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The work of the Bureau of American Ethnology is conducted under act of Con- 
gress "for continuing ethnologic researches among the American Indians under the 
direction of the Smithsonian Institution." 

Two series of ))uldicatioiis are issued bv the Huieau under authority of Congress, 
viz, annual reports and bulletins. The annual reports are authorized by concurrent 
resolution from time to time and are imblishcd for the nse of Congress and tlie 
Bureau; the publication of the series of bulletins was authorized by concurrent 
resolution first in 1886 and more definitely in 1888, and these also are issued for the 
use of Congress and the Bureau. lu addition, the Bureau supervises the puldication 
of a series of quarto volumes Ijeariug the title, "Contributions to North American 
Ethnology," begun in 1877 by the United States Geographical Survey of the Rocky 
Mountain Region. 

These publicatior.s are distributed primarilj- by Congress, and the portions of the 
editions printed for the Bureau are used for exchange with libraries and scientific 
and educational institutions and with special investigators in anthropology who 
send their own }iublieations regularly to the Bureau. 

The exchange list of the Bureau is large, and the product of the exchange forms 
a valuable ethnologic library independent of the general library of the Smithsonian 
Institution. This library is in constant nse by the Bureau collaborators, as well as 
by other anthropologists resident in or visiting \Va-^hiugtou. 

The earlier volumes of the annual reports and the first seven volumes of the " Con- 
tributions to North American Ethnology" are out of print. The eighth volume of 
the latter series has not yet been published. 

Exchanges and other contributions to the Bureau should be addressed, 
The DiRECToK, 

Bureau of American Ethnology, 

Washinfiton, D. C, 

V. S. J. 




1891-'92 V 

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J . ^W . P* (> ^V E L L 








'X^V V'-t'»'A. VVVAXV -l .",'--(f » 




Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of Ethnology, 

Washington, D. C, July 1, 1S92. 
Sik: I have the honor to submit my Thu'teenth Annual 
Report as Director of the Bureau of Ethnolog}'. 

The first 2)art consists of an explanation of the organization 
and operations of the Bureau; the second part consists of a 
series of papers, prepared chiefly by assistants, which illustrate 
the methods and results of the work of the Bureau. 

It is a pleasure to express appreciation of your unfailing 
support in the work intrusted to me. 

I am, with respect, your obedient servant, 


Honorable S. P. Langley, 

Secretanj of the Smithsonian Institution. 






Introduction XXI 

Field operatious xx\i 

Arclieologic lield \York (under Mr W. H. Holmes) xxvi 

General field studies xxx 

Work of Mr H. W. Heushaw xxx 

Work of Mrs M. C. Stevenson xxx 

Work of Dr W. J. Hoffman xxxi 

Work of Mr James Mooney xxxii 

Work of Mr J. O weu Dorsej- xxxiii 

Work of Mr Albert S. Gatschet xxxi v 

Office researches xxxiv 

Publications XLII 

Financial statement xi.ill 

Characterization of accompanying papers xliv 

Subjects treated XLiv 

Prehistoric textile art of eastern United States xlv 

Stone art xi.ix 

Aboriginal remaius in Verde Valley, Arizona Li 

Omaha dwellings, furniture, and implements i.iv 

Casa Grande ruin lv 

Outlines of Zuni creation myths i.vii 



Introductory 9 

Scope of the work 9 

Defiuitiim of the art 10 

Materials and processes 10 

Sources of information 11 

Products of the art 13 

Wattle work 13 

Basketry 15 

Types of basketry 15 

Baskets 15 

Sieves and strainers 17 

Cradles 18 

Shields 18 

Matting 18 

Pliable fabrics 21 

Development of spinning and weaving 21 

Cloths 22 

Nets 20 

Feather work 27 

Embroidery 28 



Products of the art — Continued. rage 

Fossil I'abrics 28 

Modes of preservation 28 

Fabrics from caves and shelters 29 

Charred remnants of fabrics from mounds 35 

Fabrics preserved by contact with copper 36 

Fabrics impressed on pottery 37 


Introduction 57 

, Basis for the work 57 

Classification of objects and materials 57 

The arts and their distribution fiO 

Districts 60 

Descriptive terms ' 62 

Grooved axes 62 

Celts 72 

Gouges 82 

Chisels and scrapers 83 

Chipped celts 86 

Hematite celts 86 

Pestles 87 

Pitted stones 91 

Cupped stones 91 

Mullers 93 

Grinding and polishing stones 93 

Hammerstones 94 

Grooved stones other than axes 95 

Mortars 96 

Siuliers 97 

Perforated stones 98 

Discoidal stones 99 

Spuds 109 

Phunmets 110 

Cones 113 

Hemispheres 114 

Paint stones 115 

Ceremonial stones 115 

Functions and purposes 115 

Gorgets 116 

Banner stones 120 

Boat-shape stones 124 

Picks 125 

Spool-shape ornaments 125 

Bird-sha])e stones 125 

Shaft rubbers 126 

Tubes 126 

Pipes - 128 

Chipped stone articles 132 

Materials and manufacture 132 

Spades 133 

Turtlcbacks 136 

Smaller chipped implements 139 

Materials and modes of manufacture 139 

Classification of the implements 142 


Chippeil stone articles — Contiimed. Page 
Smaller chipped implemeuts — Continued. 

Stemless flints 143 

Characters and uses 143 

Larger implements 144 

Smaller objects 147 

Stemmed flints 150 

Straight or taper stems 150 

Expanding stems 156 

Perforators 164 

Character and uses 164 

Stemless forms 165 

Stemmed forms 167 

Blunt arrowheads, or " bunts'' 168 

Scrapers 169 

Stemmed 169 

Stemless 169 

Cores 170 

Flakes 171 

Miscellaneous forms 174 

Notes on beveled flints 177 


Introduction 185 

The region and its literature 185 

Physical description of the country 189 

Distribution and classilication of ruins 192 

Plans and descriptions 195 

Stone villages 195 

C'avate lodges 217 

Bowlder-marked sites 235 

Irrigating ditches and horticultural works 238 

Structural characteristics 248 

Masonry and other details 248 

Door and window openings 251 

Chimneys and fireplaces 256 

Conclusions 257 


Introductory note 269 

Dwellings 269 

Earth lodges 269 

Lodges of bark or mats 271 

Skin lodges or tents •. 271 

Furniture and implements 275 

Fireplaces 275 

Beds and bedding 275 

Cradles 275 

Children's swings 276 

Brooms 276 

Pottery 276 

Mortars and pestles 276 

Spoons, ladles, and drinking vessels 277 

Water vessels 277 

Other vessels 278 


Furniture and iiuplements — Continued. Page 

Hoes and axes 278 

Knives 278 

Implements connected with fire 279 

Smoking paraphernalia 279 

ICquipage lor horses 280 

Traveling gear 281 

Boats 281 

Musical instruments 281 

Weapons 283 

Clubs 283 

Tomahawks 284 

Spears 281 

Bows 285 

Arrows 286 

Quivers 287 

Shields and armor 287 

Firearms 288 


Introduction 295 

Location and character 295 

History and literature 295 

Description 298 

The Casa Grande group 298 

Casa Grande ruin SOU 

State of preservation 306 

Dimensions 307 

Detailed description 309 

Openings 314 

Conclusions 318 


Introductory 325 

-\^jThe survival of early Zuui traits 325 

Outline of Spanish-Zuui history 326 

( lutline of pristine Zuui history 341 

Outline of Zuni mytho-sociologic organization 367 

General explanations relative to the text 373 

Myths 379 

The genesis of the worlds, or the beginning of newness 379 

The genesis of men and the creatures 379 

Tho gestation of men and the creatures 381 

The forthcoming from earth of the foremost of men 381 

The birth from the sea of the Twain deliverers of men 381 

The birth and delivery of men and the creatures 382 

Tho condition of men when iirst into the world of daylight born 383 

The origin of priests and of knowledge 384 

The origin of the Raven and the Macaw, totems of winter and summer.. 384 
The origin and naming of totem-claus and creature kinds, and the division 

and naming of spaces and things 386 

The origin of the councils of secrecy or sacred brotherhoods 387 

The unripeness and instability of the world when still young 388 

The hardening of the world, and the first settlement of men 388 

The beginning of the search for the Middle of tho woi-ld, and the second 

tarrying of men 390 


Myths — Continued. Tage 

The learning of war, ami the third tarrying 390 

The meeting of the Peoi)le of Dew, and the fourth tarrying 390 

The generation of the seed of seeds, or the origin of corn 391 

The renewal of the search for the Middle 398 

The choosing of seekers for signs of the Jliddle 398 

The. ch.iuge-making sin of the brother and sister 399 

The birth of the Old Oues or ancieuts of the Ka'ka 401 

The renewal of the great journey, and the sundering of the tribes of men. 403 

The origin of death by dying, and the abode of souls and the Ka'ka 404 

The loss of the great southern clans 405 

The saving of the father-clans 405 

The awaiting of the lost clans 406 

The straying of K'yiik'lu, and his jilaint to the Water-fowl 406 

How the Duck, hearing, was fain to guide K'yak'lu 407 

How the Eixinbow-worm bore K'yak'lu to the plain of Ka "hluclane 408 

The tarrying of K'yiik'lu in the plain, and his dismay 409 

How the Duck found the Lake of the Dead and the gods of the Ka'ka 409 

How the gods of the Ka'ka counselled the Duck 410 

How by behest of the Duck the Ka'yemiishi sought K'yak'lu to convey 

him to the Lake of the Dead -110 

How the Ka'yemiishi bore K'yiik'lu to the council of the gods 411 

The council of the Ka'ki%, and the instruction of K'yiik'lu by the gods H2 

The instruction of the Ka'yemiishi by K'yak'lu 413 

How the Ka'yemiishi bore K'yiik'lu to his people 413 

The return of K'.viik'lu, and his sacred instructions to the people 413 

The enjoining of the K'yiik'lu Amosi, and tlie dejiarture of K'yiik'lu and 

the Old Ones 414 

The coming of the brothers .\naIioho and the runners of the Ka'ka 414 

The dispatching of the souls of things to the souls of the dead 415 

The renewal of the great journeying, and of the search for the Middle 415 

The warning speech of the gods, and the untailing of men 416 

The origin of the Twin Gods of War and of the, Priesthood of the Bow 417 

The downfall of Han "hliiiiyk'ya, aud the search auew for the Middle 424 

The wars with the Black People of the High Buildings aud with the 

ancient woman of the K'y ak weinai and other Ka'kak we 424 

The adoption of the Black People, and the division of the clans to search 

for the Middle 425 

The northward eastern journi^y of the Winter clans 426 

The southward eastern journey of the Sunuuer clans 426 

The eastward middle journey of the People of the Middle 427 

The settlement of Zuni-land, and the liuihling of the seven great towns 

therein 427 

The reunion of the People of the Middle with the Summer and Seed peoples. 428 
The great council of men aud the beings for the determination of the true 

Middle 428 

The establishment of the fntliers aud their tabernacle at Halouawau or 

the Erring-place of the Middle 429 

The Hooding of the towns, aud the building of the City of Seed ou the 

mountain 429 

The staying of the flood by sacrilico of the youth and maiden, and the 

establishment of Hiihma Itiwaua on the true Middle 429 

The custom of testing the Middle in the Middle time 429 

The cherishing of the Corn-maidens and their custom as of old 430 

The murmurinjr of the foolish anent the custom of the Corn-maidens 430 


Myths — Continued. Pasu 
The couucil of the fathers that the perfection of the custom he accom- 

lilishcd 431 

The observance of the 'Hliihekwe custom, or dance of the Corn-maidens.. 431 
The sending' of the Twain Priests of the Bow, that they bespeak the aid 

of Paiyatuma and his Flute people 432 

The finding of Paiyatuma, and his custom of the flute 433 

The preparations for the coming of Paiyatuma and his People of the Flute. 434 

The comint; of Paiyatuma and his Dance of the Flute 435 

The sacrilege of the youths of the dance, and the fleeting of the Maidens 

of Corn 435 

The mourning for loss of the Maidens of Corn 435 

The seeking of the Maidens of Corn by the Eagle 436 

The seeking of the Maidens of Corn by the Falcon 437 

The seeking of the Maidens of Corn by the Raven 438 

The beseeching of Paiyatuma, and his reversal of the peoples' evil 439 

The seeking of the Maidens of Corn by Paiyatuma 442 

The finding of the Maidens of Corn in Summerland 443 

The return of the Maidens of Corn with Paiyatuma 443 

The presentation of the perfected seed to the fathers of men, and the 

passing of the Maidens of Seed 443 

The instructions of Paiyatuma for the ordinances and customs of the 

corn perfecting 445 

The final instructions of Paiyatuma, and his passing 446 


Plate I. Products of the textile art; a, Openwork fish baskets of Virginia 
Indians; li. Manner of weaving; c, Hasket strainer; il, Quiver of 

rushes ; e, Mat of rushes 18 

II. Mat of split cane 28 

III. Mantle or skirt of light colored stuff --. 30 

IV. Fringed skirt 32 

y. P'rayed bag and skeins of hemp fiber 34 

VI. Charred cloth from moumls in Ohio 36 

VII. Drawings of charred fabric from mounds 38 

VIII. Copper celts with remnants of cloth 40 

IX. Bits of fabric-marked pottery, with clay casts of same 44 

X. Map showing distribution of ruins and location of area treated 

with reference to ancient pueblo region 185 

XI. Map showing distribution of ruins in the basin of the Eio ^'erde., 187 

XII. Ground plan of ruin near mouth of Limestone creek 189 

XIII. Main court, ruin near Limestone creek 191 

XIV. Ruin at mouth of the East A'erde 193 

XV. Main court, ruin at mouth of the East Verde 195 

XVI. Ruin at mouth of Fo.ssil creek 197 

XVII. Ground ]dan of ruins opposite ^'erde 199 

XVIII. General view of ruins opposite Verde , 201 

XIX. Southern part of ruins opposite \'erde 203 

XX. General view of ruin on southern side of Clear creek 205 

XXI. Detailed view of ruin on southern side of Clear creek 207 

XXII. General view of ruin 8 miles north of Fossil creek 209 

XXIII. General view of ruins on an eminence 14 miles north of Fossil creek 211 

XXIV. General view of northern end of a group of cavate lodges 213 

XX^"^. Map of group of cavate lodges 215 

XXVI. Strata of northern canyon wall 217 

XXVII. Euin on northern point of cavate lodge canyon 219 

XXVIII. Cavate lodge with walled front.. 221 

XXIX. Open front cavate lodges on the Eio San .Tuau 223 

XXX. Walled front cavate lodges on the Rio .San .luan 224 

XXXI. Cavate lodges on the Rio Grande ' 225 

XXXII. Interior view of cavate lodge, group 1) 227 

XXXIII. Bowlder-marked site 229 

XXXIV. Irrigating ditch on the lower Verde 231 

XXXV. Old irrigating ditch, showing cut through low ridge 233 

XXXVI. Old ditch near Verde, looking westward 235 

XXXVII. Old ditch near Verde, looking east^*d 237 

XXXVIII. Blnflf over ancient ditch, showing gKyel stratum 239 

XXXIX. Ancient dilch and horticultural works on Clear creek 241 

XL. Ancient ditch around a kuoll, Clear creek 243 

XLI. Ancient work on Clear creek 245 





XLII. Gateway to aucient work, Clear creek 247 

XLIIl. Single-room remains on Clear creek 249 

XLIV. Bowlder foundations near Limestone creek 251 

. XLV. Masonry of rnin near Limestone creek 253 

XLVI. Masonry of ruin opposite Verde 255 

XLVII. Standing walls oppoHite Verde 257 

XLVIIl. Masonry of ruin at mouth of the East Verde 259 

XLIX. Doorway to cavate lodge 260 

L. Doorway to cavate lodge 261 

LI. Map of Casa Grande group 298 

LII. Ground plan of Casa Grande ruin 302 

Llll. General view of Casa Grande ruin 305 

LIV. Standing wall near Casa Grande 307 

LV. Western front of Casa Grande ruin 309 

LVl. Interior wall of Casa Grande ruin 310 

LVII. Blocked opening in westeru wall 312 

LVIII. Square opening in southern room 314 

LIX. Remains of lintel 317 

LX. Circular opening in northern room 319 

Fig. 1. Fish weir of the Virginia Indians 14 

2. Use of mats in an Indian council 19 

3. Use of mat iu sleeping 20 

4. Section of cliff showing position of grave shelter 31 

5. Portion of mantle showing manner of weaving 32 

6. Analysis of the weaving of the fringed skirt 32 

7. Former costumes of woman and girl in Louisiana 33 

8. Border of bag 34 

9. Sandal or moccasin from a Kentucky cave 35 

10. Fine, closely woven cloth preserved by contact with copper beads .. 36 

11. Small portion of rush matting preserved by contact with copper 37 

12. Split-caue matting from Petite Anse Island, Louisiana 38 

13. Fabric-marked vase from a mound in North Carolina 39 

14. Diagonal fabric, ancient pottery, Tennessee 39 

15. Fabric from the ancient pottery of Alabama 40 

16. Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee 40 

17. Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee 40 

18. Twined fabric from ancient salt vessel, Illinois 41 

19. Twined fabric from ancient salt ves.sel, Illinois 41 

20. Twined fabric from a piece of clay, Arkansas 42 

21. Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee 42 

22. Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Missouri 42 

23. Twined fabric from aucient pottery, Tennessee 43 

24. Twined fabric from ancient ])ottery, Tennessee 43 

25. Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee 43 

26. Twined fabric, with patterns, Ohio valley 44 

27. X^et from ancient pottery. District of Columbia 44 

28. Net from ancient pottery. North Carolina 45 

29. Grooved ax, showing groove project ion.s -.. 63 

30. Grooved ax, showing pointed edge 64 

31. Grooved ax, showing groove entirely around 65 

82. Grooved ax, slender, .showing groove entirely around 65 

33. (iroovcd .ax, showing grooved back 66 

34. Grooved ax, showing grooved back 66 

35. Grooved ax. showing rounded back 67 

36. Grooved ax, showing flattened curved back 68 



Fig. 37. Grooved ax, showing flatteued straight back 68 

38. Grooved ax, Keokuk tyije 69 

39. Grooved ax, showing adze form 69 

40. Grooved ax, showing diagonal groove 69 

41. Grooved ax, showing wide edge 69 

42. Grooved ax, showing curved edge 70 

43. Grooved ax, showing single groove projection 71) 

44. Grooved adze 71 

45. Groove<l adze, showing curved blade 71 

46. Notched ax, showing polished edge 72 

47. Celt, showing blade thick near edge 73 

48. Celt, showing blade thick near edge 73 

49. Celt, showing long, slender form 74 

50. Celt, nearly round section 75 

51. Celt, nearly round section 75 

52. Celt, showing nearly diamond section 76 

53. Celt 77 

54. Celt 77 

55. Celt 77 

56. Celt, showing " bell-shape '' and roughening for handle 78 

57. Celt, showing rectangular section 78 

58. Celt, showing wedge-shape 79 

59. Celt, showing half-elliptical section 79 

60. Celt, showing half-elliptical section 81 

61. Celt, showing concave sides 81 

62. Thin, polished celt 82 

63. Thin, polished celt 82 

64. Thin, polished celt 82 

65. Celt, showing thin, gouge-form edge 83 

66. Celt, chisel-form 83 

67. Celt, chisel- form , 83 

68. Celt, chisel-form 83 

69. Celt, chisel-form 84 

7.0 Celt, chisel-form 84 

71. Celt, showing scraper-form edge 85 

72. Scraper 85 

73. Scraper or adze, with projecting ridge 85 

74. Adze or scraper - 85 

75. Chipi)ed celt 86 

76. Chipped celt 86 

77. Chipped celt 86 

78. Hematite celt 87 

79. Hematite celt 87 

80. Hematite celt 87 

81. Hematite celt 87 

82. Handled pestle, with expanding base 88 

83. Pestle, long cylindrical form 89 

81. Pestle, ccmical 89 

85. Pestle 90 

86. Pestle 90 

87. Pestle, grooved for handle - 90 

88. Pestle 90 

89. Cupped stone or paint cup 93 

90. Muller, showing polished surface 93 

91. Muller, showing polished surface 94 



Fig. 92. Haiumerstone 95 

93. Grooved kiuiuI stone 95 

94. Grooved hammer 96 

95. Discoidal stone 100 

96. Discoidal stone, with jierforatiou 101 

97. Discoidal stone, with perforation 101 

98. Discoidal stoue, with secondary depression 102 

99. Discoidal stone, in form of a ring 102 

100. Discoidal stime 103 

101. Discoidal stone 103 

102. Discoidal stone, convex 101 

103. Discoidal stone 105 

104. Discoidal stone 106 

105. Discoidal stone, with V-sliape edges 108 

106. Discoidal stone, used as mortar 108 

107. Discoidal stoue, jtrobablj- nsed as hammer 108 

108. Discoidal pottery fragment 109 

109. Spud 110 

110. .Spud 110 

111. Spud Ill 

112. Plummet, grooved near one end Ill 

113. Plummet, double-grooved - Ill 

114. Plummet, grooved near middle 112 

115. Plumuiet, grooved lengthwise 112 

llC). Pliuumet, grooveless, perforated 112 

117. Plummet, double cone in shape 112 

118. Plummet 112 

119. Plummet - 113 

120. Plummet, end ground flat 113 

121. Plummet , 113 

122. Plummet, cylindrical 113 

123. Cone 113 

124. Cone 113 

125. Cone 114 

126. Cone 114 

127. Hemisphere 114 

128. Hemisphere 115 

129. Paint stone 115 

130. Gorget 1 18 

131. Gorget (?) 118 

132. Gorget, reel-shape 119 

133. Gorget 119 

134. Gorget 120 

135. Gorget, boat shape 121 

136. Gorget, resembling boat-shape stoue 121 

137. Banner stone 121 

138. Banner stone 121 

139. Banner stone, reel-shape 122 

140. Banner stoue, with horn-like projections 122 

141 . Banner stone, crescent-shape 122 

142. Banner stone, cresoent-shajie 122 

143. Banner stone, crescent-shape 123 

144. Butterfly banner stone 123 

145. Butterfly banner stone 123 

146. Banner stone 123 




P/G. 147. Boat-shape stone 124 

148. Boat-shape stone 124 

149. Pendant 125 

150. Pick 125 

151. Spool-shape ornament 125 

152. Bird-shape stone 126 

153. Sbaftrubber 127 

154. Tube, one end flattened 128 

155. Tube, conical 128 

156. Tube, hour-glass form 129 

157. Tube, cylindrical 129 

158. Pipe, flat base 129 

159. Pipe 130 

160. Pipe 130 

161. Pipe, ornamented 130 

162. Pipe ■ 130 

163. Pipe, long-stemmed 131 

164. Pipe, short-stemmed 131 

165. Pipe 131 

166. Pipe 131 

167. Pipe 132 

168. Pipe 132 

169. Chipped spade with pointed ends 134 

170. Chipped spade ^vith rounded ends 134 

171. Chipped spade, ovoid 136 

172. Chipped spade 137 

173. Chipped spade, showing handle notches 138 

174. Chipped spade 138 

175. Chipped disk, or " turtleback " 138 

176. Diagram, explaining terms 143 

177. Triangular chipped flint 144 

178. Chipped flint 144 

179. Chipped Hint 145 

180. Chipped flint, somewhat bell- shape 145 

181. Chii>ped flint, elliptical outline 145 

182. Chipped flint, leaf-shape or oval outline 145 

183. Chipped flint 146 

184. Cliipjied flint, large, pointed elliptical outline 146 

185. Chipped flint, large, long, sharp point 146 

186. Chipped flint, large 147 

187. Chipped flint 147 

188. Chipped flint 147 

189. Chipped flint, with shoulders 147 

190. Chipped flint, small 148 

191. Chipped flint, triangular 148 

192. Chipped flint, asymmetric 148 

193. Chipped flint, concave edges 148 

194. Chijiped flint, triangular 148 

195. Cbipped flint, small 149 

196. Chipped fliut, short, convex edges 149 

197. Chipped flint, triangular 149 

198. Chipped flint, concave edges 149 

199. Chipped flint, convex base 149 

200. Cbipped flint, edges concave 150 

201. Chipped flint, pentagonal 150 



Fig. 201i. Chipped Hint, n.arrow .iml thick 1.50 

203. Chipped Hint, stemmed, barbless 151 

204. Chipped tlint, Kteiiiiiied, barliless 151 

205. Chipped tliut, cxpaudiui; shoulder 152 

206. ChippiMl tiint, donhle-ciirved edges 152 

207. Chipped tliut, double-curved edges 152 

208. Chipped tiiut, couvex edges, long, tapering stem 1.52 

209. Chipped Hint, with louK, tapering stem 153 

210. Stennned chii)ped Hint, diamond or lozenge shape 153 

211. Stemmed chipped Hint 153 

212. Stemmed chipped Hint 154 

213. Stemmed cliipped Hint, ovoid 154 

214. Stemmed chipped Hint, shiirt blade 154 

215. Stemmed chipped ilint, symmetric outline 155 

216. Stemmed chipped Hiut 155 

217. Chipped flint, with very long, slender stem 156 

218. Stennned chipped Hint, with but one barb or shoulder 156 

219. Stemmed chipped Hint, short 156 

220. Stemmed chipped flint 156 

221. Stemmed chipped flint, roughly made 157 

222. .Stemmed chipped Hint 157 

223. Stemmed chiiiped flint 157 

224. Stemmed chipped Hiut, edges convex 157 

225. Stemmed chipped flint, with long barbs 158 

226. Stemmed chipped flint 158 

227. Stemmed chipped flint 159 

228. Stemmed chipped Hiut, broad point 159 

229. Stenmied chipped Hint, slender poiut 159 

230. Stemmed chipped Hiut 159 

231. Stemmed chipped flint 160 

232. Stemmed chipped fliut, thin 160 

233. Stemmed chipped fliut 160 

234. Stemmed chipped flint 160 

235. Stemmed chipped flint 160 

236. Stemmed chipjied flint, .slender, with small stem 161 

237. Stemmed chipped fliut, oval outline, notched 161 

238. Stemmed chipped flint 162 

239. Stennned chipped flint, notched, very wide stem - - - 162 

240. Stemmed chipiied flint, notched, very wide stem 162 

241. Stemmed chipped fliut 163 

242. Stemmed cliipped fliut, projecting shoulders 163 

243. Stennned chipped flint .... 163 

244. Stemmed chipped Hiut, very rough 164 

245. Perforat<ir, not stemmed 165 

246. Perforator, not stemmed, double pointed 165 

247. Perforator, not stemmed, double pointed 166 

248. Perforator, not stemmed, rough base 166 

249. Perforator, not stemmed, expanding base 166 

250. Perforator, not stemmed, expanding base 166 

251. Perforator, stemmed 167 

252. Perforator, stemmed, very wide shoulders 167 

253. Perforator, stemmed 167 

254. Perforator, stemmed 167 

255. Perftn-ator, stemmed, with cuttiug poiut 168 

256. Blunt arrowhead or "bunt " 168 



Fig. 257. Stemmed scraper 169 

258. Stemmed scraper 169 

259. Steinless scraper, celt form 170 

260. Stemless scraper, flake 170 

261. Cores 171 

262. Core 171 

263. Flake, chipped for scraper 173 

264. Fl.ake, chipped for knife or arrowhead 174 

265. Flake, slender, probabl v for laucet 174 

266. Stemmed chipped fliut 174 

267. Stemmed chipped fliut, winged 175 

268. Stemmed chipped flint 175 

269. Stemmed chipped fliut, barbed 175 

270. Stemmed chipped fliut, broad 175 

271. Stemmed chipped fliut 176 

272. Stemmed chipped flint, slender 176 

27.S. Stemmed chipi)ed flint 176 

274. Stemmed chipped fliut, triangular 176 

275. Stemmed chippeil fliut 176 

276. Chipped flint, with sharp-edged stem 177 

277. Stemmed chipped flint, point blunted from use 177 

278. Stemmed chipped fliut 177 

279. .Sketch niaj), site of small ruin 10 miles north of Fossil creek 200 

280. Ground ])lau of ruin at mouth of the East \'erde 201 

281. Ground plan of ruin near the mouth of Fossil creek 204 

282. Sketch map, site of ruin above Fossil creek 205 

283. Sketch map of ruin 9i miles above Fossil creek 206 

284. Sketch map showing location of ruins opposite Verde 207 

285. Ground plan of ruin on southern side of Clear creek 211 

286. Ground plan of ruin 8 miles north of Fossil creek 213 

287. Sketch map of ruins on pinnacle 7 miles uorth of Fossil creek 216 

288. Remains of small rooms 7 miles north of Fossil creek 216 

289. Diagram showing strata of canyon wall 218 

290. Walled storage cist 221 

291. Plan of cavate lodges, group 1) 226 

292. Sections of cavate lodges, group D 227 

293. Section of water pocket 228 

294. Plan of cavate lodges, group A 229 

295. Sections of cavate lodges, group A 230 

296. Plan of cavate lodges, group /> 231 

297. Plan of cavate lodges, group E 232 

298. Plan of cavate lodges, group (' 233 

299. Map of an ancient irrigation ditch 239 

300. Part of old irrigating ditch 241 

301. Walled front cavate lodges 250 

302. Bowlders in footway, cavate lodges 252 

303. Framed doorway, cavate lodges 253 

304. Notched doorway in Canyon de Chelly 254 

305. Notched doorway in Tusayan 255 

306. Yellow Smoke's earth lodge 270 

307. Ground plan of Osage lodge 271 

308. Omaha tent 272 

309. Exterior parts of an Omaha tent 273 

310. jejetjude's tent 274 

311. Omaha cradle— plan 276 

i;? ETH II 



Fl(i. 312. Omaha cradli — sidoview 276 

313. Omaha mortar 277 

314. Omaha pestlu 277 

315. Omaha calumet 279 

316. Omaha pipe used on ordinary occasions 280 

317. Skin drum 282 

318. Box drum 282 

319. Omaha large flute 283 

320. Omaha clul. (ja''-da,ina) 283 

321. Omaha club (ja"-dariDa) 284 

322. Omaha club ( wcacKade) 284 

323. Omaha bow (za"zi-maudt) 285 

324. Omaha bow (^a>ia"-mandt) 285 

325. Omaha hunting arrow 286 

326. Omaha war arrow 286 

327. Omaha style of hidc<-^(ice 286 

328. Map of large raouud (Casa Grande) 301 

329. Map of lioHow mound 301 

330. Elevations of walls, middle room 315 




By J. W. Powell, Director 


Ethnologic researches among the American Indians were 
continued during the fiscal year 1891-92, in accordance with 
acts of Congress. 

When the Bureau was instituted in 1879, the aboriginal 
population of North America was already greatly resti'icted in 
territory and considerably reduced in number, and the terri- 
torial restriction was progressing more rajjidly than ever before 
with the extension of white settlement, especially over the 
western and northern portions of the continent. At the same 
time the Indians were imdergoing acculturation more rapidly 
than ever before, by reason of frequent contact with white 
men in nearly all parts of their aboriginal domain. The iirgent 
need of researches concerning the characteristics and relations 
of the native races, emphasized by the rapidity with which 
they were being restricted and modified, was recognized by 
students and statesmen; this recognition led to the institution 
of the Bureau. 

When the Bureau of Ethnology was organized, under author- 
ity of law, a plan of operation was formulated in accordance 
with what were deemed the most urgent needs. For two or 
three centuries explorers and students had observed and 
recorded, with pen and brush, the physical characteristics and 
the daily habits and customs of the American aborigines, 


thereby producing a considerable liljrary pertaining to the 
native races ; and it was thought needless to compete with cas- 
ual observers and extend the su])erficial and desultory obser- 
vation such as is alone expedient under the ordinarv conditions 
of exploration. Again, another Federal bureau was charged 
with the supervision of the current alFairs of the Indians, its 
duties including the record of thi^ lands allotted to, and claimed 
or conveyed by, the several tribes; it was accordingly deemed 
inexpedient to give attention primarily to the modern habitat 
of the tril)es. At the same time, a numl)er of students and 
scientific societies, especialh' in the eastern })art of the con- 
tinent, were giving attention to the relics of the red men 
distributed over the countrv in the form of stone and copper 
implements, weapons, and ornaments, as well as in the form of 
earthworks and graves; but since these relics were relatively 
imperishable and already under investigation, it seemed the 
less desirable that the energies of the uew bureau should be 
expended in examining them. A still weightier consideration 
in determining the direction of research was found in the fact 
that many of the observations of explorers and other students 
of the Indians suggested, sometimes faintly, sometimes more 
clearly, but always more or less vaguelv, the existence of a 
system or systems of organization among the Indians, differing 
widely from the customary organizations of white peoples; and 
it was thought desirable to investigate this obscure character- 
istic of the aborigines as thoroughly as possilde. Moreover, 
a wide dissimilarity in language had been brought to light; and 
since the earlier researches in this and other countries indicated 
that tribes and peoples may be classified by language more sat- 
isfactorily than in any other way, it was thought important to 
extend linguistic researches energetically. Influenced by this 
consideration, the Director planned for a series of researches 
concerning the relations of the native tribes, as expressed in 
language and organization. 

As the researches progressed, the original plan was modified 
from time to time, whenever the terms of law or increasing 
knowledge required. Conformably to a legal provision, the 
investigation of the prehistoric mounds was undertaken; and 


foi' several years surveys and examinations of the aboriginal 
eartliworks of eastern United States were carried forward, and 
reports thereon were published. A necessary collateral line 
of research, without which the full significance of the ancient 
earthworks coidd not be ascertained, related to the implements 
and utensils of the mound-builders, and tlie investigation was 
so expanded as to cover this subject; then it was found that 
the study of implements and iitensils involved study <>f the 
art products and finally of the industrial arts of the build- 
ers, while the interpretation of the mortuary works involved 
extended researches concerning mortuary articles and customs 
in general; and in this way the researches were still more 
broadly expanded. Meantime, the linguistic researches were 
extended toward the fundamental elements of the art of 
expression. Among civilized peoples thought is expressed 
by vocables whicli are more or less purely arbitrary and so 
fully differentiated as to be essentially denotive, and ideas are 
recorded by means of characters which are almost wholly arbi- 
trary or denotive; and to such degree has the mechanism of 
expression l^een developed that the oral and visual elements 
of expression are interwoven with thought so completely 
that most men think in these denotive symbols, whereby 
thought is simplified and made easy. Among primitive peo- 
ples this denotive symbolism is not developed, and in lieu 
thereof an extensive and cumbrous system of connotive or 
associative symbols is employed. This primitive system of 
expression represents in a general way the prescriptorial stage 
of human development. When the primitive peoples using 
such a prescriptorial system of symbols possess a definite 
social organization, this type of symbolism, like the higher 
type, becomes interwoven with thought in curious and persist- 
ent fashion, so that the primitive man thinks in a series of 
symbols whicli seem incongruous, exti'avagant, even bizarre, 
to the civilized thinker; and therein lies the chief difference 
between primitive and civilized modes of thought — a differ- 
ence so profound that few civilized men ever comprehend tlie 
mental workings of the uncivilized man, while it is doubtful 
whether any uncivilized man ever comprehends the mentation 


of his cultured brother. Thus, to the primitive thinker there 
is an association between directions, or points of tlie compass, 
and colors, and so directions and colors have become synony- 
mous in his understanding; then dii-ections and colors are 
habitually enumerated in a certain order, and thus the smaller 
numerals are added to the body of synonyms. Again, since 
it is important that every man, woman, and child shall always 
remember the connotive symbolism, many primitive peoples 
arrange themselves in a definite order when sitting about the 
camp fire in the family group, and in this way relative posi- 
tions of individuals become associated with directions, colors, 
and numerals, and practically synonymous therewith. The 
associative svmbolism does not stop here, but indeed goes 
much farther. Among some primitive peoples, individual 
names are applied connotively in such manner as to indicate 
order or rank, which is synonymous with position in the camp- 
ing group; and among- many peoples tradition is crystallized 
and preserved from generation to generation bv means of a 
wide-reaching connotive association in which direction, color, 
number, and names all plav important ])arts. In many 
instances organs of the body enter into the system; and where- 
soever the connotive system is well developed, the traditions 
run back into myth and sometimes through myth into curi- 
ously elaborate cosmogony; and the myth and cosmogony 
are perpetuated by ceremonials in which direction, color, 
number, etc, perform essential roles. These are but a few of 
the ways in which the prescriptorial svmbolism is employed; 
they serve only to indicate its fundamental and far-reaching 
character and the influence of the system on the primiti^'e 
mind. By means of this symbolism, the social organization, 
the traditions, the myths, the ceremonials, the language, the 
industrial arts, and indeed all of the activities of the American 
Indians are interwoven to the extent that no class of activities 
can be studied thoroughly without careful study of other 

As these far-reaching relations of the arts of expression 
were brought out through the early researches of the Bureau, 
the organization and plan were modified as seemed necessary. 


Since tlie complex relations of the modes of expression culmi- 
nate and are expressed in oral language, and can be inter- 
preted only tlirougli this medium, special attention was given 
to linguistic researches. These researches were in part direct, 
and it has been found thereby that language indicates the 
relations of tribes and families more clearly than other cri- 
teria, while at the same time the studies throw much light on 
the interesting subject of the evolution of language; and in 
part the linguistic researches have been pursued as a means to 
the end of gaining insight into the social organization, philoso- 
phy, and religion of the native tribes. Thus the problems of 
American ethnology, seemingly simple at the outset, have 
been found highly complex, and many lines of investigation 
have been opened. 

With the increase of knowledge concerning the different 
lines of research, the labors of the Bureau have increased in 
some measure, though it has always been found necessavv, by 
reason of financial limitations, to confine attention to tliose 
branches of the work that promised to yield the largest 
results with the least expenditure of time and monev. 

In accordance Avith the original ])lan of operations, special 
topics are assigned to individual collaborators. In general, each 
collaborator makes researches in the field during a part of each 
year, spending the remaining months in the office in the elab- 
oration of the field material, either for publication or for record 
in such manner as to facilitate future studies and comparisons. 
Thus the assignment of the work is primarily topical, and the 
field researches form the basis for office work liy the field stu- 
dents and their collaborators. 

Since the institution of the Biu-eau, it has been the policy to 
convey to, and obtain from, intelligent observers all possible 
information concerning the Indians, and under this policy a 
wide correspondence has grown up. Most of that portion of 
the edition of its publications allotted to the Bureau for distri- 
bution is conveyed directly to ethnologic and archeologic stu- 
dents who have communicated valuable linguistic and other 
notes, which have Ijeen utilized by the Director and the col- 
laborators in their researches. It is a pleasure to acknowledge 


indebtedness to the man}' coiTespondents who have enriched 
ethnoh)<>v by their zeal in the collection of information and 
by their liberality in conveying it to the Bureau for the public 


Tlie held operations during the year just closed comprised 
(1) archeologic researches and (2) general field studies, the lat- 
ter being directed chiefly to mythology, techuolog}', and lin- 
guistics. The archeologic work was conducted by Mr W. 11. 
Holmes and his collaborators. The general field studies were 
carried forward by Mr H. W. Hensliaw, Mr All)ert 8. Gratschet, 
Mr J. Owen Dorsey, Mr James Moone)-, Dr ^^'. J. Hoffman, 
and Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson. 


In the conduct of tlie archeologic researches Mr W. H. 
Holmes had the assistance of Messrs Cosmos Mindeletf, Gerard 
Fowke, and William Dinwiddle. Dr Oyrus Thomas, with the 
assistance of Mr F. W. Wright and j\Ir Frank Hamilton Gush- 
ing, also contriliuted to this branch of the work. 

The survey begun in the tide-water regions of Maryland and 
Virginia in the spring of 1891 was continued throughout the 
pi-esent year. Careful attention \\'as given to the examination 
and mapping of the shell deposits of the lower Potomac and 
Chesapeake bay, and many of the historic village sites visited 
by John Smith and his associates were identified and examined. 
The remains on these sites are identical with those of the many 
other village sites of the region. Mr Holmes studied the arche- 
ology of South, West, and Rhode rivers and of the shores of 
the bay above and below Annapolis. The middle Patuxent 
was visited, and the site of the ancient village of Mattpament 
was identified and examined. The valley of the Rappahannock 
in the vicinity of Fredericksburg, and the neighboring valleys 
of a number of the western tributaries of the Potomac received 
attention. Ancient soapstone quarries, one in Fairfax county, 
Virginia, and three in Montgomery county, and one in Hciward 
county, Maryland, Avere studied, and collections of the quarry 


rejects and implements used in (jnarrying and cutting the 
stone were obtained. 

Ill July Mr Holmes made a trip to ( Jliio to assist in the 
resurvey of several geometric earthworks at Newark and near 
Chillicothe. A visit was made to the great flint quarries in 
Licking county, between Newark and Zanesville. This well- 
known quarrA' is one of the most extraordinary pieces of abo- 
riginal work in the country, and the evidence of pitting and 
trenching, and of the removal and working u[) of great bodies 
of the flint, are visible on all sides, the work having extended 
over many square miles. Numerous hammerstones and large 
bodies of the refuse of manufacture are seen. The chief prod- 
uct of the work on the site here as elsewhere was a thin blade, 
the blank from which various implements were to he special- 
ized. The ctmntless handsomely shaped and beautifully tinted 
arrowheads, spear points, and knives scattered over (31iio and 
the neighboring states are derived chiefl}' from this site. 

When the work of resurveying the earthworks at Newark 
and Chillicothe was finished, Mr Holmes made a journey into 
Indian Territory to examine an ancient quarry formerl}' sup- 
posed to be a Spanish silver mine. It was reported by Mr 
Walter P. Jeniiey, of the United States Geological Survey, 
that this was really an Indian flint quarry, and the visit of Mr 
Holmes confirmed this conclusion. Seven miles northwest of 
Seneca, Missouri, and 2 or 3 miles west of the Indian Terri- 
tory line, there are numerous outcrops of massive whitish 
chert, and in places this rock has been extensively worked for 
the purpose of securing flakable material for the manufacture 
of implements. The pits and trenches cover an area of about 
10 acres. They are neither so deep nor so numerous as the 
Flint Ridge quarries. The product of this quarry was also the 
leaf-shape blades of the usual type, the size being greater than 
in the other similar quarries of the country by reason of the 
massive and flawless character of the stone. 

In May, 1(S92, Mr Holmes examined a number of extensive 
quarries of novaculite in Arkansas, one of which had been 
visited during the previous year. A great quarry situated on 
the summit of a long mountain ridge at the head of Cove 


creek is the most extensive yet discovered in this country. 
The ancient excavations extend along- the crest of the ridge 
for several miles. The largest pits are still 25 feet deep and 
upward of 100 feet in diameter. The product of this quarry 
was also leaf-shape blades of the type obtained from the other 
quarries, and closely analogous in size, shape, and appearance 
to those of Flint Ridge, Ohio. Mr Holmes next passed north- 
ward into Stone county, Missouri, to visit a very large cave 
situated about 20 miles southeast of Helena, the county seat. 
Neither human remains nor works of native art were found 
within the cave. The manufacture of chert implements had 
been carried on extensively in the surrounding region. From 
Stone county he went to southwestern Minnesota, and spent 
ten days in the study of the red pipestone quarry so famous 
in the history of the Coteau des Prairies. Evidence of the 
prehistoric operation of this quarry was found in the series 
of ancient pits extending across the jirairie for nearly a mile 
in a narrow belt and following the outcrop of the thin layer 
of pipestone. 

The ancient copper mines of Isle Royale, Lake Superior, 
were next visited and mapped, and extensiA^e collections of 
stone hammers were obtained from the numerous pits and 

Mr Holmes afterward proceeded to Little Falls, Minnesota, to 
examine the locality from which certain flaked quartz olijects, 
supposed to be of paleolithic age, had been obtained. It was 
found that these bits of quartz were the refuse of the manu- 
facture of blades of quartz by the aborigines, and at a period 
of time not necessarily more remote than the period of quarry 
working already' described. 

Mr Cosmos Mindeleft" closed the field work on Rio Verde, 
Arizona, early in July, 189L An account of this survey was 
given in the last annual report, and the results are incorporated 
in this report. He returned to Washington during the month, 
and was engaged for the remainder of the fiscal year in office 

Mr Gerard Fowke completed the exploration of James river 
and its northern tributaries, making interesting discoveries in 


Botetourt, Bath, Alleghany, and Highland counties. He then 
began an examination of the prehistoric remains of Shenan- 
doah valley, remaining in the field until December. Later he 
examined the islands and coast between Savannah and St. 
Johns rivers, locating mounds and shell heap.s. In the spring 
he resumed work in Shenandoah valley, making a careful and 
thorough investigation of every county. The results show 
that this region was not the seat of permanent occupancy 
by the aborigines, though it seems to have been a place of 
resort for hunters in large numbers. 

Mr William Dinwiddle was engaged during the year in 
mapping and examining the shell banks and other aboriginal 
remains of the Potomac-Chesapeake region. 

As Dr Cyrus Thomas was engaged most of the time during 
the year in necessary office work, his field work was limited. 
Finding more accui'ate information desirable in reference to 
certain ancient works in Vanderburg county, Indiana, he 
engaged Mr F. W. Wright to make a careful survey and meas- 
urement of them. As the result showed that they were of 
unusual importance on account of their peculiar character as 
compared with other ancient works of tlie same section, Dr 
Thomas found it necessary to make a personal examination of 
them. During the same trip he examined certain important 
mounds in Illinois, among which was the noted "Cahokia" or 
"Monk's Mound," of Madison county. His object in this case 
was to ascertain the present condition of this remarkable mon- 
ument, and to investigate certain other points in relation to 
which satisfactory conclusions could be reached only by per- 
sonal inspection. 

He also made during the summer another examination of 
the Newark works and Fort Ancient, in Ohio, in order to 
settle some points which previous rej)orts had overlooked. At 
his suggestion the Director had a resurvey made, under the 
direction of Mr Henry Gannett, of the four most noted circles 
of the Ohio works, the planetable being used to show their 
exact form as they at present appear. 

Mr F. H. Cushing, during the sunnner and autunm months 
of 1H91, made some examinations on the shore of Lake Erie, 


near Butfalo, and of Lake Ontario in Orleans county, New 
York, where he discovered pottery of the well-known net- 
impressed lacustrine or littoral type, and also, at the former 
point, some pits or slightly indurated cavities in the sand, 
which lie considered to be comiected with the manufacture of 
that pottery. By experiments made without the aid of mod- 
ern appliances of any kind, he duplicated tlie ancient speci- 
mens found in the vicinity, and showed that these pits, lined 
with ordinary fishing- nets, had actually been used simply and 
effectively for shaping pottery. He afterwards jjrepared an 
illustrated report giving the details on the subject. 


On May 14, 1892, Mr H. W. Henshaw proceeded to New 
Mexico and California for the purpose of collecting material 
for the tribal synonymy, and also with the view of collecting 
such linguistic information as to permit more trustworthy 
classification of certain southwestern tribes. He was also 
commissioned to make collections for the World's Columbian 
Exposition. He was able to make a considerable collection 
of objective material, which was arranged in the National 
Museum and conveyed to Chicago as a part of the exhibit of 
the Bureau of Ethnology. He also obtained a considerable 
body of linguistic and other data pertaining to the tribes of 
southern California; but unhappily his health became im- 
paired, and, while he remained in the field until the close of 
the fiscal year, the results of his work were not so voluminous 
as anticipated. 


In August, 1891, Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson resumed her 
investigations into the mythology, religion, and sociology of 
the Zuni Indians, making a careful study of the shrine worship 
which con.stitutes an important feature in the religion of those 
people. She added to the already valuable collection of pho- 
tographs and sketches of their sanctuaries, made in previous 


years by Mr James Stevenson, and by the aid t)f the war 
priest of Zufii secured from the tribe some interesting objects. 
Tlu'ough the influence of the war priest, the priest of the 
Ka-ka, and theurgists of the "medicine societies," Mrs Steven- 
son was able to be present at Zuiii ceremonials almost contin- 
uously from the time of her arrival to her departure in March. 


Dr W. J. Hoffman proceeded early in August to the Meno- 
mini reservation in Wisconsin, in response to an invitation from 
the raitawok or chiefs of the Mitawit (or "Grand Medicine 
Society") of the Menomini Indians, to observe the ritualistic 
ceremonies and order of initiation of a new candidate for mem- 
bershijj, for comparison with similar ceremonials of other 
Algonquian tribes. In addition to the mythologic material col- 
lected at this attendance, he also secured much valuable infor- 
mation relating to the primitive customs and usages of the 
Menomini for use in the ])reparation of a monograph on that 
people. Specimens of their workmanship Avere also collected. 

As he had been appointed a special agent for making eth- 
nologic collections for the exhibit to be made by the Bureau 
of Ethnology at the World's Columbian Exposition, he secured 
a collection of Menomini matei'ial, as well as a number of 
desired objects at White Earth reservation, Minnesota. In May, 
1892, he visited the Crow agency in Montana, to procure a 
collection of articles illustrating the industries and workman- 
ship of the Crow Indians. It was deemed specially desirable 
to obtain some of the elaborate clothing for which the tribe is 
remarkable. A unique series of articles was obtained, after 
which a visit was made to the isolated band of Ojibwa at 
Leech lake, Minnesota, to collect various specimens desired to 
complete the collection illustrating early Ojibwa history. 

On his return, Dr Hoffman again stopped at the Menomini 
reservation to make final collections of ethnologic material and 
to complete his studies of the ritual and initiatory ceremonies 
of the Grand Medicine Societv, a meeting of which body had 
been called for this special purpose. He returned to Washing- 
ton in June, 1892. 



Mr James Mooney, during the field months of the fiscal 
year, continued making collections tor an exhi})it at the 
World's Columbian Exposition comprising objects to illustrate 
the daily life, arts, th'ess, and ceremonies of the Kiowa in the 
southeastern part of Indian Territory. That tribe was selected 
as continuing in its piimitive condition more perfectly than any 
other which could be examined with profit. He succeeded 
in making a tribal collection which is practically complete, 
including almost every article in use among the Kiowa for 
domestic uses, and for war, ceremony, amusement, or dress. 
A number of photographs were also obtained. On his return 
in August this collection was labeled and arranged in cases 
ready for transportation to Chicago on the opening of the 
Exposition, and by the use of the photographs and costumes 
several groups of life-size figures were prepared to show char- 
acteristic scenes in Indian life. 

In November he again set forth to obtain additional infor- 
mation relating to the ghost dance, especially among tlie prin- 
cipal tribes not before visited. After a short stay in Nebraska 
with the Omaha and Winnebago Indians, neither of whom, it 
was found, had taken any prominent part in the dance, he 
went to the Sioux villages at Pine Ridge agencv, South Dakota, 
the chief seat of the late outbreak, where he collected a large 
number of songs of the dance and much miscellaneovis infor- 
mation on the subject. From there he went to the Paiute in 
Nevada, among whom the messiah and originator of the ghost 
dance resides. Here he obtained the statement of the doctrine 
from the lips of the messiah himself, took his portrait (the only 
one ever taken), and obtained a number of dance songs in 
the Paiute language. He then returned to the Cheyenne and 
Arapaho Indians in Indian Territorv, among whom he had 
begun the study of the dance, and obtained from them the 
original letter which the messiah had given them, containing 
the authentic statement of his doctrine and the manner in 
which they were to observe the ceremonial. He returned to 
Washington in February. 


In May he again started out to gather additional ethnologic 
material, especially with regard to the Kiowa, and to obtain 
further collections for the World's Columbian Exposition. 
Going first among the Sioux, he proceeded next to the Slio- 
shoni and northern Arapaho villages, in Wyoming, and then 
to the Kiowa country, in Indian Territory, where he was still 
workin"- at the close of the iiscal year. 


Reverend J. Owen Dorsey, from January 14 to February 21, 
1892, made a trip to Lecompte, Rapides parish, Louisiana, for 
the purpose of gaining information from the survivors of the 
Biloxi tribe. He found only one person, an aged woman, who 
spoke the language in its purity, and two others, a man and 
his wife (the latter the daughter of the old -v^oman), whose dia- 
lect contains numerous modifications of the ancient language. 
From these three persons he obtained several myths and other 
texts in the Biloxi language, material for a Biloxi-English dic- 
tionary, local names, personal names, names of clans, kinship 
terms, list of flora and fauna with their Biloxi names, and 
grammatic notes. He filled many of the schedules of a coj)y 
of the second edition of "Powell's Introduction to the Study 
of Indian Languages" (English-Biloxi in this instance). He 
brought to Washington a few botanical specimens, for which 
he had gained the Biloxi names, in order to obtain their scien- 
tific names from the botanists of the Smithsonian Institution. 
He photographed three Biloxi men and two women, all who 
could be found. There were about seven other Biloxi resid- 
ing in the pine forest 6 or 7 miles from Lecompte, l)ut they 
would not be interviewed. The Biloxi language contains 
manv words which resemble their equivalents in other Siouan 
languages, some being identical in sound with the correspond- 
ing words in Dakota, Winnebago, etc. The Biloxi has more 
classifiers than are found in the other languages of this family, 
and, while it uses adverbs and conjunctions, it often expresses 
a succession of actions by mere juxtaposition of two, three, or 
more verbs. In the paucity of modal ])refixes it may be com- 
pared with the Hidatsa and Tutelo, and in the use of d'"' and 



t"' it may be classed witli the Kwapa and Ilidatsa. Tiie infor- 
mation now gained permits a tabular comparison of the Biloxi 
with the Hidatsa, Winnebago, KataVja, and Tutelo, those five 
being regarded as the archaic languages of the Siouan family. 


Mr Albert S. Gatschet, having met with little success in his 
previous attempt, in 1884, to study the Wichita language in 
the fielil, continued to watch for better opportunities In 
1892 he met twelve young men of that tribe in the Kduca 
tional Home (branch of the Lincoln Institute) at Philadelphia, 
and selected four of the brightest of their number, who seemed 
to be the most promising through their advanced knowledge 
of English. With their help he gathered al)out three thousand 
terms of Wichita, which is a Caddoan dialect, also a large 
nmnber of paradigms and sentences, and a few mythologic 
texts. A thorough interchangeability of the consonants makes 
the study peculiar!}' difficult. 

Maria Antonia, a voung Costa Rica woman residing in Phil- 
adelphia, was questioned concerning what slie rememljered of 
her native tongue, the Guatuso. About one hundred and 
twenty vocables were recorded as the result of the incjuiry. 
Mr Gatschet's field work extended from the beginning of 
March to the beginniuii- of June, 1892. 



The Director devoted some time to the revision and con-ec- 
tion of a report on the "Indian Linguistic Families of America 
North of Mexico," as it passed tlm)ugh the press. In this work 
he was efficiently aided during the earlier part of the year by 
Mr H. W. Henshaw. Although not voluminous, this document 
comprises, in specialized form, one of the classes of data which 
the Bureau has been engaged in collecting since its institu- 
tion; while a part of tlie information was t)btained from both 
the earlier and the current literature of the subject, as well as 
from the voluminous correspondence of the Bureau. Although 
the copy was prepared with care, it was found desirable to reex- 


amine the various sources of information and to incorporate 
the latest data obtained from correspondence and from recent 
pubhcations, and the labor of revision was thereby materially 
enhanced. The memoir is printed in the Seventh Annual 
Report of the Bureau. 

Mr H. W. Henshaw was largely occupied during the earlier 
part of the fiscal year in the general administrative work of 
the office. In addition to these duties, he was employed, up to 
the middle of May, in the preparation of the tribal synony- 
my, which has been described in previous reports. In this 
work Mr Henshaw had the assistance of Mr F. W. Hodge, 
who devoted particular attention to the Piman and Yuman 
linguistic stocks, as well as to the several stocks represented 
among the Pueblo Indians. Satisfactory progress was made in 
the accumulation of material for this work, which is recorded on 
cards in such manner as to l^e either available for publication 
at any time, or accessible for reference until the work is so far 
completed as to warrant printing. The cards are arranged in 
drawers in cases provided for the purpose. They are already 
of great and constantly increasing use, not only to the collab- 
orators of the Bureau but to students of ethnologic and histor- 
ical subjects from other governmental bureaus and departments. 
In connection with the administrative work, Mr Henshaw was 
occupied for some time in preparing the exhibit of the Bureau 
for the World's Columbian Exposition at Chicago. 

Colonel Garrick Mallery, United States Army, was occupied 
chiefly in writing in final form a comprehensive paper on the 
" Picture Writing of the American Indians," which presents the 
result of several years of personal exploration and study of all 
accessible material on that subject. At the close of the year 
the manuscript and the drawings for the large number of nec- 
essary illustrations had been transmitted through the Secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution to the Public Printer. Colonel 
Mallery was also, during the greater j)art of the year, charged 
with administrative duties and with the execution of a variety 
of special works under the instructions of the Director. 

The office work of Mr W. H. Holmes consisted in the com- 
pletion of papers on the pottery and shellwork of the abo- 
rigines of the United States. A third paper was written, on the 


textile fabrics obtained from the mound region; and a fourth, 
on the stone implements of the tide-water country, was sub- 
stantially completed. A fifth paper, on the general archeology 
of the region, was commenced. 

At the commencement of the official year Dr Cyrus Thomas 
was engaged in examining and correcting the proof of his "Cat- 
alogue of Prehistoric Works East of the Rocky Mountains," 
which was published in the latter part of 1891 as a Bulletin of 
the Bureau. This examination involved in many cases the 
necessity of a reference to the authorities quoted. 

Much of his time during the year was employed in writing 
the final pages of the report on the field work and explorations 
which for several years had been in his charge, and in adapt- 
ing it to a change in the form and manner of its publication 
Avhich had been made necessary. This involved the rewrit- 
ing of many pages and a material condensation of the intro- 
ductory portion relating to the distribution of types of mounds. 
It was completed by the close of the fiscal j^ear and filed for 
puljlication, nearly all the illustrations having been drawn and 
prepared for engraving. 

Dr Thomas devoted all his spare time to the study of the 
Maya codices and to the preparation of a report on the discov- 
eries he made therein. One of these, which is deemed of 
much intei-est and importance, is that, when the Dresden 
codex, which is considered the most ancient of those known, 
was written, the year consisted of 365 days, and that the cal- 
endar was arranged precisely as it was found to be by the 
Spanish conquerors. His most important discovery, made 
during the closing davs of the year, was the key to the signifi- 
cation of the hieroglyphic characters of the codices, by which 
it is probable that the inscriptions may ultimately be read. 
This discovery, which the tests so far applied appear to con- 
firm, consists, first, in the evidence that the characters as a 
rule are phonetic, and, second, in ascertaining the signification 
of a sufficient, number to form a basis for the interpretation of 
the rest. If this discovery proves to be what, from the evi- 
dence presented, it appears to be, it will be of incalculable 
importance to American archeology. 


Early in tlie }'ear the work of Mr Cosmos Mindeleff com- 
ineuced in repairing and securing the preservation of the Casa 
Grande ruin. This work was ordei'ed by act of Congress, and 
plans for its execution had been prepared by Mr MindelefF 
while in Arizona during the previous year. These plans pro- 
vided for the excavation of the interior of the ruin and undei'- 
pinning of the walls with brick and cement, the use of tie-beams 
to hold the walls in place and render them more solid, the 
restoration of the lintels over door and window openings, and 
the filling of the cavities above the lintels with brick and 
cement. The work was completed in November, and was 
inspected and accepted. Although all that was deemed neces- 
sary to preserve the ruin could not be done with the appropri- 
ation provided, still it is believed that enough was done to 
preserve it in its present condition for many years. All the 
work done was directed to the preservation of the ruin, no 
attempt at restoration being made. In June, 1892, the Presi- 
dent, in accordance with the authority vested in him l)y Con- 
gress, reserved from settlement twelve quarter sections about 
the ruin, comprising an area of about 480 acres. A number of 
S2:)ecimens obtained during the excavation were shipped to 
Washington and deposited in the National Museum. 

During a part of the year Mr Mindeleff was engaged in the 
preparation of a report on his field work of the previous year. 
This report, entitled "Aboriginal Remains in Verde valley, 
Arizona," was completed and appears in this volume. Aside 
from a comprehensive treatment of the ruins in the valley of 
the Verde the report contains the first illustrations published 
of ancient irrigating ditches, and the first comprehensive data, 
including illustrations, relating to cavate lodges. It is fully 
illustrated from photographs, plans, and surveys made by the 
author. Subsequently Mr Mindeleff commenced a. scientific 
report on Casa Grande ruin, Arizona, which also appears else- 
where in this volume. 

No new work was undertaken in the modeling room during 
the year, as the entire force was occupied in preparing dupli- 
cates of models previously executed for use at the World's 
Columbian Exposition and elsewhere. Six models, in addition 
to other material, were sent to Spain, to be exhibited at the 


Historical Exposition at Madrid. The series comprised models 
of the Pueblo of Zuui, New Mexico, the Pueblo of Waljji, 
Arizona, and Mummy Cave cliff ruin, Arizona, all of larj^-e size, 
together with three smaller models of ruins. 

An indefinite leave of absence without pay was granted to 
Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing in December, 1886, in order that 
he might orgaiuze and conduct the important explorations in 
southern Arizona and the Zuni country provided for by Mrs 
Marv Hemenwav, of Boston. His successful prosecution of 
this work Avas suddenly interrupted in the spring of 1 -^89 by 
a severe and prostrating illness, which disabled him imtil the 
summer of 1891. He was therefore unable to resume promised 
work on his older Zuni material for the Bureau until August, 
1891, when he began the preparation of a memoir on the Zuni 
myths of creation and migration as related to the mythic 
drama-dance organization, or Kdkd, of the Zunis — the so-called 
Kachina ceremonials of the other southwestern Pueblo tribes. 
Mr Cushing's discoveries, as set forth in this essay, confirm and 
substantiate the opinion held by the Director that all primitive 
so-called dance ceremonials are essentially th-amatic, and they 
go so far as to indicate also that all primitive ceremonials, of 
whatever nature, are essentially dramaturgic, thus making his 
contribution of general as well as of special significance. 

In Januar}-, 1892, Mr Cushing again reported at Washing- 
ton and was regularly engaged as an ethnologist of the Bureau 
on Febraary 1, and he has since been occupied in elaborating 
his pajier on the mj^ths of the drama dances and on a stud}' of 
manual concepts or the influence of primitive hand usages on 
mental development in the culture growth of mankind. The 
memoir on the former subject appears in this volume. 

Mrs Stevenson returned from the field in March, 1892, and 
was employed for the remainder of the fiscal year in preparing 
her field notes for publication. 

Mr Gerard Fowke was engaged during December and Jan- 
uary in preparing a report of his season's Avork in archeology, 
arranging- and classifying the specimens procured, and embody- 
ing in reports, previously prepared, the results of recent dis- 
coA'eries. His report is appended hereto. 


The office work of l)r Hoftmau consisted in arranging the 
material gathered during the preceding field season and in 
preparing i'or ])u])lication an account of the Midewiwin, or so- 
called "Grand JMedicine Society," of the Ojibwa Indians of 
White Earth, Minnesota. This work, which forms one of the 
papers accompanying the seventh annual report, embraces 
new material, and consists of the traditions of the Indian cos- 
mogony and genesis of mankind, the "materia medica" of the 
shamans, and the ritual of initiation, together with the musical 
notation of the chants and songs used. 

During the winter and spring months a delegation of Meno- 
mini Indians from Wisconsin visited Washington, and Dr 
• Hoft'man frequently conversed with them to obtain information 
explanatory of the less known practices of the Menomini 
cerem.ony of the Mitawit, or their "Grand Medicine Society," 
for the purpose of comparison with the ritual as observed by 
the Ojibwa. In addition a large mass of mythologic material 
was obtained, as well as texts in the Menomini lano-uao-e. 

On returning from the field in August, 1891, Mr James 
Mooney spent about ten weeks in arranging his Kiowa collec- 
tion for tlie World's Columbian Exposition, writing out a 
series of descriptive labels, and in copying all the more 
important documents relating to the "ghost dance" from the 
files of the Indian Office and the War Department. He then 
again went into the field, as above stated, returning to Wash- 
ington in February", 1892. About three months were then 
occupied in arranging the material thus obtained and in 
writing the preliminary chapters of his report on the ghost 
dance. He also superintended the preparation, at the National 
Museum, of a number of groups of life-size figures to accom- 
pany the Kiowa collection at the World's Fair. 

Reverend J. Owen Dorsey continued the arrangement of 
Kwapa texts with interlinear and free translations and critical 
notes. He revised the proof of "Omaha and Ponka Letters," 
a bulletin prepared from (/llegiha texts collected by himself. 
He finished the collation of all the Tutelo words recorded by 
Dr Hale, Mr J. N. B. Hewitt, and himself, with the result that 
he had 775 words in the Tutelo-Eiigiish dictionary. He 


funaishecl a list of several hundred ling'iiistic and sociologic 
questions to be used among Indian tribes. These questions 
were in addition to those contained in the second edition of 
the Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, and were 
based on original investigations made l)y Mr Dorsey among 
the Siouan tribes He prepared for pi;blication the follow- 
ing articles : Siouan Onomatopes (sound-roots), illustrated by 
charts; The Social Organization of Siouan Tribes, illustrated 
by figures consisting chiefly of material gained by himself 
from the Dakota tribes, the Omaha, Pouka, Kwapa, Osage, 
Kansa, Iowa, Oto, Missouri, Winnebago, and Tutelo; Nani- 
bozhu in Siouan Mythology ; Games of Teton Dakota Children 
(translat("d and arranged from the original Teton manuscript 
in the Bushotter collection of the Bureau of Ethnology). He 
also prepared a paper on Omaha Dwellings, Furniture, and 
Implements, which accompanies this report. 

After his return from Louisiana Mr Dorsey devoted most of 
his time to the arrangement of the material collected in his 
Biloxi note-books. He prepared a Biloxi-English dictionary 
of 3,183 words on about 7,000 slips in alphabetic order. He 
arranged the Biloxi texts for ])ublication, adding to the myths 
(with their interlinear and free English translations and criti- 
cal notes) a list of several hundi-ed Biloxi phrases. In his 
article on the Biloxi kinship system, he gave 53 kinship 
groups, of which number only 27 have their counterparts in 
the Dakota, (|)egiha, and other Siouan languages of the Mis- 
souri valley. The elaboration of all the Biloxi material was 
not completed at the end of the fiscal year. 

Mr Albert S. Gatschet assisted in augmenting and improving 
the data for the tribal synonymy, extracting material from a 
number of books and original reports especially referring to 
southern and southwestern Indians. His main work during 
the year was directed tOAvard extracting and arranging some 
of the more extensive vocabularies made by him previously in 
the field. After completing the Tonkawe of Texas, he carded 
each word of the Shawano and Creek languages obtained by 
him, copied the historical and legendary texts of both, and 
extracted the lexic and grammatic elements from them to serve 


as the groundwork for future grammars. The known records 
of the Virginia or Powhatan languages were also made acces- 
sible by carding- the terms. 

During the fiscal year Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was a part of the 
time engaged in careful study of the grannnatic forms of the 
Iroquoian languages, especially in ascertaining the number 
and order in which the affixes may be used with one and the 
same stem or base He was also engaged in translating, 
extracting, and transferring to cards from the "Decou^•ertes et 
Etablissements des Fran^ais dans I'Ameriqiie septentrionale," 
by Pierre Margry, matter relating to the manners, customs, 
beliefs, rites, ceremonies, and history of the Iroquois. This 
matter is now placed on about 20,000 cards. He continued 
his work on the Tuskarora dictionarj^ and directed attention to 
developing the full number of ordinary sentences in which 
every generic noun may be employed for the purpose of 
establishing a measure of the capacity of the vocabulary tor 
the expression of thought. 

Mr James C. Pilling continued his bibliographic work 
throughout the year, giving special attention to the Atha- 
pascan family. Work on this family was begun early in the 
fiscal vear ; on October 1 3 the manuscript was sent to the 
printer, and at the close of the year all but a few pages of the 
final proofs were read. The bibliography of the Athapascan 
languages forms a bulletin of xiii-f 125 pages. While this 
volume was being put in type Mr Pilling began the collec- 
tion of material for other bibliographies relating to the lan- 
guages of the northwestern coast of America — the Chinookan, 
Salishan, and Wakashan — and satisfactory progress has been 
made. During the month of May, 1892, Mr Pilling made a 
brief visit to libraries in Boston and Cambridge in connection 
with the compilation of material relating to these northwestern 

Mr De Lancey W. Gill continued in charge of the work of 
preparing and editing the illustrations for the publications of 
the Bureau. 


The total number of illustrations prepared during' the year 
was 980. These drawings may be classified as follows: 

Lanilscapes 6 

Maps 6 

Objects 300 

Diagrams 31 

Miscellaueous 637 

The number of illustration proofs handled during the year 
was as follows: Eighth Annual Report, 308; Ninth Annual 
Report, 459. In addition, 678 illustrations for the Tenth 
Annual Report were transmitted to the Public Printer. 

The photograpliic laboratory remains under the able manage- 
ment of Mr J. K. Hillers. A small V)ut valuable collection of 
portraits of North American Indians was secured by him dur- 
ing the year from sittings; twenty-six negatives were obtained. 
The following table shows the size and number of photographic 
prints made: 

20 by 24 45 

11 by 14 274 

8bylO 546 

5 by 8 875 

4 by 5 1.187 


The publications issued during the year are as follows : 

(1) " Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to 
the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1885-86, by J. W. 
Powell, Director." This report contains an introductorv report 
by the Director, 27 pages, with accompanying joapers, as fol- 
lows: "Indian Linguistic Families of America north of Mex- 
ico," by J. W. Powell; "The Midewiwiu or 'Grand Medicine 
Society' of the Ojibwa," by W. J. Hoffman; "The Sacred For- 
mulas of the Cherokees," by James Mooney. The report forms 
a royal octavo volume of lxi4-409 pages, illustrated with 39 fig- 
ures and 27 plates, one of which is a folding plate in a pocket 
at the end of the volume. 

