defeated. They remained at Bear 
Spring for several years, until the ZuDi compelled them to move. They 
then attempted to reach the San Juan, but were deceived in the trail, 
turned to the west and came to where Pueblo Colorado is now (the 
present post-ofiice of Ganado, between Fort Defiance and Keam's 
Canyon). They remaine<l there a long time, and through their success 
in farming became so favorably known that they were urged to come 
fartlier west. They refused, in cousequenc^e of which some Tusayan 
attacked them. They were captured and brought to Walpi (then on 
the ]ioint) and afterwards they were distributed among the villages. 
Previous to this capture the priests had been guiding them by feathers, 
smoke, and signs seen in the fire. When the priest's omens and oracles 
had proved false the people were disposed to kill them, but the priests 
persuaded them to let it depend on a test case — offering to kill them- 
selves in the event of failure. So they had a great feast at Awatubi. 
The priests had long, hollow reeds inclosing various substances — feath- 
ers, flour, corn-pollen, sacred water, native tobacco (piba), corn, beans, 
melon seeds, etc., and they formed in a circle at sunrise on the plaza 
and had their incantations and piayers. As the sun rose a priest stepped 
forth before the people and blew through his reed, desirous of blowing 


|§Wv«^ ■•;■'■■ ■■ <^ 



that which was thereiu away from him, to scatter it abroad. But the 
wind would not blow and the contents of the reed fell to the ground. 
The priests were divided into groups, according to what they carried. 
In the evening all but two groups had blown. Then the elder of the 
twain turned his back eastward, and the reed toward the setting sun, 
and he blew, and the wind caught the feather and carried it to the 
west. This was accepted as a sign and the next day the Tusayan freed 
the slaves, giving each a blanket with corn in it. They went to the 
mesa where the ruin now stands and built the houses there. They 
asked for planting grounds, and fields were given them; but their crops 
did not thrive, and they stole corn from the Mashongna^^. Then, fear- 
fiil lest they should be surprised at night, they built a wall as high as 
a man's head about the top of their mesa, and they had big doorways, 
which they closed and fastened at night. When they were compelled 
to plant corn for themselves they planted it on the ledges of the mesa, 
but it grew only as high as a man's knees ; the leaves were very small and 
the grains grew only on one side of it. After a time they became 
friendly with the Mashongnavi again, and a boy from that village con- 
ceived a passion for a Pajiipki girl. The latter tribe objected to a mar- 
riage but the Mashongnavi were very desirous for it and some warriors 
of that village projjosed if the boy could persuade^ the girl to fly with 
him, to aid and protect him. On an appointed day, about sundown, the 
girl came down from the mesa into the valley, but she was discovered 
by some old women who were baking pottery, who gave the alarm. 
Hearing the noise a party of the Mashongnavi, who were lying in 
wait, came up, but they encountered a party of the Payupki who had 
come out and a fight ensued. During the fight the young man was 
killed; and this caused so mucli bitterness of feeUng that the PajTipki 
were frightened, and remained (juietly in their pueblo for several days. 
One morning, however, an old woman came over to Mashongnavi to 
borrow some tobacco, saying that they wer» g(4ing to have a dance in 
her village in five days. The next day the Pajiipki quietly departed. 
Seeing no smoke from the village the Mashongnavi at first thought 
that the Payupki were preparing for their dance, but on the third day 
a band of warriors was sent over to inquire and they found the village 
abandoned. The estufas and the houses of the priests were pulled 

The narrator adds that the Payupki returned to San Felipe whence 
they came. 



That portion of the southwestern plateau country comprised in the 
Province of Tusayan has usually been approached from the east, so that 
the easternmost of the series of mesas upon which the villages are sit- 
uated is called the " First Mesa." Tlie road for 30 or 40 miles before 
reaching this point traverses the eastern portion of the great plateau 
whose broken margin, farther west, furnishes the abrupt mesa-tongues 
upon which the villages are built. The sandstone measures of this 
plateau are distinguished from many others of the southwest l)y their 
neutral colors. The vegetation consisting of a scattered growth of 
stunted piuon and cedar, interspersed with occasional stretches of dull- 
gray sage, imparts an effect of extreme monotony to the landscape. The 
effect is in marked contrast to the warmth and play of color frequently 
seen elsewhere in the plateau country. 

The plateaus of Tusayan are generally diversified by canyons and 
buttes, whose precipitous sides break down into long ranges of rocky 
talus and sandy foothills. The arid character of this district is espe- 
cially pronounced about the margin of the plateau. In the immediate 
vicinity of the villages there are large areas that do not support a blade 
of grass, where barren rocks outcrop through drifts of sand or lie piled 
in conftisiou at the bases of the cliffs. The canyons that break through 
the margins of these mesas often have a remarkable similarity of appear- 
ance, and the consequent monotony is extremely embarrassing to the 
ti-aveler, the absence of running water and clearly defined drainage con- 
fusing his sense of directif)n. 

The occasional springs wluch furnish scanty water supply to the in- 
habitants of this region are found generally at gieat distances apart, 
and there are usually but few natural indications of their location. They 
often occiu' in obscure nooks in the canyons, reached by tortuous trails 
winding through the talus and foothills, or as small seeps at the foot 
of some mesa. The convergence of numerous Navajo trails, however, 
furnishes some guide to these rare water sources. 

The series of promontories upon which the Tusayan -sallages are built 
are exceptionally rich in these seeps and springs. About the base of 




the " First Mesa" (Fig. 1), ^^^ithill a distance of 4 or 5 miles from the vil- 
lages located iipou it, there are at least five places where water cau be 
obtained. Oue of these is a mere surface reservoir, but the others ap- 
pear to be permanent springs. The quantity of water, however, is so 
small that it produces no impression on the arid and sterile effect of the 
surroundings, except in its immediate \neinity. Here small patches of 
green, standing out in strong relief against theu' sandy back-grounds, 
mark the ]josition of clusters of low, stunted peach trees that have ob- 
tained a foothold on the steep sand dunes. 

1. View ot" llie First Mesa. 

In the open plains surrounding the mesa rim (0,000 feet above the 
sea), are seen broad stretches of dusty sage brush and prickly grease- 
wood. Where the plain rises toward the base of the mesa a scattered 
growth of scrub cedar and piiion begins to appear. But little of tliis 
latter growth is seen in the immediate vicinity of the villages ; it is, 
however, the characteristic vegetation of the mesas, while, in still higher 
altitudes, toward the San Juan, open forests of timber are met with. 
This latter country seems scarcely to have come within the ancient 
builder's province; possibly on account of its coldness in winter and for 
the reason that it is open to the incursions of warlike hunting tribes. 
Sage brush and greasewood grow abundantly near the villages, and 
these curious gnarled and twisted shrubs furnish the principal fuel of 
the Tusayan. 

Occasionally grassy levels are seen that for a few weeks iu early sum- 
mer are richly carpeted with multitudes of delicate wild flowers. The 
beauty of these patches of gleaming color is enhanced by contrast with 
the forbidding and rugged character of the surroundings; but in a very 
short time these blossoms disaijpear from the arid and xiarched desert 


that they hiive temporarily beautified. These beds of blooui are uot 
seen in the immediate vicinity of the present villages, but are unex- 
pectedly met with in i>ortious of the neighboring mesas and canyons. 

After crossing the 6 or 7 miles of comparatively level country that 
intervenes between the mouth of Keaiu's Canyon and the first of the 
occupied mesas, the toilsome ascent begins ; at first through slopes and 
dunes and then over masses of broken talus, as the summit of the mesa 
is gradually approached. Near the top the road is flanked on one side 
by a very abrupt descent of broken slopes, and on the other by a pre- 
cipitous rocky wall that rises 30 or 40 feet above. The road reaches the 
brink of the promontory by a sharp rise at a jioint close to the village 
of llauo. 


Before entering upon a description of the villages and ruins, a few 
words as to the preparation of the plans accompanying this paper will 
not be amiss. The methods pursued in making the surveys of the in- 
habited i)ueblos were essentially tlie same throughout. The outer wall 
of each separate cluster was run with a compass and a tape measure, 
the lines being closed and checked upon the corner from which the 
beginning was made, so that the plan of each group stands alone, and 
no accumulation of error is possible. The stretched tapeline afforded 
a basis for estimating any deviations from a straight line which the wall 
presented, and as each sight was ])lotted on the spot these deviations 
are all recorded on the plan, and afford an indication of the degree of 
accuracy with which the building was carried out. Upon the basis thus 
obtained, the outUnes of the second stories were drawn by the aid of 
measurements from the numerous jogs and angles; the same process 
being repeated for each of the succeeding stories. The x>lau nt this 
stage recorded all the stories in outline. The various houses and clusters 
were connected by compass sights and by measurements. A tracing 
of the outline plan was then made, on which the stories were distin- 
guished by lines of different colors, and upon this tracing were 
recorded all the vertical measurements. These were generally taken 
at every corner, although in a long wall it was customary to make 
additional measurements at intervening points. 

Upon the original outline were then drawn all such details as co])ing 
stones, chimneys, trapdoors, etc., the tapeline being used where neces- 
sary to establish positions. The forms of the chimneys as well as their 
position and size were also indicated on this drawing, which was finally 
tinted to distinguish the different terraces. Upon this colored sheet 
were located all openings. These were numbered, and at the same time 
described in a notebook, in which were also recorded the necessary 
vertical measurements, such as their height and elevation abovt die 
ground. In the same notel)ook the openings were also fully described. 
The ladders were located upon the same sheet, and were consecutively 


lettered iiiul (lescril)e(l in the notebook. This deseriptiou furnishes a 
rei'onl of the hidder, its ])rojectiou above the coping, if any, the differ- 
euce in the length of its poles, the character of the tiepiece, etc. 
Altogether these notebooks furnish a mass of statistical data which 
has been of great servic'C in the elaboration of this report and in the 
preparation of models. Finally, a level was carried over the whole vil- 
lage, and the height of each corner and Jog above an assumed base was 
determined. A reduced tracing was then made of the plan as a basis 
for sketching in such details of topography, etc., as it was thought ad- 
visable to preserve. 

These plans were primarily intended to be used in the construction 
of large scale models, and consequently recorded an amount of informa- 
tion that could not be reproduced upon the published drawings without 
causing great confusion. 

The methods followed in surveying the ruins underwent some changes 
from time to time as the work progressed. In the earlier work the lines 
of the walls, so far as they could be determined, were run with a com- 
pass and tapeline and gone over with a level. Later it was found more 
convenient to select a number of stations and connect them by cross- 
sights and measurements. These points were then platted, and the 
walls and lines of debris were carefully drawn in over the framework 
of lines thus obtained, additional measurements being taken when nec- 
essary. The heights of standing walls were measured from both sides, 
and openings were located on the plan and described in a notebook, as 
was done in the survey of the inhabited villages. The entire site was 
then leveled, and from the data o1)tained contour lines were drawn with 
a 5-foot interval. Irregularities in the directions of walls were noted. 
In the later plans of ruins a scale of symbols, seven in number, were 
employed to indicate the amount and distribution of the debris. The 
plans, as published, indicate the relative amounts of debris as seen upon 
the ground. Probable lines of wall are shown on the plan by dotted 
lines drawn through the dots which indicate debris. With this excej)- 
tion, the plans show the ruins as they actually are. Standing walls, 
as a rule, are drawn in solid black ; their heights appear on the field 
sheets, but could not be shown upon the published plans without con- 
fusing the drawing. The contour lines represent an interval of a feet ; 
the few cases in which the secondary or negative contours are used will 
not produce confusion, as their altitude is always given in figures. 


The ruins described in this chapter comprise but a few of those found 
within the province of Tusayan. These were surveyed and recorded on 
account of their close traditional connection with the present villages, 
and for the sake of the light that they might throw upon the relation of 
the modern pueblos to the innumerable stone buildings of unknown date 
so ^yidely distributed over the southwestern plateau country. Such 


trailitioual couuection with the present peoples coukl probably be estab- 
lished for many more of the ruins of this country by investijiatious sim- 
ilar to those conducted by Mr. Stephen in the Tnsayau group; but this 
phase of the subject was not included in our work. In the search for 
purely architectural evidence amonj;' these ruins it must be confessed 
that the data ha\e proved disappointingly meager. No trace of the 
numerous constructive details that interest the student of pueblo archi- 
tecture in the modern villages can be seen in the low mounds of broken 
down masonry that remain in most of the ancient villages of Tusayan. 
But little masonry remains standing in even the best preserved of these 
ruins, and villages known to have been occupied within two centuries 
are not distinguishable from the remains to which distinct tradition 
(save that they were iu the same condition when the tirst people of the 
narrators' gens came to this region) no longer clings. Tliough but little 
architectural information is to be derived from these ruins beyond such 
as is conveyed by the condition and character of the masonry and the 
general distribution of the plan, the plans and relation to the topography 
are recorded as forming, in connection with the traditions, a more com- 
plete account than can perliaps be obtained later. 

In our study of architectui-al details, when a comparison is suggested 
between the practice at Tusayan and that of the ancient builders, our 
illustrations for the latter must often be drawn from other portions of 
the builders' territory where better preserved remains furnish the neces- 
sary data. 


Ill the case of the pueblo of Walpi, a portion of whose people seem to 
have been the tirst comers in this region, a number of changes of sites 
have taken place, at least one of \\iiich has occiu'red within the historic 
period. Of the various sites occupied one is pointed out north of the 
gai) on the first mesa. At the i>resent time this site is only a low mound 
of sand-covered dt5bris with no standing fragment of wall visible. The 
present condition of this early Walpi is illustrated in Fig. 2. In the 
absence of foundation walls or other definite lines, the character of the 
site is expresstMl by tlie contour lines that define its relief. Another of 
the sites occupied by the Walpi is said to have been in the open valley 
separating the first from the second mesa, but here no trace of the re- 
mains of a stone village has been discovered. This traditional location 
is referred to by Mr. Stejihen in his account of Walpi. The last site 
occupied previous to the present one on the mesa summit was on a 
lower bench of the first mesa promontory at its southern extremity. 
Here the houses are said to have been distributed over quite a large 
area, and occasional fragments of masonry are still seen at widely sepa- 
rated points; but the ground plan can not now be traced. This was the 
site of a Spanish mission, and some of the Tusayan point out the position 
formerly occupied by mission buildings, but no architectural evidence of 
such structures is visible. It seems to be fairly certain, however, that 







this was the, site, of W;ilpi at a date well wdtliiii the historic period, 
although now literally there is not one stone upon another. The de- 
struction in this instance has probably been more than usually complete 
on account of the close proximity of the succeeding jjueblo, making the 
older remains a very convenient stone quarry for the construction of the 
houses on the mesa summit. Of the three abandoned sites of Walpi re- 
ferred to, not one furnishes sufificient data for a suggestion of a ground 
plan or of the area covered. 

Fig. 2. RuiiiR. Old "Walpi nioniid. 

In the case of Mashongnavi we have somewhat more abundant ma- 
t«rial. It will be desirable to quote a few lines of narrative from the 
account of a Mashongnavi Indian of the name of Niivayauma, as in- 
dicating the causes that led to the occupation of the site illustrated. 

We turned and came to the north, meeting tlie Apaclie and "Beaver Indians." with 
whom we had many liattles, and l)eing few ^ve were defeated, after which we came 


up to Masliongnavi [the ruin at the "Giant's Chair"] and gave that rock its name 
[name not known], and built our houses there. The Apaehe came upon us again, 
with the Comanche, .and then we came to [Old Mash6ngnavi]. We lived there in 
peace many years, having great success with crops, and our people increased in nniii- 
bers, and the Apache came in great numbers and set fire to the houses and burned 
our corn, which you will find to-day there burnt and charred. After they had de- 
stroyed our dwellings we came upon the mesa, and have lived here since. 

The niins referred to as having been the first occupied by the Ma- 
shongiiavi at a large isolated rock known as the "Giant's Chair," have 
not been examined. The later village trom which they were driven by 
the attacks of the Apache to their present site has been surveyed. The 
plan of the fallen Avails and lines of debris by which the form of much 
of the old pueblo can still be traced is given in PI. ii. The plan of the 
best prescrvcil portion of the pueblo towards the north end of tlie sheet 
clearly indicates a general adherence to the inclosed court arrangement 
with about the same degree of irregularity that characterizes the modern 
village. Besides the clearly traceable portions of the ruin that bear 
such resemblance to the present village in arrangement, several small 
gi-oups and clusters appear to have been scattered along the sloj^e of the 
foothills, but in their present state of destruction it is not clear whether 
these clusters were directly connected with the principal group, or 
formed part of another village. Occasional triuies of foundation walls 
strongly suggest such connection, although from the character of the 
site this iiiTerveniug space could hardly have been closely built over. 
With the exception of the main cluster above described the houses oc- 
cupy very broken and irregular sites. As indicated on the plan, the 
slope is broken by huge irregular masses of sandstone protruding ft-om 
the soil, wliile much of the surface is covered by scattered fragments 
that have fallen from neighboring pinnacles and ledges. The contours 
indicate the general character of the slopes over which these irregular 
features are disposed. The fragment of ledge shown on the north end 
of the plate, against which a part of the main cluster has been built, is 
a portion of a broad massive ledge of sandstone that supports the low 
buttes upon which the present villages of Masliongnavi and Shupaiilovi 
are built, and continues as a broad, level shelf of solid rock for several 
miles along the mesa promontory. Its continuation on the side opposite 
that shown in the plate may be seen in the general view of Shui^auloAd 

(PI. XXXI). 


The vestiges of another ruined village, known as Shitaimuvi, are found 
in the vicinity of Mashongnavi, occupying and covering the cro'wn of 
a rounded foothill on the southeast side of the mesa. Ko ](lan of this 
ruin could be obtained on account of the conijilete destruction of the 
walls. No line (if foundation stones even could be fotind, although the 
whole area is moie or less covered with the scattered stones of tbrnier 
masonry. An exceptional quantity of potterj' fragments is also strewn 




over the suifiiee. These bear a close rcsembhuiee to the fine class of 
ware characteristic of "Talla Hogan" or "Awatubi," aud would sug- 
gest that this pueblo was coiiteiuixjraneous with the latter. Some 
reference to this ruiu will be fouud iu the traditionary material in 
Chapter i. 


The rain of Awatubi is known to the Xavajo as Talla Hogan, a term 
interin-eted as meaning "singing liouse" and thought to refer to the 
chapel and mission that at one time flourished here, as described by 
Mr. Stephen in Chapter i. Tradition ascribes great imiiortance to this 
village. At the time of the Si)anish concpiest it was one of the 
prosperous of the seven "cities" of Tusayan, and was selected as the 
site of a mission, a distinction shared by Wali)i, which was then on a 
lower spur of the first mesa, and by Shuinopavi, which also was built 
on a lower site than the present village of that name. Traditions re- 
ferring to this ])ueblo have been collected from several sources aud, 
while varying somewhat in less imjiortant details, they all concur in 
bringing the destruction of the village well within the period of Spanish 

On the historical site, too, we know that Cruzate on tlie occasion of 
the attempted reconciuest of the country visited this village iu 1692, 
aud the ruin must therefore be less than two centuries old, yet the com- 
pleteness of destruction is such that over most of its area no standing 
wall is seen, and the outlines of the houses and gronjjs arc indicated 
mainly by low ridges and of broken down niasouiy, partly cov- 
ered by the drifting sands. The group of rooms that forms the south 
east side of the pueblo is an exception to the general rule. Here frag- 
mentary walls of rough masonry stand to a height, in some cases, of 8 
feet above the debris. The character of the stonework, as nuiy be seen 
from PL V, is but little better than that of the modern villages. This 
better preserved portion of the village seems to have fornu^d part of a 
cluster of nussion buildings. At the ])oints designated A on the 
ground plau may be seen the remnants of walls that have been built of 
straw adobe in the typical Spanish manner. Tliese rest upon founda- 
tions of stone masonry. See PI. VI. The adolx^ fragments are proba- 
bly part of the church or associated buildings. At two other points on 
the ground jilan, both on the northeast side, low fragments of wall are 
still standing, as may be seen from tlie i)late. At one of these points 
the remains indicate that the village was i)rovided with a gateway near 
the middle of the northeast side. 

The general jilan of this pueblo is quite different from that of the pres- 
ent villages, and approaches tlie older tyi)es in symmetry and compact- 
ness. There is a notable abseiu-e of the arrangement of rooms into long 
parallel rows. This typical Tusayan feature is only slightly apj)rosi- 
mated in some subordinate rows within the court. The plan suggests 
that the original pueblo was built about three sides of a rectangular 
8 ETII 4 


court, the fourth or southeast side — later occupied by tlie missiou build- 
ings — being left (jpeu, or protected only by a low wall. Outside the 
rectangle of the main pueblo, on the northeast side, are two fragments 
of rude masonry, built by Navajo sheep herders. Near the west corner 
of the pueblo are the vestiges of two rooms, outside the pueblo proper, 
which seem to belong to the original construction. 

Awatubi is said to have had excavated rectangular kivas, situated 
in the open court, similar to those used in the modern village. The peo- 
ple of Walpi had jiartly cleared out one of these chambers and used it 
as a depository for ceremonial i)lume-sticks, etc., but the Navajo came and 
carried oft their sacred deposits, tempted i)robably by their market value 
as ethnologic specimens. No trace of these kivas was visible at the 
time the nuns were surveyed. 

The Awatubi are said to have had sheep at the time the village was 
destroyed. Some of the Tusayau point out the remains of a large sheep 
corral near the spring, which they say was used at that time, but it is 
quite as likely to have been constnicted for that purpose at a much later 


The Horn House is so called because tradition connects this village 
with some of the people of the Horn i)hratry of the Ho])ituh or Tusayan. 
The ruin is situated on a projecting point of the mesa that forms the 
western flank of Jeditoh Valley, not far from where the Holbrook road 
to Ream's Canyon ascends the brink of the mesa. The village is almost 
completely demolished, no fragment of standing wall remaining in place. 
Its general plan and disti-ibution are quite clearly indicated by the usual 
low ridges of fallen mascniry ])artly covered by drifted sand. There is 
but little loose stone scattered about, the sand haviug tilled in all the 
smaller irregularities. 

It will be seen from the plan, PI. vii, that the village has been built 
close to the edge of the mesa, following to some extent the irregularities 
of its outline. The mesa ruin at this point, however, is not very high, 
the more alirujit portion having a height of 20 or 30 feet. Near the 
north end of the \illage the ground slojies very sharply toward the east 
and is rather thickly covered with the suuill stones of ftilleu masonry, 
though but faint vestiges of rooms remain. In plan the ruin is quite 
elongated, followiug the direction of the mesa. The houses were quite 
irregularly disposed, particularly in the northern portion of the ruin. 
But here the indications are too vague to determine whether the houses 
were originally built about one long court or about two or more smaller 
ones. The south end of the ])ueblo, however, still shows a well defined 
court bounded on all sides by clearly traceable rooms. At the extreme 
south end of the min the houses have very irregular outlines, a result 
of their adaptation to the toi)ogTaphy, as maybe seen in the ilhisti-ation. 

The plan shows the positi(m of a small group of cottonwood trees, 
just below the edge of the mesa and nearly opposite the center of the 

Bureau o^ E^H^0LOli^ 

EI&HTH AhhuAt. DEPORT Pi_ u 




village. These trees indicate tlie proximity of water, and mark the 
probable site of the spring that furnished tliis village with at least part 
of its water supply. 

There are many fi'agments of pottery on this spot, but they are not 
so abundant as at Awatubi. 

Two partly excavated rooms were seen at this ruin, the work of some 
earlier visitors who hoped to discover ethnologic or other treasure. 

These aiibrded no special information, as the character of the masonry 
exposed differed in no respect from that seen at other of the Tusayan 
ruins. No traces of adobe constru<;tion or suggestions of foreign in- 
fluence were seen at this ruin. 


On a inolongation of the mesa occupied by the Horn House, midway 
between it and another ruined )iue])lo known as the Bat House, occur 
the remains of a small and comjjac't cluster of houses (Fig. 3). It is sit- 
uated on the very mesa edge, here about 40 feet high, at the head of a 
small canyon which opens into the Jeditoh Valley, a quarter of a mile 


Fig. 'i. Ruin between liat House and Horn House. 

The site aft'ords an extended outlook to the south over a large part 
of Jeditoh Valley. The topograi)liy about this point, which receives 
the drainage of a considerable area of the mesa top, would tit it especi- 
ally for the establishment of a reservoir. This fact probably had much 


to do with its selection as a (hvclliiij; site. The masonry is in abcnit 
the same state of preservation as that of tlie Horn Honse, and some of 
the stones of the faUen walls seem to havt^ been washed down from the 
mesa edge to the talus below. 

IIAI iiorsK. 

The Bat House is a ruin of nearly tiu- same size as the Horn House, 
although in its distribution it does not follow the mesa edge so closely 
as the latter, and is not so elongated in its general form. The northern 
portion is (piitc irregular, and the i'o(»ms seem to have been somewhat 
crowded. The southern half, with only an occasional room traceable, 
as indicated on the plan, PI. Viii, still shows that the rooms were dis- 
tributed about a large oi)en court. 

The Bat House is situated on the northwest side of the Jeditoh Valley, 
on part of the same mesa occupied by the two ruins described above. 
It occupies the summit of a projecting spur, overlooking tht^ main val- 
ley for an extent of more than 5 miles. The ruin lies on the extreme 
edge of the clift', here about 200 feet high, an<l lying beneatli it on the 
east and south are large areas of arable land. Altogether it forms an 
excellent defensive site, combined with a fair degree of convenience to 
fields and water from the Tusayan point of view. 

This ruiu, near its northeastern extremity, contains a feature that is 
quite foreign to the architecture of Tusayan, viz, a defensive wall. It 
is the only instance of the use by tln^ Ilopituh of an inclosing wall, 
though it is met with again at Payupki ( PI. xiii), which, however, was 
built by people from the Rio Grande country. 


Mishiptonga is the Tusayan name for the southernmost, and by far 
the largest, of the Jeditoh series of ruins (PI. ix). It occurs (piite close 
to the Jeditoh spring which gives its name to the valley along 
northern and western border are distributed tlu^ ruins above described, 
beginning with tlie Horn house. 

This village is rather more irregular in its arrangement than any 
other of the series. There are indications of a luimber of courts inclosed 
by large and small clusters of rooms, very irregularly disi)ose<l, Init 
with a general trend towards the nortlu^ast, being roughly parallel with 
the mesa edge. In plan this village approaches .somewhat that of the 
inhabited Tusayan villages. At the extreme scnithern extremity of the 
mesa promontory is a small secondary bench, 20 feet lower than the 
site of the main village. This bench has also been occupied by a num- 
ber of houses. On the east side the pueblo was built to the very edge 
of the bluft', where small fragments of masonry are still standing. The 
whole village seems so irregular and crowded in its arraiigenuMit that 
it suggests a long period of occupancy and growth, much more than do 
the other villages of this (Jeditoh) group. 


The piK'hlo may bave been abaudoiicd or destroyed prior to the ad- 
vent of the Spaniards in this country, as claimed by the Indians, for no 
traditional mention of it is made in connection with the later fends and 
wars that tigiire so prominently in the Tusayan oral history of the last 
three centnries. The pueblo was undoubtedly built by some of the an- 
cicTit gentes of the Tusayan stock, as its plan, the character of the site 
chosen, and, where traceable, the (piality of workmanshii) link it with 
the other villages of the Jeditoh group. 


A very small group of rooms, even smaller than the neighboring 
farming pueblo of Moen-kopi, is situated on the western edge of the 
mesa summit aliout a (inarter of a^ mile north of the modern village of 
Moen-kopi. As the plan shows (Fig. 4), the rooms were distributed in 



25 ao 7S 

I I ' I ~i ■ ' I I i -r-l-l 1 I - 

Fig. 4. lluin near Moen-kopi. 

three rows around a snuill court. This ruin also follows the general 
northeastern trenil whicli has been noticed both in the ruined and in 
the occupied pueblos of Tusayan. The rows here were only one room 
deep and not more than a single story high at any i>oint, as indicated 
by the very small amount of debris. As the plate shows, nearly the 
entire plan is clearly dettned by fragments of standing walls. The walLs 
are built of thin tablets of the dark-colored sandstone which caps the 
mesa. Where the walls have fallen the debris is comparatively free 


from earth, indicating tliat adobe has been sparingly used. The walls, 
in places standing to a height of 2 or 3 feet, as may be seen in the illus- 
tration, PI. X, show unusual precision of workmanship and finish, re- 
sembhng in this respect some of the ancient pueblos farther north. 
This is to some extent due to the exceptional suitability of the tabular 
stones of the mesa summit. The almost entire absence of pottery frag- 
ments and other objects of art which are such a constant accomijani- 
ment of the ruins throughout this region strongly suggest that it was 
occupied for a very short time. In Chapter iii it will be shown that a 
similar order of occui)atioii took j)hice at Ojo C!aliente, one of the Zuiii 
farming villages. This ruin is probably of quite recent origin, as is the 
present village of Moen-kopi, although it may possibly have belonged 
to an earlier colony of which we have no distinct trace. This fertile 
and well watered valley, a veritable garden spot in the Tusayan deserts, 
must have been one of the first points occupied. Some small clifl- 
dwellings, single rooms in niches of a neighboring canyon wall, attest 
the earlier use of the valley for agricultural jiurposes, although it is 
doubtful whether these rude shelters date back of the Spanish invasion 

of the province. 
A close scrutiny of the many favorable sites in this vicinity would 

probably reveal the sand-etummbered remaius of some more important 

settlement thau any of those now known. 


The wagon road from Ream's Canyon to Tuba City crosses the Oraibi 
wash at a point about 7 miles above the village of Oraibi. As it enters 
a branch canyon on the west side of the wash it is flanked on each side 
by rocky mesas and broken ledges. On the left or west side a bold 
promontory, extending southward, is quite a consiiicuous feature of the 
landscape. The entire flat mesa summit, and nuich of the slope of a 
rocky butte that rises from it, are covered with the remains of a small 
l)ueblo, as shown on the plan. Fig. 5. All of this knoll except its east- 
ern side is lightly covered with scattered d6bris. On the west and 
north sides there are many large masses of broken rock distributed 
over the slope. There is no standing wall visible from lielow, but on 
closer approach several interesting sjieciniens of nias((niy aie seen. 
On the north side, near the west end, there is a fragment of curved 
wall which follows the margin of the rock on which it is built. It is 
about 8 or 1(» feet long and 3 feet high on the outer side. The curve is 
carefully executed and the workmanslii]) of the masonry good. Farther 
east, and still on the north side, there is a fragment of masonry exhib- 
iting a reversed curve. This piece of wall spans the space between two 
adjoining rocks, and the top of the wall is more than 10 feet above the 
rock on which it stands. The shape of this wall and its relation to the 
surroundings are indicated on the plan. Fig. 5. On the south side of 
the ruin on the mesa surfiice, and near an outcropping rock, are the re- 


KuiNS ON thp: oraibi wash. 


niiiins of what appears to have been a circular room, perhaps 8 or 10 
feet in diameter, though it is too much broken down to determine this 
accurately. Only a small portion of the south wall can be definitely 
traced. On the south slope of the mesa are indications of walls, too 
vaguely defined to admit of the determination of their direction. Similar 
vestiges of masonry are found on the nctrth and west, but not extend- 
ing to as great a distance ft-om the knoll as those on the south. 


50 7S iooFeet 

I I I I I I I I I I I T~l 

Fig. 5. Ruin 7 mik-a north of Orailii. 

In that portion of the ruin whicli lies on top of the knoll, the walls so 
far as traced conform to tlic shape of the site. The ground ph>n of the 
buildings that once occupied the slopes can not be traced, and it is im- 
possible to determine whether its walls were carried through continu- 

Tlie masonry exhibited in the few surviving fragments of wall is of 
unusually good quality, resembling somewhat that of the Fire House, 
Fig. 7, and other ruins of that class. The stones are of medium size, 
not dressed, and are rather rougher and less flat than is usual, but the 
wall has a good finish. The stone, however, is of poor quality. Most 
of the debris about the ruin consists of small stone fragments and sand, 
comparatively few stones of the si/.e used in the walls being seen. The 
material evidently came fi'ora the imnunliate vicinity of the ruin. 

Pottery fragments were quite abundant about this ruin, most of the 
ware represented being of exceptional ([uality and belonging to the 
older types ; red ware with black lines and black and white ware were 
esiiecially abundant. 


There is (jiiite au exteusive view from the riiiu, tlie toj) of the butte 
commaiuling au outlook down the valley past Oraibi, aud about 5 
miles uorth. Tliere is also an extended outlook np the valley followed 
by the wagon road above referred to, and over two braueh valleys, one 
ou the east and another of much less extent ou the west. The site was 
well adai)ted for defense, whieh must huve been one of the principal 
motives for its seleetion. 

The ruin known to the Tusayan as Kwaituki (Fig. (i) is also on the 
west side of the Oraibi wasli, 14 miles above Oraibi, and about 7 
miles above the ruin last described. Its general resemblanee to the 
latter is very striking. The buildeis liave aiii)arently been actuated by 

FiQ. 6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaitnki). 

the same motives in their choice of a site, and their manner of utilizing 
it corresponds very closely. The crowning feature of the rocky knoll in 
this case is a picturesque grouj) of rectangular masses of sandstone, 
somewhat irregularly distributed. The bare summit of a large block-like 
mass still retains the vestiges of rooms, and probably most of the groups 
were at one time covered with buildings, ftu'ming a prominent citiulel- 
like group in the midst of the \-illage. To the north of this rocky butte 
a large area seems to have been at one time inclosed by buildings, form- 
ing a court of unusual dimensions. Along tlie outer margin of the puebic 

fit ti 

11 ' ( ».„ 

1 1' / m/ 

' y J 

i % 


'I ; ,.;, , 7- 


occasioual frafiineuts of walls define former rooms, but the amount and 
character of the debris iudi(-ate that the imier area was almost eomijletely 
inclosed with buildings. The remains of masonry extend on the south 
a little beyond the base of the central group of rocks, but here the ves- 
tiges of stonework are rather faint aud scattered. 

In the nearly level tops of some of the rocks forming the central pile 
are many smoothly worn depressions or cavities, which have evidently 
been used for the grinding and shaping of stone implements. 

A remarkable feature occurring within this village is a cave or under- 
ground fissure in the rocks, which evidently had been used by the in- 
habitants. The mouth or entrance to this cavern, partly obstructed and 
concealed at the time of our visit, occurs at the jioiut A on the plan. 
On clearing away the rubbish at the mouth aud entering it was found 
so obstructed with broken rock and fine dust that but little progress 
could be made in its exploration ; but the main cre\'ice in the rock could 
be seen by artificial light to extend some 10 feet back from the mouth, 
where it became very shallow. It could be seen that the original cavern 
had been improveil by the pueblo-lniilders, as some of the timbers that 
had been placed inside were still in position, and a low wall of masonry 
on the south side remained intact. Some Navajos stated that they had 
discovered this small cave a cou])le of years before and had taken ft-om 
it a large unbroken water jar of ancient pottery and some other speci- 
mens. The place was probably used by the ancient occupants simjjly 
for storage. 

Fragments of pottery of excellent quaUty were very abundant about 
this ruin and at the foot of the central rocks the ground was thickly 
strewn with fragments, often of large size. 

The defensive character of this site parallels that of the ruin 7 
miles farther south in quite a remarkable nianuer, and the \allages were 
apparently built aud occupied at the same time. 


About 15 miles northeast of Ream's Canyon, and about 125 miles from 
Walpi, is a small ruin called by the Tusayan " Tebngkilui," built by peo- 
ple of the Fire gens (now extinct). As the plan (Fig. 7) clearly shows, 
this pueblo is very ditt'erent ftom the tyiiical Tusayan villages that 
have been previously described. The apiKirent unity of the plan, and the 
skillful workniiinslii]) somewhat resembling the pueblos of the Ohaco 
are in marked contrast to the irregularity ami careless construction of 
most of the Tusayan ruins. Its distance from the center of the province, 
too, suggests outside relationshi]); but still tlie Tusayan traditions un- 
doubtedly connect the place witli some of the ancestral gentes, as seen 
in Chai)ter i. 

The small aud compact cluster of rooms is in a remarkaljle state of 
preservation, especially the outside wall. This wall was carefully and 
massively constructed, and stands to the height of several feet around 



the eiitiio circnniferenee of the ruin, except ah)ug' the brink of tlie cliff, 
as the pkiu .shows. 

This outer wall contains by far the largest stones yet found incor- 
porated in pueblo masonry. A fraginent of this masonry is illustrated 
in PL XI. The larjjest stone shown measures about 5 feet in length, 
and the one adjoining on the right measures about 4 feet. These dimen- 
sions are C[uit« remarkable in pueblo masonry, which is distinguished 
by the use of very small stones. 

The well defined outer wall of this cluster to the unaided eye aj)pear8 
to be elliptical, but it wiU be seen from 
the plan that the ellipse is somewhat 
pointed on the side farthest from the 
cliff. As in other cases of ancient 
pueblos with curved outlines, the outer 
wall seems to have been built first, and 
the inner rooms, while kept as rect- 
angular as possible, were adjusted to 
this curve. This arrangement often 
led to a cuuuilatiiig divergence from 
radial lines in some of the partitions, 
which irregularity was taken up in 
one room, as in this instance, in the 
space near the gate. The outer wall 
is uniform in construction so far as pre- 
served. Many irregularities ajipear, 
however, in the construction of the in- 
ner or partition walls, and some of the 
rooms show awkward attempts at ad- 
justment to the curve of the outer wall. 

Tlie ruin is situated on the very 
brink of a small canyon, which prob- 
ably contained a spring at the foot of the cliff close under the ruin site, 
as the vegetation there has an unusual appearance of freshness, sug- 
gesting the close proximity of water to the surface. A steep trail evi- 
dently connected the village with the bottom of the canyon. Sonu> of 
the rocks of the mesa rim were marked by numerous cup-like cavities 
similar to those seen at Kwaituki, and used in the polishing and form- 
ing of stone imjilements. The type of pueblo here illustrated belonged 
to a i)eople who relied largely on the architecture for defense, dittering 
in this respect from the spirit of Tnsayan architecture generally, where 
the inaccessible character of the site was the chief dependence. 


Oval (Fire Houae) ruin, plan 


The ruin called Chukuhi by the Tnsayan (PI. xii) is situated on the 
Middle Mesa, about 3 miles northeast of Mashongnavi. It occupies a 
promontory above the same broad sandstone ledge that forms sucli a 


conspicuous feature in the viciuity of Mashougna\a and Sliupaulovi, 
and which supports the buttes upon which these villages are built. 

Little masonry now remains on this site, but here and there a frag- 
ment aids in defining the general plan of the pueblo. In general form 
the village was a large rectangle witli a line of buildings across its 
center, dividing it into two unequal courts, and a i)rqiecting wing on 
the west side. As may be seen from the illustration, one end of the 
ruin forms a clearly defined rectangular court, composed of buildings 
mostly two rooms deep. Here, as in other ruins of Tusayan, the ar- 
rangement about inclosed courts is in contrast with the parallelism of 
rows, so noticeable a feature in the occupied villages. At the east end 
of the ruin ai-e several curious excavations. The soft sandstone has 
been hollowed out to a depth of about 10 inches, iu prolongation of the 
outlines of adjoining rooms. Su(;li excavation to obtain level doors is 
quite unusual among the ])ueblo builders; it was practiced to a very 
small extent, and only where it could be done with little trouble. Any 
serious inequality of surface was usually incorporated in the construc- 
tion, as will be noticed at Walpi (PI. xxiii). Vestiges of masonry in- 
dicating detached rooms were seen in each of the courts of the main 

On the slope of the hill, just above the broad ledge previously de- 
scribed, there is a fine spring, but no trace of a trail connecting it with 
the pueblo could be found. 

This village was advantageously placed for defense, but not to the 
same degi-ee as Payupki, illustrated in PL xiii. 

The ruin called Payupki (PI. xiii) occupies the summit of a bold 
promontory south of the trail, from Walpi to Oraibi, and about (! miles 
northwest from Mashongnavi. The outer extremity of this ])r()montory 
is separated ti-om the mesa by a deep notch. The summit is leached 
fi-om the mesa by way of the neck, as the outer point itself is very abrupt, 
much of the sandstone ledge being vertical. A bench, 12 or 15 feet 
below the summit and in places quite broad, encircles the promontory. 
This bench also breaks off very abruptly. 

As may be seen ft-om the plan, the village is quite symmetrically laid 
out and well arranged for defense. It is placed at the mesa end of the 
promontory cap, and for greater security the second ledge has also been 
fortified. All along the outin- margin of this ledge are the remains of 
a stone wall, in some places still standing to a height of 1 or 2 feet. 
This wall appears to have extended originally all along the ledge around 
three sides of the village. The steepness of the cliff on the remaining 
side rendered a wall superfluous. On the plain below this promontory, 
and immediately under the overhanging cliff, are two corrals, and also 


the remains of a structure that resembles a kiva, but which appears to 
be of recent construction. 

In the viUage proper (IM. xiv) are two distinctly traceable kivas- 
One of these, situated in the court, is detached and ai)pears to have been 
partly underf^round. The other, located in the southeast end of the 
villafi'e, has also, like the first, apparently been sunk slightly below the 
svirfa(-e. There is a \ng in the standiufj wall of this kiva which corre- 
sponds to that usually found iu the typical Tusayan kivas (see Figs. 22 
and 2.5). On the promontory and east of the village is a single room of 
more than average length, with a well formed door in the center of one 
side. This room has every api)earance of being contemporary with the 
rest of the village, but its occurrence in this entirely isolated position 
is very unusual. 8till farther east there is a mass of debris that may 
have belonged to a cluster of six or eight rooms, or it may possibly be 
the remains of teni])orary stone shelters for outlooks over crops, built 
at a later date than the pueblo. As 7uay be seen from the illustration 
(I'l. XV), the walls are roughly built of large slabs of sandstone of vari- 
ous sizes. The work is rather better than that of modern Tusayan, but 
much inferior to that seen Lu the skillfully laid masonry (»f the ruius 
farther north. In many of these walls an occasional sandstone slab of 
great length is introduced. This peculiarity is ])robably due to the 
character of the local material, which is more varied than usual. All of 
the stone here used is taken from ledges iu the immediate viciiuty. It 
is usually Ught in color and of loose texture, cnuubling readily, and 
subject to rapid decay, particularly when used in walls that are roughly 

Much of the pottery scattered about this ruin has a very modern ap- 
pearance, some of it having the characteristic surface finish and color of 
the Rio Grande ware. A small amount of ancient pottery also occurs 
here, some of the fragmeuts ot black and white ware displaying intri- 
cate fret i)atterns. The quantity of these potsherds is quite small, and 
they occur mainly in the refuse hea])s on the mesa edge. 

This ruin combines a clearly defined defensive plan with utilization 
of one of the most inaccessible sites in the vicinity, producing alto- 
gether a combination that would seem to have been impregnable by any 
of the ordinary methods of Indian wiirfare. 







The village "f ILino, or Tcwa, is intrusive and doc^s not jiroperly be- 
long' to tlif Tiisayan stork, as ajipears from their own traditions. It 
is somewhat hxisely phinned (IM. xvi) and extends nearly aeross the 
mesa tongue, whieh is here quite narrow, and in general there is no ap- 
preciable difference between the arrangement here followed and that 
of the other villages. One ])ortion of the ^^llag■e, however, designated 
as House No. 5 on the plan, differs somewhat from the typical aiTange- 
ment in long irregular rows, and approaches the pyramidal form found 
among the more eastern pueblos, notal)ly at Taos and in jiortions of 
Zuni. As has been seen, tradition tells us that this site was taken up 
by the Tewa at a late date and subsequent to the Spanish conquest; 
but some houses, formerly belonging to the Asa people, formed a 
nucleus about which the Tewa village of llano was constructed. The 
liyramidal lionse occupied by the uhl governor, is said to have been 
built over such remains of earlier houses. 

The largest building in the village appears to have been added to 
from time to time as necessity for additional spai'e arose, resulting in 
much the same arrangement as that characterizing most of the Tusayan 
houses, viz, a long, irregular row, not more than three stories high at 
any jioint. The small range marked No. 4 on the plan contains a sec- 
tion three stories high, as does the long row and also the pyramidal 
cluster above referred to. (PI. xvii.) 

The kivas are two in number, one situated within the village and 
the other occupying a jiosition in the margin of the mesa. These cere- 
monial chandlers, so far as observed, ajipear to be much like those in 
the other villages, both in external and internal arrangement. 

Within the last few years the horse trail that afforded access to ITano 
and Sichumovi has been converted into a wagon road, and during the 
progress of this work, under tlie supervision of an American, consider- 
able blasting was done. Among other changes the marginal kiva, which 
was nearly in line with the proposed improvements, was removed. 
Tills was done despite the pi'otest of the older men, and their predic- 
tions of dire calamity sure to follow such sacrilege. A new site was 
selected close by and the newly aiMjuired knowledge of the use of pow- 
der was utilized in blasting out the excavation for this subterranean 
chamber. It is altogether probable that the sites of all former kivas 
were largely determined by accident, these rooms being built at points 
where natural fissures or 0])en spaces in the broken mesa edge fur- 
nished a suitable depression or cavity. The builders were not capable 
of w, irking the stjne to any great extent, and their ojierations were 
jirobably limitcil to trimming out such niitural excavations and in ]iart 
lining them with masonry. 

There is a very luiticeable scarcity of roof holes, asi<lc from those of 
the first terrace. As a rule the flist terrace has no external openings 



on the gnmiid and is entered from its roof tlirougli large trai)-do()rs, 
as shown on tlie plans. The lower rooms within this tirst terrace are 
not inhabited, but are used as storerooms. 

At several points mined walls are seen, remains of abandoned rooms 
that have fallen into decay. Occasionally a rough, buttress-like projec- 
tion from a wall is the only vestige of a room or a cluster of rooms, all 
traces on the ground having been obliterated. 

The mesa summit, that forms the site of this village, is nearly level, 
with very little earth on its surface. A thin accumulation of soil and 
rubbish lightly covers the inner court, l)ut outside, ahmg the face of the 
long row, the bare rock is exposed continuously. Where the rooms have 
been abandoned and the walls have fallen, the stones have all been 
utilized in later constructions, leaving no vestige of the former wall on 
the rocky site, as the stones of the masonry have always been set upon 
the surface of the rock, with no excavation or preparation of footings 
of any kind. 


According to traditional accounts this \illage was founded at a more 
recent date than Walpi. It has, however, undergone many changes 
since its first establishment. 

The principal building is a long irregular row, similiar to that of Hano 
(PI. xviii). A portion of an L-shaped cluster west of this row, and a 
small row near it parallel to the main building, form a rude api)roximation 
to the inclosed court arrangement. The terracing here, however, is not 
always on the court side, whereas in ancient examples such arrangement 
was an essential defensive feature, as the court ftirnished the only 
approach to upper terraces. In all of these villages there is a n((ticeal)le 
tendency to face the rows eastward instead of toward the court. The 
motive of such uniformity of direction in the houses must have been 
strong, to counteract the tendency to adher(> to the ancient arrangement. 
The two kivas of the village are built side by side, in contact, probably 
on account of the presence at this point of a favorable fissure or depres- 
sion in the mesa surface. 

On the south side of the village are the remains of two small clusters 
of rooms that apparently have been abandoned a long time. A portion 
of a room still bounded by standing walls has been utilized as a corral 
for burros (PI. xix). 

At this \illage are three small detached houses, each composed of 
but a single room, a feature not at all in keeping -n-ith the spirit of 
pueblo construction. In this instance it is probably due to the selection 
of the village as the residence of whites connected with the agency or 
school. Of these single-room houses, one, near the south end of the 
long row, was being built by an American, who was living in another 
such house near the middle of this row. The third house, although 
fairly well preserved at the time of tlie survey, was abandoned and 
falling into ruin. Adjoining the middle one of these three buildings on 





the south side are the outlines of two small couapartmeuts, which were 
evidently built as corrals for burros and are still used for that purpose. 
This village, though limited to two stories in height, has, like the others 
of the first mesa, a number of roof holes or trapdoors in the upper 
story, an approach to the Zuiii practice. This feature among the Tusayan 
villages is probably due to intercourse with the more eastern pueblos, 
for it seems to occur chiefly among those having such communication 
most frequently. Its presence is pr(jl)ably the result simply of borrow- 
ing a convenient feature from those who invented it to meet a necessity. 
The conditions under which the houses were built have hardly been 
such as to stinuilate the Tusayan to the invention of such a device. 
The uniform height of the second-story roofs seen in this village, con- 
stituting an almost unbroken level, is a rather exceptional feature in 
Ijueblo archite(!ture. Only one depression occurs in the whote length 
of the main row. 

Of all the pueblos, occupied or in ruins, within the i)roviuces of 
Tusayan and Cibola, Walpi exhibits the widest departure from the 
typical pueblo arrangement (PI. xx). 

The carelessness characteristic of Tusayan architecture seems to have 
reached its culmination here. The confused arrangement of the rooms, 
mainly due to the irregularities of the site, contrasts with the work at 
some of the other villages, and bears no comparison with much of the 
ancient work. The rooms seem to have been clustered together with 
very little regard to symmetry, aiul right angles are very unusual. (See 
Fig. 8.) 

The general plan of the village of to-day contirms the traditional ac- 
counts of its foundation. According to these its growth was gradual, be- 
ginning with a few small clusters, which were added to from time to time 
as tlie inhabitants of the lower site upon the si)ur of the mesa, where 
the mission was established, moved u]) and joined the pioneers on the 
summit. It is probable that some small rooms or clusters were built on 
this conspicuous promontory soon after the first occupation of this region, 
on account of its exceptionally favorable position as an outlook over the 
fields (PL XXI). 

Though the peculiar conformation of the site on wliich the village has 
been built has produced an unusual irregularity of arrangement, yet 
even here an imperfect example of the tyiiical inclosed court may be 
found, at one point containing the principal kiva or ceremonial chamber 
of the village. It is probable that the accidental occurrence of a suitable 
break or depression in the mesa top determined the position of this kiva 
at an early date and that the first buildings clustered about this point. 

A unique feature in this kiva is its connection with a second subter- 
ranean chamber, reached from the kiva through an ordinary doorway. 
The depression used for tlie kiva site must have been either larger than 
was needed or of such form tliat it could not be thrown into one rec- 



tangiilar chamber. It was inipossil)l(> to ascertain the form of this 
second room, as the writer was not permitted to ai)])r(jach the connect- 

iujf doorway, wliich was ch)sed 

with a slab of cottonwood. This 
chamber, used as a receptacle for 
reliji'i()iis])arai)lH'inalia, was said 
to connect with an upper room 
within the cluster of dwellings 
close by, but this could not be 
verilied at the tiuu' of our ^•isit. 
The plan indicates that such an 
adjoining' chamber, if of avcrafic 
size, could easily extend partly 
under the dwellings on either 
the west or south side of the 
court. The rocky mesa summit 
is quite irregular in this vicinity, 
with rather an abrupt ascent to 
the passageway on the south as 
shown in PI. xxii. Southeast 
from the kiva there is a large 
mass of rocks projecting above 
the general level, wliich has been 
incorporated into a cluster of 
dwelling rooms. Its character 
and relation to the architecture 
may be seen in PI. xxiii. So 
irregular a site was not likely to 
be built upon until most of the 
available level surface had been 
taken up, for even in masonry of 
much higher development than 
can be found in Tusayan the 
builders, unable to overcome 
such obstacles as a large mass 
of protruding rock, have accom- 
modated their buildings to such 
irregularities. This is very 
noticeable in the center cluster 
of Mummy Cave (in Canyon del 
Muerto, Arizona), where a large 
mass of sandstone, fallen from 
the roof of the rocky niche in 
which the Inmses were built, has 
been incorporated into the house 
cluster. Between this and an- 

FiG. 8. Tt)poj^apli> of the siteofWalpi. 

other kiva to the north the mesa to^j is nearly level. The latter kiva is 



also subterranean aud was built in au accideutal break in sandstone. 
On the very margin of this flssur(» stands a curious isolated rock that 
has survived the general erosion of the mesa. It is near this rock that 
the celebrated Snake-dance takes place, although the kiva from which 
the dancers emerge to perform the open air ceremony is not adjacent to 
this monument (IM. xxiv). 

A short distance farther toward the uortli occur a group of three 
more kivas. These ai-e on the very brink of the mesa, and have been 
built in recesses in the crowning ledge of sandstone of such size 
that they could conveniently be walh^d up on the outside, the outer sur- 
face of rude walls being continuous with the precipitous rock face of the 

The ijositions of all these ceremonial chambers seem to correspond 
with exceptionally rough and Ijroken portions of the mesa top, showing 
that their location in relation to the dwelling clusters was due largely 
to accident and does not possess the significance that position does in 
many ancient pueblos built on level and unencumbered sites, where the 
adjustment was not controlled by the character of the surface. 

The Walpi promontory is so abrupt aud difBcult of access that there 
is no trail by which horses can be brought to the village without i)as- 
siug through Hauo aud .Sichumo\'i, traversing the whole length of the 
mesa tongue, and crossing a rough break or depression iu the mesa 
summit close to the village. S(n'eral foot trails give access to the vil- 
lage, partly over the uearly perpendicular faces of rock. All of tliese 
have required to be artiticially improved iu order to render them prac- 
ticable. Plate XXV, from a photograph, illustrates one of trails, 
which, a xjortion of the way, leads ui) between a huge detached slab of 
sandstone and the face of the mesa. It will be seen that the trail at 
this point consists to a large extent of stone steps that have been built 
in. At the top of the flight of ste])s where the trail to the mesa summit 
turns to the right the solid sandstone has been pecked out so as to 
furnish a series of footholes, or steps, with no projection or hold of any 
kind alongside. There are several trails on the west side of the mesa 
leading down both from Wal])i and Sichumovi to a spring below, which 
are quite as abrupt as the example illustrated. All the water used in 
these villages, except such as is caught during showers iu the basin- 
like water pockets of the mesa top, is laboriously brought Tip these trails 
in large earthenware canteens slung over the backs of the women. 

Supplies of every kind, provisions, harvested crops, fuel, etc., are 
bi'ought u^p these steep trails, and often from a <listance of se\eral miles, 
yet these conservative people tenaciously cling to the inconvenient sit- 
uation selected by their fathers long after the necessity for so doing has 
pas.sed away. At present no arguuumt of convenience or comfort seems 
suflflcient to induce them to aliandon their homes on the rocky heigiits 
and build near the water supply and the tields on which they depend 
for .subsistence. 

8 ETH 5 



One of the trails ret'eiii'(l to in tlif description of Hauo lias been con- 
verted into a wagon road, as lias been already described. The Indians 
preferred to expend the enormous amount of labor necessary to convert 
this bridle path into a wagon road iu order .slightly to overcome the 
inconveuieuce of transporting every uecessary to the mesa upon their 
own backs or by the assistance of burros. This concession to mctdern 
ideas is at best but a poor substitute for the convenience of homes built 
in the lower valleys. 


Mashongnavi, situated on tiie summit of a rocky knoll, is a compact 
though irregular village, and the manner in which it conforms to the 


Fig. 9. Mashoufoiiivi and Shuj>auluvi from Sbumopavi. 

general outline of the aA'ailable ground is shown on the plan. (Jon- 
veiiience of acct^ss to the fields on tlie east and to the other villages 
probably promjitcnl the first occui)ation of the east end of this rocky 
butte (PI. XXVI). 

In Mashongnavi of to-day the eastern portion of the village forms a 
more decided court than do the other portions. The completeness in 
itself of this eastern end of the pueblo, in connection with the form of 
the adjoining rows, .strongly suggests that this was the first portion of 
the jjueblo built, altlumgh examination of the masonry and construction 
furnish but imperfect data as to the relative age of diflerent portions 
of the village. One uniform gray tint, with only slight local variations 
in character and finish of masonry, imparts a monotonous e&'ect of antiq- 
uity to the whole mass of dwellings. Here and there, at rare intervals, 
is seen a wall that has been newly j)lastered; but, ordinarily, masonry 
of 10 years' age looks nearly as old as that built 200 years earlier. 
Another feature that suggests the greater antiquity of the eastern court 
of the pueblo is the presence and manner of occurrence here of the ki va. 
The old builder.s may have been influenced to some extent in their 
choice of site l>y the ]n-esence of a favorable depression for the construc- 
tion of a kiva, though this particular exani])le of the ceremonial room 
is only partly subterranean. The other kivas are almost or quite below 
the ground level. Although a favorable depression might readily occur 
on the summit of the knoll, a deep cavity, suitable for the constnu'tion 
of the subterranean kiva, would not be likely to occur at .such a distance 
from the margin of the sandstone ledge. The builders evidently pre- 
ferred to adopt such half-way measures with their first kiva in order to 



4 r- 



Jiff- ' ' T^ "^ 




secure its iuclosure witliiu tlie court, thus couforming to the tji)ical 
pueblo arrangement. The numerous exceptions to this arrangement 
seen iu Tusayiui are due to local causes. The general view of Mashong- 



Tio. 10. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi. 

navi given in I'l. xxvii shows that the site of this pueblo, as well as 
that of its neighbor, Shupaulovi, was not particularly defensible, and 
that this fact would have weight in securing adherence in the first por- 



tioii of tlic ])iiel)lo built to the defensive inclosed court coutaiuiiig the 
cereinoiiiiil cliamber. The plan .strou.nly indicates that the other courts 
of the pueblo were added as the villa.i^c .yrew. each added row facing 

Fig. 11. Diagram shuwius jriowlh of Miisbonsnavi 

toward the back of an older row, producing a series of courts, which, 
to the j)resent time, show more terracing on their western sides. The 
«astern side of each court is formed, apparently, by a few additions 




of low rooms to wliat was oii.niiially an xiuln'okeii exterior wall, and 
which is still dearly traceable through these added rooms. Such an 
exterior wall is illustrated in PI. xxviii. This process continued until 

Fio. 12. Diagram showiog growth of ilashongnavi. 

the last cluster nearly filled the available site and a wing was thrown 
out corresponding to a tongue or spur of the knoll upon which it « as 
built. Naturally the westei'umost or newer jwrtions show more clearly 


the evidence of additions and changes, bnt such evidence is not wholly 
wanting in the older portions. The large row that bounds the original 
eastern court on the west side may be seen on the plan to be of unusual 
width, having the largest number of rooms that form a terrace with 
western aspect; yet the nearly straight line once defining the original 
back wall of the court inclosing cluster on this side has not lieeu ob- 
scured to any great extent by the later additions (PI. xxviii). This 
village furnishes the most striking example in the whole group of the 
manner in which a pueblo was gradually enlarged as increasing popula- 
tion demanded more space. Snch additions wre often carried out on 
a definite plan, although the results in Tusayan fall far short of the sym- 
metry that characterizes many ruined i)ueblos in "New Mexico and Ari- 

A few of these ancient examples, espetnally some of the smaller ruins 
of the Chaco group, are so symmetrical in their arrangement that they 
seem to be the result of a single effort to carry out a clearly fixed plan. 
By far the largc^st number of pueblos, however, built among the south- 
west tabh^lands, if occupied for any length of time, must have been 
subject to irregular enlargement. In some ancient examples, such addi- 
tions to the first plan undoubtedly took place without marring the gen- 
eral symmetry. This was the case at Pueblo Bonito, on the Chaco, 
where the symmetrical and even curve of the exterior defensive wall, 
which was at least four stories high, remained unbroken, while the large 
inclosed court was encroached upon by wings a(hled to the inner ter- 
races. These additions comfortably provided ibr a very large increase 
of population after the first building of the pnel)lo, without changing its 
exterior appearance. 

In order to make clearer this order of growth in Mashongnavi, a series 
of skeleton diagrams is added in Figs. 10, 11, and 12, giving the outlines 
of the jHieblo at various supposed periods in the course of its enlarge- 
ment. The larger plan of the village (PI. xxvi) serves as a key to 
these terrace outlines. 

The first diagram illustrates the supposed original cluster of the east 
court (Fig. 10), the lines of which can be traced on the larger plan, and 
it includes the long, nearly straight line that marks the western edge 
of the third story. This diagram shows also, in dotted lines, the gen- 
eral ]>lan that may have guided tiie first additions to the west. The 
second diagram (Fig. 11) renders all the above material in full tint, again 
indicating further additions by dotted lines, and so on. (Fig. 12.) The 
])ortions of a terrace, which face westward in the newer cdurts of the 
pueblo, illustrated in PL xxix, were probably built after the western 
row, completing the inclosure, and were far enough adviinced to indi- 
cate definitely an inclosed court, upon which the dwelling rooms faced. 








This village, l)y far tlie siiialk'st puchlo of the Tusayan gioui), illus- 
trates a simple aud direct use of the priuciple of the iuelosed eourt. 
The plan (PI. xxx) shows that the outer walls are scarcely broken by 
terraces, and nearly all the dwellinj;' apartments open inwards upon the 
inclosure, in this respect closely following the previously described 
ancient type, although widely diifering from it in the irregular disposi- 
tion of the rooms. (PI. xxxi.) A conijiarison with the first of the 
series of diagrams illustrating the growth of Jlashongnavi, will show 
how similar the villages may have been at one stage, aud how suitable 
a nucleus for a large pueblo this village would ju'ove did space and 
character of the site permit. Most of the available summit of the rocky 
knoll has already been covered, as will be .seen from the to])ogra])hic 
sketch of the site (Fig. 1.'5). The ])lan shows also that some eftbrts at 

Fin. K!. 'roi)ngr;ii)hy of the site of Shupuulovi. 

extension of the pueblo have been made, but the houses outside of the 
main cluster have been abandoned, aud are rapidly going to ruin. 
Several small rooms occur on the outer faces of the rows, but it can be 
readily seen that they do not form a pai't of the original plan but were 
added to an already complete structure. 

In the inclosed court of this pueblo occurs a small box-like stone 
inclosure, covered with a large slab, which is used as a sort of shrine or 
depository for the sacred plume sticks and other ceremonial oflferiugs. 


This feature is tbuiul at some of tlic other villages, notably at Mashoug- 
navi, in the central court, and at Hano, where it is located at some dis- 
tance outside of the village, near the main trail to the mesa. 

The x>hin of this small village shows three covered passageways sim- 
ilar to those noted in "\^'all>i on the first mesa, thougli their jiresence 
here can not be ascribed to the same motives that impelled the Waljii 
to build in this way; for the densely crowded site occupied by the lat- 
ter conijx'lled them to resort to this expedi<'nt. One of these is illus- 
trated in I'l. XXXII. Its presence may be due in this instance to a deter- 
mination to adhen^ to the protected court while seeking to secure con- 
venient means of access to the inclosed area. It is remarkable that 
this, tlie smallest of the grou]), should contain this feature. 

This village has but two kivas, one of which is on the rocky summit 
neai' tlie houses and the other on the lower ground near the foot of the 
trail that leads to the village. The upper kiva is nearly subterranean, 
the roof being but a little above the ground on the side toward the 
Adllage, but as the rocky site slopes away a portion of side wall is ex- 
posed. This was roughly built, with no attenii)t to impart finish to its 
outer face, either by careful laying of the masonry or by plastering. 
PI. xxxiii illustrates this kiva in connection with the southeastern por- 
tion of the village. The plan shows how the prolongation of the side 
rows of the village forms a suggestion of a second court. Its develop- 
ment into any sucii feature as the secondary or additional cimrts of 
Mashougnavi was ])rohibited by the restricted site. 

As in other villages of this group, the desire to adhere to the subter- 
ranean form of ceremonial chamber outweighed the inducement to place 
it within the village, or, in the case of the second kiva, even of placing it 
on the same level as the houses, which are 30 feet above it with an 
abrupt trail between them. It is curious and instructive to see a room, 
the use of which is so intimately connected with the inner life of the 
village, placed in such a cimiparatively remote and inaccessible position 
through an intensely conservative adherence to ancient practice requir- 
ing this chamber to be depressed. 

The general view of the village given in PI. xxxi strikingly illus- 
trates the blending of the rectangular forms of the architecture with 
the angular and sharply defined fractures of the surrounding rock. 
This close correspondence in form between the arcldtecture and its im- 
mediate surroundings is greatly heightened by the similarity in color. 
Mr. Stephen has called attention to a similar effect on the western side 
of AValpi and its adjacent mesa edge, wliicli he thought indicates a dis- 
tinct effort at concealment on the part of the builders, by blending the 
architecture with the surroundings. This similarity of effect is often 
accidental, and due to tiiefact that the materials of the houses and of 
the mesas on which they are built are identical. Even in the case of 
Walpi, cited by Mr. Stei)hen, where the buildings come to the very 
mesa edge, and in their vertical lines appear to carry out the effect of 


tlu' vertical tissurcs in the upix'r benches of saud.stoiie, tliere was no 
intentional concealment. It is more likely tliat, through the necessity 
of building close to the limits of the crowded sites, a certain degree of 
correspondence was unintentionally produced between the jogs and 
angles of the houses and those of the mesa edge. 

Such correspondence with the surroundings, which forms a striking 
feature of many primitive tyi>es of construction where intention of con- 
cealment had no part, is (hmbtless mainly due to the use of the most 
available material, although the expression of a type of constnu-tion 
that has prevailed for ages in one locality would perhaps be somewhat 
influenced by constantly recuning forms in its environment. In the 
system of building under ((insideratioii, such intiuence would, however, 
be a very nunnte fraition in the sum of factors producing the tyjje and 
could ne\er account for such examples of special and detailed corre- 
spondence as the cases cited, nor could it have any weight in develoi)iug 
a rectangular type of architecture. 

In the development of primitive arts the advances are slow and 
laborious, and are jjroduced by adding small increments to current 
knowledge. So vague ami undefined an intiuence as that exerted by 
the larger forms of surrounding nature are seldom recognized and ac- 
knowledged l>y the artisan; on the contrary, experiments, resulting 
in improvement, are largely jjrompted by practical requirements. Par- 
ticularly is this the case in the art of housebuilding. 


This village, although not so isolated as Oraibi, has no near neigh- 
bors and is little visited by whites or Indians. The inhabitants are 
rarely seen at the trading post to which the others resort, and they 
seem to be pretty well off and iiidei)endent as compared with their 
neighbors of the other villages (PI. xxxiv). The houses and courts are 
in keeping with the general character of the people and exhibit a de- 
gree of neatness and thrift tliat contrasts sharply with the tund)le-down 
appearance of some of th(^ other \illages, especially those of the Middle 
Mesa and Oraibi. There is a general air of ue^vIless about the place, 
though it is questionable whether the architecture is more recent than 
that of the other tillages of Tusayan. This effect is partly due to the 
custom of frequently renewing the coating of mud plaster. In most of 
the villages little care is taken to re])aii' the houses until the owner 
feels that to postpone such action longer would endanger its stal)ility. 
Many of the illustrations in this chapter indicate the proportion of 
rough masonry usually ex])osed in the walls. At Shumo])avi (PI. xxxv), 
however, most of the wails are smoothly plastered. In this resjiect 
they resemble Zuni and the eastern pueblos, where but little imked 
masonry can be seen. Another feature that adds to the effect of neat- 
ness and finish in this village is the frequent use of a whitewash of 


gypsum ou tlie outer face of tlie walls. This wash is used partly as an 
ornament and partly as protection against the raiu. The material, 
called by the Mexicans "yeso," is very commonly used in the interior 
of their houses throughout this region, both by Mexicans and Indians. 
More rarely it is used among the pueblos as an external wash. Here, 
however, its external use forms fpiite a distinctive feature of the vil- 
lage. The same custom in several of the clitt' houses of Canyon de Clielly 
attests the comparative antiquity of the practice, though not necessarily 
its pre-Columbian origin. 

Shumopavi, (-ompared with the other villages, shows less evidence of 
having been built on the open court idea, as the ijartial inclosures as- 
sume such elongated forms in the direction of the long, straight rows of 
the rooms ; yet examination shows that the idea was present to a slight 

At the southeast corner of the itueblo there is a very marked approach 
to the open court, though it is quite evident that the easternmost row 
has its back to the court, and that the few rooms that face the other 
way are later additions. In fact, the plan of the village and the dis- 
tribution of the terraces seem to indicate that the first construction 
consisted only of a single row tricing nearly east, and was not an in- 
closed court, and that a further addition to the pueblo assumed nearly 
the same form, with its ftice or terraced side toward the ba(!k of the 
first row only partly- adapting itself by the addition of a few small 
rooms later, to the court arrangement, the same operation being con- 
tinued, but in a form u(^t so clearly defined, still farther toward the 

The second court is not defined on the west by such a distinct row as 
the others, and the smaller clusters that to some extent break the long, 
straight arrangement bring about an approximation to a court, though 
here again the terraces only partly face it, the eastern side being 
bounded by the long exterior wall of the middle row, two and three 
stories high, and almost unbroken throughout its entire length of 400 
feet. The broken character of the small western row, in conjunction 
with the clusters near it, imparts a distinct effect to the plan of tliis por- 
tion, ditt'erentiating it in character from the masses of houses formed 
by the other two rows. Th(} latter are connected at their southern end 
by a short cross row which converts this portion of the village practi- 
cally into a single large house. Two covered passageways, however, 
which are designated on the plan, give access to the southeast portion 
of the court. This portion is partly separated from the north half of 
the inclosure by encroaching groups of rooms. This partial division of 
the original narrow and long court appears to be of later date. 