(2) "Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. ii, part 
II." This part contains the Klainatli-Eiiglish and English-Kla- 
math Dictionary, ])y Albert Samuel Gatschet, and concludes 
his work relating to "The Klamath Indians of Southwestern 
Oregon." The volume is a quarto of 711 pages. 


(3) "Contributions to North American Ethnolog'y, vol. vi," 
containing the following papei's by James Owen Dorsey: "The 
(/^egiha Language, part i, Myths, Stories, and Letters," and "The 
(/^egiha Language, part ii, Additional Myths, Stories, and Let- 
ters." The report forms a quarto volume of xviii-|-794 pages. 

(4) "Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. vii, 
"A Dakota- English Dictionary, by Stephen Return Riggs, 
edited by James Owen Dorsey." This is a (piarto volume of 
x-f665 pages. 

(5) liulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, "Omaha and Ponka 
Letters," by Janies Owen Dorsey. This work forms ;m octavo- 
volume of 127 pages. 

(G) Bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, "Catalogue of 
Prehistoric AVorks East of the Rocky Mountains," by Cyrus 
Thomas. This document is an octavo volume of 246 pages, 
with 17 maps. 

(7) Bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, "Bibliography of 
the Algonquian Languages," by James Constantine Pilling. 
This work forms an octavo volume of 614 pages, with 82 
plates of facsimiles of title-pages of rare works. 


Appropriation by Congress for the liscal y«ar eiirliiii; June 30. 
1892, "For eontiuuinjj; ethnologioal researches among the 
Anierlian Indians under the direction of tlie Smithsonian 
Institution, includini;' salaries or compensation of all neces- 
sary employees " fSundry civil act, approved March 3, 1891. $50, 000. 00 

Balance July 1, 1891, as per last annual report 12, 774. 24 

$H2, 774. 24 

Salaries or compensation 36, 560. 33 

Traveling expenses $3, 660. 05 

Transportation 963. 69 

Field subsistence 719. 20 

Field expenses 1, 675. 25 

Field material 166. 19 

Freight 3«0. 55 

Supplies 1, 867. 98 

Stationery 80. 38 

Ottice furniture 138.25 

Publications .566. 63 

Drawings 908. 77 

Laboratory supplies 27. 80 

Repairs 51.11 



Balance. I uly 1, 1892 15,008.06 




Six special treatises are appended to, and form tliu body 
of, this report. The first is an ilhistrated paper ou the textile 
art of the aborigines of eastern United States; it comprises 
descriptions and illustrations of textile art products preserved 
from the prehistoric past in various ways, and the relics are 
interpreted by means of the records of explorers and pioneers. 
The second jiaper is a spioptical description of the stone art 
of the native races, also of eastern United States, as exempli- 
fied in the collections of the Bureau of Etlmology ; this article, 
too, being profusely illustrated. The third treatise pertains to 
the chiefly prehistoric aboriginal works of the Verde valley, 
Arizona. It elucidates clearly, by means of maps, plans, and 
pictures, as well as bv verbal statement, the mode of life of 
the aborigines of the far southwest, while yet they remained 
free from accultm-al influences. To it the fourth paper is 
closely related in subject, though distinct in the sources of 
information. It is a description of the dwellings, furniture, 
and implements of one of the tribes of the northern plains, 
based on direct observations of the evanescent structures pro- 
duced by the wandering tribesmen. The fifth paper com- 
prises a detailed and illustrated account of the prehistoric 
"Great House" (Casa Grande), which was ah-eady ruined 
when Coronado traversed the arid plains of the southwest in 
1540, and which has been deemed by statesmen of such im- 
portance as a relic of the past that steps have been taken to 
insure its preservation. The sixth treatise is a part of the rich 
body of tradition preserved among the Zuiii Indians, trans- 
lated almost literally into the English, with a brief inti'oduc- 
tion explaining the bearings of the singularly picturesque cos- 
mogony of this tribe. 

Considered geographically, two of the papers treat of east- 
ern United States, one of the northeiTi-central portion of the 
country, and three of the arid region of the southwest, all 
finding their subjects within the national domain. Classified 


topically, four of the paper.s are contributious to archeology 
or the prehistoric condition of the native races, while one per- 
tains to the customs and another to the beliefs of the aborig-i- 
nal tribes; the preponderance of the arclieologic material being 
due })artly to the fact that one of the branches of research 
pertaining to this subject is just terminating. Collectively, the 
papers cover a considerable part of the field of research wliich 
it is the province of the Bureau to carry on; and while, with 
the exception perhaps of the report on Casa Grande ruin, none 
of them can be regarded as exhaustive monograplis, several 
are of such completeness as. to represent fairly, and indeed 
fullv, the most advanced knowledge concerning their subjects. 


In 1881 the law under which the Bureau of Ethnology was 
organized was modified by the addition of a specific provision 
that a part of the appropriation should "be expended in con- 
tiiuiing archeological investigation relating to mound-builders 
and prehistoric mounds." Conformably t(i this provision, a 
survey of the prehistoric mounds and other earthworks scat- 
tered over the Mississippi valley and eastern United States was 
at once undertaken. At that time the mounds represented a 
serious problem of American archeology, most students inclin- 
ing to the opinion that they were constructed by a race ante- 
rior to, and more highly cultured than, the Indians found in 
the same districts by explorers. Accordingly the survey's and 
other researches were planned and conducted in such manner 
as to throw light on the much-discussed question. Who were 
the mound-builders? To this end the studies were made com- 
parative; the mounds themselves were compared from locality 
to locality and from district to district, throughout the section 
of the country in wliich they occur; and they were compared, 
also, with tumuli, cairns, pyramids, and other works of earth 
and stone in different countries. This comparison 2:)roved sug- 
gestive but not conclusive; it indicated a close relationship 
among the American mounds, and a more remote relationship 
to the earthworks of other countries. In order to render the 


conclusion more delinite, the examination was extended in 
various directions. Tlie mounds were excavated and tlieir 
contents scrutinized; the rehcs found tlierein were, hke the 
mounds themselves, compared from locality to locality and 
from district to district, and also with the relics from foreign 
earthworks; then the osseous remains and artificial relics of 
the mounds were compared with the skeletons and art products 
of the historical period; and it was eventually found that the 
mound relics are in every respect essentially similar to those 
of the Indian tribes. Thus, after some years of patient research, 
extending- over a large section of the country and embracing 
many thousand mounds, the question as to the builders of 
these works was gradually set at rest — it was shown to the 
satisfaction of the ethnologists and archeologists engaged in 
the work, and of other students of the subject in this country 
and abroad, that the builders of the mounds were unquestion- 
ably the historical Indians and their ancestors. 

The general results of this research have been set forth in a 
previous report; but the more special results of several of the 
collateral lines of study were excluded from that report by 
reason of the great volume of the material, and were reserved 
for other publications. One of these collatei-al lines of study 
which was found especially significant, as indicating relations 
between the mound-builders and the historical Indians, per- 
tained to textile fabrics. This study was conducted by Mr 
W. H. Holmes; its results are incorporated in the first of the 
accompanying treatises. 

In the excavation of the mounds, traces of textile fabrics 
were frequently found. Generally the perishable textile ma- 
terials were so far decomposed that little could be learned of 
the processes of manufacture ; but when the fabric was w^-apped 
around, or otherwise juxtaposed with, implements and orna- 
ments of copper, it was preserved by the cupric oxide, and 
under certain other conditions also the fabrics were so well 
preserved as to permit careful examination. Thus, as the 
excavations progressed, a considerable quantity of textile fab- 
rics was brought to light and subjected to comparative study. 
Meantime, opportunities for the examination of prehistoric fab- 


rics from caverns and rock shelters, in which textile material is 
sometimes preserved through the influence of niter, copperas, 
and other eai-thy salts, were utilized; and, as the material from 
such localities was brought to light, it was compared with the 
textiles recovered from the mounds. The comparison was then 
extended to the fabrics produced by the historical Indians, spe- 
cial attention being given to the fabrics found in use among 
the Indians by the earliest explorers. The comparisons indi- 
cated similarity in all essential respects. As stated by Mr 
Holmes, "There are among them [the coarse cloths of the 
mound-builders] some finer examples of weaving than those 
obtained from the caves and shelters of Tennessee and Ken- 
tucky, but there is nothing specifically difi'erent in material or 
methods of combination, and there is nothing whatever to sug- 
gest a higher stage of culture than that of the historical Indian" 
(page 36). 

As the researches and comparisons were extended, the pot- 
tery of the mounds and that found in use among the aborigines 
came under examination. Skilled in the recognition of textiles, 
Mr Holmes soon found that such pottery frequently bears 
impressions of woven fabrics, ;uid he devised a method of tak- 
ing casts from the fabric-impressed pottery by which the char- 
acter of tlie fabric was shown much more clearh' than in the 
negative impression. A large number of fabrics from the 
mounds were thus restored, and they were compared with 
restorations from the ])ottery of the historical Indians and of 
the primitive peoples of other countries, as well as with the 
fabrics themselves. This comparison indicated that the fab- 
rics impressed on the mound potteiy, like those found intact 
in the mounds, are essentially similar to the fabrics produced 
by the red men found roaming- the plains and woodlands of 
this country, and that "All tell the same story of a simple, 
primitive culture, hardly advanced l)eyond the grade sepa- 
rating the savage from the barbarous condition" (page 45). 

There are two modes of comparison, occupying different 
planes: The first is the direct or analogic comparison in which 
the objects themselves are juxtaposed (in reality or ideally, 
with the aid of memor)- and picture) and their external charac- 


ters identified or discriminated. This is the foniiiion mode of 
comparison, such as was employed in comparative anatomy 
during the last generation, and such as is always employed in 
the earlier stages of research. The second method is that of 
rational or homologic comparison, in Avhich the objects com- 
pared are considered as assemblages of characters, each con- 
veying a meaning; and when the objects are juxtaposed (really 
or ideally) the comparison is made, not between external fea- 
tures, but between the meanings of these features. This is the 
method pursued in comparative anatomy today, and ])ursued 
everywhere in the moie advanced stages of scientific develop- 
ment. The first method yields an adventive classification 
which is often of great convenience and utility, l)ut wliichdoes 
not necessarily express fundamental relations; the second 
method yields au essential classification in which fundamental 
relations are expressed — and it is found, as the meanings of 
characters are accurately interpreted, that the essential classi- 
ficatitn is an arrangement by sequence or genesis. Now 
ethnology, including archeology and other branches of the 
sc ence of man, have hardly reached the more advanced stage 
ol homologic comparison or genetic classification; but, in the 
researches of the Bureau of Ethnology, efforts have constantly 
been made to raise the science to the higher plane represented 
by genetic classification. To this consummation no collabo- 
rator has contributed more than Mr Holmes, who, in his studies 
of textiles, of pottery, and of stone art, has constantly souglit 
to interpret the special features of objects, and in this way 
to ascertain modes and conditions of development. 

By pursuing this method of research and after acquainting 
himself through stiuly and actual imitation with manufacture 
processes, Mr Holmes has been able not only to compare the 
fabrics from the mounds, caves, and wig^^ams, but to compare 
the processes of manufactiu-e; and he has thus placed himself 
in a position to speak with nuich greater confidence concerning 
the makers of these fabrics than it would lie ])ossible to do 
with any amount of material arranged by the adventive 


It may be noted that Mr Holmes is now engaged on elabo- 
rate studies of the stone and fictile arts of the aborigines, the 
results of Avhieli are designed for publication in other reports, 
and that these researches have been conducted in the same 
advanced way — i. e., by means of homologic comparison — and 
have yielded results in complete accord with those flowing 
from the study of the textiles. 


In the course of the excavation of the mounds a large num- 
ber of relics of various kinds were recovered ; and these were 
carefully preserved and l)rouglit to the office of the liureau 
for study and comparison, and were afterward placed in the 
United States National Museum. Partly because of extensive 
use, partly because of its imperishable nature, the prevailing 
material of these relics is stone. A large number of the 
stone implements, weapons, ornaments, etc, were collected 
from the mounds ; and in many cases these stone articles were 
associated with skeletons or with moi'tuary vessels and cere- 
ments in such manner as to prove that they were habitually 
used bv the builders of the mounds. 

As the archeologic surveys progressed, many articles of 
stone were found in the fields, forests, and plains, on the sur- 
face of the ground, sometimes in the vicinit}^ of, sometimes far 
removed from, the prehistoric mounds ; others were obtained 
either directly from living Indians in different parts of the 
country, or from white men who had received them from 
Indians or who had at least a deftnite history of the articles con- 
necting them with the native makers, and frequently the use 
of the articles acquired in this way was ascertained through 
direct observation or through circumstantial account. Many 
articles picked up at random on the surface or extracted from 
mounds by farmers and hunters or by skilled archeologists 
were also added to the collection. 

On assembling the stone ai't products from the mounds, 
those picked up on the surface, and those obtained directly 
from the Indians, it was found that all are essentially alike. 
It is true that sometimes all of the objects found in a single 

13 ETH IV 


mound are of superior design and excellent finish, and indeed 
tlie relics found in the burial mounds are, on the average, 
finer than those found on the surface ; but in most of the 
mounds articles of ordinary and even decidedly inferior work- 
manship are not uncommon. On making- allowance for the 
selection exercised in connection with Indian burial customs, 
whereby the finest possessions of the deceased are most likely 
to be inhumed or destroyed, it became e^^dent that the surface 
relics and the historical articles are alike in the grade of cul- 
ture represented. This similarity in art products is one of the 
lines of evidence linking the mound-builders with the histori- 
cal Indians. 

One of the collaborators of the Bureau engaged in surveys 
and examinations of the mounds was Mr Gerard Fowke. To 
him the task of arranging and classifying the stone art pro- 
ducts was intrusted. One of the results of his excellent work 
is the accompanying paper on stone art. In classifying the 
material Mr Fowke followed the usage of archeologists in 
this and other countries, arranging the objects in part by pro- 
cesses of manufacture, in })art by form, and in part by func- 
tion ; and in every class the functions were ascertained by 
comparison with the observations of anthropologists through- 
out the world, as recorded in the literature of the subject. 

As will be seen from the tables and illustrations incorporated 
in the paper, the body of material with which ]\Ir Fowke had 
to deal, and on which his descriptions are directly based, was 
quite rich. Thus the grouping of the grooved stone axes is 
founded on more than 200 specimens; the descriptions of celts 
rest on over 600 polished and 400 chipped specimens, or more 
than 1,000 in all. Of even so rare a class of relics as the 
hematite celt there are nearly a score of specimens; of the 
liulkv and elaborate implements known as spuds there are 10 
good examples, and of the beautifully finished articles com- 
monly designated plummets 26 are described; while of the 
laboriously carved wheel-shape gaming articles known as 
discoidal stones there were no fewer than 800 in the collection. 
Of the articles classed as ceremonial, including gorgets, banner 
stones, etc, nearly 200 are described in detail or by type. 


Collectively, the battered or polished stone objects number 
several thousand, and the chipped stone articles are still more 
numerous. Two hundred and fifty of the specimens are illus- 
trated by careful drawings, many of which show profiles or 
sections, as well as the faces of the articles. 

Mr Fowke's paper forms an illustrated descriptive catalogue 
of the stone art products collected in connection with the 
mound surveys. It is believed that the paper will be found 
of great interest and value to the many archeolo gists and col- 
lectors of the country. 


There is a large tract in southwestern United States char- 
acterized by arid climate, dearth of water, and scantiness 
of vegetation. Much of this tract is mountainous, portions 
are broad plateaus, and other portions are extensive lowlands 
relieved by scattered mountain peaks and ranges. Structurally 
it consists chiefly of extensive and thick formations of Meso- 
zoic and Cenozoic age, often lying in horizontal sheets. Locally 
these formations are broken by faults and tilted in various 
directions, and sometimes they are crumpled and folded; and 
over considerable areas they are associated with, or overlain 
by, lavas and other igneous rocks. 

During the later geologic ages, that portion of the tract com- 
prising parts of Nevada, Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico, 
with all of Arizona and much of Sonora in the neighboring 
Republic of Mexico, has suffered a general tilting southwest- 
ward; and this tilting or warping of the earth-crust has mate- 
rially affected the geography of the region. In the first place, 
the northeastern half of the tract was lifted into a vast plateau, 
and thereby the temperature was lowered and precipitation 
increased; by reason of the warping the streams flowing 
in southerly and westerly directions were stimulated, and 
through the increased precipitation they gained still further in 
power; and accordingly this portion of the tract was corraded 
into a labyrinth of canyons, among which the Grand Canyon 
of the Colorado is most notable. At the same time, the 
streams flowing iu northerly and easterly dii-ectious were parti- 


lyzed by the diminishing dedivity of their ways, and some of 
tlieir valleys were converted into basins, while others were 
robbed by the transgression of the more active streams flow- 
ing sonthwestward. In the southwestern half of the tract the 
rainfall remained slight, and the feeble streams bom of the 
rare storms spent their energy in canying debris from the 
moiantains into the valleys, whereby the area of desert i)lains 
was still further increased. To this series of movements 
many of the peculiarities of the region are due; excepting 
the Little Colorado (which has been affected by peculiar 
conditions) and its tributaries, the principal streams flow west- 
ward, southward, and sonthwestward; their waters gather in 
the mountains or northeastern plateaus, and they flow for a 
time through canyons which gradually diminish in depth as 
the streams approach tide level — for the mean slope of the 
surface is greater than the mean sloj)e of the stream ; and dur- 
ing the di-y season and sometimes throughout the year the 
streams are smaller in the lower courses than in the upper 
regions — for the waters are drank by the thirsty soil 
and absorbed by the heated air. South of the Gila and all the 
way to Rio Yaqui, halfway down the Gulf of California, the 
parched laud yields no water to the sea. In their upper 
reaches the streams corrade, in their lower courses they deposit 
theddbris gathered toward their sources; they degrade above 
and aggrade below, and thereby the great geologic process of 
gradation is in this region completed without the aid of the sea, 
save as a source of vapor. So the southwestern part of the 
tract is a region of ai-id plains of aggradation, beneath which 
the Mesozoic and Cenozoic formations are largely buried; the 
northeastern part is a region of arid plateaus, in which these 
formations crop out over the surface and in rugged canyon 
walls; while the central portion is a broad zone, in which the 
later formations croji out in low plateaus and mesas, and in 
which the southwestward-flowing streams are often flanked by 
alluvial terraces and floodplains. These geographic condi- 
tions, originating in clearly defined geologic processes, have 
affected the habitability of the tract since men first appeared 
therein — indeed, to these conditions the peculiarities of south- 
western aboriginal culture are to be ascribed in large measure. 


The valley of Rio Verde (the "green river" of the Spaniards) 
is a typical section of the middle zone of the great arid tract. 
Its waters gather among great volcanic mesas by which the 
southwestward slope of the . sedimentary formations is broken; 
they flow sontliward in gradually shallowing canyons, chiefly 
of the bedded sedimentary rocks, falling into Rio Salado (the 
salted river), whose waters are so largely evaporated as to leave 
the residue brackish, and thence into the Gila. When swollen 
by storms, the Verde builds floodplains or overflows the 
plains of previous stonns, and on these plains and terraces the 
hardy vegetation of the subarid regions greedily seizes and 
persistently maintains a preemption ; so that the valley winds 
through the barren mesas, gray, pink, or black in tint, as a 
verdant ribbon. By this verdure the Spanish conquerors were 
attracted more than thi-ee centuries ago; but long before their 
coming the native peoples gathered along the fruitful river- 
banks to alternately practice a primitive horticulture in the 
valley bottom and And refuge from predatory neighbors in the 
rugged valley sides. 

Mr Cosmos Mindeleff (the younger of the two Mindeleff 
brothers, long associated in archeologic work) spent several 
months in making surveys of, and researches concerning, the 
ruined villages, lodges, and irrigating Avorks, which remain as 
the sole record of the prehistoric population of Verde valley. 
He found a large number of ruins, of which many were so well 
preserved as to indicate not only the style of architecture but, 
in many cases, the purposes and customs of the builders. 
Through careful comparison of the ruins themselves, of the 
implements and utensils found in connection therewith, of the 
irrigation works, of the relation of the sites to natural features, 
etc, he has been able to restore at least tlie main lines of the 
picture representing this region during prehistoric times. 

The principal villages were built of stones, sometimes rude, 
sometimes rough dressed. They were usually great clusters of 
houses, or of rooms united in a single structure. They were 
often located without regard to defense; but they were placed 
on or near broad stretches of tillable bottom land. The 
remains of irrigation works indicate that the artificial control 
of the waters was extensive and successful. 


Mr Miudeleff concludes that the rums of the lower Verde 
valley rejjreseut a coin])aratively late period in the history of 
the tribes living in pueVjlos. He infers also that the ])eriod of 
occupancy was not a long one. His estimate of the prehistoric 
])o})ulation is notably moderate. His careful drawings and 
other illustrations of the ruins, based on careful surveys and 
measurements, will, it is believed, be found of great and per- 
manent value. 


The northern plains of central United States are in many 
ways antithetic to the arid southwest ; the rainfall is consider- 
able, and fairly distributed throughout the year ; the water- 
ways are shallow, so that the tlowing and ground waters are 
accessible to animals and within easy reach of the roots of 
plants ; and a fairly luxuriant flora and rich fauna have long- 
occupied the region. At an unknown yet probably not 
remote period, measured in years, and well within the recent 
time of geology, the bison spread over the plains, and by 
reason of excejitionally favorable conditions soon became the 
dominant animal form of the region, pushing far into the 
mountains on the west and still farther into the woodlands on 
the east. The development of living things is a succession of 
contests against enemies or inimical conditions, and a domi- 
nant form, animal or vegetal, soon comes to be beset on all sides 
by enemies, and frequently the development of the enemies 
follows hard upon the development of the dominant organ- 
isms; but the American bison seems to have come up with 
such rapidity as to outstrip the development of natural ene- 
mies ; and the growth of the species chanced to be so related 
to the aboriginal occupation that it was first controlled and 
afterward checked by human agency. While the buifalo and 
the plains Indians were contemporaries, each influenced the 
other in some measm-e ; and on the human associate, at least, 
the influence was potent. Some students have opined that, 
by reason of the extension of the buffalo into the cis-Missis- 
sippi woodlands, the Indians of the interior were transformed 


from farmers to huuters. Whether or not this be true, it is cer- 
tain that the plains Indians depended largely on the buffalo 
for subsistence, as well as for clothing and shelter, when first 
seen by white men. Thus their industries, which, like those 
of all primitive peoples, were adjusted directly to their condi- 
tions, were controlled largely by the presence of the buffalo. 
After the introduction of the horse, the Indians were able 
more effectively than before to capture their sluggish and 
naturally peaceful associates, and their industries came to be 
still more profoundly affected by the proximity and wealth of 
this source of food, clothing, and habitations. 

It was in the closing episodes of this stage in the history of 
the plains Indians that the Reverend James Owen Dorsey 
came in contact with the Omaha tribe, first as a missionary 
and later as a scientific collaborator of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
The Indians were still in the prescriptorial stage of culture ; 
and thus some of their dwellings, in their arrangement, design, 
and ornamentation ; their ceremonials, costumery, and fm-ni- 
ture, and some of their weapons and implements, were of 
special interest. As Mr Dorsey observes, there were no sacred 
rites connected with lodge-building or tent-making at the time 
of examination; yet the symbolism elsewhere or othertime 
connected with such" ceremonials persisted. 

The more permanent lodges of the Omaha were of earth or 
else of bark or mats; but the skin tents were common and 
characteristic. In a general way the tents of the northern 
plains Indians are well known through the descriptions and 
illustrations of many explorers; but few observers have noted 
the minor features of construction with care, and Mr Dorsey's 
descriptions are for this reason of special interest. So also 
the descriptions of the calumet or ceremonial pipe, and of 
the musical instruments, etc, are of value because of the 
painstaking study given to minor details as well as to general 


The territory of the pueblos and cliff houses merges south- 
westward into the land of low-lying plains, composed chiefly 
of alluvial deposits, though isolated buttes and narrow yet 


rugged ranges rise from its surface. The land of the canyons 
and the hind of aUuvial phxins belong to the same province, 
and their characteristics, as alread}' set forth, are due to a gen- 
eral snuthwestward tilting. In the canyons the aboriginal 
habitations and temples were of stone, which was everywhere 
abundant; in the plains the structures were of earthen grout 
or cajon — a puddled mass of soil, perhaps mixed with pebbles, 
molded into walls in successive layers, each allowed to dry 
in the sun before the next layer was added; sometimes this 
type of structure was modified by the incoqjoration of upright 
or horizontal beams or poles, and sometimes the cajon was 
combined with a sort of wattled structure composed of stems 
and ribs of cacti, etc; but in general cajon was an important 
element in the construction of the moi'e permanent structui'es 
of the lowland. 

A considerable part of cun-ent knowledge concerning the 
construction of the larger buildings of the plain springs from 
studies of the Casa Grande (the "Great House" of Spanish 
explorers), not far from the present town of Fktrence, Arizona. 
This structure was discovered, already in ruins, in 1694, l)y 
Padre Kino; and it has ever since been a subject of note by 
explorers and historians. Thus its history is exceptionally 
extended and complete. By reason of the early disco^■ery and 
its condition when first seen by white men, it is known that 
Casa Grande is a strictly aboriginal structure; and archeologic 
researches in this country and Mexico afi"ord grounds for consid- 
ering it a typical structure for its times and for the natives of the 
southwestern region. Many other structures were mentioned 
or described by the Spanish explorers, but the impressions of 
these explorers were tinctured by previous experiences in 
an inhospitable region, and their descriptions were tinged by 
the romantic ideas of the age. Moreover, nearly all of these 
structures disappeared long ago — indeed, with the exception 
of Casa Grande ruin, there is hardly a structure left by which 
the early accounts of Spanish explorers in North America can 
be checked and interpreted. Casa Grande is therefore a relic 
of exceptional importance and of essentially unique character. 


Several years ago Casa Grrande ruin was broug-ht into gen- 
eral notice tliroug'liout the United States in consequence of 
soutliwestern exploratidiis; and in 1889, in response to a peti- 
tion from several illustrious Americans, the Congress of the 
United States, at the instance of Senator Hoar of Massachu- 
setts, made an appropriation of S2,000 for the ^^urpose of 
undertaking- the preservation of this ruin. This appropriation 
was exjiended in works urgently required to prevent the fall- 
ing of the walls and linal destruction of the ruin; they included 
metal stays for the walls, with brickwork for the support and 
protection of the walls at their bases. Subsequentl}- an area of 
about 480 acres, including the ruin, Avas reserved from settle- 
ment by Executive order. A custodian was also appointed, 
and has since been continued. 

The accompanying description of this notable ruin, bv Mr 
Cosmos Mindeleflf, is based on examinations and surveys made 
before the preservative works were commenced. The memoir 
accordingly presents an accurate picture of the ruin in the con- 
dition to which it was brought by the destructive agencies of 
nature and the relatively slight injury by vandals. The his- 
tory of the operations for the preservation of the ruin, with 
suitable illustrations, is reserved for a future report. 


Under primitive conditions of life, the habits and cvistoms of 
people directly reflect the environment by which they are sur- 
rounded, and these habits and customs in turn shape thought. 
In this way there has been developed among each primitive 
people of the earth a series of opinions concerning the relations 
of the things about them among each other and to mankind; 
and sometimes such a group of opinions is elaborated into a 
system of philosophy. Now, all jirimitive philoso])hies are 
more or less mythic and unreal — indeed, the whole course of 
intellectual development among mankind has been one of con- 
stant elimination of unrealitv. Thus the primitive philosopy is 
in greater or less degree a mythology ; and the myths are inti- 
mately interwoven with history and tradition in such manner 


that eacli primitive peojile has a more or less definite and 
detailed cosmogony. 

In view of the mode of development of the primitive 
cosmogony, it is not surprising to find an intimate connection 
between the story of the earth, sun, and stars and the imme- 
diate surroundings of the people among whom the cosmogony 
was developed. Thus the myths of a people who have lived 
long by the sea relate to water monsters, and perhaps to great 
inundations, as well as to other phenomena with which they 
are acquainted ; the myths of primitive mountaineers relate 
to ancient animals, akin to those roaming the mountain sides 
but much larger and more sagacious, and also to great torrents 
in the gorges, to thunder and lightning, perhaps to caverns, and 
to other phenomena of their experience; the myths of desert 
tribes relate to springs or streams, to plants that afford suste- 
nance, perhaps to great storms, and to other phenomena of 
their peculiar experience. In this way the myths of the tribes 
are connected with natural provinces of the earth inhabited 
by tribes, and as these provinces intergrade, so the myths 
intergrade. Moreover, since the experiences of a people in a 
given province on one continent are like unto the experiences 
of the people of a similarly conditioned province on another 
continent, there is a curious likeness in the myths of I'emote 
countries; and this parallelism in mythologies is* one of the 
phenomena of ethnology which is frequently misinterpreted, 
and which requires constant consideration on the part of stu- 

There are few more striking illustrations of the connection 
between the experiences and the mythology of a people than 
that found among the Zuni ' Indians of southwestern United 
States. Pressed by a hard environment, including an arid 
habitat and hostile neighbors, these Indians have been driven 
into unusual habits and customs, and into an association with 
plants, animals, and men of such character as to produce a 
peculiarly acute intelligence. This intelligence is manifested 
in pai't in the arts of the tribe, and is manifested also in their 
elaborate systems of symbolism and mythology. Thus the 
myths of the Zuni are of especial interest; they represent an 


unusual development of the i)rimitive concepts concerning the 
relations of things, yet one which is thoroughly characteristic 
of the Indian's character, as well as with the prescriptorial 
culture-stage. Moreover, the Zuni myths are of- exceptional 
interest in that they relate to the preservation and cultivation — 
indeed to the artificialization — of maize, one of the most useful 
food plants of the earth. Tliere are indeed certain stages in the 
history of the artificialization of this grain plant which can not 
be interpreted save through the traditions and myths of this 
and other tribes. 

In his memoir accompanying this report, Mr Gushing sets 
forth a part of the interesting- and suggestive cosmogony of 
the Zuni, so nearly as possible in its aboriginal form. Mr 
Gushing has had the advantage of long life with the tribe, into 
which indeed he was formally adopted; he has the advantage, 
also, of peculiar aptitude in entering into the cumbrous system 
of prescriptorial expression, and is thus able to appreciate the 
aboriginal concepts in unusual degree. For these reasons his 
rendering of the Zufii creation myths is regarded as notably 
accurate and trustworthy. 

The memoir is introduced by a sketch of Zuni historv, and 
by a brief exposition of the mythology of this interesting- 
tribe. This introduction may be commended to readers of the 
report as a faitliful picture of the Zuni tribe in the light of 
history and ethnology combined. 


13 ETH 1 







lutroductory y 

Scope of tile work il 

Definition of the art 10 

Materials ami processes 10 

Sources of iiiformatiou 11 

Products of the art 13 

Wattle work 13 

Basketry 15 

Types of basketry 15 

Baskets 15 

Sieves and strainers 17 

Cradles 18 

Shields 18 

Matting 18 

Pliable fabrics 21 

Development of spiiiiiinj^ and weaving 21 

Cloths 22 

Nets 26 

Feather- work 27 

Embroidery 28 

Fossil fabrics 28 

Modes of preservation 28 

Fabrics from caves and shelters 29 

Charred remains of fabrics from mounds 35 

Fabrics preserved by contact with copper 36 

Fabrics i uipresscd ou pottery 37 


Plate I. Prodncts of the textile art: a. Openwork fish baskets of Virginia 
Indians; 6, Mauner of weaving: c, Basket strainer; rf, Quiver of 

rushes: e, Mat of rushes 18 

II. Mat of split cane 28 

III. Mantle or skirt of light-colored stuff 30 

IV. Fringed skirt 32 

V. Frayed bag and skeins of hemp fiber 34 

VI. Charred cloth from mounds in Ohio 36 

VII. Drawings of charred fabric from mounds 38 

VIII. Copper celts with remnants of cloth. 40 

IX. Bits of fabric-marked pottery, with clay casts of same 44 

Fig. 1. weir of the Virginia Indians 14 

2. Use of mats in an Indian council 19 

3. Use of mat iu sleeping 20 

4. Section of clitt' showing position of grave shelter 31 

5. Portion of mantle showing manner of weaving 32 

6. Analysis of the- weaving of fringed skirt - 32 

7. Former costumes of woman and girl in Louisiana 33 

8. Border of bag 34 

9. Sandal or moccasin from a Kentucky cave - 3o 

10. Fine, closely woven cloth preserved by contact with copper heads... 36 

11. .'imall portion of rush matting preserved by contact with copper 37 

12. Split-cane matting from Petite Ause island, Louisiana 38 

13. Fabric-marked vase from a mounil in North Carolina 39 

14. Diagonal fabric, ancient pottery of Tennessee 39 

15. Fabric from the ancient pottery of Alabama 40 

16. Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee 40 

17. Twineil fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee 40 

18. Twined fabric from ancient salt vessel, Illinois 41 

19. Twined fabric from ancient salt vessel, Illinois 41 

20. Twined fabric from a piece of clay, Arkansas _ 42 

21. Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee 42 

22. Twined fabric from ancient pottery. Missouri 42 

23. Twined fabric from ancient pottery. Carter county, Tennessee 43 

24. Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee 43 

2."). Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee 43 

26. Twined fabric, with patterns, Ohio valley - 44 

27. Xet from ancient ])ottery , District of Columbia 44 

28. Net from ancient pottery, Xorth Carolina 45 



By W. H. Holmes 



About the year 1890 the writer was requested by the Director of the 
Bureau of Etlmology to prepare certaiu ijupcrs on aborigiual art, to 
accoiupany the tiual report of Dr. Cyrus Thomas ou his explorations of 
mounds and other ancient remains in eastern United States. These 
papers were to treat of those arts represented most fully by relics 
recovered in the held explored. They iucluded studies of the art of 
pottery, of the textile art and of art in siieli, and a paper on native 
tobacco i)ii>es. Three of these papers were already completed when it 
was decided to issue the main work of Dr. Thomas independently of the 
several papers prepared by his associates. It thus happens that the 
j)resent paper, written to form a limited section of a work restricted to 
narrow geogi'aphic limits, covers so small a fragment of the aboriginal 
textile field. 

The materials considered in this paper include little not germane to 
the studies conducted by Dr. Thomas in the mound region, the collec- 
tions used having been made largely by members of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology acting under his supervision. Two or three papers have already 
been published in the annual reports of the Bureau in which parts of the 
same collections have been utilized, and a few of the illustrations pre- 
pared for these papers are reproduced in this more comprehensive 

Until within the last few years textile fabrics have hardly been 
recognized as having a place among the materials to be utilized in the 
discussion of North American archeology. Recent studies of the art 
of the mound-building tribes have, however, served to demonstrate their 
importance, and tlie evidence now furnished by this art can be placed 
alongside of that of arts in clay, stone, and metal, as a factor in 
determining the culture status of the prehistoric peoples and in defining 
their relations to the historic Indiaus. This change is due to the more 



careful investigations of recent times, to tbe utilization of new lines of 
arclieologic research, and to the better knowledge of the character and 
scope of historic and modern native art. A comparison of tbe textiles 
obtained from ancient mounds and j^raves with the work of living- tribes 
has demonstrated their practical identity in materials, in processes of 
manufacture, and in articles produced. Thus another important link 
is added to the chain that binds together the ancient and the modern 


The textile art dates back to the very inception of culture, and its 
practice is next to universal among living peoples. In very early stages 
of culture progress it embraced the stems of numerous branches of 
industry afterward differentiated through tbe utilization of other 
materials or through the employment of distinct systems of construction. 
At all periods of cultural development it has been a most indispensable 
art, and with some peoples it has reached a marvelous perfection, both 
technically and estbetically. 

Woven fabrics includeall those products of art in which the elements 
or parts employed in construction are more or less tilameatal, and are 
combined by methods conditioned chiefly by their flexibility. Tbe 
processes employed are known by such terms as wattling, interlacing, 
plaiting, netting, weaving, sewing, and embroidering. 


Viewing the entire textile field, we find that tbe range of products 
is extremely wide. On the one band there is the rude interlacing of 
branches, vines, roots, and canes in coastructing bouses, weirs, cages, 
rafts, bridges, and the like, and on the other, the spinning of threads 
of almost microscopic fineness and tbe weaving of textures of mar- 
velous delicacy and beauty. 

The more cultured peoples of Central America and South America 
had accomplished wonders in tbe use of tbe loom and tbe embroidery 
frame, but the work of the natives of tbe United States was on a 
decidedly lower plane. In basketry and certain classes of garment- 
making, the inhabitants of the Mississippi valley were well advanced 
at tlie period of European conquest, and there is ample evidence to 
show that tbe mound-building i)eoples were not behind historic tribes 
in this matter. In many sections of our couutrj' tbe art is still prac- 
ticed, and with a technical perfection and an artistic refinement of 
high order, as the splendid collections in our museums amply show. 

The degree of success in tbe textile art is not necessarily a reliable 
index of tbe culture status of the peoples concerned, as progress in a 
particular art depends much upon the encouragement given to it by 
local features of environment. Tbe tribe that bad good clay used 


earthenware and iieiilected basketry, and the (■oiiuiiiiiiity well supplied 
with skins of animals did not need to undertake the difficult and 
laborious task of spinning fibers and weaving garments and bedding. 
Thus it aiipears that well-advaneed peoples may have produced inferior 
textiles and that backward tribes may have excelled in the art. 
Caution is necessary in using the evidence furnished by the art to aid 
in determining relative degrees of culture. 


The failure of the textile art to secure a prominent place in the field 
of archeologic evidence is due to the susceiitibility of the products 
to decay. Examples of archaic work survive to us only by virtue of 
exceptionally favcnable circumstances; it rarely happened that mound 
fabrics were so conditioned, as the soil in which they were buried is 
generally ijorous and moist ; they were in some cases iireserved through 
contact with objects of copper, the oxides of that metal having a 
tendency to arrest decay. The custom of burial in caves and rock 
shelters has led to the j)reservation of numerous fabrics through the 
agency of certain salts with which the soil is charged. Preservation 
by charring is common, and it is held by some tliat carbonization with- 
out the agency of fire has in some cases taken place. 

Considerable knowledge of the fabrics of the ancient North Ameri- 
can tribes is jireserved in a way wholly distinct from the preceding. 
The primitive potter employed woven textiles in the manufacture of 
earthenware; during the processes of construction the fabrics were 
impressed on the soft clay, and when the vessels were baked the im- 
pressions became fixed. The study of these impressions led to meager 
results until the idea was conceived of taking castings from them in 
clay, wax, or paper; through this device the negative impression 
becomes a positive reproduction and the fabrics are shown in relief, 
every feature condug out with surprising distinctness; it is possible 
even to discover the nature of the threads employed and to detect the 
manner of their combination. 

Evidence of the practice of textile arts by many ancient nations is 
preserved to us by such implements of weaving as happened to be of 
enduring materials; spindle- whorls in clay and stone are pei'haps the 
most common of these relics. These objects tell us definitely of the 
practice of the art, but give little insight into the character of the 
products. It is a notable fact that evidence of this class is almost wholly 
wanting in the United States; spindle-whorls have in rare cases been 
reported from southern localities, and a few writers have mentioned 
their use by modern tribes. 

It happens that in some cases we may learn something of the progress 
made by vanished peoples in this art by a study of the forms of such 
of their earthen vessels as were manifestly derived from baskets, or 


made iu imitation of tliem. The ori.ameiital art of peoples well 
advauced in cnltnic often bears evidence of the intineneeof the system 
of combinatii)n of i)arts followed originally in the textile arts, and little 
art, ancient or modern, in whicli men have endeavored to embody 
beauty, is without strongly marked traces of this influence. By the 
study of archaic ornament embodied in clay, wood, and stone, there- 
fore, the archeologist may hope to add something to the sum of his 
knowledge of ancient textiles. It should be noted that the i)ottery of 
the mound-builders shows less evidence of the influence of textile forms 
than does that of most other nations, and some grouiis of their ware 
appear to present no recognizable traces of it whatever. 

Although much information has been brought together from all of the 
sources mentioned, it is not at all certain that we can form anything 
like a comijlete or correct notion of the character and .scojje of the art 
as practiced by the mound builders. No doubt the finest articles of 
api)arel were often buried with the dead, but a very small fraction only 
of the mortuary wrappings or costumes has been preserved, and from 
vast areas once thickly inhabited by the most advanced tribes nothing 
whatever has been collected. Of embroideries, featherwork, and the 
like, so frequently mentioned by early travelers, hardly a trace is left. 

The relations of our historic tribes to the ancient peoples of our con- 
tinent and to all of the nations, ancient and modern, who built mounds 
and earthworks, are now generally considered so intimate that no objec- 
tion can be raised to the utilization of the accounts of early explorers 
iu the elucidation of such featiu-es of the art as archeology has failed 
to record. The first step in this study may consist quite properly of a 
review of what is recorded of the historic art. Subsequently the purely 
archeologic data will be given. 


lu undertaking to classify the textile fabrics of the mound region it 
is found that, although there is an unbroken gradation from the rudest 
and heaviest textile constructions to the most delicate and refined 
textures, a number of well-marked divisions may be made. The 
broadest of these is based on the use of spun as opposed to unspun 
strands or parts, a classification corresponding somewhat closely to the 
division into rigid and pliable forms. Material, method of combinati(m 
of parts, and function may each be made the basis of classification, 
but for present purposes a simple presentation of the whole body of 
products, beginning with the rudest or most primitive forms and ending 
with the most elaborate and artistic products, is suflicient. The mate- 
rial will be presented in the following order: (1) Wattle work; (2) 
basketry; (3) matting; (4) pliable fabrics or cloths. 


The term wattling is applied to such constructions as employ by 
interlacing, plaiting, etc., somewhat heavy, rigid, or slightly pliable 
parts, as rods, boughs, canes, and vines. Primitive shelters and dwell- 
ings are very often constructed in this manner, and rafts, cages, 
bridges, fish weirs, and iuclosures of various kinds were and still are 
made or partly made in this manner. As a matter of course, few of 
these constructions are known to us save through historic channels; 
but traces of wattle work are found in the mounds of the lower Mis- 
sissij)pi valley, where imprints of the interlaced canes occur in the baked 
clay plaster with which the dwellings were finished. When we con- 
sider the nature of the materials at hand, and the close correspondence 
in habits and customs of our prehistoric peoples with the tribes found 
living by the earliest explorers and settlers, we naturally conclude that 
this class of construction was very common at all known periods of 
native American history. 

Tlie constructors of native dwellings generally employed pliable 
branches or saplings, which are bound together with vines, twigs, and 
other more pliable woody forms. John Smith says of the Indians of 
Virginia' that — 

Their houses are built like our Arbors, of small young springs bowed and tyed, and 
so close covered with Mats, or the barkes of trees very handsomely, that notwith- 
standing either wiude, raine, or weather, they .are as warm as stooues, but very 
Kiuoaky, yet at the toppe of the house there is a holeiriade for the smoaketogoeiuto 
right over the fire. 

'Hist. Virgiui.a, John Smith. Ivicbmond, 181'.*. vol. I, p. 130. 




[eth. axs. 13 

Butel-Diiiiiout ;il«(), in deseribiug the dwellings of tlie Natchez 
ludians of the lower Mi.ssissi])pi region, speaks of the door of an Indian 
cabin "made of dried canes fastened and interlaced on two other 
canes jilaced aci'oss." ' 

A. singular use of wattle work is mentioned by Latitan. lie states 
that the young men, when going throngh the ordeal of initiation on 
attaining their majority, were jilaced ajjart in — 

An iuclosure viny strouffly Imilt, made expressly fur this purpose, one of whii-U I 
saw ill 1694, which behjnged to the Iniliaus of Panmaiinkic. It was in the form of 
a sugar loaf and was opi'ii on all sides like a trellis to admit tlie air.-' 

Fui. 1. — Fish weir of the Virginia Indians (after Hariot). 

Of a somewhat similar nature was the construction of biers described 
by Butel-Dumont. Speaking of the Mobilians, he says: 

When their chief is dead they proceed as follows: At 15 or 20 feet from his 
cabin they erect a kind of platform raised about 4^ feet from the ground. This is 
composed of four large forked poles of oak wood jilauted in the earth, with others 
placed across; this is covered with canes bound and interlaced so as to resemble 
greatly the bed used by the natives.' 

According to John Lawson, similarly constructed "hurdles" were in 
use among the Carolina Indians. 

The tide- water tribes of the Atlantic coast region made very frecjuent 
use of fish weirs, which were essentially textile in character. John 
iSmith mentions their use in Virginia, and Hariot gives a number of 
l)lates in which the weirs are delineated. The cut here given (figure 1) 

'Memoires Hi.sturique.s siir la Lnuisianc, George Marie Butel-Dntnont. Paris, 1753, vol. n, ji. 104. 
*Moeur.s <ii-.s Sauv.ages Ameriquaius, P6re Joseph Francois Lutitau. Paris, 1724, vol. I, p. 286. 
3 0p.cit.,vol, l,p.211. 


is from Harlot's plate xiii. It represents a very elaborate trap; niueli 
simpler forms are shown iu other phites. .Slender poles set iu the shallow 
water are held iu place by wattliug or iuterlaeing' of ijliable i)arts. 

It is probable that traps of similar character were nsed by the mound- 
building tribes Avherever the conditions were favorable. The only 
apparent traces of such weirs yet found iu any part of the country are 
a number of stumps of stakes discovered by H. T. Cresson iu Delaware 
river near Wilnunj;ton, but these apjiear to be much heavier than 
would have been used for the purpose by the natives. 

Another somewhat usual use of wattling is mentioned by various 
authors. Butel-Dumont speaks of a raft made of poles and canes, and 
Du Pratz, writing of the Louisiana Indians, says: 

The conveniencies for passing rivers would soon he suggested to them by the 
floating of wood upon the water. Accordingly one of their metliods of crossing 
rivers is upon floats of canes, which are called by them Cajeu, and are formed iu this 
manner. They cut a great number of canes, which they tie up iuto faggots, part of 
which they fasten together sideways, and over these they lay a few iiosswuys, 
binding all close together, and then launching it into the water.' 

We learn from various authors that cage like cofBns were constructed 
of canes and reeds something after the wattle style; and hampers, cages 
for animals, che.sts for treasures or regalia, biers, carrying chairs, fish 
baskets, beds and seats were often similarly made. These articles, 
being generally light and portable, and constructed of delicate parts, 
can as well be classed with basketry as with wattle work. 


Type.s of Baskktky. 

Perhaps no branch of the textile art was of greater importance to 
the aborigines than basketry. This term may be made to cover all 
woven articles of a portable kind which have sufficient rigidity to retain 
definite or stable form without distentiou by contents or by other extra- 
neous form of support. It will readily be seen tliat in shape, texture, 
use, size, etc., a very wide range of products is here to be considered. 
Basketry includes a number of groups of utensils distinguished from 
one another by the use to which they are devoted. There are baskets 
proper, hampers, cradles, shields, quivers, sieves, etc. There is fre- 
quent historical mention of the use of basketry, but the descriptions of 
form and construction are meager. An excellent idea of the ancient 
art can be gained from the art of the present time, and there is every 
reason to believe that close correspondence exists throughout. 


Lawsou refers to basket-making and other textile arts of the Caro- 
lina Indians in the following language: 

The Indian women's work is to cook the victuals for the whole family, and to make 
mats, baskets, girdles, of possum hair, and such like. - - - 

'Hist. Louisiana, LePageDu Pratz. Englislx translation, Loudon, 1763, vol. n, pp. 2:^8-229. 


The mats the Indian women make are of rushes, and about five feet hifjh, and two 
fathom long, and sewed double, that is, two together; whereby they become very 
commodious to lay under our beds, or to sleep on in the summer season in the day 
time, and for our slaves in the night. 

There are other mats made of flags, whicli the Tuskeruro Indians make, and sell to 
the inhabitants. 

The baskets our neighboring Indians make are all made of a very fine sort of bull- 
rushes, and sometimes of silk grass, which they work with figures of beasts, birds, 
fishes, &o. 

A great way up in the country, both baskets and mats are made of the split reeds, 
which arc only the outward shiuing part of the cane. Of these I have seen mats, 
haskets, and dressing boxes, very artificially done.' 

James Adair, although a comparatively recent writer, gives such 
definite and valuable information regarding the handiwork of the South- 
ern Indians that the following extracts may well be made. Speaking 
of the Oherokees, he remarks : 

They make the handsomest clothes baskets, 1 ever saw, considering their materials. 
They divide large swamp canes, into long, thin, narrow siilinters, which they dye of 
several colours, and manage the workmanship so well, that both the inside and out- 
side are covered with a beautiful variety of pleasing figures; and, though for the 
space of two inches below the upper edge of each basket, it is worked into one, through 
the other parts they are worked asunder, as if they were two joined a-top by some 
strong cement. A large nest consists of eight or ten baskets, contained withiu each 
other. Their dimensions are difl'erent, but they usually make the outside basket 
about a foot deep, a foot and an half broad, and almost a yard long.- 

This Statement could in most respects be made with equal truth and 
propriety of the Cherokee work of the ijresent time; and their pre- 
Columbian art must have been even more pleasing, as the following 
paragraph suggests: 

The Indians, by reason of our supplying them so cheap with every sort of goods, 
have forgotten the chief part of their ancient mechanical skill, so as not to be well 
able now, at least for some years, to live independent of us. Formerly, those baskets 
which the Cheerake made, were so highly esteemed eveu in South Carolina, the 
politest of our colonies, for domestic u.sefulness, beauty, and skilful variety, that a 
large nest of them cost upwards of a moidore. ' 

That there was much uniformity in the processes and range of prod- 
ucts and uses throughout the country is apparent from statements made 
by numerous writers. Speaking of the Louisiana Indians, Du Pratz says : 

The women likewise make a kind of hampers to carry corn, flesh, fish, or any other 
thing which they want to transport from one place to another; they are round, 
deeper than broad, and of all sizes. « * » They make baskets with long lids that 
roll doubly over them, and in these they place their earrings and pendants, their 
bracelets, garters, their ribbands for their hair, and their vermillion for painting 
themselves, if they have any, but when they have no vcruulliou they boil ochre, and 
paint themselves with that.'' 

It happens that few baskets have been recovered from mounds and 
gi-aves, but they are occasionally reported as having been discovered in 

' Hist, of Carolinri. etc., John Lawson. Loudon, 17U, pp. 307, 308. 

'^Hi.story of tbe American Indians. London, 1775, p. 424. 

sibid., p. 424. 

"Hist. Louisiana. English tran.slation, London, 176:j, vol. u, pp. 227-228. 


caverns and shelters where conditions were especially favorable to their 
preservation. Such specimens may as reasonably be attributed to the 
mound-building as to the other Indians. The following statement is 
from John Haywood : 

On the south side of Cumberland river, about 22 miles above Cairo, * * * is a 
cave » * * . In this room, near about the center, were found sitting in baskets 
made of cane, three human bodies; the flesh entire, but a little shrivelled, and not 
much so. The bodies were those of a man, a female aud a small child. The com- 
plexion of all was very fair, aud white, without auy iutermisture of the copper 
colour. Their eyes were blue; their hair auburn, aud tine. The teeth were very 
white, their stature was delicate, about the size of the whites of the present day. 
The man was wrapped in 14 dressed deer skins, The 14 deer skins were wrapped in 
what those preseut called blankets. They were made of bark, like those found in the 
cave in White county. The form of the baskets which inclosed them, was pyramidal, 
being larger at the bottom, and declining to the top. The heads of the skeletons, 
from the neck, were above the summits of the blankets. ' 

Sieves and Stuaixkhs. 

It is apparent that baskets of open construction were employed as 
sieves in pre Columbian as well as in post-Columbian times. Almost 
any basket could be utilized on occasion for seijarating- fine from coarse 
particles of food or other pulverulent substances, but special forms 
were sometimes made for the purpose, having varying degrees of 
refinement to suit the material to be separated. 

Bartraiu mentions the use of a sieve by the Greorgia Indi.ans in strain- 
ing a "cooling sort of jelly" called couti, made by pounding certain 
roots in a mortar and adding water. 

Butel-Dumont describes the sieves aud winnowing fans of the Louisi- 
ana Indians. The Indian women, he says, make very fine sieves — 

With the skin which they take off of the canes; they also make some with larger 
holes, which serve as bolters, and still others without holes, to be used as winuowiug 
fans. • • » They also make baskets very neatly fashioned, cradles for holding 
maize; aud with the tail feathers of turkeys, which they have much skill in arrang- 
ing, they make fans not only for their own use, but which even our French women 
do not disdain to use.^ 

Le Page Du Pratz says that " for sifting the flour of their maiz, and 
for other uses, the natives make sieves of various finenesses of the splits 
of cane;'" aud a similar use by the Indians of Virginia is recorded by 
John Smith : 

They vse a small basket for their Temmes, then pound againo the great, and so 
separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receiue the flowr in a, platter of wood 
scraped to that forme with burning aud shels.' 

From Hakluyt we have the following: 

Their old wheat they firste steepe a night in hot water, aud in the morning pound- 
ing yt in a morter, they use a small baskett for the boulter or searser, and when 

1 Nat. and Abor. Hist, of Tenn., John Haywood. Nashville, 1823, pp. 191-192. 
'Op. cit., vol.1, p. 154. 
• Op. cit., vol. II, p. 226. 

' Hist. Virginia, John Smith. Richmond, 1819, p. 127. 
13 ETH 2 


ihey have sy ft<Ml fourth tlin fiiioHt, thoy jioiiud a^aiiio the great, and so neparating yt 
by dashing thoir hand in tho baskett, recoave tho llqwur in a phittcr of wood, which, 
blending with water, etc.' 


That (•rndlcs of textile (•oiistriiction were used by the nioiiTid-build- 
ers may be taken lor granted. The following is from Du I'ratz, who is 
speaking of the work of the inhabitants of the lower Mississippi: 

Tliis cradle is abont two feot anil a half long, nine inches broad. It is skill- 
fnlly made of Htraiglit canes of tho length desired for the cradle, and at the end 
they are cut in half and doubled under to form the foot. Tho whole is only half a 
foot high. This cradle is very liglit, weighing only two pounds. * • • xhe 
infant being rocked lengthwise, its head is not shaken as are those who are rocked 
from side to side, as in France. • • » xhe cradle is rocked by means of two ends 
of canes, which make two rollers.^ 


Woven targets or shields would seem to be rather novel objects, but 
such are mentioned by John Smith, who used those belonging to 
friendly Indians m an encounter on the Chesapeake: 

Hero the Massawomek Targets stood vs in good stead, for vpon Mosco's words we 
had sot them al)out the forepart of our Boat liki* a forecastle, from whence we 
securely beat the .Salvages from off the ]ilaine witliout .any hurt. « - • Arming 
ourselues with these light Targets (which are niado of little small sticks woven 
betwixt strings of their henipo and silke grasse, as is our cloth, but so tirmly that 
no arrow can possibly ])ierce them). ' 


No class of articles of textile nature were more universally emi)loyed 
by the aborigines than mats of split cane, rushes, and reeds, and our 
information, derived from literature and from such remnants of the 
articles themselves as have been recovered from graves and caves, is 
quite full and satisfactory. Mats are not so vai led in form and char- 
acter as are baskets, but their uses were greatly diversified; they 
served for carpeting, seats, hangings, coverings, and wrappings, and 
they were extensively employed in ])ermanent house construction, and 
for tem])ora.ry or movable shelters. A few brief extracts will serve to 
indicate their use in various classes of construction by the tribes first 
encountered by the whites. 

llariot says that the houses of the Virginia Indians — 
Are made of small polos made fast at tlie tops in ronndo forme after the m.auer as 
is vsed in many arbories in our gardens of Engl.and, in most towues couered with 
barkes, and in some with artilieiall mattes made of long rushes; from tho tops of 
the houses downe to the ground.' 

It would appear from a study of the numerous illustrations of houses 
given by this author that the mats so often referred to were identical 

' HiHt. of Travailii into Viigiuiii: Win. Striiclitiy, lliikluyt Socibty, Lond.. 1844. vol. vi, p. 73. 

'^ Hist. LoniHiana, vol. n, itp. .SIO, 3U. 

» Op. lit., p. 185. 

* A Brief and True awonut of tlio New Konnd Lnnil ol' Virj;ini!i, Tlioiiiaa Huriot, p. H. 



. \V\I ■ 

\ I}' . 'l 


a. Openwork fisli baskets of Virginia Indians; b, manner of weaving; c. Iiaskt't strainer; r/. qniver 

of rushes; e, mat of rushes. 




in construction with tliose still in use among the tribes of the upper 
Mississi])pi ;ind the far west. The rushes are laid close together side 
by side and bound together at long intervals by cords intertwined 
across. In e, plate I, is reproduced a small portion of a mat from Har- 
lot's engraving of the dead-house of the Virginia Indians, which shows 
this method of construction. 

The modern use of mats of this class in house construction is known 
by an example which I have seen represented in a small photograph, 
taken about the year 1868, and representing a Chippewa village, situ- 
ated somewhere in the upper Missouri valley, probably not far from 
Sioux City, Iowa. 

Mats were used not only in and about the dwellings of the aborigines, 
but it was a common practice to carry them from place to place to sleep 
on, or for use as seats or carpeting in meetings or councils of ceremoni- 
ous nature. The latter use is illustrated in a number of the early 

Fig. 2.— Use of mats in an Indian council (after Lafitan). 

accounts of the natives. Figure 2, copied from Lafltau, serves to indi- 
cate the common practice. 

The omnipresent sweat-house of the aborigines is thus described by 
Smith : 

Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and such like diseases ; 
for cure whereof they build a Stoue in the forme of a Doue-house with mats, so close 
that a few coales therein covered with a pot, will make the patient sweat extreamely.' 

Bartram, speaking of the Seminoles, states that the wide steps lead- 
ing up to the canopied platform of the council house are "covered with 
carpets or mats, curiously woven of split canes dyed of various colours."^ 

' A Brief and True account of the New Found Land nf Virginia, Thomaa Hariot, p. 137. 
"William Bartram's Travels, etc. London, 1792. p. 303. 



I ETU. ANN. 13 

Tlie U!<e of mats in the mound coiiutry iu very early times is described 
bj- Joutel as follow.s: 

Their moveables are some bullocks' hides and goat skins well cured, some mats close 
wove, wberewitli they adorn their huts, aud some earthen vessels which they are 
very skilful at making, and wherein they boil their Uesh or roots, or sagamis^, 
which, as has been said, is their i)Ottage. They have also some small baskets made 
ot canes, serving to put iu their fruit an<l other provisions. Their beds are made of 
canes, raised 2 or 3 feet abo^ e the ground, handsomely litted with mats and bullocks' 
bides, or goat skins well cured, which serve them for feather beds, or quilts and 
blankets; and those beds are parted one from another by mats huug up.- 

Tlie mats so much used for beds and carpets and for the covering of 
shelters, houses, etc., were probably made of pliable materials such as 
rushes. De la Potherie illustrates their use as beds,' one end of the 
mat being rolled up for a pillow as shown in figure 3. 

Fig, 3,— Use of mat in sleeping (after De la Pniliene). 

The sizes of mats were greatly varied; the smallest were sufficient 
for seating only a single person, but the largest were many yards in 
length, the width being restricted to a few feet by the conditions of 

Mats were woven iu two or more styles. Where the strands or parts 
were uniform in size and rigidity they were simply intei'laced, but when 
one strong or rigid series was to be kept iu place by a pliable series, the 
latter were twisted about the former at the intersections as in ordinary 
twined weaving. The heavy series of strands or parts were held 
together side by side by the intertwined strands placed far apart, a 
common practice yet among native mat-makers. Much variety of 
character and appearance was given to the fabric by varj-ing the order 
of the strands in intersection. It was a common practice to interweave 
. strands of ditterent size, shape, or color, thus producing borders and 
patterns of no little beauty. Du Pratz thus mentious the use of dyes 
by the Louisiana Indians: ''The women sometimes add to this furni- 
ture of the bed mats woven of cane, dyed of 3 colours, which colours in 
the weaving are formed into various figures."' This is well illustrated 

. I Hist, de I'Am^r. Sept., BacqueviUe de la Potherie. Paris, 1722, vol. in. Plate opposite p. 24. 
•Joutel. in B. F. French's Historical Collections of Louisiana. New York, 1846, p. 149 
^ Hist. Louisiana. Du Pratz. English translation. London, 1763, vol. II, p. 227. 


in the mat from a rock slu'lter in Tennessee, later to be described, and 
the Indians of the east and north practiced the same art. 

Speaking of the ceremojiy of smoking the calumet among the Iroquois, 
De la Potherie says : 

Tho ceremony is held hi a large cabin in winter and in summer in an open field. 
The place beinf;- chosen, it is surrounded with branches to shade the (company. In 
the center is spread a large mat of canes dyed in various colors, which serves as a 

Frequent mention is made of the use of mats in burial. Two brief 
extracts will serve to illustiate this use. Butel-Dumout makes the 
following statement regarding tribes of the lower Mississippi: 

The Paskagonlas and Billoxis do not inter their chief when he dies, but they dry 
the corpse with fire and smoke in such a way that it becomes a mere skeleton. 
After it is reduced to this state they carry it to the temple (for they have one as 
well as the Natchez) and put it in the jil.ace of its predecessor, which they take from 
the spot it occui)iedand place it with the bodies of the other cliiefs at the bottom of 
the temple, where they are arranged one after the other, standing upright like 
statues. As for the newly deceased, he is exposed at the entrance of the temjile 
on a sort of altar or table made of cane and covered with a fine mat very neatly 
worked in red and yellow stjuarcs with the skin of the canes. - 

Brackenridge' says that a few years ago, in the state of Tennessee, 
"Two human bodies were found in a copperas cave in a surprising 
state of preservation. They were first wrapi)ed up in a kind of blanket, 
supposed to have been manufactured of the lint of nettles, afterwards 
with dressed skins, and then a mat of nearly 60 yards in length." 


Development ok Spinninc; and Weaving. 

The use of simple strands or parts in textile art precedes the use of 
spun threads, but the one use leads very naturally up to the other. In 
employing rushes, stems, grasses, etc., the smaller strands weredoubled 
to secure uniformity of size, and when a number of parts were used 
they were combined into one by twisting or plaiting. lu time the 
advantage in strength and pliability of twisted strands came to be 
recognized, and this led to the general utilization of fibrous substances, 
and finally to the manufacture of suitable fibers by manipulating tlie 
bark of trees and plants. Spinning was probably not devised until 
the weaver's art had made considerable advance, but its invention 
opened a new and broad field and led to the development of a mag- 
nificent industry. Semi-rigid fabrics served for a wide range of uses, 
as already described, but soft and pliable cloths for personal use and 
ornament were made possible only by the introduction of spinning. 

On the arrival of the whites the native art was well advanced; 
thread, cordage, and even ropes of considerable weight were made with 

'Hist. derAmfir. Sept., vol. u, p. 17. 

''Mem, aiir la Louisiane, vol. r, pp. 240-241. 

^Views of Louisiana, H. M. Brackenridge, 1817, p. 178. 


a degree of uuifoimity and refinement that surprises us. The finest 
threads with which I am acquainted are perhaps not as fine as our no. 
10 ordinary spool cotton thread, but we are not justified in assuming 
that more refined work was not done. What we have is only that which 
happened to be preserved through burial with the dead or by impres- 
sion on the plastic surface of clay used in the arts. 

The materials employed for spinning by .the aborigines were greatly 
diversified. Through historical as well as through purely archeologic 
sources we learn that both vegetal and animal filaments and fibers were 
freely used. The inner bark of the mulberry was a favorite material, 
but other fibrous barks were utilized. Wild hemp, nettles, grasses, 
and other like growths furnished much of the finer fibers. The hack- 
ling was accomplished by means of the simplest devices, such as pound- 
ing with hammers or sticks. The hair and sinews of animals were fre- 
quently spun into threads and woven into cloth. 

A few citations from early authors will indicate sufficiently for present 
purposes the methods of spinning and weaving employed by tribes 
which, if not in all cases mound-builders, were at least the neighbors 
and relatives of the mound-building Indians. 


The character of the woven articles is to a great extent indicated in 
the extracts which follow. It evidently was not customary to weave 
"piece" goods, but rather to make separate units of costumes, furnish- 
ing, etc., for use without cutting, fitting, and sewing. Each piece was 
practically complete when it came from the frame or loom. For cloth- 
ing and personal use there were mantles, shawls, and cloaks to be worn 
over one or both shoulders or about the body as described by Hariot, 
Smith, the Knight of Elvas, Du Pratz, and others; there were skirts 
fastened about the waist and drawn with an inserted cord or looped 
over a belt ; there were belts, sashes, garters, shot pouches, and bags. 
For household use there were hangings, covers for various articles, and 
bedclothiug; there were nets for fishing and cords for angling. Some 
of these extracts describe the whole gi'oup of activities included in the 
practice of the art as well as the use of the products. I have considered 
it preferable to quote as a unit all that is said on the subject by each 
author, giving cross reference, wheu necessary, in discussing particular 
topics under other headings. 

Weaving among the Indians of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, New York, 
and the northeast is described by Kalm, De la Potherie, and others. 
The following extracts are from Kalm, and will serve to indicate the 
status of the art over a wide area: 

Apocyniim cannabinum was by the Swedes called Hemp of the Indians; and grew 
plentifully in old com grounds, in woods on hills, and in high glades. The Swedes 
had given it the name of Indian hemp, because the Indians formerly, and even now, 
apply it to the same purposes as the Europeans do hemp; for the stalk may be divi- 
ded into tilaments, and is easily prepared. When the Indians were yet settled among 


the Swedes, in Peiisylvania and New Jersey, they made ropes of this ajiocynum, 
which the Swedes bought, and employed them as bridles, and for nets. These ropes 
were stronger, and kept longer in water, than such as were made of common hemp. 
The Swedes commonly got fourteen yards of these ropes for one piece of bread. M;iny 
of the Europeans still buy such ropes, because they last so well. The Indians likewise 
make several other stufls of their hemp. On my journey through the country of the 
Iroquese, I saw the women employed in manufacturing this hemp. They made use 
neither of spinning wheels nor distaffs, but rolled the filaments upon their bare 
thighs, and made thread and strings of them, which they dyed red, yellow, Idack, 
etc., and afterwards worked tliem into stuffs, with a great deal of ingenuity. The 
plant is perennial, which renders the annual planting of it altogether unnecessary. 
Out of the root and stalk of this plant, when it is fresh, comes a white milky juice, 
which is somewhat poisonous. Sometimes the fishing tackle of the Indians consists 
entirely of this hemp The Europeans make no use of it, that I know of.' 

In auother place this author describes the weaving of bark fiber.s: 

The Dirca palustris, or Mouse-wood, is a little shrub which grows on hills, towards 
swamps and mar.shes, and was now iu full blossom. The English in Albany call it 
Leather-wood, because its bark is as tough as leather. The French in Canada call 
it Bois de Plomb, or Leaden- wood because the wood it.self is as soft and as tough as 
lead. The bark of this shrub was made use of for ropes, baskets, etc., by the 
Indians, whilst they lived among the Swedes. And it is really very fit for that pur- 
pose, on account of its remarkable strength and toughness, which is equal to that of 
the Lime-tree bark. The English and the Dutch in many parts of North America, 
and the French in Canada, employ this bark in all cases where we make use of Lime- 
tree bark in Europe. The tree itself is very tough, and you cannot easily separate 
its branches without the help of a knife : some people employ the twigs for rods.' 

De la Potherie, who wrote at an earlier date than Kalm, says — 

The women spin on their knees, twisting the thread with the palm of the hand; 
they make this thread, which should rather be called twine (fisselle), into little 

Hariot, John Smith, and Adair bear witness to the primitive practice 
of the art in Virginia and the Carolinas. Smith uses the following 
words : 

Betwixt their hands and thighes, their women vse to spin, the barkes of trees, 
Deere sinewes, or a kinde of grasse they call Pemmenaw, of these they make a 
thread verj' even and readily. This thread serveth for many vses. As about their 
housing apparell, as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantitie as formally 
braded as ours. Theymake also with it lines for angles.' 

The Cherokees and other Indians with whom Adair came in contact 
preserved iu their purity many of the ancient practices. The following 
extracts are, therefore, of much importance to the historian of the tex- 
tile art in America: 

Formerly, the Indians made very handsome carpets. They have a wild hemp that 
grows about six feet high_, iu open, rich, level lands, and which usually ripens iu 
July: It is plenty on our frontier settlements. When it is fit for use, they pull, 
steep, peel, and beat it; and the old women spin it off the distaffs, with wooden 
machines, having some clay on the middle of them, to hasten the motion. When the 

' Travels in North America, Peter Kalm. English translation, London, 1771, vol. ll, pp. 131.132. 

nbid., pp 148-149. 