The kivas are four in number, of which but one is within the village. 
The latter occupies a partly inclosed position in the southwest portion, 
and probably owes its place to some local facility for building a kivaon 
this spot in the nature of a depression in the mesa summit; but even 

m 4 

■„ /Wp jap,' 




with sucli aid tlic cercmoiiia! cluiuiber was 1)iiilt only partly uiuh^r 
ground, as may be seen in Fig. 14. The remaining three kivas are more 
distinctly subterranean, and in order to obtain a suitable site one of 
these was located at a distance of more than 200 feet from the village, 
toward the mesa edge on the east. The other two are built xevy close 
together, apparently in contact, just beyond the northern extremity of 
the village. One of these is about 3 feet above the surface at one 
corner, but nearly on a level with the ground at its western side where 
it adjoins its neighbor. These two kivas are illustrated in PI. Lxxxviii 
and Fig. LM. 

Here again we find that the ccicmonial chamber that forms so im])or- 

FlG. 14. Court kiva of Slmraopavi. 

tant a feature among these ]teoi)le, occupies no fixed relation to the 
dwellings, and its location is largely a luatter of accident, a site that 
would admit of the partial excavation or sinking of the chamber below 
the surface being the maiu requisite. The northwest court contains 
another of the small inclosed shrines already described as occurring at 
Shupaulovi and elsewhere. 

The stonework of this village also possesses a somewhat distinctive 
character. Exposed masonry, though comparatively rare in this well- 
plastered pueblo, shows that stones of suitable fracture were selected 
and tliat they were more carefully laid than in the other villages. In 
places the masonry bears a close resemblance to some of the ancient 
work, where the si)aces between the longer tablets of stone were care- 
fully chinked with small bits of stone, l)ringing the whole wall to a 
uniform face, and is much in advance of the ordinary slovenly methods 
of construction followed in Tusayan. 

Shumopavi is the successor of an older village of that name, one of the 
cities of the ancient Tusayan visited by a detachment of Coronado's ex- 
pedition in 1540. The ruins of that village still exist, and they formerly 
contained vestiges of the old church and mission buildings established 


by the monks. The squared beams from these Imildiiigs were considered 
vahiabk' enough to be infori)orated in the eonstniction of ceremonial 
kivas in some of the Tusayan villages. This old site was not visited by 
the party. 

This is one of the largest modern pueblos, and contains nearly half 
the population of Tusayan ; yet its great size has not materially affected 
tlie arvaiig(»mcnt of the dwellings. The geiieral |)lan (see PI. XXXVl) 
simply shows an unusually large collection of typical Tusayan house- 
rows, with the general tendency to face eastward displayed in the other 
villages of the grou]). There is a remarkable uniforuiity in the direction 
of the rows, but there are no iiiditations of tlie order in which the suc- 
cessive additions to the village were made, sui-h as were found at Ma- 

The clusters of rooms do not surpass the average dimensions of those 
in the smaller villages. In tive of the clusters in Oraibi a height of four 
stories is reached by a few rooms; a height seen also in Walpi. 

At several ])oiuts in Oraibi, notably on the west side of cluster No. 
7, may be seen what appears to be low terraces fai'cd with rough masonry. 
The same thing is also .seen at Wali)i, on the west side of the northern- 
most cluster. This effect is luoduced by the gradual tilling in of aban- 
doned and broken-down marginal liouses, with fallen masonryanddrifted 
sand. The appearance is that of intentional construction, as may be 
seen in PI. xxxix. 

The i-arity of covered passageways in this village is noteworthy, and 
emphasizes the marked difference in the cliaraftcr (if the Tusayan and 
Zuni ground plans. The close crowding of rooms in the latter has 
nnidc a feature of the coveied way, which in the scattered plan of Oraibi 
is rarely called for. When found it does not seem an outgrowth of the 
same conditions that led to its adoption in Zuni. A glance at the plans 
will show how ditt'erent has been the effect of the immediate environ- 
ment in the two cases. In Zuni, built on a very slight knoll in the open 
plain, the absence of a defensive site has ]>ro(luced unusmil develop- 
ment of the defensive features t)f the architecture, and the result is a 
remarkably dense clustering of the dwellings. At Tusayan, on the 
other hand, the largest village of the grouj) does not differ in chaiacter 
from the smallest. Occupation of a defensive site has there in a meas- 
ure taken the place of a special defensive arrangement, or close cluster- 
ing of looms. Oraibi is laid out (piitc as u]ieiily as any other of the 
giduii, and as additions to its size have from time to time been made 
the builders have, in the absence of the defensive motive for crowding 
the rows or groups into large clusters, simjily followed the usual arrange- 
ment. The crowding that b?-ought about the use of the covered way 
was due in Walpi to restricted site, as nearly all the available summit 
of its rocky promontory has been covered with buildings. In Zuiii, on 

ij, "., 

' <p 

' 1 


S ■ ! 
; . I 


the other hand, it was the necessity for defense that led to the close 
clustering of the dwellings and the consequent employment of the cov- 
ered way. 

A further contrast between the general plans of Oraibi and Zuni is 
afforded in the different manner in which the roof o])enings have been 
employed in the two cases. The plan of ZuBi, I'l. lxxvi, shows great 
numbers of small openings, nearly all of which are intended exclusively 
for tlie admission of light, a few only being provided with ladders. In 
Oraibi, on the other hand, there are only seventeen roof <ipeuings above 
the first terrace, and of these not more than half are intended for the 
admission of light. The device is correspondingly rare in other villages 
of the group, particularly in those west of the first mesa. In Mashong- 
uavi the restricted use of the roof oiienings is particularly noticeable; 
they all are of the same type as those used for access to first terrace 
rooms. There is but one njof opening in a second story. An examina- 
tion of the plan, PI. xxx, will show that in Shupaiilovi but two such 
openings occiu- above the first terrace, and in the large village of 
Shumopa\'i, PI. xxxiv, only about eight. None of the smaller villages 
can be fairly compared with Zuni in the employment of this feature, 
but in Oraibi we should ex])ect to find its use much more general, were 
it not for the fact that the defensive site has taken the place of the 
close clustering of rooms seen in the exposed village of Zuni, and, in 
consequence, the devices for the admission of light still adhere to the 
more primitive arrangement (Pis. XL and XLI). 

The highest type of pueblo construction, embodied in the large com- 
munal fortress houses of the valleys, could have developed ordy as the 
builders learned to rely for i>rotection more upon their architecture and 
less up(m the sites occupied. So long as the sites furnished a large 
proportion of the defensive efficiency of a village, the invention of the 
builders was uot stimulated to substitute artificial for natural advan- 
tages. Change of location and consequent development must freiiuently 
have taken place owing to the extreme inconvenience of defensive sites 
to the sources of subsistence. 

The builders of large valley pueblos must frequently have been forced 
to resort hastily to defensive sites on finding that the valley towns were 
unfitted to \vithstand attack. This seems to have been the case with 
the Tusayan; but that the Zuiii have adhered to their valley ]mebh) 
through great difticulties is clearly attested by the internal evidence of 
the architecture itself, even were other testimony altogether wanting. 


About 50 miles west from Oraibi is a small settlement used by a few 
families from Oraibi during the farming season, known as I\Ioen-ko]>i. 
(PI. XLiii). The present village is comparatively recent, luit, as is the 
case with many others, it has been built over the remains of an older 
settlement. It is said to have been founded within the memory of 


some of tlie Mormon pioneers at the neighboring town of Tuba City, 
named after an old Oraibi chief, recently deceased. 

The site would probably Inive attracted a much larger nundwr of 
settlers, had it not been so remote from the main pueblos of the pro- 
vince, as in many respects it far surpasses any of the present village sites. 
A large area of fertile soil can be conveniently irrigated from copious 
springs in the side of a small branch of the Moen-kopi wash. The vil- 
lage occupies a low, rounded knoll at the junction of this branch with 
the main wash, which on tlic ojiposite or southern side is quite precipi- 
tous. The gradual encroachments of the Mormons for the last twenty 
years have had some effect in keeping the Tusayan from more fully 
utilizing the advantages of this site (PI. XLii). 

Jlocn-kopi is built in two irregular rows of one-story houses. There 
are also two detached single rooms in the village — one of them built for 
a kiva, though apparently not in use at the time of our survey, and the 
other a small room with its princi])a.l door facing an adjoining row. 
The arrangement is about the same that prevails in the other villages, 
the rows having distinct back walls of rude masonry. 

Rough stone work predominates also in the fronts of the houses, 
though it is occasionally brought to a fair degree of finish. Sonu' adobe 
work is incorporated in the masonry, and at one point a new and still 
unioofed room was seen built of adobe bricks on a stone foundation 
about a foot high. There is but little adobe masonry, however, in 
Tusayan. Its use in this case is probably due to Mormon iutlueiice. 

Moen-kopi was the headquarters of a large business enterprise of the 
Mormons a number of years ago. They attempted to concentrate the 
pi'oduct of the Xavajo wool trade at this point and to establish here a 
com])letely appointed woolen mill. Water was brought from a series of 
reservoirs l)uilt in a small valley several miles away, and was conducted 
to a i)oiut on the Moen-kopi knoll, near the end of the south row of 
houses, where the ditch terminated in a solidly constructed box of 
masonry. From this in turn the water was delivered through a large 
pipe to a turbine wheel, which furnished the motive power for the works. 
The ditch and masonry are shown on the ground i)lan of the village (PI. 
XXIII). This null was a large stone building, and no expense was spared 
in fitting it up with the most complete machinery. At the time of our 
visit the whole establishment had been abandoned for some years and 
was rai)idly going to decay. The frames had been torn from tlie win- 
dows, and both the door of the building and the ground in its vicinity 
were strewn with fragments of expensive machinery, broken cog-wheels, 
shafts, etc. This building is shown in PI. xlv, and may serve as an 
illustration of the contrast between Tusayan masonry and modern stone- 
mason's work carried out with the same material. The compariscm, 
however, is not entirely fair-, as applied to the pueblo builders in gen- 
eral, as the Tusayan mason is unusually careless in his work. Many 
old examples are seen in wliicli tlie Hnisli of the walls com^iares very 








favorably with the American mason's work, though the result is attaiued 
in a wholly different manner, viz, by close and careful chinking with 
numberless small tablets of stone. This process brings the wall to a 
i-emarkably smooth and even surface, the joints almost disappearing in 
the mosaic-like effect of the wall mass. The masonry of Moen-kopi is 
more than ordinarily rough, as the small village was probably built 
hastily and used for tempi irary occniiation as a farming center. In the 
winter the place is usually abandoned, the few families occupying it 
during the farming months returning to Oraibi for the season of festivi- 
ties and ceremonials. 



Thdugli the siuioiindiiigs of tlie Ciboliiii pueblos aud ruiii.s exhibit 
the oidiuary characteristics of plateau scenery, they have not the mo- 
notonous and forbidding aspect that characterizes the mesas and valleys 
ofTusayan. The dusty sage brush and the stunted cedar and pihon, 
as in Tusayan, form a conspicuous feature of the laiidscai)e, but the 
cliffs are ofteu diversifled in color, being in cases ciimposed of alternat- 
ing bands of light gray and dark red sandstone, which impart a con- 
siderable variety of tints to the landscape. The contrast is heiglitened 
by the jjroximity of the Zuui Mountains, an extensive timber-bearing 
range that approaches within 12 miles of ZuFii, narrowing down the 
extent of the surrounding arid region. 

Cibola has also been more generously treated l)y nature in the matter 
of water supply, as the province contains a jjerennial stream which has 
its sources near the village of Nutria, and, Mowing past the pueblo of 
Zuni, disappears a few miles below. During the rainy season the river 
empties into the Colorado Chiquito. The Cibolan i)ueblos are built on 
the foothills of mesas or in open valley sites, surrounded l)y broad fields, 
while the Tusayan villages are i)erched ui)on mesa iiromontories that 
overlook the valley lands used for cultivation. 


11 A u I K r 1 1 . 

The village of Hawikuh, situated about l.") miles to the south of Zufii, 
consisted of irreguhir groups of densely clustered cells, occupying the 
point of a spur projecting from a low roumled hill. The Jiouses are in 
.such a ruined condition that few separate rooms can be traced, and 
these are nuu'h obscured by debris. This d6biis covers the entire area 
extending (h)\vn the slope of the hill to the site of tlii' church. The 
large amount of debris and the comparati\-e thinness of such walls as 
are found suggest that the dwellings had been densely clustered, aud 
carried to the height of several stories. Much of the space between 
the village on the hill and the site of the Spanish church on the plain 
sit its foot is covered with masonry debiis, i)art of which has slid down 
fi'(uu above (PI. XLVi). 


The arriiiiigeiueut suggests a large princiiial court of irregular form. 
The surrouuding clusters are very irregularly disposcnl, the tlirectiou.s 
of the prevailing lines of walls greatly varying in dift'erent groujis. 
There is a suggestion also of several smaller courts, as well as of alley- 
ways leading to the principal one. 

The church, built on the i)lain below at a distance of al)out I'DO feet 
from the main village, seems to have been surrounded by several groups 
of r(M)nis and inclosures of various sizes, differing somewhat in character 
from those within the village. These groujjs are scattered and open, 
and the small amount of d6bris leads to the conclusion that this portion 
of the village was not more than a single story in height. (PI. XLVII.) 

The destruction of the village has been so complete that no vestige 
of constructional details remains, with the exception of a row of posts 
in a building near the church. The governor of Zuni stated that these 
posts were part of a i)roJecting porch similar to those seen in connection 
with modern houses. ( See Pis. Lxxi, Lxxv. ) Suggestions ( )f this feature 
are met with at other points on the plain, but they all occur within the 
newer portion of the village around the church. Some of the larger 
inclosures in this portion of the village were very lightly constriu'ted, 
and cover large areas. They were ])robal)ly used as corrals. Inclosures 
for this purpose occur at other pueblos traditionally ascribed to the same 

The church in this village was constructed of adobe bricks, without 
the introduction of any stonework. The bricks appear to have been 
molded with nn uinisual degree of care. The massive angles of the 
northwest, or altar end of the structure, have survived the stonework 
of the adjoining \'illage and stand to-day 13 feet high. (PI. XLViii.) 


The small village of Ketehiiianan appears to have been arranged about 
two courts of uiiecpial dimensions. It is difficult to determine, however, 
how much of the larger court, containing the stone church, is of later 
construction. (PI. XLix.) 

All the northwest portion of the village is now one large inclosure or 
corral, whose walls have apparently been built of the fallen masonry 
from the surrounding houses, leaAdng the central si)ace clear. This wall 
on the northeast side of the large inclosure api)arently follows the jogs 
and angles of the original houses. This may have been the outer line of 
rooms, as traces of buildings occur for some distance within it. On the 
opposite side the wall is nearly continuous, the jogs being of slight i)ro- 
jectiou. Here some traces of dwellings occur outside of the wall in 
places to a depth of three rooms. The same thing occurs also at the 
north corner. The continuation of these lines suggests a rectangular 
court of considerable size, bounded symmetrically by groups of com- 
partments averaging three rooms deejj. (PI. L.) 

Several much smaller inclosures made in the same way occur in the 
village, but they apparently do not conform to the original courts. 
8 ETH 6 


At the ])rest'iit time dwclliiif;' roouiss are traceable over ii portion of 
the area soixtli and west of the elmreli. As .s]io\vn on the plan, iipriglit 
posts occasionally oeeiir. These a]>pear to have been incorporated into 
the original walls, l)ut the latter are so mined that this can not be stated 
positively, as snch posts have sometimes been incorjiorated in modern 
conal walls. In places they snggest the balcony-like feature seen in 
modern houses, as in Uawikiih, but in the east jiortion of the pueblo they 
are irregularly scattered about the rooms. A considerable area on the 
west side of the ruin is covered with loosely scattered stones, attbrding 
no suggestions of a ground plan. They do not seem sufficient in amount 
to be the remains of dwelling rooms. 

The Spanish church in this j)TU'blo was built of stone, lint tlie walls 
were much more massive than those of the dwellings. The building is 
well preserved, most of the walls standing !S or 10 feet high, and in 
jdaces 14 feet. This church was a]i])arently built by Indian labor, as 
the walls everywhere show the chinking with small stones characteristic 
of the nutive work. In this village also, the massive Spanish construc- 
tion has survived the dwelling houses. 

The ground i)lan of the church shows tliat the o])enings were splayed 
in the thickness of the walls, at an angle of about 45°. In the doorway, 
in the east end of the building, the greater width of the opening is on 
the inside, a rather unusual arrangement; in the window, on the north 
side, this arrangement is reversed, the splay being outward. On the 
south side are indications of a similar opening, but at the i)resent time 
the wall is so broken out that no well defined Jamb can be traced, and 
it is impossible to determine whether the s])lay<'d ojiening was used or 
not. The stones of the masonry are laid with extreme care at the an- 
gles and in the faces of these splays, jiroducing a highly finished eflfect. 

The position of the beam-holes on the inner face of the wall suggests 
that the floor of the <-hurcli had been raised somewhat above the 
groimd, and that there may have been a cellar-like sijace under it. No 
beams are now found, however, and no remains of wood are seen in the 
"altar" end of the chuich. At the ])resent time there are low jiart! 
tions dividing the inclosed area into six rooms or cells. The Indians 
state that these were built at a late date to convert the church into a 
defense against the hostile Apache from the south. These partitions 
appaiently formed no part of the original design, yet it is difficult to 
see how they could have served as a defense, uidess they were intended 
to be roofed over and thus converted into cf)mpletely inclosed rooms. 
A stone of stmiewhat laiger size than usual has been built into the 
south wall of the church. UjHin its surface some native artist has en- 
graved a rudely drawn mask. 

About 150 yards southeast from the church, and on the edge of the 
low mesa upon which the ruin stands, has been constructed a reservoir 
of large size which fiirnished the pueblo with a reserve water supply. 
The ordinary sui)ply was probably derived fr-om the valley below, where 





Parroouet YoungCohn Rabbit 

Lizard Sand 



BuhrowingOwu Reed 

^ ^ ■ 



water is found at no great distance from the pueblo, y^jrings may also 
have formerly existed near the village, but this reservoir, located where 
the drainage of a large area discharges, must have materially incTeased 
the water sujjply. The basin or depression is about 110 feet in diame- 
ter and its present depth in the center is about 4 feet; but it has un- 
doubtedly been filled in by sediment since its abandonment. More 
than half of its circumference was originally walled in, but at the pres- 
ent time the old masonry is indicated imly by an interrupted row of 
large foundation stones and fallen masonry. Some large stoues, appar- 
ently undisturbed portions of the mesa edge, have been incorporated 
into the inclosing masonry. The Indians stated that originally the 
bottom of this basin was lined with stones, but these statements could 
not be verified. Without excavation on the upper side, the basin faded 
imperceptibly into the rising ground of the suiTounding drainage. 
Other examples of these basin reser\'oirs are met with in this region. 

( llAl.dWK. 

About I.")° north of west from Hawikuh, and distant IJ miles from it, 
begins the series of ruins called Chalowe. They are located on two low 
elevations or foothills extending in a southwestern direction from the 
group of hills, upon whose eastern extremity Hawikuh is built. The 
southernmost of the series covers a roughly circular area about 40 feet 
in diameter. Another clust(>r, measuring about .'W) feet by 20, lies im- 
mediately north of it, with an intervening depression of a foot or so. 
About 475 feet northwest occurs a group of three rooms situated on a 
slight rise. A little east of north and a half a mile distant from the 
latter is a small hill, upon whi('h is located a cluster of about the same 
form and dimensions as the one first described. Several more vaguely 
defined clusters are traceable near this last one, but they are all of 
small dimensions. 

This widely scattered series of dwelling clusters, according to the 
traditional accounts, belonged to one tribe, which was known by the 
general name of Chalowe. It is said to have been inhabited at the 
time of the first arrival of the Spaniards. The general character and 
arrangement however, are so different from the prevailing type in this 
region that it .seems hardly probable that it belonged to the same people 
and the same age as the otiier ruins. 

No standing walls are found in any portion of the group, and the 
small amount of scattered masonry suggests that the rooms were only 
one story high. Yet the debris of masonry may have been largely 
covered up by drifting sand. Now it is hardly po-ssible to trace the 
ro(nns, and over most of the area only scattered stones mark the posi- 
tions of the groups of dwellings. 


Of the village of Hampassawan, which is said traditionally to have 
been one of the seven cities of Cibola visited by Coronado, nothing now 



remains but two dctaclieil rooms, both sliowiiisj vestiges of an upper 
story. With this exception, the destruction of the vilUvge is complete 
and only a low rise in the plain marks its site. Owing to its exposed 
position, the fallen walls have been completely covered with drifting 
sand and eiuth, no vestige of the buildings showing through the dense 
growth of sagebrush that now covers it. 

Fig. 15. Hampassawan, plan 

The two surviving rooms referred to ai)pear to have been used from 
time to time, as outlooks over corn fields close by, and as a defense 
against tlie Navajo. Their final abandonment, and that of the cultiva- 
tiou of the adjoining fields, is said to have been due to the killing of a 


Zufii there, by the Niivajo, within very recent times. These rooms have 
been several times repaired, the one on the west particuhirly. In the 
hitter an achlitional wall has been l)nilt n])()n tlie uorthern side, as sliown 
on the plan, Fig. 1."). Tlie old roof seems to have survived nntil reeeutly, 
for, although at the i)reseut time the room is covered with a roof of 
riKlely split cedar beams, the remains of tlie old, carefully built j-oof lie 
scattered about in the corners of the room, under the dirt and debris. 
The openings are very small and seem to have been modified since the 
original construction, but it is difftcult to distinguish between the older 
original structure and the more recent a<lditions. 


On tlie south side of the isolated mesa of Taaaiyalana and occupying 
a high rounded spur of foothills, is the ruined village of K'iakima (PI. 
Lll). A long gulch on tlu! west side of the spur contains, for .'HOO or 400 
yards, a small stream wliich is fed from s|)rings near the ruined village. 

The entire surface of the liill is covered with scattered debris of fallen 
walls, which must at one tinu- have formed a village of considerable 
size. Over most of this area the walls can not be traced ; the few rooms 
which can be distinctly outlined, occurring in a grouj) on the highest 
part of the hill. Standing walls are here seen, but they are apparently 
recent, one room showing traces of a chimney (PI. liv). Some of the 
more distinct inclosures, built from fallen masonry of the old village, 
seem to have been intended for corrals. Tiiis is the case also with the 
remains found on the clifls to the north of the village, whose position is 
shown on the plan (PI. Liii). Here nearly all the scattered stones of 
the original oue-story buildings, have been utilized for these large in- 
closures. It is quite possible that these smaller structures on the ledge 
of the mesa were l)uilt and occuj)ied at a nnicli later date than the prin- 
cipal village. PI. LIU illustrates a jiortion of the base of Taaaiyalana 
where these inclosuies appear. 

A striking feature of this ruin is the occurrence in the northeast cor- 
ner of the v^illagc of large upright slabs of stone. The largest of these 
is about 3 feet wide and stands 5^ feet out of the ground. One of the 
slabs is of such symmetrical form that it suggests skillful artificial 
treatment, but the stone was used Just as it came from a seam in the 
clitt' above. From the same seam many slabs of nearly e([ual size and 
symmetrical form have fallen out and now lie scattered about on the 
talus below. Some are remarkable for their })erfectly rectangular form, 
while all are distinguished by a notable uniformity in thickness. Close 
by, and apparently forming part of the same group, are a number of 
stones imbedded in the ground with their upper edges exposed and 
j>laced at right angles to the faces of the vertical monuments. The 
taller slabs are said by the Indians to have been erected as a defense 
against the attacks of the Apache ui)on this pueblo, but only a portion 
of the group could, from their position, have been of any use for this 


purpose. The stones jjiobably iiiiuk graves. Altliouffli thorongh ex- 
cavation of tlie hard soil could not be viudertaken, (ligf;ing to the depth 
of 18 inches revealed the same character of pottery fragments, ashes, 
et(^, found in many of the jnieblo graves. Mr. E. W. Nelson found 
identical remains in gTaves in the li'u) San Francisco region which lie 
excavated in collecting pottery. Comparatively little is known, how- 
ever, of the burial practices of this region, so it would be difficult to 
decide whether this was an ordinary nu'thod of burial or not. 

This ]meblo has been identified by Mr. Cushing, through Zuni tra- 
dition, as the scen<' of the death of Kstevanico, the negro wlio accom- 
panied the first Siiaiiish expedition to Cibola. 


Matsaki is situated on a foothill at the base of Taaaiyalana, near its 
northwestern extrenuty. This })ueblo is in about the same state of 
preservation as K'iakima, no complete rooms being traceable over most 
of the area. Traces of walls, where seen, are not uniform in direction, 
suggesting irregular grouping of the village. At two points on the 
plan rooms i)artially bounded by standing walls are found. These ap- 
pear to owe their preservation to thcii' o(cu])ation as outlooks over 
fields in the vicinity long after the destruction of the pueblo. One of 
the two rooms shows only a few feet of rather rude masonry. The 
walls of the other room, in one corner, stand the height of a full story 
above the surrounding debris, a low room under it having been par- 
tially filled up with fallen masonry and earth. The well preserved 
inner corner of the exposed room shows lumps of clay adhering here 
and there to tlie walls, the remnants of an interior corner chimney. 
No trace of the supports for a chimney hood, such as occur in the 
modern fireplaces, could be found. The form outlined against the wall 
by these slight remains indicates a rather rudely constructed feature 
which was added at a late date to the room and formed no jtart of its 
original construction. It was probably built while the room was used 
as a farming outlook. As shown on the ground plan (PI. LV), a small 
cluster of houses once stood at some little distance to the southwest of 
the main imeblo and was connected with the latter by a series of looms. 
The intervening space may have been a court. At the northern edge 
of the villagi' a ]>rimitive shrine has been erected in recent times and is 
still in use. It is rudely constructed by sinijily piling up stones to a 
height of 2.J or .'5 feet, in a rudely rectangular arrangement, Avith an 
opening on the east. This shrin<', facing east, contains an u])right slab 
of thin sandstone on which a rude sunsyinbol has been engraved. The 
governor of Zufii, in explaining the purpose of this shrine, comi)ared 
its use to that of our own astroiiomical observatories, wliich lie had 


The ruins of the small imeblo of Piiiawa occujiy a slight rise (m the 
south side of the Zufii Kiver, a short distance west of Zuui. The road 




fi-(»in Zuui to Ojo Oalieiitt' traverses the ruin. Over most of the area 
rooms can not he traeed. One (iomplete room, however, has been ])re- 
served and appears to he still occupied during the cultivation of the 
neio'hborinjr "niilpas." It is roofed over and in good condition, though 
the general character of the masonry resembles the older work. On 
the plan (Fig. 16) it will be seen that the stoues of the original masonry 
have been colIecttMl and built into a nnmlter of large inclosures, which 
have in turn been partly destroyed. Tlie positi(uis of the entrances to 
tliese inclosures can be traced by the absence of stones on the surface. 
Tiie general outline of the corral-lilcc inclosures ai>pears to have fol 
lowed coinparati\'ely well preserved i)ortions of the original wall, as 
was tiie cas(> at Ketchipauan. (PI. 


f- i-i T I "r>n "I -r I- 1 I T T - ^ t T T T - i-T-T-r-ri 

Fin. 10. I'iiKi'.va, jilan. 

On the southwest side of the puel>h>, portions ot* tlie outer wall are 
divstinctly traceable, some of the, stoiu?s bein^- still in position. This 


portion of the outline is distinguished by a curious series of curves, re- 
sembling portions of Xtitriu anil Pescado, but intersecting in an un- 
usual manner. 

The Ojo Caliente road passes between the main ruin and the stand- 
ing room above dcscril)cd. The remnants of tlie fallen masonry are so 
few and so promiscuously scattered over this area that the continuity 
of remains can not be fully traced. 

An ancient pueblo called ITaldiia is said to have belonged to the Oibolan 
group, and to have been inhabited at the time of the conquest. It occu- 
pied a portion of the site upon which the present pueblo of Zufii stands. 
A part of this ])uel)lo was built on the ojiixisite side of the river, where 
the remains of walls were encountered at a slight depth below the surface 
of the ground in excavating for the foundations of Mr. Gusbing's 
house. At that tinu^ only scattered remains of masonry were met with, 
and they furnished but little indication of details of plan or arrange- 
ment. Later — during the summer of 1888 — Mr. Gushing made exten- 
sive additions to his house on the south side of the river, and in exca- 
vating for the foundations laid bare a nunjber of small rooms. Excava- 
tion was continued until December of that year, when a large part of 
the ancient village had been exposed. PI. lvii, from a photograph, 
illustrates a portion of these remains as seen from the southwest corner 
of Zuni. The view was taken in the morning during a light fall of 
snow which, lightly covering the tops of the walls left standing in the 
excavations, sharply defined their outlines against the shadows of the 

It seems impossible to restore the entire outline of the portion of Ha- 
lona that has served as a nucleus for modern Zuni from such data as can 
be procured. At several points of the ])resent village, however, vestiges 
of the old i>ueblo can be identified. Doubtless if access could be ob- 
tained to all the innermost rooms of the pueblo some of them would 
show traces of ancient methods of construction sufficient, at least, to 
admit of a restoration of the general form of the ancient i)ueblo. At 
the time the village was surveyed such examination was not practica- 
ble. The portion of the old pueblo serving as a nucleus for later con- 
struction would probably l)e found under houses Nos. 1 and 4, forming 
practically one mass of rooms. Strangers and outsiders are not ad- 
mitted to these innermost rooms. Outcrops in the small cluster No. 2 
indicate by their position a continuous wall of the old pueblo, probably 
the external one. Portions of the ancient outer wall are probably in- 
corporated into the west side of cluster No. 1. On the north side of 
cluster No. 2 (see PI. Lxxvi) may be seen a buttress-like projection 
whose construction of small tabular stones strongly contrasts with the 
character of the surrounding walls, and indicates that it is a fragment 
of the ancient pueblo. This projecting buttress answers no purjjose 
whatever in its present position. 

^'.,^W.l. .f.Js, 



3' i >• 


■■ •fv -,- ' /-J 



The above suggestious are coiiflrmed hy another feature in the same 
house-chister. On continning the Une of this buttress through the 
governor's house we find a projeetiiig fragment of second story wall, 
the character and finish of which is clearly shown in PI. LViii. Its 
general similarity to ancient masonry and contrast with the present 
careless metliods of construction are very noticeable. The height of 
this fragment above the ground suggests that the original pueblo was 
in a very good state of preservation when it was first utilized as a 
nucleus for later additions. That portion under house No. 1 is ])robably 
e(pially well preserved. Tlie frequent renovation of rooms by the ap- 
plication of a mud coating renilers the task of determining the ancient 
portions of the cluster by the character of the masonry a very difll(!ult 
one. Ceilings would ])robably longest retain the original appearance 
of the ancient rooms as tliey are not subjected to siu'h renovation. 

Mr. Gushing thought that the outer western wall of the ancient pueblo 
was curved in outline. It is more probable, however, that it regulated 
the lines of the present outer rooms, and is refiected in them, as tlie usual 
practice of these builders was to put ont^ i>artition directly over another 
in adding to the height of a building. This would suggest a nearly rec- 
tangular form, perhaps with jogs and ott'sets, for the old builders could 
not incorporate a curved outer wall into a mass of rectangidar cells, 
such as that seen in the present pueblo. On the other hand, the outer 
wall of the original pueblo may have been outside of rooms now occu- 
pied, for the village had been abandoned for some time before the 
colony returned to the site. 


On the abandonment of the pueblos known as the Seven Cities of 
Cibola, supposed to have occurred at the time of the general uprising 
of the pueblos in 1G80, the inhabitants of all the (libolan villages sought 
refuge on the summit of Taaaiyalana, an isolated mesa, 3 miles south- 
east from Zuiii, and there built a number of pueblo clusters. 

This mesa, otherwise known as "Thunder Jlountaiu," rises to the 
height of 1,000 feet above the plain, and is almost inaccessible. There 
are two foot trails leading to the summit, each of wliich in places tra- 
verses abrupt slopes of sandstone where holes have been pecked into 
the rock to furnish foot and hand holds. From the side the 
summit of the mesa can be reached by a rough and tortuous burro trad. 
All the rest of the mesa rim is too i>recipitous to be scaled. Its appear- 
ance as seen from Zufii is shown in PI. lix. 

On tlie southern portion of this impregnable site and grouped about 
a point where nearly the whole drainage of the mesa top collects, are 
found the village remains. The Zuiiis stated that the houses were dis- 
tributed in six groups or dusters, each taking the place of one of the 
abandoned towns. Mr. Frank H. Gushing' was also under tla; impres- 

' See Millstone for April, 1884, Indianapolis, Indiana. 


sioii tliat thesis lioufses liad been built as six (listinct clusters of one vil- 
lage, and he lia.s found that at the time of the Pueblo rebellion, but .six 
of the Cibolau villages were occupied. An examination of the i)lan, how- 
ever, will at once show that no such definite scheme of arrangement 
governed tht^ liuilders. There are but three, or at most four groups that 
could be defined a.s distinct clusters, and even in the case of these the dis- 
position is so irregular and their bounchiries so ill defined, through the 
great number of outlying small groups scattered about, that they can 
hardly be considered distinct. There are really thirty-eight separate 
buildings (PI. LX) ranging in size from one of two rooms, near the southern 
extremity to one of one hundred and three rooius, situated at the south- 
western corner of the whole group and close to the western edge t)f the 
mesa where the foot trails reach the sunuuit. There is also great diver- 
sity in the arrangement of rooms. In some cases the clusters are quite 
compact, and in others the rooms are distributed in narrow rows. In 
the large cluster at the northwestern extremity the houses are arranged 
around a court; with this exception the cluster's of rooms are scattered 
about in an irregular manuer, regardless of any defensive arrangement 
of the buildings. Tiie builders evidently placed the greatest reliance 
on their impregnable site, and freely adopted such arrangement as con- 
venience dictated. 

The masonry of these villages was roughly constructed, the walls be- 
ing often less than a foot thick. Very little adobe mortar seems to have 
been used; some of the thickest and l)est preserved walls have appar- 
ently been laid nearly dry (PI. LXi). The few oi)enings still i)reserved 
also show evidence of hasty and careless construction. Over most of 
the area the debris of the fallen walls is verly clearly marked, and is but 
little encumbered with earth or drifted sand. This imparts an odd 
effect of newness to these ruins, as though the walls had recently fallen. 
The small amouut of debris suggests that the majority of these buildings 
never were more than one story high, though in four of the broadest 
clusters (see plan, PI. LX) a height of two, and |)ossibly three, stories 
may have been attained, j^ll the ruins are thickly covered by a very 
luxurious growth of braided cactus, but little of wiiich is found else- 
where in the neigh1)orhood. The extreme southeastern clustc'r, consist- 
ing of four large rooms, ditt'ers greatly in character from the rest of the 
ruins. Here the rooms or inclosures are defined only by a few stones 
on the surface of the ground and partly embedded in the soil. There is 
no trace of the debris of fallen walls. These outlined inclosures appear 
never to have been walled to any considerable height. Within one of 
the rooms is a slab of stone, about which a few ceremonial plume sticks 
have been set on end within recent times. 

Tlie motive that led to the occupation of this mesa was defense; the 
cause that led to the selection of the jjarticular site was facility for 
procuring a water supply. The trail on the west side passes a sjn-ing 
half way down the mesa. There was another spring close to the foot 



trail on tlie south side; this, liowever, was lower, Ixmiij^ almost at the 
foot of the talus. 

In addition to these water sources, the builders collected and stored 
the drainage of the mesa sunniiit near the southern gap or recess. At 
this j)oint are still seen the remains of two reservoirs or dams built of 
heavy masonry. Only a few stones are now in place, but these indicate 
unusually massive construction. Another reservoir occurs farther along 
the mesa rim to the southeast, beyond the limits of the plan as given. 
As may be seen from the plan (PI. LX) the two reservoirs at the gap 
are quite close together. These receptacles have been much filled u]> 
with sediment. PI. LXii gives a view of the principal or western- 
most reservoir as seen from the northeast. On the left are the large 
stones once incorporated in the masonry of the dam. This masonry 
appears to have originally extended around three-fourths of the circum- 
ference of the reservoir. As at Ketchipauan, previously described, the 
upper portion of the basins merged insensibly into the general drainage 
and had no detinite limit. 

The Zuni claim to have here practiced a curious method of water 
storage. They say that whenever there was snow on the ground the 
villagers would turn out in force and roll up huge snowballs, which 
were finally collected into these basins, the gradually melting snow 
furnishing a considerable quantity of water. The desert en\'ironment 
has tauglit these people to avail themselves of every expedient that 
could increase their sui)i)ly of water. 

It is proper to state that in the illustrated plan of the Taaaiyalana 
ruins the mesa margin was sketched in without the aid of instrumental 
sights, and hence is not so accurately recorded as the plans and relative 
positions of the houses. It was all that could be done at the time, and 
will sufficiently illustrate the general relation ot the buildings to the 
surrounding topograi>hy. 

All the ruins above dcvscribed bear close traditional and historic rela- 
tionship to Zuni. This is not the case with the splendidly preserved 
ancient pueblo of Kin-tiel, but the absence of such close historic con- 
nection is compensated for by its architectural interest. Differing rad- 
ically in its general ])lan from the ruins already examined, it still sug- 
gests that some resemblance to the more ancient j)()rtions of Nutria and 
Pescado, as will be seen by comparing the ground plans (Pis. lxvii 
and LXix). Its state of preservation is such that it throws light on 
details which have not survived the general destruction in the other 
jiueblos. These features will be referred to in the discussion and com- 
parison of these architectural groups by constructional details in Chap- 
ter IV. 

Tins jiueblo, located nearly midway between Cibola and Tusayan, is 
given on some of the maps as Pueblo Grande. It is situated on a small 


arm of the Pueblo Colorado wasli, li2 or 23 miles north of Navajo Springs, 
and about the same distance south from Pueblo Colorado (Ganado post- 
office). Geographically the ruins might belong to either Tusayan or 
Cibola, but Mr. Cusliiug has collected traditional references among the 
Zuni as to the occupation of this pueblo by related peoi)k'S at a time 
not far removed fi-om the first Spanish visit to this region. 

The plan (PI. LXiii) shows n. marked contrast to the irregularity seen 
in the ruins previously described. The pueblo was clearly defined by 
a continuous and unbroken outer wall, which probably extended to the 
full height of the highest stories (PI. LXIV). This symmetrical form is 
all the more remarkable in a pueblo of such large dimensions, as, with 
the exception of Pueblo Bonito of the (5haco group, it is the largest 
ancient pueblo examined by this Bureau. This village seems to belong 
to the same tyi)e as the Chaco examples, representing the highest de- 
velopment attained in building a large defensive pueblo practically as 
a single liouse. All the terraces faced upon one or more inclosed courts, 
through which acc(^ss was gained to the rooms. The oi)enings in this 
outer wall, especially near the ground, were few in number and very 
small in size, as shown in PI. civ. The pueblo was built in two wings 
of nearly equal .size on the opposite slopes of a large sandy wash, trav- 
ersing its center from east to west. This wash doubtless at one time 
furnished peculiar facilities for storage of water within or near the vil- 
lage, and this must have been one of the inducements for the selection 
of the site. At the time of our survey, however, not a drop of water 
was to be found about the ruin, nor could vestiges of any construction 
for gathering or storing water be traced. Such vestiges would not be 
likely to remain, as they must have been washed away by the violent 
summer torrents or buried under the accumulating sands. Two seasons 
subsequent to our work at this point it was learned that an American, 
digging iu some rooms on the arroyo margin, discovered the remains of 
a well or reservoir, which he cleared of sand and debris and found to 
be in good condition, furnishing so steady a water su^jply that the dis- 
coverer settled on the spot. This was not seen by the writer. There 
is a small spring, perhajys a mile from the pueldo in a northeasterly 
direction, but this source would have been wholly insufflcient for the 
needs of so large a village. It may have furnished a much more abun- 
dant supply, however, when it was in constant use, for at the time of our 
visit it seemed to be choked up. About a mile and a half west quite a 
lagoon forms from the collected drainage of several broad valleys, and 
contains water for a long time after the cessation of the rains. About 
6 miles to the north, in a depression of a broad valley, an extensive lake 
is situated, aud its supply seems to be constant throughout the year, 
except, perhajts, during an unusually dry season. These various bodies 
of water were luidoubtedly utilized in the horticulture of the occupants 
of Kintiel; in fact, near the borders of the larger lake referred to is a 
small house of two rooms, much similar in workmanship to the main 

» 7 

'^ / ^J3>E\ L^'.^U/ ( 



pueblo, evidently (lesii;n('(l ;is iiu outlook over fields. This buildiug is 
illustrated iu PI. Lxvi. 

The arniujieineut of the inner houses differs in the two halves of the 
ruin. It will be seen that in the north half tlie general arrangement is 
roughly parallel with the outer walls, with the exception of a small 
group near the east end of the arroyo. In the south half, on the other 
hand, the inner rows are nearly at right angles to the outer room clus- 
ters. An examination of the C(mtours of the site will reveal the cause 
of this difference in the different configuration of the slopes in the two 
oases. In the south half the rows of rooms have been built on two 
long projecting ridges, and tlie diverging small cluster in the nortii lalf 
owes its direction to a similar cause. The line of outer wall being once 
fixed as a defensive bulwark, there seems to have been but little restric- 
tion in the adjustment of the inner buildings to conform to the irregu- 
larities of the site. (PL lxiii.) 

Only three clearly defined means of access to the interior of the pueblo 
could be found in the outer walls, and of these only two were suitable 
for general use. One was at a reentering angle of the outer wall, just 
south of the east end of the arroyo, where the north wall, continued 
across the arroyo, overlaps the outer wall of the south half, and the 
other one was near the rounded northeastern corner of the pueblo. The 
third opening was a doorway of ordinary size in the thick north wall. 
It seems probable that other gateways once existed, especially in the 
south half From' its larger size and more compact arrangement this 
south half w(nild seem to have greatly needed such facilities, but the 
preserved walls show no trace of them. 

The ground plan furiushes indications, mostly in the north half, of 
sevei'al large rooms of circular form, but broken down remains of square 
rooms are so much like those of round ones in appearance, owing to the 
greater amount of debris that collects at the corners, that it could not 
be definitely determined that the ceremonial rooms here were of the 
circular form so common iu the ancient pueblos. While only circidar 
kivas have been found associated with ancient pueblos of this tyjie, the 
kivas of all the (Jil)ola ruins above (Uvscribeil are said by the Zunis to 
have been rectangular. The ([uestion can be decided for this pueblo only 
by excavation on a larger scale than the party was prepared to under- 
take. Slight excavation at a ]>oint where a round room was indicated 
on the surface, revealed portions of straight walls only. 

The la rge size of tlie refuse heap on the south side of the village indi- 
cates that tlie site hatl been occupied for many generations. Notwith- 
standing this long period of occupation, no important structure of the 
village seems to have extended beyond the plan. On the north side, 
outside the main wall, are seen several rectangles faintly outlined by 
stones, but these do not appear to have been rooms. They resemble 
similar inclosures seen in connection with ruined pueblos farther south, 
which xjroved on excavation to contain graves. 



The positions of the few excavations made are indicated on t'lc phin 
(PI. LXiii). Our facilities for such work were most meager, and what- 
ever results were secured were reached at no j-reat distance from the 
surface. One of these excavations, illustrated in PI. C, will be described 
at greater length in Chapter iv. 


Xutria is the smallest of tlic three farming pueblos of Zuni, and is 
located about 2.'5 miles l)y trail iu)rtht'ast from Zuni at the head of 
Nutria valley. The water supply at this point is abundant, and fur- 
nishes a running stream largely utilized in irrigating fields in the vicinity. 
Most of the village is compactly arranged, as may be seen ti'om the 
plan (PI. LXVii and Pig. 17), but a few small clusters of late construc- 
tion, containing two or three rooms each, arc situated toward the east 
at quite a distance from tlie principal group. It is now occupied solely 
as a farming jnuiblo during the planting and harvesting season. 

The outline of this small ])uel)lo differs greatly from tlios(^ of most of 
the Cibolan villages. Tlic village (PI. LXViii), i)articularly in its north- 
ernmost cluster, somewhat approximates the form of the ancient jmeblo 
of Kin-tiel (PI. lxiii), and has api>arently l)eeii built on the remains of 
an older village of somewhat corrcs[)onding form, as indicated by its 
curved outer wall. Fragments of carefully constructed masonry of the 
ancient tyi)e, contrasting noticeably with the surrounding modcriL con- 
struction, afford additional e\idencc of this. Tlic ancient village Tnust 
have been provided originally with cerenionial rooms or kivas, imt no 
traces of such rooms are now to be found. 

tNT ^^A5o^vQ^ 

Vm. 17. Nutria. jiLaii: small (liajjjrain. nlil w-all. 

At the dose of the harvest, when the season of feasts and ceremonials 
begins, lasting through most of the winter, the occupants of these farm- 






iiij; villages close up their houses and move back to the main pueblo 
leaving them untenanted until the succeeding spring. 

The great number of abandoned and ruined rooms is very noticeable 
in the farming pueblos illustrated in this and two of the succeediug 
plans (Pis. LXix and Lxxiii). The families that farm in their vicinity 
seem to occupy scarcely more than half of the available rooms. 

This village, also a Znui farming pueblo, is situated in a large valley 
about 12 miles northeast from Zuui. Although it is much larger than 
Nutria it is wholly comprised withiu the compact group illustrated. 
The tendency to build small detached houses noticed at Nuti'ia and at 
OJo (laliente has not manifested itself here. The prevalence of abau- 
doned and roofless houses is also noticeable. 



Fig. 18. Pescado, plau, uld wall diagi-iuu. 

The outlines of the original court inclosing i)ueblo (PI. LXX) are very 
clearly marked, as the farming Zuuis in their use of this site have 
scarcely gone outside of the original limits of the ancient pueblo. The 
jilan, PI. LXIX and Fig. 18, shows a small irregular row built in the large 
inclo.sed court; this row, with the iuclosures and corrals that surround 
it, iirobably formed no part of the original plan. The full curved out- 
line is broken only at the west end of the village by small additions to 
the outer wall, and the north and east walls also closely follow the 
boundary of the original pueblo. In fact, at two points along the north 
wall fragments of carefully executed masonry, jirobably forming part 
of the external wall of the ancient pueblo, are still jireserved (PI. lxxii). 
This outer wall was probably once continuous to the full height of the 


pueblo, but the partial restorations of the buildings by the Zuui fanners 
resemble more closely the modern arrangeraeiit. Small rooms have 
beeu atlded to the outside of the cluster and in some cases the terraces 
are reached by external stone steps, in contrast ^vith the defensive 
arrangement prevailing generally in pueblos of this form. A number 
of dome-shaped ovens have been liuilt outside the walls. 

Tlie piincipleof ])ueblo plan embodied in Kiu-tiel, before referred to, 
is traceable in this village witli particular clearness, distinguishing it 
from most of the Cibolan pueblos. No traces of kivas were met with 
in this village. 


The farming village of ()jo dalicnte is located near the dry wash of 
the Zuui liiver, and is about l'> miles distant from Zuni, in a southerly 
direction. It is about midway between Hawikuh and Ketchipauau, two 
of the seveu cities of (Ubola above described. Tliough situated in fer- 
tile and well watered country and (-lose to the remains of the ancient 
villages, it bears indications of having l)een built in comparatively 
recent times. There are no such evidences of connection with an older 
village as were found at Nutria and Peseado. The irregular and small 
clusters that form this village are widely scattered over a rather rough 
and broken site, as shown on the plan (PI. lxxiii). Here again a large 
portion of the village is untenanted. The large cluster toward the 
eastern extremity of the group, and the adjoining houses situated on 
the low, level ground, compose the present inhabited village. The houses 
occupying the elevated rocky sites to the west (PI. Lxxiv) are in an 
advanced stage of decay, aiul have been for a long time abandoned. 

This southern portion of the Cibola district seems to have been much 
exposed to the inroads of the Apache. One of the eftects of this has 
already been noticed in the defensive arrangement in the Ketchipauau 
church. On account of such danger, the Zuui were likely to have built 
the first house-clusters here on the highest points of the rocky promon- 
tory, notwithstanding the comparative inconvenience of such sites. 
Later, as the farmers gained confidence or as times became safer, they 
built houses down on the flat now occupied ; but this apparently was 
not done all at once. The distribution of the houses over sites of vary- 
ing degrees of inaccessibility, suggests a succession of approaches to 
the occupation of the open and unprotected valley. 

Some of the masonry of this village is carelessly constructed, and, as 
in the other farming pueblos, there is nuu'h less adobe plastering and 
smoothing of outer walls than in the home pueblo. 

At the time of the survey the occupation of this village throughout 
the year was proposed by several families, who wished to resort to the 
parent village only at stated ceremonials and im])ortant festivals. The 
comparative security of recent times is thus tending to the disintegra- 
tion of the huge central pueblo. This result must be inevitable, as the 








zuNi. 97 

dying- out of tho dofeasive motive briugs about a realization of the 
great iucouveuieuce of the present centralized system. 

The pueblo of Zuiii is built upou a small kuoll ou the north bank of 
the Zuili River, about three miles west of the conspicuous mesa of Taa- 
aiyalana. It is the successor of all the original " Seven Cities of Cibola" 
of the Spaniards, and is the largest of the modern pueblos. As before 
stated, the remains of Halona, one of the "seven cities," as identified 
by Mr. Gushing, have served as a nucleus for the construction of the 
modern pueblo, and have been incorporated into the most densely clus- 
tered portions, represented on the plan (PI. LXXVi) by numbers 1 and 4. 

Some of the Cibolan villages were valley pueblos, built at a distance 
from the rocky mesas and canyons that must have served as quarries for 
the stone used in biulding. The Halona site was of this tjqie, the 
nearest supply of stone being '.i miles distant. At this point (Halona) 
the Zuiii River is perennial, and furnishes a plentiful supply of water 
at all seasons of the year. It disappears, however, a few miles west in 
a broad, sandy wash, to appear again 20 miles below the village, prob- 
ably through the accession of small streams from springs farther down. 
The so-called river furnishes the sole water sujjply at Zuiii, with the 
exception of a single well or reservoir on tlie north side of the village. 

Zuui has been built at a point having no special advantages for de- 
fense; convenience to large areas of tillable soil has api)arently led to 
the selection of the site. This has subjected it in part to the same 
influences that had at an earlier date produced the carefully walled 
fortress pueblos of the valleys, where the defensive efliciency was due 
to well planned and constructed buildings. The result is that Zuui, 
while not comparable in symmetry to many of the ancient examples, 
disi)lays a remarkably c(jmi(act arrangement of dwellings in the por- 
tions of the pueblos first occupied, designated on the plan (PI. lxxvi) 
as houses 1 and 4. Owing to this restriction of lateral expansion this 
l)ortion of the pueblo has been carried to a great height. 

PI. Lxxviii gives a general view of these higher terraces of the village 
from the southeast. A height of five distinct terraces from the ground 
is attained on the south side of this cluster. The same point, however, 
owing to the irregularity of the site, is only three terraces above the 
gr(jund on the north side. The summit of the knoll ujjon which the 
older portion of Zuiii has been built is so uneven, and the liouses them- 
selves vary so nuich in dimensions, that the greatest disparity prevails 
in the height of terraces. A three-terrace portion of a cluster may have 
but two terraces immediately alongside, and throughout the more closely 
built poi'tions of the village the exposed height of terraces varies from 
1 foot to 8 or 10 feet. PI. lxxix illustrates this feature. 

The growth of the village has apparently been far beyond the origi- 
nal expectation of the builders, and the crowded additions seem to have 
8 ETH 7 


been joined to the clusters wherever the deinand for more space was 
most urgent, without followiug any definite plan in their arrangement. 
In such of the ancient pueblo ruins as afford evidence of having passed 
through a similar exijerience, the crowding of additional cells seems to 
have beeu luade to conform to some extent to a i>redetermined plan. 
At Kin-tiel we have seen how such additions to the number of habitable 
rooms could readily be made within the open court without affecting 
the symmetry and defensive etticiency of the pueblo; but here the 
nucleus of the large clusters was small and compact, so that enlarge- 
ment has taken i)lace only by the addition of rooms on the outside, both 
on the ground and on upper terraces. 

The highest point of Zuni, now showing iive terraces, is said to havehad 
a height of seven terraces as late as the middle of the present century, 
but at the time of the survey of the village no traces were seen of such 
additional stories. The toi) of the present fifth terrace, however, is 
more than 50 feet long, and affords sufficient space for the addition of 
a sixth and seventh story. 

The court or i)laza in which the church (PI. Lxxx) stands is so much 
larger than sudi iuclosures usually are wheu incorporated in a pueblo 
plan that it seems unlikely to have formed part of the original village. 
It probably resulted from locating the church prior to the construction 
of the eastern rows of the village. Certain features in the houses them- 
selves indicate the later date of these rows. 

The arrangement of dwellings about a court (Pl.LXXxrr), characteristic 
of the ancient pueblos, is likely to have prevailed in the small i)ueblo of 
Haloua, abovit which clustered the many irregular houses that consti- 
tute modern Zufii. Occasional traces of such au arrangement are still 
met with in portions of Zuni, although nearly all of the ancient pueblo 
has been covered with rooms of later date. In the arrangement of Zuiii 
houses a noticeable difference in the manner of clustering is found in 
different parts of the pueblo. That jjortion designated as house Xo. 1 
on the plan, built over the remains of the original small ]meblo, is un- 
questionably the oldest portion of the village. The clustering seems to 
have gone on around this center to au extraordinary and exceptional 
extent before any houses were built in other portions. House No. 4 is 
a portion of the same structure, for although a street or passageway 
intervenes it is covered with two or three terraces, indicating that such 
connection was established at an early date. The rows on the lower 
ground to the east (PI. lxxxi), where the rooms are not so densely 
clustered, were built after the removal of the defensive motive that in- 
fluenced the construction of the central pile. These portions, arranged 
apiiroximately in rows, show a marked resemblance to pueblos of known 
recent date. That they were built subsequently to the main clusters 
is also indicated by the abundant use of oblique openings and roof holes, 
where there is very little necessity for such contrivances. This feature 
was originally devised to meet the exceptional conditions of lighting 


zuNi. 99 

imposed by dense crowding of 'he living rooms. It will be referred to 
again in examining tlie details (tf openings, ami its wide departure from 
the arrangement found to prevail generally in pueblo constructions will 
there be noted. The habit of Tnaking such provisions for lighting inner 
rooms became fixed and was applied generally to many clusters much 
smaller in size than those of other pueblos where this feature was not 
developed and where the necessity for it was not felt. These less 
crowded rooms of more recent construction form the eastern portion of 
the pueblo, and also include the governor's house on th§ south side. 

The old ceremonial rooms or kivas, and the rooms for the meeting of 
the various orders or secret societies were, during the Spanish occu- 
pancy, crowded into the innermost recesses of this ancient portion of 
Zuni under house No. 1. But the kiv\as, in all likelihood, occupied a 
more marginal position before such foreign influence was brought to 
bear on them, as do some of the kivas at the present time, and as is the 
general practice in other modern j)ueblos. 




In tlie two preceding chapters the more general features of form and 
distribution in the ruined and inhabited pueblos of Tusayan and Cibola 
have been described. In order to gain a full and definite idea of the 
architectural acquirements of the pueblo builders it will be necessary 
to examine closely the constructional details of their present houses, 
endeavoring, when practicable, to compare these details with the rather 
meager vestiges of siuiilar features that have survived the destruction 
of the older villages, noting the extent to which these have departed 
from early types, and, where practicable, tracing the causes of such 
deviation. For convenience of comparison the various details of house- 
buildiug for tlic two groups will be treated togetlici-. 

Tlu! writer is indebted to Mr. A. M. Stei)hen, the wjllector of the tra- 
ditionary data already given, for information concerning the rites con- 
nected with house building at Tusayan incorporated in the following 
pages, and also for tlie carefully collected and valuable nomenclature 
of architectural details appended hereto. Material of this class per- 
taining to the Cibola group of pueblos unfortunately could not be pro- 



The ceremonials connected with house building in Tusayan are quite 
meager, but tlu' various steps in the ritual, described in their proper 
connection in the following jjaragraphs, are well defined and definitely 
assigned to those who ijarticijiate in the construction of the buildings. 

So far as could be ascertained there is no prearranged plan for an 
entire house of several stories, or for the arrangement of contiguous 
houses. Most of the ruins examined em])l'asize this absence of a 
clearly defined general plan governing the location f)f rooms added to 
the original cluster. Two notable exceptions to this want of definite 
plan occur among the ruins described. In Tusayan the Fire House (Fig. 
7) is evidently the result of a clearly defined purpose to give a definite 
form to the entire cluster, just as, on a very much larger scale, does 
the ruin of Kin-tiel, belonging to the Cibola grouj) (PI. lxiii). In both 
these cases the fixing of the outer wall on a definite line seems to have 



Scale. _. 
§0 100 150 Feet. 

I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 1 M I I I I I I i-rrrH 


been regarded as of uKire importaiiee than the specific locations of iu- 
di\'idual rooms or dwellings within this outline. Througliout that part 
of Tusayan which has been examined, however, the single room seems 
now to be regarded as the pueblo unit, and is spoken of as a complete 
house. It is the construction of such a house unit that is here to be 

A suitable site having beeu selected, the builder considers what the 
dimensions of the house should be, and these he measures by ijaces, 
placing a stone or other mark at each corner. He then goes to the 
woods and cuts a sufficient number of timbers for the roof of a length 
corresponding to the width of his house. Stones are also gathered and 
roughly dressed, and in all these operations he is assisted by his friends, 
usually of his own gens. These assistants receive no compensation 
except their food, but that of itself entails considerable expense on the 
builder, and causes him to l)uil(l his house with as few helpers as 

The material having been accumulated, the builder goes to the village 
chief, who prepares for him four small eagle feathers. The chief ties a 
short cotton string to the stem of each, sprinkles them with votive 
meal, and breathes upon them his prayers for the welfare of the pro- 
posed house and its occupants. These feathers are called ISTakwa 
kwoci, a term meaning a breathed prayer, and the prayers are addressed 
to Mdsauwu, the Sun, and to other deities concerned in house-life. 
These feathers are placed at the four corners of the house and a large 
stone is laid over each of them. The builder then decides where the 
door is to be located, and marks the place by setting some food on each 
side of it ; he then passes around the site from right to left, sprinkling 
piki crumbs and other particles of food, mixeil with native tobacco, 
along the lines to be occupied by the walls. As he sprinkles this offer- 
ing he sings to the Sun his Kitdauwi, house song: "• Si-ai, a-hai, si-ai, 
a-hai." The meaning of these words the people have now forgotten. 

Mr. Stephen has been informed by the Indians that the man is a ma- 
son and the woman the plasterer, the house belonging to the wt)mari 
when finished; but according to my own observation this is not the 
universal practice in modern Tusayan. In the case of the house in 
Oraibi, illustrated in PI. XL from a photograph, much, if not all, of the 
masonry was laid, as well as finished and plastered, by the woman 
of the house and her female relati\'es. There was but one man present 
at this house-building, whose grudgingly performed duty consisted of 
lifting the larger roof beams and lintels into jilace and of giving occa- 
sional assistance in the heavier work. The ground about this house 
was strewn with quantities of broken stone for masonry, which seemed 
to be all prepared and brought to the spot before building began ; but 
often the various divisions of the work are carried on by both men and 
women simultaneously. While the men were dressing the stones, the 
■women brought earth and water and mixed a mud plaster. Then the 
walls were laid in irregular courses, using the mortar very sparingly. 


The liouse is always built in the form of a parallelogram, the walls 
being fi-om 7 to 8 feet high, and of irregnlar thickness, sometimes vary- 
ing from 15 to 22 inches in different i)arts of the same wall. 

Pine, pinon, juniper, cottonwood, willow, and indeed all the available 
trees of the region are used in house construction. The main beams 
for the roof are usually of pine or cottonwood, from which the bark has 
been stripped. The roof is always made nearly level, and the ends of 
the beams are placed across the side walls at intervals of about 2 feet. 
Above these are laid smaller poles parallel with the side walls, and not 
more than a foot apart. Across these again are laid reeds or small 
willows, as close together as they can be placed, and above this series 
is crossed a layer of grass or small twigs and weeds. Over this frame- 
work a layer of mud is spread, which, after drying, is covered with 
earth and firmly trodden down. The making of the roof is the work of 
the women. When it is finished the women proceed to spread a thick 
coating of nnid for a floor. After this follows the application of plaster 
to the walls. Formerly a custom i)revai]cd of lea\-ing a small space on 
the wall nnplastered, a belief then existing that a certain Katchina 
came and finished it, and although the space remained bare it was con- 
sidered to be covered with an invisible plaster. 

The house b(>ing thus far completed, the builder prepares four feath- 
ers similar to those prepared by the chief, and ties them to a short piece 
of willow, the end of which is inserted over one of the central roof 
beams. These feathers are renewed every year at the feast of Soyal- 
yina, celebrated in December, when the sun begins to return north 
■ward. The builder also makes an offering to M^sauwu (called "feed- 
ing the house") by placing fragments of food among the rafters, be- 
seeching him not to hasten the departure of any of the tamily to the 
under ■world. 

A hole is left in one corner of the roof, and under this the woman 
builds a fireplace and chimney. The former is usually but a small 
cavity about a foot square in the corner of the floor. Over this a chim- 
ney hood is constructed, its lower rim being about 3 feet above the 

As a rule the house has no eaves, the roof being finished with a 
stone coping laid flush with the wall and standing a few inches higher 
than the roof to preserve the earth covering from being blown or washed 
away. lioof-drains of various materials are also commonly inserted in 
the copings, as AviU be described later. 

All the natives, as far as could be ascertained, regard this single- 
roomed house as being complete in itself, but they also consider it the 
nucleus of the larger structure. When more space is desired, as when 
the daughters of the house marry and require room for themselves, 
another house is built in front of and adjoining the first one, and a sec- 
ond story is often added to the original house. The same ceremony is 
observed in building the ground story in front, but there is no cere- 
mony for the second and additional stories. 

Mr J-" * <. '*■* 




Auawita (war-chief of Sichumovi) describes the house iu Walpi iu 
which he was boru as having had iive rooms on the ground floor, and 
as being four stories liigli, but it was terraced both in ft'ont and rear, 
bis sisters and tlieir families occupying the rear portion. The fourth 
story consisted of a single room and had terraces on two opposite sides. 
This old house is now very dilapidated, and the greater portion of the 
walls have beeu carried away. There is no prescribed position for com- 
municating doorways, but the outer doors are usually placed iu the 
lee walls to avoid the prevailing southwest winds. 

Formerly on the approach of cold weather, ami to some extent the 
custom still exists, i)eople withdrew from the upper stories to the ki- 
koli rooms, where they huddled together to keep warm. Economy in 
the cousumption of fuel also prompted this ex])(Mlient; but these ground- 
floor rooms forming tlie first terrace, as a rule having no external door- 
ways, and entered from without by meaus of a roof hatchway provided 
with a ladder, are ordinarily used only for purposes of storage. Even 
their roofs are largely utilized for the temporary storage of many house- 
hold articles, and iu the autunm, after the harvests have been gathered, 
the terraces and copings are often covered with drying peaches, and the 
peculiar long strips into which jjumpkins and squashes have been cut 
to facilitate their desiccation for winter use. Amoug other things the 
household supply of wood is sometimes piled up at one end of this ter- 
race, but more commonly the natives have so many otlier uses for this 
space that tlie sticks of fuel are piled ui) on a rude projecting skeleton 
of poles, supported on one side by two upright forked sticks set into 
the ground, and on the other resting upon the stone coping of the wall, 
as illustrated iu Fig. 19. At other times poles are laid across a re- 

FiQ. 19. A Tuaayuu wood rack. 

entering angle of a house and used as a wood ra(^k, without any sup- 
port from the ground. At the autumn season not only is the available 
space of the first terrace fully utilized, but every projecting beam or 
stick is covered with strings of drying meat or squashes, and many 
long poles are extended between convenient points to do temporary 


duty as additional drying racks. There was in all cases at least one 
fli'eplace on the inside in the upj)er stories, but the cooking was done 
on the terraces, usually at the end of the tirst or kikoli roof. This is 
still a general custom, and the end of the first terrace is usually walled 
up and roofed, and is called tupubi. Tunia is the name of the fiat 
baking-stone used in the houses, but the flat stone used for baking at 
the kisi in the field is called tupubi. 

Kikoli is the name of the ground story of the house, which has no 
opening in the outer wall. 

The term for the terraced roofs is ihiiobi, and is applied to all of 
them; but the tupatca ihpobi, or third terrace, is the place of general 
resort, and is regarded as a common loitering place, uo one claiming 
distinct ownership. This is suggestive of an early communal dwelling, 
but nothing definite can now be ascertained on this point. In this con- 
nection it may also be noted that the eldest sister's house is regarded 
as their home by her younger brothers and her nieces and nephews. 

Aside from the tupubi, there are uumerous small rooms especially 
constructed for baking the thin, paper like bread called piki. These 
are usually not more than from 5 to 7 feet high, with interior dimensions 
not larger than 7 feet by 10, and they are called tumcokobi, the place 
of the flat stone, tuma being the name of the stone itself, and tcok 
describing its flat position. Many of the ground-floor rooms in the 
dwelling houses are also devoted to this use. 

The terms above are those more commonly used in referring to the 
houses and their leading features. A more exhaustive vocabulary of 
architectiu-al terms, comprising those especially applied to the various 
constructional features of the kivas or ceremonial rooms, and to the 
"kisis," or temporary brush shelters for field use, will be found near 
the end of this paper. 

The only trace of a traditional \illage plan, or arrangement of con- 
tiguous houses, is found in a meager mention in some of the traditions, 
that rows of houses were built to inclose the kiva, and to form an 
appropriate place for the public dances and x^rocessions of masked 
dancers. ISTo definite ground plan, however, is ascribed to these tradi- 
tional court-inclosing houses, although at one period in the evolution 
of this defensive type of architecture they must have partaken some- 
what of the symmetrical grouping found on the Eio Chaco and else- 


In the older and more symmetrical examples there was doubtless 
some effort to distribute the various gentes, or at least the i^hratries, in 
definite quarters of the village, as stated traditionally. At the present 
day, however, there is but little trace of such loc^alization. In the case 
of Oraibi, the largest of the Tusayan villages, Mr. Stephen has with 
great care and patience ascertained the distribution of the various 
gentes in the village, as recorded on the accompanying skeleton |)lan 



(PI. xxxvii). An cxaiiiiimtiou ot' tlic diasriuu in connection with the 
appended list of tlie families occupying Oraibi will at ouce show that, 
however clearly defined may have been the quarters of various gentes 
in the tradition<il ^^llage, the greatest confusion prevails at the present 
time. The families numerically most impfU'tant, such as the Reed, 
Coyote, Lizard, and Badger, are represented in all of the larger house 

Families oeci/jyi/iiig Oraibi. 
[See bouse jilan — house numbers iu blue.] 

1. Kokop wiuwiih Burrowing owl. 

2. Pikyas nyuiuuh Youug roni plant. 

3. Bakab winwuli Reetl ( I'liraymiten communis). 

4. Tuwa winwuh Sand. 

5. Tilap nyumnh Jack rabbit. 

6. Honan winwnh Badger. 

7. Isu win wuh Coyote. 

8. See 3 Reed. 

9. Kukute winwith Lizard. 

10. Honau nyumuh Bear. 

11. Honau Bear. 

12. See 3 Reed. 

13. See 7 Coyote. 

14. Tcuin Rattlesnake. 

15. Awat Bow. 

16. Kokuan Spider. 

17. See 9 Lizard. 

18. See 3 Reed. 

19. See 1 Burrowing owl. 

20. See 1 Burrowing owl. 

21. See 5 Rabbit. 

22. See 9 Lizard. 

23. See 9 Lizard. 

23i.See 9 Lizard. 

24. See 2 Youug corn. 

25. Gyazro nyuuiuh Paroquet. 

26. See 2 Young corn. 

27. Kwah nyumuh Eagle. 

28. See 7 Coyote. 

29. See 27 Eagle. 

30. See 9 Lizard. 

3L See9 Lizard. 

32. See 7 Coyote. 

33. See 7 Coyote. 

34. See 2 Y'ouug corn. 

35. See 6 Badger. 

36. See 16 Spider. 

37. Batun win wuh 

38. See 15 Bow. 

39. See 15 Bow. 

40. See 1 Burrowing owl. 

41. See 1 Burrowing owl. 

42. See 6 Badger. 

43. Tdawuh win wuh Sun. 


44. See 1 Burrowing owJ. 

45. See 25 Paroquet. 

46. See 1 Burrowiug owl. 

47. See 1 Burrowing owl. 

48. See3 Reed. 

49. See 3 Reed. 

50. See 3 Reed. 

51. See 3 Reed. 

52. See 27 Eagle. 

53. See 25 Paroquet. 

54. See 1 Burrowing owl. 

55. See 5 Rabbit. 

56. See 9 Lizard. 

57. Pobol wiiuvnli Moth. 

58. See 6 Badger. 

59. See 5 Rabbit. 

60. See 5 Rabbit. 

61. See 7 Coyote. 

62. See 7 Coyote. 

63. Atoko winwuh Crane. 

64. See 3 Reed. 

65. See 9 Lizard. 

66. Keli iiy uiiiuli Hawk. 

67. See 7 Coyote. 

68. See 43 Sun. 

69. K wan nyumuh Mescal cake. 

70. See 27 Eagle. 

71. See 27 Eagle. 

72. See 2 Corn. 

73. See 6 Badger. 

74. See 7 Coyote. 

75. See 7 Coyote. 

76. See 27 Eagle. 

77. See 3 Reed. 

78. See 3 Reed. 

79. See 3 Keed. 

80. See 9 Lizard. 

81. See 43 Sun. 

«2. See 25 Paroquet. 

«3. See 9 Lizard. 

«*• See 9 Lizard. 

85. See 43 Sun. 

86. See 3 Reed. 

87. See 3 Reed. 

88. See 7 Coyote. 

«9. See 3 Reed. 

flO. Vacant. 