3 Hist, de rAm6rique, Sept., vol. ui, p. 34. 

^Hist. Virginia. Richmond, 1819, pp. 132-133. 


coarse thread is prepared, they put it into a frame about six feet square, and instead 
of a shuttle, they thrust through the thread with a long cane, having a large string 
through the well, which they shift at every second course of the thread. When 
they have thus finished their arduous labour, they paint each side of the carpet with 
such figures, of various colours, as tlu'ir fruitful imaginations devise ; particularly the 
images of those birds and beasts they are ac(|uainted with ; and likewise of thcm- 
selves, acting in their social, and martial stations. There is that due proportion and 
80 much wild variety in the design, that would really strike a curious eye with 
pleasure and admiration. J. W— t, Esq.. a most skilful linguist in the Muskohge 
dialect, assures me, that time out of mind they passed the woof with a shuttle; and 
they have a couple of threddles, which they move with the hand so as to enable 
them to make good dispatch, something after our manner of weaving. This is suffi- 
ciently confirmed by their method of workinw broad garters, sashes, shot pouches, 
broad belts, and the like, which are decorated all over with beautiful stripes and 

The womeu are the chief, if not the only, manufacturers; the men judge that if 
they performed that office, it would exceedingly depreciate them. * " ' In the 
winter season, the women gather buffalo's hair, a sort of coarse, brown, curled wool; 
and having spun it as fine as they can, and properly doubled it, they put small beads 
of difierent colours upon the yarn, as they work it, the figures they work in those 
small webs, are generally uniform, liut sometimes they diversify them on both sides. 
The Clioktah weave shot-pouches which have raised work inside and outside. 
They likewise make turkey feather blankets with the long feathers of the neck and 
breast of that large fowl — they twist the inner end of the feathers very fast into a 
strong double thread of hemp, or the inner bark of the mulberry tree, of the size 
and strength of coarse twine, as the fibres are sufficiently tine, and they work it in 
manner of fine netting. As the feathers are long and glittering, this sort of blankets 
is not only very warm, but pleasing to the eye. ' 

The extent and importance of the art among the Gulf tribes are indi- 
cated by a number of early observers. The Knight of Elvas speaks of 
the use of blankets by the Indians, 83 degrees west longitude, and 32 
degrees north latitude, or near the central portion of Georgia: 

These are like sh.awls, some of them are made from the inner barks of trees, and 
others from a grass resembling nettle, which, by threa<ling out, becomes like flax. 
The women use them for covering, wearing one about the body from the waist down- 
ward, and another over the shoulder, with the right arm left free, after the manner 
of the gypsies: the men wear but one, which they carry over their shoulders in the 
same way, the loins being covered with a bragueiro of deer-skin, after the fashion 
of the woolen breech-cloth that was once the custom of .Spain. The skins are well 
dressed, the color being given to them that is wished, and in such perfection, that, 
when of vermilion, they look like very fine red broadcloth, and when black, the sort 
in use for shoes, they are of the purest. The same hues are given to blankets. - 

At Cutifachiqui similar fabrics were observed : 

In the barbacoas were large quantities of clothing, shawls of thread, made from 
the barks of trees and others of feathers, white gray, vermilion and yellow, rich 
and proper for winter. ' 

The frequent mention of fabrics used by the Indians for shawls, 
mantles, etc., makes it plain that such were in very general use when 

* History of the American Indians. London, 1775. pp. 422, 423. 

"Narratives of the Career of Hernaiulo (ie Soto in the Conquest of Florida as told by a Knight of 
Elvas. Translated by Buckingham Smith. New York, 1861). p. 52. 
3Ibid.,p. 63. 


the town of Pacaha was captured, and the Spaniards clothed them- 
selves with mantles, cassocks, and gowns made from these native gar- 
ments. Everywhere woven shawls were a principal feature of the 
propitiatory gifts of the natives to the Spaniards. 

The extent of this manufacture of hempen garments by the Indians of 
the lower Mississippi is well indicated in the account of the adventures 
of the expedition on the western side of the Mississippi at Aminoga. 
The Spaniards undertook the construction of brigantines by means of 
which they hoped to descend the Mississippi and to pass along the gulf 
coast to Mexico. A demand was made upon the natives for shawls 
to be used in the manufacture of sails, and great numbers were brought. 
Native hemp and the ravelings of shawls were used for calking the 
boats.' What a novel sight must have been this first European fleet on 
the great river, consisting of five brigantines impelled by sails of native 

It is worthy of note tliatin this region (of the lower Mississippi) the 
Spaniards saw shawls of cotton, brought, it was said, from the west^ — 
probably the Pueblo country, as they were accompanied by objects that 
from the descrijition may have been ornaments of turquois.- 

The following is from Du Pratz: 

Many of the women wear cloaks of the liark of the mulberry-tree, or of the feathers 
of swans, turkies, or India ducks. The bark tliey take from young mulberry shoots 
that rise from the roots of trees that have been out down ; after it is dried in the sun 
they beat it to make all the woody part fall otf, and they give the threads that 
remain a second beating, after which they bleacli them by exposing them to the dew. 
When they iire well whitened they spin them about the coarseness of pack-thread, 
and weave them in the following manner: they plant two stakes in the ground 
about a yard and a half asunder, and having stretched a cord from the one to the 
other, they fasten their threads of bark double to this cord, and then interweave them 
in a curious manner into a cloak of about a yard square with a wrought border 
round the edges. • • - The girls at the age of eight or ten put on a little petti- 
coat, which is a kind of fringe made of threads of mulberry bark:' 

This is illustrated farther on. 

The manner of weaving in the middle and upper Mississippi country 
is described by Hunter, who, speaking of tlie Osage Indians and their 
neighbors, says: 

The hair of the buft'alo and other animals is sometimes manufactured into blankets ; 
the hair is first twisted by hand, and wound into balls. The warp is then laid of a 
length to answer the size of the intended blanket, crossed by three small smooth 
rods alternately beneath the threads, and secured at each end to stronger rods sup- 
ported on forks, at a short distance above the ground. Thus prepared, the woof is 
filled in, thread by thread, and pressed closely together, by means of a long flattened 
wooden needle. When the weaving is finished, the ends of the warp and woof are 

' Ifarratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest of Florida as told by a Knight of 
Elvas. Translated bv Buckingham Smith. New Yorlt, 16y6, p. lGO-70. 
^Ibid., p. 164. 
'Hist. Louisiana, op. cit., vol. ll, p. 23. 


tied into knots, and the blanket is ready for use. In the same manner they (onstruct 
mats from flags and rushes, on which, i)artieularly in warm weather, they sleep and sit." 

Fabrics of various kinds were employed in burial, although not gen- 
erally made for that purpose. The wrap{)ings of dead bodies were often 
very elaborate, and the consignment of these to tombs and graves where 
the conditions were favorable to preservation has kept them for long 
periods in a most perfect state. By exhumation we have obtained most 
of our information on tliis subject. Our knowledge is, however, greatly 
increased by descriptions of such burial customs as were witnessed in 
early times. Extracts already given refer to the use of fabrics in mor- 
tuary customs. Many others could be cited but the following seems 
sufficient : 

After the dead person has lain a day and a night in one of their hurdles of canes, 
commonly in some out house made for that purpose, those that officiate about the 
funeral go into the town, and the first young men they meet withal, that have 
blankets or match coats on, whom they think tit for their turn, they strip them 
from their backs, who sufi'er them so to do without any resistance. In these they 
wrap the dead bodies, and cover them with two or three mats which the Indiana 
make of rushes or caue; and, last of all, they h.ave a long web of woveu reeds or 
hollow canes, which is the coffin of the Indians, and is brought round several times 
and tied fast at l)oth ends, which, indeed, looks very decent and well. Then the 
corps is brought out of the house into the orchard of peach trees, where another 
hurdle is made to receive it, about which comes all the relations and nation that 
the dead person belonged to, besides several from other nations in alliance with 
them; all which sit down on the ground upon mats spread there for that purpose.' 


The manufacture and use of nets by natives in various parts of the 
country are recorded by early writers, some of whom have already been 
quoted. Speaking of the Iroquois Dc la Potherie says : 

The old men and those who can not or do not wish to go to war or the chase, make 
nets and are fishers. This is a plebian trade among them. Their nets are made of 
thread of nettles or of white wood, the bark of which they make into thread by 
means of lye which renders it strong and pliable.' 

In another place the same author says: 

The Sauteurs, who are beyond the Missisakis, take their name from a Saut (water- 
fall) which flows from Lake Superior into Lake Huron by a great fall whose rapids 
are extremely violent. These people are very skillful in fishery by which they 
obtain white fish as large as salmons. They cross all these terrible rapids into which 
they cast a net like a sack, a little more than half an ell in width by one in depth 
attached to a forked stick about 15 feet long.^ 

A novel use of nets is recorded by this author as follows: 

For taking pigeons in summer in nets, they make a broad path in the woods and 

attach to two trees, one on each side, a large net made in the shape of a sack well 


1 Memoirs of .1 captive among tlie Indiana of North America, John D. HuDter. Loudon, 1823. pp. 
•Hist, of Carolina, John Lawson. London, 1714; reprint, Raleigh, N. C, 1860, pp. 293-294. 
5 Histoire de I'Ameriqne Septentrionale, Bacqueville de la Potherie, vol. ni, pp. 33-34. 
"Ibid., vol. n, pp. 60-61. 
'Ibid., vol. n, p. 80. 


Du Pratz, speaking of the fishing nets of the Louisiana Indians, states 
that they "are meshed like ours and made of lime-tree bark; the large 
fish are shot with arrows." ' 

Feather Work. 

Feather work was one of the most remarkable arts of the natives of 
Mexico and other southern countries at the jieriod of the conquest. The 
feathers were sometimes woven in with the woof and sometimes applied 
to a network base after the fashion of embroidery. Earely, it may be 
imagined, were either spun or unspun fabrics woven of feathers alone. 
Very pleasing specimens of ancient Peruvian feather work are recovered 
from graves at Ancon and elsewhere, and the method of inserting the 
feathers is illustrated in the Sixth Annual Eeport of the Bureau of 
Ethnology.^ In few instances has such work been recovered from 
mounds or burial places, but there can be no doubt that the mound- 
building tribes were experts in this art. Frequent mention is made of 
the feather work of the natives by the earliest explorers of the Missis- 
sippi valley, and the character of the work may be gathered from the 
extracts already given and from those which follow. 

John Smith, speaking of the feather work of the Virginia Indians, says: 

We haue scene some vse mantels made of Turky feathers, so prettily wrought and 
woven with threads that nothing could be discerned but the feathers.' 

Lawson mentions a "doctor" of the Santee nation who "was warmly 
and neatly clad with a match coat, made of turkies feathers, whicli makes 
a pretty show, seeming as if it was a garment of the deepest silk shag."* 

In another jilace the same author says : 

Their feather match coats are very pretty, especially some of them, which are made 
extraordinary charming, containing several pretty figures wrought in feathers, 
making them seem like a fine flower silk shag; and when new and fresh, they become 
a bed very well, instead of a quilt. Some of another sort are made of hair, raccoon, 
bever, ors()uirrel skins, which are very warm. Others again are made of the green part 
of the skin of a mallard's head, which they sew perfectly well together, their thread 
being either the sinews of a deer divided very small, or silk grass. When these are 
finished, they look very finely, though they must needs be very troublesome to make.' 

Du Pratz thus describes the art in Louisiana: 

If the women know how to do this kind of work they make mantles either of 
feathers or woven of the bark of the mulberry tree. We will describe their method 
of doing this. The feather mantles are made on a frame similar to that on which 
the peruke makers work hair; they spread the feathers in the same manner and 
fasten them on old fish nets or old mantles of mulberry bark. They are placed, 
spread in this manner, one over the other and on both sides ; for this purpose small 
turkey feathers are used; women who have feathers of swans or India ducks, which 
are white, make these feather mantles for women of high rank. ^ 

' Histoire de la Louisiane, vol. ir, pp. 179-180. 

■' The Textile Art, W. H. Holmes, p. 231. 

"Hist. Virginia, John Smith. Riclmiond, 1819, vol. i, p. 130. 

■■ Carolina, John Lawson. Ealeijjh, 1860, p. 37. 

« Ibid., pp. 311-312. 

^' la Louisiane, vol. u, pp. 191-192. 


Biitel-Duiiioiit describes tcatlier work of tlie iiativ^es of Loiiisiiina 
briefly as follows : 

They [the women] also, without a Kpiiiiiing wlicel or distaff, spin the liair or wool 
of cattle of which they make Ki'rters and ribands; and with the thread which they 
obtain from lime-tree bark, they make a species of mantle, which they cover with 
the finest swan's feathers fastened one by one to tlie material. A long task indeed, 
but they do not connt this trouble and time when it concerns their satisfaction. ' 


The use of beads, quills, and other articles to beautify the surfaces 
of fabrics aud skins was as common, no doubt, with the ancient as with 
the modern native inhabitants of the Mississippi valley. In discoursing 
on the dress of native women of Louisiana ButelBumont says that 
the young girls wear — 

* " " a sort of network attached to the waist and terminating in a point, 
* " * both sides of which are ornamented with ribbons of thread made from lime- 
tree fiber, also made into network. Krom the waist to the knees hang several cords 
of the same thread, to the ends of whiih are attached claws of birds of prey, such 
as eaglets, crows, etc., so that when the girls walk these make a rattling noise 
which is highly pleasing to them. This kind of ornament does not illy resemble 
those nets which we use to cover our horses to protect them from flies.^ 

From Du Pratz we have the following: 

The women make also designs in embroidery with the skin of the porcupine; they 
remove for this purpose the skin of this animal, which is white and black; they split 
it very fine to use as embroidery thread, dye a part of the white skin a red color, 
another part yellow, aud a third part is left white; they usually work on black skin, 
and dye the black a reddish browu ; but if they work on bark, the black [threads] 
remain the same. Their designs are very similar to some of those found in Gothic 
architecture; they are composed of straight lines which form right angles at their 
conjunction, which is commonly called the corner of a sciuare. They also work sim- 
ilar designs on nutntles and coverings which they make with the bark of the mul- 
berry tree.' 

John Smith testifies to the same practices in Virginia as shown in the 
following lines: 

For their apparell, they are sometimes covered with the skiunes of wilde beasts, 
which in Winter are dressed with the hayre, but iu Somnier without. The better 
sort vse large mantels of Deare skins, not much difl'ering in fashion from the Irish 
mantels. Some imbrodered with white beads, some with Copper, other painted after 
their manner. * * * We haue seene some vse mantels made of Turky feathers, 
so prettily wrought and woven with threads that nothing could be discerned but 
the feathers. ^ 


MoDi'.s OK Pkkskuvation. 

Contenting myself with the preceding references to the practice of 
the arts of spinning and weaving in the various regions of the country. 

' Memoire sur la Lonisiane. Paris, 1753, vol. I, pp. 154-155. 

2 Ibid., vol, I, pp. 138-139. 

^Historiede la Lonisiane. vol. n, pp. 184-185. 

■"Hist. Virginia. Kicliniond, 1819, vol. I, pp. 129-130. 




|fis^^:. . :. -;-n. '' 

■> S* 



I pass on to au exauiiiiatiou of the archeologic material whitili includes 
traces or remnants of the weaver's work from all sections of the coun- 
try. As already mentioned, there are a number of ways in which textile 
articles or data relating to them may be preserved in such manner as 
to permit examination and study. 

Through charring by the use of fire in burial rites, and by contact 
with copper or preservative salts in burial caves, numerous pieces of 
cloth and i^arts of costumes have come into our possession. One of the 
most fertile sources of information has but recently been made availa- 
ble. The ancient potter employed woven fabrics in handling, finishing, 
and decorating pottery. From mounds, graves, and dwelling sites, all 
over the country, vases and sherds are found covered with impressions 
of these fabrics, and so well preserved that by taking casts in clay or 
wax entirely satisfactory restorations are made. Something may be 
learned from the recovery of implements of spinning and weaving, but 
up to this time the only relics secured are a few rather rude spindle 

1 shall present in the following paragraphs such portions of the avail- 
able data as seem calculated to illustrate briefly and clearly the nature 
of the ancient art. 

Fabrics j-kom Caves and Shelters. 

At an early date in the history of the country reports began to find 
their way into print relating to the discovery of mortuary fabrics in 
caverns and shelters. Extracts from some of these publications may 
be given. 

From the writing of John Haywood historian of Tennessee, we have 
the following: 

In the spring uf the year 1811, waa found in a copperas cave in Warren county, in 
West Tennessee, about 15 miles southwest from Sparta, aud 20 from McMinnville, 
the bodies of two human beings, which had been covered by the dirt or ore from 
which copperas was made. One of these persons was a male, the other a female. 
They were interred in baskets, made of cane, curiously wrought, and evidencing 
great mechanic skill. They were both dislocated at the hip joint, and were placed 
erect in the baskets, with a covering made of cane to fit the baskets in which they 
were placed. The flesh of these persons was entire and undecayed, of a brown dry- 
ish colour, produced by time, the flesh having adhered closely to the bones and sin- 
ews. Around the female, next her body, was placed a well dressed deer skin. Next 
to this was placed a rug, very curiously wrought, of the bark of a tree and feathers. 
The bark seemed to have been formed of small strands well twisted. Around 
each of these strands, feathers were rolled, and the whole woven into a cloth of linn 
texture, after the manner of our common coarse fabrics. This rug was about three 
feet wide, and between sis and seven feet in length. The whole of the ligaments 
thus framed of bark were completely covered with feathers, forming a body of about 
one eighth of an inch in thickness, the feathers extending about one quarter of an 
inch in length from the strand to which they were confined. The appearance was 
highly diversified by green, blue, yellow and black, presenting different shades of 
colour when reflected upon by the light in different positions. The next covering 
was an undre.ssed deer skin, around which was rolled, in good order, a plain shroud 
manufactured after the same order as the one ornamented with feathers. This article 
resembled very much in its texture the bags generally used for the purpose of bold- 


ing coffee exported from Havannato the United States. The female had iu her hand 
a fau formed of the tail feathers of a turkey. The points of these feathers were 
curiously bound by a buckskin string, well dressed, and were thus closely bound for 
about one inch from the points. About three inches from the point they were again 
bound, by another deer skin string, in such a maimer that the fau might be closed 
and expanded at pleasure. ♦ • • 

The cave in which they were found, al)onnded iu nitre, copperas, alum, and salts. 
The whole of this covering, with the baskets, was perfectly sound, without any 
marks of decay.' 

There was also a scoop net made of bark thread; a mockasin made of the like 
materials; a mat of the same materials, enveloping human bones, were found in 
saltpetre dirt, six feet below the surface. The net and other things mouldered on 
being exposed to the sun.- 

In the year 1815 a remarkably iuterestiug set of mortuary fabrics was 
recovered from a saltpeter cave near Glasgow, Kentucky. A letter from 
Samuel L. Mitchell, iniblisbed by the Americau Antiquariau Society, 
cou tarns the following description of the condition of the human remains 
and of the nature of its coverings : 

The outer envelope of the l)ody is a deer skin, probably dried in the usual way, 
and perhaps softened before its application, by rubbing. The next covering is a 
deer skin, whose hair had been cut away by a sharp instrument, resembling a hat- 
ter's knife. The remnant of the hair, and the gashes iu the skin, nearly resemble the 
sheared pelt of beaver. The next wrapper of cloth is made of twine doubled and 
twisted. But the thread does not appear to have been formed by the wheel, nor the 
web by the loom. The warp and filling seemed to have been crossed and knotted liy 
an operation like that of the fabricks of the northwest coast, and of the Sandwich 
islands. * " * The innermost tegument is a mantle of cloth like the preceding; 
but furnished with large browu feathers, arranged and fastened with great art, so 
as to be capable of guarding the living wearer from wet aud cold. The plumage is 
distinct and entire, and the whole bears a near similitude to the feathery cloaks 
now worn by the nations of the northwestern coast of America.' 

The Bureau of Ethnology had the good fortune to secure recently a 
number of representative pieces of burial fabrics of the classes men- 
tioned in the preceding exti'acts, and somewhat detailed descriptions of 
these will sufficiently illustrate the art as practiced by the early 
inhabitants of the middle portions of the country. 

The relics which have come into the possession of the Bureau were 
obtained iu 1885 by Mr. A. J. McGill from a rock shelter on "Clifty" 
or Clifi" Creek, Morgan county, Tennessee. Mr. J. W. Emmert, through 
whom they were procured, reports that they were found in a grave 
3J feet below the surface and in earth strongly charged with niter aud 
perhaps other preservative salts. The more pliable cloths, together 
with skeins of vegetal fiber, a dog's skull, some bone tools, and por- 
tions of human bones and hair, were rolled up in a large split-cane mat. 
The grave was situated about as shown in the accompanying section 
(figure 4). A shelf some 20 feet in width, with depressed floor, occurs 

'N,it. and Abor. Hist of Tenn.. JdIiii naywood. N,ishville. 1823, pp. 163-165. 

' Ibid., p. 62. 

' Trans, and Coll. Auier. Autiq. So.-. WoitosIbf. 1821), vol. I, pp. 318, 319. 



■VV^.-f¥,'j^.T „ 

Hr., '(S,, ij 

{\i ■ 






about midway between the creek bed aud the shghtly overhanging ledge 
above, the whole height being estimated at 300 feet. 

The mat, a very excellent piece of work, is 6 feet (i inches by 3 feet 4 
inches. By reference to plate ii it will be seen that it is neatly and 
artistically made and quite well preserved. The strands are from one- 
third to three-sixteenths of an inch in width and are even on the 
edges and smoothly dressed on the back. The hard, glistening outer 
surface of the cane is light in color aud the dressed surface is dark 
naturally or artificially, aud the weaving is so managed that a taste- 
ful border and a checkered effect are produced by alternately exposing 


the light and dark sides. This piece prob- 
ably very fairly represents the split-cane work 
of the whole cane-producing region. A similar 
piei^eof work from the gulf coast is illustrated 
ill figure 12. 

Inclosed with the mat were three pieces of 
fabric of especial interest, all i^ertaining, no 
doubt, to the costume of the person buried. 
The piece of cloth shown in plate in probably _j»/,^j,^^ 
served as a mantle or skirt and is 40 inches 
long by 24 wide. It is of coarse, pliable, yel- 
lowish-gray stuff, woven in the twined style 
so common all over America. The fiber was 
doubtless derived from the native hemp, and 
the strands are neatly twisted and about the 
size of average wrapping cord. The warp 
strands, 24 inches in length, extend across 
the piece; aud on the left margin, as seen in 
the illustration, they are looped for the pas- 
sage of a gathering string, while on the left they have been cut to form a 
short fringe. The opposing series (the woof strands) have been passed 
through with the length of the cloth in jiairs, which are twisted half 
around at each intersection, inclosing the web strands in alternating 
pairs as shown in detail in figure 5. These twined strands are placed 
three-eights of an inch apart, the web being so close that the fabric is 
but slightly open. The twined strands are carried back and forth in 
groups of four as shown at the ends in the plate, and are knotted as 
illustrated in the figure. 

A piece of fabric of much interest is presented in plate iv. It may be 
an unfinished garment of the class shown in the preceding illustration, 
but it is more likely a complete skirt, the narrow woven band with its 
gathering string serving as a belt and the long fringe being the skirt. 
The length at the gathered edge is 34 inches, aud the pendant length 
is 20 inches. The material and the weaving are the same as in the 
piece of cloth already described, although the work is somewhat coarser. 

4.— Section of ciiti' showing 
position of grave shelter. 



[ETH. ANTI. 13 

A (letiiiltid study of the border is given in figure 6, the vertical series 
of threads being pulled ajjart to show more distinctly the manner of 
combination . 

The two pieces just described would seem to corresyKind pretty closely 
with the garments formerly worn by women and girls of the lower JViis- 

" ;v»!™. 


Fro. 5.— Portion <if manllo showing iiianTier nf weaviug. 

sissippi country, as illustrated by Du Pratz in a i)late facing page 310, 
volume II, of his Histoire de la Louisiane. His i)late is reproduced in 
figure 7. The following are translations of his descriptions of the gar- 
ments delineated : 

The woiUL'U in warm weather have only a half ell of linibourg, with which they 
are covered; they told this cloth arouml the body and are well clothed from the 

Fig. G. — Analysis of the weaving of fringed skirt Threads natural size. 

waist to the knees ; when they have no limliourg they use in the same way a deer 
skin. » • ♦ I. 

When the girls reach the age of eight or nine years they are clothed from the 
waist to the ankles with a fringe of threads of mulberry bark, fastened to a band 

■ Histoire de la Louisiane Du Pratz. Paris, 1758, vol. ll, p. 191. 





4tff.';',. '- 




" ■?('*!' Ill 
^''' 111 







■which is attached below the abilomen; there is also another band above the abdo- 
men which meets the first at the back ; between the two the body is covered infrout 
by a network which is held there by the bauds, and at the back there are merely 
two large cords, each having a tassel.' 

Of equal interest to the preoeding is the badly frayed bag shown in 
plate V. It is 20 inches in length and 13 inches in clepth. The style 

Fig. 7. — Former costumea of woman aud girl in Louisiana (aftir Du Pratz). 

of weaving is the same as that of the two preceding examples; a pecu- 
liar open eftect is produced by the rotting out of certain strands of dark 
color, which were arranged in i)airs alternating with eight lighter 
threads. The construction of the border or rim of this bag is quite 
remarkable. As shown in figure 8, the upper ends of the verticaL 

' Histoire de la Luuisiane, Du Pratz. Paria, 1758, vol. n, p. 193. 
13 ETH 3 


[ETH. ANN. 13 

strands are gathered in slightly twisted gronps of four and carried up 
free for about two inclies, when they are brought together and plaited 
with remarkable neatness into a string border. As if to convey to the 
curious investigator of modern times a complete knowledge of their 
weavers' art, the friends of the dead deposited with the body not only 
the fabrics worn during life but a number of skeins of the liber fiom 
whicli the fa!)ri('s were ])robab]y made. Tliis fiber has been identified 
as that of tlu^ Vunnahls autira, or wild hemp. Two of the skeins are 
shown in plate v. 

The presence of tliese unworked materials makes it probaltle that the 
individual burned was a female, for the distaff and the loom have beeu 
and are universal emblems of the practical enslavement of that sex. 

A .small but very instructive 
grouj) of burial fabrics is pre- 
served in the National Museum. 
These specimens were found with 
a desiccated body in 1877 in a 
cave 8 miles from Mammoth cave, 
Kentucky. They consist of a num- 
ber of bags and other articles 
woven in the usual styles of bast 
and hemp. Nearly all of the 
articles are worn or fragmentary, 
but the fiber is wonderfully pre- 
served and the original colors are 
as fresh as if the burial had taken 
jilace but yesterday. There are 
three wide-mouthed, shallow bags, 
resembling the one from Tennessee 
illustrated in plate v. The largest 
is 34 inches long when closed, and 
15 inches deep. Both web and 
a border of open work bound by a plaited 
band as seen in figure S, and the manner of weaving is identical with 
that shown in that figure. The second bag is 22 inches long and IG 
deep. The web is of bast, the woof of hemp. The smaller specimen is 
14 by 9 indies and is made exclusively of hemp, and is thus much more 
pliable than the others. The small remnant of a larger bag shows a 
web (if heavy, plaited bast strands resembling the specimen impressed 
on jMittery and shown in a, plate ix. Besides these pieces there is a bit 
of heavy, compactly woven stuff, resembling the broad part of a sling, 
which shows traces of a geometric pattern, and a piece of tlattish rope 
12 feet long and 12 inches broad plaited very neatly of hempen twine. 
Among a number of cave relics from Kentucky donated to the Museum 
by Mr. Francis Klett, are some textile articles. Among these is a san- 
dal or moccasin woven or plaited very neatly of bast. It is shown in 

Fm. 8.— Border of bag. 

woof are of bast. There is 







figure 9. Pruf. F. W. Putnam and other explorers of these caves have 
obtained numerous textile articles of interest. 

Charred Remains of Fabrics from Mounds. 

That the well-preserved fabrics just illustrated represent fairly the 
textile work of the mound builders is practically demonstrated by the 
evidence furnished by the mounds themselves. From hundreds of 
sources come the same story; and it is not necessary here to enter into 
any elaborate discussion of the subject or to multiplj^ illustrations. I 
present in plates vi and vii specimens of mound fabrics which, since 
they were burued with the dead, undoubtedly formed part of the cloth- 
ing of the living or were wrappings of articles deposited with the 
bodies. These coarse cloths may be considered as fairly representing 
the weaving of the mound-builders. There are among them some finer 
examples of weaving than those obtained from the caves and shelters 
of Tennessee and Kentucky, but there is nothing specifically differ- 
ent ill material or methods of combination, and there is nothing what- 

FlG, 9.— SaTidal or moccasin from a Kentucky cave. 

ever to suggest 

a higher stage of culture than that of the historic 

The fiber is (juite fine and is more probably of hemp than of the 
bark of trees. The strands are generally well twisted and even, the 
twist being in most cases to the right, or as if twisted on the thigh 
with a downward movement of the right hand, the thread being held 
in the left. A.s in the case of cave fabrics as well as the work of the 
modern peoples of the region, the weaving is nearly all in the twined 
style, of which thei-e are two varieties; one in which each strand of 
the web is in turn inclosed simply by the woof twisted in pairs, and 
the other in which alternate pairs of the web strands are inclosed by 
the twined pairs of the woof. Cloths woven in the first method are 
often ([uite close, as the woof threads are readily pressed or pounded 
down on one another entirely hiding the web strands, giving a fabric of 
much compactness and strength. The second variety is usually some- 



[eTH. ANN. 13 

what open and net-like, and very often the pairs of twined woof strands 
are placed far apart, as shown in several of the illnstrations given in 
this paper. The finest mesh observed is in the first of these styles, 
and includes about twenty intersections to the iuch. 

From the Ohio mounds also there are examples of plain as well as 
of diagonal interlacing. In appearance the cloth is nnich the same as 
that done in the twined style. In a few cases a border or selvage of 
very simple construction is seen. A looped margin for the passage of 
a gathering cord is common. 

In plate Vi a number of bits of charred cloth are shown ; being quite 
black the camera fails to give them with clearness, but the drawings 
presented in plate vii serve to make clear all details of the strands and 
their combination. The charring has taken place in cremating the 
dead, in the burning of otteriiigs or through accidental subjection to 
heat. In some cases very considerable portions of the cloth are found, 
but it is usually in a very fragile state and little has been i)reserved. 

Specimens preserved in this way are obtained from a large area, 
including the Ohio and a large portion of the Mississippi valleys. 

Fabrics Preserved by Contact with Copper. 

The preservation of woven textures through association in burials 
with implements or other articles of copper is of common occurrence. 
Our museums contain many examples of copper celts retaining on their 
surfaces portions of cloth so well preserved that 
the fibers retain much of their original strength 
as well as color. In plate viii three examples are 
shown from a mound near Davenport, Iowa, and 
a fourth from a mound near Savannah, Georgia. 
The fabrics on a and h are of the twined style 
and, although occurring 800 miles apart, are 
identical in every respect. The cloth on c is 
very closely woven and has the appearance of 
simple interlacing. The finest i)iece of work 
that has come to my notice is a bit of cloth from 
a mound in Pike county, Ohio. It has from 
thirty-five to forty strands to the inch, and looks 
much like coarse twilled goods. It is woven in 
the twined style, however, and is therefore of native origin. It was 
preserved by contact with a large number of copper beads, four of which 
are shown in the cut, figure 10. 

Traces of basketry are rarely preserved either by charring or by con- 
tact witli copper. Matting is occasionally preserved in these ways. 
Figun; 11 illustrates a piece of rush matting found fixed to the surface 
of a bit of copper in a mound near Augusta, Georgia. 

The weaving of the hair of many species of quadrupeds, the buffalo, 
the opossum, the rabbit, etc., is noted by a number of authors, and a few 

Fig. 10.— Fine, closely woven 
ol<t1 h preserved by contact 
with copper beads. 

Bureau or ethnology 


--„,..^«r r_-V:r' 





specimens of hairclDtli have been recovered from mounds. Mr. Henry 
E. Howland found in a mound near Alton, Illinois, two varieties of cloth 
preserved by couract with a copper ornament representing a turtle- 
shell ; they are described as follows : 

Closely fittiug over the outer surface of the copper shell is, first, a woven cloth of 
a vegetable fibre, similar in its general character to the outer matting above describeil, 
but of a stronger and better preserved fibre, apparently more like that which forms 
the woven coating of the Davenport axes. This is covered in turn with a softer, 
finer fabric, now of a dark-brown color, formed of twisted strands, laid or matted 
closely together, though apparently not woven. The material of which these strands 
are formed proves, under microscopic examination, to lie animal hair.' 

An illustration of ancient split cane matting is ijresented in figure 
12. The specimen was obtained from Petite . — 

Anse i.sland, near Vermilion bay, southern ^^^^ g^^ 
coast of Louisiana, and a photograph was . 
presented to the Smithsonian Institution in — 
1866, by J. F. Cleu. The following descrip- 
tion, as given by Prof. Joseph Henry, ap- 

pears on the label attached to the specimen : -^z ^Mj 

This fragment of matting was found near the sur- . m.. .! .. z3m. 

face of the salt, and about 2 feet above it were re- 
mains of tusks .and bones of a fossil elephant. Tlie 
peculiar interest in regard to the specimen is in its 
occurrence in situ 2 feet below the elephant re- 
mains, and about 14 feet below the surface of the 

soil, thus showing the existence of man on the island 

^ ,, , i ■ ., . ..i, J. ■, 1 1 i Fin. 11. — Small portion of rush mat- 

prior to the deposit in the SOU ot the lossil elephant, ting preserved by contact with 

The material consists of theouter barkof thecommon copper. 

soathein cane {Arundinaria macrosperma), and has been preserved for so long a period 

both by its silicious character and the strongly saline condition of the soil. 

Fabrics Impresseo on Pottery. 

It was a common practice among the aborigines to employ woven 
fabrics in the construction and ornamentation of earthenware. Im- 
pressions were thus left on the clay, and by baking these were rendered 
as lasting as if engraved on stone. 

From no other source do we obtain so wide a range of fabrics. The 
fabric-marked vases and sherds are obtained from mounds, graves, and 
village sites all over the country. There is not a state within the 
Mississippi or Atlantic drainage that does not furnish some example of 
the preservation of native tabric impressions on earthenware. The 
perfection with which every character of textures is preserved is 
well shown in a number of the figures here introduced. 

A somewhat extended study of this subject was published in the 
Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, and illustrations of 
nearly all the styles of weaving were given. As indicated by subse- 

Recent Archaeological Discoveries in the Araericaa Bottom. BuUetiu of the Buffalo Society of 

Natural Sciences. March 2, 1877, p. 208. 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

queiit investigations, a iiuinber of slight iuaccuiacies of analysis and 
drawing occur in tbat paper, but tliey are of such minor importance 
that detailed correction is unnecessary. 

It would seem that imprints of cloth woven in the plain interlaced 
style appear to be quite rare, although it is difficult, from the impres- 
sions on clay, to distinguish this from other forms when the threads 
are closely impacted. In somewliat rare cases the interlacing is so 
arranged and alternated as to give diagonal effects as in a specimen 

l''[G. 12.— Split i-ane tuattiug from Petite Ansa island, Loulsi.'lDa. 

shown in figure 13. These effects are peculiar to the interlaced fabrics, 
not being produced in twined or netted work. 

It has been supposed that vessels of clay were often modeled in bask- 
ets, and that the native earthenware preserved numerous impressions of 
baskets. On closer analysis these impressions turn out to be the applica- 
tion ofjyliable cloths, or of cords singly or in groups, or of stamps covered 
with textiles or having geometric textile-like patterns engraved on them. 
I can not recall a single example from eastern United States in which it 
is entirely clear that the clay vessel was modeled in a basket. The 
impressions of basket work occasionally seen are only partial, having 
been applied after the vessel was practically finished. 

I present in figure 13, a small earthen vessel from a mound in North 
Carolina, the entire exterior surface of which is marked with a fabric, 



Cc rr<3-- 'J<- ^^ -:»< T< ■->- J-l —' V 

< 3*^ jt.,J ,?-=' -.1 -^ 

-.J*~r* ^ijt --nt _r^ ^^* --(- .^ . 

^>*- ** -* ^ /* n^-!*. -< ^T- ■;*' 






a iJliable cloth or bag woven in the twined styled. The impressions 
are not the result of a single application of the texture, but consist of 
several disconnected imprintings as if the hand or a paddle covered 
with cloth bad been used iu handling the vessel or in imparting a 
desired finish to the surface. 

Fig. 13. — Fabric marked vase from a mound in North Carolina. 

Specimens of diagonal fabrics, restored from potsherds, are given in 
figures 14 and 15. The first is a very neatly woven diagonal from the 
ancient pottery of Polk county, Tennessee. Two series of cords have 
been interwoven at right angles to each other, but so arranged as to 
produce the diagonal effect. One series of the cords is fine and well 

Fig. 14 — Diagonal fabric, ancient pottery of Tenne-ssee. 

twisted, the other coarser and very slightly twisted. The second is a 
piece of matting restored from the impression on a small piece of pot- 
tery collected in Alabama. It was probably made of rushes or heavy 
blades of grass. 

Twined weaving prevails in the fabrics impressed on pottery as in 
those from all other aboriginal sources. An example of the simi^lest 



(ETB ANN. 13 

form, obtained from a small fragment of pottery fonnd in Polk county, 
Tennessee, is shown in figure 16. Two series of threads are interwoven 
at right angles, the warp being arranged in pairs and the woof singly. 

Fig. 15. — Fabric from the ancient pottery of Alabama- 

At each intersection the pairs of warp threads are twisted half around 
upon themselves, inclosing the woof threads and holding them quite 

Flu. 16. — Twined fabric from aDcient pottery, Tennessee. 

firmly, so that the open net-like effect is well preserved even under 
strain or in long continued use. There are many varieties of this form 

Fin. 17.— Twined fabric from ancient pottery. Tennessee. 

of fabric resulting from differences in size and spacing of the threads. differences are well brought out in the succeeding figures. 

In figure 17 we have a characteristic example of this fabric, obtained 
from a fragment of pottery from a mound at Sevierville, Tennessee. 







The impressiou is quite perfect. The forrts are somewhat uneven, and 
seem to have been only nK)derately well twisted. They were probably 
made of hemp fiber. It will be observed that the threads of the web 
are placed at regular intervals, while those of the woof are irregularly 
placed. It may be noticed that in one case the woof has not been 
doubled, the single thread having, as a consequence, exactly the same 
relation to the opposing series as corresponding threads in simple inter- 

Fio. 18. — Twined fabric Crora ancient salt vessei, Illinois. 

lacing. The impression, of which this is only a part, indicates that 
the cloth used in shaping the vessel was considerably distorted when 
applied to the soft clay. 

Nowhere else are found so many fine impressions of fabrics on clay 
vessels as in the ancient salt-making localities of the Mississippi valley. 
The huge bowls or vats used by the primitive salt-maker have gener- 
ally been modeled ill coarse, open fabrics, or have had cloths impressed 

Twined fabric from ancient salt vessel. Illinois. 

upon them for ornament. In flgnres IS and 19 fine examples of these 
impressions are given. The latter engraving illustrates a specimen in 
which every detail is perfectly i)reserved. Only a small portion of the 
original is shown in the cut. It is noticeable that the cords are quite 
heavy and well twisted, although the spacing is somewhat irregular. 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

The example given in figure 20, impre.s.seil on a fragment of clay from 
Arkansas, has an ornamental border produced by looping the cords of 

Fifi. 20. — Twined fabrir from a phn-e tif clay, Arkansa.s. 

the web, which seem to have been five in number, each one passing 
over four others before recrossing the frame. A specimen showing a 
somewhat different border is given in figure 21. 

riG. 21.— T\yined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee. 

Fin. 22. — Twined C.-ibric frimi aiu-ifiit pottery, Missouri. 

The interesting specimen illustrated in figure 22 was obtained from 
a small fi-agment of pottery found in Kipley county, Missouri. The 




combination of the two series of strands clearly indicates the type of 
fabric, the twisted cords of the woof being placed very far apart. 
The warp is of braid formed by plaiting strands of untwisted fiber, 
probably bast. All the details are shown in the most satisfactory 
manner in the clay cast. 

Fig. 23— Twined fabric from ancient potterj", Carter county. Tennessee. 

In figure 23 we have a similar fabric closely woven or impacted. I 
have made the drawing to show fillets of filxn- appearing at the ends; 
these do not appear in the impression. It is highly probable, however, 

Fig. 24.— Twined fabric from ancient (>ottery, Tennessee. 

that these fillets are plaited bands, as in the preceding example. They 
arc wide and flat, giving somewhat the effect of basket-work of splints 
or rushes. 


Fig. 25. — Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tenne.sace. 

Another variety of the twined fabrics, distinguished by peculiarities 
in the combinations of the threads, is illustrated in figures 24 and 25. 
The threads of the warp are arranged in iJairs as in the specimens 



[ETH.ANN. 13 

already described, but are twisted in sucli a way as to iriflose two of 
the opposing series instead of one, each succeeding pair of warp threads 
taking up alternate pairs of the woof threads. Figaire 25 is from a 

Flii. 26.— TwiiifU fabric, with patterns, Ohio valley. 

small piece of pottery exhumed from a mound on Fain island, Jeft'erson 
county, Tennessee. The threads of the woof are quite close together, 
those of the web being far apart. 

Fig. 27. — Net from ancient pottery, District of Colniiibia. 

That the native love of decoration had a marked iutlueuce on the 
weavers' art in its simplest and rudest as well as higher forms is well 






evinced even in the meager vestiges brought to light by researches in 
the mounds. Decorative borders and fanciful combinations of strands 
are shown lu some of the preceding cuts, aud figure 26, copied from a 
pottery fraguient obtained iu the Ohio valley, indicates a morc^ ambi- 
tious attempt at embellishment. The fabric was evidently of ornate 
design and the execution excellent. 

Plate IX is iutended to convey a clear notion of the nature and 
appearance of fabric marked pottery and of the manner of securing 
positive impressions in clay. Three bits of pottery from Illinois are 
placed at the left, and the three casts appear at the right. All illus- 
trate open fabrics of comparatively simple pattern done iu the charac- 
teristic twined style. 

Nets were iu use by the Indians of Florida aud Virginia at the time 
of the discovery, and the ancient pottery of the Atlantic states has 
preserved impressions of innumerable specimens. The piece shown in 
figure 27 is from a small fragment of pottery picked up iu the District 
of Columbia. The impression is so perfect that the twist of the cord 
and the form of the knot may be seen with ease. Most of the examples 
from this locality are of much finer cord and have a less open mesh thau 

Flu. 28. — Net. fnmi aucit-nt pottt-ry, Xorth Car(ilin;t. 

the specimen illustrated. The net illustrated iu figure 28 is from a 
specimen of North. Carolina pottery. Netting of this class was still 
in use among the natives of the Chesapeake region when the English 
colonies were founded. 

The lesson of the jirehistoric textile art of eastern United States 
is simple aud easily read, and goes far to round out the story of native 
occupation and culture. Colonial records furnish definite knowledge 
of the woven fabrics and weaving of the nations first encountered by 
the whites. Graves, mounds, and caves give iis an insight into the 
pre-Columbian status of the art, aud evidence furnished by associated 
industries which happen to echo features of the textile art contribute 
to our information. Charred cloths from the great mounds are 
identical in material, combination of parts, and texture with the 


fabrics of tlie simple savage. Clotlis preserved by contact with 
copper impleriients and ornaineuts characteristic of the art of the 
builders of the mouuds do not differ in any way from the humble 
work of the historic peoples. All tell the same story of a simple, 
primitive culture, hardly advanced beyond the grade separating the 
savage from the barbarous condition. 







Introduction 57 

Basis for the work 57 

Classiiication of objects and materials 57 

The arts and their distribution 60 

Districts 60 

Descriptive terms 62 

Grouud and pecked articles 62 

Grooved axes 62 

Celts 72 

Gouges 82 

Chisels and scrapers 83 

Chipped celts 86 

Hematite celts 86 

Pestles 87 

Pitted stones 91 

Cupped stones 91 

MuUers 93 

Grinding and polishing stones 93 

Hammerstones 94 

Grooved stones other than axes 95 

Mortars 96 

Sinkers 97 

Perforated stones 98 

Discoidal stones 99 

Spuds 109 

Plummets 110 

Cones 113 

Hemispheres 114 

Paint stones 115 

Ceremonial stones 115 

Functions and purposes 115 

Gorgets 116 

Banner stones 120 

Boat-shape stones 124 

Picks 125 

Spool-shape ornaments 125 

Bird-shape stones 125 

Shaft rubbers 126 

Tubes 126 

Pipes 128 

Chipped stone articles 132 

Materials and manufacture 132 

Spades 133 

Turtlebacks 136 

13 ETH i 49 


The arts ami their distribution — Coutinue.l. 

Chipped stone articles — Continued. I'age 

Smaller chipped implements 139 

Materials and modes of manufacture 139 

Classification of the implements 142 

Stemless flints 143 

Characters and uses 143 

Larger implements 144 

Smaller objects 147 

Stemmed flints 150 

Straight or taper stems 150 

Expanding stems 156 

Perforators 164 

Character and uses 164 

Stemless forms 165 

Stemmed forms 167 

Blunt arrowheads, or " buuts '" 168 

Scrapers 169 

Stemmed 169 

Stemless 169 

Cores 170 

Flakes 171 

Miscellaneous forms 174 

Notes on beveled flints 177 


Maseum number Page 

Fig. 29. Grooved ax, showing groove projections (82379) 63 

30. Grooved ax, showing pointed edge (99318) 64 

31. Grooved ax, showing groove entirely around (83360) 65 

32. Grooved ax, slender, showing groove entirely around (116240) 65 

33. Grooved ax, showing grooved back 66 

34. Grooved ax, showing grooved back (90512) 66 

35. Grooved ax, showing rounded back (7157.5) 67 

36. Grooved ax, showing flattened curved back 68 

37. Grooved ax, showing flattened straight back (71258) 68 

38. Grooved ax, Keokuk type (71566) 69 

39. Grooved ax, showing adze forni (84348) 69 

40. Grooved ax, showing diagonal groove (72211) 69 

41. Grooved ax, showing wide edge (90862) 69 

42. Grooved ax, showing curved edge (91746) 70 

43. Grooved ax, showing single groove projection (62907) 70 

44. Grooved adze (114526) 71 

45. Grooved adze, showing curved blade (131483) 71 

46. Notched ax, showing polished edge (62753) 72 

47. Celt, showing blade thick near edge (71413) 73 

48. Celt, showing blade thick near edge (91518) 73 

49. Celt, showing long, slender form (114494) 74 

50. Celt, nearly round section (6.5652) 75 

51. Celt, nearly round section (65661) 75 

52. Celt, showing nearly diamond section (65698) 76 

53. Celt (112509) 77 

54. Celt (83111 ) 77 

55. Celt (82917) 77 

56. Colt, showing " bell-shape " and roughening for handle . . (Tho. 7882) 78 

57. Celt, showing rectangular section (114151) 78 

58. Celt, showing wedge-shape (98427) 79 

59. Celt, showing half-elliptical section (72059) 79 

60. Celt, showing half-elliptical section (65440) 81 

61. Celt, showing concave sides (115.504) 81 

62. Thin, polished celt (83056) 82 

63. Thin, polished celt (114021) 82 

64. Thin, polished celt (114157) 82 

65. Celt, showing thin, gouge-form edge (92034) 83 

66. Celt, chisel-form (91418) 83 

67. Celt, chisel-form (82464) 83 

68. Celt, chisel-form (131697) 83 

69. Celt, chisel-form (82949) 84 

70. Celt, chisel-form (116300) 84 

71. Celt, showing scraper- form edge 85 

72. Scraper (83346) 85 




[KTH. ANN. 13 





























Museum uiitnber 

Scraper or adze, with projecting ridge (72289 

Adze or srcraper (90528 

Chipped celt (87571 

Chipped celt (83272 

Chipped celt (113837 

Hematite celt (91920 

Hematite celt (113925 

Hem.atite celt ( 87843 

Hematite celt (90733 

Handled pestle, with expanding base (90876 

Pe.stle, long cylindrical form (1 154 16 

Pestle, conical ( 114254 

Pestle (65452 

Pestle (71428 

Pestle, grooved for handle (72276 

Pestle (131524 

Cupped stone or paint cup (82509 

iluller, showing polished surface (116134 

Muller, showing polished surface (132119 

Hammerstone ( 1 14344 

Grooved round stone (72277 

Grooved hammer (107300 

Discoidal stone (115414 

Diacoidal stone, with perforation (88137 

Discoidal stone, with perforation (30234 

Discoidal stone, with secondary depression (82619 

Discoidal stone, in form of a ring ( 62708 

Discoidal stone (90497 

Discoidal stone (114330 

Discoidal stone, convex (83142 

Discoidal stone (91805 

Discoidal stone (82953 

Discoidal stone, with V-shaped edges (116198 

Discoidal stone, used as mortar (131.566 

Discoidal stone, probably used as hammer (97763 

Discoidal pottery fragment (115873 




Spud (115925 

Spud - (88130 

Plummet, grooved near one end (82490 

Plummet, doiible-grooved (90746 

Plummet, grooved near middle (114349 

Plummet, grooved lengthwise (65318 

Plummet, grooveless, perforated (65319 

Plummet, double cone in shape ( 132140 

Plummet (131923 

Plummet (90850 

Plummet, end ground flat (98659 

Plummet (116072 

Plummet, cylindrical (71445 

Cone (116339 

Cone : (72305 

Cone (71501 

Cone (91944 

























































Museum nninber Page 

Fig. 127. Hemispheres 114 

128. Hemisphere (90729) 115 

129. Paint stone (90731) 115 

130. Gorget (88014) 118 

131. Gorget (?) (Tlio. 7834) 118 

132. Gorget, reel-shape (113721) 119 

133. Gorget (90649) 119 

134. Gorget (72125) 120 

135. Gorget, boat shape (114354) 121 

136. Gorget, resembling boat-shape stone (107323) 121 

137. Banner stone (90657) 121 

138. Bannerstone (11.5685) 121 

139. Banner stone, reel-shape (63186) 122 

140. Banner stone, with horn-like projections (113782) 122 

141 . Banner stone, crescent-shape (88586) 122 

142. Banner stone, crescent-shape (115871 ) 122 

143. Banner stone, crescent-shape (115900) 123 

144. Bntterfly banner stone 123 

145. Butterfly banner stone (90831) 123 

146. Bannerstone (90714) 123 

147. Boat-shape stone (87665) 124 

148. Boat-shape stone (72347) 124 

149. Pendant (116008) 125 

150. Pick (113742) 125 

151. Spool-shape ornament (38128) 125 

152. Bird-shape stone .(88351) 126 

153. Shaft rubber 127 

154. Tube, one end flattened (90713) 128 

155. Tube, conical (88022) 128 

156. Tube, hour-glass form , (62869) 129 

157. Tube, cylindrical (88588) 129 

158. Pipe, flat base (90840) 129 

159. Pipe.-.. (116048) 130 

160. Pipe (82390) 130 

161. Pipe, ornamented (72134) 130 

162. Pipe (115452) 130 

163. Pipe, long-stemmed (82832) 131 

164. Pipe, short-stemmed (115546) 131 

165. Pipe (114168) 131 

166. Pipe (114310) 131 

167. Pipe (62808) 132 

168. Pipe (116024) 132 

169. Chipped spade with pointed ends (82661) 134 

170. Chipped spade with rounded ends (88155) 134 

171. Chipped spade, ovoid (71695) 136 

172. Chipped spade (65683) 137 

173. Chipped spade, showing handle notches (90925) 138 

174. Chipped spade (88428) 138 

175. Chipped disk, or '-turtleback." (15335) 138 

176. Diagram, explaining terms 143 

177. Triangular chipped flint (87556 a) 144 

178. Chipped flint (90672) 144 

179. Chipped flint .' (116058) 145 

180. Chipped flint, somewhat bell-shape (82883) 145 

181. Chipped flint, elliptical outline (71562a) 145 

54 STONE ART. |rth.ann.13 

Museum nunib<T Vii'^ti 

Fi(i. 182. Chipped flint, leaf-shape or oval outline (88353) 145 

183. Chijiped flint (132186) 146 

184. Chipped flint, large, pointed elliptical outline (88122) 146 

185. Chi]ij)t'd flint, large, long, sharp point (113767) 146 

18(!. Chipped flint, large (114486) 147 

187. Chipped flint (91921a) 147 

188. Chipped flint (114277) 147 

189. Chipped flint, with shoulders (11.5419) 147 

191). Chipped flint, .small (62883) 148 

191. Chipped flint, triangular (917.54a) 148 

192. Chipped flint, .asymmetric (115404) 148 

193. Chipped flint, concave edges (82832) 148 

194. Chipped flint, triangular (88072) 148 

195. Chipped flint, small (131633) 149 

196. Chipped flint, short, convex edges (114.539) 149 

197. Chipped flint, triangular (832 ;5) 149 

198. Chipped flint, concave edges (65811) 149 

199. C'hipped flint, convex base (114405) 149 

200. Chipped flint, edges concave ;91921i) 150 

201. Chipped flint, pentagonal (115034) 1.50 

202. Chipped flint, narrow and thick (11.5665) 150 

203. Chipped flint, stemmed, liarbless (875.55) 151 

204. Chipped flint, stemmed, harhless (97754) 151 

205. Chipped flint, expanding shoulder (1.32212) 152 

206. Chipped flint, double-curved edges (83409a) 152 

207. Chipped flint, double-curved edges (113605o) 152 

208. Chipped flint, convex edges, long, tapering stem (72123) 152 

209. Chipped flint, with long, tapering stem (82718) 153 

210. Stemmed chipped flint, diamond or lozenge shape (91859a) 153 

211. Stemmed chipped flint (65803) 153 

212. Stemmed chipped flint (115405) 1,54 

213. Stemmed chipped flin t, ovoid (715626) 154 

214. Stemmed chipped flint, short blade (90750) 154 

215. Stemmed chipped flint, symmetric outline (113821) 155 

216. Stemmed chipped flint (113726) 1.55 

217. Chipped flint, with very long, slender stem (87847) 156 

218. Stemmed chipped flint, with but one barb or shoulder (91731) 156 

219. Stemmed chipped flint, short (90673) 156 

220. Stemmed chipped flint ^87664) 1.56 

221. Stemmed chipped flint, roughly made (65817) 157 

222. Stemmed chipped flint (65786) 157 

223. Stemmed chipped flint (90739a) 157 

224. Stemmed chipped flint, edges convex (88323) 157 

225. Stemmed chipped flint, with long barbs (83409i) 158 

226. Stemmed chipped flint (131775) 158 

227. Stemmed chipped flint (71562() 159 

228. Stemmed chipped flint, broad point (71562d) 1.59 

229. Stemmed chipped flint, slender point (87837) 159 

230. Stemmed chipped flint (90760) 159 

231. Stemmed chipped flint (114558) 160 

232. Stemmed chipped flint, thin (91921(i) 160 

233. Stemmed chipped flint (116059) 160 

234. Stemmed chipped flint (113741) 160 

235. Stemmed chipped flint (114340) 160 


Museum number Page 

Fig. 236. Stemmed chipped flint, sleuder, with small stem (116047) 161 

237. Stemmed chipped flint, oval outliuo, notched (97547) 161 

238. Stemmed chipped flint (65614) 162 

239. Stemmed chipped flint, notched, very wide stem (113894) 162 

240. Stemmed chipped flint, notched, very wide stem (907396) 162 

241. Stemmed chipped flint (82686) 163 

242. Stemmed chipped flint, projecting shoulders (917546) 163 

243. Stemmed chipped flint (91921c) 163 

244. Stemmed chipped flint, very rough (91136) 164 

245. Perfoiator, not stemmed (875566) 165 

246. Perforator, not .stemmed, double pointed (90843) 165 

247. Perforator, not stemmed, double pointed (90759) 166 

248. Perforator, not stemmed, rough base (91924) 166 

249. Perforator, not stemmed, expanding base (87951) 166 

250. Perforator, not stemmed, expanding base (88019) 166 

251. Perforator, stemmed (1136056) 167 

252. Perforator, stemmed, very wide shoulders (91754c) 167 

253. Perforator, stemmed 167 

254. Perforator, stemmed (83409o) 167 

25.5. Perforator, stemmed, with cutting point (132226) 168 

256. Blunt arrowhead, or "bunt" (132204) 168 

257. Stemmed scraper (1.32190) 169 

258. Stemmed scraper (71560) 169 

259. Stemless scraper, celt form (131749) 170 

260. Stemless scraper, flake (90822) 170 

261. Cores (97526) 171 

262. Core ( 97520 ) 171 

263. Flake, chipped for scraper (91968) 173 

264. Flake, chipped for knife or arrowhead (97537) 174 

265. Flake, slender, probably for lancet (88018) 174 

266. Stemmed chipped flint (132176) 174 

267. Stemmed chipped flint, winged (132213) 175 

268. Stemmed chipped flint (132174) 175 

269. Stemmed chipped flint, barbed 175 

270. Stemmed chipped flint, broad (1322356) 175 

271. Stemmed chipped flint 176 

272. Stemmed chipped flint, slender (132208) 176 

273. Stemmed chipped flint 176 

274. Stemmed chipped flint, triangular 176 

275. Stemmed chipped flint (132235o) 176 

276. Chippedflint, with sharp-edged stem (63150) 177 

277. Stemmed chipped flint, point blunted from — 177 

278. Stemmed chipped flint 177 


By Gerard Fowke 


Basis for the Work. 

The collection of the Bureau of Ethnology includes almost every type 
of stone implement or ornament, and as the investigations and explora- 
tions of the collaborators have extended over nearly all the eastern and 
central portions of the Mississippi valley, it furnishes a substantial 
basis for showing the geographic distribution of various forms of ob- 
jects in use among the aboriginal inhabitants. 

It has not been deemed advisable to utilize material contained in 
other collections. Should this be done there would be no reason for 
drawing upon one rather than another, and if it were once begun the 
examination would finally extend to every collection made from Amer- 
ican localities, a study which, although perhaps desirable, would tran- 
scend the scope of the Bureau plans. 

Much that has been published in regard to the distribution of relics 
in various portions of the country is of little value to a paper of this 
kind, since few of the objects are suificiently illustrated or referred to 
any class in other than the most general terms ; so that it is frequently 
impossible to determine the group in whicli a given article should be 
placed. Partly for this reason, partly because the primary purijose is 
description of a certain collection made in a definite way, little space 
is given to the descriptive work of predecessors in the field of archeol- 
ogy. The general results of previous work are, however, carefully 
weighed in the conclusions reached. 

Classification of Objects and Materials. 

The ordinary division into chipped and pecked or ground implements 
has been adopted: the former including all such as are more easily 
worked by flaking, and the latter including those made from stone 
suitable for working down by pecking into form with stone hammers 
or by similar means. The system of nomenclature in general use has 
been retained, as it is now familiar to students of North American 



archeology, and, while not entirely satisfactory in some respects, is 
perhaps as good as can be devised in tlie present state of knowledge. 

Careful study of the entire collection has failed to show the slightest 
difference in the form, finish, or material of implements from the same 
locality, whether found in mounds or graves or on the surface; hence 
no attempt is made to separate the two classes of objects. Allowance 
is to be made for the weathering of a surface specimen, but this is the 
only distinction. 

It is not always easy to identify a stone, even with a fresh surface; 
in a weathered specimen it is often impossible. For this reason the 
material of which a specimen is made may not be correctly named; fre- 
quently the alteration due to exposure will change the appearance of a 
rock very much, and in such a case the best that can be done is to tell 
what it looks most like. The material of a majority of specimens how- 
ever, or at least the classes of rock to which they belong, as granite, 
porphyry, etc., are correctly named; to give a more exact name w(mld 
be possible only by the destruction or injury of the specimen. There 
are a few terms used which may be here explained. 

" Compact quartzite " is a very hard, close-grained, siliceous rock, 
sometimes nearly a flint, and again closely approaching novaculite. 
" Greenstone " may be diorite or diabase, or it may be a very compact 
dark sandstone or quartzite so weathered that its nature can not be 
determined from superficial observation, "x^rgillite" refers to any slaty 
rock; it may be so soft as to be easily cut with a knife, or nearly as hard 
as quartzite. Usually it is greenish in color. 

A comprehensive study of all available collections will no doubt mod- 
ify materially the classification and system of types here presented. 

The quotations from eminent anthropologists given below show the 
difficulties in the way of establishing a satisfactory system of types, or 
of assigning certain forms to particular localities. In most of these 
quotations the substance only of the author's remarks is given. 

According to Dr. E. B. Tylor, the flint arrows of the Dakota, the 
Apache, or the Comanche might easily be mistaken for the weapons 
dug up on the banks of the Thames;' while cores of flint in Scandinavia 
and of obsidian in Mexico are exactly alike,- and a tray filled with Euro- 
pean arrowheads can not be distinguished from a tray of American 
ones.^ Prof. Otis T. Mason observes that the great variety of form in 
such weapons after they are finished is due partly to nature and partly 
to the workman's desire to produce a certain kind of implement. All 
sorts of pebbles lie at the hand of the savage mechanic, none of them 
just what he wants. He selects the best.^ Perhaps the truth about 
the shape is that the savage found it thus and let it so remain.^ 

1 Anahuac, p. 101. 

'Ibid., p. 98. 

^Dawsou, Sir William: Fossil Men, p. 121. 

* Smithsonian Report for 1884, p. 741. 

'Ibid., p. 748. 


The state of things ainoug the lower tribes which presents itself to 
the student is a substantial similarity in knowledge, arts, and customs, 
running through the whole world. Not that the whole culture of all 
tribes is alike — far from it ; but if any art or custom belonging to a low 
tribe is selected at random, the likelihood is that something substantially 
like it may be found in at least one place thousands of miles off, though 
it frequently happens that there are large intervening areas where it 
has not been observed.' 

On the whole, it seems most probable that many of the simpler 
weapons, implements, etc., have been invented independently by vari- 
ous savage tribes. Though they are remarkably similar, they are at 
the same time curiously different. The necessaries of life are simple 
and similar all over the world. The materials with which men have to 
deal are also very much alike; wood, bone, and to a certain extent 
stone, have everywhere the same properties. The obsidian flakes of 
the Aztecs resemble the flint flakes of our ancestors, not so much be- 
cause the ancient Briton resembled the Aztec, as because the frac- 
ture of flint is like that of obsidian. So also the pointed bones used as 
awls are necessarily similar all over the world. Similarity exists, in 
fact, rather in the raw material than in the manufactured article, and 
some even of the simplest implements of stone are very different among 
diflerent races.^ 

Tylor again says : 

When, however, their lull value has been given to the diflferences iu the proiluc- 
tions of the Ground Stone Age, there remains a residue of a most remarkable kind. 
In the flrst place, a very small number of classes, flakes, knives, scrapers, spear and 
arrow heads, celts, and hammers take in the great mass of specimens in museums; 
and in the second place, the prevailing character of these implements, whether 
modern or thousands of years old, whether found on this side of the world or on the 
other, is a marked uniformity. The ethnographer who has studied the stone imple- 
ments of Europe, Asia, North or South America, or Polynesia, may consider the 
specimens from the district he has studied as types from which those of other 
districts differ, as a class, by the prusence or absence of a few peculiar instruments, 
and individually in more or less important details of shape or finish, unless, as some- 
times happens, they do not differ perceptibly at all. So great is this uuiformity in 
the stone implements of different places and times, that it goes far to neutralize 
their value as distinctive of different races. It is clear that no great help iu tracing 
the minute history of the growth and migration of tribes is to be got from an 
arrowhead which might have come from Polynesia, or Siberia, or the Isle of Man, 
or from a celt which might be, for all its appearance shows, Mexican, Irish, or 
Tahitian. If an observer, tolerably acquainted with stone implements, had an 
unticketed collection placed before him, the largeness of the number of specimens 
which he would not confidently assign, by mere inspection, to their proper countries, 
would serve as a fair measure of their general uniformity. Even when aided by 
mineralogical knowledge, often a great help, he would have to leave a large fraction 
of the whole in an unclassified heap, confessing that he did not know within 
thousands of miles or thousands of years where and when they were made. 

How, then, is this remarkable uniformity to be explained? The principle that 
man does the same thing under the same circumstances will account for much, but 

'Tylor; Early History of Mankind, p. 169. 
' Lubbock, Sir John ; Prehistoric Times, p. t 


[ETH. ANN, 13 

it ie very doubtful whether it can be stretched far enough to account for even the 
greater proportion of the facts in question. The other side of the argument is, of 
course, that resemblance is due to connection, and the truth is made np of the two, 
though in what proportion we do not know.' 

While the several authors quoted do not fully agree, and some are 
even slightly self-contradictory, still, if the statements are to be taken 
at their face value, it would seem that efforts to make such classifica- 
tions are mainly a waste of time. 

It may be premised that in every class of implements there are 
almost as many forms as specimens, if every variation in size or pat- 
tern is to be considered; and these merge into one another impercepti- 
bly. Not only is this the case with individual types, but the classes 
themselves, totally unlike as their more pronounced forms may be, 
gradually approach one another until there is found a medium type 
whose place can not be definitely fixed. 


As space would be needlessly occupied by attempting to name each 
county, the area from which sijecimens have been obtained is, for 
convenience, divided into districts. These divisions are for tise in this 
article only, and are not intended as archeologic districts. 

In the tables given under each heading, the names of counties or 
districts show where the types described are obtained; the columns 
following show the number of specimens of each material mentioned 
in the collection of the Bureau. 

Where a limited area only has been examined in any division, the 
name of the county is usually given ; but where specimens of any kind 
have been obtained from different counties near one another, they are 
assigned to the district including those counties. The districts are as 
follows : 


Northeastern : Between White and Mississippi rivers. 

Southeastern: Between White and Washita rivers from Clarendon to 

Southwestern: West of Washita river and south of Arkadelphia, 

including Bowie and Red River counties, Texas. 
Central: From Dardanelles southward and eastward to the above 



Northeastern: Bordering Tennessee river east of Decatur. 
Northwestern : Bordering Tennessee river west of Decatur. 

■Early History of Mankind, p. 203. 


Coosa: Bordering Coosa river soutliward to and including Dallas 

Tuscaloosa: Bordering the Tuscaloosa and Little Tombigbee, and 

extending a short distance below their confluence. 


Miami valley: The country along the two Miami rivers, including 
Shelby county on the north and Madison and Brown counties on 
the east. 

Scioto valley : South of Franklin county, including Adams and Law- 
rence counties. 

Central: Including Union, Knox, Perry, and Franklin counties, and 
the area withiu these limits. 


Southwestern: The counties bordering on either side of Mississippi 

river from La Crosse to Dubuque (Iowa). 
Eastern: The portion between Lake Michigan, Lake Winnebago, and 

the Illinois line. 
Southern: Dane and adjoining counties. 


Keokuk: The southeastern corner of the state and adjacent portions 
of Illinois and Missouri. 


Eastern: All the mountain district, with the extreme southwestern 

part of Virginia. 
Western: From Mississippi I'iver U> and including the tier of counties 

east of the Tennessee. 
Northern : The northern half of the interior portion. 
Southern: The southern half of this portion. 

South Vdroiina. 

Northwestern : North and west of a line from Lancaster to Columbia. 
As no other portion of the state has been examined under direc- 
tion of the Bureau, only the name of the state is used herein, ref- 
erence being always to this section. 


Northwestern: The portion northwest of the Chattahoochee. 

Southwestern: Area contiguous to the lower Chattahoochee and Flint 

Savannah : The vicinity of the city of Savannah, where a large collec- 
tion was gathered. 

62 STONE ART. [eth a.nn.I3 


Northeastern: Between Kentucky, Big Sandy, and Ohio rivers. 

Southeastern: From Estill and Cumberland countie.s to the Tennessee 
and Virginia state lines. 

Central: Between Green and Ohio rivers, west of the last described 

Southern : From Green river southward and a.s far westward as Chris- 
tian county. 

Western : West of Green river and Christian county. 

Worth Carolina. 

Western: West of Charlotte. 

Central : Between Charlotte and Raleigh. 


Southwestern: From the mouth of the Cumberland to Washington 
county, and thence to the Mississippi. 


The various forms of implements will now be considered. As stated 
above, the names given the various articles are those by which they are 
usually known ; but it may be well to define some of the terms used. 

In the grooved axes, edge refers to the cutting portion; blade, to the 
part below the groove; poll or head, to that above the groove; face, to 
the wider or flat portion of the surface; side, to the narrower part; 
front, to that side farther from the hand, and hacl-, to the side nearer 
the hand when in use. 

In celts, the terms are the same, so far as they are applicable ; blade 
referring to the lower half of the implement; that is, to the portion on 
which the cutting edge is formed. 

Ground and Pecked Articles. 

Grooved Axes. 

The implements known as grooved axes seem to be of general distri- 
bution throughout the United States; being, so far can be learned from 
various writers, much more numerous east of Mississippi river than 
west of it. It must be remembered, however, that thousands of diligent 
collectors have carefully searched for such things in the east, while in 
the west little attention has been paid to them; consequently, deduc- 
tions are not to be made concerning their relative abundance or scarcity, 
until further knowledge is gained. The same remark will apply to 
every form of aboriginal relic. 


In the eastern and interior states, the grooved axes are far more 
abundant than the celts of tlie same size', because as a rule only the 
larger implements of this class are grooved. All the ordinary varieties 
of axes and hatchets are found about Lake Champlaiu, by far the most 
abundant being celts, or grooveless axes.'' 

According to Adair and other early observers, the southern Indians 
had axes of stone, around the grooved heads of which they twisted 
hickory withes to serve as handles; with these they deadened timber 
by girdling or cutting through the bark. ' According to travelers of a 
later generation among the western Indians, similar implements were 
used on the plains to chop up the vertebrae of buffaloes, which were 
boiled to obtain the marrow. * 

These statements, which might be multiplied, show that such objects 
are to be found widely scattered; 
none, however, give information 
more detinite than that the axes 
are "grooved," no reference being 
made to the shape of the ax or the 
manner of grooving. 

The various modes of mounting 
axes and celts in handles are illus- 
trated in the Smithsonian Report | 
for 1879. 

Stone axes were used in Euroije 
by the Germans at as late a period \ 
as the Thirty Years' war, and are 
supposed to have been used by the 
Anglo-Saxons at the battle of Hast- 

Axes having two grooves occur ^■«- 29— Grooved ax. showing groove projections. 

in considerable numbers in the pueblos of southwestern United States, 
but they are extremely rare elsewhere and unknown in most districts; 
as the objects are generally small, the utility of the second groove is 
not evident. 

The arrangement of stone axes may be based upon the manner of 
forming the groove. In one class are placed those which in the process 
of making had a ridge left encircling the weapon, in which the groove 
was formed. This gives the ax greater strength with the same mate- 
rial. Usually the groove has been worked just deep enough to reach 
the body of the ax ; that is, to such a depth that should the projections 
be ground off there would remain a celt-like implement (as shown lu 

' Abbott, C. C, in American Naturalist, vol. X, p. 494. 

2 Perkins; Ibid, vol. xni, p. 738. 

^ Adair; History of American Indians, p 405. 

••Long, S. H. ; Expedition to the Kocky Mniintaina, p. 211. 

' Kniglit, E. H. ; Smithsonian Report (or 1879, p. 242. 



|ETH ANN 13 

figure 29, of chlorite schist, tVom Sullivau (;ounty, Tennessee). The axes 
of this class in the Bureau collection are shown in the following table: 



















■ 1 




In the second class the groove is formed by peeking into the body 
of the as after the latter is dressed into shape; in this pattern a regu- 
lar continuous line from edge to poll would touch only the margins of 
the groove, leaving it beneath. An apparent medium between the two 
is sometimes seen, in which there is a projection on the lower side of the 
groove only ; this is due, usually, to dressing the blade down thiunei' 
after the implement was originally worked to a symmetric outline. 
By continuous or long use the edge of the ax becomes broken or 

blunted and requires sharpening, and in 
order to keep the proper outline to make 
the tool efficient, it is necessary to work 
the blade thinner as it becomes shorter. 
No such change is required in the poll, 
consequently a projection is formed where 
originally there was no trace of one. 

There are diiferent methods of finishing 
the ax, which may appear with either 
form of groove. The poll may be worked 
into the shape of a flattened hemisphere, 
may be flat on top, with the part between 
the groove and the top straight, convex 
or concave, or may be worked to a blunt 
point, with straight or concave lines to 
the groove. The blade may taper from 
the groove to the edge, with straight or 
curved sides, which may run almost parallel or may be drawn to a 
blunt-pointed edge. This latter form is probably due to breaking or 
wearing of the blade, which is reworked, as shown in figure 30, of gran- 
ite, from Boone county, Missouri. 

There are a very few specimens, as noted below, in which the ax 
gradually increases in width from the poll to the edge; but such speci- 
mens seem to be made of stones which had this form approximately at 
the beginning, and were worked into such shape as would give a suita- 
ble implement with the least labor. 

In nearly every instance the groove of an ax .with a groove projection 
extends entirely around with practically the same depth, and the blade 

Fig. 30.- 

-Grooved ax, showinj^ 




of the ax has aa elliptical section. There aie, however, a few with the 
back flattenefl ; and while many of the second division may be similar iu 
section, and in having the groove extend eatirely aroiiud, yet in this 
class are to be placed nearly all of those only jiartly encircled by a 
groove or showing some other section than the ellipse. 

FiQ. 31. — Grooved ax, showing 
groove entirely around. 

Fig. 32 <_iioii\td a.\, slen- 
der, sliowinf; groove en* 
tirely around. 

With these exceptions, the second class of grooved stone axes com- 
prises seven groups, which may be desc.ribed and tabulated as follows : 

A. Grooved entirely around, elliptical section, polls dressed in any 
of the ways given above; three or four have the blunt-pointed edge 
(figure 31, of granite, from Bradley county, Tennessee). 













































Miami valley, Ohio 



■■■■| ' 


13 ETH- 



(ETH. ANN. 13 

B, Long, uiirrow, and thiu, giving a much flattened elliptical section. 
These are classed with axes on account of the grooves, although too 
thiu and usually of material too soft to eiulure violent usage. The 
edges are lucked, striated, or polished, as though from use as hoes or 
adzes (figure 32, of argillite, from Bradley county, Tennessee). 


Eastern Tennessoo 

Keokuk district, Iowa 

Kaaawha valley, West Virginia 

Montgomery county, North Carolina. 

VTestern Xorth Carolina , 

Butler county, Oliio 

C. Grooved on both faces and cue side; back hollowed, usually in a 
straight line the whole length; front drawn in from the groove to give 

F[G. 33. — Grooved ax, showing 
grooved back. 

FiQ. 34.— Grooved ax, showing 
grooved back. 

a narrower edge (figures 3.$, of porphyry, from Brown county, Ohio, and 
34, of granite, from Kaniwvha valley, West Virginia). 

Kastern Tennessee 

Kanawha valley, West Virginia. 

Butler county, Ohio 

Brown county, Ohio 




B. Same method of grooving; back is rounded, and may be in a 
utraiglit or curved line tlie entire length, or a broken line straight in 
each direction from tlio groove. The ty|)e is illustrated by lignre 35, 
of granite, from Keokuk, Iowa. This specimen is unusually wide and 
thill ; generally the outlines are similar to those last described. 








Fin. 35 — Grooved ax, .ihowini; romnlcMi liack. 

E. Grooved like the last; same general form, ex<!ei)t that the back 
is rtat (figures .JIJ, of sienite, from Hrown county, Ohio, and 37, of granite, 
from Drew county, Arkansas). 















Brown county, Ohio 

Keokuk diHtrict, Iowa. 



Brown cnnnly, Illinois . . 

Earttern TenneHseo ' 


Kanawha valley, West Virginia. . ... 



Savannah, Georgia 


Northeawtom Kentucky 


Licking county, Ohio 



(ETH. ANN. 13 

F. Grooved on both faces and one side, with both sides flat. There 
is only one of this form in the collection ; it is of ar^illite, from Keokuk, 

G. Grooved on faces only, with both sides Hat (figure 3S, of granite, 
from Keokuk, Iowa). There are from the same place one of porphyry, 
one of argillite, and three of sienite. This and the precedinj;- form 
seem peculiar to that locality. 

There are a few exceptional forms which are not placed with those 
just given, since they may have some features common to all except 

Fig. 36. — Grooved as, showing 
ourred back. 

Fig. 37. — Grooved ax, showing 
flattened straight back. 

the Keokuk type, while in other respects they differ from all. Among 
them are some entire-grooved or grooved only on the two sides and one 
face; the general outline may correspoud with some of the regular 
forms, but one fiice is curved from poll to edge, while the other is 
straight or nearly so (tigure 39, of granite, from Wilkes county. North 
Carolina). This specimen has a depression, as if woru by the end of a 
handle, on the straight face at the lower edge of the groove. 

None of this form are long enough for hoes, and although they may 
have been used for axes and hatchets their shape seems to indicate 
use as adzes. Besides the one figured there are two from Savannah, 
Georgia; three from eastern Tennessee, one with a slight groove and 
very deep side notches ; and three from western North Carolina, two of 
them entire-grooved with groove ]5rojections. 




Another unusual form, which may come under any of the foregoing 
figures, lias the groove crossing the implement diagonally, in such a 
■way as to cause the blade to incline backward (figure 40, of granite, 
fi-om Carter county, Tennessee). Besides the specimen illustrated, this 
form is also represented by one of granite from northwestern North 
Carolina with projection for groove; two of argillite from southwestern 
Tennessee; one, widest at edge, from Savannah, Georgia; one from 

FiQ. 38.— Grooved ax, Keokuk 

FlQ. 39. — Grooved ax, showing adze form. 

Eoss county, Ohio; and two of granite, highly polished, grooved on 
faces and one side, with backs flat, from Kanawha valley. West 
Of the axes wider at the edge than at any point above (of which the 
specimen illustrated in figure 41, of granite, from a 
grave at Kiugsport, Tennessee, may be taken as a 
type,) there are one of diorite from Kanawha valley, 
West Virginia, which seems to 
have been of ordinary pattern but 
broken and redressed to its pres- 
ent form; and from Savannah, 
Georgia, one of uniform taper with 
diagonal groove, and one widening , 
irregularly until the blade is fully 
twice the width of the poll. 

Many, if not a majority, of the I 
entu-e-grooved axes have the 
groove wide enough for a very large handle, or for 
an ordinary withe to be twisted twice around. In 
those which have one side ungrooved, the intention 
was to admit a wedge between the stone and the fig.41.— Grooved ax. sUow- 
curve of the handle. The handles were very firmly '°^ '"' * " ^''' 
fastened; two axes in the collection have been broken in such a way 
that on one side, from the top half way down, the blade is gone, carry- 
ing away the groove on that side; yet the polish of the groove extends 




[ErH. ANN. 13 

over the fractured surface, which has never been reworked, showing 
that the tool was long used after this accident. As the handles could 
easily slip off over the top in specimens thus broken, they must have 
been tightly lashed; perhaps gum or glue was used. 
Partly finished specimens show that the groove was pecked out and 
the edge ground before the remaining parts of 
the ax were worked. Some have the edge ground 
sharp and the groove worn smooth or even polished 
by long use, while all the rest of the implement 
retains the original weathered surface. A stone 
was always chosen that could be brought to the 
desired form with the least labor, and very often 
one could be found that required but little work to 
make a very satisfactory weapon or implement or 
even ornament. 

Occasionally specimens indicate by the manner 
of wear their application to certain kinds of work. 
Sometimes the edge is curved by the wealing away 
of one face until it has almost a gouge form; some- 
times the side of the blade next the hand, again 
that farthest away, is more worn. This in time 
would give the blunt-pointed edge. A peculiar 
finish of the lower part of the blade, which is also 
seen in a few celts, is shown in figure 42, of sienite, 
from Carter county, Tennessee. One half of each 
face has been left full, and the part opposite hol- 
lowed out, giving an ogee curve to the edge. Figure 43, of granite, 
from Jefferson county, Tennessee, seems to have a ridge on the upper 
side of the groove; but closer examination shows that it once had a 
groove projection, and that afterwards the poll 
was nearly all broken away and a new groove 
made lower down, so that what was originally 
the lower projection is now above the groove, 
the remainder of the poll being worked down 
to a point. 

There are a few hammers which differ from 
the ordinary ax only in being blunt instead 
of sharp. They may be nothing more than 
broken axes, utilized as hammers instead of 
being resluupened. 

Under this head may be placed implements single groove projection. 
plainly used as adzes. They are much longer than axes in proportion 
to their other dimensions, have one face convex, the other straight or 
concave. They may be placed in the same class as the specimen shown 
in figure 39, and also those represented in figures 44 and 45, from 
McMinn county, Tennessee. There is also a similar adze from Saline 
county, Arkansas. All the specimens of this class are of argillite. 

Flu. 42. — ( Iroitvedax, show- 
ing curved edge. 

Fig. 43.— Grooved 





With the grooved axe.s is also placed a class of implements that may 
be called axes notched on the sides. Many of them were no doubt used 
as sinkers; but some of the same form, size, and material have the 
notches and sometimes portions of the face worn perfectly smooth, while 
frequently they are ground to a sharp edge. Again, even in those 
that have not the least polish, the edge shows marks that would seem 
to result from use as axes, adzes, or hoes. 

There are three divisions of this class of implements, as follows: 

A. Uu worked, except notches; probably sinkers. 

Easteru Teoneasee 

Montgomery county. North Carolina . 

Northeastern Alabama 

Kanawha valley, West Virginia 


B. Partly ground sharp edges, mostly with polished notches, some- 
times with faces polished from one notch to the other (figure 46, of argil- 
lite, from Cocke county, Tennessee). In addition there are 11 exam- 
ples of argillite, besides one of mica-schist from eastern Tennessee and 
another of sandstone from Savannah, Georgia. 

Fig. 44. — Grooved adz 

Fig. 4.5. —Grooved adze, showing curved blade 

C. Roughly chipped, with notches often at the middle but sometimes 
nearer one end. Probably most of these were sinkers ; but as above 
stated the edges show marks of use, apparently in scraping, digging, 
or striking. Of these the following examples are in the Bureau collec- 
tion: From several localities in eastern Tennessee, 40 of argillite; from 
Montgomery county, North Carolina, 24 of argillite and quartzite; 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

fi'oni Kanawha valley, West Virginia, and from Savannah, Georgia, a 
few specimens of the same materials. 


What is true of the uses and distribution of stone axes applies with 
much the same force to what are called celts — not n good de.scriptive 
term, but one which is now given to the implement in lieu of something 
better. It would appear difficult or impossible to do with these rude 
tools any work for which we commonly use an ax or hatchet; and yet, 
by the aid of fire, or even without it, the aborigines contrived to accom- 
plish a great deal with them. 

The Maori of jS^ew Zealand do all their wonderful work of wood 
carving with only a chisel or adze (of stone or shell).' Among the 
Iroquois, in catting trees, fire was applied at the root, the coals were 
scraped away with a chisel, and this process was repeated until the 
tree was felled. The trunk was divided into lengths in the same way. 
Similarly cauoes and mortars were hollowed out. ^ The Virginia Indians 

at an early day enijiloyed a similar process. 
They also cleared ground for cultivation by 
deadening trees with their tomahawks,^ 
and used adzes made of shell in' cleaning 
out the charred wood in making cauoes.* 
The Nootka of the northwestern part of 
the continent in felling a tree use a flint or 
elk horn set in a handle, this being- struck 
with a stone mallet. In hollowing canoes 
a nuisselshell also is used as au adze, and 
sometimes tire is applied. The outside is 
shaped by similar means. ^ 

Stoue chisels have been found in various 
edge. " steatite quarries, where vessels and other 

utensils of this material were made, and the marks of their use is plain 
both ou the vessels in an unfinished state and on the cores, as well as 
on the quarry face.*" 

The different ways of hafting, as shown by specimens in the Bureau 
collection, were as follows: 

(1) A hole was cut entirely through a stick and the celt was inserted 
so that it would project on both sides; 

(2) The hole was cut partly through, and the celt was pushed in as 
far as it would go ; 

Fig. 46. — Notched ax, sbowins polished 

1 Wood, J (i. ; Natural History of Mankind, p. 200. 

' Morgan, L. H. ; League of the Iroquois, p. 358. 

3 Beverly, Eobt. ; History of Virginia, 1722, p. 198. 

^ Wyth, .John; Graphic Sketches, part I, plate 14. 

'Catlin. Gfu.; Last Eambles Among the Indians, pp. 100-101. 

sMohr, Smithsonian Report for 1881. p. 618; Barber, Amer. Nat., vol. xil, p. 403 : McGuire, Ibid., 
vol.xvil, p. 587; Walker, Science, vol. ix, p. 10; SchMm;icber, Eleventh Annual Report of I'eabody 
Museum, p. 263. 




(3) The top of tlie celt was set in a socket of deer horn, wliicli was 
put into a handle as in form 2; 

(4) Small celt-shaped knives or scrapers were set into the end of a 
piece of antler long enough to be used as a handle; 

(5) A forked branch was so cat as to make two prongs of nearly 
equal length, and the celt was fastened to the end of one, parallel with 
it, the other being used to guide and steady it, a prong being held in 
each hand; 

(6) The fork of a root or branch was trimmed so as to make a flat face 
at any desired angle, to which the celt was lashed, a shoulder, against 

which the end of the celt was set, being sometimes cut in the wood; 

(7) A stick was split its entire length and a single turn taken around 
the celt, the ends being brought together and tied, forming a round 

(8) A stick was split part way, one fork cut off and the other wrapped 
once or twice and tied, thus forming a round handle of solid wood. 

JTlG. 47.— Celt, sliowilig liliiile thick 
near edge. 

Fui. 48.— Celt. .^IiMwiiij; lilude thick near 

Forms o and 6 were used as adzes; forms 7 and 8 are the same 
methods as employed in hafting grooved axes. 

A mounting similar to form 4 is seen in some Alaska specimens of 
celt-scrapers in which the imjilement is fastened to a piece of wood so 
as to project a short distance, and used like a plane. In all these, the 
celt is very firmly fastened to the handle with sinew or rawhide, which, 
when put on green, contracts with great force and binds like wire. 

As to the forms of celts, no division is practicable based on anything 
but their entire appearance. The following descriptions and tabulations 
represent the material of this kind in the Bureau collection : 

A. Round or nearly round section, pointed or flattened at the top, 
blade rapidly thickening from the edge; a few are i)olished at the top, 
but most of them show marks of a inaul or hammer ; all have been highly 
polished; all of this class were xjrobably used as wedges, as their 
shape renders them more fit for this purpose than for any other; the 



[ETH. ANN, 13 

battered tops indicate siicli usage. Tlie few not .showing such marks 
may have been set into a bumper of wood or horn, or used with wooden 
mauls. They vary in length from '2i to 7i inches. They are represented 
by the specimen shown in figure 47, of argillite, from Lincoln county, 
Arkansas; there are also one from a mouud in Sumter county, Ala- 
bama (figure 48), and one from Kanawha valley, West Virginia, both of 
serpentine and elliptical in section, though the form of the edge jiuts 
them in this class. The following specimens are typical representa- 
tions of the class : 
























£. Long, narrow, elliptical section, pointed top, curved or straight 
edges, sides straight or gently curved. None of these seem to have 

Fig. riy. — Celt, showiujr lung, slender form. 

been put to anj' rough use, as the edges are quite sharp and the entire 
surface is well polished; length from 4rJ to 12 J inches. The type is 
illustrated by figure 49, of argillite, from a mound in Monroe county, 





















i 1 

G, Tliick, almost round section, round-pointed top, nearly straight 
to sharp-curved edge, sides gently curved, widest at edge or just above. 
Most of these show marks of use as cutting tools or hatchets. In 



many the top has been roughenert as if for insertion into a hole cut 
in ft piece of wood; others have this roughening around tlie middle or 
immediately above, leaving a polish at both ends, and these were hafted 
probably by means of a stick or withe twisted around them. The 
roughening is a secondary operation, having no relation 
to the making of the implement ; it was produced by peck- 
ing after the surface was polished. In a 
few cases it extends from the top well 
down the sides; but usually it reaches 
but a little way below the top, or else is 
in a circle around the body of the celt. 
Most of them have sharp edges; a few 
have edges either chipped or blunted 
and polished, showing long usage. Two 
from Kanawha valley (one roughened for 
handle) have the edges worn in on one 
of the faces until they almost resemble 
gouges; but that they were not intended 
as such is shown by the concavity being 
nearer one side and not reaching entirely 
across. The length ranges from 4J to 10 ™"°* '"'•'™- 
inches. The type is illustrated by figures 50 and 51, both 
of sienite, from Lauderdale county, Tennessee. 

This may be regarded as the typical form of celt for eastern United 
States, and its geographic distribution is exceptionally wide, as shown 
in the table. 

The Bureau collection includes the following specimens of this class: 

Fio. 5u— Celt, 
nearly round sec- 
























Montgumery county, Nortli Carolina 



■ 1 





Northeastern Kentucky 




Northeastern Arkansas 

Kanawha valley, ^Vest Virginia 




1 1 



1 1 










[eth. anx. 13 

I>. Of the form last described, except in being much thinner; some 
have the tops battered, showing use as wedges; length from 3 to 9 




~ ■ 















i s 





1 1 



Kanawha valley West Virginia. . 













Northwestern North Carolina .... 8 ! 1 



^. Pointed oval, or nearly diamond section, sides straight or slightly 
curved ; length 6 to 12^ inches. Few as these are, they vary consider- 
ably in appearance. The group is illustrated by figure 52, showing a 

specimen of brown flint, containing 
numerous small deposits of chalcedony, 
from Benton county, Tennessee; polished 
over the entire surface, the edge highly 

In addition, there are the following 
examples : From Caldwell county, North 
Carolina, one of porphyry and one of 
granite, the latter roughened on sides 
for handle; from McMinn county, Ten- 
nessee, one of gray flint, highly iiolished 
over its surface, except the top, which 
is much battered; from Cocke county, 
Tennessee, one of argillite. 

F. Elliptical section, flattened or 
rounded top, edge curved or nearly 
straight, sides straight or gently curved, 
tapering from edge to top or in a few 
cases nearly parallel. These present 
(jdt, showing nearly ,iiam,m,i many Variations in finish and in evi- 
^'^'■•"'°- dence of use. Some ai-e well polished 

over the entire surface; some have only the lower part polished; while 
some are entirely without polish except at the extreme edge. In some 
the top is battered ; some have the surface roughened iov handle at 
the top, others around the middle, still others all over the upper half 
or even more than half. One from McMinn county, Tennessee, has a 
roughly pecked shallow groove at the middle. Several have the edge 


B V, 





very blunt, the faces at tlie edge form almost a right angle; these are 
thickest very near the edge and become gradually thinner toward the 
top. Most of this kind are from Caldwell county, North Carolin the 

Fig. 55.— Celt. 

liL, J)— Celt Fig. 54.— Celt. 

same form coming also from Monroe county, Tennessee, and from 
Savannah, Georgia. The length is from 3 to 7J inches. Figure 53, of 
compact quartzite, from Monroe county. Tennessee; figure 54, of gran- 
ite; and figure 55, of sienite, from Caldwell county, North Carolina. 


































"Western North Ciirolina. . , . . . 











Xortlxeastern Arkansas 














[ETH. ANN. 13 

G. Of the same general pattern as the last, excei>t that the 
widen just before reaching the edge, giving a " bell 
sliai)e" (figure 5(i). The length is from 0^ to 8 
inches. In this group there are two specimens of 
granite, two of porphyry, and one of sienite, all 
from Yazoo county, Mississippi. Two have their 
tops roughened. 
H. Rectangular section, occasionally with the 
corners sufficiently rounded 
to give a somewhat elliptical 
section; top Hattened or 
rounded; sides straight and 
l)arallel or nearly so, some- 
times very slightly curved. 
Most have polished surfaces ; 
only three or four show any 
battering, or roughening for 
handle. A large one ol 
hornblende from Lauderdale 
county, Tennessee, has the 
edge dulled and polished by 
use. Length is from 2 to 9 
inches. Figure 57, of argil 
lite, from a mound in Monroe 
county, Tennessee. The dis- 
tribution of this class of celts 
-Celt, sLowiug- bell is widc, as shown by the fol- 

andruughenmgfor lo^^g table : ' 



JJ'IG. 56.- 

57. — Celt, showing 
tangular section. 





















Eastern Tennessee 

Northeastern Kentucky 



Southwestern lUinoi.s 



Miami valley, Ohio 



Kanawha valley, West Virginia . . . 




Savannah, (reorgia 



Central A rkansas 


Northwestern North Carolina 


I. Thickest at top (wedge form), section elliptical ornearly rectangu- 
lar; sides straight or curved, widest at edge or nearly parallel. A few 
are roughened for handling, and one or two are battered at top by 
hammering; most are small. The tyjie is shown in figure 58, of granite, 



from Carroll county, Indiana. This class of celts also is widely dis- 
tributed and diverse in material. 






















Northeastern Arkansas 






Green river, Kentucky 






Southwestern Illinois 





"21 " 

Kanawha valley, West Virginia , . . 






J. Flat on one side, convex on the other, giving a semi-elliptical sec- 
tion; sides nearly parallel; top flat or rounded. These were evidently 

Fig. 58.— Celt, showing wcdgo-ahape. 

FlQ. 59.— Celt, showing halt-elliplioal 

intended for scrapers ; none are at all chipped or battered from use, 
and with very few exceptions the whole surface is higlily polished. The 
flint and jasper specimens, which have been first chipped into shape, 
have the facets and edge as smooth as though finished on an emery 



[etu. ax.n. 13 

wheel. Similar forms, except with flat instead of convex upper sur- 
faces, are known to have been used as adzes, but these have no marks 
of such use. The lengtli ranges from 2 to 8 inches, but most are small. 
The type is shown in figure 59, of brown flint, from a grave in Alexan- 
der county, Illinois. 















"s aj 

= 1 

^ to 

Eastf^rn Tennessee 

*i ' 



1 .... 

Southwestern Illinois 


Butler county, Ohio 

Northeastern EeutucUv 


Tuscaloosa district, Alabama 

Northwestern North Carolina ' l 1 2 


K. Similar to last, except that the sides come to a point at the top; 
length, 3J to 9 inches. Very few of either pattern are above 5 inches 
long, the larger ones being mostly of flint (figure 60, of sienite, from 
Warren county, Ohio). 

















Northeastern Arkansas 



"Western Tennessee 


Eastern Tennessee 1 1 

Kanawha valley, "West Virginia 








L. Sides concave, top narrow. Nearly every specimen has the upper 
portion pecked rough; one from Bradley county, Tennessee, and an- 
other from Mississippi county, Arkansas, are entirely polished. The 
latter has the scraper-form edge to be described later and is of excep- 
tionally large size; it measures 5J inches, being the only one-exceeding 
5 inches in length. 

M. Top flat, round, or pointed; the blade usually begins a little below 
the middle, and is perfectly smooth in every case; in some the blade is 
not over an inch in length, probably reduced by continual sharpening. 
They may have been scrapers, though they do not have that form; if 



used as weapons they were probably set into the end of a jiiece of antler, 
which, in turn, was set iu a club. The type is shown in figure (Jl, of 
argillite, from Monroe county, Tennessee. 

Eastern TeDnessee 

Kanawha valley, West Virginia- 
Northeastern Arkansas 

Southeastern Arkansas 

Southwestern Illinois 

iV. Ground down thin, with a flat-elliptical or nearly rectangular 
section; sides straight or slightly curved, nearly parallel or tapering 
considerably to the top, which is either rounded or flattened. All are 
polished over the entire surface; none show any marks of use as wedges 

r — - 

FlQ. 60. — Celt, showing hali'-elliptioal section. 

I'^IG. Gl. — Cult, showing concave .sides 

or hatchets, and most of them are too delicate for such use. The longer 
ones can be readily grasped in the hand, and are as well adapted to 
stripping off the hide of an animal, dividing the skeleton at the joints, 
or stripping the flesh from the bones, as anything made of stone can be; 
while the smaller ones, set in a handle to afford a grip, would answer the 
same purpose. There are three which are sharp at both ends, one hav- 
ing one symmetrical and one scraper form edge; one having a scraper- 
form edge at each end on opposite sides ; and one of rather soft argillite, 
unfinished, which has marks of pecking, chipping, and grinding, show- 
ing that any of these methods were practiced, as was most convenient. 
All are from eastern Tennessee. The features are illustrated in 
13 ETH 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

fljiures 62, of argillite, from a iiiouikI, Caldwell county, North Carolina; 
G'.i, of black tiinty slate, very hard, from a mound, Poinsett countj-, Arkan- 
sas; and (U, of argillite, from a mound, Monroe county, Tennessee. 





















Northwestern North Carolina 








1 1 

Montgomery county, North Carolina . 







7 2 

Western Tennessee 










1 ! 












1 1 1 



■•■■' I'--- 

Fig. 62. — Tliiii polished celt. 

i'"ni. 03. — Thiu pulialieil cell. 


i'lu.iU,— ■ 

'While tliere are perhaps no true gouges in the collection, there are 
some exaini)les of a form between a celt and a gouge, illustrated in figure 
65, of serpentine, from Caldwell county, North Carolina. 

Implements of this form are known to have been used to tap sugar 
maples, and also to hollow out wooden troughs, and are very common 




in the iiortli, tlioug'h less abuudaiit in the south.' It is in tliose locali- 
ties in which bark instead of logs was nsed for canoes that they are 
most numerous. Sometimes they were hollowed the whole length and 
used as spiles.^ They were also employed instead of celts iu hollowing 
wooden mortars and the like when a more regular concavity was desired.^ 

Chisels anii Scrapers. 

The aborigiucal imj)lement.s known as "chisels" are round, elliptical, 
or rectangular in section. The flint and jasper sj)ecimens are generally 
widest at the edge, the leverse being usually the case 
with tliose of other material. Most of them have marks 
of hammers at the blunt end, though some are polished 
at the top and a few, fronr eastern Tennessee, are sharp 
at both ends. The top (except in the double-edged 
ones) is usually flat, though a few are pointed or very 
thin, almost with cutting edges. Jaspers and flints are 
chipped, with the facets polished, the edges highly 
so. Any form may occur in any locality. Almost 
invariably they have scraper-form edges. The length 
is from 2 to C inches. 

Tyjtical examples are shown in figure 0(5, of yellow 
jasper, from a grave in Mississippi county, Arkansas; fiq, es.-c^it, . show- 
figure 07, of novacnlite. from an unknown locality in lOTmedge. ^°"^^ 


Fig. 6ti. — Celt, chisel-l'onu. Fig. 67.— Cell, cUisel-lbrm. 

Fig. 68 — Celt, ciiisel-tbriij. 

Arkansas; figure 68, of serpentine, from Bradley county, Tennessee; 
figure 09, of sienite, from Caldwell county, North Carolina; and figure 
70, of gray jasper, from Bradley county, Tennessee. Some specimens 
are sharp and worn at both ends, and could have been nsed only with 

' Dawson, J. W. ; Fossil Men, p. 16. 

2 Ibid., p. 132. 

3 Morgan, L. H. ; League of the Iroquois, p. 358. 


The Bureau collection includes the following specimens : 

[eth. ass. 13 






















































" 1 








1 ; 3 











The high polish sometimes found on the top of a round-pointed celt 
may be due to its working slightly in the socket in its handle of wood, 
deerhorii, or other material. 
By celts having a scraper-forin edge is meant those having the edge 
to one side of the median line, due to constant use of one 
foce. This face, at the edge, is in a straight line from side 
to side; it may have a chisel-like flattening, or may curve 
toward the middle of the celt for a short 
distance and then have the same form to 
the toi> as the other face, which is convex 
or curved, as in the ordinary hatchet-celt. 
They form a medium between celts whose 
faces gradually curve from top to edge, 
and the celt-scrapers which are flat on one 1 
side. Among the thicker celts this form is 
quite rare, though several, especially one 
from Kanawha valley, West Virginia (rep- 
cbisii form, reseutcdin figure74),arequitepronounced. 
In the thinner specimens,however, a majority are of this 
pattern, while in some types, nearly all indeed, even 
those up to C inches long, are so beveled. The type, 
of which an illustration is shown in figure 71, is of very 
hard black slate; the same form is presented in figures GC and 70. 

From Bartow county, Georgia, is a scraper made from the edge of 
a celt which has been broken diagonally across from one ftice to the 
other. A stem like that of a spear-head has been formed by chipping 
away the sides of the part broken, which gives a convenient attach- 
ment for a handle; the original edge is unchanged except in the wear 
which has resulted from its new use. 



The spcfimen sbowu in figure 12 (of argillite, from McMinii county, 
Tennessee) is introduced on aecoiiut of its undoubted use as a scraper, 
and because it is much smaller than some of the chipped Hints thus 
classified, the edge being less than an incli wide; the sides are roughly 

In Bradley county, Tennessee, there were found over 200 specimens 
of very small, thin, flat, waterworn sandstone peb- 
bles, which were mostly in their natural condition, ex- 
cept that they had one side rubbed to a sharp edge. 
A few, more slender, were ground to a point. Some 
of them have a handle chipi^ed out 
on the side opposite the edge, some- 
times with nicks in it, made for at- 

FiQ. 71.— Celt, 8liuwmg j. j. i ii i ^ 

bcraperform edge. tachmeut to a handle by means ot a 
cord. Most of these specimens are less than 2 inches 
in length. No suggestion is offered as to their use. 

A granite implement from Union county, Illinois, with 
nearly rectangular section, slightly curved sides, 
rounded corners, and high polish over the entire 
surface, having nearly the same thickness (about an 

inch) at every part, would seem to be a polishing or 
rubbing stone. There are, however, one from War- 
ren county, Ohio, and three from Kanawha valley, 
"West Virginia, of almost exactly the same size and 

Tig. 72.— Scrai>er. 

Fk 73 —s mird iilze, Flu. 74.— Adze or scraper, 

w ith pioieitm^ 

pattern, which have had one end ground ofi' to a sharp edge; so the 
specimen may be only an unfinished celt. One of those from Kanawha 
valley has had the edge partly broken away, and one face has been 
pecked considerably in an attempt to restore it for use; but the inten- 
tion was not carried out. Some celts, not of the scraper pattern, which 
have the edge to one side of the median line, are perhaps broken or 
blunted sjiecimens redressed on oncside only. 

Figure 73 exhibits a specimen of argillite from Carter county, Ten- 
nessee, probably an adze or scraper, with a projection to keep the 



[ETH. AKN.13 

iiiiplcnieiit from beinfj forced into the handle. The edge is symnietrical, 
though much striated. The specimen shown in figure 74 (of granite, 
from Kainnvha valley, West Virginia) represents a peculiar form. There 
are several like it in the collection, all l)nt this one from islands in the 

CnippKD Cki.ts. 

On account of their shape and undoubted 
use, a class of celts, although neither pecked 
nor ground, is introduced. Many of them re- 
semble, in most respects, the so-called paleo- 
lithic implements, though sometimes of better 
liuish. They are m;ide \yitli a rounded top and 
nearly parallel sides; rudely triangular; or 
with the sides curved to a point at the top. 
The edge may be straight or curved, and is 
usually chipped, though sometimes ground; a 
few are chisel-shaped. Usually they show no 
signs of wear ; when they do, it is always in 
the form of a polish at the larger end, or on 
the exposed facets. One of black flint, 8 inches 
Fig /is-cbippedceit. long, from Kanawha valley, has a scraper- 
form edge, smoothly polished. Many, even of those scarcely changed 
from their (U-iginal form and natural surface, have the 
edges dulled and polished from use as scrapers or 

The collection includes the following ex- 
amples: 36 of argillite, flint, porphyry; 
and compact quartzite, from Montgomerj^ 
county, North Carolina, some with the wider 
edge sharp (figure 75, of flint); 12 of lime- 
stone and flint from Mason county, Ken- 
tucky ; 70 of argillite, a few with the edges 
ground, from southeastern Tennessee (fig- 
ure 76, from McMinu county) ; over 300 from 
Kanawha valley, neai'ly all of black flint, 
a few being of diorite or quartzite — some 
are partly polished, or have ground edges 
(figure 77, of black flint, from a mound). 

Hematite Celts. 

With the exception of two from Iowa and a few from Preston county. 
West Virginia, the hematite celts in the collection are from Kanawha 
valley, and are small, ranging in length from 1 to 2f inches, except one 
4i and one 5h inches. They are illustrated in figures 78, 79, 80, and 81, 
the last from a mound. Nearly all have been ground directly i'rom the 

Fig. 7G. — Chipped 


riG 77 — ( hipped 




nodule or concretion in wliich this ore of iron so frequently appears. 
Occasionally one of homogeneous structure has been chipped into form 
before grinding, the facets in some cases being rubbed nearly away. 
Sometimes they have a rectangular outline, but usually the sides taper 
from the edge to the top by a gradual 
curve, or are parallel a part of the way 
and then taper either by a straight or, 
oftener, by a curved line. The section is 
rectangular or elliptical. 

These imijlements were probably used as 
knives or scrapers, being set into the end 
of a piece of antler, which may in turn 
have been set into a larger handle of wood. 
That some were knives is shown by the edge which is dulled to a flat 
polished surface extending from side to side ; and that many were scrap- 
ers is shown by their celt-scraper sliape, a half elliptical section, or by 
the scraper-form edge, seen in the largest specimen. Some, however, 

Fia. 78.— Hematite celt 

Fig. 79.— Hematite celt. 

Fig. 80. — Hematite celt. 

Fig. 81. — Hematite celt. 

have the edge symmetrical, as in the hatchet celts. One has incurved 
sides, and is roughened on the sides and on the faces near the top. 


The fact of the ordinary conical or bell-shaped, long-cylindrical, or 
somewhat pear-shaped stones having been used for pestles is so well 
settled that no confirmatory references are needed. A few citations 
may be given in regard to certain forms sometimes differently classed, 
especially some of the discoidal stones to be hereafter described. 

According to Stevens, the corn crushers used by the Swiss lake- 
dwellers are spherical; some are flattened on two sides, like an orange, 
others almost round with depressions on four sides. They are about 
the size of a man's fist or rather smaller. The Africans have a piece 
of quartz or other hard stone as large as half a brick, one side of 
which IS convex, to tit the hollow of a larger stone used as a mortar.' 
Evans observes that disks sometimes show marks of use as ham- 

' Stevens, E. T. ; Flint Chips, p. 174. 



[ETH. ANN. 1.3 

mers or pestles;' one found at Ty Mawr was thick, with a cavity on 
each face.^ In preparing i)einmican, the American Indians are known 
to have pounded the dried meat to a powder between two stones. ' 
This gives the impression that any suitable stones may liavebe,3n used; 

and the ancient California Indians worked 
out a round stone as an acorn sheller, 
modern tribes using any smooth stone. ^ 

The pestles which have the bottom round 
or convex are generally found in the same 
localities as the hollowed stone mortars. 
Several forms of pestles are represented in 
the collection. They may be grouped as in 
the following description and tabulation. 

A. With expanding base; bottom flat or 
slightly convex, often with a slight depres- 
sion in the middle. Handle tapering, or of 
uniform diameter to the top; iu a few, 
slightly swelling above as if to give a 
111 mer hold. Top rounded, flat, or pointed. 
Bottom may be very little expanded or may 
have twice the diameter of the handle. 
FiQ. 82.-Handie.i pestle, with eximiid Probably uscd for poundiiig grain or seeds 
'"s t""""- on a flat stone, as it could not be used iu a 

mortar even slightly hollowed. None seem to have been used as muUers 
or rubbers. They may have served for hammers, and would be excellent 
for cracking nuts, as the pit iu the bottom would tend to keep them 
from flying out to the side. Tlie type is shown in figure 82, of quartzite, 
from Sullivan county, Tennessee. The distribution is moderately wide, 
and the material chiefly granite and quartzite, with a few of other rock 
varieties, as shown in the table: 


Norlheastena Kentucky 

Eastern Tennessee 

Ross county, Ohio 

Miami valley, Ohio 

Son thwestern Illinois 

Kanawha valley, West Virginia. 


B. Almost cylindrical, from 6 to 18 inches long and about two inches 
in diameter. Some of the larger ones were probably rolling-pius, as 

'Evan.-^, John : Stone Implements, p. 218. 
'Ihid., p. 227. 

iiDodge, E. I ; Wild Indians, p. 254 Schoolcraft. H. R. : Indian Trihes, vol. iv, p. 107. Catlin.Qeo.; 
North American Indians, vol. I, p. 416. 
^Powers, Stepheii; Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, vol. ill. p. 433. 



the ends, either from some fancy finish, or because worked to a point, 
are of a shape that would make their use as pestles imi)racticable. 
Even as rollers, some must have been nsed for crushing' grain that had 
pre\'iousIy been softened or was not fully matured, as they are of a soft 
stone that would wear very easily. The shorter ones are 
blunt at the ends, and may have been used in a shallow 
wooden mortar: none are adapted for use in stone. The If I 
class is illustrated by figure 83, of soft clay slate, from V. '.;|1|| 
Cherokee county, Georgia. 







Clay slate. 








1 1 

.:: 1 





Bntler ooimty, Ohio 

Hopkins countv, Kentucky 

C. Conical, or truncated cone, bottom flat, convex or Hi 'I'-? 
curved from one side to the opposite. Some are quite 

smooth on the bottom 
as if from rubbing 
either back and forth 
or with a rotary 
motion ; while many 
have the bottom 
pecked rough, show- 
ing use as hammers 
orjiouuders. For those 
with curved bottoms ^'^'o^^-^M''^' 
a rocking motion '^'I't"™. 
seems best adapted; with the 
palm resting on the longer side, 
good work could be done in any 
of these ways. Typical speci- 
mens are shown in figures 84, of 
(luaitzite, from Monroe county, 
Tennessee; 85, of granite, from 
Warren county, Ohio; and 80, 
of (piartzite, from Saline county, 
Arkansas. A somewhat aberrant 
specimen, shown in figure 87, of 
granite, from Carter county, Tennessee, has an elliptical base, rounded 
top, and flat bottom; the longer sides grooved for handle. A similar 
one, of quartzile, came from Warren county, Ohio. There is consider- 
able variety of material, (juartzite largely predominating. Although 

Fis. 84.— Pestle, conical. 



(ETH. ASS. 13 

the geographic range is wide, the distribution is rather si)arse, aud 
several districts are not represented. 























Montgomery county, North Carolina. 
Kanawha valley, West Virginia... 



FIO.S5.— Pestle. . Fig. 86._Pestle. 

D. Conical, or truncated cone, with top more or less rounded, very 
little worked, a stone of approximate form having been chosen and the 

angles and corners pecked off; 
bottom fiat, and iu some fpiite 
smooth ; used as pestles or muUers. 

I! . ' l .iMl- I 

II I ' ' " ■ ' li I I. 




Fig. 87.— P(.atle, .'i'" 

■<1 fur liaii 

Fig. 88.— Pestle. 

The group is represented by 17 specimens of quartzite, all from south- 
eastern Tennessee. 



E. Not dressed at all on the sides, but with both ends worn to aeon- 
vex shape. Represented by two specimens of qnartzite from southeast- 
ern Tennessee. 

F. Cylindrical, flat bottom, domeshajied top, these portions having 
been carefully pecked into shape. Some are smoothly polished on the 
bottom, but none elsewhere. Those from Miami valley, and one from 
Kanawha valley are much longer than the others. The type illustrated 
in figure 88 is of quartzite, from McMinn county, Tennessee. 



















Kauawba valley, West "Virginia. . .. 

Pitted Stones. 

There is scarcely a locality in the country where pitted stones are 
not found; they are indeed of such frequent occurrence that they are' 
seldom considered worth the trouble of gathering. 

There can be no "type" among such crude implements; they are 
almost invariably waterworn sandstone pebbles, with a pit varying 
from a slight roughening of the surface to a hollow half an inch in depth 
pecked in each face. They probably belong with hammerstoues, as 
they seldom show other marks of work, the edge in some being only 
slightly marked in one or two places, while in others it is much worn. 

Various numbers of the Journal of the Anthropological Society of 
Great Britain and Ireland refer to pitted stones as found in every part 
of the world. According to Evans, slight pits aid in holding stone 
hammers ; they also prevent the jar to a large extent. If used to pound 
meat or break bones, it would be hard to hold them when greasy with- 
out pits.' Such implements may have had handles of wood with pro- 
jections to fit the pits,'- though this is not probable; but if so a piece of 
buckskin on the handle opposite the pits would do better and be more 
convenient to apply. 

Cupped Stones. 

Conjecture and theory have had full sway in regard to the uses of 
cupped stones; but the question is apparently far from solution. There 
is a prevalent idea that they were used for cracking nuts ; but why should 
an Indian make a large number of holes in a great many stones for such 
purpose? It is true there would be an advantage in havingthe nut stand 
on one end ; but very few stones have depressions that will allow this. 

Of the southern Indians Adair observes : 

They gather a uumlitT of hiccory-mits, which they pound with a roiinfl stone, upon 
a stone, thick anil hollowed for the purpose. When they are beat fine enough, thoy 

^ Stone Implements, p. 218. 
nbid., p. 213. 

92 STONE ART. (etu.4nn 13 

mix them with cold water, in a clay bason, where the shells subside. The other 
part is an oily, tough, thick, white substance . . . with which they eat their 

Lawson's language regarding the Iii(liau.s of Ilforth Carolina is even 
more definite. He says : 

[They gather] likewise hickerie nuts, which they beat betwixt two great stones, 
then sift them, so thicken their venison broth therewith, the small shells precipitat- 
ing to the bottom of the pot, whilst the kernel, m the form of flour, mixes it with 
the liquor, both those nuts [hickory and chiuciuapin] made into meal makes a curi- 
ous soup, either with clear water, or in any meat broth. - 

Neither of these statements seems to have any reference to cupped 
stones. The first is a good description of a mortar with a round pestle^ 
■while the second says nothing about any particular form of stone; yet 
they have been referred to time and again as proof of the nut-stone 
theory. There would be some diflflculty in pounding nuts fine in small 
holes half an inch or more below where the pounding stone could reach. 

C. 0. Jones ^ was satisfied that cu])ped stones were used for cracking 
nuts because great numbers of uut-bearing trees grow where they are 
found; while Whittlesey," noting the fact that hundreds of them are 
found throughout northern Ohio, considered them as sockets in which 
the end of a spindle rested. Dawson ♦ speaks of " stones having deep 
hollows in the sides which were mortars for grinding pigments, or 
sockets for fire drills.'' 

The cupped stones in the Bureau collection are invariably of 
reddish sandstone, of varying texture, from a few ounces to 30 pounds 
in weight. The holes are from one to twenty- live in number, of various 
sizes even in the same stone, and follow the natural contour of the sur- 
face even when that is quite irregular; the stone is never dressed or 
flattened to bring the cups on a level ; none show any marks of work, 
but are the rough blocks or slabs in their natural state. 

Many of the holes are roughly pecked in, but the larger ones are 
usually quite smooth, as if ground out, and almost complete hemis- 
pheres. They range from a pit only started or going scarcely beyond 
the surface to one 2 inches in diameter. The smaller ones with one 
cup pass into the pitted stones. Occasionally at the bottom of a large 
cup there is a small secondary hole as though made by a flint drill. 

The polished cups may have been used for fire-drill or spindle sockets, 
though why there should be a number of holes when but one could 
be used at a time awaits explanation. The rough ones may have been 
for holding nuts, and so long as they were on the same plane any 
number could be utilized; but when they are on difi'erent parts of the 
stone, even on opposite sides, as many of them are, the question re- 
mains open. Slabs or thin pieces nearly always have cups on both 
sides, while blocks or thick slabs have them on one side only. On the 

' Adair, James; Americau Iiidi.lns, p. 4119. 

■' Lawsoii, JoUn ; Hi.story of North Carolina, p. 53. 

3 Aiitiquiliea of the .SouthiTn Indians, pp. :il5-.i20. 

* Fossil Men and Their Modern Kepresentatives, p. 112. 



former a number of nuts could be cracked with one blow of a flat stone 
and thrown into a receptacle of some kind, either side of the stone be- 
ing used at pleasure; but there would be no economy of time or work 
in this method, and it would be very strange that any one should not 
learn with so nuich experience that a nut should never be laid on the 
flat side in cracking. No theory yet advanced accounts for the greater 
number of such relics, namely, the irregular fragments of stone with 
cups at varying intervals and different levels. 

No division can be made in regard either to size or material of the 
stone, or to form or finish of the cups. Many of the 
smaller ones were no doubt paint mortars. One well 
finished specimen of this class is shown in figure 89; 
it is of quartzite from 4 feet beneath the surface in 
Crittenden county, Arkansas. 

Cupped stones are found wherever representatives 
of the Bureau have worked, and numerous references ''" **or7,!.mt'cup.'''"°'' 
might be given concerning their existence in other localities. 


The objects known as mullers are generally tiat and smootli on one 
side and convex on the other, sometimes with a pit in one side or both, 
mostly of granite, quartzite, or sandstone; rarely of other materials. 

A fine specimen of white quartz from Elmore county, Alabama, has 
the bottom flat and highly polished, the edge perpendicular to bottom 

and rounding otf into the slightly convex top, 
with a pit at center. Figure 90 represents a 
muller of marble or crystalline limestone from 
a grave in Eandolph county, Illinois. It has a 
smooth, flat bottom, with convex top somewhat 
smaller than the base; around the circumfer- 
ence there is a depression polished by wear. 
A similar specimen, of diorite, from Carter 

Fig. '.m.-Miillrr, HliiAviiiKiwl- . m . , ,, , 

ished sttrfa.e couuty, Tenuessee, seems to be the lower part of 

a pestle with expanding base, whose top or handle has been lost, the 
part remaining iiaving a place for a handle pecked around it. 

.The discoidal stones with this shape were probably used as mullers; 
they were also used as pestles in the hollow iiiortars, as the edge is 
often chipped or pecked, which would account for the pits on the faces. 
Figure 91 represents a muller of granite from Savannah, Georgia. Some- 
times the base has an elliptical instead of a circular outline, as seen 
in other specimens from Savannah. 

Mullers are found wherever there are indications of occupancy for 
any considerable length of time. 

Grinding and Polishing Stones. 

Stones evidently used for grinding and polishing need only to be men- 
tioned, as they are of widespread occurrence. Implements used for the 



(ETH. ANN. 13 

former pnr])Oso :ire inafl<! ofiiiiy siliceous stone of convenient si/.c and 
suitable texture, from a coarse quartzito to a very fine close-grained 
sandstone, according to the class of work to be done. The markings 
on tluMU range from tlie narrow, sliar]), incised lines due to slia])ing a 
small ornament, to the broad giooves resulting from giiiiding an ax or 
celt into form. Nearly all of those, in museums are small specimens 
used for rubbing; but theie are many hirge blocks in various localities, 
sometimes several feet scpuire, marked and scored in every direction 
by grinding or sharpening the large implements on them. 

Among the polishers may be included a number of small pebbles of 
very hard siliceous stone, generally some form of quartz, which by the 
high polish show long use. The larger ones nuiy have been used for 
rubbing skins in tanning, as they can easily be grasped iu the hand. 
Very few ha\e changed from their i)rimitive form to a greater degree 
than would natiu-ally result from the wear upon them. A few Aery 

Fia. 91. — Mvillcr. Hliowiug polislii-d surface. 

small ones, long ovoid iu shape, usually not over 2.J or 3 inches in 
length, were probably paint muUers, as they are well fitted for use in 
small paint <',ups. Many of the discoidal stones — which will be spoken 
of under the proper head— may have had these functions. The highly 
polished specimens are all from the soutliern states. There is one 
rubbing stone of pumice from Craighead county, Arkansas. 


Hammers or iuimnicrstoues show every stage of work, from the 
ordinary pebble or fragment, with its surface scarcely altered, to the 
highly polished round or ovoid "ball." They are usually of the hard- 
est available material, and seem to be of more frequent occurrence in 
the northern districts than in the southern states, though found every- 
where. Used in their earlier stages merely as tools with which to fash- 
ion other implements, they were assigned to specified purposes when 
brought to a better finish or form. A typical example, .shown in figure 
92, is of granite, from Ross county, Ohio. 

The Sioux used an oval stone, with a piece of rawliide covering all 




but tlie point and attacliing it t(j a withe handle,' while the Shoshoiii 
and OJibwii made use of a round stoue, wrapped in leather, attaehe<l 
b}^ a string of 2 inches to a handle 22 inches long covered with 
leather; this was called a pogganiog- 


Kounded stones are said to 


Fio. 92.— ITaTTimerstoDe. 

have been used by the California 

Indians as bolas,^ though it is more 

probable that they were slungshots. 

The ancient Californians worked out 

a round stone tor an acorn shcller; ll-ty 

the i)resent Indians use any smooth V 

stone.'' Ehiborately carved round V 

stones, mounted in handles as clubs, \ 

are known to have been used by the 

Queen Charlotte island Indiaiis for 

killing fish,'' and other nortliwestern 

Indians have been observed to use a round stone Inclosed in a net and 

attached to a line as a sinker." 

It is not necessary to quote references to the well-known fact that 
the Eskimo and the Patagonians made use of round stones of various 
sizes as bolas. There is no evidence that our Indians ever used any- 
thing of the sort. 


Tiiree subclasses of grooved stones, differing in essential features 
from axes, may be discriminated. They are as follows: 

A. Slightly or not at all worked, except the groove; often showing 

marks of violent usage. With these may 
be classed the large stone hammers of 
the Lake Su|)eri(n- region. 

/>'. Kound or ellipsoid stones; in the 
latter the groove may follow either axis. 
The type (figure 93) is of sandstone from 
Carter county, Tennessee. 

6'. Resembling axes in all but the edge. 
Of class.! there are none in the collec- 
tion; their form and si/e are such that 
they could have been for no other purpose than hammerstones. Of 
class B there are some from Savannah, which may be sinkers or club 
heads. According to Morgan, oval stones with grooves were seemed 
in the heads of war clubs, ' and Carver observed that the southwestern 
Indians used as a slung-shot a curiously worked stone, with a string a 

1 Dodye; Our Wild lBdi.iDB. plate i, fig. 3. 

* Lewis and Clarke; Travels, p. 425. 

^Powers; Contributions to K. A. Elhiiology, vol. in. p. .')2. 

•Ibiil.. p. 433. 

^Dawaon; Fossil Men. p. 119. 

^Stevens; Flint Chips, p. 95. 

Fig. 93. — Grooved round stone. 

96 STONE ART. [ 

yard and a half long tied to it, tlic otlier end being tied to the arm 
above the elbow. - 

The specimens of class C may be broken axes. Figure 94 (granite, 
from Butler county, Ohio) shows a form (jiiite common throughout cen- 
tral and western Ohio. Tiiey are generally small, have evidently never 
been sluir]), and were in all probability intended for hammers from the 


The Indian mortars iu the collection are nearly always of sandstone 
of varying degrees of fineness. As is the case with cupped stones, 
when made of slabs, both sides have been worked: when of rough 
blocks, only one. 

The Senecas and Cayugas are said by Morgan to have used wooden 
mortars in which to pound corn after it was hulled, ' auil it is jiossible 
that the long pestles of soft stone were used with 
wooden mortars, though some are not well adai)ted 
to this use. The Iroquois women pounded in stone 
mortars the stony material used in temijering the 
lay for their pottery.'' The California Indians 
made mortars by knocking a >segment off a bowlder, 
making a flat surface, and working out with a 
hammer and chisel,^ while the tribes of the interior 
Fia. 94.— Grooved hammer, workcd directly froui the surface ol a suitable rock. 
The Yokuts, according to Powers, use tolerably well made stone mor- 
tars, and sometimes place a basket-like arrangement around the top 
to prevent the acorns from flying out.'' 

No two specimens of the mortars and metate-like stones in the Bu- 
reau collection are alike; the approach that can be made to a 
classiflcation is as follows: 

A. Smooth and flat on one or both sides; for use with mullers; from 
McMinn county, Tennessee, and Allamakee county, Iowa. 

B. With round cavities on one or both sides; for round or cylindrical 
pestles; from McMinn county, Tennessee. A cobblestone from Bradley 
county, Tennessee, has a shallow cavity in either side and a pit in the 
center of each. From Kanawha valley there is a slab weighing about 
25 pounds, flat and smooth on one side, as though primarily used with 
a muller and the regular even cavity afterward made; on the other 
side a cavity and a cupped hole have been worked in from the natural 
surface. A slab from Warren county, Ohio, has a shallow cavity worked 
into one side and a cupped hole in the other. From Union county, 

1 League of the Iroquoifl, p. 359. 

2 Carver, JouatbaD: Travels in North America, p. 191. 

3 Report to Kegeuta of the Univ. of Now York, vol. II, p. 86, 
* Sfhoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 'J39. 

6 Schumacher, 11th Aun. Rept. Peahoily Museum, p. 264. 
•- Powers, Contributions to N. A. Etb.. vol. in, p. 377. 


Mississippi, there is a flattened bowlder with a shallow cavity on each 
side; a shallow cnp has been pecked on the edge of one of them. From 
Caldwell county, North Carolina, comes a bowlder of water- worn mica- 
schist, with a shallow cavity and a deeper one on one side, and on the 
other a cnpped hole opposite each of these cavities. 

C With one side hollowed out, the other flat and smooth. Speci- 
mens of this type come from Caldwell county, North Carolina; McMinn 
county, Tennessee, and Bradley county, Tennessee, the last with a pit 
in the center and another on the edge of the flat side. 

D. With a long, narrow depression on each side. A very large 
specimen of fine-grained sandstone from Lincoln county, Arkansas, 
represents this type. 

There are, in addition, two pieces of fine-grained sandstone with uni- 
form thickness of less than an inch and about 10 inches across, from 
Kanawha valley. West Virginia, and Hale county, Alabama, respec- 
tively. Both sides are ground perfectly smooth and flat. The objects 
were probably for some culinary purpose. 


The sinkers in the collection may be divided into four classes, viz: 
A, entirely nnworked; B, notched on the sides; G, encircled by a 
groove; and D, perforated. Conversely, stones under all these differ- 
ent heads may have served other and widely different purposes. 

Of the functions of class A, only those who have seen them in use can 
speak. Stevens mentions that some tribes inclose a round stone in a 
sort of net and attach it to a, line in fishing; ' and no other use can be 
imagined for some of the specimens in the Bureau collection. 

Specimens of class B are found along water courses in such situations 
as to leave no doubt of their use as sinkers ; ^ they were attached to 
grapevines aud dragged on the bottom of streams to frighten fish into 
nets or traps. ^ Those in the collection are made of ordinary flat water- 
worn pebbles, with notches rudely chipijod in the sides; a number are 
from southeastern Tennessee. 

Of class C, while many were perhaps sinkers, more were club heads 
and slungshots or hammers. A number have been obtained from Savan- 
nah, Georgia, more or less worked, some being rounded, with grooves 
of varying depths and sizes. Small stones of this form are used by 
Greenland fishermen as sinkers ; '' and according to Thatcher, a large 
stone is by the Indians made fast to a sinking line at each end of a net, 
and the net is spread in the water by sinkers at different parts of it.^ 

Class D will be referred to under the head "Perforated stones," from 
which they can be discriminated only arbitrarily. 

' Flint Chips, p. 95. 

' Abbott, C. C. ; Primitive Industry, chap. 28. 
^ Jone.s. C. C.; Antiquities of the Southern Indians, p. :i38. 
*Nilsson, S., Stone Age, p. 25. 
'Thatcher, B. B. ; Indian Traits, vol, i, p. 70. 
13 ETH 7 

98 STONE ART. (eth.ann.13 

A number of roughly chipped, somewhat crescent-shaped specimens 
of argillite, from half a pound to 2 pounds in weight, collected in Mont- 
gomery county, North Carolina, may have been used as sinkers. 

Pkrforated Stones. 

Only the larger or rougher perforated stones used as implements are 
included in this class. 

Several perforated pieces of steatite, some mere rough fragments, 
others with the edges smooth and dressed to a somewhat symmetri- 
cal outline, have been collected about Savannah, Georgia. Some of 
these have been drilled, others gouged through apparently with a 
slender flint. In the latter group the little projections left by the tool 
have been worn smooth. The hole may be near one end or about the 
center. Similar pieces have been found in Forsythe county, Georgia; 
one of these is worked to an irregular pentagon and smoothly finished. 
From Haywood county, North Carolina, there are some very rough 
fragments, apparently just as they were picked up, except for the 
perforation ; and a number of pieces of perforated pottery are from 
Montgomery county. North Carolina. 

Perforated stones were used by the southern Indians to drag along 
the bottoms of streams and frighten fish into their nets and traps.' 
Four disks 4 to 5 J inches in diameter, with handles from 13 to 17 inches 
long, were found in a cave at Los A ngeles, California,- and objects of this 
character were, according to Schumacher, used by the Santa Barbara 
Indians as weights for wooden spades.^ According to Abbott many 
perforated stones are found close to rivers and on shores iu such posi- 
tions as to leave no doubt of their use as sinkers.* Similar stones were 
u.sed as sinkers by the Scandinavians in comparatively recent times; 
by the Bechuanas for grinding grasshoppers, spiders, etc., and also as 
weights for digging-sticks; by some savages in the Pacific islands as 
clubs ; by the Icelanders for breaking up salted fish.'* They were used 
by the Iroquois as weights for fire drills;'' by the Eskimo as clubs, 
having a rawhide handle secured by a knot." According to Dale,^ 
Layard,'* Griesbach, '" and Gooch," they were used by natives of 
southeru Africa as root-diggers (to remove earth from the roots), as 
weapons, aud to give weight to digging sticks. They were also used 
by the Peruvian Indians to be thrown with a stick. Disk-shaped and 

' Jones ; Antiquities of the Southern Indians, p. 338. 
' Amer. Naturalist, vol. XX, p. 574. 

^Hayden Surv., Bull. 3. 1877, p. 41; also lltli Ann Kept. Peabody Museum, p. 265. 
* Primitive Industry, p. 244. 
•» Stevens; Flint Chips, p. 95. 

•Ibid., p. 96. Morgan; League of the Iroquois, p. 381. 
'.Stevens; Flint Chips, p. 499. 

"Dale, L., in Journal of Anth. Inst, of Great Br. and Ireland vol i. p 347. 
"Layard, E. L., in ibid., appendix, f 
1" Griesbach, C. L., in ibid., p. cliv. 

" W. D. (iooch says they were used as club heads by the predecessors of the Bushmen, who now use 
them as diggers; ibid., vol. XI, p. 128. 



cylindrical throwing stones, perforated for the stick, are found among 
the Swiss lake dwellings.' According to Evans^ they were used 
mostly as hammers or clubs. They are hard and battered on the edges ; 
sinkers would be of softer stone. 

The most complete article that has yet been given concerning the 
forms and uses of perforated stones is that by H. W. Henshaw.-" 

liiscoiDAL Stones. 

There are numerous references to discoidal stones by various writers, 
but a majority of the objects do not fall under any explanation that has 
so far been given. 

The Choctaw Imlians used disks two fingers wide and two spans 
around in playing "chungke,'"' and the Indians of North Carolina were 
much addicted to a sport called " clienco," played with a staff and a 
bowl made with stone .^ The same kind of game was, or still is, played 
with hoops or rings of wood or rawhide by the Iroquois,' the Pawnee,'' 
the Apache,Hhe Navajo," the Mohave,'" and the Omaha;" also, with 
rings of stone, by the Arikara,'^ the Mandan,'' and other tribes. 

The game of chungke, however, will account for only a small part of 
the great number of stones of this form. The Indians of southern 
California, in manufacturing pottery, make the clay compact and smooth 
by holding a rounded and smooth stone against the iuside.'"* The Fijians, 
in making pottery, use a small, round flat stone to shape the inside," 
while the Indians of Guiana use ancient axes or smooth stones for pol- 
ishing the clay in making their vessels. '^ According to Evans," pitted 
disks were used as pestles, hammers, or mullers; a thick one with 
pitted ends was found in a mortar at Holyhead.'" Under the head of 
pestles and of perforated stones further references will be found that 
may apply as well to this form of implements. 

No kind of relic is more diflicult to classify. From the smooth, sym- 
metrical, highly-polished chungke stone they gradually merge into 
mullers, pestles, pitted stones, polishers, hammers,'" ornaments, and 

' Knight, E. H., in Smitbsouiau Report for 1879. p. 232. 

* Stone Implements, p. 194. 

■ Bui. Bur. of Eth.. " Perforated Stones from California." 

* Adair, American Indians, p. 402. 
^Lawson; History of North Carolina, p. 98. 
^Morgan; League of the Iroquois, p. 299, 
'Irving, J. T.; Indian Sketches, vol. ll, p. 142. 
*Cremony, J. C; Life Among the Apaches, p. 302. 

' Matthews, W. ; Smithsonian Report for 1884, p. 814. 
1® Report of Pacific Railroad Survey, vol. in, p. 114. 
" Long; Expedition to Rncliy Mountains, vol. I, p. 205. 
'^ Brackinridge, H. M.; Views of Louisiana, p. 256. 
'^Catlin; Norlli American Indians, vol I, p. 132. 
'^Schumacher, in Twelfth Annual Rejiort Peabody Museum, p. 522. 
16 Luhhock : Prehistoric Times, p. 648. 

'«lni Thurn in Jour. Anth. Inst. Gt. Br. and Ireland, vol. ii, ]>. 647. 
•^ Stone Implements, p. 218. 
"Ibid., p. 227. 
'^For any or all of whicli purposes they may liave been used in tlie rrmrse of their manufacture. 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

the ordinary sinker or club-head, so that no dividing line is possible. 
Theories constructed on a basis of their use may be far from correct. 

They present various forms and degrees of finish ; many have the 
natural surface on both sides with the edge worked off by grinding or 
pecking, the latter being produced probably by use as a hammer; the 
sides may be ground down while the edge remains untouclied; or the 
sides may be pecked and the edge ground, being probably of a thick 
pebble originally. Some of the finer grades, as chalcedony and quartz, 
that have received the highest finish, appear to have had all the work ' 
done by grinding or rubbing, as even those only slightly worked bear 
no signs of hammering or pecking. When of the harder materials 
they are generally nmde of water worn pebbles as nearly the desired 
form as can be found; in fact, some specimens which are in their nat- 
ural state, entirely unworked, require a very close examination to dis- 

FlG. 95.— Disciiiilul atime. 

tinguisli them from others whose whole surface has been artificially pro 
duced. In the jasper conglomerates from Arkansas, however, there is a 
regular series from a roughly chipped disk to one of the highest polish 
and symmetry. The larger ones of quartz, particularly those with con- 
cavities in the sides, must have been patiently wrought for years before 
brought to their present state. Many of the smaller ones, especially 
sandstone, seem to have been designed for grinding or polishing. 

The following groups are represented in the collection : 

A. Sides hollowed out, edge convex; '2 to 6 inches diameter, seven- 
eighths to 2f thick. 

1. Edges of concavity sharp. 

a. Cavity a regular curve from side to side. The tyi)e (figure 95) is of 
quartz, from Cherokee county, Georgia. There are also, from Kanawha 
valley. West Virginia, one of sandstone, of which one side has been 
worked out by a Hint, the little pits being distinctly visible, while the 
other side has natural surface; from Loudon county, Tennessee, one of 



quartzite, 6 inches diaiueter, which has beeu used as a mortar, the cavi- 
ties being roughened, with their edges broken and scarred (the edge of 
the stone is battered entirely around midway between the sides as 
though used for a hammer); from McMinn county, Tennessee, one of 
quartzite, about the same size as last, with a slight pit in the center of 
each cavity, the edges of the concavity being considerably chipped, and 
the edge of the implement very smooth ; from Polk county, Tennessee, 
one of quartzite, 3J inches in diameter, with the edge polished except in 

Diecoidal stone, with jierforatiou . 

one spot, where it shows marks of use as a hammer or j)estle — it has been 
used also as a mortar, the edges of the concavity being much chipped 
and broken; one each from Craighead county, Arkansas, of novacu 
lite; Eandoli)h county, Illinois, of granite; Cherokee county, Georgia, 
of quartz; and Obion county, Tennessee, of sandstone. In the four 
last mentioned the entire surface 
is quite smooth or eveu highly pol 

b. With a small perforation at the 
center. The type is shown in figures 
96 (of sandstone, from a grave in j 
Union county, Illinois), and 'J7 (of ^ 
granite, from Virginia). There is ' 
another specimen, of sandstone, from 
Eed River county, Texas. 

c. With a secondary depression in 
each cavity. Figure 98 (yellow 
quartz, highly polished, from Fulton 

county, Georgia) is typical. There fig. 97.-DiBcoidal stone, with perforation. 

is also one of quartzite, with a secondary depression in one side only, 
from Eoane county, Tennessee, which may be supposed, from this and 
other imperfections, to be unfinished. 

2. Edges of concavity rubbed off blunt. These are grouped simply 
by form, as the specimens from Kanawha valley. West Virginia, and 
northeastern Kentucky are nearly all roughly finished, quite different 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

from the smooth or polished ones from farther south. Some are worked 
out into the form of a ring, and there is every stage between that form 
and tlie flat disk whose sides show no trace of pecking. Figure 99 

Fio. 98.— Discoidal stone, with secondary depreasion. 

Fig. 09.— Di8coidal stone, iu form of a ring. 

(quartzite, from Sevier county, Tennessee) illustrates a typical example, 
roughly worked but entirely perforated, and figure 97 shows the same 
type in another form. 


Caldwell county, IsTortli Carolina.. 

Crittenden county. Arkansas 

Drew county, Arkansas^ - - - 

Randolph county, Illinois 

Eastern Tennessee 

Bartow county. Georgia 

Kanawha valley, West Virginia.. 
Northeastern Kentucky 




B. Plat or slightly concave sides, edges straight and at right angles 
to the sides ; diameter, 1§ to 5 inches. The type shown in figure 100 

Fio. 100.— Discoidal stone. 

is of sandstone from Lauderdale county, Alabama. 









S, a 








0. Sides flat; edges straight, sometimes rounding ofif" into the sides; 
diameter, 2^ to 6 inches; thickness, three-quarters to 2:^ inches. A 

FiQ. 101.— Discoidal stone. 

number from southeastern Tennessee, especially the smaller ones, are 
quite rough, being merely pecked or chipped into shape with no subse- 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

quent rubbing. Figure 101 (cbalcedouy, from a mound in Monroe 
county, Tennessee) represents tbe type. The material is variable. 





























D. Like the last, except much smaller. Very few are polished over 
the entire surface; some are rubbed more or less on the edges or sides, 
but a majority have the edge rough as it was chipped or pecked out; 
many have either the edge or sides in the natural state. From those 
smoothly polished to those very rudely worked the gradation is such 
that no dividing line can be drawn. This is true, also, of the smaller 
specimens of other types. Some of the quartzite specimens are very 
loose in texture. From seven-eighths to 2 inches in diameter and one- 
fourth to three-fourths of an inch thick. 










3 9 













Bartow county, Georgia 



Kanawha valley. West Virginia. 
Northeastern Kentucky 






E. Convex on both sides, edges straight. One of white quartz from 
Caldwell county. North CaroUna, has the sides much curved, making 

Fm. 102.— DiBcoidal Btone, convex. 

the stone very thick in proportion to its width ; there is a deep pit on 
each side, the entire surface being highly polished. Diameter, 2 to 3^ 




inches; thickness, three- fourths to an inch and a half. Illustrated 
by figure 102 (of porphyry, from a grave iu GaldvYell county, North 




















































Eaateru Tennessee (many of these 
rough and entirely without 




Kanawha valley, West Virginia 











J". Same form as the above; 1^ to 2 inches in diameter, one-half to 
seven-eighths of an inch thick. 

























Eastern Tennessee 


.... 1 







Drew county, Arkansas 


G. Flat or slightly convex on one or both sides, edge straight, one 
side wider than the other. Some have the edge battered or chipped. 

, lo;j.— Discoidal stone. 

and it is always at the angle of the edge with the wider side. From 
If to 3^ inches in diameter, and three-foiuths to an inch and a half 



(ETH. ANN. 13 

thick. The specimen shown in figure 103 (of compact quartzite, from 
Bartow county, Georgia) is typical. The material is quite diverse. 


































Kanawha valley, West Virginia. 