51. See 2 Corn. 

52. See 25 Paroquet. 

53. See 25 Paroquet. 

34. See 10 Bear. 

95- See 19 Bear." 

96. See 4 Sand. 

ST. See 4 Sand. 

98- See4 gand. 

99- See 3 Keed. 



ScaJe r 

" 50 ira uoFect. 

5 j-i I I I . I I I I 1 I I I I I I I I I r I j I I I I I I 

i ■" -/"^ ! 100 O 



100. See 2 Corn. 

101. See 2 Corn. 

102. See 7 Coyote. 

103. See 7 Coyote. 

104. See 3 Reed. 

105. See 3 Reed. 

106. See 3 Reed. 

107. See 5 Rabbit. 

108. See 7 Coyote. 

109. See 5 Rabbit. 

110. See 5 Rabbit. 

111. See 3 Reed. 

112. See .5 Rabbit. 

113. Vacant. 

114. Vacant. 

115. See 3 Reed. 

116. See 6 Badger. 

117. See 43 Sun. 

118. See 7 Coyote. 

119. See 43 Snii. 

120. See 5 Rabbit. 

121. See 43 Sun. 

122. See 3 Reed. 

123. See 4 Sand. 

124. See 4 Sand. 

125. See 3 Reed. 

126. See 3 Rees^l. 

127. See 43 Sun. 

128. See 2 Corn. 

129. See 9 Lizard. 

130. See 4 Sand. 

131. See 4 Sand. 

132. See 7 Coyote. 

133. See 9 Lizard. 

134. See 25 Paroquet. 

135. See 25 Paroquet. 

136. Sec 6 Badger. 

137. See 6 Badger. 

138. Vacant. 

139. See 10 Bear. 

140. See 3 Ree.L 

141. See 25 Paroquet. 

142. See 25 Paroquet. 

143. See 43 Sun. 

144. See 5 Rabbit. 

145. See 15 Bow. 

146. Vacant. 

147. See 6 Badger. 

148. Katcin iiyuniuh Katcina. 

149. See 7 Coyote. 

150. See 6 Badger. 

151. See 6 Badger. 

152. See 6 B.adger. 

153. See 6 Badger. 



Reed families 25 

Coyote families 17 

Lizard families 14 

Badger iiimilies 13 

Rabbit families 11 

Eagle families 6 

Bear families 5 

Bow families 4 

Spider families 2 

Counting No. 23 J, tliis makes 154 houses; 149 occupied, 5 vacant. 

Paroquet families 10 

Owl families 9 

Corn families 9 

Suu families 9 

Sand families 8 

Snake, Squash, Moth, Crane, Hawk, Mescal cake, Katcina, one each. 

No tradition of gentile localization was discovered in Cibola. Not- 
withstanding the decided difference in the f>eneral arrangements of 
rooms in the eastern and western portions of the village, the archi- 
tectural evidence does not indicate the construction of the various 
portions of the present Zuni by distinct groups of people. 


On account of the purpose for wliich much of the architectural data 
here given were originally obtained, viz, for the construction of large 
scale models of the pueblos, the material is much more abundant for 
the treatment of exterior than of interior details. Still, when the walls 
and roof, with all their attendant features, have been fully recorded, lit- 

FlG. 20. Interior ground plan of a Tuaayan room. 

tie remains to be described about a pueblo house ; for such of its interior 
details as do not connect with the external features are of the simplest 
character. At the time of the survey of these pueblos no exhaustive 
study of the interidr of the houses was practicable, but the illustrations 
present tyiiical dwelling rooms fi-om both Tusayan and Zuni. As a rule 
the rooms are smaller in Tusayan than at Zufn. 

The illustration. Fig. 20, shows the ground plan of a second-story 
room of Mashonguavi. This room measures 12 by 12^ feet, and is con- 



siderably below the average size of the rooms in these viUages. A x)io- 
jectiiig buttress or pier in the middle of the east wall divides that end 
of the room into two portions. One side is provided with facilities for 
storage in the construction of a bench or ledge, used as a shelf, 3 feet 
high from the floor; antl a small inclosed triangidar bin, built directly 
on the floor, by fixing a thin slab of stone into the masonry. The whole 
construction has been treated with the usual coating of mud, which 
has afterwards been whitewashed, with the exception of a 10-inch band 
that encircles the whole room at the floor line, occupying the j)osition of 
a baseboard. The other side of the di\'iding piev forms a recess, that 
is wholly given up to a series of metates or mealing stones; an indis- 
pensable feature of every pueblo household. It is (piite common to find 
a series of metates, as in the present instance, filling the entire avail- 
able width of a recess or bay, and leaving only so much of its depth be- 
hind the stones as will afford floor space for the kneeling women who 
grind the corn. In larger open apartments undivided by buttress or 
pier, the metates are usually built in or near one corner. They are al- 
ways so arranged that those who operate them face the middle of the 
room. The floor is simply a smoothly plastered dressing of clay of the 
same character as the usual external roof covering. It is, in fact, simply 
the roof of the room below smoothed and finished with special care. 
Such ai>artments, even in upper stories, are sometimes carefully paved 
over the entire surface with large flat slabs of stone. It is often difticult 
to procure rectangular slabs of sufldcient size for this purpose, but the 
irregularities of outline of the large flat stones are very skillfully inter- 
fitted, furnishing, when finished, a smoothly paved floor easily swept and 
kept clean. 

On the right of the doorway as one enters this house are the fireplace 
and chimney, biult in the coi'uer of the room. In this case the chimney 
hood is of semicircular form, as indicated on the plan. The entire 
chimney is illustrated in Fig. 62, which represents the typical curved 
form of hood. In the corner of the left as one enters are two ollas, or 
water jars, which are always kept filled. On the floor near the water 
jars is indicated a jug or canteen, a form of vessel used for bringing in 
water from the springs and wells at the foot of the mesa. At Zuiii 
water seems to be all brought directly in the ollas, or water jars, in 
which it is kept, this canteen form not being in use for the purpose. 

The entrance doorway to this house, as indicated on the plan, is set 
back or stepped on one side, a type of opening which is quite common 
in Tusaviin. This form is illustrated in Fig. 84. 

This room has three windows, all of very small size, but it has no 
interior communication with any other room. In this respect it is ex- 
ceptional. Ordinarily rooms communicate with others of the cluster. 

PI. Lxxxv shows another typical Tusayan interior in perspective. It 
illustrates essentially the same arrangement as does the preceding ex- 
ample. The room is much larger than the one above described, and it 


is divided midway of its leugtli by a similar buttress. This buttress 
supports a heavy girder, thus admitting of the use of two tiers of floor 
beams to spau the whoh' length of the room. The flrei)lac'e and chim- 
ney are similar to those described, as is also the single compartment 
for mealiug stones. In this case, however, this portion of the room is 
quite large, and the row of mealing stones is built at right angles to its 
back wall and not parallel with it. 

The right-hand portion of the room is provided with a long, straight 
pole susi)ended from the roof beams. This is a common ft^ature iu both 
Tusayan and Zuui. The jjole is used for the suspension of the house- 
hold stock of blankets and other garments. Tlie windows of this house 
are small, and two of them, iu the right-hand division of the room, have 
been roughly sealed uj) with masonry. 

PI. Lxxxvi illustrates a tj^jical Zuiii interior. In this instance the 
example happens to be rather larger than the average room. It will 
be noticed that this ajjartment has many features in common with that 
at Tusayan last described. The pole ujion which blaulvcts are sus- 
pended is here incorporated into the original construction of the house, 
its two ends being deeply embedded in the masonry of the wall. The 
entire floor is paved with slabs of much more regular form than any 
nsed at Tusayan. The Zuni have access to building stone which is of 
a much better grade than is available in Tusayan. 

This room is furnished witli long, raised benches of masonry along the 
sides, a feature much more common at Zuui than at Tusayan. Usually 
such benches extend along the whole length of a wall, but here the pro- 
jection is interrupted on one side by the fireplace and chimney, and on 
the left it terminates abrui)tly near the beginning of a tier of mealing 
stones, iu order to afford floor space for the women who grind. The 
metates are arranged in the usual manner, three in a row, but there is 
an additional detached section placed at right angles to the main series. 
The sill of the doorway by which this room communicates -ndth an ad- 
joining one is raised about 18 inches above the floor, and is provided 
with a riulely mortised door in a single panel. Alongside is a small 
hole through which the occupant can prop the door on the inside of the 
communicating room. The subsequent sealing of the small hand-hole 
with mud effectually doses the house against intrusion. The unusual 
height of this door sill from the floor has necessitated the construction 
of a small step, which is built of masonry and covered with a single 
slab of stone. All the doors of Zuiii are more or less raised above the 
ground or floor, though seldom to the extent shown in the present 
example. This room has no external door and can be directly entered 
only by means of the hatchway and ladder shown in the drawing. At 
one time this room was probably bounded by outer walls and was pro- 
vided with both door and windows, though now no evidence of the door 
remains, and the windows have become niches iu the wall utilized for 
the reception of the small odds and ends of a Zufii household. The 




chiiuney of tliis liousc will Ix' noticed ;is differiug materially, both in 
form and in its position in the room, from the Tnsayan examples. This 
form is, however, the most common tyiie of chimney used in Zuni at 
the ])resent time, although many examples of the curved type also occur. 
It is built about midway of the long wall of the room. The Tusayan 
chimneys seldom occupy such a position, but are nearly always built in 
corners. The use of a pier or buttress-projection for the support of a 
roof girder that is characteristic of Tusayan is not practiced at Zuiii to 
any extent. Deer horns have been built into the wall of the room to 
answer the purpose of pegs, upon which various household articles are 

The various features, whose positions in the pueblo dwelling house 
have been briefly described above, will each be made the subject of 
more exhaustive study in tracing the various modifications of form 
through which they have passed. The above outline will fiu'uish a 
general idea of the place that these details occupy in the house itself. 


Oeneral use of Mvas. — Wherever the remains of pueblo architecture 
occur among the plateaus of the southwest there appears in every im- 
portant village throughout all changes of form, due to variations of 
environment and other causes, the evidence of chambers of exceptional 
character. The chambers are distinguishable from the tyi^ical dwelling 
rooms by their size and position, and, generally, in ancient examples, 
by their circular form. This feature of i)ueblo architecture has survived 
to the present time, and is i>romiuent in all modern pueblos that have 
come under the writer's notice, including the villages of Acoma and 
Jemez, belonging to the liio Grande group, as well as in the pueblos 
under discussion. In all the pueblos that have been examined, both 
ancient and modern, with the exception of those of Tusayan, these 
special rooms, used for ceremonial yiurposes, occupy inarginal or semi- 
detached positions in the house clusters. The latter are wholly de- 
tached from the houses, as may be seen from the ground plans. 

Origin of the name. — Such ceremonial rooms are known usually by 
the Spanish term "estufa,'' meaning literally a stove, and here used in 
the sense of " sweat house," but the term is misleading, as it more prop- 
erly describes the small sweat houses that are used ceremonially by 
lodge-building Indians, such as the ISTavajo. At the suggestion ( )f Major 
Powell the Tusayan word for this everpresent feature of pueblo arclii- 
tectui'e has been adopted, as being much more appropriate. The word 
" kiva," then, will be understood to designate the ceremonial chamber 
of the pueblo building peoples, ancient and modern. 

Antiquity of the kiva. — The widespread occurrence of this feature and 
its evident antiquity distinguish it as being especially worthy of ex- 
haustive study, especially as embodied in its construction may be found 
survivals of early methods of arrangement that have long ago become 


extinct iu the constantly imxiroving art of housebnikling, but which 
arc preserved through the well known tendency of the survival of 
ancient practice in matters pertaining to the religious observances of a 
primitive people. Unfortunately, iu the past the Zufii have been ex- 
posed to the repressive policy of the Spanish authorities, and this has 
probably seriously affected the purity of the kiva type. At one time, 
when the ceremonial observances of the Zufii took place in secret for 
fear of incurring the wrath of the Spanish priests, the original kivas 
mUvSt have been wholly abandoned, and tliough at the i>resent time 
some of the kivas of Zuni occupy marginal x)ositions in the cell clus- 
ters, just as in many ancient examples, it is doubtful whether these 
rooms faithfully lepresent the original type of kiva. There seems to 
be but little structural evidence to distinguisli the iiresent kivas from 
ordinary large Zuiii rooms beyond the si)ecial character of the flrej)lace 
and of the entrance trap door, features which will be fuUy described 
later. At Tiisayan, on the other hand, we find a distinct and charac- 
teristic structural jtlan of the kiva, as well as many special constructive 
devices. Although the position of the ceremonial room is here excep- 
tional in its eritire separation from the dwelling, this is due to clearly 
traceable influences iu the inunediate orographic environnu'ut, and the 
wholly subterranean arrangement of most of the kivas in this group is 
also due to the same local causes. 

Excavation of the l-iva. — The tendency to depress or partly excavate 
the ceremonial chamber existed in Zuni, as in all the aiu'ient pueblo 
buildings which have been examined ; but the solid rock of the mesa 
tops iu Tusayan did not admit of the necessary excavation, and the 
pei'sistenee of this requirement, which, as I .shall elsewhere show, has 
an important connection with the early ty^jes of pueblo building, 
compelled the occupants of these rocky sites to locate their kivas 
at jwints where depressions already existed. Such facilities were most 
abundant near the margins of the mesas, where iu many jdaces large 
blocks of sandstone have fallen out from the edge of the surface stra- 
tum, leaving nearly rectangular spaces at the summit of the cliff 
wall. The construction of their villages on these rocky promontories 
forced the Tusayan builders to sacrifice, to a large extent, the tradi- 
tional and customary arrangement of the kivas within the house- 
inclosed courts of the pueblo, in order to obtain i)roperly depressed 
sites. This accidental eft'ect of the immediate environment resulted in 
giving unusual prominence to the sinking of the ceremonial roonr below 
the ground surface, but a certain amount of excavation is found as a 
constant accompaniment of this feature throughout tlie pueblo region 
in both ancient and modern villages. Even at Zuiii, where the kivas 
appear to retain but few of the si^ecialized features that distinguish 
them at Tusayan, the floors are found to be below the general level of 
the ground. But at Tusayan the development of this single require- 
ment has been carried to such an extent that mauv of the kivas are 




wlioll.v subterranean. Tliis is particularly tlie case with those that 
occ'U])y iiiar{;iual sites on the mesas, sueh as have been referred to 
above. In such instances the broken-out recesses iu the upper rocks 
have been waUed up on the outside, roughly lined ^vith masonry within, 
and roofed over in the usual manner. In many cases tlie depth of 
these rock niches is such that the kiva roof when tiuished does not 
project above the general level of the mesa summit, and its earth cov- 
ering is indistinguishable from the adjoining surface, except for the 
presence of the box-like projection of masonry that surrounds the en- 
trance trap door and its ladder (see PI. Lxxxvii). Frequently in such 
cases the surface (jf the ground shows no evidence of the outlines or 
dimensions of the underlying room. Examples of such subterranean 
kivas may be seen iu tlie foreground (»f the general view of a court in 
Oraibi (PI. xxxviii), and in the view of the dance rock at Walpi (PI. 
xxiv). But such wholly subterranean arrangement of the ceremonial 
chamber is by no means universal even at Tusayan. Even when the 
Iviva was placed withiu the village courts or close to the houses, in con- 
formity to the traditional phiu and ancient practice as evidenced in the 
ruins, naturally depressed sites were still soiiglit; but such sites as the 
mesa margin affords were rarely available at any distaujL-e from the 
rocky rim. The result is that most of the court kivas are only partly 
depressed. This is particularly noticeable in a court kiva in Shumo- 
pavi, ail illustration of which is given in Fig. 14. 

The nxungkiva or principal kiva of Shui)aulovi, illustrated iu PI. 
XXXIII, is scarcely a foot above the ground level on the side towards 
the houses, but its rough walls are exposed to a height of several feet 
down on the declivity of the knoll. The view of the stone corrals of 
Mashongnavi, shown in PI. Gix, also illustrates a kiva of the type de- 
scribed. This chamber is constructed on a sliarj) slope of the declivity 
where a natural depression favored the builders. On the upi)er side 
the roof is even with the ground, but on its outer or southern side the 
masonry is exposed to nearly the whole depth of the chamber. At the 
north end of Shumopavi, just outside the houses, are two kivas, oue of 
which is of the semi-subterranean tyi)e. The other shows scarcely any 
masonry above the ground outside of the box-like entrance way. PI. 
LXXXYiii illustrates these two kivas as seen from the northeast, and 
shows their relation to the adjacent houses. The following (Fig. 21) 
illustrates the same group from the opposite point of view. 

Access. — The last described semi-subterranean kiva and the similar 
oue in the court of the village, show a short flight of stone steps on 
their eastern side. Entrance to the ceremonial chamber is prevented 
when necessary by the removal of the ladder from the outside, or iu 
some instances by the withdrawal of the rungs, which are loosely 
inserted into holes iu the side pieces. Thei-e is no means of i)reventing 
access to the exposed trap doors, which are nearly on a level with the 
ground. As a matter of convenience and to facilitate the entrance into 
8 ETH 8 



the kiva of costumed and masked dancers, often encumbered with 
clumsy ])arai)heriialia, steps are permanently built into the outside wall 
of the kiva in direct contradiction to the ancient principles of construc- 
tion ; that is, in having no permanent or fixed means of access from the 
ground to the first roof. These are the only cases in which stone steps 
spring directly from the ground, although they are a very impoi'tant 
feature in Tusayan house architecture above the first story, as may be 
seen in any of the general views of the villages. The justification of 
such an arrangement in connection with the indefensible kiva roof lies 
obviously in the different conditions here found as compared with the 

Fig. 21. North kivaa "f Sliumop.ivi. seen from the southwest. 

The subterranean kiva of the Shumopavi gr(n]p, above illustrated, 
is exceptional as occurring at some distance from the mesa rim. Prob- 
ably all such exceptions to the rule are located in natural fissures or 
crevices of the sandstone, or where there was some unusual facility for 
the excavation of the site to the required depth. The most noteworthy 
examj)le of such inner kiva being located with reference to favorable 
rock fissures has been already described in di.scussing the ground plan 
of Walpi and its southern court-inclosed kiva (p. 65). 

Masonry. — The exterior masonry of these chambers seems in all cases 
to be of ruder construction than that of the dwelling houses. This is 
particidarly noticeable in the kivas of Waliii on the mesa edge, but is 
apparent even in some of the Zuni examples. One of the kivas of 
house No. 1 in Zuiii, near the churchyard, has small openings in its 
wall that are rudely framed with stone slabs set in a stone wall of ex- 
ceptional roughness. Apparently there has never been any attempt to 
smooth or reduce this wall to a finished surface with the usual coating 
of adobe mud. 



In Tusayan also someofthekiva walls look as though they liad been 
built of the first niateiial that caiiie to hand, piled upiienily dry, and 
with no attenii^t at the cliinking of joints, that iinpaits some degree of 
finish to the dwelling-house masonry. The inside of these kivas, how- 
ever, is usually plastered smoothly, but the interior plastering is api)]ied 
on a base of masonry even in the ease of the kivas that are wholly 
subterranean. It seems to be the Tusayan practiee to line all sides of 
the kivas with stone masonry, regardless of the eompleteness and fitness 
of the natural eavity. It is impossible, therefore, to aseertain from the 
interior of a kiva how mueh of the work of exeavation is artilieial and 
how mueh has been done by nature. The lining of masonry ])robably 
holds the plastering of adobe mud mueh better than the naked snrfaee 
of tlie roek, but the Tusayan liuilders would har(Wy resort to so lalxir- 
ious a device to gain this small advantage. The explanation of tliis 
apparent waste of labor lies in the fact that kivas had been built of 
masonry from time immemorial, and that the<'hanged conditions of tln^ 
present Tusayan environment have not exerted their intinenee for a 
sufficient length of time to overcome the traditional ])raetice. As will 
be seen later, the building of a kiva is accomiianicd by cei'tain rites and 
ceremonies based on the use of masonry walls, additional testimony of 
the comparatively recent date of the present subterranean tyiies. 

Orlenta,tion.^lvL questioning the Tusayan on this subject Mr. Stephen 
.was told that no attention to the cardiiuil points was observed in the 
l)lan, although the walls are spoken of according to the direction to 
which they most closely approximate. An examination of the. \-illage 
plans of the preceding chapters, however, will show a rennirkable de- 
gree of uniformity in the directions of kivas which can scarcely be due 
to acicideut in rooms built on such widely ditteriug sites. The intention 
seems to have been to arrange these ceremonial chambers approxi 
mately on the north and south line, though none of the examples ap- 
proach the meridian very closely. Most of them face southeast, tliough 
some, particularly in Waljii, face west of south. In Wali)i four of 
i.ic five kivas are planned on a southwest and northeast line, folldwing 
the general direction of the mesa edge, while the remaining ont; fac(;s 
southeast. The difference in this last case may have been brou<>-lit 
aboiit by exigencies of the site on the mesa edge and the foiia of the 
cavity in which the kiva was built. Again at Hano ami Siclinnmvi 
(Pis. XVI and XViii) on the first mesa this uniformity of direction jn-e- 
vails, but, as the plaus show, the kivas in these two villages are few in 
numbc". The two kivas of Shupaulovi will be seen (PI. xxx) to have 
the same du-ection, viz, facing southeast. In Shumopavi (PI. xxxiv) 
there are four kivas all facing southeast. In Mashongnavi, however 
(PI. XXVI), the same uniformity does not prevail. Three of the kivas 
face south of east, and two others built in the edge of the rocky benc^li 
on the south side of the village face west of south. In the large village 


of Oraibi there is remarkable miiforinity in the direction of the many 
kivas, tlicre bcinjj a variation of only a few degrees in direction in the 
whole number of thirteen shown on the plan (PI. xxxvi). But in the 
case of the large kiva partly above ground designated as the Coyote 
kiva, the direction from which it is entered is the reverse of that of the 
other kivas. No explanation is offered that will account for this curious 
single excei)tion to the rule. The intention of the builders has evi- 
dently biH'u to make the altar and its attendant structural features con- 
form to a detinite direction, fixed, perhaps, by certain requirements of 
the ceremonial, but the irregularity of the general village plan in many 
cases resulting from its adaptation to restricted sites, has given rise to 
the variations tliat are seen. 

In Zufn there was<in evident purpose to preserve a certain uniform- 
ity of direction in the kiva entrances. In house No. 1 (Pis. Lxxvi and 
Lxxvii) there are two kiv'as, distinguishable on the plan by the large 
divided trap door. The entrance of these both lace southeast, and it 
can readily be seen that this conformity has been provided intention- 
ally, since the rooms themselves do not correspond in arrangement. 
The roof o])cning is in one case across the room and in the other it is 
placed longitudinally. As has been pointed out above, the general 
plan of arranging the kivas is not so readily distinguished in Zuni 
as in Tusayan. tlniformity, so far as it is traceable, is all the more 
striking as occurring where there is so much more variation in the 
directions of the walls of the houses. Still another confirmation is fur- 
nished by the jiueblo of Acoma, situated about 60 miles eastward 
from Zufii. Here the kivas are six in nund>er and the directions of all 
the examples are found to vary but a few degrees. These also face 
east of south. 

There are leasons for believing that the use of rectangular kivas is 
of later origin in the pueblo system of luiilding than the use of the 
circidar form of ceremonial chamber that is of such frequent occurrence 
among the older ruins. Had strict orientation of the rectangular kiva 
prevailed for long periods of time it would undoubtedly Iiave excited a 
strong intluence towards the orientation of the entire pueblo clusters in 
which the kivas were incorporated ; but in the earlier circular form, the 
constructional ceremonial devices coidd occupy definite positions in 
relation to the cardinal points at any part of the inner curve of the wall 
without necessarily exerting any intluence on the directions of adjoin- 
ing dwellings. 

The ancient form of Mva. — In none of the ruins examined in the 
province of Tusayan have distinct traces of ancient kivas been found, 
nor do any of them afford evidence as to the character of the ceremonial 
rooms. It is not likely, however, that the present custom of building 
these chambers wholly under ground prevailed generally among the 
earlier Tusayan villages, as some of the remains do not occui)y sites 
that would suggest such arrangement. The typical cii'cular kiva char- 


actei'istic of most of tlio auoieiit pueblos has not been seen -nithin the 
limits of Tusayan, altliougli it occur-s constantly in the ruins of Canyon 
lie Chelly which are occasionally referred to in Tusayan tradition as 
having been occnijied by related ])eo))les. Mr. Stephen, however, found 
vestiges of such ancient foiius among the debris of fallen walls occupy- 
ing two small knolls on the edge of the first mesa, at a point that over- 
looks the broken-down ruin of Sikyatki. On the southeast shoulder of 
one of the knolls is a fragment of a circular wall which was originally 
12 feet in diameter. It is built of flat stones, from 2 to 4 inches thick, 
6 to 8 inches wide, and a foot or more in length, nearly all of which 
have been pecked and dressed. Mud inortar has been sparingly used, 
and the masonry shows considerable care and skill in execution ; the 
curve of the wall is faiily true, and the interstices of the mas<inry are 
neatly filled in with smaller fragments, in the manner of some of the 
best work of the Canyon de ('helly luins. 

The knoll farther south shows similar traces, and on the southeast 
slope is the complete ground plan of a round structure 16i feet in 
diameter. At one point of the curved wall, which is about L'll inches 
thick, occurs the characteristic recessed katchiukihu (described later 
in discussing the interior of kivas) indicating the use of this chamber 
for ceremonial purposes. 

Although these remains probably antedate any of the Tusayan ruins 
discussed above (Chapter ii), they suggest a connection and relationshij) 
between the typical kiva of the older ruins and the railically different 
form in use at the present time. 

Native explanations of position. — Notwithstanding the present prac- 
tice in the location of kivas, illustrated in the plans, the ideal village 
plan is still acknowledged to have had its house-clusters so distributed 
as to form inclosed and protected courts, the kivas being located within 
these coui'ts or occupying marginal positions in the house-clusters on 
the edge of the inclosed areas. But the native explanations of the 
traditional plan are vague and contradictory. 

In the floor of the typical kiva is a sacred cavity called the sipapuh, 
through which comes the beneficent influence of the deities or powers 
invoked. According to the accounts of some of the old men the kiva 
was constructed to inclose this sacred object, and houses were built on 
every side to surround the kiva and form its outer wall. In earlier 
times, too, so the jiriests relate, peo])le were iiKn'e devout, and the houses 
were planned with their terraces fronting upon the court, so that the 
women and children and all the people, could be close to the masked 
dancers (katchinas) as they issued from the kiva. The spectators filled 
the terraces, and sitting there they watched the katchinas dance in the 
court, and the women sprinkled meal upon them, while they listened to 
their songs. Other old men say the kiva was excavated in imitation of 
the original house in the interi(n' of the earth, where the human family 
were created, and from which they climbed to the surface of the ground 


by means of a ladder, and thronoh jnst snch an opening as the hatch- 
way of the kiva. Aiiotlier exjjlanation coinnionly offered is that they 
are made underground because they are thus cooler in summer, and 
more easily warmed in winter. 

All these factors may have had some influence in the design, but we 
have already seen that excavation to tlie extent here practiced is wholly 
exceptional in jineblo Imildiiig and the unnsnal development of this 
rc(|uir('niciit of kiva construction has been dn(> to )iTiiC'ly local causes. 
Ill tlic lialtitual practice of such an ancient and traditional device, the 
Indians have lost all record of the real causes of the perpetuation of 
this requirement. At Zufii, too, a curious ex])lanation is oft'cred for the 
])arti;il depression of the kiva floor below the general surrounding level. 
Here it is naively explained that the floor is excavated in order to 
attain a liberal height for the ceiling within the kiva, this being a room 
of great imi)ortance. Apparently it does not occur to the Zuni archi- 
tect that the result could be achieved in a more direct and much less 
laborious manner by making the walls a foot or so higher at the time 
of building the kiva, after the manner in which the same problem is 
solved when it is enconnt(>red in their ordinary dwelling house con- 
stiuction. 8uch explanations, of course, originated long after the])rac- 
tice became established. 


The external appearance of the kivas of Tusayan has been described 
and illustrated ; it now remains to examine the geiiei ill form and method 
of constiuction of these subterranean rooms, and to notice the at- 
tendaTit rites and ceremonies. 

Tjipiml plans. — All the Tusayan kivas are in the form of a paralello- 
gram, usually about 2o feet long and half as wide, the ceiling, which is 
from .")i to iS feet high, being slightly higher in the middle than at either 
end. There is no prescribed rule for kiva dimensions, and seemingly 
the size of the chamber is determined according to the number who are 
to tise it, and who assume the labor of its construction. A list of tyi)i- 
cal measurements obtained by Mr. Stephen is ai)pended (p. 13G). 

An excavation of the desired dimensions having been made, or an 
existing one having been discovered, the ])ersoii who is to be chief of 
the kiva performs the same ceremony as that ])iescribed for the male 
head of a family when the building of a dwelling house is undertaken. 
He takes a handful of meal, mixed with ])iki crumbs, tind a little of the 
crumbled herb they use as tobacco, and these he sprinkles upon the 
ground, beginning on the west .side, passing southward, and so around, 
the sprinkled line he describes marking the position to be occupied by 
the walls. As he thus marks the compass of the kiva, he sings in a 
droning tone "Si-ai, a-hai, a-hai, si-ai, a-hai" — no other words but these. 
The meaning of these words seems to be unknown, but all the priests 
agree in saying that the archaic chant is addressed to the sun, and it 





is ciillcd Kitdauwi — the House Song:. The chief then selects four s^ood- 
sized stctnes of hard texture for corner stones, and at each corner he 
lays a baho, previously prepared, sprinkles it with the mixture with 
which he has described the line of the walls, and then lays the corner 
stone upon it. As he does this, he expresses his hope that the walls 
"will take good root hold," and stand firm and secure. 

The men have already quarried or collected a snfticient quantity of 
stone, and a wall is built in tolerably regular courses along each side 
of the excavati(m. The stones used are roughly dressed by fracture; 
they are irregular in shape, and of a size convenient for one man to 
liandle. They are Isiid with only a very little mud mortar, and carried 
uj), if the ground be level, to within IS inches of the surface. If the 
kiva is built on the edge of the clifi', as at Walpi, the outside wall con- 
nects the sides of the gap, conforming to the line of the clifl'. If the 
surfiice is slojiing, the level of the roof is obtained by building up one 
side of the kiva above the ground to the requisite height as illustrated 
in Fig. 21. One end of the " Goat" kiva at Walpi is 5 feet above ground, 
the other end being level with the sloping surface. When the ledge 
on the precipitous face of the mesa is uneven it is filled in with rough 
masonry to obtain a level for the floor, and thus the outside wall of 
some of the Walpi kivas is more than 12 feet high, although in the 
interior the measurement from floor to ceiling is nnich less. 

Both Cottonwood and pine are used tV)r the roof timbers; they are 
roughly dressed, and some of them show that an attempt has been made 
to hew them with fimr sides, but none are square. In the roof of the 
"Goat" kiva, at Walpi, are four well hewn pine timbers, measuring 
exactly 6 by 10 inches, which are said to have been taken from the 
mission house built near Walpi by the Spanish i)riests some three cen- 
turies ago. The ceiling jdan of the mungkiva of Shui)aulovi (Fig. 23) 
shows that four of these old Spanish squared beams have been utilized 
in its construction. One of these is covered with a rude decoration of 
gouged grooves and bored holes, forming a curious bne-and-dot orna- 
ment. The other kiva of this village contains a single undecorated 
square Spanish roof beam. This beam contrasts very noticeably with 
the rude round poles of the native work, one of which, in the case of the 
kiva last mentioned, is a forked trunk of a small tree. Some of the 
Indians say that the timbers were brought by them from the Shumopavi 
spring, where the early Spanish priests had established a mission. 
According to these accounts, the home mission was estabUshed at 
Walpi, with another chapel at Shumopavi, and a third and important 
one at Awatubi. 

One man, Sikapiki by name, stated that the squared and carved 
beams were brought from the San Francisco Mountains, more than a 
hundred miles away, under the direction of the priests, and that they 
were carved and finished prior to transportation. They were intended 
for the chapel and cloister, but the latter building was never finished. 


The ii>of timbers were Hiially distributed iunoug the people of Shunio- 
pavi and Sliupaulovi. At Shumopavi oue ot the kivas, kuowii as the 
Nuvwatikyuobi (The-high-place-of-siiow — Sau Francisco Mountains) 
kiva, was built only S years ago. The main roof timbers are seven in 
number. Four of them are hewn with tiat sides, S by 12 inches to 9 
by 1.3 inches; the other three are round, the under sides slightly hewn, 
and they are 11! inches in diameter. These timbers were brought from 
the San Francisco Mountains while the Spaniards were here. The 
Shumoi)avi account states that the people were compelled to drag most 
of the timbers with ro])es, although oxen were also used in some cases, 
and that the Spaniards used them to roof their mission buildings. 
After the destruction of the mission these timbers were used in the 
construction of a dwelling house, which, falling into ruin, was aban- 
doned and pulled down. Subsequently they were utilized as described 
above. In the Tcosobi, Jay, the main tindjers were taken out of it 
many years ago and used in another kiva. The timbers now in the roof 
are quite small and are laid in pairs, but they are old and much de- 
cayed, lu the (rvarzobi, Paroquet, are six squared timbers from the 
Spanish mission buildings, measuring 9 by 13 inches, 8 by 12 inche-;, 
etc. These have the same curious grooved and dotted ornamentation 
thiit occurs on the square beam of Shu])aulovi, above described. At 
the other end of the kiva are also tw<i unusually i)erfect round tindjers 
that may have come from the Tuission ruin. All of these show marks 
of fire, aiul are in ])laces dee](ly charred. 

In continuation of the kiva building jirocess, the tops of the walls are 
brought to an a})proximate level. The main roof timbers are then laid 
parallel with the end walls, at irregular distances, but less than 3 feet 
a])art, except near the middle, where a space of about 7 feet is left be- 
tween two beams, as there the hatchway is to be built. The ends of 
the timbers rest upon the side walls, and as they are placed in position 
a small feather, to which a bit of cotton string is tied (nakwakwoci) 
is also placed under each. Stout poles, from which the bark has been 
stripped, are laid at right angles upon the timbers, with slight spaces 
between them. Near the center of the kiva two short timbers are laid 
across the two main beams about 5 feet apart; this is done to preserve 
a space of 5 by 7 feet for the hatchway, which is made with walls of 
stone laid in mud i)laster, resting upon the two central beams and ui>on 
the two side pieces'. This wall or coud)ing is carried up so as to be at 
least 18 inches above the level of the finished roof. Across the poles, 
covering the rest of the roof, willows and straight twigs of any kind are 
laid close together, and over these is jdaced a layer of dry grass arranged 
in regular rows. Mud is then carefully sjiread over the grass to a dejith 
of about 3 inches, and after it has nearly dried it is again gone over so 
as to fill up all the cracks. A layer of dry earth is then spread over 
all and firmly trodden down, to render the roof water-tight and bring 
its surface level with the surrounding ground, following the same method 
and order of coustructiou that prevails in dwelling-house buildings. 








Slioit timbers are placed across the top of the hatchway wall, one 
end of which is raised higher than the other, so as to form a slope, and 
upon these timbers stone slabs are closely laid for a cover. (See PI. 
Lxxxvii.) An open space, usnally about 2 by 4^ feet, is preserved, and 
this is the only outlet in the structure, serving at once as doorway, 
window, and chimney. 

The roof being finished, a floor of stone flags is laid; but this is never 
in a continuous level, for at one end it is raised as a platform some 10 
or 12 inches high, extending for about a third of the length of the kiva 
and terminating in an abrupt step just before coming under the hatch- 
way, as illustrated in the ground plan of the mungkiva of Shupaulovi 
(Fig. 22, and also in Figs. 25 and 27). On the edge of the platform 
rests the foot of a long ladder, which leans against the higher side of 
the hatchway, and its tapering ends project 10 or 12 feet in the air. 
Upon this plattln'm the women and other visitors sit when admitted to 
witness any of the ceremonies observed in the kiva. The main floor in 
a few of the kivas is composed of roughly hewn planks, but this is a 
comparatively recent innovation, and is not generally deemed desirable, 
as the movement of the dancers on the wooden floor shakes the fetiches 
out of position. 

On the lower or main floor a shallow pit of varying dimensions, but 
usually about a foot square, is made for a fireplace, and is located 
immediately under the opening in the hatchway. The intention in 
raising the hatchway above the level of the roof and in elevating the 
ceiling in the middle is to prevent the fire from igniting them. The 
ordinary fuel used in the kiva is greasewood, and there are always several 
bundles of the shrub in its green state suspended on pegs driven in the 
wall of the hatchway directly over the fire. This shrub, when green, 
smolders and emits a dense, pungent smoke, but when perfectly dry, 
burns with a bright, sparkling flame. 

Across the end of the kiva on the main floor a ledge of masonry is 
built, usually about 2 feet high and 1 foot wide, which serves as a shelf 
for the display of fetiches and other paraphernalia during stated observ- 
ances (see Fig. 22). A small, niche like a|)crtnr(' is made iu tlie middle 
of this ledge, and is called the katchin kihu (katchiua house). During 
a festival certain masks are placed in it when not in use by the dancers. 
Some of the kivas have low ledges built along one or both sides On' use 
as seats, and some have none, but all except two or three have the ledge 
at the end containing the katchina house. 

In the main floor of the kiva there is a cavity about a foot deep and 
8 or 10 inches across, which is usually covered with a short, thick slab 
of Cottonwood, whose upper surface is level with the floor. Through the 
middle of tliis short plank and immediately over the cavity a hole of 2 or 
2J inches in diameter is bored. This hole is tapered, and is accurately 
fitted with a movable wooden plug, the top of which is flush with the 
surface of the plank. The plank and ca\ity usually occupy a position 



in the main floor near the end of the kiva. Tliis feature is the sipapuh, 
the place of the gods, and the most sacred portion of the ceremonial 
chamber. Around this spot the fetiches are set during a festival ; it 
typifies also the first world of the Tusayan genesis and the opening 
through which the people first emerged. It is frequently so spoken of 
at the preseut time. 

Other little apertures or niches are constructed in the side walls ; they 
usually open over the main floor of the kiva near tlie edge of the dais 
that forms the second level, that upon which the foot of the ladder rests. 
These are now dedicated to any special purpose, but are used as recep- 
tacles for small tools and other ordinary articles. In early days, how- 
ever, these inches were used exclusively as receptacles for the sacred 
pipes and tobacco and other smaller paraphernalia. 

In order to make clearer the relative positions of the various features 
of kiva construction that have been described several typical examples 
are here illustrated. The three ground plans given are drawn to scale 
and represent kivas of average dimensions. Mr. Steijheu has made 
a series of typical kiva measurements, which is appended to this sec- 
tion, and comi)arison of these with the plans will show the relation 
of the exami)]es selected to the usual dinunisious of these rooms. Fig. 
22 is the ground plan of the mungkiva, or chief kiva, of Shupaulovi. 

FiQ. 22. Ground plan of the chief kiv:i of Shupaulovi. 

It wUl be observed that the second level of the kiva floor, forming the 
dias before referred to, is about l'> inches narrower on each side than 
the main floor. The narrowing of this portion of the kiva floor is not 
universal and does not seem to be regulated by any rule. Sometimes 
the narrowing is carried out on one side only, as in the mungkiva of 
Mashougnavi (Fig. 27), sometimes on both, as in the present example, 

^■■1 ' i::rj:t., 




and in other cases it is absent. In the second kiva of Shnpanlovi, il- 
histrated in Fig. L'5, there is only one small jog that has been bnilt mid- 
way along the wall of the upper level and it bears no relation to the 
point at which the change of floor level occurs. The ledge, or dias, is 
free for the use of spectators, the Indians say, just as the women stand 
on the house terraces to witness a dance, and do not step into the court. 
The ledge in this case is about a foot above the main floor. Benches of 
masonry are built along each side, though, as the plan shows, they are 
not of the same length. The bench on the eastern side is about 4 feet 
shorter than the other, which is cut oft' by a continuation of the high 
bench that contains the katchinkihu beyond the corner of the room. 
These side benches are for the use of participants in the ceremonies. 
When young men are initiated into tlie various societies during the 
feasts in the fall of the year they occupy the floor of the sacred divi- 
sion of the kiva, while the old members of the order occupy the benches 
along the wall. The liigher bench at the end of the room is used as a 
shelf for parapheriudia. The hole, or recess, in this bench, whose po- 
sition is indicated by the dotted lines on the plan, is the sacred orifice 
from which the kat<?hina is said to come, and is called the katchinkihu. 

Fig. 23. Ceiling plan of the chief kiva of Shupaulovi. 

In the floor of the kiva, near the katchinkihu, is the sipapuh, the Cot- 
tonwood plug set into a cottonwood slab over a cavity in the floor. The 
plan shows how this plank, about IS inches wide and fij feet long, has 
been incorporated into the paving of the main floor. The paving is 
composed of some quite large slabs of sandstone whose irregular edges 
have been skillfully fitted to form a smooth and well finished pavement. 
The position of the niches that form pipe receptacles is shown on the 
lilan opposite the fireplace in each side wall. The position of the foot 
of the ladder is indicated, the side poles resting upon the paved sur- 
face of the second level about 15 inches from the edge of the step. Fig. 
23 gives a ceiling plan of the same kiva, illustrating the arrangement 



of such of tlie roof beams and sticks as are visible from inside. The 
plan shows the i)ositioii of the four Spanish beams before referred to, 
the northernmost beino- the one that lias the line and dot decoration. 
The next two beams, laid in contact, are also square and of Spanish 
make. The fourth Spanish beam is on the northern edge of the hatch- 
way dome and supports its wall. The adjoining beam is round and of 
native woi-kiiianshi]). The position and dimensions of the large hatch- 
way projection art' here indicated in plan, but the general appearance 
of this curious feature of the Tusayau kiva can be better seen from the 
interior view (Fig. 24). Various uses are attributed to this domelike 

Flu. IM. Interior viow of a Tiiaiiyau kiva. 

structure, aside from the explanation that it is built at a greater height 
in order to lessen the danger of ignition of the roof beams. The old 
men say that formerly they smoked an<l i)reserve(l meat in it. Others 
say it was used for drying bundles of wood by suspension over the tire 
preparatory to use in the fireplace. It is also said to constitute an 
upper chamber to facilitate the egress of smoke, and doubtless it aids 
in the performance of this good office. 

The mud plaster that has been applied directly to the stone W(nk of 
the interior of this kiva is very much blackened by smoke. From about 
half of the wall space the plaster has fallen or scaled off, and the ex- 




l>osed stonework is nmch blackonerl as thoiigli the kiva had loiifj been 
used with the wall iu this uncovered condition. 

The fireplace is simply a shallow pit about IS inches square that is 
placed directly under the opening of the combined hatchway and smoke 
hole. It is usually situated from U to 3 feet from the edge of the second 
level of the kiva floor. The paving stones are usually fluished quite 
neatly and smoothly where their edges enframe the flrepit. 

Fm. 25. Grnnnrl plan of aShupaulovi kiva. 

Fig. 26. Ceiling plan of a Shupaulovi kiva. 

Figs. 25 and 26 illustrate the ground and ceiling plans of the second 
kiva of the same village. In all essential principles of arrangement it 
is identical with the preceding example, but minor modifications will 
be noticed in several of the features. The bench at the katchina, or 
''altar" end of the kiva, has not the height that was seen in the mung- 
kiva, but is on the same level as the benches of the sides. Here the 



sipapiili is at nmcli greater distance than usual from the katehina re- 
cess. It is also quite exceptional in that the plug is let into an oritice 
in one of. the paving stones, as shown on the plan, instead of into a 
Cottonwood plank. Some of the paving stones forming the floor of this 
kiva are quite regular in shape and of unusual dimensions, one of them 
being nearly 5 feet long and 2 feet wide. The gray polish of long con- 
tinned use imparts to these stones an appearance of great hardness. 
The ceiling plan of tliis kiva (Fig. 26) shows a single specimen of Span- 
ish beam at the extreme north end of the roof. It also shows a forked 
"viga" or ceiling beam, which is quite unusual. 

This kiva is better plastered than tlu^ mungkiva and shows in i)laces 
evidences of many successive coats. The general rule of applying the 
interior plastering of the kiva on a base of masonry has been violated 
in this example. The north end and part of the adjoining sides have 
been brought to an even face by tilling in the ineciualitics of the exca- 
vation with reeds which are applied in a vertical position and are held 
in place by long, slender, horizontal rods, foi-iiiing a rufle matting or 

¥ni. 27, Ground plan of the cliief kiva of Ma8h6ngnavi. 

wattling. The rods are fastened to the rocky wall at favorable points 
by means of small prongs of some hard wood, and the whole of the 
primitive lathing is then thickly plastered with adobe mud. Mr. 
Stephen found the Ponobi kiva of Oraibi treated in the same manner. 
The walls are lined with a reed latliing over which mud is plastered. 
The reed used is the Bakabi [Phraymitcs communis) whose stalks vary 
from a quarter of an inch to three-quarters of an inch in diameter. In 
this instance the reeds are also laid vertically, but they are applied to 
the ordinary mud -laid kiva wall and not directly to the sides of the 
natural excavation. The vertical laths are boirnd in place by hori- 
zontal reeds laid upon them 1 or 2 feet apart. The horizontal reeds 




are held in place by pegs of greasewood driven into the wall at inter- 
vals of 1 or '2 feet and are tied to the pegs with split yucca. These 
specimens are very interesting examples of aboriginal lathing and plas- 
tering applied to stone work. 

The ground plan of the nuingkiva of Mashongnavi is illustrated in 
Fig. 137. In this example the narrowing of the room at the second level 
of the floor is on one side. The step by which the upper level is reached 
from the main floor is 8 inches high at the east end, rising to 10 inches 
at the west end. The south end of the kiva is provided with a small 
opening like a loop-hole, furnishing an outlook to the south. The east 
side of the main portion of the kiva is not provided with the usual 
bench. The portion of the bench at the katchina end of the kiva is on 
a level with the west bench and continiious for a couple of feet beyond 
the northeast corner along the east wall. The small wall niches are on 
the west side and nearer the north end than usual. The arrangement 
of the katchinkihu is rpiite different fi'om that described iu the Shupau- 
lovi kivas. The orifice occurs iu the north wall at a height of 3i feet 
above the floor, and 2 feet 3 inches above the top of the bench that ex- 
tends across this end of the room. The firepit is somewhat smaller 
than in the other examples illustrated. Fig. 28 illustrates the appear- 

FiQ. 28. Interior view of a kiva liatchway In Tuaiiyau. 

anco of the kiva hatchway fi-oni within as seen fi-om the north end of 
the kiva, but the ladder has been omitted from the drawing to avoid 
confusion. The ladder rests against the edge of the coping that caps 
the dwarf wall on the near side of the hatchway, its toi) leaning toward 
the spectator. The small smoke-blackened sticks that are used for the 
suspension of bundles of greasewood and other fuel in the hatchway 
are clearly shown. At the far end of the trapdoor, on the outside, is 
indicated the mat of reeds or rushes that is used for closing the open- 
ings when necessary. It is here shown rolled up at the foot of the 
slope of the hatchway top, its customary position when not m use. 



When this mat is used for closing the kiva opening it is usually held in 
place by several large stone slabs laid over it. Fig. 2!) illustrates a 
si)ecimen of the Tus;iyan Iviva mat. 



Fm. 29. Mat uslhI in cldsiiit; thf i-utnmct' ut Tuaayan kivas. 

The above kiva plans show that each of the illustrated examples is 
provided with four long narrow planks, set in the kiva floor close to the 


Eighth annual flEPofiT Pl_ l 



Willi and provided with oriflces for the attachment of looms. This 
feature is a conimou accompaiiinieut of kiva construetiou and pertains 
to the use of the ceremonial room as a workshop by the male blanket 
weavers of Tusayau. It will be more fully described in the discussion 
of the various uses of the kiva. 

The essential structural features of the kivas above described are 
remarkably similar, though the illustrations of tyiies have been selected 
at randimi. ]\Iinor modifications are seen in the positions of many of 
the features, but a certain general i-elatiou between the various con- 
structional requirements of the ceremonial room is found to prevail 
thr(mgiiout all the villages. 

Worl- by ironioi. — After all the above described details have been pro- 
vided for, following the completion of the roofs and floors, the women 
belonging to the people who are to occupy the kiva continue the labor 
of its construction. They go over the interior surface of the walls, 
breaking off projections and tilling up the interstices with small stones, 
and then they smoothly plaster the walls and the inside of the hatch- 
way with mud, and sometimes whitewash them with a gypsiferous clay 
found in the neighborhood. Once every year, at the feast of Powuma 
(the fructifying moon), the women give the kiva this same atteutiou. 

Consecration.— ^Yhcn all the work is finished the kiva chief prepares 
a baho and "feeds the house," as it is termed; that is, he thrusts a 
little meal, with piki crumbs, over one of the roof timbers, and in the 
same place inserts the end of the baho. As he does this he exi)resses 
his hope that the roof may never fall and that sickness and other evils 
may never enter the kiva. 

It is difticult to elicit intelligent explanation of the theory of the baho 
and the prayer ceremonies in either kiva or house construction. The 
baho is a prayer token; the petitioner is not satisfied by merely si)eak- 
iug or singing his prayer, he must have some tangible thing ui)on which 
to transmit it. He regards his prayer as a mysterious, impalpable por- 
tion of his own substanct>, and hence he seeks to embody it in some 
object, which tlius becomes consecrated. The baho, which is inserted 
in the roof of the kiva, is a piece of willow twig about six inches long, 
stripped of its bark and jiainted. From it hang four small fi-athers 
suspended by short cotton strings tied at equal distances along the 
twig. In order to obtain recognition from the powets especially ad- 
dressed, different colored feathers and distinct methods of attaching 
them to bits of wood and string are resorted to. In the present case 
these are addressed to the "chiefs" who control the paths taken by the 
]>ei>ple after coming up from the interior of the earth. They are thus 
designated : 

To the. wnst : Siky'ak ouiii'uwii Yellow C:ii)ii(l. 

south: Sa'kwa oma'uwn lilue Cloud. 

east:'a oma'uwn Red Cloud. 

uorth: Kwetsh oma'uwu White Cloud. 

8 ETH — y 


Two separate feathers are also attached to the roof. These are ad- 
dressed to the zeuith, heyap oinauwu — the invisible space of the 
above — and to tlie nadir, IMyuingwa — god of tlie interior of the earth 
and maker of the germ of life. To the fonr first mentioned the bahos 
under the corner stones are also addi-essed. These feathers are pre- 
pared by the kiva chief in another kiva. ITc smokes devoutly over 
them, and as he exhales the smoke upon them he formulates the prayers 
to the chiefs or powers, who not only control the paths or lives of all 
tlie people, but also preside over the six regions of sjtace whence come 
all the necessaries of life. The ancients also occujjy his th<mghts dur- 
ing these devotions ; he desires that all the pleasures they enjoyed while 
here may come to his people, and ho reciprocally wishes the ancients to 
partake of all the enjoyments of the living. 

All the labor and ceremonies being completed the women jirepare 
food for a feast. Friends are invited, and the men dance all night in 
the kiva to the accompaniment of their own songs and the beating of a 
primitive drum, rejoicing over their^ew home. The kiva chief then 
proclaims the name by which the kiva will be known. This is often 
merely a term of his choosing, often without reference to its appropri 

Various iisvs of kimis. — Allusions occur in someof the traditions, sug- 
gesting that in earlier times one class of kiva was devoted wholly to 
tlie ])urposes of a ceremonial chamber, and was constantly occupied by 
a priest. An altar and fetiches were permanently maintained, and 
appropriate groujis of these fetiches were displayed from month to the dift'erent priests of the sacred feasts succeeded each other, 
each new moon bringing its prescribed feast. 

Many of the kivas were built by religious societies, which still hold 
their stated observances in them, and in Oraibi several still bear the 
names of the societies using them. A society always celebrates in a 
particular kiva, but none of these kivas are now preserved exclusively 
for religious purposes; they are all places of social resort for tlie men, 
especially during the winter, when they occupy themselves with the 
arts common among them. The same kiva thus serves as a temple dur- 
ing a sacred feast, at other times as a council house for the discussion 
of public affairs. It is also used as a workshop by the industrious and 
as a lounging place by the idle. 

There are still traces of two classes of kiva, marked by the distinc- 
tion that only certain ones contain the sipapuh, and in these the more 
important ceremonies are held. It is said that no sipapuh has been 
made recently. The in-escribed operation is performed by the chief and 
the assistant priests or fetich keepers of the society owning the kiva. 
Some say the mystic lore pertaining to its preparation is lost and none 
can now be made. It is also said that a stone sipapuh was formerly 
used instead of the cottonwood plank now commonly seen. The use of 
stone for this inirpose, however, is nearly obsolete, though the second 


kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in plan in Fig. 25, contains an example 
of this ancient form. In one of the newest kivas of Mashongnavi the 
plank of the sipapnh is iiierced with a 
square hole, which is cut with a shoulder, 
the slioulder supporting the plug with wliicli 
the orifice is closed (see Fig. 30). Tliis is 
a decided innovation on the traditional 
form, as the orifice from which the people 
emerged, which is symbolized in the sipa- c-—^ 
puh, is described as being of circular form 
in all the versions of the Tusayan genesis h-" 
myth. The presence of the sipapuh possi- '*-'-^ ■ 
bly at one time distinguished such kivas ^'"^- '■'"■ '^''tan-uhir sipaimh in a 
as were consulered strictly consecrated 

to religious observances from those that we're of more general use. 
At Tusayan, at the present time, certain societi<'s do not meet in the 
ordinary kiva but in an apartment of a dwelling liouse, each society 
having its own exclusive place of meeting. The house so used is called 
the house of the " Sister of the eldest brother," meaning, probably, that 
she is the descendant of the founder of the society. This woman's 
house is also called the " house of grandmother," and in it is preserved 
the tiponi and otlicr fetiches of the society. Tlie tiponi is a certMuonial 
object about 18 inclies hmg, consisting of feathers set upright around 
a small disk of siliciticd wood, wliich serves as its base when set upon 
the altar. This fetich is also called iso (grandmother), hence the name 
given to tlie house where it is kept. In the house, where the order of 
warriors (Kulcataka) meets, the eldest son of the woman who owns it 
is the chief of tlie order. The apartment in which they meet is a low 
room on the gioiuid floor, and is entered only by a hatchway and ladder. 
There is no sipajmh in tliischamljer, for tlie warriors appeal directly to 
Cotukinungwa, the heart of the zenith, the sky god. Large figures of 
animal fetiches are painted in different colors upon the walls. On the 
west wall is the Mountain Lion; on the south, the Bear; on the east, 
the Wild Cat, surmounted with a shield inclosing a star; on the north, 
the Wliite Wolf; and on the east side of this figure is painted a large 
disk, representing the sun. The walls of the chambers of the other 
societies are not decorated permanently. Here is, then, really another 
class of kiva, although it is not so called by the people on the Walpi 
mesa. The ordinary term for the ground story rooms is used, "kikoh," 
the house without any opening in its walls. But on the second mesa, 
and at Oraibi, although they sometimes use this term kikoli, they com- 
monly apply the term " kiva" to the ground story of the dwelling house 
used as well as to the underground chambers. 

It is probable that a class of kivas, not specially consecrated, has 
existed from a very early period. The rooms in the dwelling houses 
have always been small and dark, and in early times without chimneys. 

:cidenta! Cc' 


Within sucli cramped limits it was inconvenient for the men to practice 
any of tlie arts tliey knew, especially weaving, whicli could have been 
carried on ont of doors, as is donestilloccasionally, but subject to many 
interrui)tious. It is possible that a class of kivas was designed for such 
ordinary piu-poses, though now one tyi^e of room seems to answer all 
these various uses. In most of the existing kivas there are planks, in 
which stout loops are secured, fixed in the floor close to the wall, for 
attaching the lower beam of a ])rimitive vertical loom, and projecting 
vigas or beams are inserted into the walls at the time of their construc- 
tion as a provision for the attacliment of the upper loom poles. The 
planks or logs to which is attached the lower part of the loom appear 
iu some cases to be quite carefully worked. They are often partly 
buried in the ground ami tmder the edges of adjacent paving stones in 
such a maimer as to be held iu place very securely against the strain 
of the tightly stretched warp while the blanket is being made. The 
holes pierced in the upper surface of these logs are very neatly executed 
in the manner illustrated iu Fig. 31, which shows one of the orifices in 

section, together with the adjoining 
paving stones. The outward ap- 
pearance of the device, as seen :it 
short intervals along the length of 
the log, is also shown. Strips of 
buckskin or bits of rope are passed 
'— -s,3^ tlirougli these U-shaped cavities, and 

F,Q. 31. Loom „„st in kiva at Tu3..yau. ^^^^.^^ ^^.^^. ^j^^. ,, ^^^.^^. j,, ^j^. ^,j. ^^^^^ j^,,,,,^ 

at the bottom of the extended series of warj) threads. The latter can 
thus be tightened X'reparatory to the operation <if filling in with the 
woof. The kiva looms seem to be used mainly for weaving the dark- 
blue and black blankets of diagonal and diamond pattern, which form 
a staple article of trade with the Zuiii and the Eio Grande Pueblos. 
As an additional convenience for the practice of weaving, one of the 
kivas of Mashongnavi is provided with movable seats. These consist 
simply of single stones of suitable size and form. Usually they are 8 
or 10 inches thick, a foot wide, and perhaps 15 or 18 inches long. Be- 
sides their use as seats, these stones are used in connection with the 
edges of the stone slabs that cap the permanent benches of the kiva 
to support temporarily the U])per and lower poles of the blanket loom 
while the warp is gradually wound around them. The large stones that 
are incorporated into the side of theben<-hes of some of the Mashong- 
navi kivas have occasionally round, cujj-shaped cavities, of about an 
inch iu diameter, drilled into them. These holes receive one end of a 
warp stick, the other end being sujiported in a corresponding hole of 
the heavy, movable stone seat. The other warp stick is supported in 
a similar manner, while the thread is passed around both in a horizontal 
direction ]ireparatory to placing and stretching it in a vertical position 
for the final working of the blanket. A number of these cuii-shaped 


pits are formed alonj;' the side of the stone bench, to provide for various 
lengtlis of warp that may be required. On the opposite side of tliis 
same liiva a number of siinihir lioles or depressions are turned into the 
mud plastering of the wall. All these devices are of common occur- 
rence at other of the Tusayan kivas, and indicate the antiipiity of the 
practice of using the kivas for such industrial purposes. There is a 
suggestion of similar use of the ancient circular kivas in an example 
m Canyon de Olielly. At a small cluster of rooms, built partly on a 
rocky ledge and partly on adjoining loose earth and rocky debris, a land 
slide had carried away half of a circular kiva, exposing a well-detiued 
section of its floor and the d6bris within the room. Here the writer 
found a number of partly finished sandals of \iicca fiber, with tlic long, 
unwoven fiber carefully wrapi)ed about the finished portion of the work, 
as though the sandals had been temporarily laid aside until the maker 
could again work on them. A number of coils of yucca fiber, similar 
to that used in the sandals, and several balls of brown ttbcr, formed 
from the iunef bark of the cedar, were found on the floor of the room. 
The condition of the rum and the debris that fllled the kiva clearly sug- 
gested that these si)ecimens were in use just where they were found at 
the time of the abandonment or destruction of the houses. No traces 
were seen, however, of any structural devices like those of Tusayan 
that would serve as aids to the weavers, though the weaving of the par- 
ticular articles comprised in the collection from this s])ot would jirub- 
ably not require any cumbrous a[)i)aratiis. 

Kiva ownership. — The kiva is usually spoken of as being the home 
of the organization which maintains it. Difterent kivas are not used in 
common by all the inhabitants. Every man has a membership in some 
particular one and he freijuents that one only. The same person is 
often a member of dirterent societies, which takes him to diflcrcnt kivas, 
but that IS only on vset occasions. There is also much informal visiting 
among them, but a man presumes to make a loitering place only of the 
kiva in which he holds inemljership. 

In each kiva there is a kiva mungwi (kiva chief), and he controls to a 
great extent all matters pertaining to tlie kiva and its nicnibership. 
This offii'e or trust is hereditary and passes from uncle to nepluMV 
through the female line — that is, on the death of a kiva chief the eldest 
sou of his eldest sister succeeds him. 

A kiva may belong either to a society, a group of gentes, or an in- 
dividual. If belonging to a society or order, the kiva chief commonly 
has inherited his ottice in the manner Indicated from the "eldest brother" 
of the society who assumed its construction. But the kiva chief is not 
necessarily chief of the society; in fact, usually he is but an ordinary « 
member. A similar custom of inheritance prevails where the kiva be- 
longs to a group of gentes, onl^- in that case the kiva chief is usually 
chief of the gentile group. 

As for those held by individuals, a couple of exainjiles will illustrate 
the Tusayan practice. In Hauo the chief kiva was originally built 


l).y :i sirtni]) of "Sun" gentes, but about 45 years ago, during an epi- 
(Icnnc of smallpox, all Mic ])(»oi)l(' who bclongod to the kiva died ('xcoi)t 
on<^ man. Tlic loom fell into ruin, its loot timbcis were carried off, and 
it became filled np with dust and rubbish. The title to it, however, 
rested with the old survivor, as all tlui more diicct lieirs had died, and 
lie, when about to die, gave the kiva to Kotshve, a "Snake" man from 
Walpi, who inairieil a, Tewa (llano) woman and still lives in Hano. 
This man repaired it and nMiamed itTokonabi (said tobea Pah Ute term, 
meaning black mountain, but it is the only name the Tusayan have for 
Navajo Mountain) because his pcoidc (the "Snake" ) came from that 
place. lie in turn gave it to liis clilest son, who is therefore kiva 
niungwi, l)ut the son says his successor will be the eldest son of his 
eldest sister. Tlu' membership is composed of men from all the Hano 
gentes, but not all of any one gens. In fact, it is not now customary 
for all the members of a gens to be members of the same kiva. 

Another somewhat similar instance occurs in Sichumovi. A kiva, 
abandoned for a long time alter the snialli)ox plague, was taken jios- 
.session of by an individual, who repaired it and renamed it Keviny.lp 
tshomo — Oak .Mound, lie mailc his friends its members, but he called 
the kiva his own. lie also says that his eldest sist<'r's son wnll suc- 
ceed him as chief. 

In each village one of the kivas, usually the largest one, is called 
(aside from its own siH'cial name) mungkiva — chief kiva. It is fre- 
cpiented by the kimuiigwi — house or villag(! chief— and the tshaak 
mungwi — chief talker, councillor — and in it also the more elaborate 
ceremonies are observed. 

No women fre(pient any of the kivas; in fact they never enter them 
except to iilaster the walls at custom;iry ixMiods, or during the occasion 
of certain ceremonies. Yet one at least of the Oraibi kivas was built 
for the observances of a society of women, the Mamznlntiki. This and 
another female society — Lal6nkobaki — exist in all the other villages, 
and on the occasion of their festivals the women are given the exclusive 
use of one of the kivas. 

Molircx for bnUdlnij a Java. — Only two causes are mentioned for 
building a new kiva. Quarrels giving rise to serious dissensions among 
thi^ occuiiants of a kiva are one cause. .\n instance of this occurred 
quite recently at llano. The condiictdf the kiva, chief gave rise to 
dissensions, and the memlxn-s opposed to iiim inc^jiared to build a sep- 
arate room of their own. They chose a gap on the side of the mesa 
cliff, close to llano, collected stones for the walls, and brought the roof 
timlxus from tlu^ distant wooded mesas; but when all was ready to lay 
the foundation their ditferenees were adjusted and a complete reconcil- 
iation was eii'ected. 

The other cause assigned is the necessity for additional room when a 
gens has outgrown its kiva. When a gens has increased in numbers 
sufi&cieutly to warrant its having a second kiva, the chief of the gen- 





tile group, who in this case is also chief of the order, proposes to his 
kill to build a separate kiva, and that being agreed to, he assumes the 
direction of the construction and all the dedicatory and other cere- 
monies connected with the xmdertaking. An instance of this kind 
occurred within the last year or two at Oraibi, where the iiieinbers of 
the "Katchiua" gentes, who are also members of the religious order of 
Katchina, built a spacious kiva for themselves. 

The construction of a new kiva is said to be of rare occurrence. On 
the other hand, it is common to hear the kiva chief lament the deca- 
dence of its membership. In the " Oak Mound " kiva at Sichumovi there 
are now but four members. The young men have married and moved 
to their wives' houses in more tliriving villages, and the older men have 
died. The chief iii this case also says that some 2 years ago the agent 
gave him a stove and pipe, which he set up in the room to add to its 
comfort. He now has grave fears that the stove is an evil innovation, 
and has exercised a deleterious influence upon the fortune of his kiva 
and its members; but the stove is still retained. 

Significance of sirncturtd plan. — The designation of the curious orifice 
of the sipapuh as "the place from which the people emerged" in con- 
nection with the peculiar arrangement of the kiva interior with its 
change of floor level, suggested to the author that these features might 
be regarded as typifying the four worlds of the genesis myth that has 
exercised such an influence on Tusayaii customs; but no clear data on 
this subject were obtained by the writer, nor has Mr. Stephen, who is 
specially well equipped for such investigations, discovered that a defi- 
nite conception exists concerning the significance of the structural plan 
of the kiva. Still, from many suggestive allusions made by the various 
kiva chiefs and others, he also has been led to infer that it tyiiifies the 
four "houses," or stages, described in their crej^ion myths. The si- 
papuh, with its cavity beneath the floor, is certainly regarded as indi- 
cating the place of beginning, the lowest house under the earth, the 
abode of Mjniingwa, the Creator; the main or lower floor represents 
the second stage; and the elevated section of the floor is made to denote 
the third stage, where animals were created. Mr. Stephen observed, 
at the New Year festivals, that animal fetiches were set in groups upon 
this platform. It is also to be noted that the ladder leading to the 
surface is invariably made of pine, and always rests upon the platform, 
never upon the lower floor, and in their traditional genesis it is stated 
that the iieople climbed up from the third house (stage) by a ladder of 
pine, and through such an opening as the kiva hatchway; only most of 
the stories indicate that the opening was round. The outer aii' is the 
fourth world, or that now occupied. 

There are occasional references in the Tusayan traditions to circular 
kivas, but these are so confused with fantastic accounts of early mythic 
structures that their literal rendition would serve no useful purpose in 
the present discussion. 



Typical measurements. — The following list is a record of a number of 
, measurements of Tiisayan kivas collected by Mr. Stephen. The wide 
diflerence between the end measurements of the same kiva are usually 
due to the interior offsets that have been noticed on the ])lans, but 
the differences in the lengths of the sides are due to irregularities of 
the site. The latter differences are uot so marked as the former. 


Width at ends. 

Lengtli of sides. 



at ends. 

13 6 



8 6 

7 6 

6 6 

14 6 

14 6 



23 3 


6 6 

6 6 

12 2 

12 11 



23 9 

7 10 

6 1 


12 6 

12 6 


25 3 

7 6 

6 6 

6 6 

13 4 

12 10 



26 7 

7 10 




13 6 



24 11 

7 4 

6 3 

6 2 

12 6 

11 5 



21 9 




12 5 

13 5 



24 1 

7 3 

6 1 

6 9 

10 6 

13 6 



8 3 


6 2 

13 6 

11 6 





5 10 

14 6 



28 6 

9 8 


13 2 




29 9 

8 6 


6 4 

15 1 




9 6 

7 3 

6 6 


12 6 



29 6 

7 4 

6 3 

List of Tusayan Mvas. — The following list gives the present names 
of all the kivas in use at Tusayan. The nuingkiva or chief kiva of the 
village is in each case designated : 

1. Toko'nabi kiva Navajo Mountain. 

2. Hano .sinte kiva Place of the Hano. 

Toko'nabi kiva is the muugkiva. 

1. Djiva'to kiva Goat. 

2. Al kiva A'la, Horn. 

3. Naca'b kiva Na'cabi. half-way or central. 

I Pickti'ibi kiva Opening oak bud.' 

( Wik wa'lobi kiva Place of the watchers. 

5. Mung kiva Muugwi chief. 

No. 5 is the mungkiva. 


1. Bave'ntcomo Water mound. 

2. Kwinzaptcomo Oak mound. 

Bave'ntcomo is the mungkiva. 


1. Tcavwu'na kiva A small coiled-ware jar. 

2. Hona'n kiva Honani, Badger, a gens. 

3. Gy'arzobi kiva Gy'arzo, Paroquet, a gens. 

4. Kotcobi kiva High place. 

5. Al kiva A'la, Horn. 

Tcavwu'na kiva is the mungkiva. 

'These two names are common to the kiva in which the Snake order meets and in which the indoor 
ceremonies pertaining to the Snake-dance are celebrated. 

V \ 

Isiil til iZJ. 

I^V I 


f X 1 f N 



?4-'^ 'r"^^'% 


M . '^ ^ tin IM, 





1. A'tkabi klva Place below. 

2. Kokyaugolii Iciva Place of spider. 

A'tkalii kiva is the iimngkiva. 


1. Nuvwa'tikyuobi High place of snow, San Francisco 


2. Al kiva Ala, Horn. 

3. Gy'arzobi Gj^'arzo, Paroquet, a gens. 

4. Tco'sobi Blue .Jay, a gens. 

Tco'sobi is the mungkiva. 

1. Tdau kiva Tila'uollauwnh.The singers. 

2. Ha'wiobi kiva Ha'wi, stair; High stair place. 

obi, high place. 