There are also of this type, one of very hard black stone (not identi- 
fied) from Red River county, Texas, three-fonrths of an inch in diame- 
ter; one of barite from Bartow county, Georgia, one inch in diameter, 
three-fourths inch thick; and one of granite, from Chester county. 
South Carolina, an inch in diameter. There are also one of quartzite 
from Drew county, Arkansas, with a shallow pit on each side; one of 

-Disroidal 8toue. 

the same material from sontheastern Tennessee, with a deep pit gouged 
in smaller side; and from the same locality, three of quartzite, one of 
quartz, and one of sandstone, each with a deep pit in the larger side. 
All of these are small and none of them polished. 

H. Convex sides and curved edges; size as in group G. The tj^e 
(figure 104) is of quartz, from Caldwell county. North Carolina. 




































I. Same form, rough a iifl not polished; 1 to 1% inches in diameter, 
one-half to 1 inch thick. 





















J. Sides slightly convex, edge slightly curved; 2^ to 3 J inches in 
diameter, three-quarters to an inch and a half thick. 











Kanawba valley. West Virginia levidently 













5". Sides flat; edges convex; roughly finished, no polish; IJ to 2J 
inches in diameter, three-eighths to three-fourths of au inch thick. 


Kanawha valley, West Virginia - 
Eastern Tennessee 















i. Not polished; roughly chijjped edges; 2 to 3 J inches in diameter. 

Mississippi county, Arkansas . 

Bartow county, Georgia 

Union county, Mississippi 

M. Edges V-shape; lfto2|^ inches diameter, 1 to IJ inches thick. 
The type (figure 105) is of granite, from Eandolph county, Illinois, with 
insunk pecked sides and polished edge. A specimen from Kanawha 
valley. West Virginia, is of flint, with only the edge worked; appar- 



|KTH. ANN. 13 

105. DiHcoldal 81(1111!. Willi 

eiitly ii liiiininor. One from (!t•;liJ;■l]<^;l(l coiinty, Arkansas, lias Hat sides 
and tli<5 entire surface jxiiislied; another from McMinn eoiinty, Ten- 
nessee, is also jiolislied entire. A good spec- 
iincMi from Oockc county, 'rcnnesaee, is of 
flint, one side rubbed flat, tlie other a 
rounded cone, highly ])olished. 

X. Sides hollowed out; edg«!S straight or 
sliglilly curved; very thick; used as mor- 
tars, hammers, or pestles. This form gradu- 
ally merges into disk-shaped, pitted, or 
entire (lress(Ml hammers, which in turn run 
into the ordinary liamiuerstones. The types are figures 10(>(quartzite, 
from Hradley county, Tennessee) and 107 (quartzite, from Nicholas 
county, Kentu<'ky). There aii^ in this 
group from eastern Tennessee three of 
(|uartzite, 2J by 4A inches, 4.^ by 5JJ 
inches, and IJ by 3^ inches, and one 
of granite, 25 by 3 inches; from Cald- 
well county. North Carolina, one of 
granite; and from Montgomery county, 
North Carolina, three of (|uart/,ite. 
The last four are evidently hammers 
or pestles. In addition there is asjieci- 
men from Jackson county, Illinois, of 
ferruginous sandstone, 3 inches in Km. ion nmii as mortar. 

diameter. On one side there is a pit and on the other a shallow, mor- 
tar-like cavity extending (>ntii-»^ly across. 

<}. OiKi side flat, the other rounded; of conven- 
ient size for grasping. In some the bottom is 
(|uitc smooth. There is sometimes a ])it in one or 
both sides, more freciuently in the bottom. They 
were used as mullers or pestles ; in the latter, either 
the side or the edge may have been the jiounding 
surface. The line between these imiilements and 
the cylindrical, domctopiied pestles can not be drawn (see flgure 91). 


Eastern Teiiiiossee 

StiutliwoHtoru Wiai'onain 

Kaiuiwlia valley, Wiwt VirRiiiia. 

Crittoiuloii onuiity. ArkaliHtiH 

.lackHoii roiinty, North Carolina . 

WuiToii county, Ohio 

Savanniili, Georgia 


1'. Sides Hat; cdyc convex; siiiiio isi/o and iis(i ms last. 















Q. From soutlicastciti T(^nnoss(>,t', and noi'tli western Georfjia tlicre 
are many disk-shape IVajjjnicnts of pottery, small, thin, and coarse, 
with the edges roughly chipped; and from 
ut)rtheastern Kentucky there are similar 
pieces, exc(^i)ttliat they havebt^eii fashioned 
from fragments of limestone and sandstone. 
These sjjecimens are illustrated by jij;nr»^ 
]08 (i)ottery, from a mound in Barton 
county, Georgia). 


Klo. 10«.- 

-Diafoidiil pottery i'vutl- 

It has been a jjuzzIo to archoologists to 
assign to any class the peculiar stones 
called "spuds." They are usually of a 
comparatively soft material, carefnlly work(id and polished, and beai' no 
marks of rough usage. On the other hand, they seem too large for 
ornament. Perhaps their oifice may hiivo been in some ceremony or 
game. Something similar in form seems to bo denoted in the following 
extracts : 

Col. James Smith' says, speaking of the Indians of western Penn- 
sylvania^ that as soon as the elm bark will strii) iji spi'ing, the squaws, 
after finding a tree that will do, cut it down, and with a crooked stick, 
broad and sharp at the end, take the bark off the tree, and of this bark 
make vessels. The Twana Indians, who formerly lived at the south 
end of Hoods canal, Washington, in barking logs use a heavy iron 
imi)lement about 3 feet long, widened and sharpened at the end;^ and 
the tanbark workers of our day use an instrument of somewhat similar 

The ordinary spud is too weak to endure such iisage, though it is 
claimed by old people living in the Shenandoah valley, Virginia, that 
in the last (;entury the Indians in that locality used an implement,of 
this pattern for stripi)ing iho bark from trees. The implement may 
have been used in dressing hides, the hole being for attachment of a 

'Captivity Among tho Indians, Lexington, 1799; reprinted, Cincinnati, 1870, p. 30. 
?EeU8, Myrou; Hiiydou Surv., Uull. 3, 1877, ji.ei. 



fETn. ANN. 13 

A celt ol aigillito, liigljly ixilislicd, Ikiiii LoikIou coiiiity, Tennessee, 

of the pattern sliowii in figure ()4, has a neatly 

\ drilled cylindrical hole about a third of the 

\ way from the toj) ; but such cases are unusual. 

I The spuds may be divided into thi-ee general 

■ classes, as follows: 

A. Blade circular in outline, ineludiiif; ISO 

degrees or more, or semielliptical with either 

axis transverse ; sides of stem straight or 

I slightly curved, parallel or slightly tapering 

/ to top, which is either straight or slightly 

rounded; shoulder nearly at right angles to 

stem, with sharp or rounded corners or aome- 

/ times barbed; stem and blade not differing 

greatly in length. The type of the class, 

Fm. 109.— Spud. presented iu figure 109, is of clay slate, from 

a mound in Monroe county, Tennessee. The other six specimens in the 

collection were distributed as shown in the table. 


















B. Lower part of the blade a half circle or less; top square or slightly 
rounded; stem rapidly widening, with increasing curve to the blade, 
nuiking an angle with it; stem and blade 
nearly the same length. A specimen of 
green slate, from Mississippi county, Ar- 
kansas, is illustrated in figure 110. An- 
other, of compact quartzitc, comes from 
Loudon county, Tennessee. 

C. ILxudle or stem round; very much 
longer than the blade, which is semicircular 
or semielliptical, with square or barbed 
shoulders. Illustrated iu figure 1 11 (prob- 
ably of chloritic slate, from Prairie county, 


The specimens known as plummets vary 
considerably in form, size, and degree of 
finish, indicating diversity of purpose, and diSerent writers have 
assigned to them various uses. 

Fio. 110.— .Spud. 





According to Abbott, one of these relics was fouud at Saleiu, in a 
mortar.' Stevens says, quoting from Schoolcraft, that the Pennacook 
Indians used sinkers very much like a plummet in shape. ^ In Florida 
very rough plummets with deep grooves are found in the shell mounds, 
which were no doubt used as sinkers. The Indians of 
southern California use them as medicine stones to 
bring rain ; the Eskimo use similar stones as sinkers, 
but have them perforated at the end. The larger ob- 
jects of this form may have been used as pestles.'' They 
might be made very efficient in twisting thread, as they 
revolve for a considerable time when set m motion. 
The general form is ovoid, sometimes quite slender, 
sometimes almost round; the ends 
may be either blunt or pointed. 
They may be grooved near the mid- 
dle or near either the larger or 
smaller end. Some have two grooves, 
some are only partially grooved, 
while others have the groove ex- 
teudinglengthwise. There are forms 
that differ somewhat from this de 
scription, but such are rare. 
Many small and otherwise un- 
rooved worked waterworn pebbles and 
pieces of steatite pots from south- 
eastern Tennessee and from Montgomery county, North 
Carolina, have grooves near the middle or near one end ; 
they were probably applied to some of the 
uses for which plummets were intended. 

The plummets in the Bureau collection 
may be grouped as follows : 

A. Grooved near smaller end. The types 
are illustrated in figure 112 (saudy lime- 
stone, from a mound in Catahoula parish, 
Louisiana), and figure 113 (hematite, double 
grooved, with notches cut in various places, 
from a mound in Kanawha valley, West 
Virginia). Other specimens are, one from 

▼ Arkansas county, Arkansas, of sandstone, 
and one each from Brown and Randolph counties, Illinois, 
Fig. 113,-pium. both of hematite. 

met. double- 

grooved. B. Grooved near larger cud. A good example, of hematit, 

is from Kanawha valley. West Virginia, with a second groove i^artially 
around the middle. 


Fig. 112.— I'hiiiiniet.g 
near one end. 

FlQ. 111.— Spud. 

' Primitive Industry, p. 229. 

2 Flint Chips, p, 581. 

^Henahaw in Anier. Jour. Arch., vol. I, pp. 105-114. 



I BTB. ANN. 13 

C. Grooved near the middle. The class is represented by a beauti- 
ful .specimen (figure 114) of hematite, with the groove much polished 
and irregular, and a deep notch cut iu one end, from Ross county, Ohio. 
Another .specimen, from Kanawha valley. West Virginia, 
is a double conical implement of hematite, elliptical iu sec- 
tion with both ends ground off on flatter sides only. 

D. Grooved lengthwise. This class includes a plummet 
of quartzite, from Yellowstone park (figure 115), and another 
of hematite, much 
shorter than the Yel- 
lowstone specimen and 
with blunt ends, from 
Kanawha valley. West Virginia. 
E. Grooveless. A good specimen 

Flo. 114.— 


grooved near 


Fio. 115 


(figure 116) is of quartz and mica, elliptical iu section, pointed at ends 
with one end perforated, from Y^ellowstone park ; another, from Randolph 
county, Illinois, of hematite, rough, perhaps unfinished. 

F. Double cone, with one end ground ofl'flat and hollowed 
out. The type (figure 117)is of granite, 
one of three from Savannah, Georgia. 

G. Top flattened and hollowed out; 
sides incurving to the middle; lower 
half a hemisphere. The class is repre- 
sented by figure 118 (quartzite, from 
Randolph county, Illinois), and figure 
119 (sandstone, from Adams county, 
Ohio). From Kanawha valley there 

Fig. iiT-Pium is One of hematite, similar in form to 

perforated. tlie laSt. 

H. Ovoid, with the smaller eud ground off flat.' A good specimen of 

this class (figure 120) is of magnetite, 
from Caldwell county. North Carolina. 
From Savannah, Georgia, there are two 
of sandstone, both smaller than the 
type and rough ; from Kanawha valley 
there is one of quartzite, nearly half 
1^ ground away, leaving almost a hemis- 
phere; and from eastern Tennessee 

Fig. 117.— Plummet, double 
cone in shape. 

there are one of magnetite and one of 
quartzite, the latter nearly round. 
■'/ I. Cylindrical. A unique specimen, 

' from a mound in Loudon county, Ten- 

nessee, is illustrated in figure 121. It 
Fig. 118.— Plummet. is of saudstone ; a short cylinder with 

incurved sides, each end terminating in a blunt cone. 

' Pear-shaped stones with the smaller end out squarely off are frequent in Georgia; they are about 
the size of turkey eggs. Jones, Antiq. Southern Indians, p. 372. 



Figure 122 represents ,a piece of smoothly dressed steatite from Deslia 
county, Arkansas, witli a two thirds round section, the ends rounded, 
with a groove near one end, which may be classed with the plummets. 

Fio. 119.— Plnmmet. 

Via. 120. — Plnmmet. 
end CTouiid flat. 

Fig, 121— Plummet. 

There are pieces of sandstone from the same locality which connect this 
pattern with the simpler "boat-form" stones, except that the flat side 

is ground smooth instead of being hol- 
lowed. This is only one of numerous 
examples where the shapes of imple- 
ments whose " ty|)ical forms " .seem ut- 
terly dissimilar merge into one another 
so gradually that no line of demarka- 
tioii can be drawn. 

The relics known as " cones " have the 
base flat and the side curving slightly; 
usually the curve extends regularly 
over the top, but sometimes the apex is 
rubbed off flat. The conic surface may 
form an angle with the liase, or the line of junction may be rounded into 
a curve. They vary considerably in thickness, some being nearly flat, 

FlQ. 122.— Pliimmi't. cvlindrical. 

Fig. 12.J.— Cone. Fio. 124._Cone. 

others having a height equal to the diameter of the base. One of steatit 
from Savannah, as also one of sandstone from Kanawha valley, has a 
slight pit or depression ou the flat side. Among the best examples are 

13 ETH 8 



lETH. ANN. 13 

one (ti,s;iui! 123) of steatite from Bradley county, Tennessee, ami another 
(figure 124) of hematite from Loudon county, in the same state; oue 
(figure 125) of compact quartzite from a mouud in Ogle couuty, Illinois, 


Fig. 12 


Fig. 120.— (Joue. 

and afourtii specimen (figuie 12ti) of granite from Kanawha valley, West 
Virginia. The distribution is as follows: 



■1^ e* 




""- 1 



\ \ 





Haywood county, Xortb Carolina 

Kanawha valley, West Virginia 




1 1 



Hemispheric stones, like the cones, 
can receive a name only from the form 
and not from any known or imagined 
use to which they could have been ap 

All such si)ecimens in the collec- 
tion, except one, are from Kanawha 
valley, and of hematite; many if not 
most of them have been ground down 
from the nodule, and were probably 
paint stones originally; at least, the 
material rubbed from them was used 
as paint while the maker had their 
final form in view. One, however, has 
been pecked into shape and is en- 
tirely without polish. In all, the base 
is flat and varies in outline from 
almost a circle to a narrow ellipse. 
A section of the stone parallel to 
either axis of the base varies from a 
X. ,.,7 vt ■ ),„.„. little more to a little less than a semi- 

Fm. 127. — HemispDere.s. 

circle Typical forms, both from Bracken county, Kentucky, are illus- 
trated in figure 127. 


Tlie .specimen illnstratt'd in figure 128 (yellow quartz, from a mound 
iu Kauawlia valley) is intermediate between cones and hemispheres. 
The sides are polished, while the fiat bottom and 
rounded top are roughened. As it has faint red 
'stains, it may have been used as a paint-niuller. 

Paint Stonks 

The articles known as paint stones scarcely come 
Fici i28.-Heniispher6. uudcr the head of imi)lements. Some of the hema- 
tite pieces are incipient celts, hemispheres, or cones; but most of them 
were used merely to furnish paint, at any rate until rubbed down quite 
small. They are of every degree of firmness, 
some being as brittle as dry clay, others like 
iron. Most pieces in the collection are from 
Kanawha valley, but others are from south- 
eastern Tennessee, northeastern Arkansas, and 
Caldwell county, North Carolina. From the 
last-named section, as well as from Chester 
county, South Carolina, and McMinn county, *'" i-''-i"""' ■"™^ 
Tennessee, come pieces of gra])hite more or less rubbed; and one has 
been sent in from Klmore county, Alabama. 

The specimen illustrated in figure 129, ixom a mound, is a good 
example of the manner in which the harder heniatite was ground. 

Ceremonial Stones, 


The so-called "ceremonial stones" are variously subdivided and 
named by different writers. They are supposed to have been devoted 
to religious, 8ui)erstitious, medical, emblematic, or ceremonial purposes; 
to be badges of authority, insignia of rank, tokens of valorous deeds, 
or jjerhaps some sort of heraldic device; in short, the uses to which 
they might, in their different forms, be assigned, are limited only by 
the imagination. 

Accordiiigto Nilsson theancient Scandinavians wore "victory stones" 
suspended around tlicir necks,' and the Eskimo wear charms and 
amulets to bring success in fishing and hunting.^ Adair (1775) says 
that the American Archi-magus wore a breastplate made of a white 
conch-shell, with two holes bored in the middle of it, through which he 
put the ends of an utter-skin strap and fastened a buck-horn button to 
the outside of each. ^ An explanation of the purpose of many of the 
smaller perforated stones also may be found in Nilsson's remark^ that 
the small ovoid or ellipsoid ones were used as buttons; a string being 
tied to the robe at one end, run through the hole and tied in a knot. 

' Stoue Age. p 215. 

^Abbott; Pnuiltive IndiLstry, p. 408. 

3 American Iiulians, p, 48. 

'Stonu Age. p. 83. 

116 STONE ART. (eth.annIS 

The various Indians of Guiana in their leisure hours often fashion 
highly ornamental weapons and implements which they never use 
excej>t ceremonially, but keep proudly at home for show. ' 

So, too, the Yurok and Hupa Indians of California, as well as some 
of the tribes of Oregon, have very large spearheads or knives, which 
are not designed for use, but only to be produced on the occasion of a 
great dance. The larger weapons are wrapped in skin to protect the 
hand ; the smaller ones are glued to a handle. Some ai-e said to be 
15 inches long.^ The Oregon Indians believed the possession of a large 
obsidian knife brought long life and prosperity to the tribe owning it.^ 

Some of the wild tribes of the interior have something which they 
regard as the Jews did the Ark of the Covenant. Sometimes it is 
known ; again it is kept secret. The Cheyenne had a bundle of arrows; 
the Ute a little stone image, and the Osage a similar stone. ^ The 
Kiowa had a carved wooden image, representing a human face; the 
Ute captured it, and the Kiowa offered very great rewards for its 
return ; but the Ute, believing the Kiowa powerless to harm them so 
long as It was retained, refused to give it up.'' 

The North Carolina Indians, when they went to war, carried with 
them their idol, of whicli they told incredible stories and asked coun- 
sel;" and as a token of rank or authority, the Virginia Indians sus 
pended on their breasts, by a string of beads about their neck, a square 
plate of copper. " These were worn as badges of authority. The na- 
tive tribes, from our first acquaintance with them, evinced a fondness 
for insignia of this kind. " 

Simply for convenience the ceremonial stones in the Bureau collec- 
tion will here be divided into two general classes. The first, compris 
ing those pierced through the shortest diameter, will be called gorgets, 
which name, like that of celt, has no particular meaning, but is in com 
mon use. The second class will comprise all others, which will ha\e 
some name that may or may not be suitable to their form, but by which 
they are usually called. In this class are included boat-shape stones, 
banner stones, picks, spool-shai)e ornaments, and bird-shape stones, 
as well as engi-aved tablets or stones.^ 

The relics commonly called gorgets have been found in Europe ; they 
may be convex on one side, concave on the other, and are supposed to 

'Im Tlmrn m Jour. Anth. Inst. Gt. Br. and Ird.. vol. si. p. 445. 

•Powers; Contributions to X. A. Eth.. vol. iir. pp. 52 and 79. 

■ Chase; MS. Kept, on SheU Mounds of Oreg»)n. 

< Dodge; Our Wild Indi.in8, p. 131. 

' Abbott; Primitive Industry, p. 373. 

' Brickell, John; Nat. History of JJ. C p. 317. 

'■ Wyth, Graphic Sketches, part I, plate 8. 

* Schoolcraft in Trans. Am. Eth. .Soc, vol. I, p. 4111. pi. I. 

■I am informed by Prof. Cyrus Thomas that he noticed m the collection of Mr. Neff. Gambler, 
Ohio, a "boat sh.ipo stone" attached to the underside of a stone pipe, which the owner Infurmed 
hiiu was thus attached when found. 


be for bracers.' It is said tliat the Miami IiuUaus wore similar plates 
ofstoue to protect their wrists from tlie bowstring.^ Herudoii and 
Gibbon remark that a gold ornament in shape like a gorget, but not 
j)ierced, is worn on the forehead by some of the Amazon Indians.-^ 
According to Schoolcraft the so called gorgets were sometimes used as 
twine-twisters ; * but Abbott holds that while some may have been twine- 
twisters, or may have been used for condensing sinews or evening bow- 
strings (that is, reducing the strings to a uniform diameter), most were 
simply ornaments, as they are generally found on the breast of a 
buried body.' Stevens is even more conservative, holding that they 
were neither twine-twisters nor devices for condensing sinews or even- 
ing bowstrings, as they show no marks of wear in the holes.^ 

Some writers suppose the gorgets to have been shuttles; but this 
supposition can hardly be entertained, although it is true, according 
to Chase, that the Oregon Indians passed thread with a curved bone 
needle." As twine-twisters they would be about as awkward as any- 
thing that could be devised. As to evening bowstrings, it would seem 
that if a string were too large in places to pass through a hole it could 
not be pulled through; pounding and rolling the wet string with a 
smooth stone, or some such means, would be the remedy. The bracer 
theory is i)liiusible ; but no one seems ever to have seen a gorget used for 
this [)urpose. 

Few of the gorgets in the Bureau collection show such marks of wear 
around the edges of the hole as would be made by a cord; but the 
ma,jority are thus worn at the middle, where the hole is smallest. 
Some specimens among every lot are not perforated, or only partially 
so; the drilling seems to have been the last stage of the work. The 
hole is almost always drilled from both sides, and the few in which it 
goes entirely through from one side would probably have had it 
enlarged later from the other. A number are fragments of larger 
gorgets, the pieces having been redrilled. 

Some of the specimens have various notches and incised lines, the 
latter being sometimes in tolerably regular order; but there is not the 
slightest indication that these marks had any meaning or were intended 
for any other purpose than to add to the ornamental appearance of the 

If they were to be worn at the belt or on any part of the dress they 
could easily have been fastened by a knotted string, or if the wearer 
desired he could have an ornamental button of some kind. If suspended 
around the neck, in order to make them lie flat against the breast they 
probably had a short cord passed through the perforation and tied 

'Evans; Stone Implement8, p. 383. 

^Arner, Antiquarian, vol. ll, p. 100. 

*Expl. in the Valley of tlie Amazon, vol. li, p. 74. 

'Indian Tribes, vol. I, p. 90. 

*Amer. Naturalist, vol. vil. p. 180. 

' Flint Chips, ]<. 478. 

'MS. Kept, on Shell Mounds of Oregon. 



(KTIl. ANN. 13 

above the top of tlie object, tlie suspeudiug cord being passed through 

the loop thus formed. 

The principal division is into group A witli one liole 
and group B with two holes, though in many cases this 
forms the only difference between two specimens. 

A. General outline rectangular, or perhaps slightly 
elliptical, sometimes with one end somewhat narrower 
than the other, or with one end rounded off, or with the 
corners slightly rounded. Perforation commonly near 
one end. The form is represented by the specimen 
' with two perforations illustrated in figure 133, which 
otherwise fully answers the description. The argiliite 
specimens have the broader ends striated as though 

used for rubbing or scraping, but in other respects conform to those of 

otlier materials. The materials are generally the softer rocks, ns shown 

in tiie accompanying table: 

Fm. 130.— Gorget. 

Eastern Tenneasee 

Wilkes L-oiinty, North Ciiroliua... 

Knox county. Ohio 

Kanawha valley, West Virginia . 

A related type is rectangular or with incurved sides (forming either 
a regular or brolcen curve) and i ouiided ends, and differs in having tlie 
perforation near the center. The same pattern sometimes has two holes. 
It is illustrated in tigure 130 (striped slate, from a mound in Kanawha 
valley. West Virginia). There are also from the same place one ea(;h 
of slate, cannel coal, and clay slate, and from eastern Tennessee one 
each of slate, shale, and clay slate. 

There are a number of small pebbles, 
thin and flat, with a hole drilled near 
the edge, ft-om southeastern Teunesj 
see, North Carolina, and southeastern j 
Arkansas. One of these, from Cald- 
well county, North Carolina, is of ' 
banded slate; the others are of clay 

slate or sandstone. Two of them liave no. m.-GorgeK*). 

straight and zigzag lines on both faces, and iiotclies around the edge. 

Allied to these are a number of pieces of flat stone from soutUeastern 
Tennessee, Kanawha valley, and North Carolina, with the faces par- 
tially rnbbed down smooth, the edges being untouched. They are of 
slat«', taic, or argiliite. 

From soiitlieastern Tennessee and North Carolina there are several 
pieces of steatite, whi(;h may have been for sinkers. Some have a hole 



near one end, others a hole at each end, while still others are not per- 
forated. All have been worked over the entire surface, and some of 
them are well polished. One of these is represented in figure l.*?!. 
/>'. Gorgets with two holes. 

Of tliese there are several sub - 

divisions, differing more or 

less widely in form. They 

areas follows: 

1. Thick, with both the sides 
and tlie ends incurved or reel- 
shape; faces ilat or slightly 
convex. This form is repre- 
sented by the specimen shown 
in figure 132, from a mound, 
Knox county, Oliio. There is 
another from the same place, pm i32,-Gorget, 
a third from Kanawha valley, ""^p"- 
and a foiirtli from Butler county, Ohio; all of 
green slate. 

2. Rectangular, or witli sides or ends, or both, 
slightly curved, either convex or concave; faces 
flat. Shown in figure 133 (green slate, from a 
grave in Kanawha valley, West Virginia). 













Nicholas county, Kentucky, 




Kanawha valley, Wist Vir- 








■ i 1 


Davidson county. N. C 

Chautauqua county, N. T 


1 1 



r ■ 

i^IG. 1 i —{.oT^tr 

3. Widest at middle, with single or double 

curve from end lo eud; very tliiu; both sides flat. 


Kanawha valley, "West Virginia.. 
Davidson county, North Carolina- 
Savannah, Geors''' 

Eastern Tenneaase 



lETH. ANN.13 

4. Same outline but thicker; one face flat, the other convex. Rep- 
resented by tigure 134 (shale, from Jackson county, Illinois). The dis- 
tribution of the form is as follows : 















Haywood cdunty, North Carolina. . . 

Davidson county, Xortli Carolina. . . 




Kanawha valley' West Virginia 





5. Same outline, but quite thick, approaching the "boat shape" 
stones in form. In some the flat side is slightly hollowed out. A 

majority of them are not perforated. The type 
(figure 135) is of sandstone, from a mound at 
Adelphi, Ohio. 

There are also, from Butler county, Ohio, 
Kanawha valley, West Virginia, and Savan- 
nah, Georgia, one each of slate; from Ross 
county, Ohio, two, and from Kanawha valley, 
and Cocke county, Tennessee, one each, all of 
sandstone. There are two (of sandstone and 
slate) from Kanawha valley, which difler from 
the others in having the sides parallel, giving 
them a semicylindrical form. 

The pattern of the specimen illustrated in 
figure 136 (striped slate, from Butler county, 
Ohio, of wliich a number have been found in 
thatstate),may beclassed between the gorgets 
and the boat- shape stones. The shorter end 
of the object has, sometimes, a projection or 
enlargement at the top, appai ently for suspen- 
sion, although no perforated examples have 
been found. 

Banner Stones. 

Under the head of "banner stones" are 
placed ornaments having the ends at right 
angles to the perforation. The hole is drilled 
Fig. T34.-Gorget. i" » midrib, from which the faces slope by 

either straight or curved lines to the edges. The two halves of the 
stone are symmetrical. In most specimens one face is flatter than the 
other, even plane in some cases. Some specimens are finished to a high 




polish before the hole is started ; others have the hole completed with the 
exterior more or less unfinished. The specimens in the Bureau collec- 
tion may be classified as follows : 

A. Kectangular or trapezoidal, with sides and ends sometimes slighly 
curved inward or outward. 

B. Reel-shape. 
C Crescentic. 

D. Butterfly pattern. 

Fio. i:>5.— Gorget, boat-shape. 

Fig. i:)6 — Gor- 
get rescrablinf: 
boat .sh ape 

The last three varieties may be considered as only modifications of 
the simple rectangular banner stones. By rounding off' the corners of 
the articles or dressing them to sharji points, by cutting away portions 
from the sides or by trimming away the central portions at eitiier or 
both ends of the perforations, all these different forms may be iiro- 

Flu. 137.— Banner stone. 

Fio. 138.— Banner stone. 

A. A typical specimen is illustrated in figure 137. It is of slate, and 
was taken from a mound in Kanawha valley. West Virginia. Another 
good example, shown m figure 138, is of sandy slate, from a grave in 
Monroe county, Tennessee. The geographic range of this type is wide, 
tliougli the objects are not abundant. 



(ETH. AN.V. 31 










5 = 




Montgomery county. Kortli Carolina 








1 1 


B. The reel-shape banner stones are somewhat variable, but are fairly 
illustrated in figure 139, representing: a specimen of argillite from Hevier 
county, Tenuessee. 

A related form has the middle cut out:: 
from one end, leaviug two hornlike pro- 
jections extending parallel with the hole. 
An example of this form, shown 
in figure 140, is of banded slate, 
from a mound in Kanawha val- 
ley. West Virginia. 

Fio. 139 


.'^loiie, leel- 


Fig. UC Banner etone. 

witli iiorn like 

Fra. 141.— Banner stone, crescent-ehape. 

C. The crescentic banner stones might better be termed "semilunar," 
since most of them are flat at one end and curved at the other. Occasion- 
ally one has both ends 
curved and parallel, 
the sides also slightly 
curved, making the 
article reniform. 
« )thers have the ends 
straight and parallel, 
with the sides curved 
or like the zone of a 
circle. Two liave a 
midrib for the hole, 
with the sides dressed 

Fio. 142.— Banner .stone, (res. ent shape dOWD QUitC tlllll, aS 

With the butterdy gorgets. All were finished in form before the drill, 
ing was done, though some had not received their final polisli. The 
type is illustrated m figures 141 (steatite, from northwestern North 
Carolina), 142 (i)agodite, from Khea county, Tenuessee), and 143 (sand- 

' -Ma^^^^^^^ 




stone, from Jefiferson county, Tennessee). The last form is sometimes 
called a perforated ax, but the material and fragile make exclude it 
from every class except the ceremonial stones. 

I % 

Savauuah, Geo:-giii 

Western North Carolina 

Montgomery county, North Carolina. 
Ranawba \allpy, West Virginia ..... 
Eastern Tennes.set 

D. The " butterfly" gorgets are so named from their resemblance to 
a butterfly with expanded wings. The sides or wings are usually quite 
thiu, either semicircular or 
like a spherical triangle iu 
outline. The perforated mid- 
rib IS shorter than the wings 
and caretully worked. A 

Fill. 143,— Banner stone, cresrent-shape Flo 144.— Butterfly banner .stoiii;. 

good example, shown in figure, 144, is of ferruginous quartz from 
Monongahela, Pennsylvania, and tliat illustrated in tigure 145 is of 
banded slate from Kanawha valley. There is also one of the latter 
material from Lewis county, 

Fig. 145.-Butterfly banner stone. FiG. 146._Banner stone. 

An aberrant form is elliptical iu section at the middle, round or nearly 
so at the ends, the sides expanding rapidly from end to middle by 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

double carves. It is represented by figure 146 (ferruginous quartz, 
from Kanawha valley, West Virginia), and by a specimen of quartzite 
from Union county, Mississippi. 

Boat-shape Stones. 

There are two types of relics, perhaps ceremonial, for which no use 
has been determined, and which are named from their general resem- 
blance to the form of a boat. They are as follows : ' 

.4. With flat face more or less hollowed, sides triangular and parallel. 
A number are not perforated. The type is shown in tiguie 147 (striped 
slate, from Davidson county, North Carolina). 


a a 















B, Coming to a point at each end; flat side, deeply hollowed ; perfora- 
tions near the ends, with a groove between them in which the suspend- 
ing cord rested. Some have a flattened projection m which the groove 


Fig. 147.— Boat-sbape stone. FiG. 148.— Boat shape stone. 

is made. The type (tigure 148) is of steatite, from a grave in Sullivan 
county, Tennessee. The distribution is as follows: 

'Some perforated stones that will not come under any of these heads are here noted separately 
under the KatioDal Museum numbers : 

131614. An elliptical piece of steatite, with notches at each end lor suspension, *■ tallies all around 
the edge, and four holes on the longer axis. — Bradley county. Tennessee, 

62879. A steatite omameut, shape like a birds head.— Jefferson county, Tennessee. 

1,11856. A short, wedge-shape ornament of harite, drilled at the larger end.— Loudon county, Ten- 
nessee ; also a similar but much larger ornament of indurated red clay, possibly catlinite. from a mound 
in the same county, represented in figure 149. The edges of the holes are much worn by a cord. 

90847. A small ellipsoidal steatite bead, with several deep incisions around the edge.— Kanawha 
valley, West Virginia. 

116335. A small marble bead; form like the rini of a bottle mouth. — Bradley county, Tennessee. 

113943. Three small pendants of cannel coal. One is in shape like the keystone ol an arch, with 
hole at smaller end; the other two are apparently in imitation of abear atusk—Kanawhavalley, West 

91761. A limestone celt, 6J inches long, either much weathered since made or else never highly 
polished, with a large hole drilled in from both sides at the center.— Bartow county, Georgia. 

116067. A sandaton'3 celt, with a hole drilled near one corner at the top.— Loudon county. Tennessee. 

97764. A large polished piece of .steatite, curved from end to end, or claw-shaped. One end is 
pointed; the other blunt and rounded, with a hole drilled through it.— Caldwell county. North Caro- 




Central North Carolina. 

Eastern Tennessee 

Savannah, Georgia 




The relics known as jjicks from their form and not at all from 

function vary considerably in size. 

Not all are jierforated. A good exam- 
ple, shown in figure 150, is of striped 

slate, fi-om Knox county, Ohio. There 

are also in the collection, from Union 
county, Mississippi, one 
specimen of greenstone; 
from Jackson county, 
North Carolina, one of 
slate, and from Montgom- 
ery county. North Caro- 
lina, one each of steatite 
and slate. The last named 
IS the half of a larger one 
ft that was broken at the 
part drilled, and has had 

Fia.i5o.-Pick. a jjoie drilled near the 

larger end of this fragment, which has 

not been reworked. 

Fig. 149.— Pendant. 


SPOOL-.SHAPE Ornaments. 

Relics of spool shape, probably ornamental rather than industrially 
useful, are not uncommon in copper, though very rare in stone. 
The specimen shown in figure 151 is of sand- 
stone, from Jackson county, Arkansas. There 
are also, from Prairie and Lonoke counties, 
one each of sandstone, and from Jackson 
county two of the same material ; from Clark 
county there is one of pinkish slate, with 
the stem drilled between and parallel to the fig. 151. -spooi shape ornament. 
faces, the others with stems drilled lengthwise. 

BiHD-.sHAPE Stones. 

Stone relics of bird form are quite common north of the Ohio river, 
but are exceedingly rare south of that stream. A good example, shown 

126 STOXE ART. lETH.A.NN.13 

m figure 152, is of granite, from Venion <!Ouuty, Wisconsin, and the 
collection embraces another specimen, of sandstone, from Kanawha 
valley. West Virjiinia. 

According to Gillman, bird shape stones were worn on the head by 
the Indian women, but only after marriage.' Abbott^ quotes Col. 
Charles Whittlesey to the effect that; they were worn by Indian women 
to denote pregnancy, and from William Peun that when squaws were 
ready to marry they wore something on their heads to indicate the fact. 

Fig. 152.— Bird-shape» stone. 

Jones -^ quotes from l)e Bry that the conjurers among the Virginia 
Indians wore a small, black bird above one of their ears as a badge of 
their office. 

Shaft HtisBERs. 

The shaft of an arrow is straightened by wetting and immersing it in 
hot sand and ashes, and bringing into shape by the hand and eye. To 
reduce the short crooks and knobs it is drawn between rwo rough grit 
stones, each of which has a slight groove in it; coarse sand is also used 
to Increase the friction. ^ 

Again, a rock has a groove cut into it as wide as the sliaft and two or 
three times as deep. Into this the crooked part of the shaft is forced, 
and by heating or steaming becomes flexible and can be easily made 
straight, which shape it will retain when dry.^ 

A somewhat dittereiit device for the same purpose appears in the 
Bureau collection. It is illustrated in figure 153 (of fine sandstone); 
there was another part to correspond with that shown. The specimen 
is from Monongahela, Pennsylvania. 


As the use of stone tubes by the Indians has given rise to consider- 
able discussion, the following references to the various ways in which 
they have been employed may help to settle it. 

' Gillmaii, H. ; m Sniithaonian Report ior 1873, p. 371. 

2 Primitive Industry, p. ;!71. 

^ Antiq. of the Southern luihans. p. 30. 

* Schoitlcraft: Indi.iu Tril«'9. vol. I, ]>. 212. 

^ Schumacher, Paul; Hayden Surv., Bull. 3, 1877, p. 548. 




Sclioolcraft observed that the Dakota ludiaiis used a lioru tube in 
bleeding; one end was set over the cut, and the other vigovously 
sucked.' Powers says that the. Klamath Indians use tubes for smok- 
ing, ^ while H. II. Bancroft says tliat the Acaxees of Mexico employ 
•- blowing through a hollow tube"' for the cure of disease, ^ and also 
that the Indians of southern California inhale smoke of certain herbs 
through a tube to produce intoxication. ^ According to C. C. Jones the 
Florida and Virginia Indians used reeds in treating diseases by suck- 
ing or blowing through them, and also used them in cauterizing; and 
he observes that the Indians of Lower California employed similar 
processes, using stone tubes'* instead of reeds. Hoffman illustrates the 
removal of disease tlirough the agency of a tube of bone by a Jes'sakid' 
or medicine-man of the Ojibwa. " Read calls at- 
tention to the fact that the old Spanish writers 
describe a forked wooden tube, the prongs being 
inserted in the nostrils, while the other end was 
held over smoldering herbs, and suggests that the 
Indians may have used stone tubes in the same 
way. ■> 

The Indian mode of inhaling smoke would i)ro- 
duce the same result, whether drawn througji the 
mouth or into the nostrils. 

The use of stone tubes for astronomical purposes, 
which has been discovered by some imaginative 
writers, is, of course, absurd; nevertheless they 
are useful in viewing distant objects on a bright 
day, especially wlieu looking toward the sun. 

Nearly all of tlie tubes made of soft material 
with tapering perforation seem to have been gouged 
rather than drilled. Schumacher observes that the California Indians 
drilled their tubes from both ends and enlarged the hole from one end 
by scraping, the mouthpiece being made of a bird bone stuck on with 

There are five classes of stone tubes in the collection of the Bureau, 
as follows : 

A. One end flattened and expanding into a wing on either side. 
This class is illustrated by figure 154 (from Kanawha valley, West 
Virginia). The corners of this specimen have been trimmed off; the 
typical form is indicated by the dotted lines. There are also from the 




Fig. 153. -Shaft rubber. 

'Indian Tribes, vol. I. p. 253. 
-Coutributioua to N. A. Etli.. vol. ni. ji 4'2n 
^Native Races, vol. i, p. 589. 
"Ibid., p. 566. 

' Antiquities of the Southern Indinns pp. 362-364. 
'Hoffman, W. J. ; "The Miih''\\i\vin of tiie Ojibwa.' 
278, pi. xviir. 

' Auier. Antiquarian, vi»l. ii, p. 154, 
»Peabu(ly Mu.s., 11th Ann. Rept., ]>. 'JOS 

Sivciith Auun: 

1 Rep. Bur. Eth.. 1885-86, p. 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

same locality one of qiiartzite, and from Ross county, Ohio, one, of 

B. Conical ; the 1jore jnore tapering than the exterior. Represented 
by the specimen shown in figure 1.55, of sandstone, from a mound in 
Kanawha valley. West Virginia. 


SeTier county, Tenoease© 

S.iv.innah, Georjjia 

Western Korth Caroiina 

Kanawha valley, West Virginia. 

a I a 
3 I y 

C. Hour-glass shape, usually but not always with a narrow ring or 

]n-qiectiou around the smallest part. Exte- 
rior with gently curving outlines; the per- 
foration is usually in the form of a double 
cone, with the points at the smallest part of 
the tube, which may or may not be midway 
between the ends. A good specimen, illus- 
trated in figure 15(5, is of steatite, from 
Sevier county, Tennessee. 

D. Of nearly uniform diameter inside and 
out; section circular, ellii)tical, or flattened 
on one side. This form is exemplified by 
figure 157, a specimen from North Carolina. 
There are also one 
each from Caldwell, f 
Haywood, and Mont- 

E. Round or ellip-Lu 
tical in section, f to 

2i inches long; prob Fiq. 155.— Tube, conical. 

FiQ.i54.-TTibe, one end flattened. ^Ibly bcads. The Collection includes spec- 
imens from Bradley county, Tennessee, of steatite; from Savannah, 
Georgia, of ferruginous sandstone; and from Union county, Mississippi, 
of jasper. 


So much has been written concerning pipes that few references seem 
necessary, and none will be given except from Col. R. I. Dodge, who, 
after an experience of many years among the Plains Indians, says that 
the latter have ditteient pipes for difl'eieut occasions, as the mediciue 

ery counties, [^ 
h Carolina, all of pvi 



Each is 

pipe, peace pipe, council pipe, and a pipe for common use, 
sacred to its own purpose." 

In an article so highly prized by its owner, great pains would be 
expended to give an ornamental appearance to one which would be 
used on important ceremonial occasions; and it would be (-irved or 
worked in a manner gratifying to its maker or the one for whom it 

i^IQ. 156. — Tube, lionr-gl:iMS form. 

was intended. This fact, and the statement quoted above, will explain 
the great variety in form from a limited area. Still, in some sections 
of the country there are certain types that prevail, and may be in 
some cases peculiar to these localities; such, for instance, are the long 
stemmed pipes from western North Carolina and eastern Tennessee. 
In many pipes of soft stone the bowl is gouged out instead of drilled. 

Fia. 157.— Tube, cylindrical. 

The pipes in the Bureau collection embrace the following classes: 

A. Stem with an elliptical or somewhat triangular section; the bowl 
near one end, leaving a projection in front; stem hole in long end. 
The form is shown in figure 158. From Caldwell county. North Caro- 
lina there are two similar pipes of stea- 
tite. Another, from Preston county, 
West Virginia, diflfers only in having 
the stem hole in the short end. 

B. Saineform of stem ; no projection 
in front, the bottom of the stem curv- 
ing up gradually into the front of the 
bowl. This type is represented by fig- Km. iss.-Pipo, flat base. 

ure 159 (of steatite, from a mound in Loudon county, Tennessee). 
There are also, from Kan.iwha valley, West Virginia, an example of 
talcose slate, and from Caldwell county, North Carolina, one of steatite. 

C. Stem having a midrib in which the hole is bored. One of stea- 
tite, from Caldwell county, North Carolina, has a prow; the others 
have not. Another of steatite from Loudon county, Tennessee, has a 
slender projection below the bowl, as if for a handle. The axis of the 

13 ETH- 

1 Dodge; Our Wild Indians, p. 130. 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

bowl aud that of the steiu meet at any angle between 100° and 170^. 
Figure 100 represents a typical specimen, of steatite, from a mound in 

Fig. 159.— Pipe. 

Sullivan county, Tennessee. There are also, from Caldwell county, 
North Carolina, and Kauawha and Preston counties. West Virginia, 
one each, and from Sullivan county, Tennessee, two, all of steatite; and 
there is an example from Kanawha valley. West Virginia, of material 
not ideutitied. 

Fia. 160. -Pipe. 

J). With bowls and stems either round or square; very large. A 
good example (figure 161) is of red sandstone, from southeastern Mis- 
S(mri; it is the only pipe in the entire collection of the Bureau on 
which is shown any attempt at ornamentation. From Jetferson couuty, 
Tennessee, and Savannah, Georgia, there are one each, of steatite. 

Fig. 161 — Pipe, ornamented. 

Fig. 162.— Pipe. 

E. Cylindrical bowl, with a square-edged groove around it near the 
middle, below which the bottom has a somewhat celt like form, with 
stem hole in one side. A small hole is drilled near the edge at the 



bottom, probably for the purpose (tf suspending feathers or other oriia- 
nieuts. The type is represented by figure 1C2 (of limestone, from 
Crawford county, Wisconsin). Pipes of the same form are found also 
in central Ohio. 

F. Eound stem from one-half inch to 10 inches long; bowl at ex- 
treme end, set on at various angles from nearly a right angle to almost 
a straight line. Good examples are illustrated in figure 1G3 (steatite, 

Fig. 163 Pipe, long-stemmed. 

from Caldwell county, North Carolina) and 164 (also of steatite, from 
a mound in Monroe county, Tennessee). The other specimens in the 
collection are distributed as shown in the table: 


Eastern Tennessee 

Caltlwell county, North Carolina. 
Chester county, South Carolina . . 

Fig. 164 Pipe, short stemmed. 

G. Same form of stem, short, with Hange around the top of the bowl. 
Represented by oneof sand- 
stone, from a mound in Mon- 
roe county, Tennessee (fig- 
ure 16.5), and three of sand- 
stone and two of marble 
I from eastern Tennessee. 
H. Small, stem more or 
Fiu. i65.-Pipe. less squared, bowl upright. no. lee.-Pipe. 

There are two examples of this class from Monroe county, Tennessee, 
each having a flat i)rojection or ridge on top of the stem, which is per- 
forated for attachment of ornaments. The type, represented in figure 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

16G, is of clay slate, from Monroe county. Tennessee. It will appear 
from the following table that the distribution of this form is limited: 













Fit;. 167.— Pipe. 

steatite, from 

/. Egg-shape bowl, stem hole iu the side. One from Bradley 

county, Tennessee, of argillaceous limestone, has a hole drilled from 
end to end, but no stem hole. It may have been made so 
intentionally, or the drilling may have been carried too 
far and the specimen left unfinished. The type is of 
barite, from Sevier county, Tennessee (shown in figure 
167). Another sijecimen, from McMinn county, Ten- 
nessee, is of argillaceous limestone. 

./. Form like last, with a flange around the top of 
the bowl. A typical speci- 
men, shown in figure 168, is of 
Loudon county, Tennessee. 

There are, also, from Preston county, West 

Tirginia, one of sandstone, and from Cald- 
well county, North Carolina, two of steatite. 
K. Bowls egg-shape, but quite long and 

sometimes rather pointed at the bottom ; stem 

hole in the side. This class includes the 

following: From Savannah, Georgia; Koane 

county, Tennessee ; and Adams county, Ohio, 

one each of sandstone; from Holt county, 

Missouri, one of micaceous sandstone; from 

Kanawha valley. West Virginia, one of fig. les.-Pipe. 

indurated red clay, possibly catlinite: and from Caldwell county, Xorth 

Carolina, three of steatite. 

Chipped Stone Articles. 

Material.^ and Manufacturf. 

The chipped implements in the Bureau collection are nearly always 
made of some forwi of flint or similar chalcedonic rock, as it is easily 
diipped and can be brought to a keen edge or point. Sometimes 
quartz, quartzite, argillite, or even a more granular rock is used; but 
this is infre(iuent, and is due to the scarcity of the more desirable 


In the spades and hoes first to be considered the flaking seems to 
have been by ijercussion mainly, if not entirely; the same method 
apjjears to have been employed in obtaining tlakes from blocks, to work 
into the smaller implements. Some of the processes used in making 
them will be hereinafter described. 


It must be admitted that most Indians depended largely on agricul- 
ture for subsistence ; some historical works that represent them as bar- 
barous hunters, depending entirely on the chase, will, on the same page 
perhaps, relate how Virginia and New England pioneers were saved 
from starvation by supplies of corn, beans, and pumpkins obtained from 
the Indians. This being the case, some method of cultivation was 

It is not to be inferred that " cultivation " implies all that is now 
meant by the term; the Indian seems merely to have worked the hill 
in which his corn was planted and not the whole surface of the field, 
a shallow hole being scooped out in which the gram was dropped, and 
as the stalk became larger the dirt was heaped up around it. The 
remains of many "Indian old fields" in various parts of the country 
show this, there being no long ridges as in cornfields of the present 
day, but only a great number of these detached hills. The great scar- 
city of implements suitable for such work argues nothing, for in most 
parts of the couutry stone easily worked and adapted to the pui-pose 
is unobtainable. 

There are a few flint deposits found in southern Illinois in which 
the material occurs in nodules that can be made with even less work 
than a piece of wood into suitable implements; and in the country 
which may be considered as belonging to this archeologic district 
the flint hoes and spades are tolerably abundant. In oilier portions of 
the country, wood, the shoulder blades of large animals, and mussel- 
shells perforated for attachment to a handle, were formerly used; the 
shells are frequently found, bat the other materials have long since 

Early observations on the industries of the aborigines are significant. 
Thus, according to De Forest, the Connecticut Indians used spades 
rudely constructed of wood, or of a large shell fastened to a wooden 
handle ; ' and Palmer- figures a hoe made of horn, 14 by 5 by one-fourth 
inches, in a wooden handle 5 feet long, which is split and slipped over 
the smaller end ; such, with others of wood and stone, were used among 
the Utah Indians before iron was introduced. Dawson holds that they 
were probably prepared in large numbers for the planting time, when 
the whole tribe mustered to till the fields, and that when the work was 
over they were gathered and hidden in some safe place until the next 

' De Forest, J. W. ; History of Indiaua of Conn., p. 5. 
»Peabodj- Mus., UtU Ann. Rept., p. 271. 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

season.' This may have been the case, to some extent, but the speci- 
mens foiuul in these hidiuy i)h»ces seldom have marks of use, and it is 
moi-e probable that they were the property either of persons living at 
a distance or of an individual manufacturer in some particular village, 
being thus concealed for safekeeping until there was a demand for 
them or, perhaps, to await a convenient time for transportation. A 
sedentary tribe would have no more reason for hiding this than any 
other kind of i^roperty. 

The chipped implements known as spades are frequently found 
buried in large numbers. Two caches were disclosed by high water in 

Flo. 169.— Chipped spade with pointed ends. 

Fig. 170.— Chipped spade with rounded ends. 

1884, near Caseyville, Kentucky, containing, resj)ectively, 57 and 75 
specimens from 6 to 13 inches long. 

The most common form is that having an oval or elliptical outline, 
■with the ends either coming to a point or rounded. Long use of those 
having pointed ends would wear them off until they approached the 
others in form ; but so many of both patterns show no evidence of use 

' Fossil Men, p. 12.5. 




The principal 

that this distinction mnst be considered intentional 
varieties are as follows: 

A, Those with pointed ends. Figure 169 represents a typical speci 
nieu of yellow flint, from Union county, Illinois. 

Southwestern Illinoia 
Southeastern Arkansas 
Cheatham county. Tennessee 
Union county, ilississippi 

B. Those with the ends rounded, 
flint, from Union county, Illinois). 

Represented by figure 170 {yellow 

Southwestern Illinois 

1 Cheatham county. Tennessee.. 
Lauderdale county, Tennessee. 

Polk county, Tennessee 

Lauderdale county, Alabama . 
Craighead county, Arkansas . . 

■ O 

I I I 

A specimen from Jackson comity, Illinois, has had a i>ortioii of the 
edge broken squarely. The polish over this fractured surface shows 
that it was long used after breaking without being rechipped to a sharp 
edge. This indicates usage only in loose ground, as it evidently would 
be quite diiflcult to force the square, broken part into a hard soil or 
tough sod. 

The specimens from Polk county, Tennessee, are pecked or chipped, 
or both, and are quite roughly made. They are neither scratched nor 
I)olished, and may be unfinished implements of some other class, though 
agreeing closely with the tlint spades in shape and size. 

('. A modification of the last form has the upper portion chi])ped 
away along the sides until it is ovoid, with a blunt point, leaving the 
lower part a regular curve. An example, shown in figure 171, is of 
grayish brown flint, from Scott county, Missouri. There are also one 
each fi-om Mississippi county, Missouri, and Hopkins county, Kentucky, 
of the same material. 

D. Like the above, but much shorter in ratio to the width, and with 
a flatter curve. The type, figure 172, is of yellow flint, from a mound in 
Obion county, Tennessee. There are also three from Union county, Illi- 
nois, one of them with almost the same dimensions. 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

E. Seinifirciihir outline, witli sides notched for set^uring the handle, as 
iu aiTowpoiuts and spearheads. Kepreseuted by ligure 173, showing a 
specimen of gray flint from a mound in Mississippi county, Arkansas. 
There are four additional specimens, all from Union county, Illinois. 

F. A related form, also notched for attachment of handle. Figure 174 
represents an example of yellow flint, from Poinsett county, Arkansas, 
the oidy one of this sha])e in the collection. 

From Jackson county, Illinois, there is a series beginning with a 
small scraper and a small scraper-like celt, and passing gradually into 
the large spades or digging-tools, there being a number of intermedi- 
ate forms and sizes. Two specimens, 
only (5 inches long, have the glazed 
surface so characteristic of these 
implements, which could have been 
produced only by long-continued use 
in digging. 

From a workshop at Mill creek, 
Union county, Illinois, there are a 
large number of pieces in every stage 
of work. Among them can be made 
series of all the dittcreiit types here 
given, from the nodule in its natural 
state to the completed implement. 
>^ear by is a flint deposit showing 
extensive aboriginal (luarrying. 

Dawson,' in speaking of these 
implements, says: "The rudest of 
all rude implements, similar to the 
paleoliths of Europe, were used by 
the more settled and civilized agri- 
cultural nations." While tlie major- 
ity of them are rude, simply because 
there was no necessity for elabor- 
ate work or fine finish in tools of this 
class, yet there are many specimens 
(as, for example, the one shown in 
figure 171 ) which iu symmetry and workmanship will compare favorably 
with the larger specimens of other types, due regard being had to the 
fact that the coarse flint of which they are usually made does not admit 
of the most delicate execution. 


The singular name " turtleback" is suggested instantly on seeing a 
specimen of the class so designated by Abbott and others. As com- 
monly used, it refers to rude or unfinished leaf-shape implements of 
any size, which may be found in great abundance almost anywhere. 

ped spade, ovoid. 

' Fossil Men., p. 119. 




It is used liei'e, however, to denote more especially tlie disks or almond- 
shaped pieces of flint or chert sometimes found cached in considerable 

Perkins' records the discovery of such caches in Vermont; an excep- 
tional case, as they are seldom found outside of the Mississippi valley. 
The southern portion of Illinois has furnished more than any other 
sei'tion; those found there are almost invariably made from nodules of 
bluish gray horustone, the concentric lines being strongly marked.- 

* Fig. 172.— Chipped spfide. 

The Bureau has secured a large number from southern Illinois, 
ranging from 3.J to 7i inches in length, some nearly circular, others 
having a length nearly twice the breadth. All have secondary chip- 
ping around the edges. Many of the larger ones and most of the 
smaller have the edges more or less worn or polished in such manner 
as would I'esult from use as knives or scrapers. A typical specimen is 
shown in figure 175. 

'Proo. A. A. A. S., vol. XXXI, p. 592. 

'Since this was written several thousand specimens liave been found in a small mound near Chil- 
licothe, Ohio. The nearest point at whicil similar material is known to exist is between Corydon 
and Leavenworth, Indiana. 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

Stevens' denies in strongest terms that these relics are unfinished 
implements, saying it is the worst possible form into which flint could 

FlQ. 173.— chipped spade, showing handle notches. 

Fl'j, 174.— Chii»ped sjjade 

be chipped for carrying or for future work. On the other hand, 
Ciieever^ says the Indians of California usually carry a pouch ot 
treasures, consisting of unfinished arrowheads or unworked stones, to 

Fig. 17r>. — Cliiliped disk, or " turtlebacl^. 

be slowly wrought out when they are industriously inclined. Catlin, 
too, observed that the Apache sometimes carry bowlders of horiistone 
a long distance to obtain material for arrowheads;^ and according to 

1 Flint Chips, p. 442. 

2 Anier. Xaturalist, vol. IV, p. 140. 
*Last Kauibles Among tlie Indians, p. 187. 

FowKE] USES OF "turtlebacks." 139 

im Tliurii, tlie various Imliau tribes of Gviiaua have each their special 
uiauufacture and exchange with other tribes.' Tylor says: 

Till lately the Ptitagonians, when they came on their journeys to a place where 
suitable flint or olisidian was to be found, would load themselves with a supply of 
lumps to chip iuto these primitive currier's scrapers. - 

Both Jewitt^ and Evans* say that stones of this character were used 
as sling- stones; but there is no evidence that North American Indians 
ever used slings. Speaking of similar stones, Tylor remarks: 

They were used either as knives or scrapers; with the curved side upward (or out) 
there would be no danger of cutting a hide in skinning game, aud they could be 
used to cut up the flesh; while by putting the pointed end in the handle they could 
be used as scrapers.'' 

The smoothed edge in so many specimens substantiates the last 
statement, while the theory that they are unfinished implements finds 
support in the fact that nearly all the nodules from which they are 
made have an ellipsoid form, and the i^reseut shape of the implement 
would result from chipping away the useless weathered surface to 
lessen the weight. 

Smaller chipped Implement.s. 

Materials and Modes of Maxufacture. 

In the remaining portion of this paper, which will treat of the smaller 
chipped implements, a plan somewhat different from that of the pre- 
ceding part will be followed. 

As already stated, these specimens are almost invariably made of 
some form of flint; this term including chalcedony, basauite, jasper, 
chert, liornstone, and similar rocks. So common is its use that the 
term "flints" is gradually being adopted as a name for all the different 
classes of arrowheads, kiiives, drills, etc. The exceptions are not 
numerous enough to justify separate classification, so no tables of mate- 
rial will be used. Further, the great abundance of such relics in all 
portions of the country makes useless any allusion to the number from 
any particular locality; about the only limitation to their discovery is 
the amount of time and care which one chooses to give. 

Before entering on the descri])tion, some quotations may be given in 
regard to methods of making these chipped implements. 

According to Evans, the Mexican Indians take a i)iece of obsidian 
in the left hand and press it firmly against the point of a small goat- 
horn held in the right, and by moving it gently in different direc- 
tions they chip off small flakes until the arrow is complete;'^ they also 

' Journal Antli. Inst. Gt. Br. .iml Irtl., vol xi, ]>. 447. 

■' Anthropology, p. 245. 

^.Jewitt. Llewellyn: Grave-niound.s an<l their Contents, p. 121. 

* Stone Impleraeuts. p. 374. 

s Op. cit., p. 245. 

*Stone Implements, p. 36 (from Craveri). 

140 STONE ART. [F,TH.ANN.13 

cut a notch in the eud of a bone, into which tlie edge of the flake is 
insetted ;uid a chip broken off by a sideways blow.' According' to the 
same author, the Eskimo sometimes set the flake in a piece of split 
wood. The arrow is roughly chipped by blows with a hammer, either 
direct or with a punch interposed, and is then finished by pressing off 
tine chips with a point of antler set in an ivory handle.- Not only leaf- 
shape barbed arrows, but also ones either with or without the stem, 
can be ])roduced by pressure with a point of antler; the former, how- 
ever, are the more easily made, and were probably earlier in use.^ 

The IMaius Indians lay the flat side of a flake of obsidian on a blanket, 
or other yielding substance, and with a knife nick off the edges rapidly. 
In their primitive state they probably used buckskin instead of the 
blankets, and pointed bone or horn instead of tlie knife.^ 

The Apache holds the flake or flint in his left hand, places his punch 
at the point where the chip is to be broken off, and it is struck by an 
assistant, thus knocking a chip from the under side: the flake is then 
turned and the process repeated, until the arrow is complete. The 
stone is held in the hand, as it can not be chipped on a hard substance.^ 
A punch observed by (3atlin in use by these Indians was a whale tooth 
6 or 7 inches long, with one round and two flat sides. The Fuegians, 
according to .the same authority, use a similar process and make as 
fine implements.'' 

The Eskimo make a spoon-shaped cavity in a log, lay the flake over 
it, and press along the margin, first on one side and then on the other, 
like setting a saw, until they form two sharp serrated edges. The 
working tool is a point of antler firmly bound into a piece of ivory. The 
same plan is used by widely separated peoples." 

Nilsson, in chipping out gun flints with a stoiieliammer, tound it nec- 
essary to have the ])oint operated on lie immediately above a point that 
rested on the rock "anvil" which he used." 

The Veeard or Wiyot of California used a pair of buck-horn pincers 
tied together with a thong at the point; they first hammered out the 
arrowhead in the rough, and then with these pincers carefully nipped off 
one tiny fragment after another.'^ The Klamath cover the hand with a 
piece of buckskin to keep it from being cut, and Iny a flake along the 
ball of the thumb, holding it firmly with the fingers. With a point of 
antler from 4 to 6 inches long, they press against the edge, thus remov- 
ing scales from the opposite side; they turn the flake around and over 
frequently, to preserve symmetry.'" 

' Stoiu" Implements, p. 36 (from De Pourtales). 

- Ibid., p. 35 (from Belcher). • 

Ubid., p. 38. 

* Crook in Smithsoni.iu Report lor 1871, p. 420. 
^Catlin; Last Rambles, pp. 184, 183. 
« Ibid., p. 290. 

'Stevens; Flint Chips, p. 81 (from Belcher). 
"Ibid., p. 84. 

'Powers in Contributions toN. A. Eth., vol. ni, ji. 104. 
'"Ibid., p 374. 


The Shasta Indian lays a stone anvil ou his knee, holds the edge of 
the flake against it, and with his stone hammer chips off flakes, ttnisli- 
ing the base first, and gently chipping the whole arrow into shape. 
Both obsidian and glass are used.' The Shoshoni Indians used the' 
same process.^ 

A Pit River Indian has been seen to make a very sharp and i>ierc- 
ing arrow from a piece of quartz, with only a piece of round bone, one 
end of which was hemispherical with a small crease in it (asjf made by 
a thread) one-sixteenth of an inch deep. The arrow was made by 
pressing off flakes by main strength, the crease being to prevent the 
bone from slipping, and affording no leverage.' John Smith (1007) says 
of the Powhatan Indian : 

His arrowhead he maketh quickly, with a little bone, of any splint of stime or 

The Cloud River Indian used two deer prongs, one much smaller than 
the other, the points ground to the form of a square, sharp-pointed 
file. He had also some pieces of iron wire tied to sticks and ground in 
the samemanner; these were better than the deer horn, because luirder, 
and not needing to be sharpened so often. The flake was held firiidy 
iu the left hand, guarded by a piece of buckskin ; he pressed oft' chii)S 
with the larger tool, turning the arrow end-for-end wlien done on one 
side, so as to keep the edge opposite the middle line. The notches for 
barbs were worked out iu a similar manner with the smaller tool.^ 

Some of the California Indians prefer agate and obsidian for their 
implements, as the close grain admits more careful working. They use a 
tool with its working edge shaped like a glazier's diauiond (apparently a 
piece of bone or antler with a squ.are-cut notch on the side); the flake is 
held in the left hand, while tlic nick in the side of the tool is used to chip 
small fragments.'^ Peale makes similar statements, and adds that the 
notches are of different sizes to suit the different stages of work.' 

The Klamath Indians, according to Schumacher, have a slender stick 
1^ feet long, with a piece of sea-lion tooth, or antler, fastened to the 
end of it. Holding one end under the arm to steady it, they take a 
flake in the left hand, wrapped in a piece of buckskin so as to leave only 
the edge exposed, and by pressure with the point of the tool break off 
flakes aslarge as necessary, the last being quite tine, to give sharp edges 
to the arrow. The notches are worked out by means of a point of bone 
4 or 5 inches long, without a shaft.^ Chase gives a similar account, 
but says that iron points have now taken the place of the bone or horn 
points formerly used.** 

'BaLcroft; Native Races, vol. I, p. 342. 

^Schoolcraft: Indian Tribes, vol. I, p. 212. 

^Beckwith in Kep. Pac. K. R. Survey, vi>l, ii, p. 43. 

*Hiatory of Virginia. 

*Rediling in Amer. Naturalist, vol. sni, p. 665. 

''Cheever in ibid., vol. iv, p. 139. 

'Cited by Stevens, Flint Chip.s, p. 78. 

sHayden Survey, Bull. 3, 1877, p. 547. 

*MS. account of theShell Mounds of Oregon. 

142 STONE ART. [eth.ann.13 

It may not be out of place iu this coiniectiouto give a few quotations 
In regard to the length of time required for making an arrowhead. 

Aeeordiug to the Marquis de Nadaillac. the iMexiean.s could turn out 
'a hundred flint knives (probably only uuworked obsidian flakes) an 
hour,' while Crook says that the riaiiis Indians with only a knife for 
nicking off the edges, will make from tifly to one liuiidred arrows iu 
the same period.- Chase found that a Klamath Indian rc(iuired five 
minutes to complete a perfect arrowhead;^ though Stevens observes 
that a Shasta Indian spent an hour in chipping one from a flake of 
obsidian,^ and Lubbock states that the most skillful Indian workmen 
can not liope to complete more than a single arrow in a day's hard 
work.^ Powers also speaks of the aborigines of California as "using 
that infinite patience which is characteristic of the Indian, spending 
days, i)erhaps weeks, upon a single piece;''" and Tylor notes "that 
utter disregard of time that lets the Indian spend a month in making 
an arrow."" 

The last two references are probably to the large and finely worked 
pieces used for ceremonial or ornamental purposes. 

Classification of the Implements. 

The only j>racticable division of the greater part of the smaller flints 
is into stemmed and steniless, the former having a prolongation at 
the base for firmer attachment to a shaft or handle, the latter being of 
a triangular or oval shape. The stemmed implements may be barbed 
or not, and the stem either narrower or broader toward the end. 

The name "arrowhead" so commonly applied, fits only the minority 
of specimens, as none but the smaller ones could be so used ; the larger 
are too heavy. The longest stone arrowpoiut in the extensive collection 
of arrows in the National Museum measures two and liveeighths inches 
in length and is narrow and thin. An arrowpoiut two inches in length 
is seldom seen. The larger specimens were probably knives and spear- 
heads ; but it would be difficult to assign any certain use for a particular 
type, the markings on so many indicate usage for which their shape 
would seem to render them unsuitable. It is probable that a single 
specimen served a variety of purposes. 

Wood, bone, and shell were also used to a considerable extent, in 
the manufacture of implements for which flint would seem much better 
adapted. Thus for fish spears the southern Indians used canes, sharp- 
pointed, barbed, and hardened iu thefire,"^ while knives rtere formerly 
made of flint or cane; these are still used when the hunting knife has 

' Prehistoric America, p. 170. 

'Smithsonian Report for 1871, ii. 420. 

= 1IS. Shell Hounds of Oregon. 

« Flint Chips, p. 77. 

'Prehistoric Times, p. 106 (from Dodge and Blackmore). 

'Contrihutions to N. A. Eth., vol. ill, p. 104. 

'History of Mankind, p. 188. 

8 Adair; American Indians, p. 403. 



been lost.' The California Indians had arrows tipped with hard-pointed 
■wood for common use, and with agate or obsidian for war.^ 

The accompanying diagram (figurel7(>) will render plain the different 
terms used in the following descriptions: 


a . . 

. .Point. 

b .. 


c . . 

. . Face. 

d .. 

. .Bevel.' 

e . . 

. -Blade. 



!l ■■ 

. . Stem. 

h .. 

. .Base. 

i . 


Jc . 


m . . 

- . Barb, or shoul 


Fig. 176.— Diagram, esplaiuing terms. 

The only difference between barb and shoulder is that the barb is 
prolonged toward the base. The shoulder is called squared or rounded 
according to whether the edge of the imi)lemeiit makes an angle or a 
curve where drawn in to form the stem. 

In the stemless specimens the base is the end opposite the point. 

A tapering stem means one narrowing toward the base; straight, one 
whose sides are parallel ; and expanding, one which is widest at the base. 

Stemless Fli>ts. 
characters and uses. 

The stemless flints are triangular or oval in outline. For convenience 
they will bo diNaded into those small enough for arrowpoints (not above 
2i inches long) and those which are too large for such purpose. The 
latter reach to the length of 7J inches. They are chipped to a sharp 
edge all around. The ratio of width to length varies from 1:4 to 4:5. 

These objects were mostly for use as knives, scrapers or spearheads. 
Some of the thicker ones were spikes for clubs. Abbott * mentions three 
triangular jasper implements 3 to 4 inches long from graves, associated 
with fragments of large bones which showed plainly that they had 
been used for clubs, and the Iroquois are known to have used a club 
with a sharp-pointed deer-horn about four inches long inserted in the 
lower side. Schoolcraft' illustrates a pointed stone with a square 

' Adair; American Indians, p. 410. 
^Cheever in Amer. Naturalist, vol. IV, p. 139. 
^ Tlie section below shows this more plainly. 
'Amer. Natur.ilist, vol. x, i). 116. 
^ Indian Tribes, vol. ii, p. 74, tig. 5. 



[eth. axn. 13 

section (apparently of the class usually called "picks"), mounted in a 
club which is curved at the end to let the spike set in the end at a right 
anyle to the handle; and Brickell observes that the North Carolina 
Indians used clubs or long poles, in the ends of which were fastened 
artiiicially sharpened stones, or horns of animals.' Morgan also notes 
that among the Iroquois rows of arrow-shaped chert heads about two 
feet in extent have been found lying side by side. They were set in a 
frame and fastened with thongs, forming a species of sword.^ Accord- 
ing to Tylor the Mexicans had a sinular sword, with obsidian teeth 
gummed in holes in a war club,-' and Bourke observed at Taos pueblo a 
similar weapon with iron teeth.^ But the number of specimens found 
mounted indicates that most of them were used as knives or scrapers. 


A. With base and edges straight or sliglitly convex; corners square. 
The type illustrated in figure 177 is from Montgomery county, North 
Carolina. Similar forms come also from eastern Ten- 
nessee; central and western North Carolina; southwest- 
ern llHnois; ]\Iiami and Scioto valleys, and central Ohio; 
southwestern "Wisconsin ; northeastern and southwestern 
Arkansas; noitheastern and northwestern Alabama, 
and Coosa valley in the same state; Kanawlia valley. 
West Virginia; northeastern and central Kentucky; and 
Savannah, Georgia. 

B. Base straight or nearly so; edges parallel most 
of the length, curving abruptly to a point; usually with 
one face less convex than the other, 
even quite flat, giving a piano 
convex section ; medium size. The 
specimen shown in figure 178, from 
Kanawha valley. West Virginia, i> 
representative. Other examples 
come from eastern Tennessee; cen 
North Carolina; northwestern Alabama; 
Kanawha valley; and southwestern Illinois. 

V. Base straight or nearly so; corners square 
or slightly rounded; edges convex, curving gradu- 
ally and regularly to the jjoint; usually widest 
about one-third of the way above the base; vary- 
ing much in width, and in length from Oi inches 
down to the arrowpoint. A few of the largest 
have the edges slightly expanding at their junc- 
tion with the base, for firmer attachment to a handle. The type Is 

— Triangu- 
liil)ped fliut. 

Fig 178.— Chipped flint. 

iJInt. Hist.of N. C.p. 318. 

• League of the Iroquois, p. 359. 

- Anahuae, p. 332. 

*Bourke, Johu O.; Snake Dance of the Moquis, 

51. See also Dodge; Our Wild Indiana, plate 5. 




figure 179 (from Loudon county, Tennessee). Other specimens are 
from eastern Tennessee; central and western North Carolina; Kanawha 
valley; Keokuk, Iowa; Miami and Scioto valleys, and central Ohio; 
eastern, southern, and southwestern Wisconsin; northeastern Arkansas; 
central and northeastern Kentucky; 
northwestern Georgia, and Savan- 
nah; Southwestern Illinois; and 
Coosa valley, Alabama. 

D. Narrow and thick; up to 6 
nches long; convex hase; edges 
straight to the base, where they 
expand somewhat, giving the imple- 
ment a bell shape. The largest 
specimen in the lot (figure 180) has 
both faces polished almost the en- 
tire length, a feature absent fi'om 
all the others. This example is from 
Caldwell county, North Carolina. 
The form is found also in central 
and western Noitli Carolina, east- 
ern Tennessee, northeastern Ken- 
tucky; Kanawha valley ; and north- 
eastern Arkansas. Few of the flints 
Fig. i79.-chipped flint. Qppm-jjj ^l^g Collection except from 

. Fig. 180.— UMppe^ 

the two localities first mentioned, where they are somewhat heifsuape. 
moderately abundant. 

E. Elliptical outline; some very thin, others resembling celts. One 
from Kanawha valley has the projecting facets and ridges on one face 
^<-r;|*^^ very smooth from use. those on the other being still 
'\ sharp, as when first chipped. The one figured has the 
edge worn smooth entirely around, ^-'^^, 
seemingly from use as a cutting tool, s 

the ends being most worn. Eepresent- ' "I 

cd by figure 181 (from Dane county, [ ,j«| 

Wisconsin). Found also in southern 
and southwestern Wisconsin; eastern 
Tennessee; northeastern Arkansas; 
central and western North Carolina; 
Brown ctmnty, Illinois; Kanawha val- 
ley; and South Carolina. 

F. With the outline a continuous 
curve from the point entirely around, 
XmumT' the base being regularly rounded. This 
"°''' is the model of the pointed oval or leaf- 
shape flint. Sometimes one face is flatter than the other, being less 
worked, or in a few cases the unaltered flat side of a flake. Usually 
they are quite symmetrical, but occasionally one edge is more curved 
13 ETH 10 


:. — Chipped 

iiint, leaf-shape or 
oval outline. 



[eth. AKN. 13 

than the other. The type illustrated in figure 182 is from Vernon county, 
Wis(;ousiu. Other specimens are from western and 
central Wi.scousiu; eastern Tennessee; Miami and 
Scioto valleys, and central Ohio; southwestern Illi- 
nois; Kanawha valley; 
northeastern Kentucky; 
northeastern and south- 
western Arkansas; 
northwestern and north- 
eastern Georgia, and Sa- 
Fig. isi.-chii.pea liiut. 0. With coHves edgcs 

and slightly convex base; being a medium 

between the triangular and the leaf-shape. 

Some are quite narrow and thick, others 
wide and thin; the former 
probably clubs or sjiear- 





heads, the latter knives. A 


I. •>>''■ 






good example, shown in fig- 
ure 18.'5, is from Savannah, h^ 
Georgia. Others are from 
central Arkansas; central 
Ohio; eastern Tennessee; 
Kanawha valley; central 
North Carolina; southern 
Wisconsin; northwestern 
Georgia, and Savannah; 
northeastern Alabama ; and 
South Carolina. 

H. Pointed at each end; 
mostly elliptical, though 
sometimes widest near one 
cud; from 5 to 12 inches 
long. Nearly all are thin 
and linely worked, with 
sharp edges. One from 
Cheatham county, Tennes- 
see, has a deep notch on each edge about one-third of 
,; j^y the way from one end, this end beiug somewhat rounded. 

Pig. 185.— Cbinped The type (figure 184) is from Lonoke county, Arkansas. 
shar'i) pofnt.^""" Other specimeus are from central Arkansas, southwest- 
ern Illinois, noi'thern and eastern Tennessee. 
I. A similar pattern, but having one end continued into a narrow 
point, shown in figure 18,5, is from Bartow county, Georgia. Another 
of the same kind comes from Loudon county, Tennessee. 

J. Similar to grou}) II, but with the edges straight for more than half 
the length, probably to afford a more convenient hold for the hand. 

, 184. 

-Chip]teil liint, large, pointed 
fUipticai oiitiint-. 



The form is suowii in ligiu-e 186, represeuting a spet-imeu from Mississippi 
couuty, Arkansas. Others are from northwestern Georgia, sou tli west- 
ern Illinois, and northeastern Ai'kan- 
sas. There are a few similar in method 
of chipping to those of group /, hut 
smaller and very narrow, from eastern 
and western Tennessee and northeast- 
ern Arkansas. 

-fir. Double-pointed or lenticular in 
outline; (juite symmetrical; from 2 to 
4 inches long; thin and well worked. 
Represented in northeastern Arkansas ; 
South Carolina; central and western 
North Carolina; eastern Tennessee; 
Scioto valley, and central Ohio ; Kana- 
wha valley ; and northwestern Georgia. 
L. With straight or concave base; 
edges diverging by straight or slightly 
convex lines for about half the length 
from the base, then curving to the 
point. There is considerable variation 
in the relative width of these, as well 
as the amount of concavity at the base. 
None with this outline of the edges has 
^'"iilnt.Iarge.''"'^ a couvex base. From 2 to 6 inches long. The form 
is illustrated by figures 187 (from Lawrence county, Ohio), and 188 (from 
Blount county, Tennessee). In addition to the speci- 
mens figured, thei-e is material in the collection from 
Scioto valley, Ohio ; central and western North Caro- 
lina; Keokuk, Iowa; Brown county, Illinois; eastern 
Tennessee; northeastern Alabama, and 
Coosa valley in the same state ; Kanawha 
valley; South Carolina; southern Wis- 
consin ; and Savannah, Georgia. 

M. A modification of the last form in 
which the edge expands just at the 
base, forming a point at each corner 
or shoulder. Illustrated in figure 189. 
The specimen figured is from Forsyth 
county, Georgia. Others are from north- 
-Lhipped ^gg^gj,jj (Georgia, and Savannah; east- 
ern Tennessee; northeastern Kentucky; 
southwestern Wisconsin; and Kanawha valley. 

Fig. 187.— Cliipped 

Fig. 188.- 


Fig. 189.— Cbipiied 
fliut, with sliouldera. 


Small triangular or oval arrowpoints, differing from those pre- 
viously described in being too small for any similar uses, few of them 



[ETU. ANN. 13 

Fig. 190.— Chip 
Hint, snia 

Fio. 191.— Chipped 

being so much as two iacbes iii length, and varying trom that size to 
not more than half an inch. Nearly all 
are very thin, though some of the nar- 
rower ones may have a diamond or thick 
lenticular section. Some are very slender, 
so much so that they are usually classed 
as perforators; others are equilateral. 
Both the base and edges may be straight, 
convex, or concave. A few have a shallow 
notch in each edge just above the corner; 
nearly all, however, have both base and 

J ,. ' Fio. 191.— Chip' 

edge COntnniOUS. Aint, triangali 

The groups and subdivisions which have been recognized among the 
smaller chipped flint objects in the Bureau collection may be enumerated 
as follows : 

A. Concave base. The conca^^ty may vary from almost a straight 
line to one-third the length of the flint. Usually symmetric, as in 
figures 190 and 191, though sometimes one tang or barb, if it may be 
called such, is longer than the other, as in figure 192. A very few 
have beveled or serrated edges. 

1. Convex edges. The type, show u 

in figure 190, is from Jefferson county, 

Tennessee. Other si>ecimens are 

from eastern Tennessee ; Union county, 

Mississippi; northwestern Georgia, 

and Bibb county and Savannah in the 

same state ; central and western North 

Carolina; Miami and Scioto valleys 

and central Ohio; Kanawha valley, 
Fig. i92.-chipi.ed Wcst Virginia; South Carolina: and no- iss.-Chipped flint, 

flint, asymmetric. *" ' ' concave edges. 

southwestern Arkansas. 
2. Straight edges, as in the specimen illustrated in figure 191, from 
Ouachita county, Arkansas. Similar specimens are found in north- 
eastern and southwestern Arkansas; western and central North Caro- 
lina; Kanawha valley ; eastern Wisconsin ; northwestern Georgia, and 
Savannah; eastern Tennessee; South Carolina; south- 
western Illinois; Union county, Mississippi; and north- 
eastern Kentucky. 

3. Concave edges. This abundant form is illustrated 
in figures 192 (Cherokee county, Georgia), 193 (Caldwell 
county, North Carolina), and 194 (Washington county, 
Yirginia). Other specimens are from northwestern 

Fig. 194. -Chipped 
flint, triangular. 

Georgia and Savannah; central and western North 

Carolina; Kanawha valley; eastern Tennessee; northeastern Ken- 
tucky; southwestern Arkansas; South Carolina; Union county, Miss- 
issippi; and Coosa valley, Alabama. This subdivision of group A is 
abundant, as well as widely distributed. 




Flo. 196.- 
flint, short 

B. With straight bases. These are all small, the broad ones being 
short and the long ones slender. Most of them are both short and 

1. Convex edges as in figures 19;j (McMinn county, Tennessee) and 19G 
( Bradley county, Tennessee). The form is widely distributed, being 
represented by specimens from eastern Tennessee; 
northeastern, southwestern, and southeastern Arkansas ; 
Scioto valley, Ohio; northeastern Ken- 
tucky; northwestern Georgia and Savan- 
nah; Kanawha valley; Union county, 
Mississippi; Holt county, Missouri; 
northeastern Alabama, and Coosa valley 
in the same state; southern and south- 
western Wisconsin; and western North «tiges- 

2. Straight edges. Exemplified by the specimen 
shown in figure 197, from McMinn county, Tennessee. 
Found also in eastern Tennessee; northeastern Arkan- 
sas; Coosa valley, Alabama; Union county, Missis- 

FiQ. 195.— Cliippfd ' •" ' ■" 

Hint, small. sippi; Kauawha valley; Miami and Scioto valleys, 
Ohio; eastern, southern, and southwestern Wisconsin; western and 
central North Carolina; Bartow county and 
Savannah, Georgia; South Carolina, and 
northeastern Kentucky. 

3. Concave edges, as in figure 198 (from 
Bledsoe county, Tennessee). Other exam- 
ples of this class are from eastern Tennes- 
FiQ. i97.-chipped ^^6; Scioto Valley, Ohio; northeastern and rio. i98.-ci)ipped 

flint, triangular, southwestcm Arkausas ; Kanawha valley, edgl's™""''™ 
West Virginia; northeastern Kentucky; western and central North 
Carolina; northeastern Alabama; southwestern Illinois; and Snvan- 
nah, Georgia. 

G. Convex bases. Less abundant than the preced- 
ing, and the forms representing it are less variable. Its 
sub-groups are as follows : 

1. Convex edges. Some of these have a slight reverse 
curve at the base, giving a slight barb or shoulder. A 
few are widest at or near the middle, with bases some- 
what pointed, but most of them are widest at the junction 
of the base and edges. They are mostly of the leaf- 
shaped type, but quite small. Figure 199 (Mississippi 
county, Arkansas) is a good example. Others are from 
northeastern and southwestern Arkansas ; northeastern 
Alabama and Coosa valley; Kanawha valley, West ^?- i^^— djiiped 

'^ ' ^' tlint, convex basfi. 

Virginia; eastern Tennessee; western and central North 

Carolina; northwestern Georgia; eastern Wisconsin; southwestern 

Illinois, and Miami valley, Ohio. 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

FiQ. 201._Chii>ped 
tiint, pontiigoual. 

it c;i)i not be 

Fio. 200,— Chipped 
flint, edges concave. 

2. Edges concave or nearly straight. There are verj^ few of this 
form, as nearly all with the base convex have the edges also convex. 
The type (ligure 200) is from Lawrence county, Ohio; others are from 
Miami and Scioto valleys, Ohio; Kanawha valley; and 
southeastern and southwestern Arkansas. 

Two exceptional forms, which may be considered 
modifications of the triangular, come from 
eastern Teunes.see and western North 
Carolina. The first, which is pentagonal, 
is shown in figure 201; the second, a mf 
dium between a ])erforator and a deeply 
serrated, triangular arrowpoint, is shown 
in figure 202. 

While it is likely that the smaller flints, 
last described, were intended for arrows, 
stated with confidence whether they were for use in war 
or in hunting. It is said that some of the western 
Indians used barbless arrows with long, tapering blades, firmly attached 
to the shaft, for hunting, while for war barbed arrows, only slightly 
attached, were employed.' 

In many arrows with triangular points in the National 
Museum the sinew with which the flint is fastened to the 
shaft is brought over the corner or shoulder in such a way 
as to bind the point as firmly as could be done if it were 
barbed or stemmed, so that when the shaft is drawn from a 
wound the point must come with it. If an arrowhead of 
this form were inserted in a shaft, which was then wrapped 
behind the flint, the latter would remain in the wound 
when the shaft was withdrawn. 

There is no reason for supposing that only the larger 
points were used for war purposes; the greater peuetrating 
power of the thin, sharp ones would seem to fit them espec 
'^'JiTrrow and' ^'^^y fo^ such work, uud it is probablc that the smaller 
tbick. straight or tapering-stemmed flints (nest to be described) 

were also utilized for this purpose, as they could be easily detached. 
Those with expanding stem may have been used for hunting, as they 
could be permanently fastened to the shaft. 

. 202. 

Stemmed Flints. 

The abundant and variable material of this class may roughly be 
grouped by form into two divisions, in the first of which the stein is 
tapering or straight, while in the second the stem is generally expanding. 


A. Square or rounded shoulders; stem concave at base ; edges usually 
convex, rarely straight or concave. Nearly all are of quartzite or coarse 

' Long; Exp. to Rocky Mountains, vol. i, p. 290. Dodge,- Our Wild Indians, p. 418. 





flint, roughly worked, the one iUustrated (figure 203) being above the 
average, and are mostly from western North Carolina and the adjacent 
portions of South Carolina and Tennessee. All of them exceed three 
inches iu length. Those from Savannah, Georgia, are usually much 
wider relative to the length than the si)ecimens in the Bureau collection 
from other localities. 

The specimen figured is from Montgomery county, North Carolina; 
others are from western and central North 
Carolina; Kanawha valley; eastern Tennessee; 
South Carolina; Coosa valley, Alabama; and 
northwestern Georgia and Savannah. 

B. Similar to the last, except that the basr 
is straight or convex, instead of concave. Largi 
size, and nearly all of rough finish; mostly m 
argillite or flint, a few of quartzite. Vai'yini; 
considerably in width, as well as iu thickness. 
some having almost a diamond section, other> 
wide and thin, the latter generally having the 
edges worked quite sharji. Some are made 
from a large flake which has been dressed on 

one side only. One from Mont 
gomery county. North Carolina, 
has the end opposite the stem 
worked round and sharp, similar 
to the blunt arrowheads, but its 
size excludes it from this class. 

From Savannah there are several which are chipped 
very thin, and smoothly finished, but they are excep- 
tional; some from this locality are very large, reaching 
5 by 3 inches, while others are almost as wide as they are 
Fig. 204.— chippeii The Specimens of this form aie chiefly from western and 
barbiess^ """"'' central North Carolina; eastern Tennessee; South Caro- 
lina; southwestern Georgia, and Savannah; eastern Wisconsin; 
southwestern Arkansas; southwestern Illinois; northwestern Alabama 
and Coosa valley in the same state; Kanawha valley, West Virginia; 
and central Ohio. 

C. Of the same general form as the la.-<t, but much smaller, and finely 
worked. Most seem to be intended for arrowheads. The specimen 
illustrated in figure 2(M is from Caldwell county, North Carolina; 
others are from South Carolina; western and central North Carolina; 
Union county, Mississippi; eastern Tennessee; Coosa valley and Tus- 
caloosa, Alabama; Miami valley, Ohio; Kanawha valley; northwestern 
and southwestern Georgia and Savannah; and southeastern Arkansas. 

7). Convex edges; stem usually tapering with straight base, though 
it is noticeable that some are straight with convex base. Resembling 
the last iu form, but slender ; from 1^ to 4:^ inches long. From western 

Fio. 203.— Chipped flint 
stemmed, barbless. 



[ ETH. ANN. 13 

Fio, 206.— Chipped 

Hint, double-curved 


and central North Carolina; Kanawha valley, West Virginia; and 
Savannah, Georgia. 

U. Differing from specimen 
shown in figure 203, in having 
the edges expand at the shoul- 
ders in a projection or point, 
and varying more in size, some 
being small enough for arrow- 
heads. All from Savannah 
(including the example shown 
in figure 205) are of smoother 
finish than those from other 
sections, and are usually 
larger, ranging from 2i to 4J 
lo. 205— ipp«j^^>Dt. expanding j^jj^gg Jong. There are some from this local- 
ity with base straight or convex. Found also in western and central 
North Carolina; Kanawha valley; South Carolina; eastern Tennessee; 
Coosa valley and northeastern Alabama; Brown county, Illinois; north- 
eastern, southeastern, and southwestern Arkansas; and southwestern 

F. Edge having a double curve, being convex toward the point, and 
curving outward at the shoulders. Few of them are barbed, though 
many have the shoulder much expanded. Base some- 
times convex or concave, but more often straight; in a 
few it is somewhat pointed. In most of the smaller 
specimens the base is notched, but of 
these none are over 2i inches long. Stem 
tapering or expanding, rarely straight. 
A few have the base rubbed smooth and > 
dull, or even polished (this feature ap- 
pears in other forms, as noted); it seems 
to result from use as a knife or scraper, 
but the implement as a whole does not 
appear to be adapted to such use. None 
of them are over 3| inches long, except 
flint doVibiecurved a fcw from Savaunali ; all from there are fig. 208.— chipped 

' edires • -i i . it flint, convex eilges, 

^ ■ Wide, but from otlier plaees the longer long, taperiug atem. 

ones are all narrow. 

The specimens illustrated (figures 206 and 207) are from Madison 
county, Alabama, and Kanawha valley, respectively. Others are from 
northeastern Alabama and Coosa valley; eastern Tennessee; north- 
western and southwestern Greorgia and Savannah; Kanawha valley; 
Catahoula parish, Louisiana; western and central North Carolina; 
southwestern Illinois and Brown county in the same state; South 
Carolina; southwestern Arkansas; and Miami valley, Ohio. 

O. Convex edges; sharp points; stem always long and tapering; 
base somewhat pointed, or outline of whole stem forming a regular 




curve. Some slightly barbofl, but mostly with only a small shoulder. 
The specimeus vary much in size, aud also in delicacy of workmauship. 
Classed by functiou the group would probably be divided among several. 
The example shown in figure 2()S is from Jackson county, Illinois. 
Others come from southwestern Illinois; eastern Tennessee; South 
Carolina; Kanawha valley ; northeastern, southeastern, 
and southwestern Arkansas ; western and central Arkan- 
sas; and southern Wisconsin. 

E. Similar to group (r, save that the edges are straight 
while the stem is somewhat shorter. All the specimens 
are small. Found in western Xorth Carolina; Kanawha 
valley, West Virginia; South Carolina; and southeastern 

/. Differing from group G in 
having concave sides; none are 
barbed, and some have very wide ^"!;. sio.-stemmed 

' *' cnippea nmt, dia- 



shoiilders. Nearly all are large. 
Two from Savannah have thebasc 
straight, all the others being of the common type. 
The type (fairly exemplified in figure 209) is from 
Union county, Illinois, and others come from 
southwestern Illinois; southwestern Arkansas; 
South Carolina; western North Carolina; Kana- 
wha valley. West Virginia; eastern Tennessee; 
and Savannah, (reorgia. 

./. Lozenge or diamond shape; the four edges 
straight or nearly so, varying a little toward 
convexity or concavity. In some the base does 
not come to a point but is rounded or truncated; 
sometimes, though seldom, there is 
a slight shoulder. From 1^ to 3i 
inches long. A typical example, 
shown in figure 210, is from Chester 
county, South Carolina. Addi- 
^'°l°aur*iapS'l "tim ""'' tioual material is froiii South Caro- 
lina; Kanawha valley ; Brown and 
Ogle counties, Illinois; eastern Tennessee; western North 
Carolina; Bibb county and Savannah, Georgia; south- 
eastern and southwestern Arkansas; Union county, Mis- 
sissippi; and Coosa valley, Alabama. 

K. Edges usually convex, sometimes nearly straight, 
gradually rounding oft' into the stem, which may be straight, tapering, or 
slightly expanding; base straight or slightly convex. All of these are 
narrow, mostly thick, and none over two inches long. The type (figure 
211) is from Bledsoe county, Tennessee ; others are from eastern Tennes 
see; western and central N(n'th Carolina; valley, Alabama; north- 
western Georgia; eastern, southern, and southwestern Wisconsin; 

Fio. 211. —Stemmed 
i-hipped rtiut. 



(ETH. ANN. 13 

Fig. 212.— Stcinmed „. . . 

chipped fliut. Wcst Virginia ; Miami valle\ 


Kaiiawhavalley, West Virginia ; South Carolina; Brown (•ouiity, Illinois; 
and northeastern and southeastern Arkansas. 

L. Edges convex, a very few being straight; shoulders 
square or somewhat rounded, in two or three somewhat 
expaiidiiij;-. Stem usually straight, sometimes tapering; 
liase straight or convex. Varying much in size and rela- 
tive \yidth, being from \\ to 4i inches long, and from 
,' to 2i inches wide; some slender, others broad. Nearly 
all are quite roughly made. Illustrated in figure 212 
(from Cherokee county, Georgia). 

Like many other forms of small chipped 
implements, the distribution in this type is 
wide. Itconies from northwestern Georgia 
and about Savannah; Kanawha valley, 

Ohio; south 
western Illinois; •western and central North Carolina; 
eastern Tennessee; northeastern Alabama and Coo.s; 
valley in the same state; and southwestern Arkansas. 

M. Convex edges; .sharp points; very slight shoulders: 
stem tapering by curved lines; base convex or somewhat 
pointed. All made of quartz, quartzite, or coarse Him 
and differing from the following grouj) onlj' in being ver\ 
slender and, owing to the material employed, much more 
roughly finished. Found in western North Carolina, in 
South Carolina, and in southwestern Arkansas. 

N. Convex edges; remarkably symmetrical outline; 
most specimens finely finished; slight shoulders; taper- 
ing stem, with convex base, the whole stem having a 

quite regularly curved outline. Fi'om 2 to 4i inches 

The type which is shown in figure 213 is from 
Dane county, Wisconsin. This group also is widely 
distributed, being found in southern and south- 
western Wisconsin ; northeastern Kentucky ; south- 
western Illinois; Miami and Scioto valleys, Ohio, 
and the central part of the same state; north- 
eastern, central, and southeastern Arkansas; 
western North Carolina; and Kanawha valley. 

0. Differing from group N only in having longer 
stems and shorter blades, the latter sometimes less 
than an inch. Illustrated in figure 214 (from 
3u.-stommed oiupp«i Kauawlia valley). Found also in Scioto valley and 
liinf, short biiide. jy central Ohio; southwestern Wisconsin; south- 
western Arkansas; and southwestern Georgia. 

P. Convex edges ; square shoulders; stem forming a quite regular 
and continuous curve, slightly expanding in some specimens. The one 
shown in figure 215, from Kanawha valley, West Virginia, has the most 

Fio. 213. -stemmed 
clnpped flint, ovoid. 






symmetric outline of any specimen in the entire collection. There are 
other specimens from Kanawlia valley, and also from northeastern 
Kentucky; Miami valley, Ohio; Washington county, Pennsylvania; 
eastern and western Tennessee; southwestern Illinois; and southeastern 

Q. Similar to grou}) P except that stem and base are straight. They 
are symmetric and well tinisiied, vary more in size than those of the 
last group, being from 1^ to 4^ inches long, the others not reaching 
either of these limits. 

The type (figure 210) comes from Knox county, Ohio, and other 
specimens from Miami valley and central Ohio; Keokuk, Iowa; north- 
eastern Kentucky; Kanawha valley; eastern and western Tennessee; 
eastern, southeastern, and southwestern Arkansas; eastern and south- 
western Wisconsin; northwestern Georgia; and southwestern Illinois. 
■ '^*'r,. A'. Edges generally convex, - ^ 

r ,j, sometimes straight; base straight 

^ -'* or convex, only rarely concave ; 

shoulders usually square, some- 
times rounded; stem exi)anding 
by straight lines.. From less than 
an inch to 3.^ inches long, mostly 
about the medium. 

The form, which resembles that 
shown m tigure 216 in a general 
way, is widely distributed, its 
range including Keokuk, Iowa; 
Miami and Scioto valleys, Ohio; 
Bibb county and Savannah, 
Georgia, as well as the uortli- 
steZmed ciupped western part of the state ; eastern 
flint, symmetric outline. Teuuessce; Kauawha valley,West Virginia; south- 
eastern and southwestern Arkansas; southwestern Illinois, and Brown 
county in the same state; northeastern Kentucky; southern and south- 
western Wisconsin ; western and central North Carolina; and northeast- 
ern Alabama. 

IS. Differing from group Q in having the blade short, stem long (in 
some cases longer than blade), and only slight shoulders. Base some- 
what convex m a few specimens; from au inch to 2^ inches in length. 
From Kanawha valley; northwestern Georgia; Miami and Scioto val- 
leys, Ohio; southwestern Arkansas; southern Wisconsin; and north- 
eastern Alabama. 

Beginning with those of group N and ending with those last de- 
scribed, all the best worked and most finely finished specimens are 
from Kanawha valley. West Virginia; northeastern Kentucky, and the 
central and southern parts of Ohio. 

T. Convex edges; square shoulders ; slender; very long and slender 
tai^eriug or straight stem, coming almost to a point at the base. Illus- 

FlG. 215.- 

FiG. 216.— stemmed 
chipped flint. 




[ETH. AXN. 13 

trated in figure 217 (from Kanawha valley). Others are from central 

North Carolina; KauawLa. valley; southwestern Arkansas; and Cata- 
houla parish, Louisiana. The spec-imeus from the two latter districts 
have the stem wider and less pointed than the others. 

r. With one large, nmch expanded shoulder, the 
other being absentor very slight; both edges convex, 
or one convex and the other straight; stem some- 
times stniight, but usually taper- 
ing, being almost pointed in some; 
base usually convex, sometimes 
straight, rarely concave. A speci- 
men from Eoss county, Ohio, has 
the base deeply notched ; it seems 
to have been symmetrical origi- 
nally, and one barb or shoulder 
being broken, to have had that 
edge dressed down. Many were 
thus reworked, but in most cases 
it is evident that the form is 
original. Some are slender, others 

The type shown in figure 218 is 
from Bowie county, Texas. Other 
examples are from southwestern 
Arkansas; Catahoula parish, Louisiana; Scioto valley, Ohio; Kanawha 
valley; western and central North Carolina; eastern Tennessee; South 
Carolina; northeastern Alabama; as well as from northwestern Georgia 
and about Savannah. 

•Tig. 217.— Chipped 
flint, with very 
lous, slender stem. 

Fio. 218.— Stemmed 
chipped flint, with 
but one barb or 


In this class of flints the stem is expanding, unless 
the contrary is stated. The majority of specimens 
having barbs belong to this class; while those with 
straight or tapering stem usually have only square or 
rounded shoulders, the barb seldom appearing. 

A. Short and broad; base usually 
straight, sometimes convex, rarely con- 
cave ; notched in from edges to form the 
stem; very seldom with well-defined 
shoulders, and never barbed. The type, 
illustrated in figure 219, is from Kanawha 
valley. West Virginia. Found also in 

Fig. 219.— Stemmed ■" .,_ "^ , -.t , 

chipped flint, short, northeastem Kentucky; western riorth 


Fig. 220.— Stemmed 
chijiped flint. 

Carolina; northwestern Georgia and about Savannah; eastern Ten- 
nessee; Coosa valley, Alabama; and Union county, Mississippi. 

B. Edges convex, seldom straight; base straight or rarely convex 
or concave; notched in on edges close to base, so as to leave a slight 



Fig. 221. -Stemmed chippeil 
t'tint, roughly made. 

■ Fig. 222. -Stemmed 

tanj;; tliiu and well worked; from an inch to 2J inches long. All from 
Savannah have concave bases; a few are notched so as to have slight 
shoulders, and they are somewhat larger than from other localities. 
They fit better in this gronp, however, than in any other. A typical 
example, shown in figure '2'20, is 
from Montgomery county, North 
~1 Carolina. Others are from central 
i» iSfoith Carolina; eastern Tennessee; 
I southwestern Illinois ;variou8locali- 
1 ties in South Carolina; and about 
I Savannah, Georgia. 
/ C. Koughly made; unsymmetric- 
al, seemingly made hastily; of var- 
ious patterns, including all the com 
mon shapes. Nearly all with convex 
edges, tew straight, none concave, j 
Base straight or concave, often the •^^'"pped flmt 
natural surface or fracture of the stone. Sometimes made from the 
tip of a broken larger specimen. From 1 to 5 inches long; slender or 
wide; usually tiiick, except when made from a thin flake. Edges 
notched Just at the base in some, leaving a slight tang; others have 
the corners chipped out. This group is quite variable in size and in 
character of workmanship, as well as in form. The material also is 
The types (figures 221 and 222) are, respectively, from Bledsoe and 
Polk counties, Tennessee. The 
range includes eastern Tennessee; 
Kanawha valley; western North 
Carolina; eastern and southwest- 
ern Wisconsin; northeastern Ala- 
bama and Tuscaloosa valley; 
South Caroliua; southwestern and 
northeastern Arkansas; central 
Ohio and Scioto valley ; northeast- 
ern Kentucky; and southwestern 
Georgia, as well as Savannah. 

D. Edges convex, rarely straight ; 
base straight or convex; slender; 
-stemmed froui 1| to 4 inches loug; usually ria.224.- 
thin ; deeply notched, with edges 
worked close to base, leaving the latter as wide as the blade, or nearly 
so. This form could be (juite firuily attached to a shaft or handle. It 
is illustrated by figure 223, representing one of the specimens from 
Kanawha valley. It is found also in southwestern Illinois and Brown 
county in the same state; eastern, southern, and southwestern Wis- 
consin; western and central North Carolina; eastern Tennessee; 
northwestern Georgia; central Ohio and Scioto valley; southeastern 

Fig. 223.. 

chipped dint. 

-Stemmed cMpped 
flint, edges couve.^. 



I ETH. ANN. 13 

Fig 225— stemmed chipped 
fliDt, witb luDS barba 

Arkansas; northeastern Kentucky; and ('oosa and Tuscaloosa valleys, 

E. Eds'cs convex; straight or convex; 
.shoulders s(iuare or rounded; stem expanding by 
curved lines. A few are small enongh for arrows, 
but most of them are large or of medium .size. 
The specimen from Vernon county, Wisconsin, 
illustrated in figure 224, is representative. The 
group IS characteristic of southwestern Wiscon- 
sin; Kanawlia valley; central Ohio and Scioto 
valley; western and central North Carolina; east- 
ern Tennessee; .southeastern and south we.stern 
Arkansas; southwestern Illinois; South Carolina; 
Coosa valley, Alabama; and Savannah, Georgia. 

F. Edges straight or convex; long barbs, some- 
times reaching to the base; stem straight or 
slightly tapering; base straight, or very slightly 

convex or concave, usually well finished. One barb is sometimes longer 
than the other, or the stem may be to one side of the center Ime. Some- 
times made of a flake, the flat side being left untouched. 

The type shown in figure 22.5 is from Madi- 
son county, Alabama. It is found generally 
in northeastern and northwestern Alabama, 
and also in eastern Tennessee; Kanawha 
valley; Keokuk, Iowa; Holt county, Mis- 
souri; southwestern Illinois and Brown 
county in the same state; northwestern 
Georgia and about Savannah; southeastern 
and southwestern Arkansas; northeastern 
Kentucky, and western and central North 

G. Similar to the last, but with stem 
expanding by straight or curved lines; base 
always straight in larger s[)ecimeiis, .some- 
times convex or concave in smaller ones. 
Barbs varying in length, short in some and 
reaching nearly to the base in others. From 
three-fourths to 3f inches in length, and 
varying much in width. 

Figure 226 represents a typical example from Jackson county, Illinois. 
Therange,whichisquite wide, includes southwestern Illinois; northeast- 
ern, southwestern, and southeastern Arkansas; Miami and Scioto valleys, 
and central Ohio; southern aud southwestern Wisconsin; western and 
central North Carolina; eastern Tennessee; South Carolina; northeast- 
ern Kentucky; Kanawha valley; and Savannah, Georgia. 

E. Wide blade; short; convex edges; square shoulders or slight 
barbs; base convex or concave; stem broad and expanding by curved 

Fio. 226.— Stemmed chipped flint. 



Fig. 227.— Stemmed chipped flint. 

lilies; geuerully tkick. with convex base are all ofiiiedinm size, 
while those with coucave base range from 
an inch to 4 inches in length. 

The form is indicated iu figure 227, repre- 
senting a good specimen from Dane county, 
Wisconsin. It is found over southern Wis- 
consin; northeastern Alabama and Coosn 
valley; southwestern Illinois and Brown 
county in the same state; central Xortli 
Carolina; northwestern Georgia and about 
Savannah; eastern Tennessee; Miami and 
Scioto valleys, Ohio; Kanawha valley; 
southwestern Arkansas; South Carolina; 
and Keokuk, Iowa. 

/. Edges parallel, or nearly so most of the length, with nbrupt curve 
to the ijoint; base straight or slightly convex; 

stem expanding by straight 

or curved lines; notched iu 

from the corners of the base 

giving long barbs, which, iu 

a lew, project slightly be- 
yond the line of edges; thin; 

well worked; from 2 to 4 

inches long. 
The specimen illustrated 

in figure 228 is from Dane 

county, Wisconsin, and there 

are several others from 

southern Wisconsin ; soutli- 

western Illinois; Scioto val- 
ley, Ohio; and Kanawha 

, 228.— stemmed cliipped ,,„iiriTr ^IT^^ot A";>.n.;..i>. 

flint, broad point. vallcy, V\ cst V irgiiiia. 

, Edges convex or sometimes straight; base straight or slightly 
convex. Notched in on the edges, leaving the stem 
nearly or quite as wide at the bottom as the blade; 
corners of the base square or slightly rounded. Mostly 
small, suitable for arrows, though a few are larger, up 
to S^ inches. A few of these have the base polished. 
Some of the small ones are made of flakes having the 
natural, couchoidal shape and worked on one side only. 
Typical forms, shown in figures 229 and 230, are from 
Kanawha valley, and Nicholas county, Kentucky, respec- 
tively. The distribution extends also over southern and 
southwestern Wisconsin; Miami valley, Ohio; Holt 
^'°chip'p«ifliT'"^ county, Missouri; northeastern Kentucky; Brown 
county, Illinois; southwestern Arkansas; Coosa valley, Alabama; 
eastern Tennessee, and about Savannah, Georgia. 

I'lG. 229.— Stemmed cliipped 
flint, slender point. 




[eTH ANN 13 

FlQ. 231,_Steimned 
chipped flint. 

Fio. 232 Stemmed 

cliipped rtiut. thin. 

K. Straight or convex edges (a few serrated or beveled) ; base straight, 
sometiiues pohshed; notclied iu from the corners so as to give sharp 
barbs, with wide stem exjjandiug by straight lines. 
]\Iedium size. lUustratetl iu figure 231 
(Bradley county, Tennessee). Found 
iu eastern Tennessee; southwestern 
Illinois; Scioto valley; Kanawha val- 
ley; South Carolina: and about Sa- 
vannah, Georgia. 

L. Very thin; well worked; usually 
(juite .symmetrical; base straight or 
slightly concave; stem expanding by 
curved lines; with shoulders or barbs; 
base with sharp tangs. Some sijecimens quite slender, others almost 
as wide as long. Few are above two inches in length. The edge is 
sometimes a broken line instead of a regular curve. The form is 
shown in figures 232 and 233, representing specimens 
from Lawrence countj', Ohio, and 
Loudon C(mnty, Tennessee, respect- 
ively. Others are from Kanawha 
valley; Miami and Scioto valleys, 
Ohio; eastern Tennessee; western 
and central North Carolina ; Union 
county, Mississippi; northeastern 
Kentucky; and southwestern Illi- 

M. Convex edges; usually quite 
symmetric ; base generally straight, 
although sometimes convex or con- 
cave; stem expanding by straight or curved lines, and notched iu from 
the corners by a narrow notch whose sides are parallel. Sometimes 
beveled (or feathered). The barb as well as the 
notch of the same width throughout its entire 
length. The type (figure 234) is from Knox county, 
Ohio, and similar forms come from central Ohio; 
Kauawha valley; westeru North Carolina; southern 
Wisconsin; southwestern Illinois; South Carolina; 
eastern Tennessee; and Savannah, Georgia. 

K. Straight, or rarely convex, edges ; base straight 
or slightly curved, with rounded corners ; notched 
in on the edges above the corners, with shari> barbs. 
Nearly every specimen is beveled, and some are ser- 
rated. Base polished in many of them even when 
slightly concave. A good example from Boss 
Fig. 235.-stemmed couuty, Ohio, is represented in figure 235. Others 
chipped flint. jjj,g from Miami and Scioto valleys and elsewhere 

in Ohio, as well as from Kanawha valley ; eastern Tennessee; north- 


Fig. 233.— Stenuneil 
cbipjieti tliut. 

Fig. 234.- Stemmed 
chipped flint 




western Alabama; southwestern Georgia, and about Savannah in the 
same state. The style of t-hipping is frequently such as to give ser- 
rated edges, as in the specimen figured. 

0. Long; slender; thin; short, small stem; convex base; notched 
upward from the corners of the base ; short barbs. The type shown in 
figure 236 is from Loudon county, Tennessee, and other specimens come 
from eastern Tennessee and southeastern Arkansas. 

P. Convex edges and base; sometimes, though very 
seldom, the edges are nearly straight; the typical, 
leaf-shape implement, except for the notch, which is 
always worked in from the widest part of the specimen 
at right angles to the axis. The base is invariably 
polished, even in the smallest specimens. From Licking 
county (figure 237) as well as from Miami valley and 
throughout central Ohio ; Kanawha valley; eastern Ten- 
nessee; southwestern Illinois; northeastern Alabama; 
southern Wisconsin; and about Savannah, Georgia. 

Q. Edges less convex than the last, sometimes 
straight; the notches are worked in nearer the base, 
going in an angle of about 45 degrees, instead of perpen- 
dicular to the middle line or axis. Sometimes the blade 
is of uniform thickness until very close to the edges, 
which are worked off in a double chisel-edge. Very 
few of these, or of group P, are small enough for arrows. 
Usually symmetrical and well finished ; the base always ' 
polished, but whether from use or to add to the utility of the specimen 
can not be determined. From Miami valley, Oliio; Keokuk, Iowa; 
southwestern Wisconsin ; and eastern Tennessee. 

R. Diftering from the two last described only in being 
longer, and in having the stem always come to a point 
by either convex or concave lines, instead of being regu- 
larly convex; base never polished. From Kanawha 
valley, West Virginia, and central Arkansas. 

S. Edges usually straight, sometimes concave, rarely 

convex; notched in deeply ft'om edges; seldom barbed; 

stem nearly always wider than the blade, and large. 

Base convex; occasionally somewhat concave with 

rounded corners, and nearly always polished. Some 

(including ail from the Savannah collection) are beveled 

and a few have blunt and rounded points, apparently 

broken specimens reworked. From less than an inch 

to nearly 3 inches long. Even among the very small 

ones, some have the base polished. 

An implement of this form, or of any form in which the stem is wide 

or with very long tangs, and especially with concave base, would be 

well adapted for hunting purposes. The wide stem would allow firm 

13 ETH 11 

Fig. 236.— Stemmed 

, chipped flint, sk'Dder, 

with small stem. 

FlQ. 237.— Stemmed 
chipped flint, oval 
outline, notched. 



(ETH. ANN. 13 

attachment to a sliaft, whether as an arrow or a spear, and at the same 

time would be very difMcult to withdraw from a wound. The shaft 

would impede the flight of an animal pierced by the weapon, particu- 

., -.. -. larly in weeds or bushes; though greater force 

would be required with these than with the 

more slender points to make them effective. 

The type delineated in figure 238 is from 
Warren county, Ohio, and the form is well 
rejjreseuted also in Scioto and Miami valleys, 
Ohio; western North Carolina; Kanawha val- 
ley; eastern Tennessee; southern and south- 
western Wisconsin; southeastern and south- 
western Arkansas; northeastern Kentucky; 
northeastern Alabama: and about Savannah, 

T. Convex edges; base 
straight, or slightly convex 



or concave, with squaic 
corners, and nearly always 

Fig. 238.— stemmed chiiiiieil Hint. i- i i 4. ' 'j 

' ' polished ; stem as wide as 

the blade or wider. Some rather slender, others 
as wide as long. Very few are beveled, except 
those from Savannah, all of which are thus made. 

From three-fourths to 2^ 
inches long. Found in 

, rr, -TT Fig. 239. —Stemmed chip- 

easterii iennessee; Kana- ped timt, notched, ve^ 
wha valley (including the ""<'"'=™ 
specimen shown in figure 239) ; western North 
Carolina; southern and southwestern Wiscon- 
sin; South Cai'olina; southwestern Arkansas ; 
Miami valley, Ohio; and in the vicinity of 

r. Edges usually straight, sometimes con- 
vex; base regularly concave, or rounding off 
into a convex curve at the corners, and nearly 
always polished. The stem in all is wider 
than the blade. Those from Savannah are all 
beveled, and but few of them have polished 
bases. The type, illustrated in figure 240, is 
from Kanawha valley, and others come fi'om 
Kanawha valley; southern Wisconsin ; Scioto 
valley; eastern Tennessee; southwestern Illi- 
nois; and Savannah, Georgia. 
V. Edges convex, seldom straight, never concave; usually well fin- 
ished; base concave; notch worked in from the edge above the corner 
so as to leave the upper portion of the tang parallel to the lower, or base; 
corners square. Few are beveled. The length is from 1 to 4 inches, 

Fig. 240.— Stemmed chipped tiint, 
uotched. very wide stem. 




chipped dint. 


the width also varying considerably; some are widest at or near the 
middle of the blade, others are as wide at base as at any other part. 

The form is illustrated in figure 241 (Union county, Illinois). The dis- 
tribution is wide, including southwestern Illinois; uoi'th western and 
southwestern Georgia iind Savannah; northeastern Kentucky; Kan- 
awha valley; South Carolina; northwestern Alabama; 
eastern Tennessee; eastern and southern Wisconsin; 
western and central North Carolina; southeastern 
and southwestern Arkansas; Miami valley, Ohio; 
Keokuk, Iowa; and Union county, Mississippi. 

W. Edges usually convex, sometimes straight; 
notched in on the edges above the corners; base con- 
cave; some slender, others broad. Somewhat re- 
sembling the two preceding types, but more roughly 
made. From 1 to 4 inches long. Represented by 
material from western and central North Carolina; 
Kanawha valley; eastern Tennessee; northeastern 
Alabama and Coosa valley, as well as from Miami 
valley, Ohio. 

X. Small; very slender; convex edges, with wing- 
like barbs or shoulders ; stem slightly expanding by curved lines, 
rather rare type, shown in figure 242 (from Ouachita county, Arkansas), 
is known from northeastern and southwestern Arkansas, as well as 
eastern Tennessee, and Savannah, Georgia. 

r. Edges mostly straight, in a few convex; base 

straight, convex, or concave, in some specimens of each 

being polished; notched in on the edges just above the 

corners, notches usually slight; always widest at base. 

A few, including all from Savannah, are serrated or 

beveled. Very few are over an inch and a half long. They 

are nearly always thick. One from Kanawha valley has 

^chi^^feiTtfi'nr^ro *^^^ poiut woru pcifcctly smooth and the edges polished 

jectingshimkiers. jjajf way to tlic basc, showing use as a drill. Points of 

this form would make the countersunk holes so common in gorgets and 

other flat stones. 

This form is widely distributed. The type (figure 243) is from Law- 
rence county, Ohio. Its range includes Miami and 
Scioto valleys, Ohio; northwestern Georgia and Sa- 
vannah; eastern Tennessee; Kanawha valley; south- 
western Illinois, and Brown county in the same state; 
western North Carolina; Coosa valley, Alabama; south- 
western Arkansas; South Carolina; northeastern Ken- 
tucky; and eastern Wisconsin. 

Z. Very rough finish ; blade more or less worked by 
first chipping (there being usually no secondary chip- 
ping) to convex edges; base generally the natural surface of the 
nodule or pebble from which the implement was made; notches worked 

la. 243.— Stemmed 
chipped tiint. 



[ETII. ANN. 13 

in roughly ou the edges. They were probably knives or spears, or in 
some cases celts or chisels, though none show polish. With these are 
placed a few that seem to be the points of larger rough implements, 
broken and having notches worked in the fragments. A typical form, 
shown in figure 244, is from Mississippi county, Arkansas. It occurs 
also in northeastern Arkansas; Scioto valley, Ohio; western Ten- 
nessee; southwestern Illinois; and Kanawha valley. West Virginia. 



The implements variously classed by different writers as awls, drills, 
needles, riinmers or reamers, and the like, seem to represent a graded 
series, and as no distinction can be made in the different kinds, if, 
indeed, there is any room for distinction, they are grouped under one 
term, " perforators." 

Very few of the specimens could be used as drills, as most of them 
are too thin ; only those with a rhomboidal or triangular 
section would seem adapted to this purpose, and the 
majority eveu of these seem too fragile. It is more 
probable that drilling was done with a stick or horn 
with sand as a cutting medium, except in the thin tab- 
lets of slate or similar stone and in shells. The thicker 
dints would answer very well for this purpose, and the 
countersunk holes appear to indicate such an instru- 
ment. For sewing, bone would be more easily worked, 
and better suited than flint. The double-pointed 
slender specimens may have been used for bait-holders 
ill fishing; bone implements of a similar shape, with a 
hole drilled at the middle for attaching a line, have 
been seen in use among the Indians of Florida. 

Some such implement was no doubt used in the man- 
ner of a burin, especially in making the flue Hues ou 
the ornamented shells or stones; certain flints in the 
collection may have served such a purpose. 

Lubbock considers it proved that the stone of which 
FiQ. 244. - stemmed oriiameuts, carved axes, etc., are made could be worked 
chipped flint, very^j^j^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^j^^^ ^,^g engraving on the Scotch rocks, 

even on granite, was executed with this material;' and Bushmen are 
known to use triangular pieces of flint for cutting figures in rocks.^ 
Evans ^ observes that there are five ways of making holes in stone, viz : 
(1) Chiseling or picking, with '-picks," "celts," or "drills" of flint or 
other stone; (2) boring with a solid borer, as wood, hard or soft, or 
horn with sand and water; (3) grinding with a tubular grinder, as 
horn, cane, elder, etc., with sand and water; (4) drilling with a stone 

'Prehistoric Times, p. 122. 

'Holub, E., in Jour. Anth. Inst. (it. Br. and Ird., 

3 stone Implements, p. 48. 



drill, e. g., of flint or sandstoue; (5) drilling or punching with metal. 
It should be remembered that there are no evidences of the use of any 
metal except copper for economic purposes by the 
aborigines of the United States; and nearly every- 
thing of this material seems to have been ornamental 
in character. Bancroft says that the Nootka, in bor- 
ing in wood, use a bird-bone drill worked between 
the hands,' while according to Schumacher, the 
Santa Barbara Indians chip out rough disks of shell, 
pierce them with a flint drill, and enlarge the hole 
with a slender, round i^iece of sandstone.- The 
Atlantic coast Indians drilled shell beads with a nail 
stuck in a cane or stick, rolling the drill on their 
thighs with the right hand, and holding the shell in 
the left;^ and the southern Indians, according to 
C. C. Jones, pierced shell beads with heated cojiper 
drills.* Evans has found that ox-horn and sand 
make good borers,'' while low tribes on the Amazon 
make crystal tirbes an inch in diameter and up to S 
inches long by rubbing and drilling with a flexible 
shoot of wild plantain, twirled between the hands, 
with sand and water; * and Tylor expresses the opin- j-ig. 245.- Perforator, not 
ion that such operations are not the result of high atenimed. 

mechanical skill, but merely of the most simple and savage processes.' 


A. Base straight or nearly so; edges straight and parallel, sometimes 
half the length from the base, thence with concave curve which is 
reversed near the end to give a blunt point ; these, usu- 
ally the wider ones, are always thin, and were pi'obably 
knives. The smaller ones, resembling the small triangu- 
lar arrows except for the sharpened ui)per end, may have 
been for arrowheads, though the sharp points would have 
served well as awls or needles. Many of the smaller ones 
seem to be made from small broken arrowheads; exem 
plified by the specimen from Montgomery county, North 
Carolina, shown in figure 245. The collection includes ma- 
terial from western and central North Carolina; eastern 
Tennessee; Kanawha valley; northeastern Alabama; 

^tarnot^tonmld^*''^*^^^™^"^^' ^eokuk, lowa ; and Savannah, Georgia. 

double pointed. 5, Sleudcr, somcwhat larger about the middle and 

tapering to a point at each end, or regularly and gradually decreasing 

'Hayden Surv., Bui. 3, 1877, p. 43. 

* Antiq. of the Southern Indians, p. 230. 

'Native Baoes, vol. i, p. 189. 

^BrickeU; Nat. Hist, of N. C, p. 339. 

^Stnne Implements, p. 46. 

'Stevens; Flint Chips, p. 96. Tylor: Early History of Mankind, p. 188. 

'It would seem that in usinf^ a ^yood or horn drill, water would be a disadvantage, as the drill 
would swell and wear rapidly away when wet, thus choking the bore. The sand also would be forced 
into the drill instead of sticking to its surface, thus being less effective. 



[eTH. ANN. 13 


no. 247.— Per- 
forator, not 
Btemmtjfl. doubin 

Fig. 248.— Perforator, 
not stemmed, rouyh 

from base to point. Some are undoubtedly arrowheads, as they are too 
blunt or too thin to have been used for piercing. Others show marks 
of use which could have been produced in no way except by drilling 
in stone. The specimen illustrated in figure 240 (from 
Kanawha valley) shows this to a marked degree, while 
that shown in figure 247 (from Nicholas 
county, Kentucky) is without such indi- 
cations. The distribution of this form 
is wide, including Kanawha valley; 
^A'll northeastern Kentucky; southwestern 
Illinois; southwestern Arkansas; south- 
western Wisconsin ; Coosa valley, Ala- 
bama; northwestern and southwestern 
Georgia, and Savannah; eastern Ten- 
nessee; and Scioto valley, Ohio. 

C. With the base very large in ratio 
to the point or piercer; sometimes the 
entire implement is worked smooth or 
thin, again it is the natural fragment or 
chip of stone entirely unwoi'ked except a point flaked on one part or 
edge. The piercer varies from one-fourth of an inch to two inches in 
length. It could have been iitilized only as an "awl" or "needle," 
the base being held by the thumb and finger. This variable form is 
represented in figure 248 (from Lawrence county, Ohio). It comes from 
Scioto valley; Kanawha valley; western and central jSI^orth Carolina; 
northeastern Kentucky; Keokuk, Iowa; southwestern and southeastern 
Arkansas; eastern Tennessee; and Savannah, Georgia. 

D. Piercer thin and slender; base thin, expanding 
to a wing-like ijrojection on each side. Very few are 
strong enough to have been used for drilling even in 
soft material, but they are excellent for piercing 
leather or similar substances. The expanding wings 
I would make them good points for 
hunting and fishing arrows, as they 
would have great lienetrating power 
and be very difficult to extract from a 
wound, while allowing very firm attach- 
ment to a shaft. The type, shown in 
figure 249, is from Kanawha valley. 
Other specimens come from the same 
locality, and also from southwestern 
Illinois, and Brown county in the same 
Fio. 249.- Perforator, state; easteiu Tennessee; Keokuk, fig. 250.— Perforator, 

not .steiiinied, ex- <-, • . n ^-., • -i . not stemmed exl 

panding base. lowa; SciOtO Valley, Ohio; northeast- pandlng base. ' 

ern Kentucky; southern Wisconsin; and Savannah, Georgia. 

jEJ. With slight expansion at the base. These may be thick or thin, 
wide or narrow, and, according to their different forms, might be used 



as drills, ])iercers, or arrowheads. A good example (presented in figure 
250) is from Kanawha valley, West Virginia. It is found also in north- 
eastern Kentucky, northeastern and southeastern Arkansas; eastern 
Tennessee; southwestern Illinois; and southwestern Wisconsin. 

All of the foregoing perforators are without stems, unless the larger 
portion left at the base may be considered as such. 


Fig. 252.- 
stenimeil, very \ 

The form of the stem and shoulders among ]>erforators is often the 
same as in the stemmed arrowheads, etc., pre- 
viously described. 

A. Stem usually tapering; shoulder more or 
less defined; never barbed; blade wide at 'the 
part next to the stem, tapering rapidly by con- 
cave lines to a sharp point. Probably siiear- 
points or large arrowheads with the blade 
worked to a point. The type, shown in figure 251, 
is from Kanawha valley. 

-B. Slender point; wide wings 
or shoulders; stem straight or 
nearly so; the implement hav- 
ing the form of a cross. Some 
are less than an inch long, and 

very delicately worked, while fig. 251.— Perforator, stemmed. 

rt^verTwkfo Others reach 3 inches in length, and are thick. Some 
from Savannah have very broad stems. There is a good 
example (figure 252) from Ouachita county, Arkansas, and others from 

southwestern Arkansas; 
western North Carolina; 
and Savannah, Georgia. 
C. Narrow and thick 
almost of a diamond or 
round section; stem ex- 
jjanding or straight; with 
slight shoulders, some- 
times slightly barbed. 
Some of the thinner ones, 
probably arrows, have a 
lenticular section ; a few 
are triangular in section. 
This form is well suited for drilling, and many of the specimens show 
marks of such use, especially the one illustrated (figure 253), the edges 
of which are striated almost the entire length. This is from Mason 
county, Kentucky ; and the distribution of the tyjje includes Kanawha 
valley; Scioto valley, Ohio; eastern Tennessee ; northeastern Alabama; 
"western and central North Carolina; southeastern and northeastern 

Fin. 253. — Perforator, stemmed. 

Fig. 254. — Perforator, 



[ Era AxN. 13 

Arkansas; Brown county, Illinois ; South Carolina; and northeastern 
Kentucky. Thus the type is common and its geographic range broad. 
2>. Long, slender point; shoulders wide or slightly barbed; stem 
straight, tapering, or expanding: edges straight or concave. Some 
would make good piercers for soft material, but very few could be used 
as drills. A majority would be good arrowheads. Some have the edges 
smooth, but if this was caused by drilling it 
must have been done in enlarging holes already 
made, since the implements so marked are very 
thin. The faces of the blades show no polish or 
smoothness, such as might result from use as 
knives. The specimen illustrated (figure 254) is 
from Madison county, Alabama; others from 
northeastern Alabama and Coosa valley; Scioto 
valley, Ohio; eastern Tennessee; western and 
central North Carolina; southwestern Arkansas; 
Kanawha valley; and Savannah, Georgia. 
Fig. 255.-Perforator. stemmed, E. Stem may be of any form; wide shoulders; 
with cutting, point j^g^.gj. ijai-bed; point or piercer narrow, well 

worked, with edges parallel its entire length, and terminating in a cut- 
ting edge instead of a point. This form (shown in figure 255) is found 
only in the collection from Savannah, Georgia. 

Blunt Arrowheads, or "Bunts." 

Certain arrowheads have the end opposite the base rounded or flat- 
tened instead of pointed. Commonly, both faces are worked oflf equally, 
to bring the edge opposite the middle line of the blade, though some- 
times it may be a little to one side. The stem 
and base are of any form found in the common 
patterns of arrowheads. Few are barbed, 
though many have shoulders. For the most 
part, they are probably made from the ordi- 
nary spearpoints or arrowheads and knives 
that have had the jjoints broken off, though 
some seem to have been intentionally made 
this way originally. A few are smooth or 
polished at the ends, as though used as 
knives or scrapers; but most of them have no marks except such as 
would result from being struck or shot against some hard substance; 
even this being absent in many of them, as in the specimen represented 
in the accompanying figure. 

Jones saysthat crescent-shaped arrows were used by southern Indians 
for shooting oflf birds' heads,' and it is known that chisel-shape arrows 
were much used during the Middle Ages.'* 

This type of aboriginal implement or weapon is shown in figure 256, 
representing a specimen from Savannah, Georgia. Other examples 

' Quoted by Dawson ; Fossil Men, p. 124. 
* Evans ; Stone ImplemeutH, p 853. 

Fig. 256.— Blunt arrowhead, or 
" bunt." 




come from eastern Tennessee ; Kanawha valley ; western Nortli Caro- 
lina; southern and southwestern Wisconsin; southwestern Illinois; 
Scioto valley, Ohio; and Savannah, Georgia. 


The same remarks as to form and method of making apply to 
stemmed scrapers as to blunt arrows, exceiit that the chipping of the 
end is always from one face so as to produce a chisel edge. This edge 
is freq uently smooth or polished from use. They would answer very well 

for smoothing dowuarti- 
cles made of wood, or 
for cleaning hides in tan- 
ning; they would also 
serve excellently for re- 
moving scales from fish, 
and as they are usually 
abundant in the vicinity 

l-'ia.2S7.-St,Mi,m.<l scraper. Of gOOd flshiug JllaCCS, 

they were no doubt employed for this purpose. 

The material in the Bureau collection is represented by the specimens 
shown in figures 257 and 258, from Savannah, Georgia, and Danecounty, 
Wisconsin, respectively. Other exam- 
ples come from southern Wisconsin; 
southwestern Illinois ; Kanawha valley, 
West Virginia ; northeastern Kentucky; 
Miami valley, Ohio ; central North Caro- 
lina; eastern Tennessee ; and Savannah, 


A few quotations regarding the use no. 258. -stemmed scraper. 

and mode of manufacture of stemless scrapers may be given : 

According to Evans, they are made by laying a flake flat side up on 
a stone, and chipping ofl" around the edge with a hammer. The point 
struck must rest directly on the under stone, and but a thin spall is 
struck oft' at each blow.' Leidy observed that the Shoshoni by a quick 
blow strike oft' a segment of a quartz bowlder in such a way as to form 
a circular or oval implement flat on one side, convex on the other, which 
is used as a scraper in dressing buffalo hides ;^ and according to Knight 
the Australians obtain, in exactly the same way, specimens which they 
use as axes.' Peale remarks that while hides are green they are 
stretched on the ground and scraped with an instrument resembling an 
adze;'' and Dodge says more explicitly that when the stretched skin has 
become hard and dry, the woman goes to work on it with an adze like 

> stone nnplements. 
'Hayden Survey, 1872, p. 653. 

'Smith.sonian Report for 1879, p. 236. 
«rbld, 1870, p. 390. 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

instrument, with a short handle of wood or elkhorn tied on with raw- 
hide: holding this in one hand, she chips at the hardened skin, cutting 
off a thin shaving at every blow.' 
The scrapers of this class in the Bureau collection are as follows: 

A. Chipped over the entire surface to the form of the ordinary celt, 
except that the scraping edge is in the same plane with one face. Some 
have a scraping edge at each end. In a few the flat or straight face 

is chipped off slightly, bring- 
ing the edge toward the mid- 
dleline ; but this was probably 
done after the im])lement had 
become broken or blunted 
from use. When there is any 
polish, it is always on the flat 
face, showing use as an adze, 
or, possibly, as aplane. Vary- 
ingmuch in width, somemeas- 
uring almost the same in either 
direction, while others are 
more like the " chisel " celts, 
though the position of the 
cutting edge shows their use. 
A typical specimen (figure 
259) Is from 
Jackson coun- 

Fiii . 259.— Sf emli<89 scraper, celt form. ty, Illinois; 

others come from Brown county and the southwestern 
part of the state generally ; from northeastern Kentucky ; 
Keokuk, Iowa; southwestern Wisconsin; eastern Ten- 
nessee; and central Ohio. 

B. Flakes or si)alls, chipped always from the concave 
side of the fragment. Some of the smaller specimens, 
usually those of somewhat circular outline, are chipped 
nearly, or in some cases entirely, around the edge. Fig- 
ure 260 represents a specimen from Mason county, Ken- 
tucky. Others come from northeastern Kentucky ; east- 
ern Tennessee ; Holt county, Missouri ; Kanawha valley ; 
southwestern Wisconsin ; Miami valley, and central Ohio ; 
Coosa valley, Alabama; Union county, Mississi])pi ; and Savannah, 


The generally accepted name "cores" is applied to the blocks from 
which are struck ott' the flakes to be next described. 

Dr. Gillespie^ claimed that objects of this kind were made so inten- 
tionally, and that the flakes are simply the refuse or waste material. 


Fig. 260.— Stemless 
scraper, flake. 

I Our Wild Iiirtians, p. 256. 

■'Gillespi.-, Dr. W. ; Jimr. Antli. lust. Gt. Br. and Ird., v<d. vi. p. 260. 




He gives six reasons for this belief, but au examination of the objects 
themselves would show that he is in error. That some might have 
been used as scrapers may be true, but very few are suited for such 
work, and not one shows the least mark of wear that could result from 
this use. 

The specimens in tlie Bureau collection, with perhaps half a dozen 
exceptions, are from the aboriginal quarries at Flint ridge, in Licking- 
county, Ohio, oi of the material so abundant at that place. 

All are small, few being of a size to furnish flakes over three inches 
long. The flakes were un- 
doubtedly struck off by means 
of stone hammers, hundreds ol 
which are to be found about the 
quarries, or removed by pres- 
sure, many showing the bulb of 
percussion, others being per- 
fectly smooth on the flat face. 
Usually all the flakes were ob- 
tained from only one side of the 
core until it became too small " Fm 261. -cores. 

to work (figure 261). Occasionally^they were chipped 
from opposite sides, leaving the core of a conical or 
cylindrical shape (as represented in figure 262). 

Cores and finely chipped implements of the Flint 
ridge stone have been taken from the mounds in 
Kanawha valley, West Virginia, and Scioto valley, 
Ohio, showing that the mound builders are to be 
credited with at least a part of the great amount of 
work done in those localities; but it seems a mis- 
take to say, as some authors have done, that the 
"turtlebacks" found in caches in southern Illinois 
Fio. 262.-cor6. are from the same source, as the stoue is entirely 
different, and occurs abundantly in the vicinity in which the specimens 
are found. 


The use to which were put the narrow, thin flakes so abundantly found 
in many parts of the world has caused some discussion. Schoolcraft 
says that the Dakota bleed patients by scarifying with these flakes; or 
sometimes one is fixed into the end of a piece of wood, held over a vein, 
and driven in as far as the wood will let it go,' the use being similar to 
that of the modern fleam. Harpoons in the Kurile islands are made of 
bone, with a deep groove along each side; in these grooves thin and 
sharp flat flakes are fastened with gum.^ According to Evans, similar 
flakes were used for scraping,^ just as broken glass is used among mod- 

' Indian Tribes, vol l, p. 253. 
* Nilason ; Stone Age, p. 46. 
'Stoue ImpleiuentH, p. 256. 

172 STONE ART. [eth.anh. 13 

em woodworkers. Flakes have been found in the Swiss lakes in wooden 
handles in the fashion of Eskimo knives; also in Australia with skin 
wrapped around one end to protect the hand.' 

All the iiakes in the Bureau collection are small, few of them being 
over three inches long. They are found elsewhere with a length of over 
afoot; but the nature of the Hint occurring in the United States is 
seldom such as to allow flakes to be struck off equaling in size those 
found in Europe. 

Evans says that blows with a pebble will form just such flakes as 
those produced by an iron hammer; the blows must, however, be deliv- 
ered in exactly the right spot and with the proper force. Cores some- 
times show markings of hammers when struck too near the edge. 
Flakes can be produced by using a pebble as a set or punch and strik- 
ing it with a stone. The use of a set was jirobably the exception 
rather than the rule, for great T)recision may be obtained simply with 
a hammer held in the hand. The Eskimo use a hammer set in a han- 
dle to strike off flakes, or strike them off by slight taps with a hammer 
of jade, oval in shape, about 2 by 3 inches, and secured to a bone handle 
with sinew.' 

According to Tylor, the Peruvian Indians work obsidian by laying a 
bone wedge ou the surface of a piece and tapping it until the stone 
cracks;'' while the Indians of Mexico hold a piece of obsidian 6 or 8 
inches long between their feet, then holding the crosspiece of a T- 
shape stick against the breast they place the other end against the 
stone and force off a piece by pressure." 

Nilssou says that the Eskimo set a point of deer horn into a handle 
of ivory and drive off splinters from the chert, ^ and Redding saw a 
Cloud river Indian make flakes thus: Holding a piece of obsidian in 
his hand, he placed the straight edge of a piece of split deer horn, four 
inches long and half an inch in diameter, at a distance from the edge 
of the stone equal to the thickness of the arrow he wished to make; 
then striking the other end with a stone he drove off a flake." Schu- 
macher observed that the Klamath Indians heat a stone and break it 
into fragments at a single blow.' 

According to Stevens the Shasta Indian lays a stone anvil on his knee, 
and holding on the anvil the stone which he is working,^ strikes off a 
flake one-fourth of an inch thick with a stone hammer; but Powers 
says the Shasta Indians heat a stone and allow it to cool slowly, which 
splits it into flakes,' and Bancroft that they place an obsidian pebble 

1 stone Implements, p. 263. 

2 Ibid., pp. 20, 23, and 35. 
^ Anahuac, p. 99. 

« Ibid, pp. 231,232 (note), 

* Stone Age. p. 261 (note). 

^ Amer. Naturalist, vol, XIII, p, 665. 

' Hayden Survey. Bui. 3, 1877, p. 547. 

' Flint Chip.s, ii. 77. 

9 ContributioL s to N, A. Etli., vol, ill, p. 104. 




on an anvil of stone and split it with an agate chisel to the required 
size.' The Shoshoni or Snake Indians of the northwest work in the 
same way,^ and certain California Indians strike off flakes from a mass 
of agate, Jasper, or chalcedony with a stone hammer,^ while the Apache 
break a bowlder -of hornstone with a heavy stone hammer having a 
twisted withe for a handle.* 

Schoolcraft says experience has taught the Indians that some varie- 
ties of hornstone (flint) are less easily fractured than others, and that 
the conchoidal form is found best iu softer varieties; also that weath- 
ered fragments are managed with greater difQcnlty than are those 
freshly quarried.'' 

Evans points out that in making gunflints much depends ui)on the 
condition of the stone as regards the moisture it contains, those that 
have been too long exposed on the surface becoming intractable, and 
there is also a difliculty in working those that are too moist. Some of 
the workers, however, say that a flint which has been some time 
exposed to the air is harder than one recently dug, yet it works equally 

It is related that in former times white hunt- 
ers in Ohio and Kentucky, when they needed , 
a gunttint, would select a fragment from the 
surface, where practicable, and soak it in oil ' 
for several weeks " to make it tough ;" other- 
wise it would shatter to fragments when 

Fre(iuently the large flat spalls knocked 
from blocks or chunks of flint in shaping 
them, or in obtaining pieces to work, are of 
such form that very little additional labor 
converts them into serviceable scrapers, 
knives, spears, or arrows. A number of such 
pieces are found in the collection. These, 
however, are not considered in the Hakes now to be described: 

A. Edges bluntly chipped (from the concave side) for use as scrapers. 
They may or may not have notches for attachment to a handle. An 
examjfle from Kanawha valley, West Virginia, is shown in figure 203. 
Others come from southwestern Arkansas; Kanawha valley; Miami 
and Scioto valleys, and central Ohio. 

B. Trimmed only enough to give a general leaf shape, the faces being 
left unchanged; for use as knives or arrowheads, most of them being 
exceedingly small; notched, or with continuous edges. This form is 

-Flake, chipped for 

• Native "Races, vol. i, p. 342. 
^Scaioolcraft; Inilian Tribes, vol. i, p. 212. 

3 Steveus; Flint Chip.s, p. 78 (from Power.s). 

* Catlin; Last Rambles Aiiioiij; the ludiaus, p. 187. 
'• Indian Tribes, vol. in, p. 467. 

^ Stone Implements, p. 17. 