3. Ish kiva Isa'n wnh Coyote, a gens. 

4. Kwaug kiva Kwa'k wanti . . . - Religious order. 

5. Ma'zrau kiva Ma luzrauti Female order. 

6. Na'cabi kiva Half way or Central place. 

7. Sa'kwaleu kiva . .Sa'kwa le'na . . -Blue Flute, a religious order. 

8. Po'ngobi kiva Pongo, a circle .An order who decorate themselves 

with circular marks on the body. 

9. Hano' kiva Ha'nomuh A fashiou of cutting the hair. 

10. Mote kiva Mo'mtei The Warriors, ,au order. 

11. Kwita.'koli kiva. .Kwita, ordure; Ordure heap, 

ko'li, a heap. 

12. Katciu kiva Katciua A gens. 

13. Tcu kiva Tcua, a shake . .Religious order. 

Tdau kiva is the mungkiva. 


The complete operation of building a wall lias never been observed 
at Zuni by the writer, but a exaiuinatioii of numerous finished and 
some broken-down walls indicates that the methixls of construction 
adopted are essentially the same as those employed in Tusayan, which 
have been repeatedly observed; with the possible ditterence, however, 
that in the former adobe mud luortar is more liberally used. A singular 
feature of pueblo masonry as observed at Tusayan is the very sparing 
use of mud in the coustruction of the walls; in fact, in some instances 
when walls are built during the dry season, the larger stones are laid 
up in the walls without the use of nuid at all, and are allowed to stand 
in this condition until the rains cdiuc; then the mud mortar is mixed, 
the interstices of the walls filled in with it and with chinking stones, 
and the inside walls are plastered. But the usual practice is to com- 
plete the house at once, finishing it inside and out with the recpnsite 
mortar. In some instances the outside walls are coated, completely 


covering the masonry, but tliis is not done in many of the liouses, as 
may be seen by reference to tlie preceding ilhistrations of the Tnsayan 
villages. At Zuui, on the other hand, a liberal and frequently renewed 
coating of mud is applied to the walls. Only one piece of masonry was 
seen in the entire village that did not have traces of this cfyating of 
mud, viz, that jwirtion of the second story wall of house No. 2 described 
as possibly belonging to the ancient nucleus pueblo of Haloiia and illus- 
trated in PI. LViii. Even the rough masonry of the kivas is partly 
surfaced with this medium, though many jagged stones are stUl visible. 
As a result of this practice it is now in many cases imjiossible to deter- 
mine from mere superficial inspection whether the undei-lying masonry 
has been (•(mstructed of stone or of adobe; a difliculty that may be 
realized from an examination of the views of Zniii in Chapter iii. Where 
the fall of water, such as the discharge from a roof-drain, has removed 
the outer coating of mud that covers stonework and adt)be alike, a large 
j)roportion of these exposures reveal stone masonry, so that it is clearly 
apparent tliat Zuni is essentially a stone village. The extensive use of 
sun-dried bricks of adobe has grown up within quite recent times. It 
is apparent, howt'ver, that the Zuni builders jjreferred to use stone; 
and even at the x)resent time they frequently eke out with stonework 
portions of a house when the supply of adobe has fallen short. An 
early instance of snch sui)plementary use of stone masonry still sur- 
vives in the church building, where the old Spanish adobe has been 
repaired and ftUed in with the tyijical tabular aboriginal masonry, con- 
sisting of small stones carefully laid, with very little intervening mortar 
showing on the face. Such reversion to aboriginal methods probably 
took place on every oi^portunity, though it is remarkable that the 
Indians should have been allowed to employ their own methods in this 
instance. Although this church building has for many generations 
furnished a conspicuous example of tyjjical adobe construction to the 
Zuui, he has never taken the lesson sufticiently to heart to closely imi- 
tate the Spanish methods either in the preparation of the material ov in 
the manner of its use. The adobe bricks of the church are of large and 
uniform size, and the mud from which they were made had a liberal 
admixtm-e of straw. This binding material does not appear in Zniii in 
any other example of adobe that has been examined, nor does it seem 
to have been utilized in any of the native pueblo work either at this 
place or at Tusayan. Where molded adobe bricks have been used by 
the Zufii in housebuilding they have been made from the raw material 
just as it was taken from the fields. As a result these bricks have 
little of the durability of the Spanish work. PI. xcvi illustrates an 
adobe wall of Zufd, part of an unroofed house. The old adobe church 
at Hawikuh (PI. xlviii), abandoned for two centuries, has withstood 
the wear of time and weather better than any of the stonework of the 
surrounding houses. On the right-hand side of the street that shows 
in the foreground of PL lxxviii is an illustration of the construction 




of a wall with adobe bricks. Tliis example is very recent, as it has not 
yet been roofed over. The top of the wall, however, is temporarily pro- 
tected by the usual series of thin sandstone slabs used in the finishing 
of wall copings. The very rapid disintegration of native- made adobe 

walls has brought about the 
use in Zufii of many protec- 
tive devices, some of which 
will be noticed in connection 
with the discussion of roof 
drains and wall copings. Figs. 
32 and 33 illustrate a curious 
eniiiloynicnt of pottery frag- 
ments on a mud-idastered wall 
and on the base of a chimney 
to protect the adobe (uiating 
against rapid erosion by the 
rains. These pieces, usually 
fragments from large vessels, 
are embedded iu the adobe 

Fia. 32. A Zufli chimney, showing pottery fragments 
embedded in its adobe base. 

with the convex side out, forming an armor of pottery scales well adapted 
to resist disintegration by the elements. 





- ?>' 


Sb i ' 




_=- - 






* -"^^H 


s^:^^ ^^ 


C '!fK' ' ■- 

FiQ. 33. A ZuSi oven with pottory scales embedded in its surface. 

The introduction of the use of adobe in Zufii should probably be 
attributed to foreign influence, but the i>osition of the village in the 
ojieu plain at a distance of several miles from the nearest outcrop of 
suitable building stone imturally led the builders to use stone more 
sparingly Mhen an available substitute was found close at hand. The 
thin slabs of stone, which had to be brought from a great distance, came 
to be used only for the more exposed portions of buildings, such as 
copmgs on walls and borders around roof openings. Still, the pueblo 


builders never attained to a full appreciation of the advantages and 
requireiiionts of this medium as compared with stone. The adobe walls 
are built only as thick as is absolutely necessary, few of them being 
more than a foot in thickness. The walls are thus, in proportion to 
height and weight, sustained, thinner than the crude brick construction 
of other peoples, and require jirotection aud constant repairs to insure 
durability. As t<i thickness, they are evidently modeled directly after 
the walls of stone masonry, which had already, in both Tusayan and 
Cibola, been pushed to the limit of thinness. In fact, since the date 
of the survey of Zufii, on which the published plan is based, the walls 
of several rooms over the court passageway in the house, illustrated in 
PI. Lxxxii, have entirely fallen in, demonstrating the insufficiency of 
the tliiu walls to sustain the weight of several stories. 

The climate of the pueblo region is not wholly suited to the employ- 
ment of adobe construction, as it is there practiced. For several months 
in the year (the rainy season) scarcely a day passes without violent 
storms which play havoc with the earth-covered houses, necessitating 
constant vigilance and frequent repaii-s on the part of the occupants. 

Though the practice of mud-coating all walls has in Cibola un- 
doubtedly led to greater carelessness and a less rigid adherence to 
ancient methods of construction, the stone masonry may still be seen 
to retain some of the peculiarities that characterize ancient examples. 
Features of this class are still more apparent at Tusayan, aud notwith- 
standing the rudeness of much of the modern stone masonry of this 
province, the fact that the builders are familiar with the superior methods 
of the ancient builders, is clearly shown in the masonry of the pi-esent 

Perhaps the most noteworthy characteristic of pueblo masonry, and 
one which is more or less j^resent in both ancient aud modern examples, 
is the use of small chinking stones for bringing the masonry to an even 
face after the larger stones forming the body of the wall have been laid 
in place. This method of construction has, in the case of some of the 
best built ancient pueblos, such as those on the Chaco in iSTew ^Mexico, 
resulted in the producticmof marvelously tinished stone walls, in wliich 
the mosaic-like bits are so closely laid as to show none but the finest 
joints on the face of the wall Avith but little trace of mortar. The chink- 
ing wedges necessarily varied greatly in dimensi(ms to suit the sizes of 
the interstices between the larger stones of the wall. The use of stone 
in this manner no doubt suggested the banded walls that foi-m so strik- 
ing a feature in some of the Chaco houses. This arrangement was 
likely to be brought about by the occurreuce in the cliffs of seams of 
stone of two degrees of thickness, suggesting to the builders the use of 
stones of similar thickness in continuous bands. The ornamental effect 
of this device Avas origiTuilly an accidental result of adopting the most 
convenient method of using the material at hand. Though the masonry 
of the modern pueblos does not afford examples of distinct bauds, the 




introduction of the small clunking spalls often follows horizontal lines 
of considerable leiig'th. Even iu mud-plastered Zufii, many outcrops 
of these thin, tabular wedges protrude from the partly eroded mud- 
coating of a wall and iiulicate the presence of this kind of stt)ne 
masonry. An example is illustrated in Fig. 34, a tower like projection 
at the northeast corner of house No. 2. 

Fig. 34. Stone wedges of Zimi masonry exposed in rain-wiished wall. 

In the Tusayan house illustrated in PI. lxxxiv, the construction of 
which was observed at Oraibi, the interstices between the large stones 
that formed the body of the wall, containing but small quantities of 



mild mortar, were filled in or plugged with small fragments of stone, 
wliich, after being partly embedded in the mud of the joint, were driven 
in with uiiliafted stone hainiucrs; ])r()duciiii;- a fairly even face of masonry, 
atterward gone over with iiuul i)lastering of the consistency of model- 
ing clay, applied a handful at a time. Piled up on the ground near 
the new house at convenient points for the builders may be seen exam- 
ples of the larger wall stones, indicating the marked tabular character 
of the pueblo masons' material. The narrow edges of sunilar stones are 
visible in the unplastered ]>ortions of the house wall, which also illus- 
trates the relative proportion of chinking stones. This latter, however, 
is a variable feature. PI. xv affords a clear illustration of the propor- 
tion of these small stones in the old masonry of Pajiipki; while in PI. 
XI, illustrating a portion of the outer wall of the Fire Ilouse, the tablets 
are fewer in number and thinner, their use predominating in the hori- 
zontal joints, as in the best of the old examples, but not to the same 
extent. Fig. 35 illustrates the inner face of an unplastered wall of a 

Fig. 35. An unplastered house wall in Caliente. 

small house at Ojo Caliente, in which the modern method of using the 
chinking stones is shown. This example bears a strong resemblance 
to the Pajirpki masom-y illustrated in PI. xv in the irregularity with 
which the chinking stones are distributed in the joints of the wall. The 
same room affords an illustration of a cellar-like feature having the 
appearance of an intentional excavation to attain a depth for this room 





corresponding to the adjoining floor level, but this effect is due simply 
to a clever adaptation of the house wall to an existing ledge of sand- 
stone. The latter has had scarcely any artificial treatment beyond the 
partial smoothing of the rock in a few places and the cutting out of a 
small niche from the rocky wall. This niche occupies about the same 
position in this room that it does in the ordinary pueblo house. It is 
remarkal)le that the pueblo builders did not to a greater extent utilize 
their skill in working stone in the preparation of some of the irregular 
rocky sites that they have at times occupied for the more convenient 
reception of their wall foundations; but in nearly all such cases the 
buildings have been modified to suit the ground. An example of this 
practice is illustrated in PI. xxiii, from the west side of Walpi. In 
some of the ancient examples the labor requii-ed to so prepare the sites 
woidd not have exceeded that expended on the massive masonry com- 
posed of numberless small stones. Many of the older works testify to 
the remarkable patience and industry of the builders in amassing and 
carefully adjusting vast quantities of building materials, and the mod- 
ern Indians of Tusayan and Cibola have inherited much of this ancient 
spirit; yet this industry was rarely diverted to the excavation of room 
or village sites, except in the case of the kivas, in which special motives 
led to the practice. In some of the Chaco imeblos, as now seen, the 
floors of outer marginal rooms seem to be depressed below the general 
level of the surrounding soil ; but it is now diflicult to determine whether 
such was the original arrangement, as much sand and soil have drifted 
against the outer walls, raising the surface. In none of the pueblos 
within the limits of the provinces under discussion has there been found 
any evidence of the existence of underground cellars; the rooms that 
answer such purpose are built on the level of the ground. At Tusayan 
the ancient practice of using the ground-floor rooms for storage still 
prevads. In these are kept the dried fruit, vegetables, and meats that 
constitute the principal winter food of the Tusayan. Throughout Tu- 
sayan the walls of the first terrace rooms are not fliushed witJi as much 
care as those al>ove that face the open courts. A quite smnotlily fin- 
ished coat of adobe is often seen in the upper stories, but is mucli more 
rarely applied to the rough masonry of the ground-floor rooms. At 
Zuni no such ditt'erence of treatment is to be seen, a result of the recent 
departure from their original defensive use. At the present day most 
of the rooms that are built on the ground have external doors, often of 
large size, and are regarded by the Zuiii as preferable to the ui)per 
terraces as homes. This indicates that the idea of convenience has 
already largely overcome the traditional defensive requirements of 
pueblo arrangement. The general finish and quality of the masonry, 
too, does not vary noticea])ly in ditt'erent ptn-tions of the village. An 
occasional wall may be seen in which underlying stones may be traced 
through the thin adobe covering, as in one of the walls of the court 
illustrated in PI. lxxxii, but most of the walls have a fairly smooth 


finish. The occasional cxani))lcs of rougher masonry do not seem to be 
confined to any particular portion of tlie village. At Tusayau, on the 
other hand, there is a noticeable difference in the extent to which the 
liiiisliiiig coat of adobe has been used in flie masonry. The villages of 
the first mesa, whose occupants have come in frequent contact with the 
eastern pueblo Indians and with outsiders generally, show the efiect in 
the ado]>tion of several devices still unknown to their western neighbors, 
as is show 11 in tlie discussion of the distribution of roof openings in 
these villages, pp. l.*()l-liOS. Tlie builders of the mesa seem also to 
have imitated their eastern brethren in tlie free use of the adobe coat- 
ing over their masonry, while at tlie \ ilhiges of the middle mesa, and x)ar- 
ticularly at Oraibi, the practice -has been comparatively rare, impart- 
ing an appearance of ruggedness and antiquity to the architecture. 

The stonework of this village, perhaps approaches the ancient types 
more closely thau that of the others, some of the walls being noticeable 
Ibr the frequent use of long bond stones. The execution of the masonry 
at the corners of some of the houses enforces this resemblance and indi- 
cates a knowledge of the princi])les of good construction in the proper 
alternation of the long stones. A comparison with the Kin-tiel masonry 
(PL Lxxxix) will show this resemblance. As a rule in pueblo masonry 
an ui)])er house wall was suiipoited along its wliole length by a wall of 
a lower story, but occasional exceptions occur in both aucient and 
modern work, where the builders have dared to trust the weiglit of 
upper walls to wooden beams or girders, su])ported along part of their 
length by buttresses fi'om the walls at their ends or by large, clumsy 
pieces of masonry, as was seen in the house of Sichumovi. In an upper 
story of Walpi also, pai'titions occur that are not built immediately over 
the lower walls, but on large beams supported on masonry jiiers. In the 
much higher terraces of ZuSi, the strength of many of the inner 
ground walls must be seriously taxed to withstand the superincumbent 
weight, as such walls are doubtless of only the average thickness and 
strength of ground walls. The clustering of this village has 
certainly in some instances thrown the weight of two, three, or even 
four additional stories ujion walls in which no provision was made for 
the unusual strain. The few supporting walls that were accessible to 
inspection did not indicate any provision in their thickness for the sup- 
jiort of additional weiglit; in fact, the builders of the original walls 
could have no knowledge of their future requirements in this respect. 
In the pueblos of the t'liaco upper partition walls were, in a few instances, 
supported directly on double girders, two posts of li! or 14 inches in 
diameter placed side by side, without reinforcement by stone piers or 
buttresses, the room below being left wholly unobstructed. This con- 
struction was practicable for the careful builders of the Chaco, but au 
attenqit by the Tusayau to achieve the same residt would probably end 
ill disastt'i-. It was quite common among the ancient builders to divide 
the ground or storage floor into smaller rooms thau the floor above, still 
preserving the vertical alignment of the walls. 




The tiuisli of pueblo niasouiy rarely went far beyond the two leading 
forms, to which attention has been called, the free use of adobe on the 
one hand and the banded arrangement of ancient niasom y on the other. 
These types appear to ])reseut development along divergent lines. The 
banded feature doubtless reached such a point of development in the 
Chaco pueblos that its decorative value began to be a|)i)reciated, for it 
is apparent that its elaboration has extended far beyond the require- 
ments of mere utility. This point would never have been reached had 
the practice prevailed of covering the walls with a coating of mud. 
The cruder examples of banded construction, however — those that still 
kept well within constructional expediency — were doubtless covered %vith 
a coating of jilaster where they occurred inside of the rooms. At Tusayan 
and Cibola, on the other hand, the tendency has been rather to elaborate 
the plastic element of the masonry. The nearly universal use of adobe 
is undoirbtedly largely resjionsible for the more slovenly methods of 
building now in vogue, as it etfectually conceals careless construction. 
It is not to be expected that walls would be carefully constructed of 
banded stonework when they were to be subsequently covered with 
mud. The elaboration of the use of adobe and its employment as a 
periodical coating for the dwellings, probably develoited gradually into 
the use of a whitewash for the house walls, resulting finally in crude 
attempts at wall decoration. 

Many of the interiors in Zuiii are washed with a coating of wliite, 
clayey gypsum, used in the form of a soluti(ju made by dissolving in 
hot water the lumps of the raw material, found in many localities. The 
mixture is applied to the walls wliile hot, and is s]tiead by means of a 
rude glove-like sack, made of sheep (U' goat skin, with the hair side out. 
With this primitive brush the Zuni housewives succeed in laying on a 
smooth and uniform coating over the plaster. An examjjle of this class 
of work was observed in a room of house No. 2. It is difficult to de- 
termine to what extent this idea is aboriginal; as now employed it has 
doubtless been affected by the methods of the neighboring Spanish 
po])ulation, among whom the i)ractice of white-coating the a(h)be houses 
inside and out is (piite common. Several traces of whitewashing have 
been found among the clift'-dwellings of Canyon de Chelly, notably at the 
ruin knowii as Casa Blanca, but as some of these ruins contained evi- 
dences of post-Spanish occui)ation, the occurrence there of the white- 
wash does not necessarily imply any great antiquity for the pra("tice. 

External of this material is much rarer, particularly in Zuni, 
where only a few walls of upper stories are whitened. Where it is not 
protected from the rains by an ovCxlianging coi)ing or other feature, the 
finish is not durable. Occasionally where a iloorway or other opening 
has been repaired the evidences of i)atchwork are obliterated by a sur- 
rounding band of fiesh plastering, varying in width from 4 inches to a 
foot or more. Usually this band is laid on as a thick wash of adobe, 
but in some instances a decorative effect is attained by using white. It 
S ETH 10 



is curious to find that at Tusayaii the decorative treatment of tlic finish- 
ins wash has been carried farther tlian at Zuni. The use of a (hirker 
band of color about the base of a whitewashed room luis ah'cady been 
noticed iu the description of a Tusayau interior. On many of the 
outer walls of upper stories the whitewash has been stopi)ed within 
a foot of the coping-, theuiiwhitened portion of tlie walls at the top hav- 
ing the effect of a frieze. In a second story house of Mashougnavi, that 
had been carefully whitewashed, additional decorative effect was pro- 
duced by tinting abroad ))and about the baseof the wall with an ajjpli- 
catiou of bright pinkish clay, which was also carried around the door- 
way as an enframing band, as in the case of the Zuni door above de- 
scribed. The angles on each side, at the junction of the broad base 
band with the narrower doorway border, wei'e tilled in with a design ot 
alternating ])ink and white squares. This doorway is illustrated in 
Fig. 30. Farther north, on the same terrace, the jamb of a whitewashed 

Fifi. 36. Wall decorations iu Maabouyuavi exocutt-il iu piuk ou a white ^ouml. 

doorway was decorated with the design shown on the right hand side 
of Fig. .3(!, executed also in ])iiik clay. This design closely resembles a 
pattern that is (•(umiioiily embroideicd uiiou the large wliite " kachina," 
or ceremonial l)lank(>ts. It is not known wliether the devii-c is here 
regarded as having any s])ecial siguittcan<'e. Tiie i)iiik clay in which 
these designs have been executed has in Sichuniovi been used for the 
coating of an entire house front. 

In addition to tlio above-mentioned uses of stone and earth in the 
masonry of house walls, the ])ucbl() builders have employed both these 
materials in a UKue primitive manner in building the walls of corrals 
and gardens, and for other ptrrposes. The, small terraced gardens of 
Zuni, located on the borders of the village on the southwest and 
southeast sides, close to the river bank, are each surrounded by walls 
1!.^ or 3 feet high, of very light construction, the average thickness not 
exceeding 6 or 8 inches. These rude walls are built of small, irregu- 
larly rounded lum])s of adobe, f(U'med by hand, and coarsely plastered 
with nuid. WIhmi the crops are gathered iu the fall the walls are broken 
down in places to facilitate access to the inclosirres, so that they require 
repairing at each planting season. Aside from this they are so frail as 
to rcMjuire freciuent repairs throughout the j)eriod of their use. This 
method of building walls was adopted because it was the readiest aud 






least laborious nivalis of iiiclosiug the reiiuired s])a('e. Tbc character 
of these gardi'ii walls is illustrated in PI. xc, aud their coustructiou 
■with rough lumps of crude adobe shows also the contrast between the 
weak appearance of this work and the more substantial effect of the 
ma.sonry of the adjoining' uuiinislied house. At the Oibolan farming 
pueblos inclosing walls were usually made of stone, as were also those 
of Tusayan. PI. LXX indicates the manner in which the material has 
been used in the corrals of Pescado, located within the village. The 
stone walls are used in combination with stakes, such as are employed 
at the main pueblo. 

Small inclosed gardens, like those of Zuiii, occur at several points in 
Tusayan. The thin walls are made of dry masonry, quite as rude in 
character as those inclosing the Zuni gardens. The smaller clusters 
are usually located in the midst of large areas of broken stone that has 
fallen from the mesa above. In the foreground of PI. xxii may be seen 
a number of examples of such work. PI. xci illustrates a group of cor- 
rals at Oraibi whose walls are laid up without the use of mud mortar. 

Where exceptionally large blocks of stone are available they have 
been utilized in an upright position, and occur at greater or less inter- 
vals along the thin walls of dry masonry. An example of this use was 
seen in a garden wall on the west side of Walpi, where the stones had 
been set on end in the yielding surface of a sandy slope among the foot- 
hills. A similar arrangement, occurring close to the houses at OJo Cal- 
iente, is illustrated in PI. XCii. Large, upright slabs of stone have 
been used by the pueblo builders in many ways, sometimes incori)orated 
into the architecture of the houses, aud again in detached jjositions at 
some distance from the villages. Pis. xciii aud xciv, drawn from the 
photographs of Mr. W. H. Jackson, afford illustrations of this usage in 
the ancient ruins of Montezuma Oanyon. In the first of these cases the 
stones were utilized, apparently, in house masonry. Among the ruins 
in the valley of the San Juan and its tributaries, as described by Messrs. 
W. II. Holmes and W. H. Jackson, varied arrangements of upright 
slabs of stone are of frequent occurrence. The rows of stones are some- 
times arranged in siiuares, sometimes in circles, and occasionally are 
incrtrporated into the walls of ordinary masonry, as in the example illus- 
trated. Isolated slabs are also met with among the ruins. At K'ia- 
kima, at a point near the margin of the ruin, occurs a series of very 
large, upright slabs, which occupy the positions of headstones to a 
nund)er of small iiiclosures, thought to be mortuary, outlined uixin 
th(^ ground. These have been already described in connection with the 
ground plan of this village. 

The employnnent of upright slabs of stone to mark graves probably 
prevailed to some extent in ancient practice, but other uses suggest 
themselves. Occuiiyiiig a conspicuous point in the village of Kin-tiel 
(PI. Lxiii) is an upright slab of sandstone which seems to stand in its 
original position undistui'bed, though the walls of the adjoining rooms 


arc ill ruins. A siinilar feature wa.s seeu at I'efiasco Hlauco, on the side of the village aud a short distance without the inclosing wall. 
Both these rude i)illars are, in charaeter and in ]K)siti()n, very similar to 
an upright stone of known use at /uui. A hundred aud fifty feet from 
this pueblo is a large upright block of sandstone, which is said to be 
vised as a datum i)oint in the (jbservations of the sun made by a i)riest 
of Zuni for the regulation of the time for ])lanting and harvesting, for 
determining the new year, and for fixing the dates of certain other 
ceremonial observances. By the aid ot such devices as the luitive 
priests have at their command they are enabled to fix the date of the 
winter solstice with a fair degree of accuracy. Such rude determination 
ot time was probably an aboriginal invention, and may have furnished 
the motive in other cases for placing stone pillars in such unusual i)osi- 
tions. The explanation of the governor of Zuni for a sun symbol seen 
ou an ui)right stone at Matsaki has been given in the descriptiim of 
that place. Single slabs are also used, as seen in the easternmost room 
group of Taaaiyalana, and in the southwestern cluster on the same 
mesa, in the building of shrines for the deposit of i)lume sticks and 
other ceremonial objects. 

An unusual employment of small stones in an upright position occurs 
at Zuni. The inclosing wall of the church yard, still used as a burial 
place, is i)rovided at intervals along its to]) with ujjright pieces of stone 
set into the joints of a regular coping course that caps the wall. This 
feature may have some connection with the idea of vertical grave 
stones, iKited at K'iakima. It is ditticult to surmise what practical pur- 
pose (n)uld have been subserved by these small ui)right stones. 

Notwithstanding the use of large stones for special purposes the pueblo 
builders rarely appieciated the advantages that ndght be ol)tained l)y 
the proper use of sm-h material. Pueblo masonry is essentially made 
up of small, often minute, constructional units. This restriction doubt- 
less resulted in a higher degree of mural finish than would otherwise 
have been attained, but it also imposes certain limitations n\Hm their 
architectural achievement. Some of these are noted in the discussion 
of openings and of other details of construction. 

ri. XLV, an illustration of a Mormon mill building at Moen-kopi, 
already referred to in the description of that village, is introduced for 
the piirpose of comi>ariug the methods adopted by the natives and by 
the whites in the treatment of the same class of nniterial. Perhaps the 
most noteworthy contrast is seen in the sills and lintels of the openings. 

miOl'S AXI) I-I,I)01!S, 

In the pueblo system of building, roof and floor is one; for all the 
floors, except such as are formed immediately on the surface of the 
ground, are at tlu^ same time the roofs and ceilings of lower rooms. 
The pueblo plan of to-day readily admits of additions at any time and 
almost at any point of the basal construction. Tiie addition of rooms 




above conv(M'ts a roof into tlic tioor of the new room, so that there can 
be no distinction in method of constrnction hctwecn tlo(n's and roofs, 
except the floors are occasionally covered with a complete paving of 
thin stone slabs, a device that in external roofs is confined to the cop- 
ings that cap the walls and enframe openings. 

The methods of roofing their inmses i)racticed by the pneblo build- 
ers varied but little, and followed the general order of construction 
that has been outlined iu describing Tusayan house building. The 
diagram shown iu Fig. 37, aii isometric projection illustrating roof 

Fig. 'M. Di;ij;ram of Zufii nMifrnnstniction. 

construction, is taken from a Zuui exami)le, the building of whicli was 
observed by the writer. The roof is built by first a series of jirinciital 
beams or rafters. These are usually straight, round jjoIcs of G or S inches 
in dianuiter, with all bark and projecting knots removed. 8(pnued 
beams are of very rare occurrence; the only ones seen were those of 
the Tusayan kivas, of S])anish manufacture. In recently constructed 
houses the princix)al beams are often of large size aiul are very neatly 
scjuared oft' at the ends. Similar square ended beams of large size are 
met with in the ancient work of the Chaco pueblos, but there the enor- 
mous labor involved in producing the result witli only the aid of .stone 
inii)lenicnts is in keeping with the iiigidy finished character of the 
masonry and the general massiveness of the construction. The same 
treatnuMit was adopted in Kin-tiel, as may be seen iu PI. xcv, which 
illustrates a beam resting up(m a ledge or ottset of the inner walls. The 
recent introduction of imiu'oved mechanical aids has exerted a strong 
influence on the cliaracter of the construction in greatly facilitating 
execution. The use of the American ax made it a much easier task to 
cut large timbers, and tlie introduction of the "burro" and ox greatly 
facilitated their transportation. In tlie case of the modei-n pueblos, 
such as Zufii, the dwelling i-ooms that were built by families so poor as 
not to have these aids woidd to some extent indicate the fact by their 
more primitive construction, and ])articuhuly by their small size. Id 


this respect more closely resembling- the rooms of the ancient pueblos. 
As a result the poorer classes would be more likely to perpetuate primi- 
tive devices, tliroujih the necessity for practicing methods that to the 
wealthier members of tlie tribe were becoming a matter of tradition 
only. In such a sedentary tribe as the present ZuiJi, these differences 
of Avealth and station are more marked than one would expect to find 
among a people practicing a style of architecture so evidently influenced 
by the communal prinidple, and the architecture of to-day shows the 
eifect of such distinctions. In the house of the governor of Zuiii a new 
room has been recently built, in which the second series of the roof, 
that applied over the priucii)al beams, consisted of pine shakes or 
shingles, and these supported the final earth covering without any in- 
tervening material. In the typical arrangement, however, illustrated 
in the tignre, the first series, or piincijial beams, are covered by another 
series of small poles, about an inch and a lialf or two inches in diameter, 
at right angles to the first, and usually laid quite close together. The 
ends of these small jiolcs arc partially embedded in the masonry of the 
walls. In an example of the nune careful and laborious work of the 
ancient builders seen at Penasco Blanco, on the Ghaco, the principal 
beams were covered with narrow boards, from 2 to 4 inches wide and 
about 1 inch thick, over which Avas put tlie usual covering of earth. 
The boards had the appearance of having been si)lit out with wedges, 
the edges and fiices having the characteristic fibrous appearance of 
torn or .split wood. At Zuni an instance occurs where split poles have 
been used for the second series of a roof extending through the whole 
thickness of the wall and projecting outside, as is commonly the case 
with the first series. A similar arrangement was seen in a ruined tower 
in the vicinity of Port Wingate, Xew Mexico. In the typical roof con- 
struction illustrated the second series is covered with small twigs or 
brush, laid in close contact and at right angles to the underlying series, 
or i)arancl witli the main beams. Tl. xcvi, illustrating an unroofed 
adobe house in Zuni, shows several bundles of this material on an adjoin- 
ing roof. This series is in turn covered witli a layer of grass and small 
brush, again at right angles, which jjrepares the frame for the recei)ti(m 
of the final earth covering, this latter being the fiftli application to the 
roof. In the example illustrated the eutii-e earth covering of the roof 
was finished in a single application of the material. It has been seen 
that at Tusayan a layer of moistened earth is applied, followed by a 
thicker layer of the dry soil. 

In ancient construction, the method of arranging the material varied 
somewhat. In some cases series 3 was very carefully constructed of 
straight willow wands laid side by side in contact. This gave a very 
neat appearance to the ceiling \vithin the room. Examples were seen 
in Canyon de Chelly, at Mummy Cave, and Tit Himgo Pavie and Pueblo 
Bonito on the Chaco. 

Again examples occur where series 2 is composed of 2-inch poles 
in contact and the joints are chinked on the npper side with small 


stones to prevent the earth from sifting tliroiigh. This arrangement 
was seen in a small I'hister on the canyon bottom on the de Chelly. 

The small size of available roofing rafters has at Tusayan brought 
about a construction of clumsy piers of masonry in a few of the larger 
rooms, which support the ends of two sets of main girders, and these in 
turn carry series 1, or the main ceiling beams of the roof. The girders 
are generally double, an arrangement that has been often employed in 
ancient times, as many examples occur among the ruins. The purpose 
of such arrangement may have been to admit of the abutment of the 
ends of series 1, when the members of the latter were laid in contact. 
In the absence of squared beams, 
which seem never to have been used 
in the old work, this abutnuMit could 
only be securely accomplished by tlie 

J? J 1,1 ' 1 4-' 1 ■ ^"^^ -'*'■ Showing abutment of smalK-r roof 

use of double gu-ders, as suggested m ^^^„,„ „„,^ ^„^^ ^^^^^^^ 

the following diagram. Fig. 3S. 

Tlie linal roof covering, composed of clay, is usually laid on very care- 
fully and firmly, and, when the surface is unbroken, answers fau-ly well 
as a watershed. A slight slope or fall is given to the roof. This roof 
subserves every purpose of a front yard to the rooms that open upon it, 
and seems to be used exactly like the grouud itself. Sheepskins are 
stretched and pegged out upon it for tanning or drying, and the (diar- 
acteristic Zurd dome-shai)ed oven is frequently built upon it. In Zuui 
generally upper rooms are provided oidy with a mud floor, although 
occasionally the method of paving with large thin slabs of stone is 
adopted. These are often somewhat irregular in form, the object being 
to have them as laige as possible, so that considerable ingenuity is often 
disi)layed iu selecting the pieces and in joiuiug the irregular edges. 
This arrangement, similar to that of the kiva floors of Tusayan, is oc- 
casionally met with in the kivas. 

In making excavations at Kin-tiel, the floor of the ground room in 
which the circular door illustrated in PI. c, was found was paved with 
large, irregular fragments of stone, the thickness of which did not aver- 
age more than an inch. Its floor, whose paving was all in place, was 
strewn with broken, irreguhu' fraginents similar in character, which must 
have been used as the flooring of an upper chamber. 


In the construction of the typical jnieblo house the walls are carried 
up to the height of the roof surface, and are then capped with a contin- 
uous protecting coping of thin flat stones, laid in close contact, their 
outer edges flush with the face of the wall. This arrangement is still 
the i)revailing one at Tusayan, though there is an occasional example 
of the projecting coping that practically forms a cornice. This latter 
is the more usual form at Zuni, though in the farming pueblos of Cibola 


it does not occur with any greater frequency tliau at Tusayan. The 
Hush coping is in Tusayan made of the thinnest and most uniform spec- 
imens of buikling stoue available, but these are not nearly so well 
adapted to tlie purpose as those found in the vicinity of Zuni. 

Here the projecting stones are of singularly regular and symmetri- 
cal form, and receive very little artificial treatment. Their extreme 
thinness makes it easy to trim off the projecting corners and angles, 
reducing them to such a form that they can be laid in close contact. 
Thus laid they firrnish an admirable protection against the destructive 
action of the violent rains. The stones are usually trimmed to a width 
corresponding to the thickness of the walls. Of course where ;i pro- 
jecting cornice is built, it can be made, to some extent, to conform to 
the width of available coping stones. These can usually be procured, 
however, of nearly uniform width. In the case of the overhanging 
cornices the necessary projection is attained by continuing either the 
main roof beams, or sometimes the smaller poles of the second series, 
according to the position of the required cornice, for a foot or more 
beyond the outer face of the wall. Over these poles the rooting is con- 
tinued as in ordinary roof construction with the exception that the 
edge of the earth covering is built of masonry, an additional precau- 
tion against its destruction by the lains. In many places the adobe 
plastering originally applied to the faces of these cornices, as well as to 
the walls, has been washed away, exposing the whole construction. In 
some of these instances the face of the cornice furnishes a comi)lete sec- 
tion of the roof, in which all the series of its construction can be readily 
identified. The protective agency of these coping stones is well illus- 
trated in PI. xcvii, which shows the destructive effect of rain at a point 
where an ojxmi joint has admitted enougli water to bare the masonry of 
the cornice face, eating through its coating of adobe, while at the lirudy 
closed joint toward the left there has been no erosive action. The much 
larger proportion of ))rojectiiig copings or cornices in Zuni, fis compared 
with Tusayan, is undoubtedly attributable to the universal smoothing 
of the walls with adobe, and to the more general use of this perishable 
medium in this village, and the consequent necessity for ])rotecting the 
walls. The erticienc,\- of this means of jjrotecting the wall against the 
wear of weather is seen in the preservation of external whitewashing 
for several feet below such a cornice on the face of the walls. At the 
pueblo of Acoma a similar extensive use of projecting cornices is met 
with, particularly on the third stoiy walls. Here again it is due to the 
use of adobe, which has been uKU-e frequently employed in the tinish of 
the higher and newer poi-tions of the village than in the lower terraces. 
As a rule these overhanging copings occur ])ricipally on the southern 
exposures of the buildings and on the terraced sides of house rows. 
When walls rise to the height of several stories directly fi'om the ground, 
such as the back walls of house rows, they are not usually i)rovided 
with this feature but are capped with flush copings. 


KooF ukains. 


The rai)i(l and tlestnu'tive erosion of tlic earthen roof eoveriuff must 
have early stimulated the ]:)ueblo architect to devise means for promptly 
distributiu};- wliere it would do the h^ast harm the water which came 
upon his house. This necessity must have led to the early use of roof 
drains, for in no other way could the ancient builders have pi'ovided 
for the effectual removal of the water fi'om the roofs and at the same 
time have preserved intact the masonry of the walls, rnfortunately 
we have no examples of such features in the ruined pueblos, for in the 
destruction or decay of the houses tlu'v are among the first details to 
be lost. The roof drain in the iiiodern architecture becomes a very 
pi-ominent feature, i)articulai'ly at Zufii. 

These drains are formed ])y piercing an ojtening through the thick- 
ness of tlie (•oi)iiig wall, at a point where tlie drainage from the roof 
would collect, the opening l)eing made with a decided pitch and fur- 
nished with a spout or de\ice of .some kind to insure the discharge of 
the water beyond the face of the wall. These spouts assume a A'ariety of 
forms. Perhaps the most common is that of a single long, nari-ow slab 
of stone, set at a suitable angle and of surticieiit projection to throw the 
discharge clear of the wall. Fig. ;{!• illustrates drains of this type, No. 

P"lG. :{0. Sin;;Ir stom- nml' ilraiUM. 

1 being a Tusaysin examjih' and No. H tVoiii Zuni. It will be noted that 
the surrounding masonry of the former, as well as the stone itself, are 
nuu'h ludcr tiiaii the Zufii exaii)i)le. Another type of drain, not differ- 


Fin. 40. Trough roof drains ol" stone 

ing greatly from the i)rei-eding, is illustrated in Fig. 40. This form is a 
slight improvement on the single stone drain, as it is provided with side 



l)it>(;c.s wiiifh convert the device into a trouj^ii-like .spoilt, aud more 
etf'ectually direct the discharge. No. 1 is a Tiisayan spout and JSTo. 2 a 
Znni cxauii)]!'. W()0(h'n sponts arc also coiiinionly used for tliis ])ur- 
posc. Vi^. 41 illustrates an example from each province of this form of 

Fig. 41. Woinlfii mill ilr;liiis. 

drain. are u.sually made from small tree trunks, not exceeding 
3 or 4 inches in diameter, and are gouged out from one side. No tnbu- 
hir siH'cimens of wooden spouts were seen. At Tusayau the builders 
have utilized stoue of a concretionary formation for roof drains. The 
workers in stone (;ould not wish for material more suitably fashioned 
f(U' the purpose than these specimens. Two of these curious stone chan- 
nels are illustrated in Fig. 4L'. Two it- examples of Tusayan roof 

Fig. 42. Curveil roof drains of.stom- in 

drains are illustrated in Fig. 43. The tirst of the latter shows the use 
of a discarded nictate, or mealing stone, and the second of a gourd that 
lias been walled into the coping. 





It is said that tubes of clay were used at Awatubi iii olden times for 
roof drains, but there remains no positive evidence of this. Tliree forms 
of this device are attributed to the people of that village. Some are 

Fig. 43. Tusayan roof drains; a discarded metate and a gourd. 

said to have been made of wood, others of stone, and some again of sim- 
dried clay. The native explanation of the use in this connection of sun- 
dried clay, instead of the more durable baked product, was that the ap- 
lilication of fire to any object that water passes through would be likely 
to dry up the rains. It was stated in this connection that at the 
present day the cobs of the corn used for planting are not burned until 
rain has fallen on the crop. If the clay spout described really existed 
among the people at Awatubi, it was likely to have been an innovation 
introduced by the Spanish missionaries. Ainong the potsherds jiicked 
up at this ruin was a small piece of coarsely made clay tube, which 
seemed to be too large and too roughly modeled to Lave been the 
handle of a ladle, which it roughly resembled, or to have belonged to 
any other known form of domestic j)ottery. As a roof drain its use 
would not accord with the restrictions referred to in the native account, 
as the piece had been burnt. 

In some cases in Zuni where drains discharge from the roofs of upper 
terraces directly upon those below, the lower roofs and also the adjoin- 
ing vertical walls are i>rotected by thin tablets of stone, as shown in 
Fig. 44. It will be seen that one of these is placed upon the lower roof 
in such a position that the drainage falls directly upon it. Where the 
adobe roof covering is left unprotected its destruction by the rain is 
very I'apid, as the showers of the rainy season in these regions, though 
usually of short duration, are often extremely violent. The force of the 
torrents is illustrated in the neighboring country. Here small ruts in 
the surface of the ground are rapidly converted into large arroyos. 
Frequently ordinary wagon tracks along a bit of valley slope serve as 
an initial channel to the rapidly accumulating waters and are eateu 



away in a few weeks so that tbe road becoiiies wholly impassable, and 
must be abandoued for a uew one alongside. 

Fig. 44. Ziifii roof drain, "with sx^ash stoni-s on roof below. 

The shiftk'ssness of the nativ(> builders in the use of the more conven- 
ient material brings its own ])enalty during tliis sea.son in a necessity 
for constant watchfulness and frequent repairs to keep the houses habit- 
able. One can often see in Zufii where an inefficient drain or a broken 
coping has given the water free access to the fa(;e of a plastered wall, 
carrying away all its covering and exposing in a vertical si)ace the 
jagged stones of the underlying masonry. It is noticeable that much 
more attention has been j)aid to protective devices at Znni than at 
Tusayan. This is undoubtedly due to the prevalent use of adobe in the 
former. This friable material must be jn-otected at all vulnerable 
points with slabs of stone in order quickly to divert the water and pre- 
serve the roofs and walls from destruction. 


In the inclosed court of the old fortress pueblos the first terrace was 
reached oidy by means of ladders, but tlie terraces or rooms above this 
were reached Ijoth by ladders and steps. Tlie removal of the lower tier 
of ladders thus gave security against intrusion and attack. The build 
ers of Tusayan have preserved this primitive arrangement in much 
greater purity tlian those of Cibola. 

In Znni numerous ladders are seen on every terrace, but the ]>urpose 
of these, on the highest terraces, is not to provide access to the rooms 
of the upper story, which always have external doors opening on the 
terraces, but to facilitate repairs of tlie roofs. At Tusayan, on tlie 



f- >"" ''if',' 

-4 , « 




other liaiid, ladders are of rare oeeurrenee above the tirst terraee, tUeir 
phu'C being' supplied by tiigiits of stone stejjs. The ixdative seareityol' 
stoue at Zuui, suitable for building material, and its great abundance 
at Tusayan, undoubtedly areount for this differenee of usage. es])eeially 
as tlie proximily of the timber supply of the Zuni mountains to the 
former facilitates the substitution of wood for steps of masouiy. 

Fio. 4?. A luoilmi ijotcliuil liiilrttT in Oraibi. 

Fig. 46. 'ru.sityau notched ladders fi'om Ma.shongDavi. 

The earliest form of ladder among the pueblos was probably a notched 
log, a form still occasionally u.sed. Figures -l.j and Hi illustrate exam- 
l»les of this type of ladder from Tusayan. 



A notched ladder from Orail)i, made with a modern axe, is shown. 
This sx)e(!imen has a squareness of outHne and an evenness of surface 
not observed in the ancient examples. The ladder from Mashonjrnavi, 
illustrated on the left of Fif,'. 4(!, closely resembles the Oraibi s])<'cimeii, 
thoujjh the workmanship is somewhat ruder. The example illustrated 
on the right of the same tigiire is from Oraibi. This ladder is very old, 
and its present rough and weatherbeaten surface affords but little evi- 
dence of the chaiacter of the implcitieiit used in making it. 

The ladder having two poles connected by cross rungs is undcmbtedly 
a native invention, and was probably develoi)ed through a series of iin- 
l)rovcments on the jirimitive notc^hed ty])e. It is described in detail in 
the earliest Spanish accounts. Fig. -17 illustrates on the left the notched 


Fig. 47. Aboriifiual American forms of ladder. 

ladder, and on tlie right a typical two-jiole ladder in its most primitive 
form. In this case the rungs are simply lashed to the uprights. The 
center ladder of the diagram is a Mandan device illustrated by Mr. 
Lewis H. Morgan.! As used by the Mandans this ladder is placed 
with its forked end on the ground, the reverse of the Pueblo practice. 
It will readily be seen, on comparing these examples, that an elongation 
of the fork which occurs as a constant accom])animent of the notched 
ladder might eventually suggest a construction similar to that of the 
Mandan ladder reversed. The function of the fork on the notched 
ladder in steadying it when placed against the wall would be more 
effectually performed by enlarging this feature. 

' Cent, to N. A. Ethn., vol. 4, Houses and House Life, pp. 129-131. 





At one stiifi't' ill tlic (Itnt'loiiiiient of the form of ladiler in coiiiiiiou use 
to-<lay the rungs were hiid in (h'pressions or notches of the vertical poles, 
resembling the larger notches of the single ladder, and then lashed on 
with thongs of rawhide or with other materials. Later, when the use of 
iron became known, holes were burned through the side jioles. This is 
the nearly universal practice to-day, though some of the more skillful 
pueblo carpenters manage to chisel out rectangular holes. The piercing 
of the side poles, pai'ticulary prevalent in Zuiii, has bixnight about a 
curious departure from the ancient practice of removing the ladder in 
times of threatened danger. Long rungs are loosely slipped into the 
holes in the side pieces, and the security formerly gained by taking up 
the entire ladder is now obtained, partially at least, by the removal of 
the rungs. The boring of the side pieces and the employment of loose 
rungs seriously interferes with the stabihty of the structure, as means 
must be provided to prevent the spreading apart of the side pieces. The 
Zuhi architect has met this difficulty by prolonging the poles of the lad- 
der and attaching a cross piece near their upper ends to hold them to- 
gether. As a rule this cross piece is pro\ided with a hole near eacli end 
into which the tapering extremities of the poles are inserted. From their 
high position near the extremities of the ladders, seen in silhouette 
against the sky, they form peculiarly striking features of Zufli. They are 
frequently decorated with rude carvings of terraced notches. Exam- 
ples of this device may be seen in the ^^ews of Zuni, and several tj-jiical 
specimens are illustrated in detail in PI. XCViii. The use of cross pieces 
on ladders emerging from roof openings is not so common as on external 
ones, as there is not the same necessity for holding together the poles, 
the sides of the opening performing that office. 

There are two places in Zuni, jjortions of the densest house cluster, 
where the needs of unusual traffic have been met by the employment of 
double ladders, made of three vertical poles, which accommodate two 
tiers (jf rungs. The sticks forming the rungs are inserted in continuous 
lengths through all three jioles, and the cross pieces at the top are also 
continuous, being formeil of a single tiat piece of wood perforated by three 
holes for the reception of the tips of the i)oles. In additional to the usual 
cross pieces pierced for the recejition of the side poles and rudely carved 
into ornamental tV)niis, many temporary cross ])ieces are added during 
the harvest season in the early autumn to support the strips of meat and 
melons, strings of red i)eppers, and other articles dried in the open air 
prior to storage for winter use. At this season every device that will 
serve this purpose is eini>loyed. Occasionally poles are seen extending 
across the reentering angles of a house or are supported on the coping 
and rafters. The projecting roof beams also are similarly utilized at this 

Zufli ladders are usually provided with about eight rungs, but a few 
have as many as twelve. The women ascend these ladders carrying 
ollas of water on their heads, children play upim them, and a few of the 


most expert of tlic miinerous dogs that infest tlie village eaii (■liiiiisily 
inak(^ their way up ami down them. As described in a i)revious section 
all houses built during the year are consecrated at a certain season, 
and among other details of the ceremonial, certain rites, intended to 
prevent accidents to children, etc., are ])eiformed at the foot of the lad- 

In Tusayan, wliere stone is al)uiidant, the ladder has not reached tlie 
elaborate development seen in Zuni. The jjerforated cross piece is 
rarely seen, as there is little necessity for its ado})tion. The side poles 
are held together by the to]» and bott(>m rungs, which ]iass entirely 
through tiic side pieces and are securely fixed, while the ends of the 
others are only i)artly embedded in the side pieces. In other cases 
(PI. XXXII) the i)oles are rigidly held in ])lace by ropes or rawhide 

Short ladders whose side poles are but little prolonged beyond the 
top rung are of common occurrence, particularly in Oraibi. Thiee such 
laddei-s are shown in PI. Lxxxiv. A similar example may be seen in 
PI. ovii, in connection with a large o])ening closed with rough masonry. 
In these cases the rungs are made to occupy slight notches or depres- 
sions in the upright poles and are then firmly lashed with rawhide, form- 
ing a fairly rigid structure. This type of ladder is probably a survival 
of the earliest form of the pueblo ladder. 

In addition to the high cross piece whose fmictiou is to retain in place 
the vertical poles, the kiva ladders are usually ])rovided, both in Zuni 
and Tusayan, with a cross piece consisting of a nmnd stick tied to the 
uprights and placed at a uniform height above the kiva roof This stick 
affords a handhold for the masked dancers who are often encumbered 
with ceremonial ]iaraphernalia as they enter the kiva. In the cas(^ of 
the Oraibi kiva occupying the foreground of PI. xxxviil, it may be seen 
that this handhold cross piece is in.serted into holes in the side poles, 
an exception to the general ]>ractice. In PI. Lxxxvii, illustrating kivas, 
the position of this feature will be seen. 

The exceptional mode of access to Tu.sayan kiva hatchways by means 
of short flights of stone steps has already been noticed. In several 
instances the toji steps of tliese short flights co\'cr the thickness of the 
wall. The lemaiusof a similar stairway were observed in Pueblo Bonito, 
where it evidently reached directly from the ground to an external 
doorway. Access by such means, howexer. is a (lei)artui(' from the 
original defensive idea. 

Modern practice in Zuni has departed more widely from the i>rimitive 
system than at Tusayan. In the former [)Uel»lo short flights of stone 
.steps giving access to dooi-s raised but a short distance above the grouml 
are very commonly seen. Even in the small farming pueblo of Pescado 
two examples of this arrangement are met with. PI. xcix illustrates 
one of these found on the north outside wall. In the general views 
of the Tusayan villages the closer adherence to jirimifive methods is 




clearly indicated, altUougli the modern compare very unfavorably with 
the ancient examples iu precision of execution. PI. xxxii illustrates 


Fig. is. Stuuf .sli'pti at Oniilji, with platform at corner. 

two flights of stone steps of Shupaulovi. In many cases the work- 
manship of these stone stei)s does not surpass that seen iu the Waljti 
trail, illustrated iu PI. xxv. 

Fig. 49. stone steps, with platform at chimney, iu Oraibi. 
S ETH 11 



Perhaps in no one detail of pueblo construction are the careless and 
shiftless modern methods so conspicuous as in the stone steps of the 
upper terraces of Tusayan. Here are seen many awkward makeshifts 
by means of which tlie builders have tried to compensates for their lack 
of foresight in planning. The absence of a definite plan for a house 
cluster of many rooms, already noted iu the discussion of dwelling- 
house construction, is rendered conspicuous by the manner iu which 
the stone stairways are used. Figs. 4S and 40 illustrate stone steps on 
upper terraces in Oraibi. In both cases the steps have been added 
long after the rooms against which they abut were built. In order to 
conform to the fixed re(|uirenient of jdacing such means of access at 
the corners of the upper moms, the builders constructeil a clumsy 
platform to afford passage around the previously luiilt cliimney. Fig. 
50 shows the result of a sinulai' lack of foresight. The upi)er portion of 

.,- :_ i- _ 

Fig. 5U. Stone stepa in Shuoiopavi. 

the flight, consisting of three steps, has been abruptly turned at right 
angles to the main flight, and is suppiu'ted upon rude ])oles and beams. 
The restriction of this featurt^ to the corners of upper rooms where they 
were most likely to conflict with chimneys is undoubtedly a survival of 
ancient practice, and due to the necessary vertical alignment of walls 
and masonry iu this primitive construction. 


Most of the cooking of the ancient Puebhis was probably done out of 
doors, as among the ruins vestiges of cooking pits, almost identical in 




character with those still touiid in Tusayan, are frequently seen. In 
Cibola the large dome-shaped ovens, coiniiion to the Pueblos of theEio 
Grande and to their Mexican neighbors are in general use. In Tu- 
sayan a few examples of this form of oven occur upon the roofs of the 
terraces, while the cooking pit in a variety of forms is still extensively 

The distribution of the dome-shaped ovens in Oibohx and in Tusayan 
may be seen on the ground i)lans in Chapters iii and iv. The simplest 
form of cooking pit, still commonly used in Tusayan, consists of a de- 
pression in the ground, lined with a coating of mud. The pit is usually 
of small size and is commonly i)laced at some little distance from the 
liouse; in a few cases it is located in a sheltered corner of the building. 
Fig. 51 illustrates a series of 

three such primitive oven s built 
against a house wall, in a low 
bench or ledge of masonry 
raised G inches above the 
ground; the holes measure 
about a foot across and are 

MujiUi^ iiiiuwjii.iiiiiiiiiaiiniiiiiiiiii 

Fig. 51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi. 

about 18 or 20 inches deep. Many similar pits occur in the Tusayan 
villages; some of them are walled in with upright stone slabs, whose 
rough edges project 6 or S inches above the ground, the result closely 
resembling the ancient form of in-door fireplace, such as that seen 
in a room of Kin-tiel. (I'l. c.) 

P'lo. K. Pi-<rnmmi ovens of Mashongnavi. 

In its perfected form the cooking pit in Tusayan takes the place of 
the more elaborate oven used in Zuui. Pigs. 52 and 53 show two speci- 



Fig. 53. Cross sections of pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi. 

mens of pits used for the prepuratiou of i)i-guiiimi, a kiud of baked 



These occur on the east side of Mashougnavi. They jiroject <5 or 8 
inches above tlie ground, and have a depth of from 18 to 24 inches. 
The debris scattered about the pits indicates the manner in which they 
are covered witli shibs of stone and sealed ^yith mud when in use. In 
all the oven devices of the pueblos the interior is first thoroughly heated 
by a long continued fire within the structure. When the temperature 
is sufficiently high the ashes and diit are cleaned out, the articles to 
be cooked inserted, and the orifices sealed. The food is often left in 
these heated rece])tacles for 12 hours or more, and on removal it is gen- 
erally found to be very nicely cooked. Each of the pi-gummi ovens 
illustrated above is provided with a tube-like orifice 3 or 4 inches in 
diameter, descending ol)]iquely from the gnmnd level into the cavity. 
Through this opening the tire is arranged and kept in order, and in 
this respect it .seems to be the counterpart of the smaller hole of the 
Zuiii dome-shaped ovens. When the princii)al opening, by which the 
ves.sel containing the pi-gummi or other articles is introduced, has been 
covered with a slab of stone and sealed with nuid, the effect i.s similar 
to that of the doine-shaped oven when the ground-oiiening or doorway 
is hermetically closed. 

No example of the dome-shaped oven of pre-Columbian origin has 
been found among the pueblo ruins, although its i)rototype piobably 
existed in ancient times, possibly in the form of a kiln for baking a tine 
quality of pottery formerly nianufactuied. However, the cooking ]»it 
alone, developed to the point of the i)i-gummi oven of Tusayan, may 
have been the stem upon which the foreign idea was engrafted. In- 
stances of the coni])lete ado|(tioii by these conservative ])eo]ile of a 
wholly foreign idea or feature of construction are not likely to be found, 
as improvements are almost universally confined to the mere modifica- 
tion of existing devices. In the few instances in which more radical 
clianges are attempted the resulting tVnuis bear evidence of the fact. 

Fig. 54. Diagram showing t'onndation .stones of a Zuiii oven. 

In Cibola the construction of a dome-.shaped oven is begun by laying 
out roughly a circle of flat stones as a foundation. Upon these the 




upper structtire is nidely built of stones laid in the mud and approxi- 
mately iu the courses, though often during construction one side will be 
carried considerably higher than another. The walls curve inward to au 
apparently unsafe degree, but the mud inortar is often allowed to i)artly 
dry before carrying the overhanging portion so far as to endanger the 
structure, and accidents rarely happen. The oven illustrated iu PI. 
XCVii shows near its broken doorway the arrangement of foundation 
stones referred to. Typical examples of the dome oven occur in the 
foreground of the general view of ZuiSi shown in PI. lxxviii. 

The dome ovens of Cibola are generally smoothly |)lastered, inside 
and out, but a few examples are seen in wluch the stones of the nuisonry 
are exposed. Iu PI. xcix may be seen two ovens difJcring in size, one of 
which-shows the manner in which the opening is blocked up with stone to 
keep out stray dogs during periods of disuse. Fig. o.") illustrates a nuid- 
jilastered oven at Pescado. which is elevated about a foot above the 
ground on a base or plinth of masonry. The opening of this oven is on 
the side toward the houses. This form is quite exceptional in Cibola, 

Fig. 55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry. 

though of frequent occurrence among the Hiiilhaiulc pueblos. Avery 
large and carefully finished example was examined at Jemez. 



Figs. 56 and 57 illustrate two speciineTis of rough masonry ovens seen at 
Pescafld. Ill one of these a decided horizoutal arrangement of the stones 



Fig. 5G. Ovfu iu IVscadu exposing stoues of masonry. 

ill the inasomy prevails. The specimen at the right is small and rudely 
constructed, showing but little care in tlic use of the l)ui]<ling material. 
The few si>e,cimens of dome ovens seen in Tusayan are characterized by 
the same rudeness of construction noticed in their iiouse masonry. The 
rarity of tliis o\en at Tusayan, wliere so many of tlie constructions have 


FiG. 57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry. 

retained a degree of i)rimitiveness not seen elsewhere, is perhaps an ad- 
ditional evidence of its foreign origin. 





In Tusayan, thero arc, otlicr structures, of rude dome-sliape, likely to 
be mistaken for some form of cooking' de\iee. Fig. 58 illustrates two 
specimens of shrines that occur in courts of Mashongnavi. These are 

receptacles for plume sticks (bahos) and other votive offerings used at 
certain festivals, which, after being so used, are scaled n\> with stone 
slabs and adobe. These shrines occur at several of the villages, as 
noted in the discussion of the plans in Chapter iii. In the foreground 
of PI. xxxvm may be seen an Oraibi specimen somewhat resembling 
those seen at Mashongnavi. 

Fig. 59. A poultry lumsi' in Sicliumovi resembling <in oven. 

Pig. 59 illustrates a very rude structure of stones in Sichumovi, re- 
sembling in form a dome oven, which is used as a poultry house. Sev- 
eral of these are seen in the Tusayan villages. 


The original fireplace of the ancient pueblo builders was probably the 
simple cooking i)it transferred to a jtosition within the dwelling room, 
and employed for the lighter cooking of the family as well as for warm- 



ing the dwelling. It was idaced in the center of the Hoor in order that 
the ocfupants of the uiiglit conveniently gather around it. One 
of the first iniproveiuents made in tlii.s shallow indoor cooking pit must 
have consisted in surrounding it with a wall of sufficient height to pro- 
tect the fire drafts, as seen in tlie outdoor pits of Tusayan. In 
excavating a room in the ancient ])ueblo of Kintiel, a c(»nipietely pre- 
served fireplace, about a foot dee]), and walled in with thin slabs of stone 
set on edge, was brought to light. Tlie deitression had been hollowed 
out of the Solid rock. 

Tliis fireplace, together with the room in which it was found, is illus- 
trated in PI. (; and Fig. 60. It is of rectangular form, but other ex- 

FlG. 60, Grouud plan of an excavated room in Kiu-tiel. 

amples have been found which are circular. Mr. W. H. Jackson de- 
scribes a fire])lace in a cliff dwelling in " Iilcho Cave" that consisted of 
a circular, basin-like depression M) inches across and 10 inches deep. 
Rooms furnishing evidence that fires were made in the corners against 
the walls are found in many cliff dwellings; the smoke escaped over- 
heiid, and tlie blackened walls afford no trace of a chimney or flue of 
any kind. 

The pueblo chimney is undoubtedly a post-Spanish feature, and the 
best forms in use at the present time are i)robably of very recent origin, 
though they are still associated with fircjjlaces that have departed little 
from the ahoriginal form seen at Kin-ticl and elsewhere. It is interest- 
ing to note, in this connection, that the ceremony consecrating the house 
is performed in Tusayan before the chimney is atlded, suggesting that 
the latter feature did not form a part of the aboriginal dwelling. 


In Cibola a few distinct forms of cliimney are used at tlie present 
time, but iu the more remote Tnsayan the eliimney seems to be still in 
the experimental stage. Numbers of awkward constructions, varying 
from the ordinary cooking pit to the more elaborate hooded structures, 
testify to the chaotic condition of the chimuey-buildiug' art in the 
latter province. 

Before the invention of a chimney hood, and while the primitive fire- 
place occui)ied a central position in tlie tloor of the room, th<' smoke 
probably escaped through the door and window openings. Later a 
hole in the roof provided an exit, as in the kivas of to-day, where cere- 
monial use has perpetuated an arrangement long since superseded in 
dwelhng-house construction. The comfort of a dwelling room i)rovided 
with this feature is sufficiently attested by the popularity of the modern 
kivas as a resort for the men. The idea of a rude hood or flue to facil- 
itate the egress of the smoke would not be suggested until the fireplace 
was transferred from the center of a room to a corner, and in the first 
adoption of this device the builders would rely upon the adjacent walls 
for the needed support of the constructional meml)ers. Practically all 
of the chimneys of Tusayan are placed in corners at the present time, 
though the Zuui builders have developed sufficient skill to construc^t a 
rigid hood and flue in the center of a side wall, as may be seen in the 
view of a Zuiii interior, PI. lxxxvi. 

Although the pueblo cliimney owes its existence to foreign sugges- 
tion it has evidcTitly reached its present form through a series of timid 
experiments, and the i)r()i)er ]»rincii)les of its construction seem to have 
been but feebly ai)i>rcliendc(l liy tlic native builders, particularly in 
Tusayan. The early form of hood, shown in Fig. 66, was made by plac- 
ing a short supporting pole across the corner of a room at a sufficient 
distance fi-om the floor and njton it arranging sticks to form the frame 
work of a contracting hood or flue. The whole construction was finally 
covered with a thick coating of mud. This inimitive wooden construc- 
tion has probably been in use for a long time, although it was modified 
in special cases so as to extend across the entire width of narrow rooms 
to accommodate " piki " stones or other cumbersome cooking devices. 
It embodies the iirinciiile of roof construction that must have been em- 
ployed in the primitive liouse from which the i)neblo was developed, 
and practically constitutes a miniature conical roof suspended over the 
fireplace and depending upon the walls of the room for su])port. On 
account of the careful an<l economical use of fuel l)y these ])c()])le the 
light and inflammable material of which the chimney is constructed does 
not involve the danger of combustion that would be expected. The 
perfect feasibility of such use of wood is well illustrated in some of the 
old log-cabin chimneys in the Southern States, where, however, the ar- 
rangement of the pieces is horizontal, not vertical. These latter curi- 
ously exem])lify also the use of a miniature section of house construction 
to form a conduit for the smoke, i)laced at a sufficient height to admit 
of access to the fire. 



A further improvement iu the chimney was the construction of a 
corner hood support by means of two short poles instead of a single 

piece, thus forming' a rectang- 
ular smoke hood of enlarged 
capacity. This latter is the 
most common form in use at 
the present time in both ])ro- 
vinces, but its arrangement iu 
Tusayan, where it represents 
the highest achievement of 
the natives in chimney con- 
struction, is much more varied 
than in (^ibola. In the latter 
l)rovince the same form is 
occasionally executed in stone. 
Fig. 01 illustrates a corner 
hood, in which the crossed 
ends of the supporting poles 
are exposed to view. The 
outer end of the lower pole is 
sujjported frcun the roof beams 
by a cord or rope, the latter 
being endx'dded in the mud 
is liiiislifd. The vertically ridged 
character of the surface reveals the underlying construction, in which 

light sticks have been used as a base 
for the ])laster. The Tusayans say 
that hirgc sunflower stalks are pre- 
ferred for this purpose on account of 
their lightness. Figs. 03 and 04 show 
another Tusayan hood of the tyjie de- 
scribed, and in Fig. 69 a large hood of 
the same general form, suspended over 
a piki-stone, is noticeable for the frank 
tieatment of the suspending cords, 
which are clearly exposed to view for 
nearly their entire length. 

hi a chimney in a Mashongnavi 
house, illustrated in Fig. GiJ, a simple, 
shari)ly curved piece of wood has been 
used for the lower rim of this hood, 
thus obtaining all the capacity of the 
two-jioled form. The vertical sticks in 
this exami)le are barely discernible 
through the j)lastering, which has been 
applied with more than the usual de- 

A curvwl chinmey huud of Ma- nf <'arp 

ahoiignavj. » l*^** ""^ *^'^'**- 

Fig. 61. A comer cliimney houd with two supportiutf 
poles (Tusayan). 

jdasteiiiig with which the hood 

Fig. 62 

■fc' t***^K 





A curious exainple illustrating a rudimentary form of two-poled hood 
is shown iu Fig. 03. A straight pole of unusual length is built into the 

Fig. G3. a Miishouj^avi cliininey hood aud walled up fireplace. 

walls across the corner of a room, and its insertion into the wall is 
much farther from the corner on one side than the other. From the 
longer stretch of inclosed wall protrudes a short pole that joins the prin- 
cipal one and serves as a su])port for one sideof the chimney-hood. In 
this case the builder appears to have been too timid to venture on the 
bolder construction recpiired in the perfected two-poled hood. This 
example probably represents a stage in the development of the higher 

In some instances the rectangular corner hood is not suspended from 
the ceiling, but is supported from Ix-neath by a stone slab or a piece of 
wood. Such a chimney hood seen iu a house of Shupaulovi measures 
nearly 4 by 5 feet. The short side is supported by two stone slabs built 
into the wall and extending from the liood to the floor. Upon the upper 
stone rests one end of the wooden lintel supporting the long side, while 
the other end, near the corner of the room, is held in position by a light 
crotch of wood. Fig. 64 illustrates this hood; the plan indicating the 
relation of the stones and the forked stick to the corner of the room. 
Fig. 71, illustrating a terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi, shows 
the emplojinent of similar supports. 

Corner chimney hoods iu Zuiii do not differ essentially from the more 
symmetrical of the Tusayau specimens, but they are distinguished by 



better flnisli and by less exposure (if the framework, having been, like 
the ordinary masonry, subjected to an unusually free application of 

Fig. &4. A cliimuey liond of Slmpaulovi. 

The l)nil(lcrs of Tusayaii appear to liave been afraid to add the neces- 
sary wcifjlit of mud mortar to i)roduce this finished effect, tlie hoods 
usually sliowiug a vertically ridged or cre- 
uatcd surface, caused by the sticks of the 
framework shuwiug thri)Uj;li tlic tliin mud 
coat. Stone also is often employed in their 
construction, and its use has developed a large, 
square-headed type of chimney unknown at 
,, , , , Tusayan. This is illustrated in Fig. (m. This 

|l|tki'JiM!^3^^,,^,,^J^ form of hood, projecting some distance beyond 
its flue, affords s]iace that may be used as a 
mantel-shelf, an advantage gainiMl only to a 
very small degree by the forms discussed 
above. Tliis chimney, as before stated, is built 
against one of tlie walls of a room, and near the 

All the joints of these hoods, and even the material used, are gener- 
ally concealed from view by a carefully applied coating of i>laster, sup- 
plemented by a gj'^ijsum wash, and usually there is no visible evidence 
of the manner in which they are built, but tlie constructi<m is little 
superior to that of the simple corner hoods. The method of framing 
the various tyi)es of hoods is illustrated in Fig. 66. The example on 
the left shows an unijlastered wooden hood skeleton. The arrange- 
ment of the parts in projecting rectangular stone hoods is illustrated in 
the right-hand diagram of the figure. In C(mstrxicting such a chimney 
a thin buttress is first built against the wall of sufflcient width and 

Fig. 65. Aseiiii-detachedsquare 
chimney hood of Zuni. 




height to supi>ort one side of the hood. The opposite side of tlie hood 
is supported by a flat stoue, tirmly set ou edge into the masonry of the 

Fig. ()6. Un|)laaterc(l Ziiui rhimncy hoods, illustrating toustruction. 

wall. The front of the hood is supported by a second flat stone which 
rests at one end on a rude shoulder in the projecting slab, and at the 
other end upon the front edge of the buttress. It would be quite practi- 
cable for the pueblo builders to form a notch in the lower corner of the 
supported stone to rest flrinly upon a projection of the supporting stoue, 
but in the few cases in wliich the construction could be observed no 
such treatment was seen, for they depended mainly on the interlocking 
of the ragged ends of the stones. This structure serves to support the 
body of the flue, usually with an intervening stone-covered space form- 
ing a shelf. At the present period the flue is usually built of thin 
sandstone slabs, rudely adjusted to afford mutual support. The whole 
structure is bound together and smoothed over with mud plastering, 
and is finally finished with the gypsum wash, applied also to the rest 
of the room. Mr. A. F. liaudelier describes "a regular chimney, with 
mantel and shelf, built of stone slabs," which he found "in the caves of 
the Eito de los Frijoles, as well as in the cliff" dwellings of the regular 
detached family house type," ' which, from the description, must have 
closely resembled the Zufii chimney described above. Houses contain- 
ing such de\ices may be (pute old, but if so they were certainly reoccu- 
pied in post-Spanish times. Such dwellings are likely to have been 
used as places of refuge in times of danger up to a comparatively recent 

Among the many forms of chimneys and fireplaces seen in Tusayan 
a curious approach to our own arrangement of fireplace and mantel was 
noticed in a house in Sichumovi. In addition to the principal mantel 
ledge, a light wooden shelf was arranged against the wall on one side 
of the flue, one of its ends being supported by an upright i)iece of 
wood with a cap, and the other resting on a peg driven into the wall. 
This fireplace and mantel is illustrated in Fig. 67. 