(ETH. ANN. 13 

represented by the specimen from Lickins" county, Ohio, illustrated 
in fl<;ure 204. It is found in central Ohio; north- 
eastern Arkansas; Coosa valley, Ala- 
bama; eastern Tennessee ; and west- 
ern North Carolina. 

G. Long, slender, with three or 
four facets on one face, caused by 
others having' been struck oft' above. 
The edges are as keen as broken 
glass, and the points are usually 
quite sharp. In a great many the 
points have been worked off by fine, 
secondary chipping. When this is 
done, it is always at the end which 
was struck in knocking off the flake. 
In some cases it may be due to tlje 
shattering effects of the blow; but 
in many siiecimens the evidence is 

Fig. 264.— FlaUe, chipped , . 

for knife or arrow iiead. plaiu that it was douc attcrward tor 
the purjjose of making a sharper point. Some flakes of this kind 

Fig. 265.— Flake, 
.sleuder, probar 
blv for lauuet. 

a sharper point, 
have notches for attachment to a shaft, prob- 
ably for arrows ; such specimens, however, 
are without the secondary chipping, and the 
notches are at the end opposite the one struck. 
A good example, shown in figure 265, is 
from Kanawha valley, and there are others 
from the same locality, as well as from 
Miami valley, Ohio; and Union county, 

Miscellaneous Forms. 

Prom the Savannah collection there are 
several forms of chipped flints which, while 
resembling the foregoing in various ways, 
Ijresent characters which make it necessary 
to place them by themselves; and while con- 
taining a majority of the types described 
above, this collection has many that have 
no counterpart from any other section visited 
by the Bureau collectors. Some of these 
unique specimens of aboriginal art are 

FiQ. 266.— stemmed chipped flint, amoilg the followin g : 

A. Edges double curved, expanding to a wide point at the shoulder; 
stein straight or tapering; base either straight or slightly convex. 
The type of the group is quite well represented in figure 266. 




B. Edges concave ; base and stem straight; very wide projections or 
wings at the slioulders, going in by straight or curved lines to the stem 
(illustrated in figure 207). 

C. Edges concave, changing to convex at the shoulders, and curving 
around to the stem, which is straight or slightly expanding; base 
straight or very slightly convex (figure 208). 

D. Convex edges, widening into greatly expanding barbs; base 
straight; stem expanding by straight lines (figure 209). 


Fin. 2(»7.— Stemmed chljiped flint, 

Fig. 268 — Stemmetl chipped flint. 

^. Broad; double-curved edges; notched in from the base, and barbs 
worked so as to be narrowest near the blade, with the ends straight or 
round; stem expanding by straight lines; base straight (figure 270). 

F. Edges nearly straight to the barbs, which ai'e worked off to a 
point toward the stem; base convex and wide; stem expanding by 
curved lines (figure 271). 

FlQ. 269. -Stemmed chiiipcd flint, 

Fig. 270.. 

-Stemmed chijiped flmt, 

O. Rather slender; base nearly straight, either convex or concave; 
stem rapidly expanding; notched in from the corners, making long 
slender barbs which project beyond the line of the edges (as illustrated 



[ET« ANN. 13 

in figure 272). The same form comes from Dougherty county, south- 
western Georgia, as well as from Savannah. 

H. Straight or convex edges ; base straight or slightly convex ; stem 
to one side of the center, leaving one barb longer and larger than the 
other (figure 273). 

/. Triangular, notched in from tlie bottom; , 
barbs extend down even with the base, or the I 
base is sometimes worked baci^, leaving it shorter 
than the barbs; some arebeveled (figure 274). The 
same form is found in southwestern Georgia. 

J. Broad; straight edges; base straight or 
concave; stem straight or expanding; long, 

rounded barbs ( figure 275 ). 
K. From Arkansa.s county, 

Arkansas, there is an imple- 
ment of basanite or black 

jasper, of the general tyi)e of 

figure 180 or 182, the point 

being broken off'. The base 

has been worked down to a 

sharp edge, the stem highly 

polished on both faces. This 
polish does not extend to the faces of the blade, but both edges are 
rubbed smooth so far as they now extend. Whether the implement was 
originally iwinted and used as a knife or spear, this sharp edge being 
given the stem after it was broken, or whether it was so made in the first 
place, can not be determined. Like the various forms with polished 
base, the specimen seems to indicate a manner of mounting or of use 
the reverse of what would be expected. It is shown in figure 276. 

Fig. 271.— Stemmed 
chilijied Hint. 

Fig. 27 

:. — stemmed chipped 
flmt. slender. 

Fig. '273.— Stemmed 
chii>i>eil tiiut. 

Fig. 274. — Stemmed 
chipped Hint, triiin-iuhir. 

Fig. 275.— Stemmed 
chipped dint. 

Figure 277 shows an implement from Licking county, Ohio, some- 
what of the form of figure 205, except that it is wider and much 
thinner. It is worn smooth on each edge for % inch from the point, the 
point itself being quite blunt. This probably results from use as a 
knife or drill; though, if due to the latter cause, the material on which 



it was used must have beeu quite soft or tbiu. Similar wear is seen on 
implements from the same locality of the form of figures 176 and 223, 
but this article is smaller than those represented by the figures. 
In figure 278 is shown a small knife of the pattern so common in 

Fig. 276.— Chiiiped flinf , with 
sharp-edged ateni. 

V\o. 277.— Stemmed chipped flint, 
Itoint hlimted from use. 

specimens mounted in antlers, from the Swiss lake dwellings. In out- 
line it resembles the arrowheads having straight edges and a convex 
base ; but the side view shows the purpose for which it was made. Sim- 

FlG. 278. — Stemmed chipped tlint. 

ilar pieces are found throughout central Ohio, and along Ohio river 
from the Kanawha to the Miami. 


In the beveled flints the side-chipping producing the bevel is always 
to the left, as may be seen in figure 235; only one exception to this has 
been found. It has been supposed that this is done to give a rotary 
motion to an arrow. Morgan' says that "arrowheads are occasion- 
ally found with a twist to make the arrow revolve in its flight;" and 

' League of the Iroquois, p. 358. 

13 ETH- 


178 STONE ART. [eth.ann.13 

the same statement has often been made by others. It may be objected, 
however, that very few of these beveled specimens are small enough for 
arrowheads; and modern archers have shown that the shape does not 
affect the flight of the arrow. 

Schoolcraft, ' Powers, '^ Morgan, ' and Cheever ^ say that the mod- 
ern Indians sometimes have a spiral arrangement of the feathers 
on their arrow to produce a rotary motion or "rifling." This rotary 
motion is supposed to keep the arrow in a straight course, as without 
it a deviation from the direct line would tend constantly to increase. 
But as showing that the rotary motion is not always desired, Dodge 
says that SDmetimes the blade, in regard to the string notch, is set so 
as to be perpendicular, to go in between the ribs of game; again, so as 
to be horizontal, to go in between the ribs of an enemy. ^ 

The beveled flints were probably used for skinning game, as they are 
better fitted for this than for anything else, and would serve such pur- 
pose better than almost any other form of the smaller chipped flints. 
The bevel is such as would be necessary if the implement were held in 
the right hand and pulled toward the user. 

There are a great many specimens in the collection, both in the 
ground or pecked and in the chipped implements, which can not be 
classified with any of the objects herein described; but they are to be 
considered as due rather to individual whims than as representative of 
a type. 

■ Indian Tribes, vol. I, p. 213. « Amer. Nat., vol. IV, p. 140. 

2 Cont. to X. A. Etli., Till. Ill, p. 52. » Our Wild Indians, p. 418. 

3 League of the Iroquois, pp. 306, 308. 









Introduction 185 

The region and its literature 185 

Physical description of the country 189 

Distribution and olassificatiou of ruins - . - 192 

Plans and descriptions 195 

Stone villages 195 

Cavate lodges 217 

Bowlder-marked sites 235 

Irrigating ditches and horticultural works 238 

Structural characteristics 248 

Masonry and other details 248 

Door and window openings 251 

Chimneys and fireplaces 256 

Conclusions 257 



Plate X. Map showing distrihtition of ruins and location of area treated 

with reference to ancient pueblo region 185 

XI. Map showing distribution of ruins in the basin of the Rio Verde.. t87 

XII. Ground plan of ruin near mouth of Limestone creek 189 

XIII. Main court, ruiu near Limestone creek 191 

XIV. Euin atmouthof the East Verde 193 

XV. Main court, ruin at mouth of the East Verde 195 

XVI. Ruin at mouth of Fossil creek 197 

XVII. Ground plan of ruins opposite Verde 199 

XVIII. General view of ruins opposite Verde 201 

XIX. Southern part of ruins opposite Verde 203 

XX. General view of ruin on southern side of Clear creek 205 

XXI. Detailed view of ruin on southern side of Clear creek 207 

XXII. General view of ruin 8 miles north of Fossil creek 209 

XXIII. General view of ruins on an eminence 14 miles north of Fossil creek 211 

XXI V. General view of northern end of a group of cavate lodges 213 

XXV. Map of group of cavate lodges 215 

XXVI. Strata of northern canyon wall 217 

XXVII. Euin on northern point of cavate lodge canyon 219 

XXVIII. Cavate lodge with walled front 221 

XXIX. Open front cavate lodges on the Rio San Juan 223 

XXX. Walled front cavate lodges on the Rio San Juan 224 

XXXI. Cavate lodges on the Rio Grande 225 

XXXII. Interior view of cavate lodge, group D 227 

XXXIII. Bowlder-marked site 229 

XXXIV. Irrigating ditch on the lower Verde 231 

XXXV. Old irrigating ditch, showing cut through low ridge 233 

XXXVI. Old ditch near Verde, looking westward 235 

XXXVII. Old ditch near Verde, looking eastward 237 

XXXVIII. Bluff over ancient ditch, sliowing gravel stratum 239 

XXXIX. Ancient ditch and horticultural works on Clear creek 241 

XL. Ancient ditch around a knoll, Clear creek 243 

XLI. Ancient work on Clear creek 245 

XLII. Gateway to ancient work. Clear creek 247 

XLIII. Single-room remains on Clear creek 249 

XLI V. Bowlder foundations near Limestone creek 251 

XLV. Masonry of ruin near Limestone creek 253 

XL VI. Masonry of ruin opposite Verde 255 

XL VII. Standing walls opposite Verde 257 

XLVIII. Masonry of ruin at mouth of the East Verde 259 

XLIX. Doorway to cavate lodge 260 

L. Doorway to cavate lodge 261 




Fig. 279. Sketch map, site of small ruin 10 miles north of Fossil creek 200 

280. Ground plan of ruin at mouth of the East Verde 201 

281. Ground plan of ruin near tlie mouth of Fossil creek 204 

282. Sketch map, site of ruin above Fossil creek 20.5 

28.3. Sketch map of rum 9i miles above Fossil creek 206 

284. Sketch map showmg location of ruins opposite Verde 207 

285. Ground plan of ruin ou southern side of Clear creek 211 

286. Ground plan of ruin 8 miles north of Fossil creek 213 

287. Sketch map of ruins on pinnacle 7 miles north of Fossil creek 216 

288. Remains of small rooms 7 miles north of Fossil creek 216 

289. Diagram showing strata of canyon wall 218 

290. Walled storage cist 221 

291. Plan of cavate lodges, group D 226 

292. Sections of cavate lodges, group I) 227 

293. Section of water pocket 228 

294. Plan of cavate lodges, group A 229 

295. Sections of cavate lodges, group .1 230 

296. Plan of cavate lodges, group B 231 

297. I'lan of cavate lodges, group E - 232 

298. Plan of cavate lodges, group C 233 

299. Map of an ancient irrigation ditch 239 

300. Part of old irrigating ditch 241 

301. Availed front cavate lodges - 250 

302. Bowlders iu footway, cavate lodges 252 

303. Framed doorway, cavate lodges 253 

304. Notched doorway iu Canyon de Chelly 254 

305. Notched doorway in Tusayau - 255 


By Cosmos Mindeleff 



The region described iu the following pages comprises the valley of 
the Rio Verde, in Arizona, from Verde, in eastern central Yavapai 
connty, to the confluence with Salt river, iu Maricopa county. 

The written history of the region treated extends back only a few 
years. Since the aboriginal inhabitants abandoned it, or were driven 
from it, the hostile Apache and Walaiiai roamed over it without hin- 
drance or opposition, and so late as twenty-five years ago, when the 
modern settlement of the region commenced, ordinary jiursuits were 
almost imi)ossible. Some of the pioneer settlers are still in possession, 
and are occupying the ground they took up at the time when the rifle 
was more necessary for successful agriculture than the plow. 

The first notice of this region is derived from the report of Espejo, 
who visited some "mines" north and east of the present site of I'res- 
cott early in 1.583; in 1598 Farfan and Quesada of Oiiate's expedition 
visited probably the same locality from Tusayan, and in 1004 Oiiate 
crossed the country a little way north of the present Prescott, in one 
of his journeys in search of mineral wealth. Nothing seems to have 
come of these expeditions, however, and the remoteness of the region 
■from the highways of travel and its rough and forbidding character 
caused it to remain unknown for over two centuries. It was not until 
the active prospecting for gold and silver accompanying the American 
invasion and conquest began that the country again became known. 
Valuable mines were discovered east and south of the site of Prescott, 
some of them as early as 183G; but it was not until after 1860 that any 
considerable amount of work was done, and the mining development of 
this region, now one of the best known in Arizona, may be said to date 
from about 1865. Camp Verde was first established in 1861, at a point 
on the northern side of Beaver creek, but was not regularly occupied 
until 1806. In 1871 it was removed to its present location, about a mile 
south of the previous site. It was abandoned as a military post in 1891, 
and gradually lost the military element of the name. 



Concerning the archeologic remains of the Rio Verde valley almost 
nothing is known. In the early history of Arizona the Verde was 
known as Eio San Francisco, and vague rumors of large and important 
ruins were current among trap])ers and prospectors. The Pacific rail- 
way reports, published in 185G, mention these ruins on the authority 
of the guide to Lieut. Whipple's party, Leroux by name. Other notices 
are found here and there iu various books of exploration and travel 
published during the next two decades, but no systematic examination 
of the region was made and the accounts are hardly more than a men- 
tion. In 1878 Dr. W. J. Hoffman, at that time connected with the 
Haydeu Survey, published descriptions of the so-called Montezuma 
well and of a large cliff ruin on Beaver creek, the latter accompanied 
by an illustration.' The descriptions are slight and do not touch the 
region herein discussed. 

The first xjublicatiou of importance to the present inquiry is a short 
paper by Dr. E. A. Mearns, U. S. Army, in the Popular Science Monthly 
for October, 1890. Dr. Mearns was stationed for some years at Camp 
Verde, and improved the opportunity afforded by numerous hunting- 
expeditions and tours of duty to acquaint himself with the aboriginal 
remains of the Verde valley. He published a map showing the distri- 
bution of remains in that region, described several ruins in detail, and 
illustrated some pieces of pottery, etc., found by him. The article is 
unfortunately very short, so short that it is hardly more than an intro- 
duction to the wide field it covers; it is to be hoped that Dr. Mearns 
will utilize the material he has and publish a more comprehensive 

The remains in the valley of Rio Verde derive an additional interest 
from their position in the ancient pueblo region. On the one hand they 
are near the southwestern limit of that region, and on the other hand 
they occupy an intermediate position between the ruins of the Gila and 
Salt river valleys and those of the northern districts. The limits of 
the ancient pueblo region have not yet been defined, and the accom- 
panying map-(plate x) is only preliminary. It illustrates the limited 
extent of our knowledge of the ancient jiueblo region as well as the 
distribution of ruins within that region, so far as they are known; and 
the exceptional abundance of ruins noted on certain portions of the 
map means only that those parts are better known than others. Not- 
withstanding its incompleteness, it is the best available and is pub- 
lished in the hope that it will serve as a nucleus to which further 
data may be added until a complete maj) is produced. 
^ The ruins in the Gila valley, including those along Salt river, are less 
known than those farther northward, but we know that there is a 
marked difference between the type exemplified by the well-known 
Casa Grande, near Florence, Arizona, and that of which the best speci- 
mens (notably the Chaco ruins) are found in the San Juan basin. This 

■ Tenth Ann. Rep. U. S. Geol. Survey for 1876 (Washington, 1878), p. 477. 





Compiled from U.S.Geological Survey Maps 
Localions principally bi) Or. Mearns USA 

Contour Infori'al lOOO feet 


CI ^.ftUlffS Of ftLLA6£S 

H-- - <A3ff O^CLLINA 

\X " ■■ CMYATC L006ES 


dift'ereuce may be due only to a difterent environment, necessitating a 
change in material employed and consequent on this a change ia 
methods, although it seems to the writer that the difference is perhaps 
too great to be accounted for in this way. Be the cause what it may, 
there is no doubt that there is a dift'erence/ and it is reasonable to 
expect that in the regions lying between the southern earth-constructed 
and the northern stone structures, intermediate types might be found 
which would connect them. The valley of Rio Verde occupies such an 
intermediate position geographically, but the architectural remains 
found in it belong to the northern type ; so we must look elsewhere for 
connecting links. The most important ruin in the lower Verde region 
occurs near its southern end, and more distinctly resembles the northern 
ruins than the ruins in the northern part of that region. 

Although the examination of this region failed to connect the north- 
ern and southern types of house structure, thepeculiar conditions here 
are exceptionally valuable to the study of the principles and methods 
of pueblo building. Here remains of large villages with elaborate 
and complex ground plan, indicating a long period of occupancy, are 
found, and within a short distance there are ruins of small villages 
with very simple ground plan, both produced under the same environ- 
ment; and comparative study of the two may indicate some of the 
principles which govern the growth of villages and whose result can 
be seen in the ground plans. Here also there is an exceptional devel- 
opment of cavate lodges, and corresponding to this development an 
almost entire absence of clifif dwellings. From the large amount of 
data here a fairly complete idea of this phase of pueblo Jife maybe 
obtained. This region is not equal to the Gila valley in data for the 
study of horticultural methods practiced among the ancient Pueblos, 
but there is enough to show that the inhabitants reliied principally and, 
perhaps, exclusively on horticulture for means of subsistence, and that 
their knowledge of horticultural piethods was almost, if not quite, 
equal to that of their southern heiglibors. The environment here was 
not nearly so favorable to that method of life as farther southward, 
not even so favorable as in some northern districts, and in consequence 
more primitive appliances and ruder methods prevailed. Added to these 
advantages for study there is the further one thatfuowhere within Ijhis 
region are there any traces of other than purely aboriginal work ; no 
adohe walls, no chimneys, no constructive expedients other than those 
which may be reasonably set down as aboriginal ; and, finally, the region 
is still so little occupied by modern settlers that, with the exception of 
the vicinity of Verde, the remains have been practically undisturbed. 
A complete picture of aboriginal life during the occupancy of the 
lower Verde valley would be a picture of pueblo life pursued in the 
face of great difficulties, and with an environment so unfavorable that 
had the occupation extended over an indefinite period of time it would 
still have been impossible to develop the great structures which re- 
sulted from the settlements in Ohaco canyon. 


It is not known what particulai- luaiu-li of tliepiieblo-buiMiiiji' tribes 
formerly made tlieir home in the lower Verde valley, but the diaraeter 
of the masom-y, the rough methods employed, and the character of the 
remains suggest the Tusayan. It has been already stated that the 
archeologic aflBnities of this region are northern and do not conform to 
any type now found in the south; audit is known that some of the 
Tusayan gentes — the water people — came from the south. The follow- 
ing tradition, which, though not very definite, is of interest in this 
connection, was obtained by the late A. M. Stephen, for many years a 
resident near the Tusayan villages in Arizona, who, aside from his 
competence for that work, had every facility for obtaining data of 
this kind. The tradition was dictated by Anawita, chief of the Pat-ki- 
nyiimu (Water house geutesj and is as follows: 

We did not come direct to this region (Tusayan) — we had no fixed intention as to 
where we should go. 

AVe are the Pat-ki-nyil-mtl, and we dwelt in the Pa-lat-kwa-bT (Red Land) where 
the kwd-ni (agave) grows high and plentiful; perhaps it was in the region the 
Americans call Gila valley, but of that I am not certain. It was far south of here, 
and a large river flowed past our village, which was large, and the houses vc^e 
high, and a strange thing happened there. 

Our people were not living peaceably at that time; we were quarreling among 
ourselves, over huts and other things I have heard, but who can tell what caused 
their quarrels? There was .a famous hunter of our jieople, and he cut oft' the tips 
from the antlers of the deer which he killed and [wore them for a necklace f] he 
always carried them. He lay down in a hollow in the court of the village, as if he 
had died, but our people doubted this; they thought he was only shamming death, 
yet they covered him up with earth. Nexir day his extended hand protruded, the 
four fingers erect, and the first day after that one finger disappeared [was doubled 
up?] ; each day a finger disappeared, until on the fourth day his hand was no longer 

The old ])eoide thought that he dug down to the under world with the horn tips. 

On the fifth day water spouted nji from the hole where his hand had been and it 
spread over everywhere. On the sixth day PS-lii-lu-kona (the Serpent deity) pro- 
truded from this hole and lifted his head high above the water and looked around 
in every direction. All of the lower land was covered and many were drowned, but 
most of our people had tied to some knolls not far from the village and which were 
not yet submerged. 

When the old men saw Pa-lii-Ui-kona they asked him what he wanted, because 
they knew he had caused this flood; and Pd-Ili-lii-kona said, "1 want you to give 
me a youth and a maiden." 

The elders consulted, and then selected the handsomest youth and fairest maid and 
arrayed them in their finest apparel, the youth with a white kilt and paroquet 
plume, and the maid with a tine blue tunic and white mantle. These children wejit 
and besought their parents not to send them to Pil-lii-lii-koua, but an old chief said, 
"You must go; do not be afraid; I will guide you." And he led them toward the 
village court and stood at the edge of the water, but sent the children wading in 
toward Pa-lii-Ui-kona, and when they reached the center of the court where Pii-lii- 
lii-koua was the deity and the children disappeared. The water then rushed down 
after them, through a great cavity, and the earth quaked and many houses tumbled 
down, and from this cavity a great mound of d.ark rock protruded. This rock 
mound was glossy and of all colors; it was beautiful, and, as I have been told, it 
still lemaius there. 




The White Mnuutaiu Ap<ache have told me that they know a place in the south 
where old houses stinound a great rook, and the land in the vicinity is wet and 

We traveled northward from I'alat-kwal)i and continued to travel just as long as 
any strength was left in the people — as long as they had breath. During these 
journeys we would halt only for one day at a time. Then our chief planted corn 
in the morning and the pS-to-la-tci' (dragon fly) came and hovered over the stalks 
ana by noon the corn was ripe ; before sunset it was quite dry and the stalks fell 
over, and whichever w.ay they pointed in that direction we traveled. 

When anyone became ill, or when children fretted and cried, or the young people 
became homesick, the Co-i-yal Katcina (a youth and a maiden) came and danced 
before them ; then the sick got well, children laughed, .and sad ones became cheer- 

We would continue to travel until everyone was thoroughly worn out, then we 
would halt and build houses and plant, remaining perh.aps many years. 

One of these places where we lived is not far from San Carlos, in a valley, and 
another is on a mesa a spring called Coyote Wiiter by the Apache. * » • 

When we came to the valley of the Little Colorado, south of where Winslow now 
is, we built houses and lived there ; and then we crossed to the northern side of the 
valley and built houses at Homolobi. This was a good place for a time, but a plague 
of flies came and bit the suckling children, causing miiuy of them to die, so we left 
there .and traveled to Ci-pa (ne:ir Kunui spring). 

Finally we found the Hopi, some going to each of the villages excejjt Awatobi; 
none went there. 


The Eio Yerde is tbroiigbout its leugtli a mouutaiu stream. Risiug 
in the mouutaius and ijlateaiis bounding two great connected valleys 
northwest of Prescott, known as Big- Chino valley and Williamson 
valley, both over 4,000 feet above the sea, it discharges into Salt river 
about 10 miles south of McDowell and about 2.5 miles east of Phtenix, 
at an elevation of less than 1,800 feet above the sea. The fall from 
Verde to McDowell, a distance of about 65 miles, is about 1,500 feet. 
The whole course of the river is but little over 150 miles. The small 
streams which form the river unite on the eastern side of Big Cliino 
valley and flow thence in a southerly and easterly direction until some 
12 miles north of Yerde the waterway approaches the edge of the 
volcanic formation known on the maps as the Colorado plateau, or Black 
mesa, and locally as "the rim." Here the river is sharply deflected 
southward, and flows thence in a direction almost due south to its 
mouth. This part of the river is hemmed in on both sides by high 
mountain chains and broken every few hundred yards by rapids and 

Its rapid fall would make the river valuable for irrigation if there 
were tillable land to irrigate ; but on the west the river is hugged 
closely by a mountain chain whose crest, rising over 0,000 feet above 
the sea, is sometimes less than 2 miles from the river, and whose steep 
and rugged sides descend in an almost unbroken slope to the river 
bottom. The eastern side of the river is also closely confined, though 


not so closely as tlie western, Dy a chain of mountains known as the 
Mazatzal range. The crest of this chain is generally over 10 miles 
ft-om the river, and the intervening stretch, unlike the other side, which 
comes down to the river in practically a single slojie, is broken into 
long promontories and foothills, and sometimes, where the larger tribu- 
taries come in, into well-defined terraces. Except at its head the prin- 
cipal tributaries of the Verde come from the east, those on the west, 
which are almost as numerous, being generally small and insignificant. 

Most of the modern settlements of the Eio Verde are along the 
upper portion of its course. Prescott is situated on Granite creek, one 
of the sources of the river, and along other tributaries, as far down as 
the southern end of the great valley in whose center Verde is located, 
there are many scattered settlements ; but from that point to McDowell 
there are hardly a dozen houses all told. This region is most rugged 
and forbidding. There are no roads and few trails, and the latter are 
feebly marked and little used. The few permanent inhabitants of the 
region are mostly "cow men," and the settlements, except at one point, 
are shanties known as "cow camps." There are hundreds of square 
miles of territory here which are never visited by white men. except by 
"cow-boys" during the spring and autumn round-ups. 

Scattered at irregular intervals along both sides of the river are 
many benches and terraces of alluvium, varying in width from a few 
feet to several miles, and comprising all the cultivable land in the val- 
ley of the river. Since the Verde is a mountain stream with a great 
fall, its power of erosion is very great, and its channel changes fre- 
quently ; in some places several times in a single winter season. 
Benches and terraces are often formed or cut away within a few days, 
and no portion of the river banks is free from these changes until con- 
tinued erosion has lowered the bed to such a degree that that portion 
is beyond the reach of high water. When this occurs the bench or 
terrace, being formed of rich alluvium, soon becomes covered with 
grass, and later with mesquite and "cat-claw" bushes, interspersed 
with such Cottonwood trees as may have survived the j)eriod when the 
terrace was but little above the river level. Cotton woods, with an 
occasional willow, form the arborescent growth of the valley of the 
Verde proper, although on some of the principal tributaries and at a 
little distance from the river groves of other kinds of trees are found. 
All these trees, however, are confined to the immediate vicinity of the 
river and those of its tributaries which carry water during most of the 
year; and as the mountains which hem in the valley on the east and 
west are not high enough tt> support great pines such as characterize 
the plateau country on the north and east, the aspect of the country, 
even a short distance away from the river bottom, is arid and for- 
bidding in the extreme. 

Within the last few years the charactei- of the river and of the coun- 
try adjacent to it has materially changed, and inferences drawn from 


present couditions may be erroneous. This change is the direct result 
of the recent stocking of the country with cattle. More cattle have been 
brought into the country than in its natural state it will support. One 
of the results of this overstocking is a very high death rate among the 
cattle; another and more important result is that the grasses and other 
vegetation have no chaace to seed or mature, being cropped off close to 
the ground almost as soon as they api)ear. As a result of this, many of 
the river terraces aud little valleys among the foothills, once celebrated 
for luxuriant grass, are now bare, and would hardly afford sustenance 
to a single cow for a week. In place of strong grasses these places 
are now covered for a few weeks in spring with a growth of a plant 
known as " filaree," which, owing to the rapid maturing of its seeds (in 
a month or less), seems to be the only plant not completely destroyed 
by the cattle, although the latter are very fond of it and eat it freely, 
both green and when dried on the ground. As a further effect of the 
abundance of cattle and the scarcity of food for them, the young wil- 
lows, which, even so late as ten years ago, formed one of the character- 
istic features of the river and its banks, growing thickly in the bed of 
the stream, and often forming impenetrable jungles on its banks, are 
now rarely seen. 

Owing to the character of the country it drains, the Eio Verde always 
must have been subject to freshets and overflows at the time of the spring 
rains, but until quite recently the obstructions to the rapid collection of 
water offered by thickly growing grass and bushes prevented destruct- 
ive floods, except, perhaps, on exceptional occasions. Now, however, 
the flood of each year is more disastrous than that of the preceding year, 
and in the flood of February, 1891, the culminating point of intensity 
and destructiveness was reached. On this occasion the water rose in 
some places over 20 feet, with a corresponding broadening in other 
places, and flowed with such velocity that for several weeks it was impos- 
sible to cross the river. As a result of these floods, the grassy banks that 
once distinguished the river are now but little more than a tradition, 
while the older terraces, which under normal circvim stances would now 
be safe, are being cut away more and more each year. In several locali- 
ties near Verde, where there are cavate lodges, located originally with 
especial reference to an adjacent area of tillable land, the terraces have 
been completely cut away, and the cliffs in which the cavate lodges 
occar are washed by the river during high water. 


All the modern settlements of the lower portion of the Verde valley 
are located on terraces or benches, and such localities were also regarded 
favorably by the ancient builders, for almost invariably where a mod- 
ern settlement is observed traces of a former one will also be found. 
The former inhabitants of this region were an agricultural people, and 
their villages were always located either on or immediately adjaceut to 
some area of tillable soil. This is true even of the cavate lodges, which 
are often supposed to have been located solely with reference to facility 
of defense. Owing to the character of the country, most of the tillable 
land is found on the eastern side of the river, and as a consequence 
most of the remains of the former inhabitants are found there also, 
though they are by no means confined to that side. These remains are 
quite abundant in the vicinity of Verde, and less so between that point 
and the mouth of the river. The causes which have induced American 
settlement in the large area of bottom land about Verde doubtless also 
induced the aboriginal settlement of the same region, although, owing 
to the different systems of agriculture pursued by the two peoples, the 
American settlements are always made on the bottom lands themselves, 
while the aboriginal settlements are almost always located on high 
ground overlooking the bottoms. Perched on the hills overlooking 
these bottoms, and sometimes located on the lower levels, there was 
once a number of large and important villages, whUe in the regions on 
the south, where the tillable areas are as a rule very much smaller, the 
settlements were, with one exception, small and generally insignificant. 

The region treated in these pages is that portion of the valley of Rio 
Verde comprised between its mouth and Verde, or Beaver creek, on 
the north. It was entered by the writer from the south ; it is not pro- 
posed, however, to follow a strict geographic order of treatment, but, 
on the contrary, so far as practicable, to follow an arrangement by 

The domiciliary ruins of this region fall easily into three general 
classes, to which may be added a fourth, compi-ising irrigating ditches 
and works, the first class having two subclasses. They are as fol- 

Stone villages. 

a. Villages on bottom lands. 
h. Villages on defensive sites. 
Cavate lodges. 
Bowlder-marked sites. 
Irrigating ditches and works. 



The riiius of the lirst gToiip, or stone villages located on bottom 
lauds witlioiit reference to defense, represent in size and in degree of 
skill attained by the builders the highest type iu this region, although 
they arc not so nunicnius as those of the other groups. They are of 
the same tyi)e as, although sometimes smaller in size than, the great 
valley pueblos of the regions on the north and south, wherein reliance 
for defense was placed in massive and well-planned structures and not 
on natural advantages of location. In the north this class of ruin has 
been shown to be the last stage in along course of evolution,. and there 
is a suggestion that it occupies the same relation to the other ruins in 
the Verde region; this question, however, will later be discussed at 
some length. The best example of this type on the lower Verde is a 
large ruin, located in a considerable bottom on the eastern side of the 
river, about a mile above the mouth of Limestone creek. This is 
said to be the largest ruin on the Verde; it is certaiidy the largest iu 
the region here treated, and it should be noted that it marks practically 
the .southern limit of the Ivio Verde group. 

The ruins of the secDud subclass, or stone villages located on 
defensive sites, are found throughout the whole of this region, although 
the type reaches its best development in the northern portion, iu the 
vicinity of Verde. The separation of this type from the preceding one 
is to a certain extent arbitrary, as the location of a ruin is sometimes 
determined solely by convenience, and convenience may dictate the 
selection of a high and defensible site, when the tillable land on which 
the village depends is of small area, or when it is divided into a num- 
ber of small and scattered areas; for it was a principle of the ancient 
village-builders that the parent village should overlook as large an 
extent as jmssihlc of the lields cultivated by its inhabitants. A good 
illustration of this type of ruin is found a little way northeast of Verde, 
on the opposite side of the river. Here a. cluster of ruins langing troin 
small groups of domiciles to medium-sized villages is found located on 
knobs and hills, high u]i in the foothills and overlooking large areas of 
the Verde bottom lands. These are illustrated later. Another example, 
also illustrated later, occurs on the eastern side of the river about 8 
miles north of the mouth of Fossil creek. The village, which is very 
small, occupies the whole summit of a large rock which projects into 
the stream, and which is connected with the mainland by a natural 
causeway or dike. This is one of the best sites for defense seen by the 
writer in an experience of many years. 

Cavate lodges are distributed generally over the whole northern por. 
tion of the region here treated. At many ])oints throughout this region 
there are outcrops of a calcareous sandstone, very soft and strongly lam- 
inated and therefore easily excavated: This formation often apt)earsin 
the clili's and small canyons bordering on the streams, and in it are 
found the cavate lodges. The best examples are found some S miles 
south of Verde, in a small canyon on the eastern side of the river, and it 
13 ETH 13 


is noteworthy that in this case stone villages occur in eoujuiiction with 
and subordinate to the cavate lodges, while elsewhere within this region 
and in other regions the cavate lodges are found either alone or in con- 
junction with and subordinate to stone villages. To this latter type 
belong a number of cavate lodges on the northern side of Clear creek, 
about 4 miles above its mouth. The cavate lodges of the Verde difler 
in some particulars from those found in other regions ; they are not exca- 
vated in tufa or volcanic ash, nor are the fronts of the chambers gen- 
erally walled up. Front walls are found here, but they are the exception 
and not the rule. 

Bowlder-marked sites are scattered over the whole region here treated, 
although they are more abundant in the southern part than in the north- 
ern. They are so abundant that their locations could not be indicated 
on the accompanying map (plate xi). These constitute a peculiar tyi^e, 
not found elsewhere in the experience of the writer, and present some 
points of interest. They vary in size from one room to considerable 
settlements, but the average size is two or three rooms. They are 
always located with reference to some area, generally a small one, of 
tillable land which they overlook, and all the data now available sup- 
port the inference that they nuirk the sites of small farming or tempo- 
rary shelters, occupied only during the farming season and abandoned 
each winter by the inhabitants, who then return to the main pueblo— 
a custom prevalent today among the pueblos. These sites are found on 
the flat bottom lands of the river, on the upper terraces overlooking 
the bottoms, on points of the foothills, in fact everywhere where there 
is an area of tillable land large enough to grow a few hills of corn. 
They often occur in conjunction with irrigating ditches and other horti- 
cultural works ; sometimes they are located on small hillocks in the beds 
of streams, locations which must be covered with water during the 
annual floods; sometimes they are found at the bases of promontories 
bordering on drainage channels and on the banks of arroyas, where 
they might be washed away at any time. In short, these sites seem 
to have been selected without any thought of their permanency. 

Irrigating ditches and horticultural works were found in this region, 
but not in great abundance ; perhaps a more careful and detailed exami- 
nation would reveal a much larger number than are now known. Fine 
examples ot irrigating ditches were found at the extreme northern 
and the extreme southern limits of the region here treated, and there 
is a fair presumption that other examples occur in the intermediate 
country. These works did not reach tlie magnitude of those found 
in the Gila and Salt river valleys, perha])S partly for the reason that 
the great fall of Verde river and its tributaries renders only short 
ditches necessary to bring the water out over the terraces, and also 
partly because irrigation is not here essential to successful horticulture. 
In good years fair crops can be obtained without irrigation, and today 
this method of farming is pursued to a limited extent. 


Ruins of villages built of stone, either rouglily dressed or merely 
selected, represent the bigliest degree of art in architecture attained 
by the aborigines of Verde valley, and the best example of this class 
of ruin is found on the eastern side of the river, about a mile above 
the mouth of Limestone creek. The site was selected without refer- 
ence to defense, and is overlooked by the hills which circumscribe 
a large semicircular area of bottom land, on the northern end of which 
the village was located. This is the largest ruin on the Verde; it cov- 
ers an area of about 450 feet square, or over 5 acres, and has some 225 
rooms on the ground plan. From the amount of debris we may infer 
that most of the rooms were but one story in height ; and a reasonable 
estimate of the total number of rooms in the village when it was occu- 
pied would make the number not greater than 300 rooms. The ratio 
of rooms to inhabitants in the present pueblos would give a population 
for this village of about 450 persons. Zuiii, the inhabited 
pueblo, covering an area of about 5 acres, has a population of 1,600. 

It will thus be seen that, while the area covered by this village was 
quite large, the population was comparatively small ; in other words, 
the dense clustering and so-called beehive structure which character- 
ize Zuiii and Taos, and are seen to a less extent in Oraibi, and which 
result from long-continued pressure of hostile tribes upon a village 
occupying a site not in itself easily defensible, has not been carried to 
such an extent here as in the examples cited. But it is also appar- 
ent that this village represents the beginning of the process which in 
time produces a village like Zuiii or Taos. 

Plate XII exhibits the ground plan of the village. It will be observed 
that this plan is remarkably similar in general characters to the ground 
plan of Zuiii.' A close inspection will reveal the presence of many 
discrepancies in the plan, which suggest that the village received at 
various times additions to its population in considerable numbers, and 
was not the result of the gradual growth of one settlement nor the 
home of a large group coming en masse to this locality. It has been 
shown^ that in the old provinces of Tusayau and Cibola (Moki and 
Zuni) the present villages are the result of the aggregation of many 
related geutes and subgentes, who reached their present location at 
different times and from difterent directions, and this seems to be the 

' Eighth AnD. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-'87, Vash., 1891, pi. Ixivi. 

■' Ibid., pp. 1-228. 



almost universal rule for tlie larger pueblos and ruins. It shoakl be 
noted in this connection, however, that, the preceding statements being 
granted, a general plan of this character indicates an essentially mod- 
ern origin or foundation. 

The ground i)lan shows a number of courts or open spaces, which 
divided the village into four well-defined clusters. The largest court 
was nearly in the center of the village, and within it (as shown on the 
plan) there are traces of a small single-room structure that may have 
been a kiva or sacred chamber. Attached to this main court and 
extending eastward is anothercourtof considerable size, and connected 
with this second court at its eastern end there is another one almost 
square in plan and of fair size. West of the main court may be seen a 
small court opening into it, and north of this another square space 
sei)arated from the main court by a single stone wall and inclosed on 
the other three sides by rooms. In addition to these there are two 
completely inclosed small courts in the center of the southwestern clus- 
ter, and another one of moderate size between the southwastern and 
southern clusters. 

The arrangement of these courts is highly suggestive. The central 
space was evidently the main court of the village at the time of its 
greatest development, and it is equally evident that it was inclosed at 
a later period than the small inclosed courts immediately adjacent to 
it, for had the latter not preceded it they would not occupy the posi- 
tions they now do. Plate xiii represents a part of the main court, and 
beyond the debris can be seen a small portion of the bottom upon 
■wliich the village is built. To the left, in the foreground of the illus- 
tration, are traces of a small detached room, perhaps the main kiva' 
of the village; this is also shown on the ground plan, plate xii. 

The smaller courts are but little larger than the largest rooms, but 
it will be noticed that while some of the rooms are quite large they are 
always oblong. This requirement was dictated by the length of avail- 
able roofing timbers. The cotton wood groves on the river bank would 
provide timber of fair size but of very poor quality, and, aside from 
this, roofing timbers longer than 15 feet could be obtained only at points 
many miles distant. In either case the hauling of these timbers to the 
site of the village would be a work of great labor and considerable dif- 
ficulty. The width of the rooms was, therefore, limited to about 20 feet, 
most of them being under 15 feet; but this limitation did not apply to 
the courts, which, though sometimes surrounded on all sides by build- 
ings, were always open to the sky. 

It is probable tnat the central and northern portion of the southwest- 
ern cluster comprised the first rooms built in this village. This is the 
portion which commands the best outlook over the bottom, and it is 

' The kiva is the assembly chamber, termed estufa in some of the ohler writings, particnlarly 
thosi) of the early Spanish explorers. A full description of these peculiar structures has already 
been published in an article on Pueblo architecture; Eighth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1886- 
•87, Wash., 1891, pp. 1-228. 


also on the highest ground. Following this the soixthern cluster was 
pi'obably built; afterwards the northern cluster was added, aud finally 
the northwestern cluster. Subsequently rooms connecting these 
clusters and the eastern end of the village were built up, and probably 
last of all were added the rooms which occupied what was originally 
the eastern end of the main court. This liy])othetic order of building 
the clusters composing the village is supported by the character of the 
site aud the peculiarities of the ground plan. Most of the rooms in the 
northwestern cluster and in the eastern part of the village were but one 
story in height, while the crowding in the interior of the village, direct 
evidence of which is seen on the ground plan, could take place only 
after the rooms surrounding that area had been located, and when hos- 
tile pressure from outside made it undesirable to extend the bounds 
of the village ; in other words, at the latest stage in the growth of the 

The arrangement aud distribution of the rooms within the clusters 
indicate an occupancy extending over a considerable period of time. 
A reference to the ground plan will show that continuous wall lines 
are the exception, and it is seldom that more than two or three rooms 
are grouped together in regular order. In irregularity of arrangement 
the inhabitants of this village followed a general habit, the result of 
which can be seen today in all the inhabited \ illages and in most of 
the large pueblo ruins. It indicates a steady growth of the village by 
the addition of rooms, one or two at a time, as they were needed. The 
division into clusters, however, indicates an aggregation of related 
gentes or subgentes banded together for protection. Given these con- 
ditions, (1) bands of related families living near one another; (2) hostile 
l^ressure from outside; and (3) a site not in itself easily defended, and a 
ground jdan similar to the one under discussion must result. Single 
detached rooms would not be built when the village might be attacked 
at any time, but they might be added during periods of peace and, the 
conditions being favorable, they might form the nuclei of other clusters. 
It is possible that some of the clusters forming this village had their 
origin in this manner, but this question can not be determined from the 
ground plan, as a similar result would be produced by the advent of a 
small band of related families. 

Growth in number of rooms does not necessarily indicate growth in 
population, and this qualification must not be lost sight of in the dis- 
cussion of pueblo ground plans. Among the Pueblos of today, descent, 
in real property at least, is in the female line; when a man marries he 
becomes a member of his wife's family and leaves his own home to live 
with his wife's people. If the wife's home is not large enough to con- 
tain all tlie members of the household, additional rooms are built adjoin- 
ing and connected with those previously occupied. It may be mentioned 
in this connection that the women build the houses, although the men 
supply the material and do the heavy work. The result of this custom 
may be readily seen: a family in which there are many daughters must 


necessarily increase the space occupied by it, while a family consisting 
of sons, no matter how many they may be, will become extinct, so far 
as regards its home in the village. It is no uncommon thing to see in 
the villages of today several rooms in course of erection while there are 
a dozen or more rooms within a few steps abandoned and going to decay. 
Long occupancy, therefore, produces much the same effect on a ground 
plan of a village as a large population, or a rapidly growing one, except 
that in the former case irregularity in the arrangement of rooms will 
be more pronounced. 

It will be noticed that the size of rooms is more varied in the south- 
western and southern clusters than in the remaining portions of the 
village. In the southwestern cluster rooms measuring 8 feet by 18 
or '20 are not uncommon. These occur principally in the central and 
southwestern part of the cluster, while in the northern and northeastern 
part the rooms are uncommonly large, one of them measuring about 40 
feet in length by nearly 15 feet in width and presenting a floor area of 
600 square feet. Booms approaching this size are more common, how- 
ever, in the northern and northwestern clusters. In these latter clusters 
long narrow rooms are the exception and a number of almost square 
ones are seen. The smallest room in the village is in the center of the 
southern cluster, on the highest ground within the area covered by the 
ruin ; it measures 6 feet by 10, with a floor area of 00 square feet, as 
opposed to the 600 square feet of the largest room. This small room 
was probably at one time a small open space between two projecting 
rooms, such as are often seen in the inhabited pueblos. Later the room 
on the south was built and the front of the space was walled up in order 
to make a rectangiilar area, thus forming the small room shown on 
the ground plan. The maximum length of any room is about 40 feet, 
the maximum width attained is about 20 feet, and in a general way 
it may be stated that the average size of the rooms is considerably 
larger than that of the rooms in the northern ruins. 

From the regularity in distribution of the debris now on the ground, 
it appears that the rooms of the northwestern and northern clusters, 
including the eastern part of the village, were almost uniformly one 
story in height, and most of the rooms in the other clusters were also 
limited in height to a single story. The only places on the ground 
plan where rooms of two stories might have existed are the northern 
and central parts of the southwestern and southern clusters, and per- 
haps the southern side of the northern cluster; the last, however, being 
very doubtful. 

In the scarcity of detached rooms or small clusters the plan of this 
village strongly resembles the ground plan of Zuiii. Only three 
detached rooms are seen in the plan. One of these, situated in the 
main or central court, has already been referred to as probably the 
remains of a kiva or sacred chamber. Another single room occurs 
oiitside of the village, near its southwestern corner. This was prob- 
ably a dwelling room, for a kiva would hardly be located in this place. 






The third room is found also ontside the village and at its southeastern 
corner. The space inclosed within the walls of this room measured 
about 7 feet by 4 and the lines of wall are at an acute angle with the 
wall lines of the village. This structure is anomalous, and its purpose 
is not clear. 

The absence of clearly defined traces of passageways to the interior 
of the village is noticeable. This absence can hardly be attributed to 
the advanced state of decay in the ruin, for nearly all the wall lines 
can still be easily traced. At one point only is there a suggestion of 
an open passageway similar to those found in the inhabited pueblos. 
This occurs in the southeastern corner of the ground plan, between the 
southern cluster and the southern part of the northeastern cluster. 
It was about 25 feet long and but feet wide in the clear. There were 
undoubtedly other passageways to the interior courts, but they were 
probably roofed over and perhaps consisted of rooms abandoned for 
that purpose. This, however, is anomalous. 

There are several other anomalous features in the ground plan, the 
purposes of which are not clear. Prominent among them is a heavy 
wall extending about halfway across the southern side of the village 
and at some distance from it. The total length of this wall is 164: feet; 
it is 4 feet thick (nearly twice the thickness of the other walls), and is 
pierced near its center by an opening or gateway 4 feet wide. The 
nearest rooms of the village on the north are over 40 feet away. This 
wall is now much broken down, but here and there, as shown on the 
plan, portions of the original wall Hues are left. It is probable that its 
original height did not exceed 5 or 6 feet. The purpose of this struc- 
ture is obscure; it could uot have been erected for defense, for it has 
no defensive value whatever; it had no connection with the houses of 
the village, for it is too far removed from them. The only jjossible use 
of this wall that occurs to the writer is that it was a dam or retaining 
wall for a shallow pool of water, fed by tlie surface drainage of a small 
area on the east and northeast. There is at present a very slight 
depression between the wall and the first houses of the village toward 
the north — about a foot or a foot and a half — but there may have been 
a depression of 2 or 3 feet here at one time and this depression may 
have been subsequently filled up by sediment. This conjecture could 
be easily tested by excavating a trench across the area between the 
wall and the houses, but in the absence of such an excavation the 
suggestion is a mere surmise. 

Another anomalous feature is found in the center of the southwestern 
cluster. Here, in two different rooms, are found walls of double the 
usual thickness, occurring, however, on only one or two sides of the 
rooms. These are clearly shown on the ground plan. The western- 
n)ost of the two rooms which exhibit this feature has walls of normal 
thickness on three of its sides, while the fourth or eastern side consists 
of two walls of normal thickness, built side by side, perhaps the result 
of some domestic quarrel. The eastern room, however, has thick walls 



[ETH. AXN. 13 

on its northern and eastern sides, and in this case the walls are built 
solidly at one time, not consisting, as in the previous case, of two walls 
of ordinary thickness built side by side. An inspection of the ground 
plan will show tliat in both these cases this feature is anomalous and 
probably uniniportant. 

A ruin of the same general tyjje as that just described, but much 
smaller in size, is found about miles farther northward on the east- 
ern side of the river. It is located on the river edge of a large semi- 
circular flat or terrace, near its nortlieru end, and is built of flat slabs 
of limestone and river bowlders. It is rectangular in i)lan and of mod 
erate size. On the southern end of the same flat are two single-room 
rancher's houses and a large corral. Tlie rooms in this ruin are oblong 
and similar in size and arrangement to those just described. 

About 11 miles above the last-described ruin, 
or 17 miles above the large ruin near Lime- 
stone creek, there is anotlier small ruin of the 
same general type as the last, located on a 
similar site, and in all respects, except size, 
closely similar to it. 

About 3 miles below the mouth of the East 
Verde there is still another ruin of similar 
character, located on the edge of a mesa or 
bench overlooking the river. It is built of 
bowlders and slabs of rock. Like the others 
this ruin is rectangular in plan and of small 

About 10 miles north of the mouth of Fossil 
creek, on the point of a bench or terrace on the 
western side of the river, and perhaps 20 feet 
above it, occurs a small ruin, similar in charac- 
FiG. 279.— skiuh map, site ofter to the preceding. The river here makes a 

small ruin 10 milos north of Fos- i i n i • 

8ii creek. loug' tum eastward, then flows south again, and 

in the angle a small bench or terrace is formed. At this point the 
mountains rise abruptly from the river on both sides to a height of over 
a thousand feet. Fig. 279 illustrates the location of this ruin. So far 
as could be distinguished from the liills opposite, the rooms occur in 
two broken lines at right angles to each other. 

These four small riiiiis are all closely similar to the large ruin 
described above in all respects except size, and peculiarities of ground 
plan attendant on size. The rooms are always rectangular, generally 
oblong, and arranged without regularity as regards their longer axis- 
Except the one last described, the ruins consist of compact masses of 
rooms, without evidences of interior courts, all of very small size, and 
all located without reference to defense. The last-described ruin dift'ers 
from the otliers only in the arrangement of rooms. There is ])racti- 
cally no standing wall remaining in any of them, and even now they 
can be seen for miles fiom the hills above. When the walls were 





staudiug they must have been conspicuous landmarks. The masonry 
of all consists of flat bowlders, selected doubtless from the river bed, 
or i)erhaps sometimes quarried from the terraces, which themselves 
contain large numbers of river bowlders. In general appearance and 
in plan these ruins resemble the ruin next to be described, situated 
near the mouth of the East Verde. 

On the southern side of the East Verde, half a mile above its mouth, 
a small creek comes in from the south, probably dry throughout most 
of the year; and on a promontory or point of land left by this creek a 
small ruin occurs. It is similar in plan and in character of masonry 

Fig. 280. — Ground plan of ruin at mouth of the East Verde. 

to those just described, and differs from them only in that its site is 
better adapted for defense, being protected on two sides by steep hills 
or cliffs. The ground jjlan of this ruin is shown in figure 280, and 
its general appearance in plate xiv, which also shows the character 
of masonry. The village overlooked a large area of low bottom laad 
in the angle between the Verde and the East Verde, and is itself over- 
looked by the foothills rising behind it to the high mesas forming part 
of the Mazatzal mountains. 

The walls of this village wei'e built of flat bowlders and slabs of lime- 
stone, and there is now practically no standing wall remaining. The 


ground plan shows a number of places where the walls are still visible, 
but they extend only a few inches above the debris. There were about 
forty rooms, and the plan is characterized by irregularities such as 
have already been noticed in other plans. Although the village was of 
considerable size it was built up solidly, and there is no trace of an 
interior court. It will be noticed that the rooms vary much in size, and 
that many of the smaller rooms are one half the size of the largerones, 
as though the larger rooms had been divided by partitions after they 
were completed. It is probable that rooms extended partly down the 
slope on the west and south of the village toward the little creek before 
mentioned, but if this were the case all evidences have long since been 

On the southern side of the village the ground plan shows a bit of 
curved wall. It is doubtful whether this was an actual wall or merely 
a terrace. If it was a wall it is the only example of curved wall found 
in the region in ruins of this class. Between this wall or terrace and 
the adjoining wall on the north, with which it was connected, the 
.ground is now filled in. Whether this filling occurred prior or subse- 
quent to the abandonment of the village does not appear. The north- 
eastern corner of the ruin is marked by a somewhat similar feature. 
Here there is a lino of wall now almost obliterated and but feebly 
marked by debris, and the space between it and the village proper is 
partly filled in, forming a low terrace. Analogous features are found 
in several other ruins in this region, notably in the large ruin near 
Limestone creek. It should be noted in this connection that Mr. E. W. 
Nelson has found that places somewhat similar to these in the ruins 
about Springerville, New Mexico, always well repaid the labor of exca- 
vation, and he adopted as a working hypothesis the assumption that 
these were the burial places of the village. Whether a similar condi- 
tion would be found in this region can only be determined by careful 
and systematic excavation. 

The village did not occupy the whole of the mesa point on which it is 
located; on the east the gi-ound rises gently to the foothills of the 
Mazatzal range, and on the south and west it slopes sharply down to 
the little creek before mentioned ; while on the north there is a terrace 
or flat open space some 60 feet wide and almost parallel with the longer 
axis of the village. This open space and the sharji fall which limits it 
on the north is shown on the ground plan. The general view of the same 
feature (plate xv) also shows the character of the valley of the East 
Verde above the ruin; the stream is here confined withiai a low walled 
canyon. This open space formed a part of the village and doubtless 
occupied the same relation to it that interior courts do to other villages. 
Its northern or outer edge is a trifle higher than the space between it 
and the village proper and is marked by several large bowlders and a 
small amount of debris. It is possible that at one time there was a 
defensive wall here, although the ground falls so suddenly that it is 
almost impossible to climb up to the edge from below without artificial 



(| fif, i|| .<>- 


aid. Defensive walls siicli as this may have been are very rare in 
pueblo architecture, only one instance having been encountered by the 
writer in an experience of many years. The map seems to show more 
local relief to this terrace than the general view indicates, but it should 
be borne in mind that the contour interval is but 2^ feet. 

A comparison of the ground plan of this ruin and those previously 
described, together with that of the ruin near tlie mouth of Fossil creek 
(plate XTi), which is typical of this group, shows marked irregularity 
in outline and plan. In the character of the debris also this ruin differs 
from the Fossil creek ruin and others located near it. As in the latter, 
bowlders were used in the wall, but unlike the latter rough stone pre- 
dominates. In the character of its masonry this ruin forms an inter- 
mediate or connecting link between the ruins near Limestone creek and 
opposite Verde and the class of which the ruin near the mouth of Fos- 
sil creek is typical. In the character of its site it is of the same class 
as the Fossil creek ruin, being intermediate between the valley pueblos, 
such as that near Limestone creek, and pueblos located ou defensive 
sites, such as the group opposite Verde. The ground plau indicates an 
occupancy extending over a considerable period of time and teiminat- 
ing at or near the close of the period of aboriginal occupancy of the val- 
ley of Eio Verde. 

Another ruin, of a type closely similar, occui's on a bluff near the 
mouth of Fossil creek. The plan of this ruin is shown in figure 281. 
The village is located close to the edge of the bluff, as shown in the 
plan, and has an outlook over a considerable area of bottom land adjoin- 
ing the blufi:' on the east. It is probable that the cavate lodges whose 
location some 8 or 10 miles above the ruin, on Fossil creek, is shown on 
the general map (plate xi) were appendages of this village. 

The wall still standing extends but a few inches above the debris, 
but enough remains to mark the principal wall lines, and these are 
further emphasized by the lines of debris. The debris here is remark- 
ably clean and stands out prominently from the gTouud surface, instead 
of being merged into it as is usually the case. This is shown in the 
general view of the ruin. There are twenty -five rooms on the ground 
plan, and there is no evidence that any of these attained a greater 
height than one story. The population, therefore, could not have been 
much, if any, in excess of forty, and as the average family of the Pueblos 
consists of five jiersons, this would make the number of families which 
found a home in this village less than ten. Notwithstanding this small 
population the ground plan of this village shows clearly a somewhat 
extended period of occupancy and a gradual growth in size. The east- 
ern half of the village, which is located along the edge of the bluff, 
probably preceded the western in point of time. It will be noticed that 
while the wall lines are seldom continuous for more than three rooms, 
yet the rooms themselves are arranged with a certain degree of regu- 
larity, in that the longer axes are usually parallel. 



fEllI. ANN. 13 

The masonry of this village is almost entirely of flat bowlders, obtained 
l)robably from tlie bed of the creek immediately below. The terrace on 
which the village was built, and in fact all the hills about it are com- 
posed of gravel and bowlders, but it would be easier to carry the bowl- 
ders up from tlie stream bed than to (juarry them from the hillside, 
and in the former case there would be a better opportunity for selec- 
tion. Plate XVI sliows-the character of the rock emi)loyed, and illus- 

FlG. 281. — Grnuud plau *ii' ruin uear the mouth of Fossil creek. 

trates the extent to which selection of rock has been carried. Although 
the walls are built entiiely of river bowlders the masonry presents 
almost as good a face as some of the ruins previously described as 
built of slabs of limestone, and this is due to careful selection of the 
stone employed. 

About half a mile above the mouth of Fossil creek, and on the east- 
ern side of the river, a deep ravine comes in from the north and east, 

item' i I 


f -ft: 

^1 ,- i Sf'S/- 




and on a low spur near its mouth there is a ruin very similar to the 
one just described. It is also about the same size. The general 
character of the site it occupies is shown in the sketch, figure 282. The 
masonry is of the same general cliaracter as that of the ruin near tlie 
mouth of Fossil creek, and the debris, which stands out sharjily from 
the ground surface, is distinguished by the same cleanness. 

AboutSi miles northof Fossil creek, N 

on the eastern side of the Verde, 
occurs a small ruin, somewhat dif- 
ereut in the arrangement of rooms 
from those described. Here there 
is a bench or terrace, some 50 feet 
above the river, cut through near 
its northern eud by a small canyon. 
The ruin is located on the southern 
side of this terrace, near the mouth 
of the creek, and consists of about 
ten rooms arranged in L shape. Tlie 
lines are very irregular, and there 
are seldom more than three rooms 
connected. The d(5bris marking the 
wall lines is clean, and the lines are 
well defined, although no standing 
wall remains. 

About a mile above the last-de- 
scribed ruin, or 9i miles north of the 
mouth of Fossil creek, a small group 
of ruins occurs. The sketch, figure 
283, shows the relation of the parts 
of this group to one another. The 
small cluster of rooms on the south 
is very similar in character, location, and size to the ruin last described. 
The northern portion is situated on the opposite side of a deep canyon 
or ravine, on the crown of a hill composed of limestone, which outcrops 
everywhere about it, and is considerably higher than the small cluster 
on the south. The northern ruin is of considerable size and very com- 
pactly built, the rooms being clustered about the summit of the hill. 
The central room, occupying the crown of the hill, is 20 feet higher than 
the outside rooms. In a saddle between the main cluster and a similar 
hill toward the southeast there are a number of other rooms, not 
marked so prominently by debris as those of the main cluster. There 
is no standing wall remaining, but the debris of the main and adjoining 
clusters indicates that the masonry was very rough, the walls being 
composed of slabs of limestone similar to those found in the large 
ruin near the mouth of Limestone creek, and obtained probably not 
20 feet away from their present position. 

Fifl. 282. 

Sketch map, site of ruin above Fossil 



|ETH. ANN. 13 

The ruin described on page 200 aud assigned to the first subclass 
occurs about half a mile north of this limestone hill, on the opposite 
side of the river. This small ruin, like all the smaller ruins described, 
was built of river bowlders, or river bowlders with occasiimal slabs 
of sandstone or limestone, while the ruin last described consists 

exclusively of limestone 
slabs. This difference is 
explained, however, by 
the character of tlie sites 
occupied by 'the several 
ruins. The limestone hill 
upon which the ruin 
under discussion is 
situated is an anomalous 
feature, and its occur- 
rence here undoubtedly 
determined the location 
of this village. It is 
difficult otherwise to un- 
derstand the location of 
this cluster of rooms, for 
they command no out- 
look over tillable land, 
although the view up and 
down the river is exten- 
sive. This cluster, which 
is the largest in size for 
many miles up and down 
the river, may have been 
the parent pueblo, occu- 
pying somewhat the 
same relation- to the 
smaller %allages that Zuiii 
occupies to the summer 
farming settlements of 
Nutria, Pescado, and Ojo 
Caliente; and doubtless 
the single-room I'emains, 

Fig. 283.— Sketch map of ruin SJ miles above Fossil creek. ^hich OCCUr aboVC aud 

below the cluster on mesa benches and near tillable tracts, were con- 
nected with it. This ruin is an example of the second subclass, or 
villages located on defensive sites, which merges into ruins of the lirst 
subclass, or villages on bottom lands, through villages like that located 
at the mouth of the East Verde and at the moiith of Fossil creek. 

On the eastern side of the Verde, just below the mouth of Beaver 
creek, opposite and a little above Verde, occurs one of the best exam- 
ples to be found in this region of a large village located on a defensive 





site. Here tbere is a group of eight clusters extending half a mile up 
and down the river, and some of the clusters have walls still standing 
to a height of 8 and 10 feet. The relation of these clusters to each 
other is shown iu the sketch map, figure 284. 

The principal ruin of the group is situated on the uortliern side of a 
small valley running eastward from the river up to the foot of a prom- 
inent mesa, which here bounds the eastern side of the river bottom. 
The valley is perhaps half a mile long and about an eighth of a mile 
wide. The ruin is located on a butte or knoll connected with the hills 
back of it by a low saddle, forming a sort of promontory or tongue of 
laud rising from a flat space or bench, the whole some 200 feet above 
the river bottom. One of the clusters of rooms is located in the saddle 
mentioned and is connected with the main ruin. At the foot of tlie 

Fig. 284. — Sketch map showing locatiou nf rtiius opposite \'erde. 

butte on the western side there is a similar cluster, not connected, 
however, with the main ruin; and south of the main ruin, on the 
extreme edge of the little mesa or bench, there is another small clus- 
ter. The ruin shown on the sketch map southwest of the main ruin 
consists of but two rooms, with no wall now standing. All these clus- 
ters are shown in their proper position on the ground plan, plate xvii. 
Plate XVIII, which is a general view from the east, shows the main ruin 
on the butte, together with the connected cluster east of it in the sad- 
dle. The modern settlement seen in the middle distance is Verde. 

About a quarter of a mile west of the main ruin there is another 
small but well-preserved cluster of rooms. It occupies the narrow 




site. Here there is a group of eight clusters extending half a mile up 
and down the river, and some of the clusters have walls still standing 
to a height of 8 and 10 feet. The relation of these clusters to each 
other is shown in the sketch map, figure 284. 

The principal ruin of the group is situated on the northern side of a 
small valley running eastward from the river vip to the foot of a prom- 
inent mesa, which here bounds the eastern side of the river bottom. 
The vaUey is ])erhaps half a mile long and about an eighth of a mile 
wide. The ruin is located on a butte or knoll connected witli the hills 
back of it by a low saddle, forming a sort of promontory or tongue of 
land rising from a flat space or bench, the whole some 200 feet above 
the river bottom. One of the clusters of rooms is located in the saddle 
mentioned and is connected with the main ruin. At the foot of the 

Fig. 284. — Sketch map sliowing location of rniiis opposite \'enle. 

butte on the western side there is a similar cluster, not connected, 
however, with the main ruin; and south of the main ruin, on the 
extreme edge of the little mesa or bench, there is another small clus- 
ter. The ruin shown on the sketch map southwest of the main ruin 
consists of but two rooms, with no wall now standing. All these clus- 
ters are shown in their proper position on the ground plan, plate xvii. 
Plate xviii, which is a general view from the east, shows the main ruin 
on the butte, together with the connected cluster east of it in the sad- 
dle. The modern settlement seen in the middle distance is Verde. 

About a quarter of a mile west of the njain ruin there is another 
small but well-preserved cluster of rooms. It occupies the narrow 


ridge of a hill some 200 feet above tlie river. On the west and south 
the hill descends abruptly to the river; on the southeast and east it 
slopes sharply down to a broad valley on the level of the mesa bench 
before mentioned, but the valley is cut by a narrow and deep canyon 
marking the east side of the hill. This cluster is shown on the ground 
plan, plate xvii, though not in its proper position. Northeast of this 
cluster and perhaps L'OO yards distant there are traces of other rooms, 
but they are so faint that no plan can be made out. As shown on the 
sketch map, figure 284, the hill is a long narrow one, and its western 
side falls rapidly to a large triangular area of flat bottom land lying 
between it and Beaver creek, which it overlooks, as well as a large 
area of the valley up the river and all the fine bottom lands north and 
east of Verde and on the northwestern side of Beaver creek. As 
regards outlook, and also as regards security and facility of defense, 
the site of the small cluster is far superior to that of the main cluster 
of rooms. 

About a quarter of a mile south and east of the main ruin, on the 
opposite side of the little valley before mentioned, a mesa bench simi- 
lar to the one last described occurs; and on a point of this, extending 
almost to the river bank, there are traces, now nearly obliterated, of a 
small cluster of rooms. A short distance east of this point there is a 
large rounded knoll, with a peculiar teri'ace-like bench at about half its 
height. The entire sunmiit of this knoll was occupied by rooms, of 
which the walls are much broken and none remain standing. This 
knoll, with the ruins on its summit, is shown in plate Xix, wliich also 
gives a general view from the north of the small cluster southeast of the 
main ruin. The character of the valley of the Verde at this point is 
also shown. The sketch map, figure 284, shows the location of these 
ruins in reference to others of the group. 

The main cluster, that portion occupying the crown or summit of the 
butte before described, exhibits at the present time some fifty rooms 
in the ground plan, but there were at one time a larger number than 
this; and there is no doubt that rooms extended down the slopes of 
the hill southward and south westward. The plan of this main cluster 
is peculiar ; it differs from all the smaller surrounding clusters. It tells 
the story of a long occupancy by a people who increased largely in 
numbers, but who, owing to their hostile environment, could not 
increase the space occupied by them in proportion to their numbers. 
It will be noticed that while the wall lines are remarkably irregular 
in arrangement they are more often continuous than otherwise, more 
fre(iuently continuous, in fact, than the lines of some of the smaller 
villages before described. The rooms are remarkably small, 10 feet 
square being a not unusual measurement, and built so closely together 
as to leave no space for interior courts. The typical rooms in the ruins 
of this region are oblong, generally about twice as long as broad, measur- 
ing approximately 20 by 10 feet. 








' J 

' il 

•^ C'ii 


^ ii^ 


.; ^'i 

«3^ ■■ 

m • 


111 the ruin under discussion it seems that eacli of these oblong rooms 
was divided by a transverse partition into two smaller rooms, although 
the oblong form is also common. This is noticeable in the south- 
western corner and on the eastern side of the main cluster, in the 
southwestern corner and on the northern end of the cluster adjoining ou 
the north, and in all the smaller clusters. It is probable that the 
western central part of the maiu cluster was the first portion of the 
group of structures built, and that subsequently as the demand for 
accommodation increased, owing to increase of population, the rooms 
ou the eastern and southern sides of the main cluster were added, 
while the rooms of the older portion were divided. 

There is no evide^ -e that any portion of this cluster attained a greater 
height than two stories, and only a small number of rooms reached that 
height. The small cluster adjoining on the north, and those on the 
southeast, southwest, and west, were built later and belong to the last 
period of the occupancy of the group; The builders exhibited a decided 
predilection for a flat site, as an examination of the sites of the various 
room clusters in the ground plan (plate xvii) will show, and when the 
sight of the main cluster became so crowded that additional rooms could 
be added only by building them on the sloping hillside, recourse was had 
to other sites. This tendency is also exhibited in the cluster adjoining 
the main cluster on the north, which was probably the second in point 
of age. The northern end of this small group of rooms terminates at 
the foot of the hill which rises northeastward, while a series of wall 
lines extends eastward at an angle with the lines of the cluster, but 
along the curve of the hillside. 

The small northern cluster was in all probability inhabited by five 
or six families only, as contrasted with the main cluster, which had 
sixteen or seventeen, while the smaller clusters had each only two or 
three families. The strong presumjition of tlie later building and 
occupancy of the smaller clusters, previously commented on, is sup- 
ported by three other facts of importance, viz, the amount and height 
of the standing wall, the character of the sites occupied, and the extra- 
ordinary size of the rooms. 

Although as a rule external appearance is an unsatisfactory crite- 
rion of age, still, other things ecjual, a large amount and good height 
of standing wall may be taken to indicate in a general way a more 
recent period of occupancy than wall lines much obliterated and 
merged into the surrounding ground level. The character of the site 
occupied is, however, a very good criterion of age. It was a rule of 
the ancient pueblo builder, a rule still adhered to with a certain degree 
of persistence, that enlargement of a village for the purpose of obtain- 
ing more space must be by the addition of rooms to those already built, 
and not by the construction of detached rooms. So well was this rule 
observed that attached rooms were often built on sites not at all 
adapted to them, when much better sites were available but a short 
13 ETH 14 


distance away; and, although detached looms were built in certain 
cases, tliere was always a strong reason for such excei)tions to thegen- 
eral rule. At a late period in the history of the Pueblos this rule was 
not so much adhered to as before, and detached houses were often 
built at such points as the fancy or convenience of the builder 
might dictate. As the traditions are broken down the tendency to 
depart from the old rule becomes more decided, and at the i)resent day 
several of the older Pueblo villages are being gradually abandoned for 
the more convenient detached dwellings, while nearly all of them have 
suflered more or less from this cause. 