Aside from the peculiar "guyave" or " piki" baking oven, there is but 
little variation in the form of indoor fireplaces in Cibola, while in Tu- 
sayan it appears to have been subjected to about the same mutations 

' Fifth Ann. Kept. Arch. Inst. Am., p. 74. 



already noted in the outddor cooking pits. A serious problem was en- 
countered l)y tlic Tusayaii builder when he was called upon to con- 
struct cookiug-2)it fireplaces, a foot or more deep, in a room of an upijer 

Fia. 67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi. 

terrace. As it was impracticable to sink the pit into the floor, the nec- 
essary depth was obtained by walling up the sides, as is shown in Fig. 

Fio. 68. A second-story fireplace in MashongnaTl. 

68, which illustrates a second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi. Other ex- 
amples may be seen in the outdoor chimneys shown in Figs. 72 and 73. 




A modiflcation of tlie interior fireplace designed for cooking the thin, 
paper-like bread, known to the Spanish-speaking i)eoples of tliis region 
as "giiyave," and by the Tusayan as "piki," is common to both Oibola 
and Tusayan, though in the former province the contrivance is more 
carefully constructed than in the latter, and the surface of the baking 
stone itself is more higlily tinislicd. In the guyave oven a tablet of 
carefully i^repared sandstone is supported in a horizontal position by 
two slabs set on edge and firmly imbedded in the tioor. A horizontal 
flue is thus formed in which the fire is l)uilt. The upjter stone, whose 
surface is to receive the tliin guyave ])atter, undergoes during its orig- 
inal preparation a certain treatment with fire and pinon gum, and per- 
haps other ingredients, which imi)arts to it a highly polished black 
finish. This operation is usually performed away from the pueblo, near 
a point where suitable stone is found, and is accompanied by a ceremo- 
nial, which is intended to prevent the stone from breaking on exposure 
to the fire when first used. During one stage of these rites the strictest 
silence is enjoined, as, according to the native account, a single word 
spoken at such a time would crack the tablet. 

When the long guyave stone is in position upon the edges of the 
back and front stones the fire must be so applie<l as to maintain the 
stone at a uniform tem])erature. This is done by frequent feeding with 
small bits of sage Ijrush or other fuel. The necessity for such economy 
in the use of fuel has to a certain (^xtent aftected tlie forms of all the 
heating and cooking devices. Fig. O'J illustrates a Sichumovi piki 

FiQ. 09. I'iki stone and cliinmey hood in Sichumovi. 

stone, and Fig. 70 shows the use of the oven in connection with a 
cooking fireplace, a combination that is not uncommon. The latter ex- 



ample is from Shumopavi. The illustration show's an interesting feature 
in the use of a primitive andiron or boss to support the cooking pot in 

Fig. 70. Piki stone and primitive anilinm in Shumopavi. 

position above the fire. This boss is modeled from the same clay as 
the firejtlace floor aud is attached to it and forms a part of it. Mr. 
Stephen has collected free specimens of these primitive props which 
had never been attached to the floor. These were of the rudely coni- 
cal form illustrated in the figure, and were made of a coarsely mixed 
clay thoroughly baked to a stony hardness. 

Chimneys and fireplaces are often fouiul in Tusayan in the small, re- 
cessed, balcouy-Uke rooms of the second terrace. When a deep cooking- 
pit is required in such a jjosition, it is obtained by building up the sides, 
as in the indoor fireplaces of upi>er rooms. Such a fireplace is illustrated 
iu Fig. 71. A roofed recess which usually occurs at one end of the first 
terrace, called "tupubi," takes its name from the flat piki oven, the 
variety of fireplace generally Ijuilt in these alcoves. The transfer of the 
flreijlace from the second-story room to the corner of such a roofed-ter- 
race alcove was easily accomplished, and probably led to the occasional 
use of the cooking-pit, with protecting chimney hood on the open and 
unsheltered roof. Fig. 72 illustrates a deep cooking-pit on an upi^er 




ternu'c of W;il[)i. In this instance the cooking' pit is very massively 
built, and in the absence of a sheltering "tupubi" corner is effectually 


Fig. 7'1. A lerracf fireplace uiul chimiiry Disimmrniavi, 

l)rotecte(l on three sides by mud plastered stone woik, the w hulc l)ciiif,' 
ca|>i)e(l with the usual chimney ]K)t. The contrivance is placed con- 
veniently near the roof hatchway of a dwelling room. 

Fig. 72. A (erract* rooking-jtit :in<l cliinim'y t»t' Walj)!. 

The outdoor use of the above-describod hrejilaces on upjier terraces 
has apparently suggested the iiiiprovemeut of the ground cooking pit 
8 ETH 12 



in a similar niaiiiior. Several specimenn were seen in wliicli the cooking 
pit of the ordinary depressed type, excavated near an inner corner of a 
honsc wall, was provided with sheltering masonry and a chimney cap; 
bnt snch an arrangement is by no means of tVc(incnt occnrrence. Fig. 
7.'5 illnstrates an example that was seen on the east side of Shnniopavi. 
It will be noticed that in the nse of this arrangement on the grt)und — an 

Fig. 73 A ktouiiiI t ouking-pit of Shumopavi covered with a chimney. 

arrangement that evidently originated on the terraces — the builders 
have reverted to the earlier foini of excavated ])it. In other respects 
the example illn.strated is not distinguishable from the terrace forms 
above described. 

In the discussion of the details of kiva airangenient inTnsayan (j). 121) 
it was shown that the chinmey is not used in any form in these cere- 
monial chambers; but the simple roof-openuig forming the hatchway 
serves as a smoke vent, without the addition of either an internal hood 
or an external shaft. In the Znni kivas the smoke also thids vent 
through the opening that gives access to the chamber, but in the fram- 
ing of the roof, as is shown elsewhere, some distinction between door 
and chimney is ob.served. The roof-hole is made double, one portion 
accommodating the ingress ladder and the other intended to serve for 
the egress of the smoke. 

The external cliiiuney of the |)ueblos is a simi)le structure, and exliibits 
but few variati(ms from the type. The original form was undou})te(lly 
a mere hole in the roof; its use is ])erpetuated in the kivas. This prim- 
itive form was gradually improved by raising its sides above the roof, 
forming a rudimentary shaft. The earlier forms are likely to have been 
rectangular, the naind following and developing later short masonry 
shafts Avhich were finally given height by the addition of chimney pots. 
In Zuni the chimney has occasionally developed into a rather tall shaft, 
projecting sometimes to a height of 4 or 5 feet above the roof. This is 
particularly noticeable on the hjwer terraces of Zuiii, the chimneys of 

•'■(1 ' 

f "f 





the higher rooms being more frequently of the short types prevalent in 
the farming pueblos of Cibola and in Tusayan. The tall chimneys found 
in Zuni i)roper, and consisting often of four or Ave chimney pots on a 
substructure of masonry, are undoubtedly due to the same conditions 
that have so much influenced other constructional details; that is, the 
exceptiomil height of the clusters and crowding of the rooms. As a 
result of this the chimney is a more conspicuous feature in Zuni than 
elsewhere, as will be shown by a comparison of the views of the villages 
given in Chapters iii and iv. 

In Tusayan many of the chimneys are quite low, a single ])ot sur- 
mounting a masonry substructure not more than (j inches high being 
quite common. As a rule, however, the builders preferred to use a 
series of pots. Two tj^iical Tusayan chiiuneys are illustrated in Fig. 
74. Most of the substructures for chimneys iu this province are rudely 

Fig. 74. Tusayan fbiinneys. 

rectangular in form, and clearly expose the rough stonework of the 
masonry, while in Zuni the use of adobe generally obliterates all traces 
of construction. In both provinces chimneys are seen without the 
chinniey pot. These usually occur in clusters, simply because the 
builder of a room iiv group of rooms preferred that form of chimney. 
PI. CI illustrates a portion of the upper terraces of ZuTii whens a num- 
ber of masonry chimneys are groujx'd together. Those on the highest 
roof are principally of the rectangular form, being probably a direct 
development from the square roof hole. The latter is still sometimes 
seen with a rim rising several inches above the roof surface and formed 
of slabs set on edge or of ordinary masonry. These upi)er chimneys 
are often closed or covered with thin slabs of sandstone laid over them 
in the same manner as the roof holes that they resemble. The fireplaces 
to which some of them belong appear to be used for heating the rooms 
ratlier than for cooking, as they are often disused for long periods dur- 
ing the summer season. 


I'l. CI ;ilsi) illustrates ciiiiiiiicys in \\iiii-li puts ha\c hccii used in cou 
lu'ction witli iiiasomy bases, and also a- round niasoniy elnniney. The. 
latter is immediately behind the single pot chimney seen in the t'oic<;round. 
On the extreme left of the lijiiire is shown a chimney into whieii tire 
])ots Inne lieen incorpoiated, the lower ones heint; almost eoneeale.d 
from view by the eoatini;' of adobe. .V similar effect maybe seen in the 
snndl chimney on thi' hinhest roof shown in IM. i.Vlll. I'l.LXXXil shows 
various nu'tlnMls of nsini; the chinmey i)ots. In one case the eliimuey 
is cajjiied with a reversed larjic niontheil Jar, the broken bottom serv- 
inji' as an outlet for the smoke. The \cssel usually employed for this 
pur|)ose is an ordinary lilack eookini; jiot, the bottom being' burned out, 
or otherwise rendered uidit for household use. Other vessels are occa- 
sionally used. I'l. iXWlll shows the use, as the crownini;' nuMuber of 
the chimney, of an ordinary water Jar, with dark decorations on a white 
ground. A vess(d very badly broken is often made to serve in chitauey 
buildinji' by skillful use of mud ami nioitar. To facilitate smoke exit 
the ujiper jxif is nnule to overlaj) the ne(dv of the one below by break^ 
in^;- out the bottom siilliciently. The Joiniui;- is not often visible, as it 
is usually coated with adol)e. The lower pots of a series are in many 
cases entirely endieddcd in the adobe. 

Tlie piU'lilo liuilder has never been able toconstruct a detached chim- 
ney a tull story in height, either with or witlnmt theaid of chimney pots; 
where it is necessaiy to build such shafts to obtain the proper draft he 
is comi)elled to rely on the support of adjoininj;' walls, and usually .seeks 
a coriM'r. I'l. ci shows a chimney <)f this kind that has been ))uilt of 
masonry to the full height of a story. .V similar e\am|(le is shown Iti 
tlu' foreground of I'l. I. x:\vm. in I'l. xxii nniy be seen a chimney of 
the full height of the adjoining stoiy, l)ut in this instance it is e-ou- 
structed wholly of pots. I'l. i,xxxv illustrates a sinular case indoors. 

The external chimney iprol)al>ly developed gradually from the simple 
roof oix'uing, as ]U('\iously noted. The raised condiing about traji- 
doors or roof holes afforded the first suggestion in this direction. Prom 
this develo](ed the si|uare chimiH'y, and tinally the tall round shaft, 
crowned with a series of pots. The whole chinuiey, both internal and 
external, excluding oid\' the |uiniiti\e firei)lace, is probably of compar- 
atively recent origin, and based on the foieign (Sjianish) suggestion. 

(i.vrKW.vvs ,\xi) coVKiiF.n I'Ass.\(;i:s. 

(rateways, arranged for defense, occui' in many of the more com|)a.ctly- 
built ancient puel)los. Sonu' of the passageways in the modern \illages 
of Tusayan and Cibola resemble these older exami)les, but most of the 
narrow jiassages. giving access to the inner courts of the inhabited 
\illages. are not the re-iult of the defensive idea, but are formed by the 
crowding together of the dwellings. They occur, as a rule, within the 
l)uel)lo and not ui)oii its ])eripheiy. Many of the terrac<'s now face out- 
ward and are reached tVom the outside of the jiuelilo. being in uuirked 
contrast to the early arrangonent, in which narrow jiassages to inclose 


r ,J 

■ ■ ■>< li 





; MtM^Wr 

ii''i''? ■■'IF/'. ■ 'VL 


t ■ 


(iATiowAvs AM) ('()vi;in:i> I'Assa(;ks. ISl 

courts were fxclusivcly ii-icd for access. In the srouiid iiliiiis of several 
villages occupied witliiu Idstoiic times, hut now ruined, \estifies of 
opeiuns^^ arranged on tiie oriiiinal defensive plan may l>c traced. 
About midway on the northeast side of Awatubi fragments of a stand 
ing wall were s(»(>n, a])i)areiitly tlie two sides of a i)assagewa.\' to tlie 
inclosed court of the jiuehlo. The masonry is much broken down, how 
ever, and no indication is afforded of the treatment adopted, nor do the 
remains indicate whethei- tiiis entrance was ori.uinall.s' c(i\-ered or not. 
It is illustrated in I'l. cii. 

Other examples of tliis feature may he seen in the ground jilans of 
Tebugkihu, Chukubi. and Tavnpki iFi.u. 7. and IMs. \ii and xiii). 

In the first of tliesc the deep jamits of tlie oitening are clearly de- 
fined, but in the otlier two onl,\' low mounds of di''l)ris sTijigest the gate- 
wav. In the ancient Cibolan pnel)los, including those on tlie mesa of 
Taaaiyalana, no remains of external gateways have lieeii found: the 
plans suggest tiiat the disposition of the \arious clusteis approximated 
somewhat the irregular arrangenicnt of the present day. There are 
ouly occasioiuil traces, as of a continuous defensive outer wall, such as 
those seen at Xutria ami Pescado. In the i)aeblosof the Oilxda group, 
aiu'ieut and modern, access to the inner portion (d' the jmeblo was usually 
afforded at a nund>erof])oints. In tlie iTucbloof Kin tie!, however, occurs 
au excellent example of the dcrensive gat<'way. Tlie Jambs and c(M' 
ners of the opening are finished with great neatness, as may l)e seen in 
the illustratiou (PI. ciii). This gateway or passage was loofed over, 
and the rectangular (le|iressions foi' the rcce|)tion of cross-beams still 
contain short stumps, ])rot<M-ted from destruction by the masonry. The 
masoury over the i)assageway in falling carried away part of the 
masonry above the jaml) corner, tiuis indicating continuity of lioiid. 
The ground ])laii of this ruin (I'l. I, Kill) indicates clearly the various 
points at which access to the inner courts was obtaincil. On the east 
side a noticeable feature is tiie overlapping of the l)onndai> wall of the 
south wing, forming an indiicct entrauceway. The remains do not indi 
cate that this passage, like tiie oin^ Just described, was roofed over. In 
some cases the modern passageways, as they follow the .jogs and angles 
of adjoining rows of houses, disjilay similar changes of direction. In 
Shujiaulovi, which preserves nntst distinctly in its iilan tlu' idea of tlie 
inclosed court, the passageway at the south end of the village changes 
its direction at a right angle before emerging into the court (PI. xxx). 
This arraugemeut was undoulitedly deterndned by the position of the 
terraces huig before the jiassageway was roofed over and built ujion. 
I'l. XXII shows the south jiassageway of ^^'aIl)i ; the entrances are made 
narrower than the rest of the passage b\ building buttresses of masonry 
at the sides. This was jirobably done to secure the necessary supjiort 
for the north and south walls of the up])er story. One of the walls, as 
maybe sei-n in the illustration, rest-; directly upon a cross beam, strength- 
eiu'd in this manner. 


One of the smaller inclosed courts of Zuai, illustrated in PI. lxxxii, 
is reached by means of two covered passages, bearing some general 
resemblance to the ancient defensive entrances, but these houses, reached 
from within the court, have also terraces without. The low passage 
shown in the figure has gradually been surmounted by rooms, reaching 
iu some cases a height of three terraces above the openings; but the 
accumulated weight flnally proved too much for the beams and sustain- 
ing walls — probal)ly never intended by the builders to withstand the 
severe test afterwards ])ut upon them — and following an unusually pro- 
tracted period of wet weather, the entire section of rooms above fell to 
the ground. This occurred since the sui'veying and photographing. 
It is rather remarkable that the frail adobe walls withstood so long the 
unusual strain, or even that they sustained the addition of a top story 
at all. 

In the preceding examples the passageway was covered throughout 
its length by rooms, l)ut cases occur in both Tusayan and Cibola in 
which only portions of the roof form the floor of superstructures. PI. 
CIV shows a passage roofed • over beyond the two-story portion of the 
building for a suflflcicnt distance to form a small terra(;e, upon which 
a ladder stands. IM. xxui illustrates a similar arrangement on the 
west side of Walpi. The outer edges of these terraces are covered with 
coping stones and treated iu the same manner as outer walls of lower 
rooms. In Zuni an example of this form of passage roof occurs be- 
tween two of the eastern house rows, where the rooms have not been 
subjected to the close crowding characteristic of the western clusters of 
the pueblo. 


In Zuiii many rooms of the ground story, which in early times must 
have been used largely for storage, have been converted into well- 
lighted, habitable apartments l)y the addition of external doors. In 
Tusayan this modification has not taken place to an equal extent, the 
distinctly defensive character of the first terrace reached by removable 
ladders being still preserved. In this province a doorway on the ground 
is always provided iu building a house, but originally this space was 
not designed to be permanent ; it was left merely for convenience of 
passing in and out during the construction, and was built up before the 
walls were completed. Of late years, however, such doorways are often 
preserved, aud additional small openings are constructed for windows. 

In ancient times the larger doorways of the upper terraces were 
probat)ly never closed, except by means of blankets or rabbit-skin robes 
hung over them in cold weather. Examples have been seen that seem 
to have been constructed with this object in view, for a slight pole, of 
the same kind as those used in the lintels, is built into the masonry of 
the jambs a few inches lyelow the lintel proper. Openings imperfectly 
closed against the cold and wind were naturally placed in the lee walls 
to avoid the prevailing southwest winds, and the ground plans of the 
exposed mesa villages were undoubtedly influenced by this circumstance, 




the teudency being to eliange them from the early iuclosed eouit type 
and to i^lace the honses in longitudinal rows facing eastward. This is 
noticeable in the plans given in Chapter ii. 

Doorways closed with masonry are seen in many ruins. I'ossibly 
these are an indication of the temporary absence of the owner, as in the 
harvest season, or at the time of the destruction or abandonment of the 
village; but they may have been closeil for the purpose of economizing 
warmth and fuel during the winter season. ISTo provision was made 
for closing them with movabh' doors. The i)ractice of fastening up the 
doors during the harvesting season i)revails at the present time among 
the Zuni, but the result is attained without great difficulty by means of 
rnde cross bars, now that they have framed wooden doors. One of these 
is illustrated in Fig. 75. These doors are usually opened, by a latch- 
string, which, when not hung outside, is reacheil by means of a small 
round hole through the wall at the side of the door. Through this hole 
the owner of the h(nise, on leaving it, secures the door by i)rops and 
braces on the inside of the room, the hole being sealed up and plastered 
in the same manner that other openings are treated. 

This curious arrangement affords another illustration of the survival 
of ancient methods in moditied forms. It is not employed, however, in 
closing the doors of the first terrace; these are fastened by barring from 
the inside, the exit being made by means of internal ladders to the ter- 
race above, the upper doors only being fastened in the manner illus 

Fia. 75. A barred Zuni door. 

trated. In PI. Lxxix may be seen good examples of the side hole. Fig. 
75 shows a barred door. The plastering or sealing of the small side 



liiilc instead (if tlic ciitiic ojiciiiiiy was hrous'lit about by the iiiti'odnc- 
tioii of the wdodcii doov, wliicli in its iiicscnt ]ianclcd tbini is of Ibrcinn 
intrudtictioii, l)nt in tliis, as in so many otlicr cases, some aiialoi^ons 
feature which facilitated tiie adoption ol' the idea jnobably ah-eady ex- 
isted. Tradition ])oints to tlie early use of a small door, made of a 
sinji'le slab of wood, that closed the small rectanj;'iilar wall niches, in 
which valuables, such as tur(]uoise, sliell, etc., were ke|)t. This slab, it 
is said, was i-educ(>d and smoothed by rubbing with a piece of sandstone. 
A number of beams, rafters, and roofing i)lanks, seen in the Chaco 
puel)los, weic i)robably s(piared and finished in this way. The latter 
exami)les show a degree of familiarity with this treatment of wood that 
wctukl enable the builders to construct such doors with ease. As yet, 
however, no examjiles of wooden doors have been seen in any of the 
l)re <'olund)ran ruins. 
The i)ueblo ty|)e of jjaneled door is niu<'h more frequently seen in 
Cibida than in Tusayan, and in the latter jtroviiu'e 
it does not assume the \ariety of treatment seen in 
Znni, nor is the work so iieatly executed. The 
views of the modern jtucblos, given in ( 'hajiters III 
and IV, will indicate the extent to which this tea- 
tuie occurs in the two groups. In the construction 
of a ])aneled door the vertical stile on oiu' side is 
|)rolonged at the top and bottom into a roundecl 
|)iv(»t, which works into cuplike sockets in the 
lintel and sill, as illustrated in Fig. 7(i. The hinge 
is thus |)roduced in the wood itself without the aid 
of any external ajjpliances. 

It is ditticult to trace the origin of this device 
FiQ. 76. Wooiku i>iv„t among the pueblos. It closely resembles the i)ivot 
iiiiigpsof a Ziifii door. hinges sometinu's used in me<lianal Kui-o])e in 
coiniection with massive gates for closing masonry jiassages; in such 
cases the jjrolouged ]»ivots worked in caxities of stone sills and lintels. 
The Indians claim to have emjiloyed it in very early times, but no evi- 
dence on this jioint has been found. It is (luite ])ossible that the idea 
was borrowed from some of the earlier Mormon settlers who came into 
the country, as these jieople use a number of i)riiniti\'e devices which 
are undoubtedly sur\ivals of methods of construction on<'e common in 
the countries from wliicli they caiue. Vestiges of the use of a jiivotal 
hinge, constructed on a much more massive scale than any of the 
](ueblo examjiles. were seen at an old fortress-like, stone .storehouse 
of the Mormons, built near the site of Moeu-koi)i by the first Mormon 

The ]mncled door now in use among the pueblos is rudely made, and 
consists of a frame iiudosing a single panel. This panel, when of large 
size, is occasionally made of two or more pieces. These doors vary 
greatly in size. A few reach the height of 5 feet, but the usual height 





is from 3i to 4 tVct. As doors urc coinnioiily elevated a foot or more 
above the ground or tlooi', tlie use of siieli openings does not entail 
the full degree of discomfort that the small size suggests. Doors of 
larger size, with sills rai.sed but an inch or two above the floor or ground, 
have recently been introduced in some of the gromul stories in Zuni; 
but these are very recent, and the idea has been adopted only by the 
most progressive peo]>le. 

I''l<i. 77. I'iiin^lcd wooilii: doors in Hano. 

PI. XLi shows a small ])aneled door, not more than a foot square, used 
as a blind to close a back window of a dwelling. The smallest examples 
of paneled doors are those employed for closing the small, s(]uare oi)en- 



ings in the back walls of house rows, which still ictain the defensive 
arrangemeut so marked iu many of the ancient pueblos. In some 
instances doors occur in the second stories of unterraced walls, their 
sills being 5 or feet alxive the ground. In such cases the doors ai'e 
reached by ladders whose u])i)er ends rest upon the sills. Pjlevated 
openings of this kind are closed in the usual manner with a rude, single- 
paneled door, which is often whitened with a coatingof clayey gyiisum. 
Carefully worked ])ancled doors are much more common in Zuni than 
in Tusayan, and within the latter pro\ince the villages of the first mesa 
make more extended use of this type of door, as they have come into 
more intimate contai^t with their eastern brethren than other villages of 
the group. Fig. 77 illustrates a iK)rtion of a llano house in which two 
wooden doors occur. These specimens indicate the rudeness of Tusayan 
workmanshii). It will be seen that the workman who framed the upper 
one of these doors met with considciablc diiHculty in properly joining 
the two boards of the panel and in connecting these with the frame. 
The figure shows that at several points the door has been reenfoiced 
and strengthened by buckskin and rawhid(^ thongs. 'The same device 
has been employed in the lower door, both in fastening together the two 
pieces of the panel and in attaching the latter to the framing. These 
doors also illustrate the custon)ary manner of barring the door during 
the absence of the occupant of the house. 

The doorway is usually framed at the time the house is built. The 
sill is generally elevated above the ground outside and the floor inside, 
and the door oi)enings, with a few excei)tions, 
are thus practically oTily large windows. In this 
respect they follow the arrangenuMit character- 
istic of the ancient pueblos, in which all the larger 
openings are window like doorways. These are 
sometimes seen on the couit margin of house 
rows, and frequently occur between communi- 
cating rooms within the cluster. They are usually 
raised about a foot and a half alwve the floor, 
and in some cases are provided with one or two 
steps. In Zuni, doorways between communicat- 
ing rooms, though now framed in wood, preserve 
the same arrangement, as may be seen in PI. 


The side pieces of a ])aueled pueblo door are mortised, an achieve- 
ment far beyond the aboriginal art of these i)eople. Fig. 78 illustrates 
the manner in which the framing is done. All the necessary grooving, 
and the preparation of the projecting tenons is laboriously executed 
with the most primitive tools, in many cases the whole frame, with all 
its joints, being cut out with a small knife. 

Doors are usually fastened by a simple wooden latch, the bar of which 
turns upon a wooden pin. They are opened from without by lifting the 

Fig. 78. Framing; of a Ziiui 


latch from its wooden catcli l)y means of a string- passed tluons'h a small 
hole in the door, and lianginy outside. iSome few doors are, however, ^jro- 
vlded with a cumbersome wooden lock, operated by means of a square, 
notched stick that serves as a key. These locks are usually fastened 
to the inner side of the door by thongs of buckskin or rawhide, passed 
through small holes bored or drilled through the edge of the lock, and 
through the stile and ])anel of the door at corresponding jxiints. The 
entire mechanism consists of wood and strings joined together in the 
rudest manner. Primitive as this device is, however, its conception is 
far in advance of the aboriginal cultiue of the puel)los, and both it and 
the string latch must have come from without. The lock was proltably 
a contrivance of the early Mormons, as it is evidently- roughly modeled 
after a metallic lock. 

Manj' doors having no permanent means of closure are still in use. 
These are very common in Tusayan, and occur also in Ciliola, jiarticu- 
larly in the farming pueblos. The open fi-out of the ''tupubi" or bal- 
cony-like recess, seen so frequently at the ends of flrst-terrace roofs in 
Tusayan, is often constiiicted with a trans(milike arrangement in ctm- 
nection with the girder supporting the edge of the roof, in the same 
manner in which doorways proper are treated. PI. xxxii illustrates a 
balcony in which one l)oun(ling side is formed by a flight of sto7ie steps, 
Ijroduciug a notched or terraced effect. The su^jporting girder in this 
instance is embedded in the wall and coated over with adobe, obscuring 
the construction. Pig. 79 shows a rude transom over the supporting 
beam of a l>alcony roof in the ])rincipal house of Hano. The upper 
doorway shown in this house has been partly walled in, reducing its 
size somewhat. It is also provided with a small horizcmtal ojjening 
over the main lintel, which, like the doorway, has been partly tilled with 
masonry. This upper transom often seems to have resulted from carry- 
ing such openings to the full height of the story. The transom proljably 
originated from the spaces left between the ends of beams resting on 
the main girder that spanned the principal opening (see Fig. 81). Some- 
what sinular balconies are seen in Cibola, both in Zuiii and in the farm- 
ing villages, but they do not assume so much importance as in Tusayan. 
An example is shown in PI. ci, in which the construction of this feature 
is clearly visible. 

In the remains of the ancient pueblos there is no evidence of the use 
of the half-open terrace rooms described al)ove. If such rooms existed, 
especially if constructed in the open manner of the Tusayan examples, 
they must have been among the first to succumb to destruction. The 
comparative rarity of this feature in Zuiii does not necessarily indicate 
that it is not of native origin, as owing to the exceptional manner of 
clustering and to prolonged exposure to foreign influence, this pueblo 
exhil)its a wider departure from the ancient type than do any of the 
Tusayan villages. It is likely that the ancient builders, trusting to the 
double protection of the inclosed court and the defensive first terrace, 



freely adopted this oj)eii mid cuiivciiicnr aiiaiigoinpiit in connection witli 
the ni)]icr roofs. 

FR). 7;i. Ii'ilili t r;ilisiniiw nvt-r 'I ns;i\ ;iii (iiniiill;;«. 

TLc transdiii like (p|iciiiiiji coiiminiily ac( Diiipjinyiiij;' tlii' large ojxMiinjj 
is also seen in many nf the inclosed doorways of Tiisayan, but in some 
of tlu'sc cases its origin can not l)e traced to tlie roof constiiictions, as 
tlie ojieniiigs do not aii|>ioacli tlie ceiling's of tlie rooms. In caily days 
such doorways were closed by means of largi' slabs of stone set on edge, 
and these were sometimes sn]ii)]emente(l by a susj)ended blanket. In 
severe winter weather many of tlie o])eiiings were closed with masonry. 
At the present time many iloorways not |)id\i(led with jianeled doors 




■ire dosed in such \v;i,\s. W'lieii a doorway is tlius treated its transom 
is left ojn'n for the admission of light and air. The Indians state that in 
early times this transom was ])rovided for the e.xit of smoke Avlien the 

- Mrir^S^^i^i^*%^ 

¥ui. Sll. A lariii* TiisaN ;iii ilutnway with siii;ill tr;iiisiiTii i»p tiiii^is. 

main doorway was closed, and even now such ]mo\ isiuu is not wliolly 
su|>ertiuous. Fii;. S(l illustiates a larj;e doorway of Tusayau with a 
small transom. TIki opcniim' was being' re(luc('d in size by means of 
adobe masonry at the time the draw- 
ing was nuule. Fi.g. SI shows a 
doubU^ transom over a lintel com 
posed of two ](oles; a section of 
masonry se|)arating tlie transom 
into two distinct openings rests 
ui)ou the lintel of the doorway and 
supports a roof beam ;' this is shown 
in the tigure. Other examples of 
transoms nuiy be seen in connection 
with many of the illustrations of 

Tusayau d00rWa.\S. Km. K1. a il,,.>rvviiy mihI>U' trausniu ill Walpi. 

The transom bars over exterior doorways of houses i)robably bear 
some relation to a fesiture seen in some of the best i)reserved I'uius and 
still surviving to some extent in Tusayau practice. This consists of a 
straight ])ole, usuall.v of the same dimensions as the ])oles of Avhicli the 
lintel is made, extending across the opening from li to (i inclies below 
the main lintel, and tixed into the masonry in a piisition 1o serve as a 
curtain ]iole. ( )riginally this (xile inidoubtedly served as a means of 
suspension for the blanket or skin rug used in closing the opening, Just 
as such means are now used in the huts of the Navajo, as well as 



occasionally in the houses of Tusayan. The space above this cross 
stick answered the same yiupose as the transoms of the present time. 

A most striking feature of doorways is the 
occasional departure from the quadrangular 
form, seen in some ruined villages and also in 
some of the modern houses of Tusayan. Fig. 
82 illustrates a specimeu of this type found 
in a small cliff ruin in Canyon de Ohelly. 
Ancient examples of this form of opening 
are distinguished by a symmetrical dispo- 
sition of the step in the jamb, while the 
modern doors are seldom so arranged. A 
modern example from INIashongnavi is shown 
in Fig. S3. This 0])eniiig also illustrates the 
double or divided transom. The beam ends 
shown in the figure i)roject beyond the face 
of the wall and support an overhanging coping or cornice. A door- 
like window, approximating the symmetrical form described, is seen 


Fig. 82. Au ancient doorway 
Canyon do Chelly cliff ruin. 


FlQ. 83. A symmetrically notched doorway in Ma-shonfrnavi. 

immediately over the passage-way shown in PI. xxii. This form is 
evidently the result of the i)artial closing of a larger rectangular 

Fig. 84 shows the usual type of terraced doorway in Tusayan, in 
which one jamb is stepped at a considerably greater height than the 
other. In Tusayan large openings occur in which only one jamb is 
stepped, producing au effect somewhat of that of the large balcony 
openings with flights of stone steps at one side, ])reviously illu.strated. 
An opening of this form is shown in Fig. 85. Both of the stepped door- 


■ Si' ' 

*j I > t 

•lit a*^^ 'I 

v ' -i » m tx risk- "^ *f^^j_ri_j£_ 




gs cxtpiidiiig 

ways, illustrated above, are provided with transom open in 
from one roof beam to another. In the absence of a movable door the 
openings were made of the smallest size consistent with convenient use. 
The stepped form was very likely suggested by the temporary partial 
blocking up of an opening with loose, flat stones in such a manner as 

Fig. 84. A Tuaayan notcliod doorway- 

to least impair its use. This is still quite commonly done, large open- 
ings being often seen in which the lower portion on one or both sides is 
narrowed by means of adobe bricks or stones loosely piled uj). In tliis 
eoiuiection it may be noted that the secondary lintel pole, previously 
described as occurring in both ancient and modern doorways, serves the 
additional jiurpose of a hand hold when supplies are brought into the 
house on the backs of the occui)ants. The stepping of tlie doorway, 
while diminishing its exposed area, does not interfere with its use in 
bringing in large bundles, etc. Series of steps, picked into tlie faces 
of the clitts, and aftording access to clilf dwellings, frefpiently have a 
supplementary series of narrow and deep cavities that furnish a secure 
hold for the hands. The requirements of the precipitous environment 
of these people have led to the carrying of loads of produce, fuel, etc., 
on the back by means of a suspending baud passed across the forehead ; 



this left the hands free to aid in tlie ditlii iilt task of elimbiug. These 
conditions seem to liave l)ronj;lit about tlie use, in some cases, of hand- 
holds in the marginal frames of interior trajxloors as an aid in elimb- 
ing the ladder. 


Fig. 8.'>. A larj^i' Tiisayau doorway with oue uotcbL-d jamb. 

One more eharaeteristie type of the aneient pueblo (bjorway remains 
to be described. During the autumn of 18S3, when the ruined i)ueblo 
of Kin-tiel was .surveyed, a nund)er of excavations were made in and 
about the ])ueblo. A small room on the east side, near the brink of 
the arroyo that traverses the ruin from east to west, was completely 
cleared out, expo.sing its tireplace, the stone |(a\ing of its floor, and 
other details of construction. Built into an inner partition of this room 
was found a large slab of stone, pierced with acircular hole of sufficient 
size for a, man to squeeze through. This slaV) was set on edge and 
incoriKirated into the masonry of the ])artition, and evidently served as 
a means (jf comnumicatioTi with another room. The position of this 
doorway and its relation to the room in wliicli it occurs may be seen 
from the illustiation in PI. c, which shows the stone in situ. The 
doorway or "stone-close" is shown in Fig. Sd on a sufficient scale to 
indicate the degree of technical skill in tin- architectural treatment of 
stone possessed by the builders of this old pueblo. The \niter visited 
Zuni in October of the same season, and on describing this find to Mr. 
Frank 11. Cushing, learned that the Zuni Indians still preserved tradi- 
tional knowledge of this device. Mr. (Jushiug kindly furui-shed at the 





cular iluorwjiy 
close" in Kiu-tiel. 

time the following extract from the tale of "The Deer-Slayer ami the 
"Wizards," a Zuni folk-tale of the early occupancy of the valley of 

"'How will they euter ?' said the 
young man to his wife. 'Through 
the stone-close at the side,' she an- 
swered. In the days of the ancients, 
the doorways were often made of a 
great slab of stone with a round hole 
cut through the middle, and a round 
stone slab to close it, which was 
called the stone-close, that the en 
emy might not enter in times of 

Mr. Gushing had fouud displaced 
fragments of such circular stone 
doorways at ruins some distance ^lo- 86. ad ancient . 
northwest from Zuiii, but had been 
under the impression that they were used as roof openings. All exam- 
ples of this device known to the writer as having been found in place 
occurred in side walls of rooms. ^Nlr. E. W. Nelson, while making collec- 
tions of pottery from ruins near Springerville, Arizona, found and sent 
to the Smithsonian Institution, in the autumn of 1884, "a Hat stone 
about 18 inches square with a round hole cut in the middle of it. This 
stone was taken from the wall of one of the old ruined stone houses near 
Springerville, in an Indian ruin. The stone was setiu thewaU between 
two inner rooms of the ruin, and evidently ser\-ed as a means of com- 
munication or i)erhaps a ventilator. I send it ou mainly as an example 
of their stone-working craft." The position of this feature in the exca- 
vated room of Kin-tiel is indicated on the ground plan. Fig. 00, which 
also shows the iiosition of other details seen in the general view of the 
room, PI. c. 

A small fragment of a "stone-close" doorway was found incorporated 
into the masonry of a flight of outside stone steps at Pescado, indicat- 
ing its use in some neighboring ruin, thus bringing it well within the 
Cibola district. Another point at which similar remains have been 
brought to light is the pueblo of Halona, just across the river from the 
present Zuni. Mr. F. Webb Hodge, recently connected with the Hemen- 
way Southwestern Archeological Exposition, under the direction of Mr. 
F. H. Cushing, describes this form of opening as being of quite common 
occurrence in the rooms of this long-buried pueblo. Here the doorways 
are associated with the round slabs used for closing them. The latter 
■were held in place by props within the room. No slabs of this form 
were seen at Kin-tiel, but quite possibly some of the large slabs of 
nearly rectangular form, found Avithiu this ruin, may have served the 
same purpose. It would seem more reasonable to use the rectangular 
8 ETH 13 


slabs for this puipose when tlie opeuiugs were conveiiieutly uear the 
floors. No example of the stoDe-close has as yet been found in Tiisayau. 

The annular doorway described above affords the only instance known 
to the writer where access openings were closed with a rigid device of 
aboriginal invention; and from the character of its material this device 
was necessarily restricted to openings of small size. The larger rect- 
angular doorways, when not partly closed by masonry, probably were 
covered only with blankets or skin rugs suspended ti'oni the lintel. In 
the discussion of sealed windows modern examples resembling the stone- 
close device will be noted, but these are usually employed in a more 
permanent nnmner. 

The snuUl size of the ordinary pueblo doorway was perhaps due as 
much to the fact that there was no convenient means of closing it as it 
was to defensive reasons. Many primitive habitations, even quite rude 
ones built with no intention of defense, are characterized by small doors 
and ^vindows. The planning of dwellings and the distribution of open- 
ings in such a manneras to i>rote('t and render comfortable the inhabited 
rooms implies a greater advance in architectural skill than these biuld- 
ers had achieved. 

The inconveniently small size of the doorways of the modern pueblos 
is only a survival of ancient conditions. The use of full-sized doors, 
admitting a man without stooping, is entirely practicable at the present 
day, but the conservative builders persist in adhering to the early type. 
The ancient position of the door, with its sill at a considerable height 
from the ground, is also retained. From the absence of any convenient 
means of rigidly closing the do(U's and windows, in early times external 
openings were restricted to the smallest practicable dimensions. The 
convenience of these openings was increased without altering their di- 
mensions by elevating them to a certain height above the ground. In 
the ruin of Kin-tiel there is marked uniformity in the height of the 
openings above the ground, and such openings were likely to be quite 
uniform when used for similar piu-poses. The most common elevation 
of the sills of doorways was such that a man could readily step over at 
one stride. It will lie seen that the sanu' economy of space lias effected 
the use of windows in this system of architecture. 


In the pueblo system of building, doors and windows are not always 
clearly ditfereutiated. Many of the openings, while used for access to 
the dwellings, also answer all tlu^ purposes of windows, and, both in 
their form and in their position in the walls, seem more fully to meet 
the requirements of openings for the admission of light and air than 
for access. We have seen in the illustrations in Chapters iii and IV, 
openings of considerable size so located in the face of the outer wall as 
to unfit them for use as doorways, and others whose size is wholly in- 
adequate, but which are still provided with the tyjiical though diminu- 



tive siiijjjle-paiiek'd door. Many of these siinill openings, occurring 
most fre(|nently in tlie back walls of Lonse rows, have the jambs, lin- 
tels, etc., characteristic of the typical modern door. However, as the 
drawings above referred to indicate, there are many openings concern- 
ing the use of which there can be no doubt, as they can only xjrovide 
outlook, light, and air. 

In the most common form of window in present use in Tusayaii and 
Cibola the width usually exceeds the height. Although found often in 
what appear to be the older portions of the x^resent pueblos, this shape 
probably does not date very far back. The windows of the ancient iVue- 
blos were sometimes square, or nearly so, when of small size, but when 
larger they were never distinguishable fi'om doorways in either size or 
finish, and the height exceeded the width. This restriction of the width 
of openings was due to the exceptionally small size of the building 
stone made use of. Although larger stones were available, the builders 
had not sufficient constructive skill to successfully utilize them. The 
failure to utilize this material indicates a degree of ignorance of 
mechanical aids that at fiist thought seems scarcely in keeping with 
the niassiveness of form and the high degree of finish characterizing 
many of the remains ; but as already seen in the discussion of masonry, 
the latter results were attained by the patient industry of many hands, 
although laboring with but little of the spirit of cooperation. The 
narrowness of the largest doors and windows in the ancient pueblos 
suggests timidity on the part of the amient builders. The apparently 
bolder construction of the present daj", shown in the prevailing use of 
horizontal openings, is not due to greater constructive skill, but rather 
to the markedly greater carelessness of modern construction. 

The same t'ontrast between modern and ancient practice is seen in 
the disposition of openings in walls. In the modern pueblos there does 
not seem to be any regularity or system in their introduction, while in 
some of the older j^ueblos, such as Pueblo Bonito on the (Jliaco, and 
others of the same group, the arrangement of the outer oi)enings ex- 
hibits a certain degree of SJ^umetry. The accompanying diagram, 
Fig. 87, illustrates a portion of the northern outer wall of Pueblo Bonito, 



Fig. 87. Diagram illustrating .symmetrical arrangement of small openings m Pueblo Bonito. 

in which the small windows of successive rooms, besides being uniform 
in size, are grouped in pairs. The degree of technical skill shown in 
the execution of the masonry about these openings is in keeping with 
the precision with which the openings themselves are placed. PI. CV, 
gives a view of a portion of the wall containing these openings. 


In marked coutrast to the above examj)les is the slovenly practice of 
the modern pueblos. There are rarely two openings of the same size, 
even in a single room, nor are these usually placed at a uuil'orm height 
from the floor. The placing ai)p('ars to be purely a matter of individual 
taste, and no trace of system or uniformity is to be found. Windows 
occur sometimes at considerable height, near or even at the ceiling in 
some cases, while others are placed almost at the base of the wall ; ex- 
amples may be found (X'cupyingall intermediate heights l)etweeu these 
extremes. Many of the illustrations show this characteristic irregu- 
larity, but ris. Lxxix and Lxxxii of ZuDi perhaps represent it most 

The framing of these openings ditters but little from that of the an- 
cient examples. The modern opening is distinguished principally by 
the more careless method of cond)ining the materials, and by the intro- 
duction in nmny instances of a rude sash. A number of small poles or 
sticks, usually of cedar, with the bark peeled off, are laid side by side in 
contact, across the opening, to form a support for the stones and earth 
of the superposed masonry. Frequently a particularly large tablet of 
stone is placed immediately upon the sticks, but this stone is never long 
enough or thick enough to answer the purpose of a lintel for larger 
openings. The number of small sticks used is sufficient to reach from 
the face to the back of the wall, and in the simplest openings the sur- 
rounding masonry forms jambs and sill. American or Spanish in- 
fluence occasionally shows itself in the em])loyment of sawed boards for 
lintels, sills, and jambs. The wooden features of the windows exhibit 
a curiously light and flimsy construction. 

A large percentage of the windows, in both Tusayan and Cibola, are 
furnished with glass at the present time. Occasionally a primitive sash 
of several lights is found, but frequently the glass is used singly; in 
some instances it is set directly into the adobe without anyinterveinng 
sash or frame. In several cases in Zuiii the i)rimitive sash or frame 
has been rudely decorated with incised lines and notches. An example 
of this is shown in Fig. 88. The frame or sash is usually built solidly 

into the wall. Hinged sashes 
do not seem to have been 
adopted as yet. Often the 
introduction of lights shows 
a curious and awkward com- 
promise between aboriginal 
methods and foreign ideas. 

Characteristic of Ziiiii win- 
dows, and also of those of the 
neighboring pueblo of Acoma, 

Fio. 88. Incised decoration on ii rude window saali iu ZiiBi. jj;. -^\iq uSC of Semitra-USlUCCnt 

slabs of selenite, about 1 inch in thickness and of irregular form. 
Pieces are occasionally met with about 18 inches long and 8 or 10 inches 




wide, but usually they are iiuifli smaller and very irregular in outline. 
For windows pieces are selected that approximately fit against each 
other, and thin, flat strii)s of wood are fixed in a vertical position in the 
openings to serve as supports for the ii-regiilar fragments of selenite, 
Miiicli could not be retained in ]ilace without some snch provision. Tlie 
use of window openings at the bases of walls probably suggested this 
use of vertical sticks as a supi)ort to slabs of selenite, as in this jjosition 
they would be particularly useful, the windows being generally arr;:nged 
on a slope, as shown in Fig. SO. Similar glazing is also emplojed in 
the related, obliquely pierced openings of Zuni, to be described later. 

Fig. 89. Sloping selenite window at of Zuiii wall on upper t.errace. 

Selenite, in all probability, was not used in pre-Spanish times. No 
examples have as yet been met with among ruins in the region where 
this material is found and now used. Throughout the .south and east 
portion of the ancient jnu'blo region, explored by Mr. A. F. Bandelier, 
where many of the remains were in a very good state of preservation, 
no cases of the use of this substance were seen. Fig. 90 illustrates a 
typical selenite window. 

■ -J & ■ 

Fig. 90. A Zuni window glazed with selenite. 

In Zuni some of the kivas are provided with smaU external windows 
framed with slabs of stone. It is likely that the kivas would for a long 
time perpetuate methods and practices that had been sujierseded in the 
construction of dwellings. The use of stone jambs, however, would 
necessarily be limited to openings of small size, as .such use for large 
openings was beyond the mechanical skill of the pueblo builders. 



Fig. 91 illustrates the manner of making small openings in external 
exposed walls in Zufii. Stone frames occur only occasionally in what 
seem to be the older and least modified portions of the village. At 
Tusayan, however, this method of framing windows is much more notice- 
able, as the exceptional crowding that has exercised such an influence 
on Zuiii construction has not occurred there. The Tusayan houses are 
arranged more in rows, often with a suggestion of large inclosures 
resembling the courts of the ancient pueblos. The inclosures have not 
been encroached upon, the streets are wider, and altogether the earlier 
methods seem to have been retained in greater purity than in Zuiii. 
The unbroken outer wall, of two or three stories in height, like the same 
feature of the old villages, is pierced at various heights with small open- 
ings that do not seriously impair its efficiency for defense. Tusayan 
examples of these loop-hole-like openings may be seen in Pis. xxii, 
xxui, and xxxix. 

Fio. 91. Small openinga in the back wall ot a Znfii hoase-clnster. 

In some of the ancient pueblos such openings were arranged on a dis- 
tinctly defensive plan, and were constructed with great care. Openings 
of this type, not more than 4 inches square, pierced the second story 
outer wall of the pueblo of Wejegi in the Chaco Canyon. In the pueblo 
of Kin-tiel (PI. LXiii) similar loop-hole-like openings were very skill- 
fully constructed in the outer wall at the rounded northeastern corner 
of the pueblo. The openings pierced the wall at an oblique angle, as 
shown on the plan. Two of these channel-like loopholes may be seen in 
PL i.xv. This ligure also shows the carefully executed jamb corners 
and faces of three large openings of the second story, which, though 
greatly undermined by the falling away of the lower masonry, are still 
held in position by the bond of thin flat stones of which the wall is built. 

It is often the practice in the modern pueblos to seal up the windows 
of a house with masonry, and sometimes the doors also during the tem- 
porary absence of the occupant, which absence often takes place at the 
seasons of planting and harvesting. At such times many Zuiii families 
occupy outlying farming pueblos, such as Nutria and Pescado, and the 




Tusayans, in a like manuer, live in rnde summer slielters close to tlieir 
fields. Such absence fioni tlie liome i>ueblo often lasts for a month or 
more at a time. The work of closing the opening is done sometimes in 
the roughest manner, but examples are seen in which carefully laid 
masonry has been used. The latter is sometimesplastered. Occasionally 
the sealing is done with a thin slab of sandstone, somewhat larger than 
the opening, held in place with nuid plastering, or propped from the 
inside after the manner of the "stone close" previously described. Fig. 
92 illustrates specimens of sealed openings in the village of Hauo of 

^feT-^-S^ip ^ 

"U^T^^ ^^^ 



Fig. 92. Sealed openinga in Tuaayan. 

the Tusayau group. The upi)er window is closed with a single large 
slab and a few small chinlj;lng stones at one side. The masonry used 
in closing the lower opening is scarcely distinguishable from that of the 
adjoining walls. PI. CVI illustrates a similar treatment of an opening 
in a detached house of Nutria, whose occupants had returned to the 
home pueblo of Zuni at the close of the harvesting season. TIu' door- 
way in this case is only partly clo.sed, leaving a window-like aperture at 


its top, and the stones used for the purpose are simply piled up without 
the use of adobe mortar. 

Windows and doors closed with masonry are ofti'u met with iu the 
remains of ancient pueblos, suggesting, perhaps, that some of the occu- 
pants were absent at the time of the destruction of the village. When 
large door like openings iu upper external walls were built up and 
plastered over in this way, as in some ruius, the purpose was to econo- 
mize heat during the winter, as blankets or rugs made of skins would 
be iiiadecjuate. 

Besides the closing and reopening of doors and windows just de- 
scribed, the modern i)ueblo builders freciueiitly make permanent changes 
in such openings. Doors are often converted into windows, and windows 
are reduced iu size or enlarged, or new ones are broken through the 
walls, apparently, vrith the greatest freedom, so that they do not, from 
their finish or method of construction, furnish any clue to the antiquity 
of the nnul-covered wall iu which they are found. Occasionally surface 
weathering of the walls, particularly iu Zuni, exposes abit of horizontal 
jjole embedded in the masonry, the lintel of a window long since sealed 
up and obliterated by successive coats of mud finish. It is probable 
that many openings are so covered up as to leave no trace of their ex- 
istence on the external wall. In Zuiii particularly, where the original 
arrangement for entering and lighting many of the rooms must have 
been wholly lost in the dense clustering of later times, such changes are 
very uuinerous. It often happens that the addition of a new room will 
shut off one or more old windows, and in such cases the latter are often 
converted into interior niches which serve as open cupboards. Such 
niches were sometimes of considerable size in the older pueblos. Changes 
in the character of ojienings are qiiite common in all of the pueblos. 
Usually the evidences of such changes are much clearer in the rougher 
and more exposed work of Tusayan than in the adobe-finished houses 
of Zuni. PI. cvii illustrates a large balcony-like opening iu Oraibi 
that has been reduced to the size of an ordinary door by filling in with 
rough masonry. A small window has been left immediately over the 
lintel of the newer door. PI. cviii illiistrates two large openings in this 
village that have been treated in a somewhat similar manner, but the 
filling has been carried farther. Both of these openings have been used 
as doorways at one stage of their reduction, the one on the right hav- 
ing been provided with a small transom ; the combined opening was 
arranged wholly within the large one and under its transom. In the 
further conversion of this doorway into a small window, the secondary 
transom was blocked up with stone slabs, set on edge, and a small loop- 
hole window in the upi)erlefthand corner of the large opening was also 
closed. The masonry filling of the large opening on the left in this 
illustration shows no trace of a transom over the smaller doorway. A 
small loophole in the corner of this large opening is still left open. It 
will be noted that the original transoms of the large openings have in 
all these cases been entirely filled up with masonry. 







The clearness ■with which all the steps of the gradual reductiou of 
these openings can be traced in the exposed stone work is in marked 
contrast with the obscurity of such features in Zuni. In the latter 
group, however, examples are occasionally seen where a doorway has 
been partly closed with masonry, leaving enough space at the top for a 
window. Often in such cases the fllled-in masonry is thinner than that 
of the adjoining wall, and consequently the form of the original doorway 
is easily traced. Fig. !).'?, from an adobe wall in Zuni, gives an illustration 
of this. The entrance doorway of the detached Zuiii house illustrated 
in PI. Lxxxiii, has been similarly reduced in size, leaving traces of the 
orignal form in a slight offset. In modern times, both in Tusayan and 
Cibola, changes in the form and disposition of openings seem to have 
been made with the great.est freedom, but in the ancient pueblos altered 
doors or windows have rarely been found. The original placing of these 




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Fig. 93. A Zuiii doorway converte4 into a window. 

features was more carefully considered, and the buildings were rarely 
subjected to unforeseen and irregular crowding. 

In both ancient and modern pueblo work, windows, used only as such, 
seem to have been niiiversally quadrilateral, offsets and steps being con- 
fined exclusively to doorways. 


The line of separation between roof openings and doors and windows 
is, with few exceptions, sharply drawn. The origin of these roof-holes, 
whose use at the present time is widespread, was undoubtedly in the 
simple trap door which gave access to the rooms of the Urst terrace. 
PI. XXXVIII, illustrating a court of Oraibi, shows in the foreground a 
kiva hatchway of the usual form seen in Tusayan. Here there is but 
little difference between the entrance traps of the ceremonial chambers 
and those that give access to the rooms of the first terrace; the former 
are in most cases somewhat larger to admit of ingress of costumed dan- 



cers, and the kiva traps are usually on a somewhat sharper slope, con- 
forming to the pitch of the small dome-roof of the kivas, while those of 
the house terraces have the scarcely perceptible fall of the house roofs 
in which they are placed. In Zuiii, however, where the development 
and use of openings has been carried further, the kiva hatcliways are 
distinguished by a specialized form that will be described later. An 
examination of the plans of tlie modern villages in Chapter ii and in 
will show the general distril)ution of roof openings. Those used as hatch- 
ways are distinguisliable by their greater dimensions, and in many cases 
by the presence of the ladders that give access to the rooms below. The 
smaller roof openings in their simplest form are constructed in essen- 
tially the same manner as the trap doors, and the widtli is usually regu- 
lated by the distance between two adjacent roof beams. The second 

Fig. 94. Zuiii roof-openinga. 

series of small roof poles is interrui^ted at the sides of the oijeuing, which 
sides are finished by means of carefully laid small stones in the same 
manner as are projecting copings. This finish is often carried several 
inches above the roof and crowned witli narrow stone slabs, one on each 
of the four sides, forming a sort of frame which protects the mud plas- 
tered sides of the opening from the action of the rains. Examples of 
this simple tyjie may be seen in many of the figures illustrating Chap- 
ters II and III, and in PI. xcvii. Pig. 94 also illustrates common types 
of roof openings seen in Zuiii. Two of the examples in this figure are 




of openings that give across to lower rooms. Oeoasional instances are 
seen in this puebhi in which an exaggerated height is given to the cop- 
ing, the resiilt slightly approaching a square chimney in effect. Fig. 
95 illustrates an exanii)le of this form. 

Fig. 95. A Zani roof opening, with raised coping. 

In Znni, where many minor variations in the forms of roof openings 
occur, certain of these variations appear to be related to roof drainage. 
These have three sides crowned in the usual manner with coping stones 

Fia. 96. Zufii roof-opeuings, with one elevated end. 

laid flat, but the fourth side is formed by setting a, thin slab on edge, as 
illustrated in Fig. 9G. 
Fig. 94 also embodies two specimens of this form. 



The special object of this arrangement is in some cases diflficnlt to 
determine; the raised end in all the examples on any one roof always 
takes the same direction, and in many cases its position relative to 
drainage suggests that it is a provision against flooding by rain on the 
slightly sloping roof; but this relation to drainage is by no means con- 
stant. Koof holes on the west side of the village in such positions as to 
be directly exposed to the violent sand storms that prevail here during 
certain months of the year seem in some cases to lune in view protec- 
tion against the flying sand. We do not meet witli evidence of any 
fixed system to guide the disposition of this feature. In many cases 
these trap holes are provided with athin shib of sandstone large enough 
to cover the whole opening, and used in times of rain. During fair 
weather these are laid on the roof, near the hole they are designed to 
cover, or lie tilted against the higher edge of the trap, as shown in 
Fig. 97. 

Fig. 97. A Zuui roof hole with cover. 

When the cover is placed on one of these holes, with a high slab 
at one end, it has a steep j)itch, to shed water, and at the same time 
light and air are to some extent admitted, but it is very doubtful if this 
is the result of direct intention on the part of the builder. The possi- 
ble development of this roof trap of unusual elevation into a rudimen- 
tary cliimney has already been mentioned in the discussion of chimneys. 
A development in this direction would i)ossibly be suggested by the 
desirability of separating the access by ladder from the inconvenient 
smoke hole. This must have been brought very forcibly to the atten- 
tion of tlie Iiulian when, at the time a fire was burning in the fireplace, 
they were compelled to descend the ladder amidst the smoke and heat. 


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The survival to the present time of such au iuconveiiient arrangement 
ill tlie kivas can be exphiined only on the ground of the intense con- 
servatism of these people in all that pertains to religion. In the small 
roof holes methods of construction are seen which would not be so prac- 
ticable on the larger scale of the ladder holes after which they have 
been modeled. In these latter the sides are built up of nuisonry or 
adobe, but the framing around them is more like the usual coping 
over walls. The stone that, set on edge in the small openings built for 
the admission of light, forms a raised end never occurs in these. The 
ladder for access rests against the coping. 

When occurring in connection with kivas, ladder holes have certain 
peculiarities in which they differ from the ordiiuiry form used in dwell- 
ings. The opening in such cases is made of large size to admit dancers 
in costume with full paraphernalia. These, the largest roof oi^enings to 
be found in Zuiii, are framed with pieces of wood. The methods of 

Kiva trapdoor iu Zufli. 

holding the pieces in place vary somewhat in minor detail. It is quite 
likely that recent examples, while still preserving the form and general 
appearance of the earlier ones, would bear evidence tliat tlie builders 
had used their knowledgeof improved methods of joining and finishing. 
As may readily be seen from the illustration, Fig. 98, this framing, by 
the addition of a cross jjiece, divides the opening unequally. The 
smaller apertiire is situated immediately above the fireplace (which 
conforms to the ancient tyiie without cliimney and located in the open 
floor of the room) and is very cA^dently designed to furnish an outlet to 
the smoke. In a chamber having uo side doors or windows, or at most 



very small square madows, and consequently no drafts, the column of 
smoke and flame can often on still nights be seen rising vertically from 
the roof. The other portion of the opening containing the ladder is used 
for ingress and egress. This singular combination strongly suggests that 
at no very remote period one opening was used to answer both piirposes, as 
it still does in the Tusayan kivas. It also suggests the direction in which 
differentiation of functions began to take place, which in the kiva was 
delayed and held back by the conservative religious feeling, when in 
the ci\il architecture it may have been the initial point of a develop- 
ment that culminated in the chimney, a developnu-nt that was assisted 
in its later steps by suggestions ft-om foreign sources. In the more 
primitively constructed examples the cross pieces seem to be simply laid 
on without any cutting in. The central ]uece is held in place by a peg 
set into each side piece, the weight and thrust of the ladder helping to 
hold it. The primitive arrangement here seen has been somewhat im- 
proved upon in some other cases, but it was not ascertained whether 
these were of later date or not. 

In the best made frames for kiva entrances the timbers are " halved" 
in the nmnner of our carpenters, the joint being additionally secured by 
a piu as shown iu Fig. 99. 

The use of a frame of wood in these trap- 
doors dates back to a comparatively high 
antiquity, and is not at all a modern innova- 
tion, as one would at first be inclined to l)e- 
lieve. Their use in so highly developed a 
form iu the ceremonial chamber is an argu- 
ment in favor of antiipiity. Only two exam- 
ples were discovered by Mr. L. H. Morgan 
iu a ruined pueblo on the Animas. "One of 
these measured 1<5 by 17 inches and the other 
was 10 inches square. Each was formed in 
the floor by pieces of wood put together. 
The work was neatly done." ' 

Unfortunately, Mr. Morgan does not de- 
scribe in detail the manner in which the join- 
ing was effected, or whether the pieces were 
halved or cut to fit. It seems hardly likely, 
considering the rude faciUties possessed by 
the ancients, that the enormous labor of re- 

Fio.99. Halved and pinned trapdoor ducing large picCCS of WOod to SUCh iutcrfit- 

frame of a Zuni kiva. ^j^g shapes would liavc bccu uTulertakeu. A 

certain neatness of finish would undoubtedly be attained by arranging 
the principal roof beams and the small poles that cross them at riglit 
angles, in the usual careful manner of the ancient builders. The kiva 
roof opening, with the hole serving for access and smoke exit, is paral- 

' Contributiona to N. A. Ethnology, vol. 4, House Life, etc., p. 182. 


lelcd ill the excavated lodji'cs ot the San Francisco Monntains, where a 
single opening served this double purpose. A sliglit recess or excava- 
tion in the side of the entrance shaft evidently served for the exit of 

At the village of Acouia the kiva trai^doors differ somewhat from the 
Zuiii form. The survey of this village was somewhat hasty, and no 
oiiportuuity was aftbrded of ascertaiiung from the Indians the special 
l)urpose of the mode of construction adopted. The roof hole is divided, 
as in Zuiii, but the portion against which the ladder leans, instead of 
being made into a smoke vent, is provided with a small roof These 
roof holes to the ceremonial chamber are entered directly from the open 
air, while in the dwelling rooms it seems customary (much more cus- 
tomary than at Zuni) to enter the lower stories through trapdoors 
within upper rooms. In many instances second-story rooms have no 
exterior rooms but art^ entered from rooms above, contrary to the usual 
arrangement in both Tusayan and Cibola. AU six of the kivas in this 
village are provided ^^^th this peculiarly constructed opening. 

In Zuiii dose crowding of the cells has led to an excei)tionally fre- 
quent use of roof lights and trapdoors. The ingenuity of the builders 
was greatly taxed to admit sufficient light to the inner rooms. The 
roof hole, which was originally used only to furnish the means of access 
and light for the tirst terrace, as is still the case in Tusayan, is here 
used in all stories indiscriminately, and principally for light and air. 
In large clusters there are necessarily many dark rooms, which has led 
to the employment of great numbers of roof holes, more or less directly 
modeled after the ordinary trapdoor. Their occurrence is particularly 
frequent in the larger clusters of the village, as in house ISo. 1. The 
exceptional size of this pile, and of the adjoining house No. 4, with the 
consequent large proportion of dark rooms, have taxed the ingenuity of 
the Zuiii to the utmost, and as a result we see roof openings here 
assuming a degree of importance not found elsewhere. 

In addition to roof openings of the type described, the dense clus- 
tering of the Zufii houses has led to the invention of a curious device 
for lighting inner rooms not reached by ordinary external openings. 
This consists of an opening, usually t)f oval or subrectangular form 
in elevation, placed at the junction of the roof with a vertical wall. 
This opening is carried down obliquely between the roofing beams, as 
shown in the sections. Fig. 100, so that the light is admitted within 
the room just at the junction of the ceiling and the inner face of the 
wall. With the meager facilities and rude methods of the Zuni, this 
pecuhar arrangement often involved weak construction, and the open- 
ings, placed so low in the wall, were in danger of admitting water ft-om 
the roof. The difficulty of obtaining the desired light by this device was 
much lessened where the outer roof was somewhat lower than the ceil- 
ing within. 



These oblique openings occur not only in the larger clusters of houses 
Nos. 1 and 4, but also in the more openly planned portions of the vil- 
lage, though they do not occur either at Acouia or in the Tusayan vil- 
lages. They afford an interesting example of the transfer and continu- 
ance in use of a constructional device developed in one place by unusual 
conditions to a new field in which it was uncalk'd for, being less efficient 
and more difficult of introduction than the devices in ordinary use. 

Fio. 100. Typical sections of ZuSi oblique openinga. 


The pueblo Indian has little household furniture, in the sense in which 
the term is commonly employed; but his home contains certain features 
which are more or less closely embodied in the house construction and 
which answers the purpose. The suspended pole that serves as a clothes 
rack for ordiiuuy wearing apparel, e.Ktra blankets, robes, etc., has already 
been described in treating of interiors. Religious costumes and cere- 
monial paraphernalia are more carefully provided for, and are stored 
away in some hidden corner of the dark storerooms. 

The small wall niches, which are formed by closing a window with a 
thin fiUing-in wall, and which answer the piu-pose of cupboards or recep- 


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tacles for many of the smaller household articles, have also been described 
and illustrated in connection with the Ziiiii interior (PI. Lxxxvi). 

In many houses, both in Tiisayan and in Cibola, shelves are constrncted 
for the more convenient storage of food, etc. These are often constructed 
in a very primitive manner, particularly in the former province. An un- 
usnally frail example may be seen in Fig. 07, iii connection with a fire- 
place. Fig'. 101, showing a series of mealing' stones in a Tusayan house, 
also illustrates a rude slielf in tlie corner of the room, supported at one 

Fig. 101. ArrangemeDt of mealing stones in a Tuaayan house. 

end by an upright stone slab and at the other by a projecting wooden 
peg. Shelves made of sawed boards are occasionally seen, but as a 
rule such boards are considered too valuable to be used in this manner. 
A more common arrangement, particularly in Tusayan, is a combination 
of three or four slender poles placed side by side, 2 or 3 inches apart, 
forming" a rude shelf, nj)on which trays of food are kept. 

Another device for the storage of food, occasionally seen in the pueblo 
house, is a pocket or bin buUt into the corner of a room. Fig. 101, illus- 
trating the plan of a. Tusayan house, indicates the position of one of 
these cupboard-like inclosures. A sketch of this specimen is shown hi 
8 ETH 1-1 





Fig. 102. Tliis bill, used for the storage of beans, grain, and the like, is 
formed by cutting oil' a corner of the room by setting two stone slabs 

into the floor, and it is covered ■witli 
the mud plastering which extends 
over the neighboring walls. 

A curious modification of this device 
was seen in one of the inner rooms ia 
Zuiii, in the house of Jos6 Vi6. A 
large earthen Jar, apparently an ordi- 
nary water vessel, was built into a 
projecting masonry bench near the 
corner of the room in such a manner 
that its rim i)rojected less than half an 
inch above its surface. This jar was 
used for the same purpose as the Tu- 
sayan corner bin. 
Some of the Indians of the present time have chests or boxes in which 
thcLT ceremonial blankets and paraphernalia are kept. These of com-se 
have been introduced since the days of American boards and boxes. In 

Fio. 102. A Tnsayan grain bin. 

Fig. 103. A ZilBi pliinui box. 

Zuni, however, the Indians still use a small wooden receptacle for the pre- 
cious ceremonial articles, such as feathers and beads. Tliis is an oblong 
box, provided with a countersunk Iril, and usually carved from a single 
single piece of wood. Tyjiical specimens are illustrated in Figs. 103 and 

Flo. 101. A Zuiii iihmi<^ box. 

104. The workmanshiji displayed in these objects is not 
beyond the aboriginal .skill of the native workman, and their 
use is undoubtedly ancient. 




Perhaps the most important article of furniture in the home of the 
pueblo Indian is the mealing trough, containing the household milling 
apparatus. This trough usually contains a series of three metates of 
varying degrees of coarseness firmly fixed in a slanting i^osition most 
convenient for the workers. It consists of thin slabs of sandstone set 
into the floor on edge, similar slabs forming the separating partitions 
between the compartments. This arrangement is shown in Fig. 105, 
illustrating a Tusayan mealing trough. Those of Zuiii are of the same 
form, as may be seen in the illustration of a Zuui interior, Fig. 105. 

< .^ 

FiQ. 105. A Tusayan mealing trough. 

Occasionally in recently constructed specimens the thin inclosing waUs 
of the trough are made of planks. In the example illustrated one end 
of the series is bounded by a board, all the other walls and divisions 
being made of the usual stone slabs. The metates themselves are not 
usually more than 3 inches in thickness. They are so adjusted in their 
setting of stones and mortar as to slope away from the operator at the 

proper angle. This arrangement of 
the mealing stones is characteristic of 
the more densely clustered communal 
houses of late date. In the more primi- 
tive house themealing stone was usually 
a single large piece of cellular liasalt, 
or similar rock, in which a broad, sloj)- 
iiig depression was carved, and which 
could be transported from place to place. 
Fig. 100 illustrates anexamplef)f this type from the vicinity of Globe, in 
southern Arizona. The stationary mealing trough of the present day 
is undoubtedly the successor of the earlier moveable form, yet it was in 
use among the puel)los at the time of the first Spanish expedition, as 
the foUoxNing extract from Oastaneda's account ' of Cibola wiU show. 
He says a special room is designed to grind the grain : " This last is 
apart, and contains a furnace and three stones made fast in masonry. 

Fig. 106. An ancient pueblo fonn of metate. 

' Given by W. W. H. Davia in El Gringo, p. 119. 


Three women sit clown before these stones; the flrst crushes the grain, 
the second brays it, and the third reduces it entirely to powder." It 
will be seen how exactly this description tits both the arrangement and 
the use of this mill at the present time. The perfection of mechanical 
devices and the refinement of methods here exhibited would seem to 
be in advance of the achievement of this peoijle in other directions. 

The grinding stones of the mealing apparatus are of correspondingly 
varying degrees of roughness; those of basalt or lava are used for the 
first crushing of the corn, and sandstone is used for the flnal grinding 
on the last metate of the series. By means of these primitive appli- 
ances the corn meal is as finely ground as our wheaten Hour. The grind- 
ing stones now used are always flat, as shown in Fig. 105, and differ 
from those that were used with the early massive type of metate in being 
of cylindrical form. 

One end of the series of milling troughs is usually built against the 
wall near the corner of the room. In some cases, where the room is 
quite narrow, the series extends across from wall to wall. Series com- 
prising four mealing stones, sometimes seen in Zuni, are very generally 
arranged in this manner. In all cases sufficient floor space is left be- 
hind the mills to accommodate the women ^\•ho kneel at their work. PL 
Lxxxvi illustrates an unusual arrangement, in which the fourth mealing 
stone is set at right angles to the other stones of the series. 

Mortars are in general use in Zuni and Tusayan households. As a 
rule they are of considerable size, and made of the same material as 
the rougher mealing stones. They are employed for crushing and grind- 
ing the chile or red pepper that enters so largely into the food of the 
Zuui, and whose use has extended to the Mexicans of the same region. 
These mortars have the ordinary circular depressions and are used 
with a round pestle or crusher, often of somewhat long, cylindrical form 
for convenience in handling. 

Parts of the apparatus for indoor blanket weaving seen in some of 
the pueblo houses may be included under the heading of furniture. 
These consist of devices for the attachment of the movable parts of the 
loom, which need not be described in this connection. In some of the 
Tusayan houses may be seen examples of posts sunk in the floor pro- 
vided with holes for the insertion of cords for attaching and tightening 
the warp, similar to those built intt> the kiva floors, illustrated in Fig. 
.31. No device of this kind was seen in ZuQi. A more primitive appli- 
ance for such work is seen in both gronps of pueblos in an occasional 
stump of a beam or short pole projecting from the wall at varying 
heights. Ceiling beams are also used for stretching the warp both in 
blanket and belt weaving. 

Tlic iiirnishingN of a pueblo house do not include tables and chairs. 
The meals are eaten directly from the stone-paved floor, the participants 
rarely having any other seat than the blanket that they wear, rolled up 
or folded into convenient form. Small stools are sometimes seen, but 


iTj^^- '^Uf'4-5J,w 




the need of such appliances does not seem to be keenly felt by these 
Indians, who can, for hours, sit in a pccuUar scjuattinj^- position on their 
haunches, without any apparent discomfort. Though moveable chairs 
or stools are rare, nearly all of the dwellings are ]3rovided with the low 
ledge or bench around the rooms, wliicli in earlier times seems to have 
been confined to the kivas. A slight advance on this fixed form of seat 
was the stone block used in the Tusayan kivas, described on \>. 132, 
which at the same time served a useful jiurpose in the adjustment of 
the warp threads for blanket weaving. 

The few wooden stools observed show very primitive workmanship, 
and are usually made of a single ])iece of wood. Fig. 107 illustrates 
two forms of wooden stool from Zuni. The small three-legged stool on 

Klii. 1(17. Zuiii stools. 

the left has been cut from the trunk of a jiinon tree in such a manner 
as to utilize as legs the three branches into which the main stem sepa- 
rated. The other stool illustrated is also cut from a single piece of tree 
trunk, which has been reduced in weight by cutting out one side, leav- 
ing the two ends for support. 

A curiously worked chair of modern 
form seen in ZuTii is illustrated in Fig. 108. 
It was difdcult to determine the anti(]uity 
of this specimen, as its rickety condition 
may have been due to the clumsy work- 
manship ixuite as miu-h as to the eft'ects of 
age. Eude as is the workmaushiii, ho^^ - 
ever, it was far beyond the unaided skill 
of the native craftsman to join and mor- 
tise the various pieces that go to make uj) 
this chair. Some decorative efiect has 
been sought here, the ornamentation, 
made up of notches and sunken grooves, 
closely resembling that on the window sash illustrated in Fig. 88, and 
somewhat similiar in effect to the carving on the Spanish beams seen 
in the Tusayan kivas. The whole construction strongly suggests Span- 
ish influence. 

FiG. 108. A Ziifii chair. 


Even the influence of Americans has as yet tailed to bring abont the 
use of tables or bedsteads among the pueljlo Indians. The floor 
answers all the purposes of both these useful articles of furniture. The 
food dishes are placed directly upon it at meal times, and at night the 
blankets, rugs, and sheep skins that form the bed are spread directly 
upon it. These latter, during the day, are suspended upon the clothes 
pole previously described and illustrated. 


The inti'oduction of domestic sheep among the pueblos has added a 
new and important element to their mode of living, but they seem never 
to have reached a clear understanding as to how these animals should 
be cared for. No forethought is exercised to separate the rams so that 
the lambs will be born at a favorable season. The flocks consist of 
sheep and goats which are allowed to run together at all times. Black 
sheep and some with a grayish color of wool are often seen among them. 
No attempt is made to eliminate these dark-fleeced members of the flock, 
since the black and gray wool is utilized in its natural color in produc- 
ing many of the designs and patterns of the blankets woven by these 
people. The flocks are usually driven up into the corrals or inclosures 
every evening, and are taken out again in the morning, frequently at 
quite a late hour. This, together with the time consumed in driving 
them to and from pasture, gives them much less chance to thrive than 
those of the nomadic Navaj(j. In Tusayan the corrals are usually of 
small size and inclosed by thin walls of rude stone work. This may 
be seen in the foreground of PL xxi. PI. cix illustrates several corrals 
just outside the village of Mashongnavi similarly constructed, but of 
somewhat larger size. Some of the corrals of Oraibi are of still larger 
size, approaching in this respect the corrals of Cibola. The Oraibi pens 
are rudely rectangiilar in form, with more or less rounded angles, and 
are also built of rude masonry. 

In the less important villages of Cibola stone is occasionally used for 
inclosing the corrals, as in Tusayan, as may be seen in PI. lxx, illus- 
trating an inclosure of this character in the court of the farming i>ueblo 
of Pescado. PI. cx illustrates in detail the manner in which stone 
work is combined with the use of rude stakes in the construction of this 
inclosure. On the rugged sites of the Tusayan villages corrals are 
placed wherever favorable nooks happen to be found in the rocks, but 
at Zuni, built in the comparatively open plain, they form a nearly con- 
tinuous belt around the pueblo. Here they are made of stakes and brush 
held in place l)y horizontal poles tied on with strips of rawhide. The 
rudely contrived gateways are supiiorted in natural forks at the top and 
sides of posts. Often one or two small inclosures used for burros or 
horses occur near these sheep corrals. The construction is identical 
with those above described and is very rude. It is illustrated in Fig. 
109, which shows the manner in which the stakes are arranged, and also 




the method of attaching? the horizontal tie pieces. The construction of 
these iiiclosures is fi-ail, and the danger of pusliing the stakes over by 
pressure from within is guarded against by employing forked braces 
that abut against horizontal pieces tied ou 4 or 5 feet from the ground. 
Reference to PI. lxxiv will illustrate this construction. 

''— ^ji:^'>''aa.'=.-.; . 

-^— - W^''t|W4f'['|i'^ti 



Fig. 109. Ctmstructiou of a Zuiii corral. 

Within the village of Zufii inclosures resembling miniature corrals 
are sometimes seen built against tlie houses; these are used as cages 
for eagles. A number of these birds are kept in Zuni for the sake of 
their plumage, which is highly valued for ceremonial purposes. PI. cxr 
illustrates one of these coops, constructed partly with a thin adobe wall 
and partly with stakes arranged like those of the corrals. 

In both of the pueblo groups under discussion small gardens contigu- 
ous to the villages are frecpient. Tliose of Tusayan are M-alled in with 

Within the pueblo of Zuni a small group of garden patches is inclosed 
by stake fences, but the majority of the gardens in the vicinity of the 



priiK'ipal villtifjcs are i)rovi(lecl with low walls of mud masonry. The 
small tenared .Hardens here are near the river bank on the southwest 
and .southeast sides of the vUlage. The inclosed spaces, averaging in 
size about 10 feet square, are used for the cultivation of red peppers, 
beans, etc., which, during the dry season, are watei'ed by hand. These 
inclosiires, situated close to the dwellings, suggest a probable explana- 
tion for similar inclosurcs found in many of the ruins in the sontliern 
and eastern portions of tlie ancient ](U«>blo region. Mv. liandelier was 
informed by the Pimas' that tliese inclosurcs were ancient gardens. He 


Fig. 110. Gardens of Zuni. 

concluded that since aceqixias were frecjuent in the immediate vicinity 
these gardens must have been used as reserves in case of war, when the 
larger tields were not available, but the manner of theii- occurrence in 
Zufii suggests rather that they were intended for cultivation of special 
crops, such as pepper, beans, cotton, and perhaps also of a variety of 

' Fifth Ann. Eept. Arch. Inst. Am., p. 92. 

■■i\ ;. 



tobacco — com, lueloiis, squashes, etc., being cultivated elsewhere iu 
larger tracts. There is a large group of gardens ou the bank of the 
stream at the southeastern corner of Zuiii, and here there are sliglit in- 
dications of terracing. A second group on the steeper slope at the 
soirthwestern corner is distinctly terraced. Small walled gardens of the 
same type as these Zuni examples occur in the vicinity of some of the 
Tusayau villages on the middle mesa. They are located near tlie springs 
or water pockets, apparently to facilitate watering by hand. Some of 
them contain a few small ])each trees in addition to the vegetable crops 
ordinarily met with. The clusters here are, as a rule, smaller than 
those of Zuni, as there is much less space available in the vicinity of the 
springs. At one point on the west side of the first mesa, a few miles 
above Walpi, a copious spring serves to irrigate quite an extensive series 
of small garden patches distributed over lower slopes. 

At several points arcmnd Zuni, usually at a greater distance than the 
terrace gardens, are fields of much larger area inclosed in a similar 
manner. Their ini'losure was simply to secure them against the de^jre- 
dations of stray burros, so numerous about the village. When the 
crops are gathered in the autumn, several breaches are made in the low 
wall and the burros are allowed to luxuriate on the remains. PI. Lix 
indicates the position of the large cluster of garden patches ou the 
southeastern side of Zuiii. Fig. 110, taken fi'om photographs made in 
1873, shows several of these small gardens with their growing crops and 
a large field of corn beyond. The workmanship of the garden walls 
as contrasted with that of the house masonry has been akeady de- 
scribed and is illustated in PI. xc. 


Lightly constructed shelters for the use of those in charge of fields 
were probably a constant accompaniment of pueblo horticulture. Such 
shelters were built of stone or of brush, according to which material 
was most available. 

In very precipitous localities, as the Canyon de Chelly, these outlooks 
naturally became the so-called clift"-dwellings or isolated shelters. In 
Cibola single stone houses are in common use, not to the exclusion, how- 
ever, of the lighter structures of brush, while iu Tusayau these lighter 
forms, of which there are a number of well defined varieties, are almost 
exclusively used. A detailed study of the methods of construction em- 
ployed in these rude slielfers would be of great interest as afibrding a 
comparison both with the building methods of the ruder neighboring- 
tribes and with those adoi)ted iu constructing some of 'the details of 
the terraced house; the writer, however, did not have an opportunity 
of making an examination of all the field shelters used in these pueblos. 
Two of the simpler types are the " tuwahlki," or watch house, and the 
"kishoui," or uncovered si de. The former is constructed by first 



planting a short forked stick in the ground, which supports one end of 
a pole, the other end resting on the ground. The interval between this 
ridge pole and the ground is roughly filled in with slanting sticks and 
brush, the inclosed space being not more than 3 feet in height, with a 
maximum width of four or five feet. These shelters are for the accom- 
modation of the childi-en who watch the melon patches until the fruit 
is hai-vested. 
The kishoni, or uncovered shade, illustrated in Fig. Ill, is perhaps 


YlQ. 111. Kishoni, or uncovered shade, of Tuaaj'an. 

the simplest form of shelter enii)loyed. Ten or a dozen cottonwood 
saplings are set firmly into the ground, so as to form a slightly curved 
iuclosure with convex side toward the south. Cottonwood and willow 
boughs in foliage, grease-wood, sage brush, and rabbit brush are laid 
with stems ui)ward in even rows against these sai)lings to a height of 
or 7 feet. This light material is held in place by bauds of small cot- 
tonwood branches laid in continuous horizontal lines around the out- 
side of the shelter and these are attached to the upright saplings with 
cottonwood and willow twigs. 




Figs. 112 and llo illustrate a much more elaborate field shelter iu 
Tusayau. As may readily be seen from the figures this shelter covers a 



FiQ. 112. A Tusayau tield shelter, from southwest. 

considerable area; it will be seen too that the upright branches that 
inclose two of its sides are of sufficient height to considerably shade the 
level roof of poles and brush, converting it into a comfortable retreat. 


I ii^ '} 

■^^ JS:>'^ 


.'- _--Wet.^-^ 

FlQ. 113. A Tusayau tioUl aheltur, h'om northeast. 



The following nomeuelatiire, collected by Mr. Stephen, comprises the 
terms commonly used in dcsiguatiug the constructional details of 
Tusayan houses and kivas : 

Kiko'li The jjround floor rooms forming the first terrace. 

Tupu'bi The roofed recess ;it the eud of the first terrace. 

Ah'pabi ) 

,, , , . ; A terrace roof. 

Ih'pohi S 

Tupat'caih'pohi The third terrace, used in common as a loitering 

Tumtco'kobi "The place of the flat stone ; " small rooms in which 

"piki/" or paper-bread, is baked. "Tuma,"the 

piki stone, and "tcok" describing its flat position. 

Tupa'tca "Where you sit overhead;" the third story. 

O'mi Ah'pabi The second story ; a doorway always opens from it 

uyion the roof of the "kiko'li." 

Kitcobl " The highest place ; " the fourth story. 

Tuhkwa A wall. 

Puce An outer corner. 

Apaphucua An inside corner. 

Lestabi The main roof timbers. 

Wina'kwapi Smaller cross poles. "Winahoya," a small pole, 

and "Kwapi," in place. 

Kaha'b kwapi The willow covering. 

Siiibi kwapi The brush covering. 

Si'hii kwapi The grass covering. 

Kiam' balawi Themudplasterof roof covering. "Balatle'lewini," 

to spread. 

Tcukat'cvewata Dry earth covering the roof. "Tcuka," earth, 

"katuto,"to sit, and "at'ovewata," one laid above 


Kiami An entire roof. 

Kwo'pku The fireplace. 

Kwi'tcki "Smoke-house," an inside chimney -hood. 

Sibvu'tiitiik'mula A series of bottomless jars piled above each other, 

and luted together as a chimney-top. 
Sibvii' A bottomless earthen vessel serving as a chimney 

Bok'ci Any small hole in a wall, or roof, smaller than a 

Hi'tci An oiieuiug, such as a doorway. This term is also 

applied to a gap in a cliff. 

Hi'tci Kalau'wata A door frame. 

Tunau'iata A lintel; literally, "that holds the sides in place." 

Wuwflk'pi "The place step;" the door sill. 

Ninnh'pi A hand hold; the small pole in a doorway below 

the lintel. 

Pana'ptca iitc'pi bok'ci A window; literally, "glass covered ojjening." 

Ut'cpi A cover. 

Ahpa'biitc'pi » 

Wina'utc'pi \ ^ '^"°'^- "^P'^'^" inside ; wina, a pole. 

O' wa utc'ppi " Stone cover," a stone slab. 


Tiii'ka A projection in the wall of a room suggesting a par- 
tition, such as showu in PI. Lxxxv. The same 
term is apjilied to a projecting cliif iu a mesa. 

Kiani'i An entire roof. The main beams, cross poles, ami 

roof layers have the same names as in the kiva, 
given later. 

Wiua'kii'i Projecting poles; rafters extending bcyoutl the 


Bal'kakini "Spread out; " the floor. 

O'tcokpU'h "Leveled with stones;" a raised level for the 


Ba'lkaklni til'wi "Floor ledge;" the floor of one room raised above 

that of an adjoining one. 

Hako'la "Lower place ; " the floor of a lower room. Sand 

dunes in a valley are called "Hakolpi." 

Ko'ltci A shelf. 

Owako'ltci A stone shelf. 

Ta'pii kii'ita A sujjport for a shelf. 

Wina' koltci A hewn plank shelf. 

Kokiiini A wooden peg in a wall. 

Tiileta A shelf hanging from the ceiling. 

Tiilet'haipi The cords for suspending a shelf. 

Tiikftlcl A niche in the wall. 

TUkftli A stone mortar. 

Ma'ta The complete mealing apparatus for grinding corn. 

Owa'mata The trough or outer frame of stone slabs. 

Mata'kl The metate or grinding slab. 

Kakom'ta mata'ki The coarsest grinding slab. 

Tala'ki mata'ki The next finer slab; from "talaki" to parch crushed 

corn in a vessel at the fire. 

Pin'nyiimta mata'ki The slab of finest texture; from "pin," fine. 

Ma'ta li'tci The upright partition stones separating the metatcs. 

The rubbing stones have the same names as the 

Hawi' wita A stone stairway. 

Tiitu'ben hawi' wita A stairway pecked into a clifi'face. 

Sa'ka A ladder. 

Wina' hawi'pi Steps of wood. 

Ki'cka The covered way. 

Hitcu'yi'wa "Opening to pass through ;" u narrow passage be- 
tween houses. 

Ki'sombi "Place closed with houses;" courts and spaces 

between house grou]>s. 

Bavwa'kwapi A gutter pipe inserted iu the roof coping. 

In kiva noineuclature the various parts of the roof have the same 
names as the corresponding features of the dwellings. These are 
described on pp. 14:8-151. 

Le'stabi The main roof timbers. 

Wina'kwapi The smaller cross poles. 

Kaha'b kwapi The willow covering. 

SUibi kwapi The brush covering. 

Si'hii kwapi The grass covering. 

Tcuka'tcve wata The dry earth layer of the roof 

Kiam'ba'lawi The layer of mud plaster on the roof. 

Kiami An entire roof. 


The following terms are used to specially designate various features 
of the kivas : 

Tiipat'caiata, lestabi 1 f Both of these terms are used to designate the 

> < kiva hatchway heams upon which the hatch- 

Lesta'bkwapi, J [ way walls rest. 

Siina'cabi le'stabi The main beams in the roof, nearest to the hatch- 

Ep'eoka le'stabi The main beams next to the central ones. 

Piiep'eoka le'staoi The main beams next in order, and all the beams 

intervening between the "epeoka" and the end 
beams are so designated. 

Kala'beoka lestabi The beams at the ends of a kiva. 

Mata'owa "Stone placed with hands." 

Hiizriiowa " Hard stone." 

Both of these latter terms are applied to corner 
foundation stones. 

Kwa'kii iit'cpi Moveable mat of reeds or sticks for covering hatch- 
way opening. Fig. 29. "Kwaku," wild hay; 
"utcpi," a stopper. 

Tiipat'caiata The raised hatchway ; " the sitting place," Fig. 95. 

Tiipat'caiata tii'k wa The walls of the hatchway. 

Kipat'ctjua'ta The kiva doorway; the opening into the hatchway, 

Fig. 28. 

Apa'pho'ya Small niches in the wall. " Apap," from " apabi," 

inside, and "hoya," small. 

Si'p.apiih An archaic term. The etymology of this word is 

not known. 

Kw6p'kota The fireplace. " Kwuhi," coals or embers ; " kiiaiti," 


K5i'tci Pegs for drying fuel, fixed under the hatchway. 

"Ko-hu,"wood; Fig. 28. 

Kokii'lna Pegs in the walls. 

Sa'ka A ladder. This term is applied to any ladder. Figs. 


Sa'kaleta Ladder rungs; "Leta," from "lestabi;" see above. 

Tflvwibi The platform elevation or upper level of the floor. 

"Tu-vwi," a ledge; Fig. 24. 
TUvwi Stone ledges around the sides, for seats. The same 

term is used to designate any ledge, as that of a 

mesa, etc. 
Katcin' Kihii "Katcin.i," house. The niche in a ledge at the end 

of the kiva. 
Kwi'sa The planks set into the floor, to whidi tht^ lower 

beam of a blanket loom is fastened. 

Kaintup'ha > Terms applied to the main floor; they both mean 

Kiva' kani ) "the large space." 

Tapii' wii'tci Hewn planks a foot wide and 6 to 8 feet long, set 

into the floor. 

Wina'wii'tci A plank. 

Owa' pUhii'imiata " Stone spread out ;" the flagged floor; also desig- 
nates the slabs covering the hatchway. 



j. „1, 


'^n V A ft u^f 

# '^*'*ir ^ 


7v ^It 

^ l^fi^ 


'4 •;*'; '1'■>'^'^- 





-Stones with holes prckeil in the ends for holding 
the loom beam while the warp is being adjusted; 
also used as seats ; see i>. 132. 

m-fuii 2 la-kiii 



I^te-yii-pa' ^ 

Fig. 114. Diagram showing ideal section of toiraces, with Tusayjiu names. 

The accomijanying diagram is an ideal section of a Tusayan four-story 
house, and gives the native names for the various rooms and terraces. 


The modern villages of Tusayan and Cibola differ more widely in 
arrangement and in the relation they bear to the surrounding topography 
than did their ijredecessors even of historic times. 

Many of the older pueblos of both groups appear to have belonged 
to the valley tyq)es — villages of considerable size, located in open plains 
or on the sloi)es of low lying foothills. A comiiarison of the plans in 
Chapters ii and iii will illustrate these differences. In Tusayan the 
necessity of defense has driven the builders to iuiiccessible sites, so that 
now all the occupied villages of the i)r()viuce are found on mesa sum- 
mits. The inhabitants of the valley pueblos of Cibola, although com- 
pelled at one time to build their houses ui)on the almost inaccessible 
summit of Taaiyalana mesa, occupied this site only temporarily, and 
soon established a large valley pueblo, the size and large popula- 
tion of which afforded that defensive efticiency which the Tusayan 
obtained only by Ijuilding on mesa promontories. This has resulted in 
some adherence on the part of the Tusayan to the village plans of their 
ancestors, while at Zufii the great house clusters, forming the largest 
pueblo occupied in modern times, show a wide departure from the prim- 
itive types. In both provinces the architectuie is distinguished from 
that of other portions of the pueblo region by greater irregularity of 


plan and by less skillfully executed constructional details; each group, 
however, happens to contain a notable exception to this general care- 

In Cibola the pueblo of Kin-tiel, built with a continuous defensive 
outer wall, occupies architecturally a somewhat anomalous position, not- 
withstanding its traditional connection with the grouj), and the Fire 
House occupies much the same relation in reference to Tusayan. The 
latter, however, does not break in upon the unity of the grouj), since the 
Tusayan, to a much greater extent than the Zufii, are made up of remnants 
of various bands of builders. In Cibola, however, some of tlie Indians 
state that their ancestors, before reaching Zuni, built a number of 
pueblos, whose ruins are distinguished from those illustrated in the 
present paper by the presence of circular kiv'as, this form of ceremonial 
room being, apparently, wholly absent from the Cibolan pueblos here 

The people of Cibola and of Tusayan belong to distinct linguistic 
stocks, but their arts are very closely related, the differences being no 
greater than would result from the slightly ilift'erent conditions that 
have operated within the last few generations. Zuni, perhaps, came 
more directly under early S])anish influence than Tusayan. 

Churches were established, as has been seen, in both provinces, but 
it is doubtful whether their presence produced any lasting imjiression 
on the people. In Tusayan the sway of the Spaniards was very brief. 
At some of the pueblos the churches seem to have l)een built outside of 
the village proper where ample space was available within the pueblo; 
but such an encroachment on the original inclosed courts seems never 
to have been attempted. Zuiii is an appanmt exception; but all the 
house clusters east of the church have x^robably been built later than 
the church itself, the church court of the present village being a much 
larger area than would be reserved for the usual pueblo court. These 
early churches were, as a rule, built of adobe, even when occurring in 
stone pueblos. The only excei^tiou noticed is at Ketchipauan, where it 
was built of the characteristic Indian smoothly chinked masonry. The 
Spaniards usually intruded their own construction, even to the compo- 
sition of the bricks, which are nearly always made of straw adf)be. 

At Tusayan there is no evidence that a church or mission house ever 
formed part of the villages on the mesa summits. Their plans are com- 
plete in themselves, and probably represent closely the lirst pueblos 
built on these sites. These summits have been extensively occupied 
only in comparatively recent times, although one or more small clusters 
may have been built here at an early date as outlooks over the fields in 
the valleys below. 

It is to be noted that some of the ruins connected traditionally and 
historically witli Tusayan and Cibola differ in no particular from stone 
pueblos widely scattered over the southwestern ])lateaus which have 
been from time to time invested with a halo of romantic antiquity, and 


^\A't^^f SIM; 


regaided as roiiiarkable acbieveiiieuts iu civilization by a vanished bnt 
once powerful race. These deserted stone houses, occurring in the 
midst of desert sobtudes, appealed strongly to the imaginations of early 
explorers, and their stimulated fancy connected the remains with ''Az- 
tecs" and other mysterious peoples. That this early implanted bias 
has caused the invention of many ingenious theories concerning the 
origin and disai)pearance of the builders of the ancient pueblos, is amply 
attested in the conclusions reached by many of the wiiters on this sub- 

In connection with the architectural examination of some of these 
remains many traditions have been obtained from the present tribes, 
clearly indicating that some of the village rums, and even cliff dwell- 
ings, have been built and occupied by ancestors of the present Pueblo 
Indians, soiiictiiiies at a date well within the historic period. 

The migrations of the Tusayan clans, as described in the legends 
collected by Mr. Steidieii, were slow and tedious. While they pursued 
their wanderings and awaited the fiivorable omens of the gods they 
halted many times and ])Ianted. They speak traditionally of stopping 
at certain plai'cs on their routes during a certain number of " plant- 
ings," always building the characteristic; stone pueblos and then again 
taking ui) the march. 

When these Indians are questioned as to whence they came, their re- 
plies are various and conflicting; but this is due to the fact that the 
members of one clan came, after a long series of wanderings, ft'om the 
noi-tli, for instance, while those of other gentes may have come last from 
the east. The tribe to-day seems to be made up of a collection or a con- 
federacy of many enfeebled remnants of independent pliratrics and groups 
once more numerous and powerful. Some clans traditionally referred 
to as having been important are now represented by few survivors, and 
bid fair soon to become extinct. So the members of each pliratry have 
their own store of traditions, relating to the wanderings of their own an- 
cestors, which (litter from tliose of other clans, and refer to villages suc- 
cessively builf and occupied by them. In the case of others of the pueblos, 
the occupation of clift' dwellings and cave lodges is known to have oc- 
curred within historic times. 

Both architectural and traditional evidence arc in accord in establish- 
ing a continuity of descent from the ancient Pueblos to those of the pres- 
ent day. Many of the communities are now made up of the inorc^ or less 
scattered but interrelated remnants of gentes whicJi in former times oc- 
cupied villages, the remains of which are to-day looked upon as the early 
homes of "Aztec colonies," etc. 

The adaptation of this architecture to the peculiar environment indi- 
cates that it has long been practiced under the same conditions that now 
prevail. Nearly all of the ancient pueblos were built of the sandstone 
found in natural quarries at the bases of hundreds of clifl's throughout 
these table-lands. This stone readily breaks into small pieces of regular 
8 ETH 15 


form, suitable for use in the simple masoury of the pueblos without re- 
ceiving iiny artificial treatment. The walls themselves give an exag- 
gerated idea of finish, owing to the care and neatness witli which the 
component stones are placed. Some of the illustrations in the last chap- 
ter, from photographs, show clearly that the material of the walls was 
mnch ruder than tlie appearance of the finished masonry would suggest, 
and that this flnisli depended on the careful selection and arrangement 
of the fragments. This is even more noticeable in the Chaco ruins, in 
which tlie walls were wrought to a high degrees of surface finish. The 
core of the wall was laid up with the larger and more irregular stones, 
and was afterwards brought to a smooth face by carefully tilling in and 
chinking the joints with smaller stones and fragments, sometimes not 
more than a quarter of an inch thick; this method is still roughly fol- 
lowed by both Tusayan and Cibolau builders. 

Although many details of construction and arrangement display 
remarkable adaptation to the physical character of the country, yet the 
influence of such eiuiroumeut would not alone suffice to produce this 
architectural type. In order to develop the results found, another ele- 
ment was necessary. This element was the necessity for defense. The 
pueblo population was probably subjected to the more or less continu- 
ous influence of this defensive motive throughout the peri(»d of their 
occupation of this territory. A strong independent race of i)eople, who 
had to fear no invasion by stronger foes, would necessarily have been 
influenced more by the physical environment and would have i)rogressed 
further in the art of building, but the motive for building rectangular 
rooms — the initial point of departure in the development of pueblo 
architecture — would not have been brought into action. The crowding 
of many habitations upon a small clitt' ledge or other restricted site, re- 
sulting in the rectangular form of rooms, was most likely due to the 
conditions imposed by this necessity for defense. 

The general outlines of the development of this architecture wherein 
the ancient builders were stimulated to the best use of the exceptional 
materials about them, both by the diffi(;ult conditions of their semi-desert 
environment and by constant necessity for protection against their 
neighbors, can be traced in its various stages of growth from the primi- 
tive conical lodge to its culmination in the large communal village of 
many-storied terraced buildings which we find to have been in use at 
the time of the Spanish discovery, and which still survives in Zuiii, per- 
haps its most striking modern example. Yet the various steps have re- 
sulted from a simple and direct use of the material immediately at hand, 
while methods gradually improved as frequent experiments taught the 
builders more fully to utilize local facilities. In all cases the material 
was derived from the neatest available source, and often variations in 
the quality of the finished work are due to variations in the quality of 
the stone near by. The results accomplished attest the patient and per- 
sistent industry of the ancient builders, but the work does not disi)lay 
great skill in construction or in preparation of material. 




The same desert environineut that fuiuished such au abiiudauce of 
material for the aucieut builders, also, from its difficult and inhospita- 
ble character and the constant variations in the water sujiply, com- 
pelled the freqnent employment of this material. This was an impor- 
tant factor in bringing about the attained degree of advancement in the 
building art. At the present day constant local changes occur in the 
water sources of these arid table-lands, while the general character of 
the climate remains unaltered. 

The distinguishing characteristics of Pueblo architecture may be re- 
garded as the product of a defensive motive and of an arid environment 
that furnished an abundance of suitable building material, and at the 
same time the climatic conditions that compelled its frequent employ- 

The decline of the defensive motive within the last few years has 
greatly aflected the more recent architecture. Even after the' long 
practice of the system has rendered it somewhat fixed, com])arative 
security from attack has caused many of the Pueblo Indians to recog- 
nize the inconvenience of dwellings grouped in large clusters ou 
sites difficult of access, while the sources of their subsistence are neces- 
sarily sparsely scattered over large areas. This is noticeable in the 
building of small, detached houses at a distance from the main villages, 
the greater convenience to crops, flocks and water outweighing the de- 
fensive motive. In Cibola particularly, a marked tendency in this 
direction has shown itself within a score of years; Ojo Caliente, the 
newest of the farming pueblos, is j)erhaps the most striking example 
within the two pro\'inces. The greater security of the pueblos as the 
country comes more fiilly into the hands of Americans, has also resulted 
in the more careless i:onstruction in modern examples as com^jared with 
the ancient. 

There is no doubt that, as time shall go on, the system (if building 
many-storied clusters of rectangular rooms will gradually be abandoned 
by these people. In the absence of the defensive motive a more con- 
venient system, eniploying scattered small houses, located near springs 
and tields, will gradually take its jilace, thus returning to a mode of 
building that probably prevailed in the evolution of the pueblo prior to 
the clustering of many rooms into large defensive villages. PI. lxxxiii 
illustrates a building of the type described located on the outskirts of 
Zuhi, across the river from the main puebh). 

The cultural distinctwns between the Pueblo Indians and neighbor- 
ing tribes gradually become less clearly defined as investigation pro- 
gresses. Mr. Cushing's study of the Zuni social, political, and religious 
systems has clearly established their essential identity in grade of cul- 
ture with those of other tribes. In many of the arts, too, such as weav- 
ing, ceramics, etc., these people in no degree surpass many tribes who 
build ruder dwellings. 


Ill architecture, though, they have progressed far beyond their neigh- 
bors; many of the de\ices employed attest the essentially primitive 
character of the art, and demonstrate that tlie apparent distinction in 
grade of culture is mainly due to the exceptional condition of the en- 







Introduction 235 

Construction of the Medicine Lodge 237 

First day 237 

Personators of the gods 237 

Second day 239 

Description of the sweat houses 239 

Sweat houses and masks 242 

Preparation of the sacred reeds (cigarette) and prayer-sticks 242 

Third day 244 

First ceremony 244 

Second ceremony 245 

Third ceremony 247 

Fourth ceremony (night) 248 

Fonrtli day 249 

First ceremony 249 

Second ceremony 2.50 

Third ceremony 250 

Fourth ceremouy 2.52 

Fifth ceremony 253 

Sixth ceremony 253 

Foods brought into the lodge 256 

Fifth day 257 

First ceremony "'"7 

Second ceremony 259 

Third ceremony 260 

Sixth day 261 

Seventh day 263 

Eighth day .' 265 

Ninth day 269 

First ceremony 269 

Second ceremony 270 

Song of tlie Etsethle 272 

Prayer to the Etsethle 272 

Conclusion — the dance 273 

Myths of tlie Navajo 275 

Creation of tlie sun 275 

Hasjelti and llostjoghon 277 

The tioatiug logs 278 

Naiyenesgouy and Tobaidischinni 279 

The Brothers 280 

The old man and woman of the lirst world 284 




Plate CXII. A, Rainbo-w over eastern sweat house; B, Rainbow over 

western sweat honse 240 

C'XIII. Blanket rug aufl inertieine tubes 242 

CXI V. Blanket rug and meilicitie tubes 244 

CXV. Masks: 1, Naiyeuesyoug; 2. 3, Tobaidischiuue; 4, 5, Hasjelti; 

6, Host joghou ; 7, Hostjobokon ; 8, Hostjoboard 246 

C'XVI. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 248 

CXVII. 1, Pine ))oughs on sand bed; 2, Apaclie basket containing 
yucca suds lined with corn pollen ; 3, Basket of water sur- 
face covered with pine needles 250 

CXVIII. Blanket rug and medicine tubes and sticks 252 

CXIX. Blanket rug and niedicine tube 258 

CXX. First sand jiainting 260 

CXXI. .Second sand painting 262 

CXXII. Third sand painting 264 

f'XXIlI. Fourth sand painting 266 

Fig. 115. Exterior lodge 236 

116. Interior lodge 237 

117. Gamiug ring 238 

118. Sweat house 240 



By James Stevenson. 


During my visit to the Southwest, in the summer of 1885, it was my 
good fortune to arrive at the Navajo Reservation a few days before the 
commencement of a Navajo healing ceremonial. Learning of the prep- 
aration for this, I decided to remain and observe the ceremony, which 
was to continue nine days and niglits. The occasion drew to the place 
some 1,200 Navajos. The scene of the assemblage was an extensive 
plateau near the margin of Keam's Canyon, Arizona. 

A variety of singular and interesting occurrences attended this great 
event — mythologic rites, gambling, horse and foot racing, general mer- 
riment, and curing the sick, the latter being the prime cause of the 
gathering. A man of distinction in the tribe was threatened with loss 
of vision from inflammation of the eyes, having looked upon certain 
masks with an irreligious heart. He was rich and had many wealthy rela- 
tions, hence the elaborateness of the ceremony of healing. A celebra- 
ted theurgist was solicited to officiate, but nuicli anxiety was felt when 
it was learned that his wife was pregnant. A superstition prevails 
among the Navajo that a man must not look upon a sand painting when 
his wife is in a state of gestation, as it would result in the loss of the 
life of the child. This medicine man, however, came, feeling that he 
possessed ample power within himself to avert such calamity by admin- 
istering to the child immediately after its birth a mixture in water of 
all the sands used in the painting. As I have given but little time to 
the study of Navajo mythology, I can but briefly mention such events 
as I witnessed, and record the myths only so far as I was able to col- 
lect them hastily. I will first describe the ceremony of Yebitchai and 
give then the myths (sonui complete and others incomplete) explanatory 
of the gods and genii figuring in the Hasjelti Dailjis (dance of Hasjelti) 
and in the nine daj\s' ceremonial, and then others Independent of these. 
The ceremony is familiarly called among the tribe, "Yebitchai," the word 




meaning tlie giant's nncle. The name was originally given to the cere- 
monial to awe the children who, on the eighth day of the ceremony, 
are initiated into some of its mysteries and then for the first time 
are informed that the characters appearing in the ceremony are 
not real gods, but only their representatives. There is gitod reason 
for believing that their ideas in regard to the sand ]iaintings were 
obtained from the Pueblo tribes, who in the past had elaborated 
sand ]>aiutings and whose work at present in connection with most 
of their medicine ceremonies is of no mean order. The Mission 
Indians of southern California also regard sand paintings as among 
the important features in their medicine practices. While the figures 
of the mj-thical beings represented by the Navajo are no doubt of 
their own conception, yet I discovered that all their medicine tubes 
and otterings were similar to those in use by the Zufii. Their presence 
among the Navajo can be readily ex})lained l>y the well known fact that 
it was the custom among Indians of dift'erent tribes to barter and ex- 
change medicine songs, ceremonies, and the paraphernalia accompany- 
ing them. The Zuni and Tus.iyan claim that the Navajo obtained the 
secrets of the Pueblo medicine by intruding upon their ceremonials or 
capturing a pueblo, and that they appropriated whatever suited their 

'.-.'■'J-' , •^. '■'•"'- ■ — ''"■"■^gSst^ - ^-S" 
Fig. 115. Exterior lodge. 

My explanation of the ceremonial described is by authority of the 
priest doctor who managed the whole affair and who remained with me 
five days after the ceremonial for this special purpose. Much persuasion 
was required to induce him to stay, though he was most anxious that 
we should make no mistake. He said : 

My wile may suffer and I should be near her ; a father's eyes should be the first 
to look upon his child ; it is like sunshine in the father's heart ; the father also 
watches his little one to see the first signs of understanding, and observes the first 
steps of his child, that too is a bright light in the father's heart, but when the little 
one falls, it strikes the father's heart hard. 

The features of this ceremonial which most surprise the white spec- 
tator are its great elaborateness, the number of its participants and its 
prolongation through many days for the purpose of restoring health to 
a single member of the tribe. 





A rectangular ])aiallel()giaiii wa.s marked off on tlie ground, and at 
each corner was tirmly planted a forked post extending 10 feet above 
the surface, and on these were laid 4 horizontal beams, against which 
rested ]K)les tliickly set at an angle of about 2()o, while other poles were 
placed horizoutallj' across the beanis forming a suj)port for the covering. 
The poles around the sides were planted more in an oval than a circle 
and formed an interior space of about 35 by 30 feet in diameter. On 
the east side of the lodge was an entrance supported by stakes and 
closed with a buffalo robe, and the whole structure was then thickly 
covered first with boughs, then with sand, giving it the appearance of 
a small earth mound. 

t'lG. 116. Intrriur lodge. 



The theurgist or song-priest airivcd at noon on the 12th of October, 
1885. Almost immediately after his arrival we boldly entered the medi- 
cine lodge, accomjianied by our interpreter, Navajo .Tolm, and pleaded 
our cause. The stipulation of the medicine man was that we should 
make no mistakes and thereby offend the gods, and to avoid mistakes 
we must hear all of his songs and see all of his medicines, and he at 
once ordered some youths to prepare a place for our tent near the lodge. 
During the afternoon of the 12th tliose who were to take part in the 
ceremonial received orders and instructions fiom the song-priest. One 
man went to collect twigs with which to make twelve rings, each C 


inches ill diameter. These rings represented gaining rings, which are 
not only used by tlie Navajo, but are thouglit highly of by the genii of 
the rocks. (See Fig. 117.) Another man gathered willows with wliicli 

to make the emblem of the concentration of 
the four winds. The square was made by 
dressed willows crossed and left projecting 
at the corners each one inch beyond the next. 
The corners were tied together with white 
cotton cord, and each corner was ornamented 
with the under tail feather of the eagle. 
These articles were laid in a niche behind 
the theurgist, whose ])criiiaiicnt seat was on 
the \\t?st side of the lodge facing east. The 
Fig. 117. (iaming riug. nightceremony commeucedshortly aftcrdark. 

All those who were to participate were immediate friends and relatives 
of the invalid excepting the theurgist or song-priest, he being the only 
one who received direct compensation for his professional services. The 
cost of such a ceremony is no inconsiderable item. Not only the exorbi- 
tant fee of the theurgist must be paid, but the entire assemblage must 
be fed during the nine days' ceremonial at the expense of the invaM, 
assisted by his near relatives. 

A bright lire burned in the lodge, and shortly after dark the invalid 
appeared and sat upon a blanket, which was placed in iroiit of the 
song-priest. Previously, however, three men had i)repared themselves 
to personate the gods — Hasjelti, Hostjoghon, and Hostjobokon — and 
one to personate the goddess, Hostjoboard. They left the lodge, carry- 
ing their masks in their hands, went a short distance away and put on 
their masks. Then Hasjelti and Hostjoghon returned to the lodge, and 
Hasjelti, amid hoots, "hu-lioo-huliuh!" placed tlie sipiare wliicli he car- 
ried over tlie invalid's head, and Hostjoghon shook two eagle wands, 
one in each hand, on each side of the invalid's head and body, then 
over his head, meanwhile hooting in his peculiar way, "hu-n-xi-n-uh !" 
He then followed Hasjelti out of the lodge. The men representing 
Hostjobokon and Hostjolioard came in alternately. Hostjobokon took 
one of the rings which had been made during the afternoon, and now 
lay upon the blanket to the right of the invalid, and ])laced it against 
the soles of the feet of the invahd, who was sitting with knees drawn 
up, and then against his knees, palms, breast, each scapula, and top of 
his head; then over his mouth. While touching the dift'erent parts of 
the body tlie ring was held with both hands, but when placed to the 
mouth of the invalid it was taken in the left hand. The ring was made 
of a reed, the ends of which were secured by a long string wrapped over 
the ring like a slipnoose. When the ring was placed over the mouth of 
the invalid the string was pulled and the ring dropped and rolled out of 
the lodge, the long tail of white cotton yarn, with eagle plume attached 
to the end, extending far behind. Hostjoboard repeated this ceremony 


with a second ring, and so did Hostjobokon and Hostjoboaid alter- 
nately, until the twelve rings were disposed of. Three of the rings 
were afterward taken to the east, three to the south, three to the west, 
and three to the north, and deposited at the base of jiiuon trees. The 
rings were placed over the in\ ahd's mouth to give him strength, cause 
him to talk with one tongue, and to have a good mind and heart. The 
other ijortions of the body were touched with them for physical benefit. 
When the rings had all been rolled out of the lodge Hasjelti entered, 
followed by Hostjoghon. He pass(>d the square (the concentrated winds) 
four times over the head of the invalid during his hoots. Hostjoghon 
then waved his turkey wands about the head and body of the invalid, and 
the first day's ceremony was at an end. 


The construction of the first sweat house, ov tachi, was begun at 
dawn. Four of these houses were built on four consecutive mornings, 
each one located about 400 feet distant from the great central medi- 
cine lodge, toward the four cardinal points, and all facing to the east. 
The first one built was east of the lodge. A description of the con- 
struction of this particular one will answer for all, but the ceremonies 
ditter in detail. 

Four upright poles, forked at the upper ends, were placed at the tour 
cardinal points within an area designated as the base of the house, the 
forked ends resting against each other, a circular excavation some 6 
feet in diameter and 1 foot in depth having first been made. Between 
the uprights smaller poles were laid; on the poles pinon boughs, sage and 
Bigelovia Dougldsn (a kind of sage brush) were placed as a thatch; all 
being laid sutticiently compact to prevent the sand placed over the top 
from sifting through. The doorway, on the east side of the house, 
was about 2J feet high and 20 inches wide. Highly polished sticks {the 
same as those employed iu blanket weaving) were used to render the 
sand ccjvering of the structure smooth. The sweat houses to the east 
and west had the rainbow i)ainted over them. Those to the north and 
south were devoid of such decoration, because the song priest seldom 
completes his medicine in one ceremonial; and he chose to omit the 
songs which would be require<l if the bow oriiiimented the north and 
south sweat houses. Under the direction of the priest of the sweat 
house, who received instruction from the song priest, three young men 
painted the riiinbow, one the head iind body, another the skirt nnd legs, 
while the third painted the bow. The head of this goddess was to the 
north, the bow extending over the structure. The colors used were 
made from ground pigments sprinkled on with the thumlj and forefinger. 
Whenever a pinch of the dry paint was taken from the pieces of bark 
which served as paint cups, the artist breathed upon the hand before 



spiiukliuy the paint. This, liowever, had no religious significance, but 
was merely to clear the finger and thumb of any supertluous sand. 
The colors used in decoration were yellow, red, and white from sand- 
stones, black from charcoal, and a grayish blue, formed of white sand 
and charcoal, with a very small (pntntity of yellow and red sands. (See 
Fig. 118.) The decorators were carefully watched by the song jiricst. 
Upon the completion of the rainbow the song priest returned to the 
medicine lodge, but soon reappeared bearing a basket of twelve turkey 
wands, and these he planted around the base of the sweat house on a 
line of meal he had previously sprinkled. There was a fire some 20 feet 

Fig. 118. Sweat house. 

from the house, in which stones were heated. These stones were ])laced 
in the sweat house on the south side, and ujion them Mas thrown an 
armful of white sage and Bif/cloria Doiirilasii. A few pine boughs were 
laid by the side of the stones for the invalid to sit upon. The entrance 
to the sweat house was then covered with a black and white striped 
blanket upon which were ])laced two large Coconino buckskins one upon 
the other, and ui)on them a double piece of white cotton. The buckskins 
represented daylight, or the twilight that comes Just at the dawn of day. 
The invalid for whom tliis ceremony was held took off all his clothing 
except the breech cloth, and sat on the outside by the entrance of the 
sweat house amid the din of rattle and song, the theurgist being the 
only one who had a rattle. The invalid ju-opelled himself into the house 
feet foremost, the covering of the sweat house having been raised for 
this ]nirj)ose. After entering it, ho rid himself of his breecheloth and 
the coverings were immediately droi)ped. The song continued .") minutes, 
when all stopped for a moment and then recommenced. 






During the song" the theurgist mixed various lierlis in a gourd over 
wliich he poured water. After chanting .some twenty miiuites he ad- 
vanced to tlie entrance of the liouse, taking the medicine gourd with him, 
and, after pouring some of its contents on the lieated stones, took his seat 
and joined in tlie chanting. After another twenty minutes Hasjelti and 
Hostjoghon appeared. A Xavajo blanket liad pre\iously been placed 
on the ground at the south side of the entrance. Hasjelti lifted the 
coverings from the entrance, and the patient, having first donned his 
breecli cloth, came out aiid sat on the blanket. Hasjelti rubbed the in- 
valid with the horn of a mountain sheep held in the left hand, and iu 
the right hand a piece of hide, about 10 inches long and 4 wide, from 
between the eyes of tlie sheep. The hide was held flatly against the 
palm of the hand, and in this way the god rubbed the breast of the in- 
valid, while he rubbed his back with the horn, occasionally alternating 
his hands. Hostjoghon put the invalid through the same manipulation. 
The gods then gave him drink four times from the gourd containing 
medicine water comjjosed of finely-chopped herbs and water, they hav- 
ing first taken a draught of the mixture. The soles of the feet, palms, 
breast, back, shoulders, and top of the head t)f the invalid were touched 
with medicine water, and tlie gods suddenly disappeared. The i)atient 
arose and bathed himself with the remainder of the medicine water and 
put on his clothing. The coverings of the entrance, which were gifts 
to the song priest from the invalid, were gathered together by the song- 
priest and carried by an attendant to the medicine lodge. An attend- 
ant erased the rainbow by sweeping his hand from the feet to the head, 
drawing the sands with him, which were gathered into a blanket and 
carried to the north and deposited at the base of a pinou tree. The 
song priest placed the wands in a basket, and thus, preceded by the 
invalid, carried them in both hands to the medicine lodge singing a 
h)W chant. The sweat house was not carelessly torn down, but was 
taken down after a prescribed form. Four men commenced at the sides 
toward the cardinal points, and with both hands scraped the sand from 
the boughs. When this was all removed the boughs were careftilly 
gathered and conveyed to a pinon tree some 50 feet distant and fastened 
horizontally in its branches about 2 feet above the ground. The heated 
stones from the interior of the sweat house were laid on the boughs; 
the upright logs which formed the ft-ame work of the house were car- 
ried to a pinon tree, a few feet from the tree in which the boughs and 
heated stones were placed, and arranged crosswise in the tree, and on 
these logs corn meal was sprinkled and on the meal a nuxlicine tube 
(cigarette) was deposited. The tube was about 2 inches long and one- 
third of an inch in diameter, and it contained a ball composed of down 
from several varieties of small birds, sacred tobacco, and corn pollen. 
It was an offering to Hasjelti. Meal was sprinkled on the tube. The 
ground on which the house had stood was smoothed over, the ashes 
from the fire carefully swept away, and thus all traces of the ceremony 
8 ETII 16 


were removed. The invalid upon filtering the lodge t(iok liis seat on 
the west side facing east. The song priest continned his chant. He 
took ft'om the meal bag some sacred meal and placed it to the soles of 
the feet of the invalid and on his i)alms, knees, breast, back, shoulders, 
and head. At the conclnsioii of this ceremony all indnlged in a rest 
for an hour or more. The bark cups which contained the colored sands 
for decorating were placed in the medicine lodge north of the door. 


The deer skins which hang over the entrance of the sweat houses (a 
difierent skin being used for each sweat house) must be from animals 
which have been killed by being smothered. The deer is run down and 
secured by ropes or otherwise. Corn pollen is then put into the mouth 
of the deer and the hands are held over the mouth and nostrils until life 
is extinct. The animal now being placed upon his back, a line is drawn 
with corn pollen over the mouth, down the breast and belly to the tail. 
The line is then di-awn from the right hoof to the right foreleg to the 
breast line. The same is done on the left fore leg and the two hind legs. 
The knife is then passed over this line and the deer is flayed. Skins pro- 
cured in this way are worth, among the Navajo, $50 each. Masks are 
made of skins prepared in the same manner. If made of skins of deer 
that have been shot the wearer would die of fever. 

Bnckskin over the entrance to an eastern sweat house denotes dawn; 
over a southern, denotes red of morning; over a western, sunset; over a 
northern, night. 



Before noon two sheepskins were spread one upon the other before 
the song-priest. Upon these was laid a blanket, and on the blanket 
pieces of cotton. These rugs extended north and south. The theurgist 
then produced a large medicine bag, fi'om which a reed was selected. 
The reed was rubbed with a polishing stone, or, more accurately speak- 
ing, the pohshing stone was rubbed with the reed, as the reed was held 
in the right hand and rubbed against the stone, which was held in the 
left. It was then rubbed with finely broken native tobacco, and after- 
wards was divided into four pieces, the length of each piece being equal 
to the width of the first three fingers. The reeds were cut with a stone 
knife some 3J inches long. An attendant then colored the tubes. The 
first reed was painted blue, the second black, the third blue, and the 
fomth black. Through all these, slender sticks of yucca had been run 
to serve as handles while painting the tubes and also to sujiport the 
tubes while the paint was drying. The attendant who cut the reeds sat 
left of the song-priest, facing east; a stone containing the paints was 
placed to the north of the rug; and upon the end of the stone next to 









himself tlie recd-ciittcr deposited a bit of finely broken tobacco. In cnt- 
ting- tlie reeds occasionally a bit splintered ofl"; these scraps ^yere placed 
by the side of the tobacco on the northeast end of the nig. 

The attendant who colored the reeds sat facing- west ; and as each 
reed was colored it was placed on the rng, the yucca end being laid ou 
a slender stick which ran horizontally. The first reed jiainted was laid 
to the north. Three dots Avere put upon each blue reed to represent 
eyes and mouth ; two lines encircled the black reeds. Four bits of soiled 
cotton cloth were deposited in line on the east of the rug. The three 
attendants under the direction of the song-priest took ti'om the medi- 
cine bag, first two feathers from the Arctic blue bird {Sialia arctica), 
which he placed west of the bit of cloth that lay at the north end of the 
rug; he placed two more of the same feathers below the second jjiece of 
cloth ; two under the third, and two below the fourth, their tips pointing 
east. Then upon each of these feathers he jdaced an under tail-feather 
of the eagle. The first one was laid ou the two feathers at the north 
end of the rug ; again an under tail-feather of the turkey was placed on 
each jnle, beginning with that of the north. Then upon each of these 
was placed a hair from the beard of the turkey, and to each was added 
a thread of cotton yarn. During the arrangement of the feathers the 
tube decorator first selected four bits of black archaic beads, placing a 
piece ou each bit of cloth ; then four tiny pieces of white shell beads 
were laid on the cloths ; next four pieces of abaloue shell and foiu* pieces 
of turquois. 

In placing the beads he also began at the north end of the rug. An 
aged attendant, under the direction of the song-priest, plucked downy 
feathers from several humming-birds and mixed them together into four 
little balls one-fourth of an inch in diameter and placed them in line 
running north and south, and south of the line of plume piles. lie 
sprinkled a bit of corn pollen upon each ball ; he then placed what the 
Navajo term a night-owl feather under the balls with its tip pointing to 
the northeast. (See PI. cxiii). The young man facing west then filled 
the colored reeds, beginning with the one on the north end. lie put 
into the lioUow reed, first, one of the feather balls, forcing it into the 
reed with the quill end of the night-owl feather. (A night-owl feather 
is always used for filling the reeds after the coru is rii)e to insure a warm 
winter; in the spring a plume fi'om the chaparral cock, Geococcyx cnli- 
fornianiifi, is used instead to bring rain). Then a bit of native tobacco 
was put in. When the reed was thus far completed it was passed to 
the decorator, who had before him a tiny earthen bowl of water, a crys- 
tal, and a small pouch of corn poUeu. Holding the crystal in the sun- 
beam which penetrated throirgh the fire oi)euing in the roof, he thus 
lighted the cigarettes which were to be offered to the gods. The fore- 
finger was dipped into the bowl of water and then into the corn pollen, 
and the pollen that adhered to the finger was placed to the top of the 
tube. After the four tubes were finished they were placed on the 


pieces of cloth, not, however, until a bit of pollen had been sprinkled 
on the beads which lay on the cloth. The pollen end of the tube pointed 
to the cast. Tlie four bunches of feathers were then laid on the tubes. 
The song-priest rolled up each cloth and holding the four parcels 
with both hands he placed them horizontally across the soles of the 
feet, knees, palms, breast, back, shoulders, head, and across the mouth 
of the invalid, and the iuA-alid drew a l)reath as tlie i)arcel touched his 
lips. He sat to the north of the rug facing east. The sick man then 
received the parcels from the song-priest and held them so that the ends 
projected from l)etween the thumbs and forefingers, and repeated a 
prayer after the theurgist, who sat facing the invalid. Tlie prayer ran 

People ofthe monntnins and rofks, I bear you wish to l)e paid. I give to you food 
of corn pollen and humming-bird feathers, and I send to you precious stones and 
tobacco which you must smoke; it has been lighted by the sun's rays and for this I 
beg you to give me a good dance; 1)e with me. Earth, I beg you to give me a good 
dauce, and I offer to you food of humming-birds' plumes and precious stones, and 
tobacco to smoke lighted by the sun's rays, to pay for using you for the dance ; 
make a good solid ground for me, that the gods who come to see the dance may be 
pleased at the ground their people dance upon ; make my people healthy and strong 
of mind and body. 

The prayer being offered, the parcels were given by the them-gist to 
an attendant, who deposited them in line three feet apart along the side 
of the dancing ground in front of the lodge. Their proper place is im- 
mediately on the ground that is to be danced upon, but to prevent them 
from being trampled on they are laid to one side. The black tubes are 
ofl'erings to the gods and the blue to the goddesses of the mountains 
and to the earth. 


The construction of the second sweat house began at sunrise and was 
completed at nine o'clock. Several large rocks were heated and placed 
in tlie sweat house and as before white sage and Bigelovin Douglasii 
were thrown in, the fumes of which were designed as medicine for the 
sick man. After the invalid entered the sweat house, buckskin blan- 
kets, etc., were drawn over the entrance. The song-priest, accompanied 
by two attendants, sat a little to the south. He sprinkled meal around 
the west base of the house and over the top from north to south and 
placed the wands around its base in the manner heretofore described 
(the twelve waiids and medicine used were the special property of the Tlie song-priest holding the rattle joined the choir in a 
€hant. To his right were two Navajo jugs tilled with water and an 
Apache basket partly filled with corn meal. A bunch of buckskin 
bags, one of the small blue medicine tubes, a mountain sheep's horn, 
and a piece of undressed hide lay on the meal. Near by was a gourd 
lialf filled with water in which meal was sprinkled; near this was a 




CM*5 M*nTSSOttS.ll 



have rain! Xow, mothers, send down rain upon us!" This song was 
constantly repeated. 

The tubes when completed were laid in position to form a dual person. 
The Ions black tube representing the body was first placed in position. 
Tlie long blue tube was then laid by its side and south of it. The i)()llen 
end of the tubes pointed to the east. The right black leg was the next 
jilaced in position, then the right blue leg, the left black leg and left 
blue leg. The right black arm, then the right blue arm. the left black 
arm and the left blue arm, then the black head and the blue liead. 
(See PI. cxv.) 

These tubes were filled with feathers, balls, and tobacco, and tipped 
with the corn pollen and lighted with the crystal, the black tubes being 
offerings to the gods, the blue to the goddesses. After they were com- 
pleted they were placed in position by a second attendant; and while 
the tubes were being filled the song-priest and choir sang " Bee, fathers ! 
we fill these with tobacco; it is good; smoke it!" A message was 
received from the fathers that they would smoke, and, pufiing the smoke 
from their mouths, they would invoke the watering of the earth. They 
again sang " All you j)eople who live in the rocks, all yon who are born 
among the clouds, we wish you to help us; we give you these offerings 
that you may have food and a smoke! All women, you who live in the 
rocks, yon who are born among the fog, I pray you come and help ns; 
I want you to come and work over the sick ; I offer to you food of hum- 
ming-birds' plumes, and tobacco to smoke !" Two bunches of feathers 
which had been placed to the east side of the rug pointing east were 
deijosited in two corn husks, each husk containing bits of turquoise, 
black archaic beads, and abalone shell ; corn pollen was sprinkled on 
these. The song-priest then ijlaced the dual body in the husks thus: 
First, the black body was laid upon the husks to the north, and upon 
this a pinch of pollen was sprinkled; the blue body was placed in the 
other husks and pollen sprinkled upon it; then the two right legs (black 
and blue) were put into the corn husks with the black body; the two 
left legs were added to the same; the right and left arms and the two 
heads were placed in the husk Avith the blue body and corn pollen 
sprinkled upon them. The husks were closed and held liy the song- 
priest to the soles of the feet, palms, knees, breast, shoulders, back, and 
top of head of the invalid, who repeated a long prayer after the theur- 
gist, and the parcels were given to an attendant, who carried them some 
distance from the lodge to the north and placed them in a secluded 
shady spot upon the ground. Two bits of tobacco were laid upon the 
ground and upon these the body was j)laced, the figure in a recumbent 
position with the arms over the head. The invalid for whom this cere- 
mony was held spared no expense in having the theurgist make the 
most elaborate explanation to his near relatives of the secrets of the 
medicine tubes. 









The theurgist occupied his usual seat, surrounded by liis cor])s f)f 
attendants. The man per.sonating Naiyenesgony had his body and 
limbs ])ainted black. The legs below the knee, the scapula, the breasts, 
and the arm above the elbow were painted white. His loins were cov- 
ered with a flue red silk scarf, held by a silver belt; his blue knit 
stockings were tied with red garters below each knee, and quantities of 
coral, turquois, and white shell beads ornamented the neck. The man 
representing Tobaidischinui had his body colored reddish brown, with 

this figure Y (the scalp knot) in white on the outside of each leg below 

the knee, on each arm below the shoulder, each scapula, and on each 
breast. This design represents the knot of hair cut from the heads of 
enemies, and the style is still in use by the Navajo. The mau wore a 
red woolen scarf around the loins, caught on bj- a silver belt, and his 
neck was profusely ornamented with coral, turquois, and white beads.' 
Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinui left the lodge, carrying with them 
their masks. (See PI. CXV, 1, 2, 3.) Bunches of pine boughs, which 
during the forenoon had been made into wreaths by joining pieces 
together with yucca in this fashion were || H JHI j j|| H , laid across each end 
of the rug. 

After the two men personating the gods left the lodge the invalid 
entered and took his seat on the rug with his back to the theurgist. 
Two attendants dressed him with the wreaths, beginning with the 
right ankle ; a piece was then tied around the calf, thigh, waist, around 
the chest, right wrist, elbow, upi)er arm, throat, forehead, then around 
the upper left arm, elbow, wrist, thigh, left knee, calf, and ankle. Thus 
the mau was literally obscured with a mass of pine. He sat in an 
upright position with the legs extended and arms falling by his sides. 
A chant was snng l)y the so7ig priest, and in a few minutes Naiyenes- 
gony and Tobaidischinui appeared. Naiyenesgony drew his stone 
knife in front of the invalid over the forehead to the feet, then down 
the right side and down the back and down the lefti side. He then 
began to remove the pine. As each wreath was taken oft' the clusters 
were partly separated with the stone knife. Tobaidischinui assisted 
Naiyeuesgony by holding the wreaths while they were being cut. 

When all the evergreen had been I'emoved the iiersonators of the 
gods exclaimed, "Now, my people, we have killed all enemies!" and 
immediately left the lodge. The song priest placed a small wreath of 
the pine on the sick man's head, and holding in his left hand a bunch 
of eagle plumes, and in his right hand a rattle, he sang the ten songs 
and iirayers, assisted by the choir, that were given by Naiyeuesgony 
and Tobaidischinui to the Navajo to bring health and good fortune. 

'In the decoration of the bodies several men assisted, but the persouators of tbe gods did mucli of 
the worlv on their own persons, and they seemed quite fastidious. The tingere were dipped into the 
paint and rubbed on the body. 


After the piue-bougli wreatk.s had been separated the bits of jiicca 
strings were picked up by the attendant and handed to Naiyenesgony, 
who liehl them over the sick man's head, after which the bits were 
again divided with the knife. After the ten songs and prayers had 
been chanted the invalid left the rug and sat a little to the northeast 
of it, with his knees drawn up. The song priest placed two live coals 
in front of the invalid and sprinkled chopped herbs on the coals, the 
fumes of which the invalid inhaled. The pines were carried oft' and 
placed in the shade of a iiine tree, that the disease might not leave the 
l)iue and return to the invalid.' 


The personators of Hasjelti and Hostjoghon adorned themselves for 
the ceremony. Hasjelti wore ordinary clothing and a red scarf, with a 
silver belt around the waist. Hostjoghon's body was painted wlute, 
and he wine a red woolen scarf around the loins, caught on with a 
silver belt. A rug, comx)osed of a blanket and a piece of white cotton, 
was spread in ti-ont of the song priest, and the masks of Hasjelti and 
Hostjoghon placed thereon. (See PI. cxv, 4, 5, 6.) 

Upon the completion of the toilets of the i)ersonators of the gods 
they hurried from the lodge, bearing their masks with them, when an 
attendant made a cavity immediately in front of the rug 4 inches in 
diameter, and the song priest sprinkled a circle of meal around thft 
cavity. The invalid entered the lodge and stood on the rug and 
removed all of his clothing except the breech cloth. He then took his 
seat facing east, with knees drawn up. A mask of the Hostjol)okon, 
whii'h had 1)een laid upon the rug, was drawn over the invalid's head. 
Hasjelti and Hostjoghon appeared at this juncture bearing a pine 
bough some 5 feet in height. An attendant made gestures over the 
sick man. holding in his right hand a jiinch of sacred meal, which was 
afterward placed in the cavity. Hasjelti waved the ijine bough five 
times around the invalid and planted it in the cavity, where it was held 
in place l)y the gods. Then bending its top, the attendant attached it 
to the mask over the invalid's head by a buckskin string which was 
fastened to the mask. The song priest and choir all the while sang a 
weird chant. The gods raised the bough, gave their peculiar hoots, 
and disappeared from the lodge, carrying with them the pine bough 
with the mask attached to it. In a few minutes they came back with 
the mask. After the chant the song-priest placed meal on the soles of 
the invalid's feet, knees, palms, breast, back, shoulders, and head, and 
then put some in the cavity, after which the cavity was filled with 
earth. Two coals were laid in front of the invalid, and upon these the 
song priest placed finely broken herbs ; an attendant sprinkled water 
on the herbs, and the invalid inhaled the fumes. The cotton cloth was 

^Continency mnat be observed by the personatora of the gods until all paint is removed from their 










removed from the blanket rug, and the invalid stepped npon the nig 
and put on his clothing. When the mask was removed from the inva- 
lid's head it drew all fever with it. 


The theurgist carried a bowl of water and pine needles, and an at- 
tendant bore a gourd of water, a small vase of powdered herbs, and an 
Apache basket containing corn meal, buckskin bags, horn of the moun- 
tain sheep and a piece of hide cut from between the eyes of the animal. 
The theurgist and attendant took seats to the right of the entrance of 
the sweat house west of the medicine lodge. This sweat house was 
decorated with the rainbow. Over the entrance were, first, two striped 
blankets, one upon the other, a buckskin, and a piece of white cotton. 
Hot stones, etc., having been previously placed in the sweat house, the 
sick man entered. The song-priest and four attendants sang, accom- 
panied by the rattle. At the conclusion of the chant Hasjelti and 
Hostjoghon apj)eared as on the previous days. Hasjelti lifted the cov- 
erings from the entrance and the invalid came out and sat upon a blan- 
ket south of the entrance and bathed both his hands in the bowl con- 
taining the pine needles and water; he then drank of it and bathed his 
feet and legs to the thighs, his arms and shoulders, body and face and 
head, and then emptied the remainder over his back. Hasjelti manipu- 
lated the right leg with the sheep's horn and hide, rubbing the upper 
part of the leg with the right hand, then the under part with the left; 
he then rubbed the sides of the leg in the same manner, each time giv- 
ing a hoot; the arms, chest, head, and face were similarly manipulated. 
Hostjoghon repeated the- hooting every time he changed the position 
of the hands. Hasjelti, taking the gourd containing the water and corn 
meal, gave four draughts of it to the invalid, hooting each time the bowl 
was xjut to the lips; Hostjoghon did the same. The song and rattle 
continued. Hasjelti, then put the powdered plants ft'om the small vase 
to the soles of the feet, knees, palms, breast, back, shoulders, and top 
of the head of the invalid, hooting each time an application was made; 
this was repeated by Hostjoghon. The invalid took a sip fi-om the 
bowl and rubbed the remainder over his body. The song-priest then 
removed the wauds from the base of the sweat house and the coverings 
fi'om the door ; the pine boughs and hot stones were also removed and 
the invalid pi'eceded the song-priest to the medicine lodge. All the 
wood of the sweat house was placed in a tree, excepting four smaU 
pieces, which were deposited, together with the pine boughs from the 
interior of the sweat house, in a semicircle formed by the rocks from 
the sweat house at the base of a piiiou tree. A line of meal 2 inches 
in length running east and west was sprinkled on the apex of the 
semicircle, and uijou this line the black tube was laid. A bit of meal 


was spriukled ou the tube aud a quantity over the piue boughs of this 
small shrine. Before sprinkling the meal ou the top of the medicine 
tube the attendant waved his hand in a circle from left to right, calling 
*'hooshontko;" meaning: Widespread blessings that come not fi-om 
spoken words, but come to all, that people may have the blessings of 
corn pollen, and that tongues may speak with the softness of corn 


A rug was laid in front of the theurgist. Pour medicine tubes were 
placed on the rug, the one to the north end being white ; the second one 
black and red, a white line dividing the two colors; the third one, blue; 
the fourth, black. The white tube was an offering to Hasjelti ; the red, 
to Zaadoltjaii; the blue, to Hostjoboard; the black, to Naaskiddi, the 
hunchback. The tubes were tilled as before described. These tubes 
were begun and finished by the same person. (See PI. cxvi.) When 
the tubes were finished they were put into corn husks and bits of cotton 
cloth; tiny pieces of turquois, white shell, abalone, and archaic black 
beads having first been placed ou the husks aud cloths. The four tur- 
key plumes with barred tips that lay upon the rug were subsequently 
placed upon the tubes. These parcels were sprinkled by the song- 
priest with corn pollen, and after closing them he placed them in the 
hands of the invalid, who sat at the northeast corner of the rug facing 
east. The song-priest sat before him and said a long prayer, which the 
invalid repeated. At the close of the prayer an aged attendant re- 
ceived the parcels fi'om the theurgist and placed them to the soles of 
the feet, palms, etc., of the invalid. They were afterward placed to his 
mouth and he drew from them a long breath. The old man carried the 
Ijarcels south over the brow of a hill and deposited them in secluded 
spots about 4 feet apart, repeating a brief prayer over each one; he 
then motioned toward the east, south, west, and north, and returned to 
the lodge. During his absence the chou' sang; in the meantime the 
fii-e in the lodge was reduced to embers. 


About noon a circular bed of sand, some four inches in height and 
four feet in diameter, was made. Pive grains of corn and five i)ine 
boughs were laid thereon; four of the grains of corn and fotu* of the 
boughs were placed to the cai-dinal points. The fifth and center branch 
of pine covered most of the circle, its tips pointing to the east. The 
fifth grain of corn was dropj)ed in the center of the saud bed. (See 
PI. cxvii, 1). Pour of these pine boughs were cut fi-om the east, 
south, north, and west sides of one tree. The fifth bough may be taken 
fi'om any part of the tree. Of the five grains of corn one must be 
white, one yellow, and one blue, aud tlie other two grains may be of 
either of these three colors. Ou this particular occasion there were 


two blue, two white, and one yellow. These grains were, after the cere- 
mouy, dried and jjronnd by the theurgist and placed among his medi- 
cines. The boughs and sand absorbed the disease from the invalid, 
and at the close of the ceremony they were carried to the north and 
deposited in a shady spot that the sun might not touch and develop the 
latent disease that had been absorbed by them. The boughs and sand 
were never afterward to be touched. An Apache basket containing 
yucca root and water was placed in fi'ont f)f the circle. (See PI. cxvii 2.) 
There was a second l)asket south of it which contained water and 
a quantity of pine needles sufficiently thick to form a dry surface, and 
on the top a number of valuable necklaces of coral, turquois, and 
silver. A square was formed on the edge of the basket with four 
turkey wands. (See PL cxvii 3.) The song-priest with rattle led the 
choir. The invalid sat to the northeast of the circle; a breechcloth 
was his only apparel. During the chanting an attendant made suds 
fi'om the jTicca. The basket remained in position; the man stooped 
over it facing north; his position allowed the sunbeams which came 
through the fire opening to fall ujion the suds. When the basket was a 
mass of white froth the attendant washed the suds from his hands by 
pouring a gourd of water over them, after which the song-jiriest came 
forward and with corn jjollen drew a cross over the suds, which stood 
firm like the beaten whites of eggs, the arms of the cross pointing to 
the cardinal points. A circle of the pollen was then made around the 
edge of the suds. The attendant who prepared the suds touched his 
right hand to the four ])oints of the pollen lines and in the center and 
placed it upon the head of the patient who first made a circle embrac- 
ing the sand and basket and then knelt upon the boughs in the center 
of the sand.i A handful of the suds was afterwards ])ut upon his head. 
The basket was placed near him and he bathed his head thoroughly; 
the maker of the suds afterwards assisted him in bathing the entire 
body with the suds, and pieces of yucca were rubbed upon the body. 
The chant continued through the ceremony and closed just as the re- 
mainder of the suds was emptied by the attendant over the invalid's 
head. The song priest collected the four wands from the second basket 
and an attendant gathered the necklaces. A second attendant placed 
the basket before the invalid who was now sitting in the center of the 
circle and the first attendant assisted him in bathing the entire body 
with this mixture ; the body was quite covered with the pine needles 
which had become very soft from soaking. The invalid then returned 
to his former position at the left of the song priest, and the pine needles 
and yucca, together with the sands, were carried out and deposited at 
the base of a piilon tree. The body of the invalid was dried by rubbing 
with meal. 

' The suds were crossed and encircled with the pollen to give tbem additional power to restore the 
invalid to health. 



This ceremony commenced almost immedi.ately after the close of the 
one preceding. The rug was spread over the ground in ft-ont of the 
song i^riest; fom' bunches of small sticks were brought in and laid in 
piles north, south, east, and west of the rug. Four attendants took 
seats, each before a pile of the wood, and scraped off the bark of their 
respective heaps; they then cut twelve pieces 2 inches in length, except 
that cut by the attendant who sat at the north, who made his about 1^ 
inches long. Being asked why he cut his shorter than the rest, he re- 
plied. "All men are not the same size." The sticks were sharpened at 
one end and cut squarely off at the other. In order that all of the 
sticks should be of the same length they were measiu'ed by placing the 
three first Angers across the stick. The fifth man sat immediately to 
the right of the song priest, who took a hollow reed from the large medi- 
cine bag from which he cut four pieces, each piece the breadth of his 
three fingers. The reed, which was cut with a stone knife, was after- 
wards rubbed with native tobacco. Six sticks of each of the piles had 
their scpiaie ends beveled; these represented females. The attendant 
on the east side of the rug having completed his twelve sticks, painted 
them white witli kaolin finely ground and mixed with water. The flat 
ends of the sticks were colored black; the beveled parts were iiainted 
blue; around the lower end of the blue was a bit of yellow which rep- 
resented the jaw painted with corn pollen. Three black dots were 
painted upon the blue for the eyes and mouth ; the ground color was 
laid on with the finger; the other decorations were made with yucca 
brushes. The man ou the south side colored his sticks blue. The tops 
of six sticks were painted yellow, and six were black. The black ends 
were those having the beveled spots. These spots were blue with 
a chin of yellow; they also had the three black dots for eyes and 
mouth. The man to the west colored his sticks yellow with the flat ends 
black; the beveled spots of six of them were blue with a yeUow chin 
and three black dots for eyes and mouth. The sticks to the north were 
colored black ; six of them had the beveled i^arts colored blue ^^^th a 
yeUow jaw, and three spots for eyes and mouth ; the six sticks that were 
not beveled had their flat tops painted blue. All these sticks were laid 
on the rug with their flat ends outward. The attendants who prepared, 
the reeds, each reed being colored for a cardinal point, filled them with 
balls of hnnuning-bird feathers and tobacco and lighted them with a 
crystal, when they were touched with corn pollen. The reed for the 
east was white, the one for the south blue, that for the west yellow, and 
that for the north black. Each reed was placed at its appropriate point 
in line with the sticks. (See PI. cxviii.) The theurgist then advanced, 
carrying a basket half filled with corn meal. This he placed in the 
center of the rug; when kneeling on the edge of the rug and beginning 
with the white sticks, he placed first the white reed in the east side of 
the basket, and passing from this point around to the right he placed 






tlie si.K offeriug.s to the gods, then the six to the goddesses. Next tak- 
ing the bhie tube at the south end he phiced it to the left of the white 
line of sticks, leaving sufficient space for the sticks between it and the 
white tube; all the blue ones were phiced in position corresponding to 
the white. The yellow followed next, and then the black. All were 
placed with their flat ends or heads pointed to the rim of the basket. 
The theurgist deposited the basket in the niche on a pile of turkey 
feather wauds, the wands resting upon a large medicine bag. The 
sticks and scraps left- after making the tubes were carried out and 
deposited ■^\ithout ceremony. 


The rug which was spread in front of the song priest was composed 
of two blankets whose edges met, and upon this rug there were two 
lines of masks running north and south; the tops of the masks were to 
the east. There were sixteen masks; those representing the gods cover 
the head, and those representing goddesses cover the face only. They 
were decorated with ribbons, plumes, etc. During the forenoon prayers 
were said over them and meal sprinkled upon them. 


Just after dark those who were to take part in the ceremony prepared 
to j)ersonate one of the Hostjoljokon and two of the Hostjoboard (god- 
desses) — Hostjoghou aud Ilasjelti. Hostjobokou's body and limbs were 
painted, and he wore a mountain lion's skin doubled lengthwise and fas- 
tened around the loins at tlie back, and a silver belt encircled his waist. 
Hasjelti wore knee breeches aud a shirt of black velvet, ornamented 
with silver buttons. His face aud hands were covered with white kaolin. 
Hostjoghon's body was painted white, and he wore a red silk scarf 
around the loins, caught ou with a silver belt. The two men personat- 
ing the goddesses had their limbs painted white ; one wore a black sash 
around his loins, held by a silver belt. The other had a red woolen 
scarf and silver belt; gray foxskins hung from the back of the belts. 
The masks were fastened to their heads before leaving the lodge by 
means of a string and a lock of their hair, and they were then thrown 
back from the head. After a little indulgence in their hoots they all 
left the lodge. The invalid entered the lodge and, stepping upon a 
piece of white cotton which had been laid diagonally across the rug to 
the northeast and southwest, took off his clothing. The lodge had now 
become very crowded. The fire, which had burned brightly during the 
day, was mere coals. The attendant at the left of the song priest opened 
the choir with the rattle. The invalid sat upon the cotton cloth. Has- 
jelti, entering with his favorite hoot amidst rattle and song, placed the 
square (representing the concentrated winds) four times over the head 
of the invalid and ran out of the lodge. He entered again and received 


from the thourgist one of the twelve white sticks which iluring the fore- 
noon hud beeu pUicecl in the basket. The white stick farthest from the 
white reed was handed him. This Hasjelti placed to the soles of the 
feet, knees, palms, etc., of the invalid, amid hoots and antics, after which 
he dashed out and hurled the stick to the east. One of the Hostjoboard 
entered and received the next white stick, and after the same ceremony 
ran out and cast it to the east. Hostjobokon returned and the theurgist 
handed him the next white stick, when he repeated the ceremony, hur- 
ried from the lodge, and threw the stick to the east. Hostjoboard again 
entered, received a stick, repeated the ceremony, and ran out and threw 
it to the east; and thus Hostjobokon and Hostjoboard alternated until 
all the white sticks were disposed of, when Hasjelti reappeared and re- 
ceived from the song priest the white reed (cigarette) and carried it 
from the lodge. When he returned the theurgist handed him one of 
the blue sticks, \^-ith which he repeated the ceremony and, leaving the 
lodge, threw it to the south, when Hostjoghou and Hostjoboard alter- 
nately disposed of the blue sticks in the same order in which the Avhite 
sticks had been distributed. The yellow and black sticks were disposed 
of in a similar manner, Hasjelti officiating with the first stick of each 
color and the reeds. The yellow sticks were thrown to the west; the 
black to the north. This was all done amidst the wildest hoots and 
song of the choir, accompanied by the rattle. 

Hasjelti again appeared and placed the square four times over the 
invalid's head with ^ild hoots. The four cigarettes to be smoked by 
the gods were afterwards taken by four of the personators of the gods 
and deposited in a secluded spot under a tree and sprinkled with corn- 
pollen ; after their return Hasjelti again placed the square over the 
invalid's head. The song priest placed two live coals in front of the 
invalid, and upon the coals he put a pinch of tobacco, the smoke of 
which the invalid inhaled. The attendant poured water over the coals, 
when they were thrown out at the fire opening of the lodge. The per- 
sonators of the gods returned to the lodge hearing their masks in their 
hands. The invalid put on his clothing and took his seat upon the 
rug, but in a short time he returned to his former seat on the northwest 
side of the lodge. The sweat-house jiriest appeared with a large Iniffalo 
robe which he spread before the song priest, the head pointing north, 
and upon this various kinds of calico were laid, carefully folded the 
length of the robe. There were many yards of this. Upon the calico 
was spread a fine large buckskin, and on this white muslin ; these were 
all gifts from the invalid to the song priest. The maslcs were then laid 
upon the cotton (see PI. cxv, 7, 8); the mask of Hasjelti was on the 
east side to the north end, that of Hostjoghou at the south end, and 
between these the six masks of the Hostjobokon were placed. Immedi- 
ately under these were the six Hostjoboard, and beneath the latter were 
the masks of Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischiuni at the north end. 
Three other masks of the Etsethle followed in line running south. 


After all the masks had been pro])erly ai-ranged tlie song- priest sprinkled 
them with pollen. Beginning with Hasjelti he si)rinkled every mask of 
the npper line thus: Over the top of the head down the center of the 
face, then forming a kind of half-circle he passed over the right cheek, 
then passing his hand backward to the left he sprinkled the same lineup 
the left cheek. The second and third rows had simply a line of the pollen 
run across the masks, beginning at the uorth end. The theurgist re- 
peated a prayer during the sprinkling of the pollen, then handed the bag 
of pollen to the priest of the sweat liouse, who repeated the sjjrinkling 
of the masks, when everyone in the lodge, each having his individual 
bag of pollen, hastened forward and sprinkled the masks, at the same 
time offering prayers. The theurgist and priest of the sweat house 
again sprinkled pollen on the masks as heretofore desciibed. 

Baskets and bowls in unlimited quantity, filled with food, were 
placed in a circle around the lire which now burned brightly. The 
guests formed into groups and drew the food toward them, but did not 
touch it for a time. The invalid, song-priest, and his attendants, in- 
dulged in a smoke which was social and not religious, the white man's 
tobacco being preferred on such occasions. A girl and a boy, about 12 
years of age, canre into the lodge. The boy was the son of the invalid, 
the gu'l his sister's child. The boy knelt at the northeast end of the 
rug and the girl at the southeast end. They were richly dressed in 
Xavajo blankets, coral necklaces, etc., and they remained perfectly quiet. 
The theurgist and his attendants talked together iu an undertone, and 
if the inmates of the lodge spoke at all theii' voices were scarcely audi- 
ble. After a time the choir opened, led by the song-priest with his rat- 
tle. During the singing the rattle was i^assed ti'om one to the other. 
The invalid did uot join in the song. The choir continued an hour 
without cessation, and then rested 2 minutes, and again began and con- 
tinued for another hour.' At the conclusion of the singing the song- 
priest handed to the girl a wand of turkey plumes takeu from a bas- 
ket of feathers which had stood, since the placing of the masks, on the 
west side of him. Another wand was passed to the boy; and the chil- 
dren received some instructions ft'om the song-priest, who spoke iu an 
undertone, after which, an attendant filled with water from a wicker 
water jug a basket that had stood throughout the ceremony at the east 
of the rug. 

The song was now resumed, and dipping the wand lie held in the 
basket of water the boy sprinkled the masks, beginning at the north 
end and east row. The girl repeated the same. The east row of masks 
was sprinkled twice. When the children sprinkled the middle and west 
rows, the ceremony was always begun at the north end of eacli line of 
masks; again dipping their wands in the water, the boy beginning at 
the north side and the girl at the south, they sprinkled the inmates of 

' I noticed that the priest of the sweat house on no occasion aat with the song-priest and his attend- 


the lodge. The childieu were very awkward, aud were rendered more 
so by the many scoldings given tlieni for their mistake.s. The sprink- 
ling of the people was coutinned nntil the water was exhausted. The 
lodge was also sprinkled at the cardinal points. The song never ceased 
throughout this ceremony. The girl and boy, taking the position Hrst 
assigned them, an attendant, with a reed filled with sacred tobacco, 
puffed the smoke over the masks, smoking each mask separately on the 
east row; the middle and west rows he hurriedly passed over. While 
this was being done an attendant took a piueh from all the different 
foods and placed what he gathered into a basket in the niche behind 
the song-priest.' After the masks had been smoked, the attendant 
puffed the smoke over all the people, beginning on the north side of the 
lodge. Diuiug the smoking the song ceased, but was resumed when 
the attendant took his seat. At the close of the song sacred meal was 
mixed with water in a Zuiii pottery bowl. This meal is made of green 
corn baked in the earth and then ground. During the preparation of 
this medicine mixture the song- priest sang: "This food is mixed for the 
people of the rocks! We feed you with this food, O ^leople of the 
rocks!" The then dipped his forefinger into the mixture, and 
running his hand rapidly over the masks from north to south, he touched 
each mouth; each liiu^ was passed over four times. The invalid dipped 
his three first fingers into the basket, and i)lacing them in his mouth, 
sucked in his breath with a loud noise. This was repeated four times 
by the invalid and then by each of the atteiulants, when all the inmates 
of the lodge were expected to partake of the mixture. This was done 
with a prayer for rain, good crops, health, and riches. All hands now 
participated in the feast. 


Da'ttuneilgaij Pats made of wheat flour aud fried. 

Tab'aesteh'lonui Corn meal pats wrapped in eorn Imsks aud boiled. 

Tana'slikiji Thick mush boiled aud stirreil with sticks. 

Niineskadi Tort illas. 

Ta'bi jai Four small balls of corn meal wrapped iu corn husks 

auil boiled, 
lusi'dok'ui Corn bread with salt, made from the new eorn, 

wrapped in corn husks and baked in ashes. 

Tkaditin White corn meal mush. 

Klesa'hu Corn meal dough iu rectangular eakes baked in 

ashes, hot earth, or sand. 
Tseste'lttsoi Cakes some fourth of an inch thick made from sweet 

corn mixed with goat's milk and baked on a hot 

Tseste' Bread made of eorn first toasteil and then finely 

ground aud made into a tliin batter which is baked 

upon a highly i)olished lava slab. The crisp gauzy 

sheets are fohled or rolled. 
Tki'neshpipizi Small balls of corn meal mush. 

' This food is dried and made into a powder, and used as a medicine by the theurgist. 


To'tkouji Corn meal cakes one-fourth of an iucu in thickness 

of okl corn, baked in a pan; they are seasoned 
with salt. 

Alkaandt A bread made from sweet corn which is first parched 

then ground on a nictate and then chewed by 
women and girls and placed in ii mass in a flat 
basket; this must be either of yellow or white 
corn, the Vilue corn is never used for this purpose. 
A nuish is made of cither white or yellow corn 
meal and the former prcjiaration which has become 
yeast is stirred into tlic mush. A bole is then dug 
in the ground (near tlie fire) and lined with shucks 
into which the mush is poured, it is then covered 
with shucks after which earth is thrown over it 
and a large fire built which burns all night. In 
the early morning the cinders and coals are re- 
moved when the bread is found to be baked. 

Tkleheljoe Yeast is prepared for this bread in the same manner 

as that for the .Ukaaudt except that the corn is 
baked instead of parched. The yeast is then 
mixed witli meal into a stiff dough and baked in 
corn husks, four pats are placed in each package. 

Ta'niitnil (beverage) Is the same preparation as the yeast used in the 

Alkaandt except in tliis case a drink is made of 
it by pouring boiling water over it. 

Diz'etso Peaches (fresli or dried) stewed. 

There were .also several large bowls of stewed mut- 

Little groups of throes and fives were formed over tlie floor of tlie 
lodge; others less fortunate were elo.sely paeked together around the 
outer edge of the lodge aud could procure their food only through the 
generosity of their neighbors. The girl and boy left the lodge after 
having partaken of the sacred meal mi.vture. After refreshment the 
song-priest lifted each mask with his left hand beginning with Ilasjelti, 
and first extending his right hand, which held a fine large crystal, 
toward the heavens, he touched the under part of each mask with the 
crystal; four times he passed over the masks. The choir sang but no 
rattle was used. The crystal was afterward platted on the rug opposite 
the basket of feathers. The food vessels were removed aud the song 
continued for a time when the song-priest repeated a long low prayer, 
after which the song was resumed, aud thus the night was consumed iu 
prayer aud song over the masks. 


A basket of yncca suds was prepared by an attendant, who cleansed 
his hands of the suds by ])ouring a gourd of clear water over them ; he 
then put a handful of the suds upon the head of a man who stood before 
him, nude with the e.xception of a breech cloth, after which the man 
washed his head from a water jug which was held over the head of the 
8 ETH 17 


bather by the attendant. The bather covered his body with the suds, 
and the contents of the jug was emptied on the floor of the lodge by the 
attendant. The man dressed himself in the ordinary cotton clothing 
with rare beads around his neck, and a leather ixmch held by a band 
of mountain sheep skin over his shoulders; he knelt before a bowl of 
white kaolin which he spread over his face ; he then took his seat be- 
tween two attendants, the one to the right of him holding a pinch of 
native tobacco and the one on the left holding coin meal in the palms of 
the right hands. 

At early dawn the buffalo robe at the entrauce of the lodge was slightly 
dropjied from the doorway to admit the rays of appi-oaching day. The 
masks which had been sung and prayed over all night were laid away 
in the niche behind the song-priest. The little girl who performed the 
previous night returned to the lodge, but I could not sec that she was 
there for any purpose save to eat some of the remaining food, which 
had been gathered into two large parcels and left by the old woman 
who removed the vessels after the feast. A led blanket was laid and 
upon it a piece of white cotton. A reed five inches in length and twice 
the diameter of the others heretofore used was prepared. The reed 
was colored black in the usual manner and tilled with a feather ball 
and tobacco. It was lighted with the crystal and touched with the 
pollen. Upon the comi)lction of the tube the invalid took liis seat on 
the west side of the rug, the attendant who prepared the tube sitting on 
the west side ; he took from one pouch four white shell beads aiul from 
another a turipioise bead ; he loojted a cord of white cotton yarn some 
three feet long around the pollen end of the tube and fastened to the 
loop two wing feathers of the Arctic blue bird, one from the right wing 
and one from the left, and a tail feather from the same bird ami three 
feathers from a bird of yellow plumage, the right and left wing and tail 
feather. Tlie five beads were strung on the string, the turquoise 
being the first put on; these were slipjied up the cord and two under 
tail-feathers and a hair from the beard of the turkey were fastened to the 
end of the string with a loop similar to that which attadied it to the tube. 
(See PI. cxix.) This was the great (cigarette) offering to Hasjelti and 
must be placed in a canyon near a spring, for all birds gather at the waters. 
This was offered that the song-priest might have his prayers passed 
straight over the line of S(mg. This offering secures the presence of 
this most valued god and so fills the mind of the song-priest with song 
and prayer that it comes forth without liesitation and without thought, 
so that he may never have to think for his worths. A small quantity of 
each variety of sand used in decorating was placed on a husk with a 
little tobacco, and on these a pinch of corn pollen; the tube was then 
laid on tlie husk and the string and feathers carefully i)laced. Two 
additional feathers, the under tail of the eagle and turkey, were laid on 
the husk. A bine feather was dipped in water, then in pollen, and 
rubbed twice over these featliers; an attendant folded the parcel and 








the song-priest received it and tonelied it to the soles of the feet, knees, 
palms, breast, and back and mouth of the invalid ; he then i^ut a jHuch 
of the ])ollen into the invalid's mouth and a pinch on the top of the 
head; he i)laci'd the folded husk in the invalid's hand, and stood in 
front of him and whispered a long prayer which the invalid repeated 
after him. The manner of holding the husk has been i^reviously de- 
scribed. The man with painted face received the husk from the theur- 
gist, who returned to his seat and at once opened the chant with the 
rattle. At the close of the chant the holder of the husk touched the 
soles of the feet, palms, etc., of the invalid with it and left the lodge. 
This precious parcel was taken tliree miles distant and dciiosited in a 
canyon near a spring where there is a hixuriant growth of reeds. Prayers 
were offered by the depositor for health, rain, food, and good fortune to 
all. Only the theurgist and his attendants and a few of the near rela- 
tives of the invalid were present at this ceremony. 


The sweat-house priest preceded the invalid and song-priest, the 
latter carrying his medicine basket, wands, etc. The hot stones and 
pine boughs were i)ut into the sweat house; meal was spiinkh'd around 
the west base and the wands deposited, as before described, by the 
song-priest. Three white and black striped blankets were placed over 
the entrance, one upon the other, and u|>on these were a buckskin and 
several folds of white muslin. An attendant brought a large medicine 
bowl half filled with pine needles; water was poured upon these; a 
small earthen bowl and a gourd c(uitaining water were placed before 
the song-priest, who put into the bowl chopped sage, over which he 
sprinkled dried foods reduced to powder; a small quantity of meal was 
also sprinkled into the gourd and bowl. The song then began. A 
small pine bough was laid to the right of the entrance of the sweat 
house. The opening of the song was a call ui)on the gods to impart to 
the medicine power to complete the cure of the invalid and to make all 
people well, and to have a wet and good ground all over the earth. 
This song is specially addressed to Tcmeeniuli, the water spriidvler. 

Hasjelti and Hostjoghou arrived just as the sick man emerged from 
the sweat house. The invalid bathed himself from the bowl of pine 
needles and water. Taking the sheep's horn in the left hand and a 
piece of hide in the right, Hasjelti i)ressed the invalid's body as before 
described. The god was requested by the prieSt of the sweat house to 
pay special attention to the rubbing of the head of the invalid. The 
small gourd was handed to Hasjelti, who gave four drafts of its con- 
tents to the invalid. Hasjelti touched the soles of the feet, palms, etc., 
of the invalid with medicine water from the bowl. The gods then sud- 
denly disappeared. On this occasion Hostjoghou took no part in 
adnunistering the medicine. The invalid, after putting on his clothing, 
proceeded to the lodge, followed by the song-priest. The sweat house 


was razed as usual, aiid the pine boughs aud stoues were placed to the 
north of the house in a small piuon tree; the logs of the house were 
dei)()sited on the ground a few feet from the tree. A line of meal the 
length of the medicine tube was sprinkled on the logs and the tube 
laid thereon. Meal was sprinkled o\('r the tube and logs. 


The first saud painting occurred on October 16; it was begun in the 
early forenotm and completed at sundown. Common yello^\^sh sand 
was brought in blankets. This formed the ground c(dor for the paint- 
ing. It was laid to form a square 3 inches in de])th and 4 feet in 
diameter. Upon this three figures were painted after the manner 
described of the jKiiuting of the rainbow over the sweat house. Nine 
turkey wands were placed on the south, west, and north sides of the 
square, and a line of meal with four footmarks extended from near the 
entrance of the lodge to the painting. (See PI. cxx.) 

Hasjelti stands to the north end in the illustration, holding the 
emblem of the concentrated winds. The square is ornamented at the 
corners with eagle plumes, tied on with cotton cord; an eagle plume is 
attached to the head of Hasjelti with cotton cord. The upper hori- 
zontal lines on the face denote clouds; the periiendicular lines denote 
rain; the lower horizontal and perpendicular lines denote the first 
vegetation used by man. Hasjelti's chin is co\'ered with corn pollen, 
the head is surrounded ^^^th red sunlight, the red cross lines on the 
blue denote larynx ; he wears ear rings of turquoise, fringed leggings of 
white buckskin, and beaded moccasins tied on with cotton cord. The 
figure to the south end is Hostjoghon; he too has the eagle plume on 
the head, which is encircled with red sunshine. His earrings are of 
turquoise; he has fox-skin ribbons iittached to the wrists; these are 
highly ornamented at the loose ends with beaded i)eudants attached 
by cotton strings ; he carries wild turkey and eagle feather wands, 
brightened with red, blue, and yellow sunbeams. The center figiire is 
one of the Hostjobokon, and upon this figure the invalid for whom the 
cereuKmial is held sits. The four footprints are made of meal. These 
the invalid steps upon as he advances and takes his seat, with knees 
drawn up, upon the central flgaire. After dark the invalid walked over 
the line of meal, being carefid to stej) u])on the footjirints in order that 
his mental and moral qualities might be strengthened. The invalid 
remo\ed his clothing immediately after entering the lodge; he had 
downy breast feathers of the eagle attached to the scalp lock with 
white cotton cord; he advanced to the painting and took his seat upon 
the central figure. An attendant followed him, and with his right 
hand swept the hue of meal after the invalid, removing all traces of it. 
The entrance of the invalid into the lodge was a signal for the song- 
priest to open the chant with the rattle. Hasjelti and Hostjoghon 
bounded into the lodge hooting wildly. The former carried the square 





(the concentrated winds), which lie placed over the sick man's head. 
Hostjoghou carried a turkey wand in eacli hand, and tliese he waved 
over the invalid's head and hooted; this was repeated four times, and 
eadi time tlie gods ran out f)f the lodge. Hasjelti wore a velvet dress, 
but Ilostjoghou's body was nude, painted white. This wild, weird cere- 
mony over, the sick man arose and the song-priest gathered the turkey 
wands from around the painting, while an attendant erased it by rub- 
bing his hands over the sand to the center. The sands were gathered 
into a blanket and carried out of the lodge and deposited some distance 
away from the lodge, where the sun could not generate the germ of the 
disease. The sand is never touched by any one when once carried out, 
though before the paintings are erased the people clamor to touch 
them, and then rub their hands over their own bodies that they may be 
cured of any malady. The invalid, after putting on his clothes, returned 
to his family lodge. A grou]) then gathered around the spot where the 
paintings had been and joined in a weird chant, which closed the Ulth 
day's ceremony. 


Preparations for a great sand painting began at daylight. Sand for 
the ground work was carried in in blankets; the fii'e which had burned 
through the previous ceremonies was first removed and all traces of it 
covered with sand. As the artists were to begin the painting with the 
center of the i)icture only a portion of the ground color was laid at 
tirst, in order to enable them to work with greater facility. While the 
ground color was being laid a man sat on one side of the lodge grind- 
ing with a metate and mixing the colors. A quantity of coals were 
taken from the exhausted tire from which to prejiare black paint. A 
small quantity of red sand was mixed with the charcoal to give it body 
or weight. The colors used in this sand painting have all been referred 
to in the description of the rainbow o\'er the sweat house. After the 
central portion of the ground work for the painting was smoothed oft' a 
Jerusalem cross was drawn in black. The eye usually was the only 
guide for drawing lines, though on two occasions a weaving stick was 
used. As a rule four artists were employed, one beginning at each 
point of the cross. Each arm of the cross was completed by the artist 
who began the work. For illustration of painting see PI. cxxi. 

The black cross-bars in the illustration denote pine logs; the white 
lines the froth of the water; the yellow, vegetable debris gathered by 
the logs; the blue and red lines, sunbeams. The blue spot in center of 
cross denotes water. There are four Hostjobokon with their wives the 
Hostjoboard; each couple sit upon one of the cross arms of the logs. 
These gods carry in their right hands a rattle, and in their left sprigs 
of i)iiion; the wives or goddesses carry pinon sprigs in both hands; the 
rattle brings male rains, and the pifion, carried by the women, female 
rains; these rains meet upon the earth, conceive and bring forth aU 


vegetation. Their Leads are oiiiaineiited with eagle phtiues tied on 
wit)i eottou cord. (Note: In all cases the loiiud head denotes male and 
octaugidar head female.) The gods have also a bunch of night-owl 
feathers and eagle plumes on the left side of the head; both male and 
female wear turquois earrings and necklaces of the same. The larynx 
is represented by the parallel lines across the blue. A line of suidiglit 
encircles the head of both males and females. The white spots on the 
side of the females' heads represent the ears. The arms of the goddesses 
are covered with corn pollen, and long riblxms of fox skins are attached 
to the wrists, as shown ou painting number one. All wear beaded 
moccasins tied on with cotton cord. Their chins are covered witli corn 
pollen and red suidiglit surrounds the body. The skirts only have an 
additional line of blue sunlight. Ilasjclti is to the east of the paint- 
ing. He carries a squirrel skin filled with tobacco. His shirt is white 
cotton and very elastic. The leggings are of white deer skin fringed, 
and the moccasins are similar to the others. His head is oniameiited 
with an eagle's tail, and to the tip of each plume there is a fiutty feather 
from the breast of the eagle. A bunch of night-owl feathers is on either 
side of the eagle tail where it is attached to the head. The horizontal 
and perpendicular lines on the fare were referred to in the description 
of the lirst sand painting. The projection ou the right of the throat is 
a fox skin. Hostjoghon's headdress is similar to that of Hasjelti's. 
Two strips of beaver skin tipix'd with six qnills of the porcupine are 
attached to the right of the throat. The four colored stars on the body 
are ornaments of beads. The shirt of this god is in^^sible; the dark is 
the dark of the body. Hostjoghon carries a staff colored black from a 
charred ])lant. The Xavajo paint their bodies with the same plant. 
The top of the staff is ornamented with a turkey's tail tied to the staff 
with white cotton cord: eagle and turkey plumes are alternately at- 
tached to the staff with a cord. 

The Naaskiddi are to the north and south of the painting; they carry 
stai's of lightning ornamented with eagle plumes and sunbeams. 
Their bodies are nude except the loin skirt; their leggings and mocca- 
sins are the same as the others. The hunch upon the back is a black 
cloud, and the three groups of white lines denote corn and other seeds 
of vegetation. Five eagle plumes are attached to the cloud backs 
(eagles live with the clouds); the body is surrounded with sunlight; 
the lines of red and blue which border the buuch upon the back denote 
sunbeams penetrating storm cloud.s. The black circle zigzagged with 
white anmnd the head is a cloud l)asket tilled with corn and seeds of 
grass. On either side of the head are five feathers of the red shafted 
flicker {Colaptes cafer); a fox skin is attached to the right side of the 
throat; the mountain sheep horns are tipjied with the under tail feath- 
ers of the eagle, tied ou with cotton cord. The horns are filled with 
clouds. Th:' rainbow goddess, upon which these gods often travel, com- 
pletes the picture. 





Upon completion of the painting the song-priest, who stood to the 
east of it holding in his hand a l)ag of sacred meal, stepped carefully 
between the figures, sprinkling pollen upon the feet and heart of each. 
He then sprinkled a thread of jjollen up each cheek aud down the 
middle of the face of the figures, afterwards extending his right hand 
toward the east. The face of the encircling rainbow goddess was also 
sprinkled. The song-priest placed the sacred wands around the rain- 
bow, commencing on the west side of the painting, and repeated a 
prayer, pointing his linger to the head of each tigure. lie also jilaced 
a small gourd of medicine water in the hands of the rainbow goddess 
and laid a small cedar twig on the gourd. The invalid upon entering 
the lodge was handed an Apache l)asket containing sacred meal, which 
he si)rinkled over the i)ainting and placed the basket near the feet of 
the rainbow goddesses; the song-priest and choir sang to the accompani- 
ment of the rattle. A short time after the entrance of the invalid 
Hasjelti ajjpcarcd, and taking the evergreen from the gourd dipped it 
into the medicine water and sprinkled the feet, heart, aud heads of the 
sand figures, after which the invalid sat in the center of the cross. 
Hasjelti gave him a sip of the sacred water from the gourd and returned 
the gourd to its place; tlien he touched the feet, heart, and head of 
each figure successively with his right hand, each time touching the 
corresponding parts of the body of the invalid. Every time Hasjelti 
touched the invalid he gave a weird hoot. After he had been touched 
with sands ti'om all the paintings the theurgist, selecting a few live 
coals fiom a small tire which had been kept burning near the door, 
threw tliem in front of the invalid, wlio still retained liis seat in the 
center of the ])ainting. Tlie theurgist placed herbs, which he took from 
a buckskin bag, on the coals from which a very pleasant aroma arose. 
An attendant sprinkled water on the coals and a moment after threw 
them out of the lire opening. The songjjriest gatliered the wands from 
arountl the edge of the painting and four attendants began to erase it 
by scraping the sands from the cardinal points to the center. Again 
the people hurried to take sand from the hearts, heads, aiul limbs of 
the figures to rul) upon themselves. The sands were gathered into a 
blanket aud deposited at the base of a pinon tree about one hundred 
yards north of the lodge. A chant closed the ceremony. 


The first business of the day was the preparation of an elal)orate sand 
l)icture, aud thougli the artists worked industriously from dawn, it was 
not completed until after ;> o'clock. The paint grinder was kept busy 
to supply the artists. It was observed tliat in drawing some of the lines 
the artists used a string of stretclied yarn instead of the weaving stick 
When five of the figures had been comi)leted, six young men came into 
the lodge, removed their clothes, and wliitened their bodies and limbs 
with kaolin; they then left the lodge to solicit food from the people, who 


were now quite thickly gathered over the uiesa to witness the ehising- 
ceremonies. The mesa top for a mile around was crowded with Indians, 
horses, sheep, and hogans (lodges); groups of 3 to 20 Indians could be 
seen here and there gambling, while foot and horse racing were features 
of special interest. Indeed, the peojde generally were enjoying them 
selves at the expense of the invalid. The rainbow goddess, Nattsilit, 
surrounding the painting, was about 25 feet in length. Upon the com- 
pletion of the piuntingthe sr)ng-])riest s])rinkled the tigures with jiollen 
as before described and planted the feather wands around the pictures. 

In the illustration of this painting, PI. cxxiii, Hasjelti will be recog- 
nized as the leader. He carries a fawn skin filled with sacred meal; 
the spots on the skin are seven aiul in the form of a great bear. The 
fawm skin indicates him as the chief of all game. It was Hasjelti who 
created game. The first six figures following Hasjelti are the Ethsethle. 
The next six figures are their wives. Toneeunili, the water sprinkler 
{to, water, and nonihi, to sprinkle), follows earr,\ing a water jug, from 
which he sprinkles the earth. The Ethsethle wear leggings of corn pol- 
len and the forearms of the gods are covered with pollen. Their wives 
have their arms and bodies covered with the same. The skirts of the 
Ethsethle are elaborately ornamented and their pouches at their sides 
are decorated with many beads, feathers, and fringes. The gods are 
walking upon black clouds and mist (the yellow denoting mist, the 
women upon blue clouds and mist. 

During the ceremony an Apache basket containing meal was brought 
in and placed at the feet of the rainbow goddess. The invalid entered 
the lodge, which had become quite filled with privileged spectators, and 
receiving the basket of meal, sprinkled the figures from left to right; 
he then removed all his clothing except his breech cloth and stood east 
of the ]iaintiiig. Ilostjoghon stepjied to the head of tiie rainl)ow god- 
dess and taking the small gourd of medicine water dipped the cedar 
twig into the water and sprinkled the figures, then touched the twig to 
the feet, heart, and head of each figure, commencing at the male figure 
to the north and passing south, then beginning with the female figures 
to the north and passing south. The invalid took his seat in the center 
of the painting with his knees drawn to his chin. Hostjoghon held the 
medicine gourd over each figure and i)assed it to the invalid, who took 
four sijjs, Hostjoghon hooting each time he passed the gourd to the in- 
valid. After returning the gourd and twig to their former jiositiou he 
placed the palms of his hands to the feet and head of each figure and 
then placed his palms on the corresponding parts of the invalid's body, 
and pressed his head seA'eral times between his hands. After touching 
any part of the invalid, Hostjoghon threw his hands upward and gave 
one of his characteristic hoots. Tlie song-priest j)laced coals in front of 
the invalid and herbs upon them as he had done the day before, and 
then retired. The coals were afterwards thrown out of the fire opening 
and the crowd rushed to the painting to rub their bodies with the sand. 





Tlio painting was obliterated in the usual manner and the sand carried 
out and deposited at the base of a piiiou tree some 200 yards from the 


The grinding of the paint began at daylight, and just at sunrise the 
artists commenced their work. When any mistake occurred, which 
was vei'y seldom, it was obliterated by sifting the ground color over it. 
Each artist endeavored to finish his special design first, and there was 
considerable betting as to who would succeed. The rapidity with which 
these paints are handled is quite remarkable, particularly as most of 
the lines are drawn entirely by the eye. After the completion of the 
painting, each figure being three and a half feet long, corn pollen was 
sprinkled over the whole by the soug priest. (See illustration, PL 


The corn stalk in the picture signifies the main subsistence of life; 
the square base and triangle are clouds, and the three white lines at the 
base of the corn stalk denote the roots of the corn. The figures of this 
])icture are each 3J feet in length. These are the Zenichi (people of the 
white rock with a red streak through it) and their wives Their homes 
are high in the canyon wall. The black parallelogram to the west of 
the painting designates a led streak in the rock in which are their 
homes. The delicate white lines indicate their houses, which are in the 
interior or depths of the rock, and can not be seen from the surface. 
This canyon wall is located north of the Ute Mountain. These people of 
the rocks move in the air like birds. The red portion of the bodies of 
the Zenichi denote red corn; the black portion black clouds. The red 
half of the face represents also the red corn; the blue of the bodies of 
the others denote vegetation in general, and the yellow, pollen of all 
vegetation. The zigzag lines of the bodies is lightning; the black lines 
around the head, zigzagged with white, are cloud baskets that hold red 
corn, which is stacked in pyramidal form and capped with three eagle 
plumes. There are five feathers of the red and black shafted flicker 
(Golapleo caferj on either side of the liead. A lightning bow is held 
in the left hand, the right holds a rattle ornamented with feathers. 
The females carry in their hands decorated baskets and sprigs of ])i- 
non, and they wear white leggings and beaded moccasins. The Zenichi 
never dance. These gods are also called Zaadoljaii, meaning rough 
mouth, or anything that protrudes roughly from the mouth. (The mouth 
and eyes of these gods protrud(\) Tiie rainbow goddess is i-epresented 
at the north and south end of the painting. The corn stalk has two ears 
of corn, while the original stalk had 12 ears. Two of these ears the gods 
gave to the younger brother of the Tolchini when they commanded him 
to return to the Xavajo and instruct them how to repi'esent the goils in 
sand painting and in masks. The four corner figures will be recognized 
as the Naashiddi (hunchback, or mountain sheep). 


Duiiiig- the ceremony Hasjelti, dressed in blaek velvet ornamented 
with silver, and Hostjoboard, \vith her nude body painted white and 
with silk scarf around the loins caught on with silver belt, left the lodge 
to gather the children upon the mesa for the purpose of initiating them; 
but the children had already been summoned by men who rode over the 
mesa on horseback, visiting every liogan to see that all the children 
were brought for iuitiatioTi. A buftalo robe was spread at the 
end of the avenue which extended from the medicine lodge some 
three hundred yards. The head of the robe was to the east; at the 
end of the robe blankets were spread in a kind of semicircle. Most of 
the children were accompanied by their mothers. The boys were strip- 
ped of their clothing and sat upon the buffalo robe. The head of the 
line being to the north, they all faced east Avith their feet stretched 
out. Their arms hung by their sides and their heads were bent forward. 
The girls sat in line upon the blanket in company with their mothers 
and the mothers of the l)oys. It is entu'ely a matter of choice whether 
or not a mother accompanies her child or takes any part in the cere- 
mony. The girls also sat like the boys, their heads bent forward. 
Their heads were bent down that they might not look upon the gods 
until they had been initiated. Tip to this time they were supposed 
never to have had a close view of the masks or to have inspected any- 
thing pertaining to their religious ceremonies. The children ranged 
from five to ten years of age. At this ])articular ceremony nine boys 
and six girls were initiated. When the children were all in position, 
Hasjelti, carrying a fawn skin containing sacred meal, and Hostjoboard, 
carrying two needles of the Spanish bayonet, stood in front of the child 
ren. The boy at the head of the line was led out and stood facing the 
east. Hasjelti, with the sacred meal, formed a cross on his breast, at the 
same time giving his peculiar hoot. Hostjoboard struck him upon the 
breast, first with the needles held in her riglit hand and then with those 
held in the left. Hasjelti then turned the boy toward the right until 
he faced west and made a cross with meal upon his back, when Hostjo- 
board struck him tmce ou the back with the needles. He was again 
turned to face the east, when both arms were extended and brought 
together. Hasjelti made a cross over the arms and then over the knees. 
Each time the boy was crossed with the meal Hostjoboard struck the 
si)ot first with the needles in the right hand and then witli those in the 
left, after which the boy returned to his seat. The cross denotes the scalp 
knot. Most of the boys advanced quite bravely to receive the chastise- 
mer»t. I noticed but one who seemed very nervous, and with great 
difficulty he kept back the tears. . The boys' ceremony over, the gods 
approached the girls, beginning at the end of the line next to the boys. 
Hasjelti marked a line of meal on each side of the foot of the girl, 
when Hostjoboard, now holding two ears of yellow corn wrapped with 
piiion twigs, i)lace(l them to the soles of the girl's feet and Hasjelti 
drew a line of meal on each hand; after which Hostjoboard placed the 






ears of corn to the palms of the haiuls, she lioldiii.u' the corn in her 
palms and pressing it to the palms of the girl's hands. Ilasjelti formed 
a cross on the breast with the meal and Hostjoboard pressed the two 
ears of corn to the breast; a cross was made on the back and the two 
ears of corn pressed to the back. Hasjelti. witli his right han<l, then 
drew a line on the girl's left shonlder, and with his left hand a line on 
the girl's right shoulder, the corn being pressed to the shoulders in the 
manner described. Two lines of meal were run over the forehead back 
to the top of the head, and the two ears of corn pressed to the t<ip of 
head. The boys were nude but tlie girls were gayly dressed in blankets, 
iewelry, etc. At the close of this ceremony the rein-esentatives of the 
gods removed their masks and called upon the children to raise their 
heads. The amazement depicted upon the faces of the children when 
they discovered their own people and not gods afforded much aunise- 
ment to the spectators. The masks were laid upon a blanket and the 
girls and boys were commanded to look upon them. Hostjol)oard 
placed her mask upon the face of each boy and girl and woman in the 
line, beginning at the north end of the line, giving a hoot each time 
the mask was placetkupon anyone. Great care was taken that the 
mask should be so arranged upon the face that the eyes might look 
directly through the eyeholes, for should any blunder occur the sight 
of at least one i>ye would be lost. It is scarcely on before it is removed. 
After the masks had been placed on all the faces it was laid beside 
Hasjelti's. The man personating Hasjelti sprinkled his mask and then 
Hostjoboard's with i)ollen, and the man personating Hostjoboard 
sprinkled Hasjelti's mask and then his own with pollen. The boy to 
the north end of the line was called out and fi-om the pollen bag took 
a pinch of i)ollen and sprinkled tirst the mask of Hasjelti and then 
Hostjoboard's. This was repeated by each boy, girl, and woman in the 
line. In approaching the masks they always pass hack of the line 
around to the north side and then step in front of the masks. The 
mask is sprinkled in this wise: A line of pollen is run from the top of 
the head down to the mouth; passing around to the right the line is 
drawn upward over the left cheek; the hand continues to move outside 
of the mask to a point below the right cheek, then up the right cheek. 
The younger children's hands were guided by the representatives of the 
gods. It would be a great fatality to sprinkle a drop of meal over the 
eye holes; the individual comntitting such an error would become blind 
at least in one eye. Great care is also taken that the line is run up the 
cheek, for if it was run down not only would vegetation be stunted, but 
the lives of the people would become so, as all people and things should 
aim upward not downward. The line running down through the center of 
the face calls njion the gods above to send down rain upon the earth 
and health to all people. Two or three children started through igno- 
rance to run the meal down one of the cheeks; they were instantly 
stopped by Hasjelti, but not until the people looking on had expressed 


great lionor. All in the line liaviiij;- ijoiic through tlii.s c-cicmouy the 
crowd of spectators sprinkled the masks in the same manner. I was 
requested to sprinkle them, and at the same time was specially in- 
structed to run the lines up the cheeks. This closed the ceremony of 
initiation. The l)oys were then permitted to go around at will and 
look at the masks and enter the lodge and view the sand painting. 
Hasjelti and Hostjoboard returned to the lodge, carrying their masks 
in their hands. 

About an hour after the ceremony of the initiation of the children a 
large buffalo robe was spread on the avenue with its head to the ea;t, 
around which a circle of some hundred feet in diameter was Ibrincd by 
horsemen and pedestrians who gathered, eager to witness the outdoor 
ceremony. The theurgist and invalid were seated outside of the lodge, 
south of the entrance. The deities personated on this occasion were 
the gods Hasjelti and Taadotjaii, and the goddess Yebahdi. Hasjelti 
wore blaelc velvet and silver ornaments, with red silk scarf around the 
waist. Taadotjaii was nude, his body being painted a reddish color. 
The limbs and body were zigzagged with white, representing lightning, 
and he carried in his left hand a bow beautifully decorated with light- 
ning and downy breast feathers of tlie eagle, and in his right hand a 
gourd rattle devoid of ornamentation. Yebahdi wore the ordinary 
sipiaw's dress and moccasins, with many silver ornaments, and a large 
blanket around her shoulders touching the ground. Hasjelti ajjproached 
dancing, and sprinkled meal over the buffalo robe, and the invalid stood 
ujwn tlie robe. Hasjelti. followed by Zaadoltjaii, again entered the 
circle and si>rinkled nn>al upon the robe. The goddess Yebahdi follow- 
ing, stood within the circle some 20 feet from the robe on the east side 
and facing west. Hasjelti, amidst hoots and antics, sprinkled meal 
upon the invalid, throwing both his hands upward. Immediately Zaa- 
doltjaii, with arrow in the left hand and rattle in the right, threw both 
hands up over the invalid amidst hoots and antics. They tlien passed 
to Yebahdi, who holds with both hands a basket containing the two 
yellow ears of corn wrapped with pine twigs that were used in the chil- 
dren's ceremony, and indulged in similar antics over the goddess. As 
each representative of the gods threw up his hands she raised her 
basket high above and in front of her head. Hasjelti. together with 
Zaadoltjaii and Y^ebahdi, then passed around within the circle to the 
other three points of the compass. At each point Y'ebahdi took her 
positiim about 20 feet from the buffalo robe, when Hasjelti and Zaa- 
doltjaii repeated their performances over the invalid and then over- 
Yebahdi each time she elevated the basket. The invalid then entered 
the lodge, followed by the representatives of the gods, who were careful 
to remove their masks before going in. The invalid sat on the corn- 
stalk iu the center of the sand painting, facing east. Zaadolt^jaii 
stepped upon the painting, and taking the little medicine g(mrd from 
the hands of the rainbow goddess, dipped the cedar twig into the 


medifiue water aud spi-iukled the painting, begiuniiig at tlie south side. 
Zaadoltjaii gave the invalid a draft from the goui'd, and waving the 
gourd from left to right formed a circle amidst the wildest cries. He 
gave three more drafts to the invalid, each time waging the gourd 
around the invalid with a wave toward the east. He then placed the 
palm of his hand over the feet of all the figures, beginning with the 
flgure at the south end, west side; running np that line he began with 
the figure on the north end east side, running down that line; he then 
placed his hands to the soles of the feet of the invalid, hooting twice; 
then the heart of the invalid was touched in the same manner with the 
palm of the right hand, the left hand being placed to his back. The 
body was pressed in this way four times amid loud cries. This was 
repeated npon the invalid. After touching each figure of the painting, 
the right liand was placed to the forehead of the invalid and the left 
hand to the back of the head, and the head pressed in this way on all 
sides. The song-i)riestput live cdals before the invalid and npon them 
sprinkled tobacco and water, the fumes of which the invalid inhaled. 
An attendant then thi-ew the coals out of the fire opening, and the 
song-priest gathered the twelve turkey wands from around the painting 
while the inmates of the lodge ha.stened forward to press their hands 
uijon what remained of the figures, then drawing a breath from their 
hands, they pressed them upon their bodies that they might be cured 
of any infirTuities, moral or physical, after which four men gathered at 
the points of the compass and swei)t the sand to the center of the paint 
iug, and placing it in a blanket deposited it a short distance from the 


The final decoration of masks with ribbons, plumes, etc., began at sun 
rise and consumed most of the morning. About noon two sticks 1 
inch in diameter aud 6 inches long were colored; one, of pitiou, was 
painted black, the other, of cedar, was colored red. Three medicine 
tubes were made, one black, one red, and one blue. These were placed 
in a basket half filled with uieal ; the basket stood in the niche behind 
the song-priest. Two men personated Xaiyenesgony and Tobaidischinui. 
ZS^aiyenesgony's body was painted black (from the embers of a burnt 
weed of which specimens were procured) and on the outside of his legs 
below the knee, on the upper arms, breast and scapula were bows in 
white but without arrows. Tobaidischinui had his body painted with 
the scalj) knot in white in relative positions to the bows on Naiyenesgony. 
A third man, ])ersonatiug the turquois hermaphrodite Ahsonnutli, wore 
the usual s(juaw's dress with a blanket fastened over the shoulders 
reaching to the ground. Her mask was blue. The three left the lodge 
carrying their nuisks in their hands. Passing some distance down the 
avenue to the east they put on their masks and returned to the lodge. 


A bufl'alo robe luul been sprciul in frout of the lodge. Just as the 
miiskers returued, the invalid, wrapped in a fine red Navajo blanket and 
bearing' a basket of sacred meal, stepjied upon tlie robe; he had before 
stood in front of the lodge by the side of the song-priest. The many 
spectators on foot and horseback clad in their rich blankets formed a 
brilliant surrounding for this ceremony, whieli took place just at the 
setting of the sun. Naiyenesgony carried in his right hand a large lava 
celt which was painted white. Tobaidischiuni followed next carrying 
in his right hand the black wood stick which had been prepared in the 
morning-, and in his left hand the red stick. Ahsounutli followed with 
bow aud arrow iu the left hand and an arrow in the right with a qiuver 
thrown over the shoulder. 

Naiyenesgony drew so close to the invalid that their faces almost 
touched and pointed his celt toward the invalid. Tobaidischinni then 
approached and iu the same manner i)ointed the sticks toward him, after 
which he was ai)proached by Ahsounutli with her bow aud arrows. 
This was rei)eated on the south, west, aud north sides of the invalid; 
each time the invalid partially turned his arm, shoulder, and back to 
sprinkle meal ui)on the gods. The gods then rushed to the eutrance of 
the niediciiu^ lodge rei)eating the ceremony there, when they hurried to 
the south side of the lodge (the invalid having returued to the lodge; 
the buffalo robe was carried in by an attendant). The gods went ftom 
the south side of the lodge to the west and then to the north perform- 
ing the same cercMiiony. As the invalid had spent many days iu the 
lodge aud the disease at each day's cereinouy exuded from his body, it 
was deemed necessary that these gods should go to the four points of 
the compass and draw the disease from the lodge. When they entered 
the lodge the buffalo robe had been spread iu frout of the song-priest 
with its head north. Upon this robe each god knelt on his left knee, 
Naiyeuesgony on the north end of tlie robe, Ahsounutli on the south 
end, and Tobaidischinni between them, all facing east. The song-priest, 
followed by the invalid, advanced to the front of the line carrying the 
basket containing the medicine tubes. He sprinkled Naiyenesgony 
with corn pollen, passing it up the right arm over the head and down 
the left arm to the hand. He placed the ])lack tube in the palm of the 
left hand of the god, the ]iriest chanting all the while a prayer. The 
red tirbe was given with the same ceremony to Tobaidischinni, and the 
blue tube with the same cereinouy to Ahsoiiuutli. The (piiver was 
removed from Ahsounutli before she knelt. The song-priest, kneeling 
iu front of Naiyenesgony, repeated a long litauy with resjionses by the 
invalid, when the gods left the lodge led by Naiyenesgony who de]iosited 
his tube aud stick iu a pifiou tree, Tobaidischiuui depositing his iu a 
cedar tree, aud Ahsounutli her's in the heart of a shrub. 


The scene was a briUiaut one. Loug before the time for the dance a 
line of four immense fires burned on each side of the avenue where the 


dance was to take place, and Xavaji) humi and wonifu dad in their l>iij!lit 
colored blanket.^ and all tlieir rare bead.s and .silver encircled each lire. 
Logs were piled 5 or feet high. In addition to these eight tires there 
were many others uear and far, around which groups of gamblers gath- 
ered, all gay and happy. Until this night no women but those who car- 
ried food to the lodge had been present at any of the ceremonies except 
at the iuitiatiou of the children. To say that there were 1,200 Navajo 
would be a moderate calculation. This indeed was a picture never to 
be forgotten. Many had been the objections to our sketching and writ- 
mg, but throughout the nine days the song-priest stood steadfastly by 
us. One chief in particular denounced the theurgist for allowing the 
medicine to be put on paper and carried to Washington. But his words 
availed nothing. We were treated with every consideration. We were 
allowed to handle the masks and examine them closely, and at times 
the artists working at the sand painting really inconvenienced them- 
selves and allowed us to crowd them that we might observe closely the 
many minute details which otherwise could not have been perceived, as 
many of their color lines in the skirt and sash decorations were like 
threads. The accompanying sketches show every detail. 

The green or dressing room was a circular inclosure of pine boughs 
at the end of the avenue. It was about 10 feet high by 20 feet in diam- 
eter made of pinon branches with their butts planted in the ground, 
their tops forming a brush or hedge. Within this inclosure the masks 
were arranged in a row on the west side. A large fire burned iu the 
center affording both heat and light. The different sets, when a change 
of dress from one set of men to another was to be made, repaired to 
this green room for that purpctse. This inclosure was also the resort 
during the night for many Indians who assisted the dancers in their 

At 10 o'clock the ceremonies opened by the entrance upon the avenue 
of the song-priest who came from the green room. He wore a rich red 
blanket and over this a mountain lion skin; immediately after him fol- 
lowed Hasjelti, leading the four Etsethle (the ones). These repre- 
sented first, uatau (corn); secoiui, natin (rain); third, nauase (vegeta- 
tion) ; fourth, jadetin (corn pollen ). Their masks were blue ornamented 
with feathers and were similar to the masks worn by the dancers; their 
bodies were painted white with many rare beads around their necks, 
and they wore loin skirts with silver belts ; a gray fox skin was attached 
pendant to the back of the belt, and blue stockings, tied with red gar- 
ters, and moccasins completed their dress. They carried in their right 
hands gourd rattles painted white. The handles of these may be of any 
kind of wood, but it nnist be selected from some tree near ^^ Inch light- 
ning has struck, but not of the wood of the tree struck by lightning. 
Corn pollen was in the palms of their left hands and iu the same hand 
they carried also a i)inon bough. Hasjelti wore a suit of velvet orna- 
mented with silver buttons ; he never speaks except by signs. They 


advanced siugle file with a slow regular step and when within 20 feet 
of the lodge the priest turned and faeed Ilasjelti and repeated a short 
prayer, when the Etsethle sang. 

som; oi- thk ktsrthle. 

From below (the earth) in\' foru tomes 
I walk with you. 

From aliiivc water youug (comes) 
1 walk with you. 

From ahovc vejjetatiou (couies to the earth) 
I walk with you. 

From below the earth coru jiolleu comes 
1 walk with you. lines are repeated four times. The first line indicates that corn 
is the chief subsistence; the second, that it is neces.sary to pray to Has- 
jelti that the earth may be watered; the third, that the earth mibst be 
embraced by the sun in order to have vegetation ; the fourth, that pollen 
is es.sential in all religious ceremonies. The Etsethle signify doubling 
the es.sential things by which names they are known, coru, grain, etc., 
they are the mystic peoi)le who dwell in caTiyon sides unseen. After the 
song the invalid with meal basket in hand pas.sed hurriedly down the 
line of gods and sprinkled each one with meal, passing it from the right 
Land up to the right arm, to the head then down the left arm to the 
hand, placing a pinch in the ])alm of the left hand. The invalid then 
returned and stood to the north side of Hasjelti who was to the left of 
the song-priest. The theurgist stood facing natan (corn) and offered a 
prayer which was repeated by the invalid. Continency must be ob- 
served by the invalid during the nine days ceremonial and for four days 

i'i;.\YKi: To THE kt.sethle. 

"People, you come to .see us; you have a house in the heart of the 
ro(;ks; you are the chief of them; you are beautiful. Come inside of 
our houses. Your feet are white; come into our house ! Your legs are 
Avhite; come into our house! Y(mr bodies are white; come into our 
house ! Your face is white ; come into our house ! Old man, this world 
is beautiful; tlie peoi)le look upon you and they are hajipy. This day 
let all things be beautiful." 

This prayer is repeated many times, merely substituting for old man 
old woman, then youth, young girl, boy, then all children. The old 
man and woman siwken of are not the tirst old man and woman in the 
myth of the old man and woman of the tirst world. After the prayer 
the song-priest and invalid took seats by the entrance of the Jodge. 
Ha.sjelti took his positi(m to the west end and to the north of the line 
of the Etsethle. He remained standing while the four slowly raised 


the right foot squarely fiom the orouud, then on the toe of the left 
foot, which motion shook the rattle. In a short time Hasjelti passed 
down the line hooting. He passed around the east end, then returned 
up the north side to his former position, and again hooting, resumed 
the leadership of the Etsethle, who gave a long shake of the rattle as 
soon as Hasjelti stood in front of them. They then followed their 
leader to the dressing room. 


The song-priest having returned to the green room, emerged there- 
from, followed by Hasjelti, who carried a fawn skin jiartially tilled with 
meal, and by twelve dancers and Hostjoghon, holding in each hand a 
feather wand. The twelve dancers represented the old man and woman 
six times duplicated. Hasjelti led the dancers and Hostjoghon fol- 
lowed in the rear. When they came near the lodge the song-priest 
turned and faced the dancers, and being joined by the invalid, he led 
him down the line of dancers on the north side, the invalid carrying a 
sacred meal liasket, and sprinkled the right side of each dancer. The 
song-priest and invalid then returned to their seats in front of the 
lodge. Hasjelti passed down the line on the north side and joined 
Hostjoghon at the east end of the line, both then passing to the west end, 
where each one endeavored to be the first to stamp twice upon the 
ground immediately in front of the leading dancer. This double stamp 
is given with hoots, and they then returned down the line to the 
center, when Hasjelti dashes back to the west end, clasping the throat 
of the fawn skin with his right hand and holding the legs with his left, 
with both his arms extended to the front. Hostjoghon extending his 
hands with the feather wands in them, they \nnnt the head of the skin 
and tops of the wands directly in front of them as they stand facing 
each other, hooting at the same time. Keversiug sides by dashing past 
each other, Hasjelti points his fawn skin to the east while Hostjoghon 
points his wands to the west. They then return to theii- respective 
positions as leader and follower. 

After the dance begins Hasjelti passes down the north side and joins 
Hostjoghon at the east end of the dancers, Hasjelti keeping ta the 
north side of Hostjoghon. Three of the men, representing women, 
were dressed in Navajo squaw dresses and three of them in Tusayan 
squaw dresses; they held their arms horizontally to the elbow aiul the 
lower arm vertically, and, keejnug their feet close together, raised 
themselves simultaneously on their toes. The dance was begun in 
single file, the men raising only tiieir right feet to any height and bal- 
ancing on the left. After a minute or two the line broke, the women 
passing over to the north side and the men to the south side; almost 
instantaneously, however, they grou]ied into a promiscuous crowd, wo- 
men carrying a i)iue twig in each hand and the men a gourd rattle in 
the right hand and a pine twig in the left. The men's bodies were 
8 ETH 18 


painted white and were nude, excepting the silk scarfs and mountain 
lion and other skins worn around the loins. Just before the stamping 
of the feet in the beginning of the dance, a rattle was shaken by all 
the male dancers, which was the signal for a peculiar back motion of 
the right arm and body and one which preceded the actual dancing. 
The six males lean their bodies to the right side extending the right 
hand backward, and then bringing it forward in a circular under sweep 
around to the mouth with a hoot. They then turn and face the east, 
and bending their bodies toward the south perform the same motion as 
before, when they turn to the west and repeat it in that direction. At 
the same time the leader and follower repeat their peculiar performance 
with the fawn skin and wands to the east and west. Dancing promis- 
cuously for a few moments to song and rattle, the men representing 
women singing in feminine tones, they form again in two lines, the wo- 
men as before ou the north side. The man at the west end of the male 
line and the woman at the same end of the female line, meeting each 
other midway between the lines she passes her right arm through the 
arm of her partner, his arm being bent to receive it; they pass between 
the line and are met a short distance li-om the other end of the line by 
Hasjelti and Hostjoghon, wlio dance up to meet them, the movement 
resemVding closely the old-fashioned Virginia reel. The cou])le then 
dance backward between the lines to their starting point, then down 
again, when they separate, the man taking his place in the rear of the 
male line and the woman hers in the rear of the female line. This 
couple starting down the second time, the man and woman immedi- 
ately next in line lock arms and pass down in the same manner, Has- 
jelti and Hostjoghon scarcely waiting for the first coui)le to separate 
before dancing up to meet the second couple; the remaining couples 
following in like order until the first couple find themselves in their 
former position at the head of the line. Now a group dance is indulged 
in for a minute or two when lines are again formed, and a second figure 
exactly like the first is danced. This figure was again repeated with- 
out variation, after which the men and women fell into single file, and, 
led by Hasjelti and followed by Hostjoghon, left the dancing ground. 
They did not go to the green, however, but moved off a short distance 
to rest for a moment and retm-ned. Upon each return the invalid 
passed down the line on the north side sprinkling each dancer with 
meal, Hasjelti and Hostjoghon performing with the fawn skin and 
wands. This dance of four figures was repeated twelve times, each 
time the dancers resting but a moment. After the twelve dances the 
dancers passed to the green room, where they were relieved by a sec- 
ond set of men. The second series of dances were exactly like the 
first. There were twenty-one dances, four figures in each dance, and 
each time the dancers appeared they were sprinkled with meal by the 
invalid, while Hasjelti and Hostjoghon performed their antics with 
fawn skin and wands. The third series embraced all the dances ex- 



actly like the above. The tVnuth series embraced nineteen dances. 
The only variation in this was that the leaders were often more clown- 
ish in their performances, and upon several occasions only four men 
representing women appeared. In this case two men danced together. 
Some of the dancers dropped out from weariness, which caused diminu- 
tion in some of the sets. The last dance closed at the first light of day. 
The song-priest had preceded the last dancers to the green room and 
awaited their arrival to obtain the masks, Avhich were his special prop- 


The first three worlds were neither good nor healthful. They moved 
all the time and made the peojile dizzy. Upon ascending into this 
world the Navajo found only darkness and they said " We must have 

In the TJte Mountain lived two women, Ahsonnutli, the turquoise 
hermaphrodite, and Yolaikaiason, the white-shell woman. These two 
women were sent for by the Navajo, who told them they wished light. 
The Navajo had already partially separated light into its several colors. 
Next to the floor was white indicating dawn, upon the white blue was 
spread for morning, and on tlie blue yellow for sunset, and next was 
black representing night. They had prayed long and continuously 
over these, but their prayers had availed nothing. The two women on 
arriving told the people to have patience and their prayers would 
eventually be answered. 

Night had a familiar, who was always at his ear. This person said, 
"Send for the youtli at the great tails." Night sent as his messenger a 
shooting star. The youth soon appeared and said, "Ahsonnutli, the 
ahstjeohltoi (hermaphrodite), has white beads in her right breast and 
turquoise in her left. We \vill tell her to lay them on darkness and see 
what she can do with her jirayers." This she did.' The youth from 
the great falls said to Ahsonnutli, "You have carried the white-shell 
beads and turquoise a long time; you should know what to say." Then 
with a crystal dipped in pctllen she marked eyes and mouth on the tur- 
quoise and on the white-shell beads, and forming a circle around these 
with the crystal she produced a slight light from the white-shell bead 
and a greater light from the turquoise, but the light was insufficient. 

Twelve men lived at each of the cardinal points. The forty-eight 
men were sent for. After their arrival Ahsonnutli sang a song, the 
men sitting opposite to her; yet even with their i>resence the song failed 
to secure the needed light. Two eagle plumes were placed upon each 
cheek of the turquoise and two on the cheeks of the white-shell beads 

' The old priest relating this myth now produced a ponch containing corn pollen and a crystal, which 
he dipped in the pollen and said, "Now we must all eat of this pollen and place some on our heads, lor 
we are to talk about il." 


and one at each of the cardiual points. The twelve men of the east 
placed twelve turquoises at the east of the faces. The twelve men of 
the south placed twelve white-shell beads at the south. The twelve men 
of the west placed twelve tur(pioises at the west. Those of the north 
placed twelve white-shell beads at that point. Then with the crystal 
dipped in corn pollen they made a circle embracing the whole. The 
wish still remained unrealized. Then Ahsonnutli held the crystal over 
the turquoise face, whereupon it Ughted into a blaze. The people re- 
treated far back on account of the great heat, which continued increas- 
ing. The men from the four i)oints found the heat so intense that they 
arose, but they could hardly stand, as the heavens were so close to 
them. They looked uj) and saw two rainbows, one across the other 
from east to west, and from north to south. The heads :iiid feet of the 
rainbows almost touched the men's heads. The men tried to raise the 
great light, but each time they failed. Finally a man and >voman 
appeared, whence they knew not. The man's name was Atseatsine and 
the woman's name was Atseatsan. They were asked " How can this 
sun be got up." They replied, "We know; we heard the people down 
here trying to raise it, and this is why we came." "Chanteen" (sun's 
rays), exclaimed the nuin, "I have the chanteen; I have a crystal from 
which I can light the chanteeu, and I have the rainbow; with these 
three I can raise the sun." The people said, "Go ahead and raise it." 
When he had elevated the sun a short distance it tipi)ed a little and 
burned vegetation and scorched the people, fin- it was still too near. 
Tlien the people said to Atseatsine and Atseatsan, "liaise the sun 
higher," and they continued to elevate it, and yet it continued to burn 
everj-thing. They were then called upon to "lift it higher still, as high 
as i^ossible," birt after a certain height was reached their power failed ; 
it would go no farther. 

The couple then made four poles, two of turquoise and two of white- 
shell beads, and each was put under tlie sun, and with these poles the 
twelve men at each of the cardinal points raised it. They could not 
get it high enough to prevent the people and grass fi-om burning. The 
l)eoi)le then said, " Let us stretch the world ;" so the twelve men at each 
point expanded the world. The sun continued to rise as the world ex- 
panded, and began to shine with less heat, but when it reached the 
meridian the heat became great and the people sirffered much. They 
crawled everywhere to find shade. Then the voice of Darkness went 
four times around the world telling the men at the cardinal points to 
go on expanding the world. "I want all this trouble stopped," said 
Darkness; "the people are suftering and all is burning; you must con- 
tinue stretching." And the men blew and stretched, and after a time 
they saw the sun rise beautifiilly, and when the sun again reached the 
meridian it was only tropical. It was then just right, and as for as 
the eye could reach the earth was encircled first with the white dawn 
of day, then with the blue of early morning, and all things were per- 


feet. And Ahsnninitli comniaiidccT the twelve men to go to the east, 
south, west, and north, to hold up the heavens (Yiyanitsinni, the 
holders up of the heavens), which office they are supposed to perform 
to this day. 


Hasjelti and Hostjoghon were the children of Ahsonnntli, the tur- 
quoise, and Yolaikaiason (white-shell woman, wife of the sun). Ahson- 
nntli placed an ear of white corn and Yolaikaiason an ear of yellow 
corn on the mountain where the fogs meet. The corn conceived, the 
white corn giving birth to Hasjelti and the yellow corn to Hostjoghon. 
These two became the great song-makers of the woild. They gave to 
the mountain of their nativity (Henry Mountain in Utah) two songs and 
two prayers; they then went to Sierra Blanca (Colorado) and made two 
songs and prayers and dressed the mountain in clothing of white shell 
with two eagle plumes placed upright upon the head. From here they 
visited San Mateo M(nxntain (New Mexico) and gave to it two songs and 
prayers, and dressed it in turquoise, even to the leggings and moccasins, 
and placed two eagle plumes on the head. Hence they went to San 
Francisco Mountain (Arizona) and made two songs and prayers and 
dressed that iiiouiitaiii in abalone shells with two eagle plumes upon the 
head. They then visited Ute Mountain and gave to it two songs and 
jirayers and dressed it in black beads. This mountain also had two 
eagle plumes on its head. They then returned to the mountain of their 
nativity to meditate, " We two have made all these songs." 

Upon inquiring of their mothers how they came into existence, and 
being informed, they said, "Well, let our number be increased; we can 
not get along Nrtth only two of us." The woman placed more yellow 
and white corn on the mountain and children were conceived as before. 
A sufticient number were born so that two bi'others were placed on each 
of the four mountains, and to these genii of the mountaius the clouds 
come first. All the brothers consulted together as to what they should 
live ui^ou and they concluded to make game, and so all game was cre- 

Navajo prayers for rain and snow are addressed to Hasjelti and Host- 
joghon. These gods stand upon the mountain tops and call the clouds 
to gather around them. Hasjelti is the mediator between the Navajo 
and the sun. He prays to the sun, "Father, give me the light of your 
mind, that my mind may be strong; give me some of your strength, that 
my arm may be strong, and give me your rays that corn and other vege- 
tation may grow." It is to this deity that the most important prayers 
of the Navajo are addressed. The lesser deities have shorter prayers 
and less valuable offerings made to them. Hasjelti communicates with 
the Navajo through the feathered kingdom, and for this reason the 
choicest feathers and plumes are placed in the cigarettes and attached 
to the prayer sticks offered to him. 



A man sat thinlciiig, "Let me see; my songs are too short; levant 
more sougs; where shall I go to tind them?" Hasjelti appeared and, 
perceiving his thoughts, said, "I know where you can go to get more 
sougs." "Well, I much want to get more, and I will follow you." 
WTieu they reached a certain point iu a box canyon in the Big Colorado 
River they found four gods (the Hostjobokou) at work hewing logs of 
Cottonwood. Hasjelti said, "This will not do; cotton wood becomes 
water-soaked; you nuxst use pine instead of cottouwood." The Host- 
jobokou then began boring the pine with flint, when Hasjelti said, 
"That is slow work," and he commanded the whirlwind to hollow the 
log. A Jerusalem cross was formed with one solid log and a hollow 
one. The song-hunter entered the hollow log and Hasjelti closed the 
end with a cloud, that the water of the river might not enter when the 
logs were launched upon the great waters. The Hostjobokou, accom- 
panied by their wives, rode upon the logs, a couple sitting on tlie end 
of each cross arm. These were accompanied by Hasjelti, Hostjoghon, 
and two Naaskiddi, who walked on the banks to ward the logs off 
from the shore. Hasjelti carried a squirrel skin filled with tobacco 
from which to supply the gods on their journey. Hostjoghon carried 
a staff ornamented with eagle and turkey plumes and a gaming ring 
with two humming birds tied to it with white cotton cord. The two 
Naaskiddi carried staffs of lightning.' After floating a long distance 
down the river they came to waters that had a shore on one side only, 
and they lauded. Here they found people like themselves. These peo- 
ple, on learning of the soug-huuter's wish, gave to him manj- sougs and 
they iiainted pictures on a cotton blanket and said, " These pictiu-es 
must go with the songs. If we give this blanket to you you will lose it. 
AVe will give you white earth and black coals which you will grind to- 
gether to make black paint, and we will give you white sand, yellow 
sand, and red sand, and for the blue paint you will take white sand and 
black coals with a very little red and yellow sand. These together will 
give you blue.^ 

The soug-huuter remained with these jieople until the corn was ripe. 
There he learned to eat corn and he carried some back with him to the 
Navajo, who had not seen coru before, and he taught them how to raise 
it and how to eat it. 

As the logs would not float upstream the song-hunter was conveyed 
by four sunbeams, one attached to each end of the cross-logs, to the 
box canyon whence he emerged. Upon his return he separated the logs, 
l)lacing an end of the solid log into the hollow end of the other and 
planted this great pole in the river, where to this day it is to be seen by 
those so venturesome as to \asit this i>oiut. 

'The Naasldddi are hunchbacks; they have clouds upon their backs, in which seeds of all vegetation 
are held. 

2 The Navajo will not use real blue coloring in their sand painting, but adhere strictly to the instruc- 
tiuus of the gods. They do, however, use a bit of vermilion, when it can be obtained, to heighten the 
red coloring in the pouches. 


The old song priest who related this myth to me regi'etted that so 
few of his peojile uow visited the sacred spot. 

" When I was youug," he said, " many went there to pray and make 


This world was destroyed five times. The tii-st time by a whirlwind; 
the second, by immense hail stones ; the third, by smallpox, when each 
jnistnle covered a whole cheek; the fourth, all was destroyed by congh- 
ing; the tifth time Naiyenesgouy and Tobaidischiuni went over the 
earth slaying all enemies. 

These two boys were born at Tohatkle (where the waters are mated), 
near Ute Mountain, in Utah; they were the children of Ahsoniintli. 
Ahsonmitli and Yolaikaiason (the white-shell woman) were the creators 
of shells. Ahsoimutli had a beard under her right arm and Yolaikaia- 
son had a small ball of tiesli under her left arm from which they made 
all shells. The eyes of Naiyenesgonj^ and Tobaidischiuni were shells 
placed on their faces by Ahsonnutli; the shells immediately becoming 
brilliant the boys could look upon all things and see any distance with- 
out their eyes becoming weary. A stick colored black was placed to 
the forehead of Naiyenesgony and one colored blue to that of Tobaid- 
ischiuni. When Naiyenesgony shook his head the stick remained firm 
on the forehead, but he felt something in the palm of his hand, which 
proved to be three kinds of seeds, and he said, " We must go by this." 
When Tobaidischiuni shook his head the stick dropped ofl' the foiehead 
and they thought a long time and said, " We must go l)y this." This is 
why the deer sheds his horns. In cei-emonials the breath is drawn from 
sticks which are made to represent the originals ; the sticks are also 
held to wounds as a curative. 

These two boys grew from infancy to manhood in four days and on 
the fourth day they made bows and arrows; on the fifth day they began 
using them. Although they were the children of Ahsonnutli they did 
not know her as their mother, but supposed her to be their aunt. Fre- 
quently they inquired of her where they could find their father. She 
always told them to stop their inquiries, for they had no father. 
Finally they said to her, " We know we have a father and we intend to 
go and look for him." She again denied that tliey had a father, but they 
were determined and they joiuneyed far to the east and came to the 
house of the sun. The house was of white shell, and the wife of the sun 
(Yolaikaiason) was also of white shell. The wife iiKjuired of the youths 
where they were from, and, said she, " AVhat do you want heie I " They 
replied, "We came to hunt our father." When the sun returned to his 
home in the evening he discovered the youths as soon as he entered his 
house and he asked, "Where are those two boys fi-om?" The wife re- 
plied, " You say you never do anything wrong when you travel ; these 
two boys call you father and I know they are your children." The wife 


was very angry. The sun sent the boys oft' a distance and threw a 
great roll of blaek clouds at them intending to kill them, but they were 
not injured, and they returned to the house. He then pushed them 
against a sharp stone knife, but they slipped by uninjured. Four times 
they were thrust against the knife, but witliout injury. The sun finding 
his attempts unsuccessful said, " It is so, y(m are my sons." The sun 
then ordered Hasjelti and Toneeunili (these two were special attendants 
upon the sun) to build a sweat house and put the boys in, that they 
might die from the heat. Toneeunili made an excavation inside of the 
sweat house, put the boys into the hole, and jjlaced a rock over the hole 
and built a fire over the rock. When the rock became very hot the sun 
ordered Toneeunili to sprinkle it four times with water, being careful to 
keep the entrance to the sweat house closely covered. After a time he 
uncovered the entrance and removing the rock the sun commanded the 
boys to come out. He did not expect to be obeyed, as he thought and 
hoped the boys were dead, but they came out unharmed. The sun tlieu 
said, " You are indeed my own children ; I have tried in vain to destroy 
you." The boys wished to return to the woman whom they supposed 
to be their aunt. Before departing the sun asked them what they 
wished; they said, "We want bows and arrows, knives, and good leg- 
gings. There are people around the world eating our people (the 
Navajo). Some of these people are great giants and some are as small 
as flies; we wish to kill them with lightning." The sun gave the youths 
clothing that was invulnerable, and he gave them lightning with which to 
destroy all enemies, and a great stone knife. They then went over the 
world. Naiyenesgony killed with the lightning arrows and Tobaidis- 
chinni scalped with his knife. After all enemies had been destroyed 
Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni said to the Navajo, "Now we will 
leave you and return to our home in the Ute Mountains, where the 
waters are mated, but before leaving you we will give to you the ten 
songs and prayers that will bring health and good fortune to your 
people. Tobaidischinni is the parent of all waters. 


The Tolchini (a Navajo clan) lived at Wind Mountain. One of the 
brothers became crazy and he went off a long way, and on his return 
brought with him a pine bough; a second time he returned with corn, 
and from each trij) he brought something new and had a story to tell 
about it. His brothers wouhl not believe him, and said, "He is crazy; 
he does not know what he is talking about." The brothers, however, 
became very jealous of him, and constantly taunted him with being a 
crazy liar. The Tolchini left the Wind Mountain and went to a rocky 
foothill east of San Mateo Mountain. They had nothing to eat but a 
kind of seed grass. The eldest brother said, "Let us go hunt," and 
told the crazy brother not to leave the camp. But after five days and 
nights and no word coming ii-om the brothers he determined to follow 


them and lielp them bring home the game ; he thought they had killed 
more deer than they could carry. After a day's travel he camped near 
a cauyou, selecting a cavelike place in which to sleep, for he was tired 
and thirsty. There was much snow, but no water, so he made a fire 
and heated a rock and made a hole in the ground, and placing the rock 
in the cavity put in some snow, which melted and furnished him a 
draft to quench his thirst. Just then he heard a tumult over his 
head like people passing and he went out to see who made the noise, 
and he discoveied many crows crossing back and forth over the canyon. 
This was the home of the crow. There were other feathered people 
also (the chaparral cock was among them). He saw also many fires 
which had been made by the crows on either side of the canyon. Two 
other crows arrived and stood near him and he listened hard to hear 
all that was being said. These two crows cried out, "Somebody says, 
somebody says." The youth did not know what to make of this. Thea 
a crow from the opposite side of the canyon called, " What is the matter; 
tell us, tell us; what is wrong ?" The two first criers then said, "Two 
of us got killed ; we met two men who told us. They said the two men, 
who were all the time traveling around (referring to the two brothera 
of the crazy youth), killed twelve deer and a party of our people went 
to the deer after they were killed. Two of us who went after the blood 
of the deer were shot." The crows on the other side of the canyou 
called, " WTiich men got killed?" The first crier replied, "The chap- 
arral cock, who sat on the horn of the deer, and the crow, who sat on its 
backbone." The other called out, "We are not surprised that they 
were killed ; that is what we tell you all the time. If you will go after 
the dead deer you must expect to be killed." "We will not think of 
them longer; they are dead and gone. We are talking of things of 
long ago." The younger brother sat quietly below and listened to every- 
thing that was being said. 

After a time the crows on the other side of the canyon made a great 
noise and began to dance. They had many songs at that time. The 
youth could not see what they were doing, but he listened all the time. 
After the dance began a great fire was made, and then he could see black 
objects mo\ing, but he could not distinguish any i^eople. He recognized 
the voice of Hasjelti. Though the youth was crazy, he remembered 
everything in his heart. He even remembered the words of the songs 
that continued all the night; he remembered every word of every s(mg. 
He said to himself, " I -n-ill listen uutij daylight." These people did not 
remain on one side of the canyon where the first fires were built, but 
they ci-ossed and recrossed in their dance and had fires on both sides of 
the canyon. They danced back and forth until daylight (on the ninth 
night of the Hasjelti Dailjis was a repetition of this dance), when all the 
crows and the other birds flew away to the west. All that he saw after 
they left was the fires and smoke. The crazy youth then started off in 
a run to his brothers' camp to tell what he had seen and heard. His 


brothers were up early aud saw tlie boy approaching. They said, "I 
bet he will have lots of stories to tell. He will say he saw somethiug 
no one ever saw, or somebody jvtmped on him." And the brother-in- 
law who was with them said, "Let him alone; when he comes into 
camp he will tell us all, and I believe these things do happen, for he 
could not make up these things all the time." 

The camp was surrounded by piuon brush and a large fire burned in 
the center of the iuclosiu-e; there was much meat roasting over the fire. 
As soon as the youth reached the camp he raked over the coals and 
said, "I feel cold." The brother-in-law replied, "It is cold. When 
l^eople cami> together they tell stories to one another in the mornings ; 
we have told ours and we must now hear yours." The youth related 
his experiences of the past night. He said, "Where I stopped last 
night was the worst camp I ever had." The brothers kept their backs 
to the youth and ^iretended not to pay any attention, but the brother- 
in-law listened and questioned him. He continued, "I never heard 
such a noise." The brothers then remarked, "I thought he would say 
something like that" (they were jealous of this crazy brother, he 
saw so much they could not see). The brother-in-law was inclined to 
believe the youth's story and asked what kind of people made the noise. 
"1 do not know. They were strange peoi>le to me, but I do know they 
danced all night back aud forth across the canyon, and I know my 
brothers killed twelve deer, and afterwards killed two of their people 
who went for the blood of the deer. I heard them say, ' That is what 
must be expected if you will go to such places you must expect to be 
killed.'" The elder brother began thinking aud without turning 
toward the youth asked, "How many deer did you say were killed?" 
and he answered "twelve." Then the older brother said, "Well, sir, 
you have told me many stories aud I never believed you, but this 
story I do believe. What is the matter with you that you know all 
these things? How do you know these things and find out these 
things!" The youth replied, "I do not know how, but all these things 
come to my mind aud my eyes." The elder brother said, "I \vill now 
give more thought to you and study how you find out all about these 
things. We have a lot of meat and we did not know how to get it 
home; now that you have come let us return; you shall carry the 
meat." When halfway home they were about to descend a mesa, aud 
when on the edge they sat down to rest ; then they saw far down the 
mesa four mountain sheep, and the brothers commanded the youth to 
kill one for them. They said, "Our meat is dry; your legs are, so 
you will kill the sheep." The youth succeeded in heading off the sheep 
by hiding in a bush (Bigelorla Douglasii) sometimes called sage brush 
but it is not the true sage brush. The sheep came directly toward him ; 
he aimed his arrow at them, but before he could ])ull the bow his arm 
stiffened and became dead and the sheep passed by. All the sheep 

^ The Bigelovia Doitgla^i is made into rings and used in the ceremonial Hasjelti Dailjis with direct 

reference to this occurence. 


passed him, but he again headed them off hy hiding in the stalks of a 
lii-o-e yucca ' The sheep passed within five steps of him, and again 
when the time t.. pull the bow came his arm stiffened. The crow peo- 
ple were watching him all the time. He again followed the sheep and 
got ahead of them ami hid behind a birch tree in bloom; he had his 
bow ready, but as the sheep approached him they became gods. The 
first one was Hasjelti, the second was Hostjoghon, the third was Naas- 
kiddi, the fourth one was Hadatehishi. At this strange metamorphosis 
the youth was greatly alarmed, he dropped his bow and 
fell to the ground senseless. Hasjelti stood at the east 
side of the youth, Hostjoghon to the south, Naaskiddi to 
the west, and Hadatehishi to the north of him. Eaeh 
had a rattle, whieh was used to accompany the songs for 
the recovery of the youth. They also traced with their 
rattle in the sand this emblem, meaning a figure of a man, 
and drew parallel lines at the head and feet with the 
rattle When this was done the youth recovered and the gods had 
again' assumed the form of sheep. They asked the youth why he had 
tiied to shoot them. "You see you are one of us," they said. The 
youth had become transformed into a sheep. "There is to be a dance 
far off to the north beyond Ute Mountain; we want you to go with us 
to the dance. We will dress you like ourselves and teach you to dance ; 
we will then go over tlie world." The brothers who watched ti-om the 
mesa top wondered what the trouble could be. They could not see the 
oods They saw the youth lying on the ground and said, " We must go 
and see what is the matter." On reaching the place they found that 
their young l)rother had gone. They saw where he had lam and where 
the people had worked over him. They began crying and said, "For a 
Ion- time we would not beUeve him, and now he has gone oft with the 
sheep " They made many efforts to head off the sheep, but without 
success, and "they cried all the more, saying, as they returned to the 
mesa "Our brother told us the truth and we would not beheve him; 
had 4e believed him he would not have gone off with the sheep; per- 
haps some dav we will see him." 

At the dance the sheep found seven others like themselves. This 
made their number twelve. The seven joined the others in their 
iournev around the world. All people let them see their dances and 
learn their songs. Then all the number excepting the youth talked 
together and they said, "There is no use keeping him with us longer 
(referrino- t,) the youth); he has learned everything; he may as well 
o-o now and tell his people and have them do as we do." The youth 
was instructed to have twelve in the dance, six gods and six god- 
desses, with Hasjelti to lead them. He was told to have his people 
make masks to represent them. It would not do to have twe lve Xaas- 

' Ceremonial rings are also made of the Spanish bayonet (yucca). 


kiddi represented anioug tlie Navajo, for tliey would not believe it and 
there would be trouble. They could not learn all of their songs. The 
youth returned to his brothers, carrying with him all songs, all medi- 
cine, and clothing. 


In the lower world four gods were created by Etseastin and Etseasun. 
These gods were so annoyed by ants that they said, " Let us go to the 
four points of the world." A spring was found at each of the cardinal 
points, and each god took possession of a spring, which he jealously 

Etseastin and Etseasun were jealous because they had no water and 
they needed some to produce nourishment. The old man finally 
obtained a little water from each of the gods and planted it, and from 
it he raised a spring such as the gods had. From this spring came 
corn and other vegetation. Etseastin and Etseasun sat on oppo- 
site sides of the spring facing each other, and sang and prayed and 
talked to somebody about themselves, and thus they originated worship. 
One day the old man saw some kind of fruit in the middle of the spring. 
He tried to reach it but he could not, and asked the spider woman (a 
member of his family) to get it for him. She spun a web across the 
water and by its use ijrocured the fruit, which i)roved t(j be a large white 
shell, quite as large as a Tusayan basket. The following day Etseastin 
discovered another kind of fruit in the spring which the spider woman 
also brought him; this fruit was the turquoise. The third day still 
another kind of fruit was discovered by him and obtained by the sjjider 
woman; this was the abalone shell. The fourth day produced the 
black stone bead, which was also procured. 

After ascending into the upper world Etseastin visited the four cor- 
ners to see what he coidd find. (They had brought a bit of everything 
from the lower world with them). From the east he brought eagle 
feathers; from the south feathers from the bluejay; in the west he 
found hawk feathers, and in the north speckled night bird (whippoor- 
will) feathers. Etseastin and Etseasun carried these to a spring, plac- 
ing them toward the cardinal points. The eagle plumes weie laid to 
the east and near by them white corn and white shell; the blue feathers 
were laid to the south with blue corn and turquoise ; the hawk feathers 
were laid to the west with yellow corn and abalone shell ; and to the 
north were laid the whippoorwill feathers with black beads and corn of 
all the several colors. The old man and woman sang and prayed as 
they had done at the spring in the lower world. They prayed to the 
east, and the white wolf was created; to the soutli, and the otter ap- 
peared; to the west, and the mountain Uou came; and to the north, the 
beaver. Etseastin made these animals rulers over the several points 
from which thev came. 


Wbeu the white of daylight met tlie yellow of sunset iu iiiid-heaveus 
they embraced, aud white jyave birth to the coyote; yellow to the yel 
low fox. Blue of the south and black of the uorth similarly met, giving 
biith, blue to blue fox and uorth to badger. 

Blue aud yellow foxes were given to the Pueblos ; coyote and badger 
remain with the Xavajo; but Great Wolf is ruler over them all. Great 
Wolf was the chief who counseled separation of the sexes. 

N I) E X . 



Acoma, arrival of the Asanyumii at 30 

direction of kivas of 116 

kiva trap-doors at 207 

Adobe, use in Tusayan 54,78 

use in Zuni attributed to foreign in- 
fluence - - 139 

necessity for protecting against rain 156 

used in Spanish churches 224 

Adobe balls used in garden walls 146 

Adobe bricks, in Hawikut church 81 

use modern in Zuni - 138 

Adobe mortar, inTaaaiyalana structures 90 
Cibola and Tusayan use of .compared - 137 
Adobe walls on stone foundation at Moen- 

kopi 78 

Aikoka. See Acoma 30 

AiyShokwl, the descendants of the Asa at 

Zuni 30 

Alley way. Hawikuh .-. 81 

Altar, conformity of, to direction of kiva 116 

Andiron, Shumopavl 176 

Annular doorway 192. 193 

Apache, Inroads upon Tusayan by the.25,26,35 
exposure of southern Cibola to the ... 96 
Appropriations and expenditures for 

1886-'87. xxxvi 

Architectural nomenclature 220. 223 

Architecture, comparison of construc- 
tional details of Tusayan and 

Cibola 100-223 

adaption to defense 226, 227 

adaption to environment 225,226,227,228 

Art, textile and fictile, degree of Pueblo 

advancement In 227 

Arts of Cibola and Tusayan closely re- 
lated 224 

Asa, migrations of the 30,31 

languageofthe 37 

houses of, Hano 61 

Asanyumu. See Asa. 

Awatubi, survey of 14 

Spanish mission established at 22 

when and by whom built 29 

.settlement of the Asa at... 30 

attacked by the Walpi 34 

description of ruins of 49, 50 

possession of sheep by the 50 

clay tubes used as roof drains at 155 

fragments of passage wall at 181 

Aztecs, ruined structures attributed to 

the 225 



Badger people leave Walpi 31 

Baho, use of, in kiva consecratory cere- 
monies .119-120,129,130 

Balcony, notched and terraced 187 

Banded masonry 145 

Bandelier, A. F.. description of chimney. 173 

explorations of 197 

on ancientstouelnclosures 216 

Bat house, description of ruin of 52 

B&tni, the Hrst pueblo of the Snake peo- 
ple of Tusayan 18 

Bedsteads not used by Pueblos 214 

Beams, Tusayan kivas. taken from .Span- 
ish church at Shumopavl 76 

for supporting upper walls 144 

modern finish of 149 

construction of steps upon 162 

for supporting passageway wall 181 

Chaco pueblos, how squared 184 

Bear people, settlement in Tusayan of the 20, 26 

removal to Walpi of the 21 . 27 

movements of 27.30,31,38 

Bear-skln-rope people, settlement in Tu- 
sayan of the - 26,27 

Benches or ledges of masonry, Zuni 

rooms - 110 

Tusayan kivas 121,123,125 

Mashongnavi mungkiva 127 

around rooms of pueblo houses 213 

Bigelo^'la Douglasll (sage brush) used as 

thatch to Navajo sweatrhouse 239 

used to produce smoke in sweat 

house - 240,244 

Biloxi Indians, linguistic researches 

among XX 

Bins for storage in Tusayan rooms..l09. 209, 210 
Blankets formerly used to cover door- 
ways 182.188,189,194 

Blue Jay people, settlement in Tusayan 

of the 26,27 

Bond stones used in pueblo walls 144, 198 

Boss, or andiron. Shumopa\'l 176 

Bourke. Capt. J. G., Pueblo vases, etc., 

presented by - — XXV 

Boiindary line. Hano and Sichumovi 36 

Boimdary mark. Shumopavl and Oralbi. 28 

Boxes for plumes 210 

Bricks of adobe modern In Zuni 138 

Brothers (The). Navajo myth 280-284 

Brush, use of. in roof construction 150 

Biush shelters 217-219 





Burial custom of K'iakima natives 86 

Burial inelosures at Kiaklma 14" 

Burial place of Zuni 148 

Burrowing Owl people, settlement in Tu- 

sayanof the 26 

Bushotter, Geo., work of xxix 

Buttress, formerly of Halona, existing 

in Zuni 88,89 

Buttress projections. Zuni Ul 

Tusayan rooms _ _ . 109, 1 10 

girders supported by 144 

chimney supported by 172, 173 

support of passageway roofs by 181 

Cages for eagles at Zuni 214 

Canyon de Chelly, proposed study of 

ruins of I4 

Tusayan, tradition concerning vil- 
lages of _ 19 

early occupancy of, by the Bear peo- 
ple at Tusayan _ 20 

occupied by the Asa 30 

use of whitewash in cliff houses of .74, 145 

circular kivas of 117,133 

finish of roofs of houses of 150, 151 

doorway described and figured 190 

cliff dwellings of 217 

Casa Blanca, traces of whitewashing at. 145 
Castaiieda's account of Cibolanmilling.211,212 

Cattle Introduced into Tusayan 22 

Cave lodges occupied in historic times. . . 228 
Cave used by inhabitants of Kwaituki . . 57 

Ceiling plan of Shupaulo\-l klva 123, 125, 126 

Ceilings, retention of original appearance 
of rooms through nonrenovation 

of - 89 

Cellars not used In Tusayan and Cibola. 143 
Ceremonial chanlber. See Kiva. 
Ceremonial paraphernalia of Tusayan 

taken by the Navajo 50 

Ceremonies connected with Tusayan 

house-building _.. 100-104,168 

Ceremonies accompanying klva construc- 
tion - 115,118 

Ceremonies performed at placing of Zuni 

ladders _ jgo 

Chaeo ruins, character of 14,70 

compared with Kin-tiel 92 

finish of masonry of ..140,226 

upper story partitions of, supported 

by beams 144 

finish of woodwork of _.. 149,184 

symmetry of arrangement of outer 

openings of 195 

loop-holes in walls of igg 

Chairs, lack of iu Pueblo houses 212 

Chair of modern form iu Zuni... 213 

Chalowe, description of 33 

Chants in Navajo ceremonial 245,246 

Charred roof timbers of Tusayan kiva. .. 120 
Children, initiation of, in Navajo cere- 
monial.. 266,267 

Chimney. See Fireplace. 

Chimney-hoods, how constructed 169-175 


Chimneys, traces of in K'iakima 8.i 

remains of, atMatsaki.. 86 

Tusayan 102 

Zuni _ ni 

described and figured 1 67-180 

Chukubi pueblo, built by the Squash 

people... 25 

description ... 58,59 

fragments of passage wall at 181 

Church, Shumopavi, established by Span- 
ish monks... 75,76 

Hawikuh 81,138 

Ketchipauan, remains of 81,82 

in court of Zuni 98,138,148 

See Mission. 
Churches established in Ztmi and Tu- 
sayan 224 

Cibola, ruins and inhabited villages of. . 80-99 
architecture of compared with that of 

Tusayan 100-223 

See Zuni. 
Circular doorway of Kin-llel described . . 193 

Circular kivas, antiquity of 116 

traditional references to 135 

absent in Cibolan pueblos 234 

Circular room at Oraibi Wash 54-.55 

Circular rooms at Kin-tiel 93 

Circular wall of kiva near Sikyatkl 117 

Clay surface of pueblo roots 151 

Clay tubes used as roof drains 155 

Cliff dwellings, Moen-kopl 54 

use of whitewash in 74 

absence of chimneys in 168 

developed from temporary shelters . . 217 

occupied in historic times 225 

Climatic conditions, effect of, upon pu- 
eblo architecture 140,227 

Clustering of Taaaiyalana ruins 89-90 

Cochltl claimed to be a former Tewa 

pueblo 37 

Comecrudo Indians, linguistic researches 

among xxi 

Communal village, development of pueblo 

architecture from conical lodge to 326 

Consecration of kivas 129 

Contours represented on plans, interval 

of 45 

Cooking, pueblo method of 164 

Cooking pits and ovens described 162-166, 


Cooking stones of Tusayan, names of 104 

Copings of walls described 151-152 

Coping of hatchways 203 

Coping. See Roof-coping. 

Cords, used for suspending chimney 170 

Cornerstones of Tusayan kivas 119 

Corrals. Payupki... 59 

Sichumovi 63-63 

Hawikuh _ 81 

Ketchipauau 81 

modern, at K'iakima 85 

how constructed 146 

described in detail 214-217 

Cotton cultivated by the Tusayan 33 

Courts. Mishiptonga.. ,53 

Kwaituki Sfi 



Courts, ChiiUubi S9 

Sichumovi _ 63 

Walpi.... 63 

Mashongnavi 68 

Shupaulovi 71 

Shuniopavi 74 

Hawikuh 81 

Ketchipaiian 81 

Matsaki 86 

Taaaiyalana - 90 

Kin-tiel 92 

Pescado 95 

Zuni 98 

Covered way, how developed 76 

Covered passages and gateways de- 
scribed 180-183 

Coyote people, settlement in Tusayan of 

the 26 

Coyote kiva, direction of the 116 

Crossbars used in fastening wooden 

doors.. 183 

Crosspleces of ladders 159 

Crows, Navajo myth concerning 281 

Cruzate, visit to Awatiibi of 49 

Culture of pueblo tribes, degree of 227 

Curtin, Jeremiah, work of xxi,xxix 

Curtis, Wra. E.. pottery, etc., from Peru 

presented by xxyi 

Gushing, Frank H., work of xxrv.xxv 

identifies K'iakima as scene of death 

of Estevanico 86 

excavations at Haloua_ 88,193 

opinion concerning western wall of 

Halona 89 

opinion concerning distribution of 

Taaaiyalana ruins 89-90 

on the former occupancy of Kin-tiel. 92 
Halona identified as one of the Seven 

Cities of Cibola 97 

on Zuni tradition concerning stone- 
close 192 


Daisof kivas ...121, 122, 123 

Dance, in the ceremony of Hasjelti Dail- 

jis 273-275 

Dance ceremony in kiva consecration 130 

Dance rock, Tusayan, reference to snake 

dance of 65 

Debris, how indicated in plans of ruins. . 45 
an indication of original height of 

walls 90 

Decoration, house openings 145-146 

Kiva roof timbers 119, 120 

ladder crosspieces 159 

roof beams... 123,124 

wall of Mashongnavi house 146 

wooden chair 213 

Zuni window sashes 196 

Deer horns used as pegs in Zuni Ill 

Deerskins, for sweat houses and masks 
in Navajo ceremonial must be 

from smothered animals 242 

over the entrance of .a Navajo sweat- 
house, signification of 243 

8 ETH 19 


Defense, wall for, at Bat House 52 

a motive for selection of dwelling site 56 

architecture relied upon for 58 

method of, of Payupki.. 59,60 

not a factor In selection of Mashong- 
navi site 67 

features of, at Ojo Calient 69 

wall for, at Pueblo Bonito 70 

features of, at Tusayan and Zufii com- 
pared 76 

sites chosen for. Inconvenient to 

sources of subsistence 77 

use of Kelchipauan church for, by 

natives — 82 

the motive of occupation of Taaaiya- 

lai\amesa.. 90 

provision for, at Kin-tiel 92,93 

proWsions for, in Ketchipauan 

church 96 

motive for, dying out in Zuni 96-97 

efficiency of, at Zuni 97 

not a motive in selection of site of 

Zuni 97 

gateways arranged for 180,182 

loopholes for 198 

adaptation of architecture to 233 

Doors to ground floor rooms of Zuiii 143 

Doors of various kinds described 182-194 

Doorway, Walpi kiva, closed with cotton- 
wood slab 64 

Kin-tiel 93 

position of.inTusayan 103 

stepped form in Tusayan 109 

how sealed against intrusion 110 

window and chimney in one 121 

annular 193 

Doorways, closed with masonry. 183, 187, 188, 189 

why made small 197 

Dorsey. J. Owen, work of xxviii-xxix 

Drainage of roof, relations of certain 

root openings to 203-304 

Drains of roofs described 153-156 

Drains. See roof drains. 


Eagle cages of Zuni 214 

Eagle people, migration legend of the.. 38 
Earth used in pueblo roof construction. . 150 

Eaves, lack of. in Tusayan houses 102 

Echo Cave fireplace described 168 

Emmert. J. W., work of xix 

Entrances, uniformity of direction of. in 

Zuiii kivas 116 

Environment, adaptation of architecture 

to .335,226.227,228 

Eskimo, work on xxvii.xxvm 

Estevanico's death at K'iakima 86 

Esthetle, the first ones, Navajo ceremo- 
nial.... 264.271,272 

song of 272 

prayer to 272 

Estufa. See Kiva. 

Etseastin and Etseasun. Navajo myth. .284-285 

Expenditures of Bureau of Ethnology 

for 1886- '87 XXXVI 





Families occupying Oralbl 105-108 

Farming outlook. Matsaki used as 86 

near Kln-tlel 93 

Farming pueblos, Cibola U 

Moen-kopl .,. 77 

Nutria _ ■.. 94.9.5 

Pescado 95-96 

Ojo Caliente 96 

Zuni 198 

Fastenings of doors 186 

Feathers, use of, In house-building cere- 
monies 101,102 

Feather wand or baho used in klva-build- 

ing ceremonials 119,120,129,130 

Fences of corrals and gardens 215,217 

Fetiches, where placed during kiva cere- 
monial 122 

Tusayan kivas 130.131 

Field work xviii. xxni 

Financial statement ..xxxvi 

Fire gens, Tebugkihu constructed by the. 57 
Fire-house or Tebugkihu. Tusayan.. 20. 57, 100. 

142, 224 
Fire people of Tusayan. migration of the . 20 

Fireplaces 102. 109. 121. 12.5. 163, 167-180 

Floor, Mashongnavi house 109 

stone flags, Tusayan kiva 121 

sandstone slabs, Shupaulovl kiva 123 

Floors in pueblo buildings, various kinds 

described 121,135,148-151 

Folk-tale of the Zunl, describing stone- 
close 193 

Food sacrifices in Tusayan house build- 
ing _ioi, 102 

Foods used during Navajo medicine cere- 
monial 256,257 

Fortress houses the highest type of Pue- 
blo construction 77 

Fowke, Gerard, work of xx,xxiv 

Frames of trap-doors, method of making 206 

Framing of windows, method of 196-198 

Fuel, how stored in Tusayan 103 

Fuel used in kivas 121 

Fuel of kivas. where stored 124 

Purnitvu-e of the Pueblos described 208-214 

Gaming ring of Navajo ceremonial 238 

Gardens and corrals of the Pueblos 214-217 

Gardens and garden walls 215-217 

Garden walls, how constructed 146 

Gateway at Awatubi... 49 

Gateway jambs at Kln-tiel, finish of 181 

Gateways, probable existence in Kin-tiel 

of 93 

Gateways and covered passages de- 
scribed.. 180-182 

Gateways of corrals 211 

Gatschet, A. S.. work of.. xx.xxi.xxviii 

Genesis myth of the Tusayan 16 

Gentes of Tusayan. grouping of houses by 24 

land apportionment by 29 

list of traditionary... 38 

localization oj ,104-108 


Georgia, archeologic work in xix 

Girders supporting upper walls 144 

Tusayan houses supported by piers _ 151 
Glass used in modern Pueblo windows-. 193 

Glazing of Pueblo windows ...196,197 

Goat kiva of Walpi, height of 119 

Gourd used as root drain 154, 1.55 

Grass, use of, in roof constrtictlon 150 

Graves, probable existence of. in Kin-tiel 93 

Gravestones at K'iakima 85.86,147 

Greasewood, the ordinary kiva fuel_ 121 

Grinding stones. See Metate; Milling. 

Ground plan. Mashongnavi room 108 

Shupaulovi kiva.. 185 

Ground plans of Zuiii and Tusayan com- 
pared... 76 

of mesa villages influenced by pre- 
vailing winds 183 

Guyave orpiki oven 173,175 

Gyarzobi or Paroquet kiva, roof timbers 

of 120 

Gypsum used as whitewash 73,74, 172 


Hairdressing among the Tusayan 37 

Halona, description of 88.89 

remains of the nucleus of Zuni 97.98 

walls ot the nucleus of modem Zuni . 138 

stone-close at. described 193 

"Halving" of timbers in kiva trap- 
frames 206 

Hampassawan, description of 83-85 

Hand-holds cut in faces of cliffs 191 

Hand-holds in frames of trap-doors 192 

Hano. Asa group occupy site of 30 

description of 61,62 

direction of kivas of 115 

kiva, ownership of 1^ 

kivas.list of 136 

rude transom over roof beam in 187 

sealed openings In 199 

Hano people, length of time spent in Tu- 
sayan by the.. 35 

received by the Tusayan 36 

trouble between the Walpi and 37 

Hanomuh, the inhabitants of Hano 17 

definition of 36 

Hano traditions regarding settlement in 

Tusayan 35 

Harvest time, how determined in Zuiii.. 148 
Hasjelti and Hostjoghon, mythical his- 
tory of 277 

Hasjelti Dailjis and Navajo sand paint- 
ing, notice of paper by James 

Stevenson on xxxiv-xxxvi 

paper by James Stevenson on 229-285 

Hatchways to pueblo houses ..110,120,121,124,127 

Hawikuh. description of 80,81 

Hawikuh church, durability of masonry 

of 138 

Hemenway Southwestern Archeological 
Expedition, excavations at Ha- 
lona 193 

Henshaw, Henry W., work of xxviil 

Hewitt. John N. B., work of xxvin 

High-house people, a Navajo clan 30 




Hinged sashes not in use in Zuni 196 

Hinges of Pueblo doors 18i 

Hodge. F Webb, on stone-close of Ha- 

lona 193 

HotTman, W J, work of .xxi-xxin. xxix 

Holmes, William H., work xxv.xxvi 

onrulusof tbe San Juan.. 147 

Homolobi, the early home of the Sun and 

Water peoples 29 

legend of Water people concerning . . 31 
Hopituh, the native name of the Tusa- 

yan 17 

Hopituh marriage within phratries and 

gentes 24 

Horn House, description of ruin of 50,51 

Horn people migration legend 18 

early settlement in Tusayan of the . . 19 

House-building rites of Tusayan 100-104 

House clusters in Zuiii, arrangement of. 98 
Hungo Pavie, finish of roof s in 1 50 


Indian synonymy, work on xxvin 

Interior arrangement of pueblos 108-Ul 

Interior of Zuni house described 110 

Irrigation of gardens near Walpi .- 217 

Jackson, W. H.. on ruins of the San Juan 147 

photographs of pueblo ruins by 147 

describes fireplace of Echo Cave 168 

Jar of large size used for storage 210 

Jars used in chimney construction 180 

Jeditoh group of ruins 52,53 

Jemez oven-opening described 165 


Kafikibi, an ancient pueblo. 

Kaiwaika. See Laguna 

Kdpung. See Santa Clara. . 
Katchinakiva of Oraibi 





Katchina people depart from Oraibi for 

eastern Tusayan villages T 26, 27 

Katchinklhu. occurrence of. in ruined 

kiva near Slkyatki — 117 

described 121.123 

Shupaulovi kiva 126 

Mashongnavi mungkiva. 127 

K6tite. See Cochiti. 

Kentucky, archeologic work in xx 

Ketchipauan church built of stone 224 

Ketchipauan, description of 81-83 

Kiaini. See High-house people 30 

K'iakima, description of 85,86 

upright stone slabs at... 147 

Kikoli rooms occupied in winter 103, 104, 131 

Kin-tiel, description of 91-94 

compared with Nutria 94 

compared with Pescado 96 

plan of , prearranged 100 

compared with Oraibi 114 

occurrenceof upright stone slab at ..147-148 

beams of ruins of 149 

upper room of, paved with stone 151 

fireplace in room of 163, 168 

defensive gateway at I8I 


Kin-tiel, finish of gateway jambs at 181 

circular doorway at, described 192, 193 

openings at, of uniform height 194 

site of 224 

Kisdkobi, description of pueblo of 21 

Kishoni, or uncovered shade 217-218 

"Kisi"' construction 217-219 

Kitdauwi— the house song of Tusayan. .118-1 1 9 

Kiva, study of construction of 14 

remains of, at Payupki 60 

Mashongnavi 66 

of Moen-kopi 78 

origin of the name Ill 

ancient form of 116, 117 

native explanation of position of 117-118 

duties of mungwi, or chief of the 133 

ownership of 133-134 

motive for bmlding 134-135 

significance of structural plan of 135 

measurements of 136 

hatchways of 201-202,205-207 

openings of. at Acoma 207 

See Mungkiva. 

Kivas. excavated, at Awatubl 50 

Hauo 61 

Sichumovl 62 

Walpi 63,64,65 

Shupaulovi 72 

.Shumopavi 74 

Kin-tiel and Cibola compared 93 

Zuni, where located during Spanish 

occupancy 99 

in Tusayan 111-137 

typical plans of 118-129 

dimensions of 118, 136 

of, measurements of 118. 136 

annually repaired by women 129 

uses of 130 

nomenclature of.. 130,232-223 

Tusayan, list of 136 

nonuse of chimneys in 178 

Zuni, stone window-frames of 197 

circular, absent in Cibolan pueblos .. 224 

Kwaituki, description of ruin of 56-57 

Kwalakwai, Hano tradition related by .. 35 
Kwetcap tutwi, the second pueblo of the 

snake people of Tusayan 18 

Ladders, arrangement in Tusayan kiva. 121 

withdrawalof rungs to prevent use of. 113 

significance of position of. in kivas .. 135 

described 156-162 

second-story terrace of Tusayan 

reached pi'incipally by 182 

openings for, in roots 205 

Laguna, arrival of the Asanyumu at 30 

Lalfinkobaki, a female society of Tusa- 
yan 134 

Land apportionment by gentes in Tusa- 
yan 29 

Language of the Asa and Hano of Tusa- 
yan.. 37 

Languages of Tusayan, tradition regard- 
ing difference in 36 

Las Animas ruins, trap-door frames in.. 206 




Latches of doors... 186-187 

Latch strings used on Zuni doors 183 

Lathing or wattling of kiva walls 126 

Ledges of masonry in kivas 121 

Ledges or benches around rooms 21 3 

Lenbaki, society of Tusayan 18 

Light, method of introducing, in inner 

rooms 207 

Lighting, method of. in crowded portions 

o( Zuni 99 

Lintels of old windows embedded in 

masonry 200 

Lizard people move from Walpi 31 , 38 

Lock and key of wood, how made 187 

Logs (the floating), Navajo myth 278 

Loom appurtenances 212 

Loom posts of kivas 128-129,132 

Loophole-like openings in pueblo build- 
ings 127,198 

Louisiana, linguistic work In x.\ 


Macomb, J N , earthenware from North 

Carolina presented by xxvi 

Mallery, Garrick, work of XXTIII 

Mamzrantlki, anOraibi society otwomen 134 

Mandan ladder described and figured 158 

Maricopa, myth of the Water people of 

Tusayan concerning the , 32 

Marriage of the Hopituh within phratries 

andgentes.- 24 

Mashongnavi, origin of name of 26 

settlement of Paroquet and Katchina 

peoples in 27 

settlement of the Water people at — 32 

description of ruins of 48 

age of masonry at 66 

description of 66-70 

ground plan of room of 108 

direction of kivas of 115 

description of dais of kiva at 122 

list of kivas at 136 

wall decoratlonat 146 

notched ladder of 157-158 

pi-gumrai ovens at 163-164 

shrines of 167 

chimney hoods of 170-171 

second-story fireplace at 1 74 

doorway with transom at 190 

corrals of rude stonework at 214 

See Old MashongnaW. 

Masks representing various Navajo gods, 

Indian uses of 248,249,253 

Masonry, ancient, at Nutria.. 94 

Ojo Caliente carelessly constructed.. 96 
exterior, of kivas 114 

Masonry of Pueblo Bonlto, skill shown 

in 195 

Mat close for kiva hatchways 127,128 

Matsaki, description of 86 

sun symbol at I48 

Meal, sacred, preparation of 256 

votive, used in pueblo house-building. 101 

Mealing trough. See Milling. 

Medicine cigarette, in Navajo ceremo- 
nial, preparation of 258 

disposition of, after use 2.59 

Medicine lodge, Navajo, construction of 237 
Medicine tubes inNavajoceremoniaL. .241,244, 
246, 250, 2.57, 258, 264 
Medicine water used in Navajo ceremo- 
nial 255,263,269 

Metate used as roof -drain. . 154, 155 

Metates. or grinding stones, how ar- 
ranged in pueblo houses. 109, 110.210. 211 

Mexico, linguistic work in xx, xxi 

Middleton, James D, work of xx, xxiv 

Migration, effect of, upon pueblo archi- 
tecture 1.5 

Migration of the Tusayan 17 

Migration of Tusayan Water people 31 . 32 

Migration of the Horn people 18.19 

Migration of the Bear people of Tusayan. 20 
Migration of the Asanynmu of Tusayan. 30 
Milling troughs of Pueblo households .... 109, 


MiudeleCf, Cosmos, work of xxvi, xxvii 

acknowledgments to 14. 15 

on traditional history of Tusayan 16-41 

Mindelefl. Victor, work of xxvi, xxx 

notice of paper on pueblo architec- 
ture by .xxxrv 

paper on pueblo architecture 3-228 

Mishlptonga. description of ruin of 52-53 

Mission buildings of Shumopavi 27,75-76 

Mission house at Walpi, timbers of, used 

in Walpi kiva 119 

Missions of Tusayan 22.49 

Mississippi, archeologlc work in xix 

Moen-kopi surveyed and studied 14 

description of ruins of 53-54 

description of village of 77 

Mole people, settlement In Tusayan of 

the 27 

Montezuma Canyon ruins, use of large 

stone blocks in __ 147 

Monument marking boundary of Oraibi 

and .Shuinopa'\'l 28 

Mooney, James, work of xxviii 

Morgan, L. H,, Mandan ladder described 

by 158 

on trap-door frames In Las Animas 

ruins 206 

Mormon and Pueblo building compared. 148 
Mormons, effect of the. upon develop- 
ment of Moen-kopi 77 

establishment of woolen mill at Moen- 
kopi by the 78 

fort built by. at Moen-kopi 184 

lock and key contrivance of 18" 

Mortar of adobe mud 137 

Mortars used in Pueblo households 212 

Mortised door in Zuni house 110, 186 

Mummy cave. Arizona, ruin in 64 

finish of roofs in ruins of 1.50 

Mungkiva. MashongnaW 127 

of Shupaulovi 113,122 

Tusayan 134 





Naiyenesgony anil Tobaidischinni. myth- 
ical history ot 279-280 

NamM. Tewa pueblo - ^ 

Navajo, Asa of Tusayan live among 30 

huts of, closed with blankets 189 

method of sheep-herding compared 

with Pueblo - 214 

paper on Hasjelti Dailjis ceremo- 
nial and sand painting of 229-285 

Nelson, E.W , work of xxvu 

graves unearthed by 86 

collection of stone-closes by 193 

New York, archeologic work in xix 

ethnologic work in 2txi 

Niches, use of. in kivas 121,122 

Nichestormed in old window openings. 110, 200, 

Nomenclature of Tusayan structtiral de- 
tails — 220-223 

North Carolina, work in xxi-xxii 

Niimi. See Namb^. 

Notched logs used as ladders _..157-158 

Nutria, compared with Kin-tiel 91 

description of- - S4-95 

Nuvayauma, old Mashongnavl tradition 

related by - •'7-48 

Nu\'watikyuobi kiva 120 

Oak mo und kiva, Tusayan, decadence of 

membership of - --- 135 

Office work -- xxni-xxix 

Ohio, archeologic work In xix, xx 

Ohke. See San Juan. 

Ojo Caliente, a modern village 54,9l>-97 

chinked walls of H2 

Old man and woman of the first world, 

Navajo myth 284-285 

Old Mashongnavl, tradition concerning 

occupation of 47^18 

Openings, splayed, In Ketchipauan 

church 82 

walls of Taaaiy alana structures 90 

Kin-tiel walls - 92,93 

oblique Zuni 98,207-208 

to kivas - 113-114 

in wall of Zunl kiva 114 

in lee walls 182 

Openings of Pueblo houses banded with 

whitewash -. 145-146 

Oraibi, retirement of Sikyatki inhabi- 
tants to - 24 

departure of Ketchina and Paroquet 

peoples from 27 

settlement by the Bears of 27 

traditions regarding first settlement 

of - - 27 

settlement of the Water people at ... 33 

affray between the Walpl and 35 

description of 76-77 

families occupying - 105-108 

direction of kivas of --. 115-116 

rare use of plastering on outer walls 

of 144 

Oraibi, notched ladders described and 

figured - - 157-1.58 

stone steps at, figured 161 

corral walls at, laid without mortar . . 147 

distribution of gentes of 104-105 

kivaforwomen - -. 134 

list of kivas of - 137 

kiva, hatchway of- 201 

corrals at, large size of 214 

Oraibi-Shumopavi boundary stone 28 

Oraibi wash, ruins on the 54-56 

Orientation of kivas 115-116 

Ovens at Pescado — --- ^ 

upon roofs - *51 

v.-irious kinds described 162-166 

in Zunl.. - 164-165 

Oven-shaped structures described and 

figured - - IW 

Oven surface imbedded with pottery 

scales - - - '39 

Paintings on kiva walls 131 

Palat Kivabi, the pristine habitat of the 
Squash and Sun people of Tusa- 


yan - 

Palmer, Dr. E., Mexican clay vessels pre- 
sented by - XXVI 

Paneled doors in modern pueblos.. 184-186 

Parallelogramic form of Tusayan build- 

ings . 


Paroquet people, settlement in Shumo- 

pavi of the 27 

Partitions in Ketchipauan church 82 

Partitions of upper story supported by 

beams - l^'* 

Passageways, Shupaulovi.. 72 

Shumopavi ■?* 

rarity of, at Oraibi - 76 

description of 180-182 

Paving Shupaulovi kiva - 126 

Paring stones of kiva floor, how finished 125 

Payupki, tradition concerning pueblo of- 40 

migration legend.. 40 

description of 59-60 

finish of masonry of — 142 

fragments of pa.ssage wall at 181 

Peaches planted by the Asa people 30 

Pegs, deer horns used as, in Zuni Ill 

Pegs for suspending kiva fuel.. 121 

Pena BLanca formerly inhabited by the 

Hano 35 

Penasco Blanco, occurrence of upright 

stone slab at '■'8 

method of roof construction at 150 

Pescado compared with Kin-tiel 91 

description of 95-96 

corral walls at, how constructed 147 

outside steps at . 


ovens at, described and figured 165-166 

fragment of stone close in steps of ... . 193 

stone inelosure in court ot 214 

Pennsylvania, work in xxii-xxili 

Pestles or crushers used with Pueblo mor- 

tars "'" 



Petroglypli, or sun-symbol at Matsaki . . 86 

Ketchipauan churcti .__ 82 

legend of the Tusay an concerning 32 

Phratries. Tusay an _ 24,38 

Pictograph on Oraibi-Shumopavi bound- 
ary monument 28 

Piers of masonry for supporting girders 151 
Piers. See Buttresses. 

Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 

Piki or guyaveoven 173-175 

Piki stone, process of making 175 

Pilling. J. C work of xxiv 

Pima, myth of the Water people of Tu- 
say an concerning the _ 32 

opinion of the, as to ancient stone in- 

closures 216 

Pinawa, description of 86,88 

Pine invariably used for kiva ladders 135 

Pine boughs, application for removing 

disease in Nav.ajo ceremonials.. 247, 250 

disposition of, after ceremony 248,251 

Pink clay used in house decorations 146 

Pits for cooking _ 163 

Plan of villages, traditional mention of . . 104 
Plans and descriptions, Tusayan ruins . . 45-60 

inhabited villages 61-79 

Cibolan ruins. -_ 80 

Zuni villages 94-99 

Plan of pueblo houses not usually pre- 
arranged 100-162 

Planting time, how determined in Zuni.. 148 
Plaster, frequent renewal of, at Shumo- 

pavi 73 

Plastering, renovation of rooms by fre- 
quent 89 

on outer walls in Ojo Caliente 90 

custom formerly observed in 102 

on floor in Mashongnavi 109 

kiva walls 115 

Shupaulovi kiva, condition of 124-125 

Shupaulovi kiva 126 

on walls . __ 140 

on masonry _ 144 

chimney hoods .169, 172 

side hole of door for fastening 183-184 

Platform in floor of Tusayan kiva 121 

Platform at head of steps 161-162 

Plaza. See Court. 

Plume boxes 210 

Plume stick, baho, or feather wand, used 
in Kiva consecratory ceremo- 
nials 119-120,129.130 

Plume-stick shrines at Mashongnavi 167 

Po,joaque, a Tewa pueblo _ 37 

Pokwadi. SeePojoaque _ 37 

PoUaka, Hano tradition given by.. 35 

Poles for suspension of blankets, etc. ..110, 189. 

208, 214 

Ponobi kiva of Oraibi. wall lathing of 126 

Population, enlargement of pueblos ne- 
cessitated by increase of 70 

Porch posts 81,82 

Posfiwe, a former Tewa pueblo 37 

Posts of porch, remains of, at Hawikuh 

and Ketchipauan 81,82 

Posts sunk in floor forming part of loom . 213 


Pots used in chimney construction 179-180 

Pottery fragments, Horn House ruin 51 

Kwaituki _ 57 

ruin on Oraibi wash _ 55 

used in mud-plastered walls 139 

Pottery of Pay upki, character of 60 

Poultry house of Sichuraovi 167 

Powell. J. W.. work of xxiii 

Prayer, on offering medicine tubes to 

Navajo gods 244 

to the Esthetic 272 

Prayer plume, or baho, tised in kiva 

consecratory ceremonials 1 19. 1 20, 

129, 130 
Prayer sticks, how prepared for Navajo 

ceremonial 242-243,264 

Props used for fastening wooden doors.. 183 

Publication during year xvili 

Pueblo architecture, notice of Mr. Victor 

MindeleCt's paper on xxx, xxxiv 

study of. by Victor Mindeleft 3-228 

Pueblo Bonito, additions to ._ 70 

the largest yet examined 92 

finish of roof of 150 

stairway described 16O 

symmetry of arrangement of outer 

openings of 195 

skill shown in masonry of 195 

Pueblo buildings, mode of additions to.. 70, 97, 

98, 102, 148-149 
Pueblo construction in Tusayan and 

Cibola, details of 137-223 

Pueblo Grande. See Kin-tiel. 

Pueblo models constructed xxvii 

Pueblo oijenings, carelessness in placing, 196 

Pueblo remains, area occupied by 13 

Pueblo revolt of 1680 89 

Pueblos of Tusayan and Cibola compared . 80 

Pueblos, inhabited ...61-79,94-99 

Pyramidal form of pueblo house rows 61 


Rabbit-skin robes used to cover door- 
ways 182, 194 

Racks for suspending clothes 208, 214 

Rawhide thong used in pueblo construc- 
tion to fasten lock 186, 187, 214 

Rectangular klvas, antiquity of .._ 116 

Rectangular rooms, ho%v developed 226 

Rectangular type of architecture 72 

Reeds, sacred, for Navajo ceremonial, 

preparation of 242, 243 

Reeds used for kiva lathing 126 

Repair of houses infrequent in Tusayan. 73 

Reservoirs, pueblo 82-83, 91, 92, 97 

Reservoir site as affecting selection of 

dwelling site 51-52 

Revolt of the Pueblos in 1680 23 

Reynolds, H. L., work of xxiv 

Rites and methods of Tusayan kiva build- 
ing... 118-137 

Rites of house-building at Tusayan 100-104 

Rito de los Prijoles, chimney of, de- 
scribed 173 

Roof construction, pueblo buildings 120, 149 

Eoof-coping of Tusayan houses 102 




Roof-drains. pueWo buildings 102, 153-156 

Roof-openings, pueblo buildings 61,63,77,98, 


Roofs, pueblo buildings 63,102,119,148-151 

Root timbers of klvas 119 

Rogan, J. P., work of xix 

Rooms, arrangement of, into rows in Tu- 

sayan - 49 

confused arrangement of, in Walpi . . 63 
Taaaiyalana ruins, arrangement of.. 90 

circular, at Kin-tiel 93 

Tusayan. smallerthau inZuni 108 

names of, in Tusayan --- 223 

Rows of houses forming Shumopavi 74 

Royce, Clias. C, work of.. xxv 

Ruins, method of surveyor - 45 

Ruins. Tusayan 45-60 

between Horn House and Bat House 51 

Oraibi wash.. M-.56 

Cibola - 80 

Taaaiyalana --. --- 89 

Rungs of ladders, how attached 158,159 

Sacrlflcesof food in Tusayan house-build- 
ing . - 101,102 

Sandals of yucca found in Canyon de 

Chelly.... .-- 133 

Sand bed used in Navajo ceremonial to 

absorb disease.. 250,251 

Sand painting, Navajo ceremonial, 
learned by the Navajos from the 

Pueblos 236 

colors used in 237 

manner of laying on colors 239-248 

disposition of sand after ceremony- .241 , 261 . 


description of 260,261, 262, 264, 265 

Sandstone used in pueblo construction, 

how quarried 225 

San Felipe, return of Payupki to 41 

San Juan, a Tewa pueblo 37 

Santa Clara doubtfully identified with 

Kapung 37 

Santo Domingo, settlement of the Asany- 

umu 30 

Sash of rude construction in window 

openings 196 

Sealing of doorways of pueblo buildings. .110, 
183-184, 198-201 

Seats of stone in Tusayan kivas 132 

Selenite used in pueblo windows.. 196, 197 

Semisubterranean kivas of Tusayan 113 

Seven cities of Cibola. See Cibola. 

Sheep, introduced into Tusayan 22 

possessed by the Awatubi 50 

introduction of. among the Pueblos. . 214 
mountain, Navajo myth concern- 
ing ..282-284 

ShitSimu pueblo 28,48,49 

Shelters in pueblo fields 60,198,217-219 

Shelves, pueblo buildings 109,173,209 

Shrine, Matsaki 86 

court of Shupaulovi 71 

court of Shumopavl 75 

Taaaiyalana 90 

Shrines, pueblo 72,14S,167 

Shumopavl, Spanish mission established 

at 22 

by whom built 27 

removal of portion of Bear people 

from 27 

description of 73-76 

kivas of 113,114,137 

primitive andiron at 176 

piki stone at 176 

fireplace and chimney of 176. 177 

ground cooking-pit of 178 

Shumopavi-Oralbi boundary stone 28 

Shumopavl people, removal of, to mesa 

site 23 

Shupaulovi, settlement of Paroquet and 

Ketchlna peoples in 27 

when established 29 

-settlement of Bear people at 30 

settlement of the water people at 32 

description of 71-73 

mungklva of, described 113 

direction of klvas of 115 

description of dais of ki va of 123 

ground and ceiling plans of kiva of . . 125 

list of kivas of 136 

description of chimney -hood at 171, 172 

passageway at, described _ 181 

Sichumovi, settled by peoples from Walpi 31 

derivation of term. 38 

description of 62,63 

direction of kivas of 115 

ownership of klva of 134 

list of kivas of 136 

poultry -house of 167 

fireplace and mantel of... 173 

plkl stone at _ 175 

Slkyatkl, ruin of 20,21 

pueblo of 24 

ancient kiva near 117 

SlkyStkl people dispute with the Walpi. 24 

slaughtered by the Walpi 25 

Sills of doors 110,186,194 

Si6kl. SeeZufli 30 

Sipapuh. Tusayan klvas 117,121,122,123, 

Sites of pueblo buildings, why selected. 63, 66. 


Slabs of stone in pueblo architecture 147 

Slavery among the Tusayan 41 

Smallpox prevalent in Tusayan 38, 134 . 

Smoke escape through roof-opening and 

transoms 189,204,206,207 

Snake dance, relation of dance-rock to . . 65 
Snake people the first occupants of the 

Tusayan region 17 

construction of modem Walpi by the. 23 
Snow, use of, as water supply by the 

Zunl 91 

Spaniards, early •I'lslt of, to Tusayan 21,22 

Spanish authority, effect of, upon purity 

of Zunl kiva type 112 

Spanish beams in Tusayan klvas.. 119. 123, 134, 

125. 126 
Spanish churches at pueblos. Hawikuk. .81. 82, 

Spanish influence in Zunl and Tusayan. 169, 180, 

196, 213, 224 



Spanish missions established in Tusayan 23 
Spider people, settlement in Tusayan of 

the — - 27 

Spider woman, the, Navajo myth 284 

Splash-stones described and figured 155, 156 

Splayed openings in Ketchipauan church 83 
Squash people, settlement in Tusayan of 

the 25 

Staltes used in construction of stone walls 147 
Stearns, J. B., relics from Chiriqui pre- 
sented by - XXVI 

Stephen, A. M., material on traditional 

history of Tusayan collected by _ 16-41 
opinion on Walpi architectural fea- 
tures 73 

acknowledgments to 100 

on distribution of Oraibi gentes 104,105 

on orientation of Tusayan kivas 115 

discovery of ancient kiva type near 

Sikyatki 117 

typical kiva measurements by 123 

on wattling or lathing of kiva walls . 136 
on significance of structural plan of 

kiva 135 

collection of primitive andirons or 

bosses by 176 

Steps and ladders described 1,56-162 

Steps cut In faces of cliffs _ 191 

Steps or foot-holes of Walpl trail 65 

Steps to kivas 114 

Stevenson, James, notice of paper on Has- 
jeltl Dailjis and Navajo sands 

painting by xxxrv-xxxvi 

paper on ceremonial of Hasjelti 
Dailjis and mythical sand-paint- 
ing of 229-285 

Sticks, painted, bundles of, used in Navajo 

medicine ceremonial 253, 254 

Stone, size, character, and finish of, in 

pueblo ruins 55,68,60,138 

means of obtaining, in Zuni ii9 

effect of use of, in chimney hoods 173 

corrals 314 

flags used to floor Tusayan kiva 121 

incloisures in Southern Arizona 216 

roof drains, curious forms of 154 

shelters, possible remains of, at Pay- 

upki 60 

slabs formerly used to close door- 
ways 188 

Stone-close anciently used ...192,193 

Stone wedges used in pueblo wall finish. 140, 142 

Stonework, Shumopavl 75 

atOraib 144 

Mormon and Pueblos compared 148 

Stone steps, Pescado.. 95 

Tusayan 157 

Stools used by the Pueblos ..212,213 

Storage facilities of pueblo dwellings. 57, 62, 

Straw adobe made by Spaniards 138,224 

Structural features of kivas similar 129 

Subterranean character of kivas. 63, 72, 113, 113 
Suds of yucca used in Navajo medicine 

ceremonial 251,257,258 

Sullivan. Jeremiah. Payupki tradition 

obtained by 40 

Sun, Navajo myth concerning creation 

of 275,277 

Simflower stalks used in chimney con- 
struction 170 

Sun people of Tusayan 29 

Supplies, how taken to Walpi mesa 65 

Survey of Tusayan and Cibola, methods 

of 44-45 Navajo ceremonial, des- 
cription of 239 

Synonymy of Indian tribes, work on..xxviii 


Taaaialana, relation of K'iakima to 85 

stone inclosnres at base of 85 

description of ruins of 89-91 

flight of Zunis to, during Pueblo re- 
volt... 89 

mesa of, temporarily occupied 223 

Tables not used in Pueblo houses 212,214 

Talla Hogan. See Awatubi 49-60 

Taos formerly partly inhabited by the 

Tewa 37 

Tceewdge. See Pena Blanca. 

Tcosobl or Jay kiva, roof timbers of 120 

TebowiSki, an early pueblo of the fire peo- 
ple of Tusayan 20 

Tebitgkihu or fire-house, description of . . .57 

fragments of passage-wall at 181 

Tennessee, archeologic work in... xix 

Terraced doorways 190-191 

Terraced gardens.. 217 

Terraced roofs of Tusayan, names of 104 

Terrace cooking-pits and fireplaces 174-177 

Terrace rooms, half open, not seen in an- 
cient pueblos.. 187 

Terraces, Sichumovi form of 62 

Or<aibi , formed by natural causes 76 

Zuni 97,98,144 

ancient pueblos, how reached 156 

Tusayan names of 223 

Tusayan, order of settlement of, by vari- 
ous peoples 29 

Tesuque,a Tewa pueblo 37 

Tets6gi. See Tesuque. 

Tewa conflict with the Ute... 36 

Tewa, language of the 37 

Tewa. See Hano. 

Texas, linguistic work in.. xx 

Thomas, Cyrus, work of .xix, xxiii 

Timbers lor roof, kind used in kiva-build- 

ing 119 

Time lor planting and harvesting, how 

determined in Zuni 148 

Tiponi of Tusayan explained 131 

Tlaskaltec Indians, linguistic researches 

among xxi 

Toneennili, the water-sprinkler, song ad- 
dressed to, in Navajo ceremonial. 2.59 
Topography, houses of Walpi constructed 

to conform to 64 

of Shupaulovl 71 

Tradition, historical value of 15 




Tradition, Tusayan 16-41 

Hauo .__ 35 

regarding Hano and Tusayan lan- 
guages 36 

concerning Payupki pueblo 40 

concerning occupancy of Old Mash- 

ongnavi.- --. 47-48 

of foundation of Walpi 63 

concerning circular kivas 135 

Zuiii concerning stone-close 192-193 

concerning early occupancy of former 

pueblos by existing tribes 225 

Traditionary geutes of Tusayan. list of . 38 

TraUs, Walpi 65,66 

Taaaiyalana 89 

Transoms over pueblo doorways 187-189 

Transportation to Walpi mesa, Indian 

method 66 

Trapdoors. Sichumovi 63 means of fastening 113 

frames furnished vrith hand-holds . 193 
Tunika Indians, linguistic work among xxi 

Tupubi defined 176 

Tiipkabi. See Canyon de Chelly. 

Turner, Lucien M., work of xxviii 

Tusayan. survey of 15 

traditional history of 16-41 

ruins and inhabited villages of 43-79 

house-building rites 100-104 

houses ol, o%vned by women 101 

kivas in - 111-137 

list of kivas of Lie 

Tusayan and Cibola architecture, study 

of. by Victor Mindeleft 3-238 

compared by constructional details .100-323 

details of- 137-223 

Tusayan. See Hopituh. 

Tuscarora-English dictionary, work on . XX viii 

Tuwahlki, or watch-house 217 

Tuwii. See Santo Domingo 30 

Twigs, use of. in roof construction 150 


Ute, conflict with, by the Tewa of Hano . - 36 
inroads of. up( )n Tusayan 25. 26. 35 


Vargas, Don Diego, visit to Tusayan of . . 35 

Virginia, work in xxii 

Vocabulary of Tusayan architectural 

terms 220-223 


Walls, how indicated on plans of ruins. . 45 

defensive, at Bat House.. .52 

construction of, in Moen-kopi ruins . 53 

curved, instances of 54 

showing precision of workmanship _ . 54 

dimensions in TaaaiyaKana mesa 90 

original height of, indicated by de- 
bris 90 

thickness of, in modern Tusayan 102 

paintings on. in Tusayan kiva 131 

pueblo, mode of construction of . . . .137-148 
copings of 139.151.152 


Walls, strength of 144 

weakness of, inZuni 182 

of gardens 215 

Walpi, settlement of Bear people at 21,27 

Spanish mission established at 82 

construction of, by the Snake people. 23 

dispute of, with the Sikyatkl 24 

settlement of the Asa at 30,31 

abandoned by Bear. Lizard, Asa, and 

Badger peoples.. 31 

description of 63-66 

court-surrounded kiva of 114 

kivas of 119,136 

upper story partitions of, supported 

by be.ams 144 

use of large stone blocks In garden 

walls of... 147 

cooking pit at 176, 177 

south passageway of, described 181 

Walpi people, attack of Awatubi by the . . 34 

affray between the Oraibi and 35 

trouble between the Hano and 37 

various pueblos formerly occupied by 

the 46,47 

Warp-sticks, mode of supporting 133 

Water, method of carrying, at Walpi 65 

Water family, last to settle at Tusayan. . 29 

migration legend of 31 

Water jars used in chimney construction. 180 

Water .supply, Cibola ._ 80 

Ketchipauan 82, 83 

Taaaiyalana dwellings 90, 91 

Kin-tiel 92 

Zuni 97 

Water vessels, forms of 109 

Wattling or lathing of kiva walls 126 

Weaving appliances 212 

Wejegi pueblo, loop-holes in 198 

Well or reservoir of Zuni _ 97 

West Virginia, archeologic work in xx 

Whitewash on outer walls of Shumo- 

pavi _ 73-74 

on Mashongnavi room 109 

how made and applied in Zuni 145 

on house walls 145 

used for coating doors 186 

Wiksruu peojile, settlement in Tusayan 

of the 27 

Willow wands used in roof construction . . 150 
Window, doorway and chimney in one.. 121 

Windows of various kinds described 194, 201 

Wings constructed in court of Pueblo 

Bonito 70 

Women, house owners at Tusayan 101 

work of. in Tusayan house-building. 101, 102 

roof-building performed by 102 

work of. in kiva-buildlng 129 

when admitted to kivas 134 

societies of, and kivas for, In Tusa- 
yan 134 

Wood, kinds of, used in Tusayan con- 
struction 102 

Wood rack of pueblos described 103 

Wood-working, how performed 184 

Wooden doors not fotmd in pre-Colum- 
bian ruins 184 




Wooden features of pueblo windows 19ii 

Woolen mill established by Morraous at 

Moen-kopi 78 

Workshop, use of the kiva as a 129,133 


Yebitchai. meaning of the term ..235,236 

Yeso used for interior whitewash 74 

Yucca, use of, in lathing 127 

Yucca fiber sandals from Canyon de 

Chelly 133 



Zenichi, Navajo gods. 265 

Zuni, survey of pueblo of 14 

arrival of the Asanyumu at 30 

portion of site of, formerly occupied 

by Halona 88 

tradition as to occupancy of Kin-tiel 

by the 92 

plans and descriptions of villages of. 94-99 

description of pueblo of 97-99 

See Cibola. 


















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