The tendencj^ to cluster rooms in one large compact group was 
nndoubtedly due primarily to hostile pressure from outside, and as this 
l)ressure decreased the inherent inconveniences of the plan would a.ssert 
themselves and the rule would be less and less closely adhered to. It 
therefore follows that, in the absence of other sufficient cause, the 
presence of detached rooms or small clusters may betaken in a general 
way to indicate a more recent occupancy than a ground plan of a com- 
l)act, closely built village. 

The size of rooms is closely connected with the character ot the site 
occupied. When, owing to hostile pressure, villages were built on sites 
difficult of access, and when the rooms were crowded together into 
<;lust('is in order to produce an easily defended structure, the rooms 
themselves were necessarily small; but when hostile pressure ft'om 
surrounding or outside tribes became less pronounced, the pueblo- 
builders consulted convenience more, and larger rooms were built. 
This has occurred in many of the pueblos and in the ruins, and in a 
general way a ruin consisting of large rooms is apt to be more modern 
than one consisting of small rooms; and where large and small rooms 
occur together there is a fair presumption that the occupancy of the 
village extended over a period when hostile pressure was pronounced 
and when it became less strong. It has already been shown that, owing 
to the social system of the pueblo-builders, there is almost always 
growth in a village, although the population may remain stationary in 
numbers or even decrease; so that, until a village is abandoned it will 
follow the general rule of development sketched above. 

Along the southern side of Clear creek, which discharges into the 
Kio Verde from the east, about 4 miles below Verde, there is a flat ter- 
race from 30 to 40 feet above the creek and some 2 or 3 miles in length. 
Scattered over almost the whole of this terrace are remains of houses 
and horticultural works, which will be described later. Ifear the west- 
ern end of the terrace a low hill with flat top and rounded sides rises, 
and on the top of this occurs the ruin whose ground plan is shown in 
figure 285. 

This ruin commands an outlook over the whole extent of the terrace 
and seems to have been the home pueblo with which were connected 
the numerous single houses whose remains cover the terrace. The 




ground plan is peculiar. The rooms were arranged iu four rows, each 
row consisting of a line of single rooms, and the rows were placed 
approximately at right angles to one another, forming the four sides of 
a hollow square. The rooms are generally oblong, of the usual dimen- 
sions, and as a rule placed with their longer axes in the direction of the 
row. Several rooms occur, however, with their longer axes placed 
across the row. Thirty-eight rooms can still be traced, and there is no 

KlG. 285. — (iroiind plan of ruiu ou southern side of Clear creek. 

likelihood that there were ever more than forty, or that any of the 
I'ooms attained a greater height than one story. The population, 
therefore, was probably never much in excess of fifty persons, or ten 
to twelve families. 

It will be noticed that the wall lines are only approximately rectan- 
gular. The outside dimensions of the village are as follows : North- 
eastern side, 203 feet; southwestern, 207 feet; southeastern, 1S2 feet; 


and northwestern, 194 feet. The northeastern and southwestern sides 
are nearly equal in length, hut between the southeastern and the north- 
western sides there is a ditierence of 12 feet, and this notwithstanding 
that the room at the western end of the southeastern row has been set 
out 3 feet beyond the wall line of the southwestern side. This differ- 
ence is remarkable if, as the ground plan indicates, the village or the 
greater part of it was laid out and bxiilt up at one time, and was not 
the result of slow growth. 

As already stated, long occupancy of a village, even without increase 
of population, produces a certain effect on the ground plan. This 
effect, so strongly marked in all the ruins already described, iscons])ic- 
uous in this ruin by its almost entire absence. The ground plan is such as would be produced if a small band of pueblo builders, con- 
sisting often or twelve related families, should migrate en masse to a 
site like the one under discussion and, after occupying that site for a 
few years — less than five — should pass on to some other location. 
Such migration and abandonment of villages were by no means anoma- 
lous; on the contrary, they constitute one of the most marked and most 
persistent phenomena in the history of the pueblo builders. If the 
general principles, already laid down, affecting the development and 
growth of ground plans of villages are applied to this example, the 
hypothesis suggested above — an incoming of people en masse and a 
very short occupancy — must be accei)ted, for no other hyi:)othesis will 
explain the regularity of wall JineSj the uniformity in size of rooms, and 
the absence of attached rooms which do not follow the general plan of 
the village. The latter is perhaps the most remarkable feature in the 
ground plan of this village. The addition of rooms attached irreg- 
ularly at various points of the main cluster, which is necessarily con- 
sequent on long occuijancy of a site, even without increase of popula- 
tion, was in this example just commenced. The result of the same 
process, continued over a long period of time, can be seen in the ground 
plan of any of the inhabited villages of today and in most of the ruins, 
while a plan like that of the ruin under discussion, while not unknown, 
is rare. 

Plate XX, which is a general view of the ruin from the southwest, shows 
the character of the site and the general appearance of the di'bris, while 
plate XXI illustrates the character of the masonry. It will be noticed 
that the level of the ground inside and outside of the row of rooms 
is essentially the same; in other words, there has been no filling in. It 
will also be noticed that the amount of debris is small, and that it con- 
sists principally of rounded river bowlders. The masonry was peculiar, 
the walls were comparatively thin, and the lower courses were com- 
posed of river bowlders, not dressed or otherwise treated, while the 
upper courses, and presumably also the coping stones, were composed 
of slabs of sandstone and of a very friable limestone. The latter has 
disintegrated very much under atmospheric influences. The white 




areas seen in the illustrations are composed of this 
stone. The general appearance of the ruin at the 
not be accepted as its normal condition. It is prob; 
has undergone a process of artificial selection, the 
available stones for building probably having been 
boring settlers and employed in the construction of 

disintegrated lime- 
present time must 
ible that the debris 
flat slabs and most 
removed by neigh- 
stone fences, which 

Fig. 286. — Ground plan of ruin 8 miles north ot'Fossil creek. 

are much used in this region. Even with a fair allowance for such 
removal, however, there is no evidence that the rooms were higher than, 
one story. The quantity of potsherds scattered about the niins is 
noticeably small. 

About 8 miles north of the mouth of Fossil creek, on the eastern 
side of the Verde, there is a ruin which, though very small, is interest- 
iug. At this point there is a long narrow mass of rock, the remains 


of a volcanic dike, some 80 or 90 feet long, wliieh at the soutUern end 
overhangs tbe stream, while the otlier end is merged into tlie ground 
level. At its southern end the rock is some 50 feet above the water, 
but 150 feet northward the dike is no longer traceable. A general view 
of this <like is given in plate xxii, while the ground plan, figure 286, 
shows the character of the site. There were rooms on all that portion 
of the dike that stands out prominently from the ground level, and 
traces of other rooms can be seen on the ground level adjoining on the 
north and in the causeway resulting from the breaking down and dis- 
integration of the dike. Remains of eight rooms in all can be traced, 
five of which were on the summit of the rock. The wall lines on the 
summit are still quite distinct and in places fragments of the original 
walls remain, as shown on the ground plan. The ])lan shows typical 
pueblo rooms of average size, and the masonry, though rough, is of the 
same character as that of other ruins in the vicinity. 

Facility of defense undoubtedly had something to do with the choice 
of this location, but that it was not the only desideratum consulted is 
evident fiom the occurrence of a large area of fertile bottom land or 
flat river terrace immediately adjoining the ruin on the east and over- 
looked by it; in fact, the volcanic dike on which the ruin occurs occu- 
pies the western end of a large semicircular area of tillable laud, such 
as already described. Viewed, however, as a village located with ref- 
erence to defense it is th e most perfect example — facihty of obtaining 
water being considered — in this region. It may be used, therefore, to 
illustrate an important principle governing the location of villages of 
this type. 

A study of the ground plan (figure 286) and the general view (plate 
XXII) will leadily show that while the site and character of this village 
are admirably adapted for defense, so well adapted, in fact, as to sug- 
gest that we have here a fortress or purely defensive structure, still 
this adaptation arises solely from the selection of a site fitted by nature 
for the purpose, or, in other words, from an accident of environment. 
There has not been the slightest artificial addition to the natural 
advantages of the site. 

The statement may seem broad, but it is none the less true, that, so 
for as our knowledge extends at the present time, fortresses or other 
purely defensive structures form a type which is entirely unknown in 
the pueblo region. The reason is simple ; military art, as a distinct 
art, was developed in a stage of culture higher than that attained by 
the ancient pueblo builders. It is true that within the limits of the 
pueblo region structures are found which, from their character and the 
character of their sites, have been loosely described as fortresses, their 
describers losing sight of the fact that the adaptability of these struc- 
tures to defense is the result of nature and not of art. Numerous exam- 
ples are found where the building of a single short wall would double 
the defensive value of a site, but in the experience of the writer the 









anfient l)uilders have seldom made eveu tliat slight addition to the 
natural advantages of the site they occupied. 

The first desideratum in the minds of the old pueblo builders iu 
choosing the location of their habitations was nearness to some area of 
tillable land. This land was generally adjacent to the site of the vil- 
lage, and was almost invariably overlooked by it. In fact this require- 
ment was considered of far more importance than adaptability todefense, 
for the latter was often sacrificed to the former. A good example iu 
which both requirements have been fully met is the ruin under discus- 
sion. Tliis, however, is the result of an exceptionally favorable envi- 
ronment; as a rule the two requirements conflict with each other, and 
it is always the latter reciuiremeiit- — adaptability to defense — which 
sufl'ers. These statements are true even of the so-(uilled fortresses, of 
the cavate lodges, of the cliff ruins, and of many of the large village 
ruins scattered over the soutliwestern portion of the United States. 
In the case of the large village ruins, however, there is another feature 
of pueblo life which sometimes produces a different result, viz, the use 
of outlying single houses or snuill clusters separated from the main vil- 
lage and used for temporary abode during the farming season only. 
This feature is well developed in some of the modern pueblos, particu- 
larly in Zufii and Acoma. 

The principle illustrated by this ruin is an important one. Among 
the ancient pueblo builders there was no military art, or rather the 
military art was in its infancy ; purely defensive structures, such as fort- 
resses, were unknown, and the idea of defense never reached any greater 
development than the selection of an easily defended site for a village, 
and seldom extended to the artifleal improvement of the site. There is 
another result of this lack of military knowledge not heretofore alluded 
to, which will be discussed at length on some other occasion and can 
only be mentioned here: this is the aggregation of a number of small 
villages or clusters into the large many-storied pueblo building, such 
as the modern Zuni or Taos. 

About li miles north of the mouth of Fossil creek, on the eastern 
side of the river, there is another ruin somewhat resembling the last 
described. A large red rock rises at the intersection of two washes, 
about a mile back from the liver, and on a bench near the summit are 
the remains of walls. These are illustrated in plate xxiii. In general 
appearance and in character of site this ruin strongly resembles a type 
found In the San Juan region. There seem to have been only a few 
rooms on the top of the rock, and the proaiinent wall seen in tlie illus- 
tration was probably a retaining or filling wall in a cleft of the rock. 
Such walls are now used among the Pueblos for the sides of trails, etc. 
It is probable that at one time there were a considerable niimber of 
rooms on the rock; the debris on the ground at the base of the rock 
on tlie western side, shown in the illustration, is rather scanty; on the 
opposite or eastern side there is more, and it is not imjirobable there 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

were rooms on the ground here. It is likely that access was from this 

It slioukl be noted that this ruin, which is of a type known as "fort- 
ress" by some writers, is so placed as to command an extensive out- 
look over the large valley below and over the two small valleys above, 
as well as the considerable area of flat or bottom land formed by the 
junction of the small valleys. It is a type of a subordinate agricultural 
settlement, and had the defensive motive been entirely absent from the 
minds of the builders of this village it would undoubtedly have been 
located Just where it now is, as this is the best site for an agricultural 
settlement for some distance up and down the river. 

Remains of walls somewhat similar to these last described occur on 
a butte or pinnacle on the eastern side of the river and about 7 miles 

N N 

Fig. 287.— Sketch map of 
ruins on pinnacle 7 miles 
north of Fossil creek. 

-Kemains uf small rooms 7 miles north of 
Fossil creek. 

north of the mouth of Fossil creek. From the south this pinnacle is a 
most cons])icuous landmark, rising as it does some 2,500 feet above the 
river within a distance of a quarter of a mile. The upper 50 feet of the 
eminence consists of bare red rock split into sharp points and little pin- 
nacles, as shown in figure 287, which represents only the upper portion of 
the butte. The heavy black lines on the sketch map are walls. Some 
of these were doubtless mere retaining walls, but others are still stand- 
ing to a considerable height, and there is yet much debris on the slope 
.of the rock forming the eastern side of the butte near its top. It is 
doubtful whether these rooms were ever used for habitations, and 
more probable that they were used as a shrine or for some analogous 

Perhaps a quarter of a mile northeastward, in the saddle connecting 
the butte with the contiguous hills in that direction, there are remains 
of three small rooms, located east of a low swell or ridge. Figure 288 



sliows the general character of the site, which seems to have been a 
favorite type for temporary structures, single-room outlooks, etc. 
Among the fragments of pottery picked up here were pieces of polished 
red ware of the southern type, and part of the bottom of a large pot 
of so-called corrugated ware. 

Half a mile northwestward, in a saddle similar to that last described, 
and east of the crown of a hill, are the remains of a single room, nearly 
S(|uare and perhaps 10 feet long. These single rooms and small cluster 
remains are unusual in this region, and seem to replace the bowlder- 
marked ruins so common south of the East Verde (to be described more 
fully later). Although the walls of this single-room structure were 
built of river bowlders, they are well marked by debris and are of the 
same type as those in the ruins at the mouths of the East Verde and 
Fossil creek. 


Cavate lodges comprise a type of structures closely related to cliff 
houses and cave dwellings. The term is a comparatively new one, and 
the structures themselves are not widely known. They differ from the 
cliff houses and cave dwellings principally in the fact that the rooms 
are hollowed out of cliffs and hills by human agency, being cut out of 
soft rock, while tlie former habitations are simple, ordinary structures 
built for various reasons within a cove or on a bench in the cliffs or 
within a cave. The difference is principally if not wholly the result of 
a different physical environment, i. e., cavate lodges and cave dwellings 
are only different phases of the same thing; but for the present at least 
the name will be used and the cavate lodges will be treated as a sep- 
arate class. 

There are but three regions in the United States in which cavate 
lodges are known to occur in considerable numbers, viz, on San Juan 
river, near its mouth; on the western side of the Eio Grande near the 
pueblo of Santa Clara; and on the eastern slope of San Francisco 
mountain, near Flagstaff, Arizona. To these may now be added the 
middle Verde region, from the East Verde to a point north of Verde, 

Within the middle Verde region there are thousands of cavate 
lodges, sometimes in clusters of two or three, oftener in small groups, 
and sometimes in large groups comprising several hundred rooms. 
One of these large groups, located some 8 miles south of Verde on the 
eastern side of the river, has been selected for illustration. 

The bottom lands of the Rio Verde in the vicinity of Verde have 
been already described, and the cavate lodges in question occur just 
below the southern end of this large area of tillable land, and some of 
them overlook it. The river at this point flows southward, and 
extending toward the east are two little canyons whicli meet on its 
bank. North and south of the mouth of the canyons the bank of the 



(ETH. ANN. 13 

river is foriuecl by an inaccessible bluif 180 or 200 feet liigli. These 
bluffs are washed by the Verde during high water, though there is 
evidence that up to a recent time there was a considerable area of 
bottom land between the river and the foot of the bluif, Plate xxiv 
shows the northern end of the group from a low mesa on the opposite 
side of the river; the eastern bank of the river can be seen in the fore- 
ground, while the sandy area extending to the foot of the bluft" is the 
present high-water channel of the Verde. The map (plate xxv) shows 
the distribution of the cavate lodges composing the group, and plate 
XXVI shows the character of the site. The cavate lodges occur on two 
distinct levels — the first, which comprises nearly all tlie cavate lodges, 
is at the top of the slopes of talus and about 75 feet above the river ; the 
second is set back from SO to 150 feet from the first tier horizontally and 

Tor or Ti^lus. 

Fig. JS!>.— Diajir.ini sliowing strata of canyon wall. 

30 or 40 feet above it. The cavate lodges occur only in the face of the 
bluft' along the river and in the lower parts of the two little canyons 
before mentioned. These canyons run back into the "mesa seen in the 
illustration, which in turn forms part of the foothills rising into the 
range of mountains hemming in the Eio Verde on the east. 

The walls of the canyon in the cavate-lodge area are composed of 
three distinct strata, clearly defined and well marked. The relations 
of the strata, at points on the northern and western sides of the north 
canyon, are shown in figure 289 and plate xxvi. The lowest stratum 
shown in the figure is that in which almost all the cavate lodges occur. 
It is about 8 feet thick and composed of a soft, very friable, purple-gray 
sandstone. Above it lies a greenish-white bed a few inches thick, fol- 
lowed by a stratum of a pronounced white, about 12 feet thick. This 
heavy stratum is composed of calcareous clay, and the green bed of a 
calcareous clay with a mixture of sand. The white stratum is divided 
at two-thirds its height by a thin belt of greenish-white rock, and above 

£ 'i 

1 ^\ ^^ j^'_^ 


it tliere is aiiotlier belt of purple-gray saiulstoiu^ about 12 feet thick. 
The top of this saudstoue forms the grouud surface south of the point 
shown ill the diagram, while ou the north and east it forms the floor of 
the upi)er tier of cavate lodges. 

Ou the southern side of the canyon the lower purple stratum shows 
three distinct substrata; the upper is reddish purple and about 3 J feet 
thick, the middle is purple gray, about 7 feet tliick, and apparently 
softer than the upper and lower strata. The lodges occur in the 
middle purple substratum, their floors composed of the upper surface 
of the lower stratum and their roofs of the under surface of the upper 
stratum. Those on the north side arc similarly placed, their roofs being 
about 3 feet below the white, except that in several instances the upper 
part of the purple up to the vvrhite has fallen, making the cavity larger. 
This has occurred, however, since the abandonment of the caves, and 
the debris, still fresh looking, is in situ. 

The formation in which the lodges occur is not of volcanic origin, 
although the beds composing it were perhaps deposited by hot springs 
during the period of great volcanic; activity which produced San Fran- 
cisco mountain in central Arizona and the great lava flows south of 
it. In view of the uncertainty on this point and the further fact that 
almost all the cavate lodges heretofore found were excavated in tufa, 
ash, or other soft volcanic dejwsits, the report of Mr. Joseph S. Diller, 
petrographer of the U. S. Geological Survey, will be of interest. It is 
as follows: 

The coarse-grained specimen in saudstone, that of medium grain is argillaceous 
aandstone, and the tine-graiued one is calcareous clay. The coarse-grained friable 
sandstone, in which the lodges have been excavated, consists chiefly of subangular 
and rounded grains of quartz and feldspar with a small proportion of black particles. 
Many of the latter are magnetite, while the others are hornblende and various ferro- 
magnesian silicates. I did not detect any fragments of volcanic origin. 

The specimen of argillaceous sandstone is made up of thin layers of tiue-grained 
sand of the same sort as the first, alternating Avith others containing considerable 
clay. In the clay layers, a trace of carbonate of lime was found here and there, 
forming a transit-ion of the calcareous clay. 

The calcareous clay when placed in acid eft'ervesces vigorously, but when allowed 
to stand the effervescence ceases in a few minutes and the insoluble white clay 

All the strata composing this formation are very soft; the purple- 
gray material of the middle layer is so soft that its surface can 
be rubbed off with the hand. They are also minutely stratified or 
laminated, and the lamiure are not well cemented together, so that a 
blow on the roof of a cavity with a stone or other implement will bring 
ott' slabs varying from half an inch to an inch and a half in thickness. 
These thin strata or lamina', are of unequal hardness, weathering in 
places several inches into the face of the rock in thin streaks of a few 
inches or less. The middle purple stratum exhibits this quality some- 
what more decidedly than the others, and this fact has doubtless 
determined the selection of this stratum for the location of the lodges, 


as a room can be excavated in it unwe easily than a room of a similar 
size could be built uj) with loose rock. 

The almost absolute dependence of the native builder on nature as 
he found it is well illustrated by these cavate lodges. At a point in the 
northern wall of the northernmost canj'on, shown in the diagram (tigure 
289) and in plate xxvi, there is a small fault with a throw of about 2i 
feet, and the floors of the lodges west of the fault are just that much 
lower than the floors east of it. Furthei'more, where the purple-gray 
stratum iu which the lodges occur is covered up by the rising ground 
surface, the cavate lodges abruptly cease. In the northern and southern 
ends of the group the talus encroaches on and partly covers the purple- 
gray stratum, and in these places the talus has been removed Irom the 
face of the rock to permit the excavation of lodges. In short, the 
occurrence of the cavate lodges in this locality is determined absolutely 
by the occurrence of one particular stratum, and when that stratum 
disappears the lodges disappear. So far as can be ascertained with- 
out actually excavating a room there is no apparent difference betw<eeu 
the stratum iu which the lodges occur and the other purple strata.above 
and below it. That there is some difference is indicated by the coa- 
tinement of the lodges to that particular level, but that the diflereuce 
is very slight is shown by the occurrence in two places of lodges jivst 
above the principal tier, a kind of second-story lodge, as it were. I't is 
such diti'ereuces in environment as these, however, often so slight as to 
be readily overlooked, wliich determine some of tlie largest operations 
carried on by the native builders, even to the building of some of the 
great many-storied pueblos, and, stranger still, sometimes leading to 
their complete abandonment. 

In the region under discussion cavate lodges usually occur in con- 
nection with and subordinate to village ruins, and range iu number 
from two or three rooms to clusters of considerable size. Here, how- 
ever, the cavate the feature which has been most developed, 
and it is noteworthy that the village ruins that occur in connection 
with them are small and unimportant and occupy a subordinate posi- 

There are remains of two villages connected with the cavate lodges 
just described, perched on the points of the promontories which form 
the mouths of th(> two canyons before mentioned. The location of these 
ruins is shown in plate xxv. The one on the southern promontory is 
of greater extent than that on the northern point, aud both are now 
much broken down, no standing wall remaining. A general view of 
the ruin on the northern promontory is given iu plate xxvii, and the 
same illustration shows the remains of the other village on the flat 
top of the promontory in tbe farther part of the foreground. 

The cavate lo<lges are generally rudely circular in shape, sometimes 
oblong, but uever rectangular. The largest are 25 and even 30 feet 
in diameter, and from this size range down to 5 or C feet and thence 
down to little cubb.v-holes or storage cists. Owiug to their similarity, 




liai'tifularly in ])oiiit of size, it is difiicult to draw a line between 
small rooms and large storage cists, bnt including the latter there 
are two hundred rooms on the main level, divided into seventy-four 
distinct and separate sets. These sets comprise from one to fourteen 
rooms each. On the upper level there are fifty-six rooms, divided into 
twenty-four sets, making a total of two hundred and fifty-six rooms. 
As nearly as can be determined by the extent of these ruins the ])op- 
nlation of the settlement was probably between one hundred and fifty 
and two hundred persons. 

Tliere is great variety in the rooms, both in size and arrangement. 
As a rule each set or cluster of rooms consists of a large apartment, 
entered by a narrow passageway from the face of the bluff, and a 
number of smaller rooms connected with it by narrow doorways or 
short passages and having no outlet except through the large apartment. 

Fig. 290.— Wallfd storage cist. 

As a rule two or more of smaller back rooms are attached to 
the main apartment, and sometimes the back rooms have still smaller 
rooms attached to them. In several cases there are three rooms in a 
series or row extending back into the rock, aiid in one instance (at the 
point marked E on the map, plate xxv) tiiere are four such rooms, all 
of good size. 

Attached to the main apartment, and sometimes also to tlie back 
rooms, there are usually a number of storage cists, diflering from the 
smaller rooms of the cluster only in size. These cists or cubby holes 
range in size from a foot to .5 feet in diameter, and are nearly always 
on a level of the tioor, although in some instances they extend below it. 


Storage cists are also sometimes excavated in the exterior walls of 
the cliffs, and occasionally they are partly excavated and partly in- 
closed by a rough, semicircular wall. An example of the latter type is 
shown in figure 200. 

As a rule the cavate lodges are set back slightly from the face of 
the bluff aiul connected with it by a narrow passageway. Another 
type, however, and one not uncommon, has no connecting passageway, 
but instead opens out to the air by a cove or nook in tiie bluff. This 
cove was used as the main room and the back rooms ojjened into it in 
the usual way by passageways. A number of lodges of this type can 
be seen in the eastern side of the northern promontory or bluff'. Pos- 
sibly lodges of this type were walled in front, although walled fronts 
are here exceptional, and some of them at least have been produced by 
the falling off of the rock above the doorway. The expedient of wall- 
ing up the front of a shallow cavity, commonly practiced in the San 
Juan region, while comparatively rare in this vicinity, was known to 
the dwellers in these cavate lodges. At several points remains of front 
walls can be seen, and in two instances front walls remain in place. 
The masonry, however, is in all cases very rough, of the same type as 
that shown in plate xxviii. 

In this connection a comparison with the cavate lodges found in 
other regions will be of interest. In 1875 Mr. W. H. Holmes, then 
connected with the Hayden survey, visited a number of cavate lodges 
on the llio San Juan and some of its tributaries. Several groups are . 
illustrated in his report. ' Two of his illustrations, showing, respec- 
tively, the open front and walled front lodges, are reproduced in plates 
XXIX and xxx. The open front lodges are thus described : 

I observed, in a]>proachinK from above, that a ruined tower stood near the brink 
of the cliff, at a i)oiut where it curves outward toward the river, and in studying 
it with my glass detected a number of cave-like openings in the cliff face about half- 
way up. On examination, I found them to have been shaped by the hand of man, 
but 80 weathered out and changed by the slow process of atmospheric erosion that 
the evidences of art were almost obliterated. 

The openings are arched irregularly above, and generally quite shallow, being 
governed very ranch in contour and depth by the quality of the rock. The work of 
excavation has not been an extremely great one, even with the imjierfect imple- 
ments that must have been used, as the shale is for the most part soft and friable. 

A hard stratum served as a floor, and projecting in many places made a narrow 
jjlatform by which the inhabitants were enabled to pass along from one house to 

Small fragments of mortar still adhered to the firmer parts of the walls, from 
which it is inferred that they were at one time plastered. It is also extremely prob- 
able that they were walled up in front and furnished with doors and windows, yet 
no fragment of wall has been preserved. Indeed, so great has been the erosion that 
many of the caves have been almost obliterated, and are now not deep enough to 
give shelter to a bird or bat. 

Walled fronts, the author states, were observed frequently on the 
llio Mancos, where there are many well-preserved specimens. He 

I Tenth Aun. Rep. U. S. Geol. Survey, 1876, pp. 288-391. 


described a large gioiip situated ou that stream, about 10 miles above 
its moutli, as follows : 

The walls were in many plates quite well preserved ;m<l new looking, while all 
al)()ut, high anil low, were others in all stages ol' decay. lu one place in particular, 
a pictnresinie ontstaniling promontiiry has been lull of dwellings, literally honey- 
conilied by this earth-burrowing race, and as one from below views the ragged, 
window-pierced crags [see plate xxx] he is unconsciously led to wonder if they are 
not the ruins of some ancient castle, behind whose moldcring walls are hidden the 
dread secrets of a long- forgotten people; but a nearer ajiproach ouickly dispels such 
fancies, for the windows jirove to be only the doorways to shallow and irregular 
ai)artmeuts, hardly sufficiently commodious for a race of pigmies. Neither the outer 
openings nor the apertures that communicate between the caves are large enough 
to allow a person of large st.ature to pass, and one is led to suspect that these nests 
were not the dwellings proper of these people, l)ut occasicmal resorts for women and 
children, ami that the somewhat extensive ruins in the valley below were their 
ordinary dwelling jdaces. 

It will be noticed that iti both these cases there are associated ruins 
on the mesa top above, and in both instances these as.sociated ruins 
are subordinate to the cavate lodges, in this respect resembling the 
lodges on the Verde already described. This condition, however, is 
not the usual one; in the great majority of cases the cavate lodges are 
subordinate to the associated ruins, standing to them in the relation 
of outlying agricultural shelters. Unless this fact is constantly borne 
in mind it is easy to exaggerate the importance of the cavate lodges as 
con)pared with the village ruins with wliich they are connected. 

The cavate lodges near San Francisco mountain in Arizona were vis- 
ited in 1883 by Col. James Stevenson, of the Bureau of P^thnology, and 
in 1885 by Maj. J. W. Powell. Major Powell' describes a number of 
groui)s in the vicinity of Flagstaff. Of one group, situated on a cinder 
cone about 12 miles east of San Francisco peak, he says: 

Here the cinders are soft and friable, and the cone is a prettily shaped dome. On 
the southern slope there are excavations into the indurated and coherent cinder 
mass, constituting chambers, often 10 or 12 feet in diameter and 6 to 10 feet in height. 
The chambers are of irregular shape, and occasionally a larger central ch.amber forms 
a kind of vestibule to several smaller ones gathered about it. The smaller chambers 
are sometimes at the same altitude as the central or principal one, and sometimes at 
a lower altitude. About one hundred and fifty of these chambers have been exca- 
vated. Most of them are now partly filled by the caving in of the walls and ceilings, 
but some of them are yet in a good state of iireservation. In these chambers, and 
about them on the summit and sides of the cinder cone, many stone implements were 
found, especially metates. Some bone implements also were discovered. At the 
very summit of the little cone there is a plaza, inclosed by a rude wall made of 
volcanic cinders, the floor of which was carefully leveled. The plaza is about 4.5 
by 75 feet in area. Here the people lived in underground houses — chambers hewn 
from the friable volcanic cinders. Hefore them, to the south, west, and north, 
stretched beautiful valleys, beyond which volcanic cones are seen rising amid pine 
forests. The peojde probably cultivated patches of ground in the low valleys. 

About 18 miles still farther to the cast of San Francisco mountain another ruined 
village was discovered, built about the crater of a volcanic cone. This volcanic 
peak is of much greater magnitude. The crater opens to the eastward. Ou the 

' Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., 1891, p. xix. 


south many stone dwelliuRs have lieeii built of the basaltic and cinder-like rocks. 
Between the ridge on the south and another on the northwest there is a low saddle 
in which other buildings hiive been erected, and in which a great plaza was found, 
much like the one previously described. But the most interesting part of this vil- 
lage was on the cliff which rose ou the northwest side of the crater. In this cliff 
are many natural eaves, and the caves themselves were utilized as dwellings by 
inclosing them in front with walls made of volcanic rocks and cinders. These cliff 
dwellings are placed tier above tier, in a very irregular wav. In many cases nat- 
ural caves were thus utilized; in other cases cavate chambers were made; that is, 
chambers have been excavated in the friable cinders. Ou the very summit of the 
ridge stone buildings were erected, so that this village was in part a cliff village, in 
part cavate, and in part the ordinary stone jiueblo. The valley below, especially to 
the southward, was probably occupied by their gardens. In the chambers among 
the overhanging cliffs a great many interesting relics were found, of stone, bone, 
and wood, and many potsherds. 

It will be seen that tlie first group described bears a remarkably 
close resemblance to tlie cavate lodges on the Eio Yerde. The lodges 
themselves are smaller, but the arrangement of main apartment and 
attached back rooms is quite similar. It will be noticed also that in 
the second gioup described village ruins are again associated on the 
summit of the cliff or ridge. Major Powell ascertained that these 
cavate lodges were occupied by the Havasupai Indians now living in 
Cataract canyon, who are closely related to the Walapai, and who. it is 
said, were driven from this region by the Spaniards. 

The cavate lodges on the Rio Grande, in New Mexico, in the vicinity 
of the modern pueblo of Santa Clara, were also visited in 1885 by Major 
Powell and are thus described by him : ' 

The cliffs themselves are built of volcanic sands .and ashes, and many of the strata 
are exceedingly light and friable. The specific gravity of some of these rocks is so 
low that tliey will float ou water. Into the faces of these cliff's, in the friable and 
easilj- worked rock, many chambers have lieeu excavated; for mile after mile the 
cliffs are studded with them, so that altogether there are many thousands. Some- 
times a chamber or series of chambers is entered from a terrace, but usually they 
were excavated many feet above any landing or terrace below, so that they could 
be reached only by ladders. In other places artificial terraces were built by con- 
structing retaining walls and filling the interior next to the cliff's with loose rock 
and sand. Very often steps were cut iuto the face of a cliff and a rude stairway 
formed by which chambers could be reached. The chambers were very irregularly 
arranged and very irregular in size and structure. In many cases there is a central 
chamber, which seems to have been a general living room for the people, back of 
which two, three, or more chambers somewhjit smaller are found. The ch.anibers 
occupied by one family are sometimes connected with those occupied by another 
family, so that two or three or four sets of chambers have interior communication. 
Usually, however, the communication from one system of chambers to another was 
by the outside. Many of the chambers had evidently been occupied as dwellings. 
They still contained fireplaces and evidences of fire; there were little caverns or 
shelves in which various vessels were placed, and many evidences of the handicraft 
of the people -were left in stone, bone, horn, and wood, and in the chambers and 
about the sides of the cliffs potsherds are abundant. On more careful survey it was 
found that many chambers had been used as stables for asses, goats, and sheep. 
Sometimes they had been filled a few inches, or even 2 or 3 feet, with the excrement 

'Seventh Ann. Eep. Bur. Eth., op. cit., p. xxii. 





of these animals. Ears of com and corncobs were also found in many places. 
Some of the chambers were evidently constructed to be used as storehouses or 
caches for grain. Altogether it is very evident that the cliff houses have been used 
iu comparatively modern times ; at any rate, since the people owned asses, goats, and 
sheep. The rock is of such a friable nature that it will not stand atmospheric deg- 
radation very long, and there is abundant evidence of this character testifyiug to 
the recent occupancy of these cavate dwellings. 

.\bove the cliffs, on the mesas, which have already been described, evidences of 
more ancient ruins were found. These were pueblos built of cut stone rudely 
dressed. Every mesa had at least one ancient pueblo upon it, evidently far more 
ancient than the cavate dwellings found in the face of the cliffs. It is, then, very 
plain that the cavate dwellings are not of great age; that they have been occupied 
since the advent of the white man, and that on the summit of the clifi's there are 
rums of more ancient pueblos. 

Major Powell obtained a tradition of the Santa Clara Indians, recit- 
ing three successive jjeriods of occupancy of the cavate lodges by 
them, the last occurring after the Spanish conquest of New Mexico in 
the seventeenth century. 

It will be noticed that here again the cavate lodges and village 
ruins are associated, although in this case the village ruins on the mesas 
above are said to be more ancient than the cavate lodges. A general 
view of a small section of cliff containing lodges is given in plate xxxi, 
for comparison with those on the Verde. The lodges on the Rio 
Grande seem to have been more elaborate than those on the Verde, 
perhaps owing to longer occupancy; but the same arrangement of a 
main i'ront room and attached back rooms, as in the cavate lodges on 
the Verde, was found. 

As the cavate lodges of the San Francisco mountain region have 
been assigned to the Havasupai Indians of the Yuman stock, and those 
of the Rio Grande to the Santa Clara pueblo Indians of the Tanoan 
stock, it may be of interest to state that there is a vague tradition 
extant among the modern settlers of the Verde region that the cavate 
lodges of that region were occupied within the last three generations. 
This tradition was derived from an old Walapai Indian whose grand- 
father was alive when the cavate lodges were occupied. It was impos- 
sible to follow this tradition to its source, and it is introduced only a.s- 
a suggestion. Attention is called, however, to the tradition given ia 
the introduction to this paper with which it may be connected. 

Aside from the actual labor of excavation, there was but little work 
expended on the Verde cavate lodges. The interiors were never plas- 
tered, so far as the writer could determine. Figure 291 shows the plan 
of one of the principal sets of rooms, which occurs at the point marked 
D on the map, plate xxv; and plate xxxii is an interior view of the 
principal room, drawn from a flashlight pliotograph. This set of rooms 
was excavated in a point of tlie cliff and extends completely through it 
as shown on tlie general plan, plate xxv. The entrance was from the 
west by a short passageway opening into a cove extending back some 

13 ETH 15 



^ETH. ANN. 13 

10 feet from the face of the cliff. The room entered measures 16 
feet ill length by 10 feet in width. On the floor of this room a struc- 
ture resembling the piki or paper bread oven of the Tusayau Indians, 
was found constructed partly of fragments of old and broken metates. 

Fig. 291.— Plan of cavate 

lodge.s, group D. 

At the southern end of the room there is a cubby-hole about a foot in 
diameter, excavated at the floor level. At the eastern end of the room 
there is a passageway about 2i feet long leading into a smaller roughly 
circular room, measuring 7J feet in its longes.t diameter, and this in 





turn is connected with another almost circular room of the same size. 
The iloors of all three of these rooms are on the same level, but the 
roofs of the two smaller rooms are a foot lower than that of the 
entrance room. At the northern end of the entrance room there is a 
passageway 3 feet long and 2i feet wide leading into the principal 
room of the set. This passageway at its southern end has a framed 
doorway of the type illustrated later. 

The main room is roughly circular in form, measuring 16 feet in its 
north and south diameter and 15 feet from east to west. The roof is 
about 7 feet above the floor. Figure 292 shows a section from north- 
west to southwest («, i, figure 291) through the small connected room 

Section through. CD. 

Fig. 292. — Sections of cavate lodges, group D. 

adjoining on the south, and also an east and west section (c, d, figure 
291). The tioor is plastered with clay wlierever it was necessary iu 
order to bring it to a level, and the coating is consequently not of uni 
form thickness. It is divided into sections by low ridges of clay as 
shown in the plan and sections; the northern section is a few inches 
higher than the other. Extending through the clay finish of the floor 
and into the rock beneath there are four ])its, indicated on the plan by 
round spots. The largest of these, situated opposite the northern door, 
was a fire hole or pit about IS inches in diameter at the floor level, of an 
inverted conical shape, about 10 inches in depth, and plastered inside 
with clay inlaid with fragments of pottery i)laced as closely together 
as their shape would permit. The other pits are smaller; one located 
near the southeastern corner of the room is about inches in diameter 


and the same in deiith, while the others are mere depressions in the 
floor, iu shape like the small paint mortars used l»y the Pueblos. 

The room, when opened, contained a deposit of bat dung and sand 
about 3 feet thick in the center and averaging about 2 feet thick 
throughout the room. This deposit exhibited a series of well-defined 
strata, varying from three-fourths to an inch and a half thick, caused 
by the respective predominance of dung or sand. No evidence of dis- 
turbance of these strata was found although careful examination was 
made. This deposit was cleared out and a number of small articles 
were found, all resting, however, directly on the floor. The articles 
consisted of fragments of basketry, bundles of fibers and pieces of 
fabrics, pieces of arrowshafts. fragments of grinding stones, three 
sandals of woven yucca fiber, two of thera new and nearly perfect, and 
a number of pieces of cotton cloth, the latter scattered over the room 

and in several instances gummed to the 
floor. Only a few fragments of pottery 
were found iu the main room, but outside 
in the northern passageway were the frag- 
ments of two large pieces, one an olla, the 
other a bowl, both buried in 3 or 4 inches 
of debris under a large slab fallen from 
the roof. 

Owing to its situation this room was one 
of the most desirable in the whole group. 
Tlie prevailing south wind blows through 
it at all times, and this is doubtless the 

sand. In the center of the room the roof has fallen at a comparatively 
recent date from an area about 10 by 7 feet, in slabs about an inch 
thick, for the fragments were within G inches of the top of the debris. 
The walls are smoke-blackened to a very slight extent compared with 
the large room south of it. 

At the northeastern and southwestern corners there are two small 
pockets, opening on the floor level but sunk below it, which seem to 
have been designed to contain water. That in the southwest corner is 
the larger; it is illustrated in the section, figure 293. As shown in 
the section and on the plan (figure 291), a low wall composed of adobe 
mortar and broken rock was built across the opening on the edge of 
the floor, perhaps to increase its capacity. This cavity would hold 15 
to 20 gallons of water, a sufficient amount to supply the needs of an 
ordinary Indian family for three weeks or a month. The pocket iu 
the northeastern corner of the room is not (juite so large as the one 
described, and its front is not walled. 

West of the main room there is a storage room, nearly circular in 
shape, with a diameter of about feet and with a floor raised about 2 
feet above that of the main room. Its roof is but 3 feet above the floor, 
and across its western end is a low bench a coujjle of inches above the 




floor. In the northeastern corner there is a shallow cove, also raised 
slightly above the main floor and conaectiug by a narrow opening with 
the outer vestibule-like rooms on the north. These northern rooms 
of the lodge seem to be simply enlargements of the passageway. The 
northern opening is a window rather than a door as it is about 10 feet 
above the ground and therefore could be entered only by a ladder. 
The opening is cut in the back of a cove in the clifi", and is 6 feet from 
the northern end of the main room. At half its length it has been 
enlarged on both sides by the excavatiou of niches or coves about i 
feet deep but only 2J feet high. These coves could be used only for 
storage on a small scale. 

FlQ. 294 Plan of cavate lodges, group A. 

In the southeastern corner of the main room there is another opeu- 
ing leading, into a low-roofed storage cist, approximating 4 feet in diam- 
eter, and this cist was in turn connected with the middle one of the 
three rooms first described. This opening, at the time the room was 
examined, was so carefully sealed and plastered that it was scarcely 

A different arrangement of rooms is showu in plan in figure 294 and in 
section in figure 295. Tiiis group occurs at the point marked A on the 
map. The entrance to the main room was throngh a narrow passage, 3 
feet long, leading into the chamber from the face of the blutt', which at 



[ETn. ANJf. 13 

this point is vertical. The main room is oblong, measuring 17 feet one 
way and 10 the other. At the southern end there is a small cist and 
on the western side near the entrance there is another hardly a foot in 
diameter. North of the main room there is a small, roughly circular 
room with a diameter of about 6 feet. It is connected with the main 
room by a passage about 2 feet long. On the floor of the main room 
there are two low ridges of clay, similar to those already described, 
which divide it into three sections of nearly equal size. 

East of the main room there is another of considerable size in the 
form of a bay or cove. It measures 13 feet by G feet, and its floor is 20 
inches higher than that of the main room, as shown in the section (figure 
295). Attached to this bay, at its northern end, is a small cist about 3 





Fig. 295- — Sections uf cavate loilyea, group A. 

feet in diameter, and with its floor sunk to the level of the floor of the 
main room. East of the cove there is another cist about 4i feet in 
diameter and with its floor on the level of the cove. Adjoining it on 
the south and leading out from the southeastern corner of the cove or 
bay, there is a long passage leading into an almost circular room 9 
feet in diameter. The back wall of this room is 33 feet from the face 
of the clift'. The passage leading into it is G feet long, 2J feet wide at 
the doorways, bulging slightly in the center, and its floor is on the same 
level as the rooms it connects; its eastern end is defined by a ridge of 
clay about 6 inches high. 





In the eastern side of the circular room hist described there is a 
storage cist about 3 feet wide and 2 feet deep. No fire-pit was seen 
in this cluster, although if the principal apartment were carefully 
cleaned out it is not improbable that one might be found. 

A cluster of rooms somewhat resembling the last described is shown 
in plan in figure 296. This cluster occurs at the point marked B on the 
map. The main room is set back oi feet from the face of the bluff, 
which is vertical at this point, and is oblong in shape, measuring 19^ 
by 11^ feet. Its roof is 7^ feet above the fioor in the center of the 
room. Attached to its southera end by a passage only a foot in length 
is a small room or storage cist about 5 feet in diameter. At its north- 
eastern corner there is another room or cist similar in shape, about 7 
feet in diameter, and reached by a passage 2 feet long. This small 


fA/rrance. . 
Fig. 296, — Plan of caTate lodges, group B. 

room is also connected with a long room east of the main apartment by 
a passage, the southern end of which was carefully sealed up and 
plastered, making a kind of niche of the northern end. At the south- 
eastern corner of the room there is a small niche about 2 feet in diam- 
eter on the level of the floor. 

The eastern side of tUe main room is nut closed, but opens directly 
into an oblong chamber of irregular size with the roof nearly 2 feet 
lower and the floor a foot higher than the main room. This step in the 
floor is shown by the line between the rooms on the ground plan. The 
second room is about 6 feet wide and 20 feet long, its southern end 
rounding out slightly so as to form an almost circular chamber. Near 



[ETH, ANN. 13 

the center of its eastern side there is a passageway 2i feet long leading 
into a circular chamber 104 feet in diameter and with its floor on the 
same level as the room to which it is attached. The back wall of this 
room is 35i feet from the face of the cliff. 

A group occuring at the jjoint marked E on the map {plate xxv) is 
shown in plan in tigure 297. It is located in a projecting corner of the 
bluif and marks the eastern limit of the cavate lodges at this end of 
the canyon. The group consists of five rooms, and has the distinction 
of extending four rooms deep into the rock. The main room is set 
back about 13 feet from the face of the bluff, about 7 feet of this dis- 
tance being occupied by a narrow passageway and the remainder by a 
cove. The depth from the face of the bluff to the back of the inner- 
most chamber is 47 feet. The main room measures 10 feet in length 
and 11 feet in width, and its roof is less than 7 feet high in the center. 
Near its center and opposite the long passageway mentioned there is a 
fire-pit uearl}^ 3 feet in diameter. 

Entr^ncc Ooortvay, 

Fig. 297. — Plan uf cavate lodge.s, group E. 

At the northeastern corner of the main room there is a wide opening 
leading into a room measuring 8 by 7 feet, with a floor raised 2 feet 
above that of the i)rincipal apartment. The roof of this chamber is but 
44 feet above the floor. Almost the whole eastern side of this room is 
occupied by a wide opening leading into another room of approximately 
the same size and shape. The roof of this room is only 3 feet 10 inches 
above the floor, and the floor is raised C inches above that on the west. 
In the northeastern corner there is a short narrow passageway leading 
into a small circular room, the fourth of the series, having a diameter 
of 4 feet. The roof of this apartment is only 3 feet above the floor. 

In the southeastern corner of the main room there is a narrow pas- 
sageway leading into a circular chamber about S feet in diameter. 
This chamber is connected with the second room of the series described 
by a passageway about 2 feet long, which opens into the southeastern 




corner of that room. This passageway, at its northern end, is l.J feet 
below the room into which it opens. One of the most noticeable feat- 
ures about this group of rooms is the entire absence of the little nooks 


Fig. 298. — Plan of cavate lodges, group O. 

and pockets in the wall which are characteristic of these lodges, and 
which are very numerous in all the principal groups, noticeably in the 
group next described. 


At the poiut marked C on the map there is an ehiborate group of 
chambers, consisting- of two groups joined together and comprising 
altogether eight rooms. This is shown in jilan in figure 298. The rock 
composing tlie front of the main room of the southern group has recently 
fallen, making a pile of debris about 4 feet high. The room originally 
measured about 12 by 22 feet. Its eastern side is occupied by a pas- 
sageway leading into an adjoining chamber and by two shallow, 
roughly semicircular coves, apparently the remains of former small 
rooms. Along the northern wall of the room there are two little nooks 
at the floor level, and along the southern wall there are four, one of 
them (shown on the plan) beiiig dug out like a pit. The roof of the 
room was about 6 feet above the floor. 

The passageway near the eastern side is 4J feet long, and is 3i feet 
wide — an unusual width. It opens into a roughly circular room, 8 feet 
in diameter, but with a roof only 3i feet above the floor. Ahnig the 
northeastern side of this room there are three small pockets opening on 
the floor level. On the southern side of the room there is a wide open- 
ing into a small attached room, roughly oblong in shape and measur- 
ing about <U by 4i feet. Along the southern wall of this little room 
there are two small pockets, and at the southwestern corner the rock 
has been cleared out to form a low cavity in the shai)e of a half dome. 
In the northwestern corner of the room there is another wide passage 
to a small room attached to the main room. This passage is now care- 
fully sealed on its southern side with a slab of stone, plastered neatly 
so as to be hardly perceptible from the southern side. The room into 
which this passage opens on the north is attached to the northeastern 
corner of the main apartment by a narrow passage, IJ feet wide and a 
foot long. It is roughly circular in shape, about C feet in diameter, and 
is the only chamber in the southern group which has no pockets or 
cubby-holes. Of these pockets there are no fewer than twelve in the 
southern group. Near the northern corner of the main room there is a 
doorway leading into a cove, which in turn opens into the main room 
of the northern group. 

The main room of the northern group is set back about 9 feet from the 
face of the bluS", but is entered by a passageway about 3 feet long, the 
remainder of the distance consisting of a cove in the clilf. The 
room is 22 feet long and 13 feet wide and its roof is 6J feet above 
the floor. In the southwestern corner there is a small pocket in the 
Avail, and in the northwestern corner two others, all on the floor level. 
In the eastern side, however, there is a cubby-hole nearly 2 feet in 
diameter and about 2 feet above the floor. This is a rare feature. The 
southern end of the room opens into a kind of cove, raised 2 feet above 
the floor of the main room, and opening at its southern end into the 
main room of the southern group. In the floor of this cove there is a 
circular pit about 18 inches in diameter (marked in the plan, figure 298), 
Although resembling the fire holes already described, the position of 


the pit under consideration precludes Uvse for that purpose; it was 
probably designed to coutaiu water. At the northeastern corner of 
the ])riiicipal apartment there is an oblong chamber or storage cist, 
measuring C feet by 7 feet. 

Connected with the main room by a passageway 2 feet long cut in 
its eastern wall, there is an almost circular chamber 7 feet in diameter, 
and this in turn connects with another chamber beyond it by a pas- 
sageway iii feet long and less than 2 feet wide. Tlie roofs of the two 
chambers last mentioned are but i^ and 4 feet, respectively, above the 
floor, and in none of the rooms of this group, except the main apart- 
ment, are pockets or niches found. The whole group extends back 
about 45 feet into the bluff. 


Within the limits of the region here treated there are many hundreds 
of sites of structures and groups of rooms now marked only by lines of 
water-rounded bowlders. As a rule each site was occupied by only one 
or two rooms, although sometimes tlie settlement rose to the dignity of a 
village of considerable size. The rooms were nearly always oblong, 
similar in size and ground plan to the rooms composing the village 
ruins already described, but differing in two essential points, viz, char- 
acter of site and character of the masonry. As a rule these remains are 
found on and generally near the edge of a low mesa or hill overlooking 
some area of tillable land, but they are by no means confined to such 
locations, being often found directly on the bottom land, still more fre- 
quently on the banks of dry washes at the points where they emerge 
from the hills, and sometimes on little islands or raised areas within 
the wash where every spring they must have been threatened with 
overflow or perhaps even overflowed. An examination of many sites 
leads to the conclusion that permanency was not an element of much 
weight in their selection. 

Externally these bowlder-marked sites have every appearance of 
great antiquity, but all the evidence obtainable iu regard to them indi- 
cates that they were connected with and inhabited at the same time as 
the other ruins in the region in wiiich they are found. Tliey are so 
much obliterated now, however, that a careful examination fails to 
determine in some cases whether the site in question was or was not 
occupied by a room or group of rooms, and there is a notable dearth 
of pottery fragments such as aie so abundant in the ruins already 
described. Excavation iu a large ruin of this type, however, conducted 
by some ranchmen living just above Limestone creek, yielded a con- 
siderable lot of pottery, not differing in kind from the fragments found 
in stone ruins so far as can be judged from description alone. 

In the southern part of the region here treated bowlder-marked sites 
are more clearly marked and more easily distinguished thin in the 
northern part, partly perhaps because in that section the normal ground 


surface is smoother than in the northern section and affords a greater 
contrast with the site itself. Plate xxxiii shows one of these bowlder- 
marked sites which occurs a little below Limestone creek, on the oppo- 
site or eastern side of the river. It is typical of many in that district. 
It will be noticed that the bowlders are but slightly sunk into the soil, 
and that the surface of the ground has been so slightly disturbed that 
it is practically level; there is not enough debris on the ground to raise 
the walls 2 feet. The illustration shows, in the middle distance, a con- 
siderable area of bottom land which the site overlooks. In plan this 
site shows a number of oblong rectangular rooms, the longer axes of 
which are not always parallel, the plan resembling very closely the 
smaller stone village ruins already described. It is probable that the 
lack of parallelism in the longer axes of the rooms is due to the same 
cause as in the village ruins, i. e., to the fact that the site was not all 
built up at one time. 

The illustration represents only a part of an extensive series of wall 
remains. The series commences at the northern end of a mesa forming 
the eastern boundary of the Rio Verde and a little below a point oppo- 
site the mouth of Limestone creek. The ruins occur along the western 
rim of the mesa, overlooking the river and the bottom lands on the 
other side, and are now marked only by bowlders and a slight rise in 
the ground. But few lines of wall are visible, most of the ruins con- 
sisting only of a few bowlders scattered without system. From the 
northern end of the mesa, where the ruins commence, traces of walls 
can be seen extending due southward and at an angle of about 10^ 
with the mesa edge for a distance of one-fourth of a mile. Beyond this, 
for half a mile or more southward, remains of single houses and small 
clusters occur, and these are found in less abundance to the southern 
edge of the mesa, where the ruin illustrated occurs. The settlement 
extended some distance east of the part illustrated, and also south- 
ward on the slope of the hill. Two well-marked lines of wall occur at 
the foot of the hill, on the flat bottom land, but the slopes of the hill 
are covered with bowlders and show no well-defined lines. Scattered 
about on the surface of the ground are some fragments of metates of 
coarse black basalt and some potsherds, but the latter are not abun- 

The bowlders which now mark these sites were probably obtained in 
the immediate vicinity of the points where they were used. The mesa 
on which the ruin occurs is a river terrace, constructed partly of these 
bowlders; they outcrop occasionally on its surface and show clearly 
in its sloping sides, and the washes that carry off the water falling on 
its surface are full of them. 

In the northern end of the settlement tljere are faint traces of what 
may liave been an irrigating ditch, but the topography is such that 
■water could not be brought on top of the mesa from the river itself. At 
the southern end of the settlement, northeast of the point shown in 
the illustration, there are traces of a structure that may have been a 


storage reservoir. The surface of the mesa dips slightly southward, 
and the reservoir-like structure is placed at a point Just above the head 
of a large wash, where a considerable part of the water that falls upon 
the surface of the mesa could be caught. It is possible that, commenc- 
ing at the northern end of the settlement, a ditch extended completely 
through it, terminating in the storage reservoir at the southern end, 
and that this ditch was used to collect the surface water and was not 
connected with the river. A method-of irrigation similar to this is 
practiced today by some of the Pueblo Indians, notably by the Hopi or 
Tusayan and by the Zuni. In the bottom lan<l immediately south of the 
mesa, now occupied by several American families, there is a fine example 
of an aboriginal ditch, described later. 

In the vicinity of the large ruin just above Limestone creek, previ- 
ously described, the bowlder-marked sites are especially abundant. In 
the immediate vicinity of that ruin there are ten or more of them, and 
they are abundant all along the edge of the mesa forming the upper 
river terrace; in fact, they are found in every valley and on every 
point of mesa overlooking a valley containing tillable land. 

It is probable tliat the bowlder-marked ruins are the sites of second- 
ary and temporary structures, erected for convenience in working 
fields near to or overlooked by them and distant from the home pueblo. 
The character of the sites occujiied by them and the plan of the struc- 
tures themselves supports this hypothesis. That they were connected 
with the permanent stone villages is evident from their comparative 
abundance about each of the larger ones, and that they were con- 
structed in a less substantial manner than the home pueblo is sho*vn 
by the character of the remains. 

It seems quite likely that only the lower course or courses of the 
walls of these dwellings were of bowlders, the sui)erstructure being 
perhaps sometimes of earth (not adobe) but more probably often of 
the type known as "jacal" — upright slabs of wood plastered with 
mud. This method of construction was known to the ancient pueblo 
peoples and is used today to a considerable extent by the Mexican 
population of the southwest and to a less extent in some of the 
pueblos. No traces of this construction were found in the bowlder- 
marked sites, perhaps because no excavation was carried on; but it is 
evident that the rooms were not built of stone, and that not more than 
a small percentage could have been built of rammed earth or grout, as 
the latter, in disintegrating leaves well defined mounds and lines of 
debris. It is improbable, moreover, that the structures were of brush 
plastered with mud, such as the Navajo liogan, as this method of con- 
struction is not well adapted to a rectangular ground plan, and if per- 
sistently applied would soon modify such a plan to a round or par- 
tially rounded one. Temporary brush structures would not require 
stone foundations, but structures composed of upright posts or slabs, 
filled in with brush and plastered with mud, and designed to last more 


than one fanning season, would probably be placed on stone founda- 
tions, as the soil throughout most of the region in which these remains 
occur is very light, and a wooden structure i^laced directly on it 
would hardly survive a winter. 

In the valley of the Rio Verde the profitable use of adobe at the 
present time is approximately limited northward by the thirty-fourth 
parallel, which crosses the valley a little below the mouth of Limestone 
creek. North of this latitude adobe is used less and less and where 
used requires more and more attention to keep in order, although on 
the high tablelands some distance farther northward it is again a 
suitable constructioD. South of the thirty-fourth parallel, however, 
adobe construction is well suited to the climate and in the valleys of 
Salt and Gila rivers it is the standard construction. Adobe construc- 
tion (the use of sun-dried molded brick) was unknown to the ancient 
pueblo builders, but its aboriginal counterpart, rammed earth or pise 
construction, such as that of the well known Casa Grande ruin on Gila 
river, acted in much the same way under climatic influences, and it is 
probable that its lack of suitability precluded its use in the greater 
part of the Verde valley. No walls of the type of those of the Casa 
Grande ruin have been found in the valley of the Verde, although 
abundant in the valleys of the Salt and Gila rivers, but it is ])ossible 
that this method of construction was used in the southern part of the 
Verde region for temporary structures; in the northern part of that 
region its use even for that purpose was not practicable. 

lu this connection it should be noted that all the ruins herein 
described are of buildings of the northern type of aboriginal pueblo 
architecture and seem to be connected with the north rather than the 


One of the finest examples of an aboriginal irrigating ditch that has 
come under the writer's notice occurs about 2 miles below the mouth 
of Limestone creek, on the opposite or eastern side of the river. At 
this i)oint there is a large area of fertile bottom land, now occupied by 
some half dozen ranches, known locally as the Lower Verde settlement. 
The ditch extends across the northern and western part of this area. 
Plate xxxiv shows a portion of this ditch at a point about one eighth of 
a mile east of the river. Here the ditch is marked by a very shallow 
trough in the grass-covered bottom, bounded on either side by a low 
ridge of earth and pebbles. Plate xxxv shows tlie same ditch at a point 
about one-eighth of a mile above the last, where it was necessary to 
cut through a low ridge. North of this point the ditch can not be 
traced, but here it is about 40 feet above the river and about 10 feet 
above a modern (American) ditch. It is probable that the water was 
taken out of the river about 2 miles above this place, but the ditch 
was ruu on the sloping side of the mesa which has been recently 

"V^r m 'w > J % 




5. "• -.'^ 






washed out. Xo traces of the d 
iu plate xxxiv, but as the 
modern acequia, which 
enters the \alley nearly 
10 feet below the aucieut 
one, extends up the valley 
nearly to its head, theie 
is no reason to suppose 
that the ancient ditch did 
not irrigate nearly the 
whole area of bottom land. 
The ancient ditch is W(M1 
marked by two clearly 
defined lines of pebldes 
and small bowlders, as 
shown ill the illustration. 
Probably these i)ebbles 
entered into its construc- 
tion, as the modern ditch, ^ 
washed out at its head g 
and abandoned more than 1 
a year ago, shows no trace ° 
of a similar marking. °. 

A little west and south = 
of the point shown in | 
plate XXXIV the bottom a 
land drops oft" by a low g, 
bench of -i or 4 feet to a |. 
lower level or terrace, »' 
and this edge is marked f 
for a distance of about a ■ 
quarter of a mile by the 
remains of a stone wall 
or other analogous struc- 
ture. This is located on 
the extreme edge of the 
upper bench and it is 
marked on its higher side 
by a very small elevation. 
On the outer or lower side 
it is more clearly visible, 
as the stones of which the 
wall was composed are 
scattered over the slope 
marking the edge of the 
upper bench. At irregu- 
lar intervals along the 

itch were found east of the i)oint shown 


wall tliere are distinct rectaugular areas about the size of an ordiuary 
pueblo room, i.e., about 8 by 10 and 10 by 12 feet. 

In February, 1891, there was an exceptional flood in Verde river due 
to prolonged hard rain. The riv^er in some places rose nearly 20 feet, 
and at many points washed away its banks and changed the channel. 
The river rose on two occasions; during its iirst rise it cut away a con- 
siderable section of the bank near a point known as Spanish wash, 
about 3J miles below Verde, exposing an ancient ditch. During its 
second rise it cut away still more of the bank and part of the ancient 
ditch exposed a few days before. The river here makes a sharp bend 
and flows a little north of east. The modern American ditch, which 
sujjplied all the bottom lands of the Verde west of the river, was ruined 
in this vicinity by the flood that uncovered the old ditch. Figure 299 
is a map of the ancient ditch drawn in the field, with contours a foot 
apart, and showing also a section, on a somewhat larger scale, drawn 
through the points A B on the map. Plate xxsvi is a view of the ditch 
looking westward across the point where it has been washed away, 
and plate xxxvii shows the eastern portion, where the ditch disappears 
under the bluff. 

The bank of the river at this point consists of a low sandy beach, 
from 10 to 50 feet wide, limited on the south by a vertical blufl' 10 to 
12 feet high and composed of sandy alluvial soil. This blutf is the 
edge of tli<i bottom land before referred to, and on top is almost flat 
and covered with a growth of mesquite, some of the trees reaching a 
diameter of more than 3 inches. The American ditch, which is shown on 
the map, runs along the top of the bluff skirting its edge, and is about 
1-1 feet above the river at its ordinary stage. The edge of the bliift' is 
shown on the map by a heavy black line. It will be observed that the 
ancient ditch occurs on tlie lower flat, about 3 feet above the river at its 
ordinary stage, and its remains extend over nearly 500 feet. The line, 
however, is not a straight one, but has several decided bends. One of 
these occurs at a point just west of that shown in the section. About 
80 feet east of that pouit the ditch makes another turn southward, and 
about 40 feet beyond strikes the face of the blufl" almost at right angles 
and passes under it. 

■ About 50 feet north of the main ditch, at the point where it passes 
under the bluff, there are the remains of another ditch, as shown on 
the map. This second ditch was about a foot higher than the main 
structure, or about 4 feet above the river; it runs nearly parallel with 
it for 30 feet and then into the bluff' with a slight turn toward 
the north. It is about the same size as the main ditch, but its sec- 
tion is more evenly rounded. Figure 300 shows this ditch in section. 

As already stated, the American ditch is about 14 feet above the 
river, wliile the ancient ditch is less than 4 feet above the water. This 
decided difference in level indicates a marked difference in the charac- 
ter of the river. The destruction of the modern ditch by the flood of 




til < 

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':-i ■ 

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: o 

r:!X DELEFF 1 



1891 is not the first mishap of that kiud which has befalleu the settlers. 
The ditch immediately preceding the current one passed nearly over 
the center of the ancient ditch, then covered by 10 feet or more of allu- 
vial soil, and if a ditch were placed today on the level of the ancient 
structure it would certainly be destroyed every spring. The water 
that flowed through the modern ditch was taken from the river at a 
point about 3 miles farther northward, or just below Verde. The water 
for the ancieut ditch must have been taken out less than a mile above 
the southern end of the section shown in the map. 

At first sight it would appear that the ancient ditch antedated the 
deposit of alluvial soil forming the bottom land at this point, and this 

..^j^— ,^_^:r-^5&,-. ' «:, ^r^^"""*"*^^ 

Fig. 300.— Part, of old iriiffatJDg ditch. 

hypothesis is supported by several facts of importance. It is said that 
ten years ago the bottom land, whose edge now forms the bluff referred 
to, extended some 25 or 30 feet farther out, and that the river then 
flowed in a channel some 200 or 300 feet north of the present one. Be 
this as it may, the bottom land now presents a fairly continuous sur- 
face, from the banks of the river to the foothills that limit the valley 
on the west and south, and it is certain that this bottom land extended 
over the place occupied by the ancient ditch ; nor is it to be supposed 
that the ancient ditches ended abruptly at the point where they now 
enter the bluff. The curves in the line of the ancient ditch might indi- 
cate that it was constructed along the slope of a hill, or on an uneven 
13 ETH 16 


surface, as a deep escavatiou iu fairly even grouud would naturally 
be made iu a straight line. 

The face of the bluff shows an even deposit of sand, without apparent 
stratiflcatiou, except here and there a thin layer or facing of mud occurs, 
such as covers the bottom of the ancient ditch and also of the modern 
ditch. Singularly enough, however, over the ancient ditch, about 5 
feet above its bottom, there is a stratum of sand and gravel, and on 
top, within a few inches of the surface of the ground, a thin stratum 
of mud. This mud stratum extends only about 8 feet horizontally 
and is slightly hollowed, with its lowest part over the center of the 
ditch. The gravel stratum also was laid down over the ditch, is tilted 
slightly southward and occurs iu two layers, together about a foot 
thick. It first appears a few feet south of the point where the main 
ditch enters the bluff aud over the ditch both layers are distinctly 
marked, as shown iu plate xxxviii. Both layers are clearly marked to a 
distance of 4 feet north of the northern side of the main ditch ; here 
the lower layer thins out, but the upper layer continues faintly marked 
almost to the edge of the small ditch. At this point the gravel stratum 
becomes pronounced again and continues over the small ditch, almost 
pure gravel in places, with a decided dip westward. At a point just 
beyond the northern side of the small ditch the gravel layer disappears 

The occurrence of this gravel in the way described seems to indicate 
that the ditch was built along the slope of a low hill forming the edge 
of the bottom laud at that time, and that subsequently detritus was 
deposited above it and over the adjacent bottom land forming a smooth 
ground surface. Against this hypothesis it must be stated that no 
evidence whatever was found of more than a single deposit of sandy 
loam, although the exposures are good; but perhaps were an examina- 
tion made by a competent geologist some such evidence might be 

There is one fact that should not be lost sight of in the discussion, viz, 
the very low elevation of the ditch above the river. The Verde is, as 
already stated, a typical mountain stream, with an exceptionally high 
declivity, and consequently it is rapidly lowering its bed. If, as 
already conjectured, the water for tlie ancient ditch was taken from the 
river but a short distance above the point where remains of the ditch 
are now found — and this assumption seems well supported by the 
character of the adjacent topography — the slight elevation of the bed 
of the ditch above the river would indicate that, in the first place, 
the ditch was located, as already suggested, along the slope of a hill, 
and in the second place, that the ditch was built at a period of no great 
antiquity. The occurrence of the high bluff under which the ditch now 
passes does not conflict with this suggestion, for the deposition of the 
material composing it and its erosion into its present form and condi- 
tion may be the result of decades rather than of centuries of work by 



a stream like tlie Verde, and certainly a hundred, or at most a hun- 
dred and fifty years would suffice to accoiiii)lisli it. At the present 
time a few floods deposit an amount of material equal to that under 
discussion, and if subsequently the river changed its channel, as it 
does at a dozen different points every spring, a few decades only would be 
required to cover the surface with grass and bushes, and in short, to 
form a bottom land similar to that now existing over the ancient ditch. 

In conclusion it should be noted, in support of the hyijothesis that 
the ditch was built before the material composing the bluff was laid 
down, that immediately under the ditch there is a stratum of hard 
adobe-like earth, quite different from the sand above it and /roni the 
material of which the bluff is composed. This stratum is shown 
clearly in plate xxxviii. 

The hypothesis which accords best with the evidence now in hand 
is that which assumes that the ditch was taken out of the river but a 
short distance above the point illustrated, and that it was built on the 
slope of a low hill, or on a nearly flat undulating bottom land, before 
the material composing the present bottom or river terrace was depos- 
ited, and that the ditch, while it may be of considerable antiquity, is 
not necessarily more than a hundred or a hundred and fifty years 
old ; in other words, we may reach a fairlj- definite determination of its 
minimum but not of its maximum antiquity. 

On the southern side of Clear creek, about a mile above its mouth, 
there are extensive horticultural works covering a large area of the 
terrace or river bench. These have already been alluded to in the 
descriiition of the village ruin overlooking them, but there are several 
features which are worthy a more detailed description. For a distance 
of 2 miles east and west along the creek, and perhaps half a mile north 
and south, there are traces of former works pertaining to horticulture, 
including irrigating ditches, "reservoirs," farming outlooks, etc. 

At the eastern end of these works, about 3 miles above the mouth 
of Clear creek, the main ditch, after running along the slope of the 
hill for some distance, comes out on top of the mesa or terrace nearly 
opposite the Morris place. The water was taken from the creek but a 
short distance above, hardly more than half a mile. West of the point 
where the ditch comes out on tlie mesa top, all traces of it disappear, 
but they are found again at various points on the terrace. Plate xxxix 
shows a portion of the terrace below and opposite the rectangular ruin 
jireviously described. In the distant foreground the light line indi- 
cates a part of the ancient ditch. Plate xl shows the same ditch at a 
point half a mile below the last, where it rounds a knoll. In the dis- 
tance is the flat-topped hill or mesa on which the rectangular ruin 
previously described is located. About a hundred yards southeast of 
this point further traces of the ditch may be seen, and connected with 
it at that point are a number of rectangular areas, which were culti- 
vated patches when the ditch was in use. 


The whole surface of the terraee witliiii the limits described is cov- 
ered by small water-worn bowlders scattered so thickly over it that 
travel is seriously impeded. In many parts of it these bowlders are 
arranged so as to inclose small rectangular areas, and these areas are 
connected with the old ditch just described. Plate xxxix shows some- 
thing of this surface character; and in the right hand portion of it may 
be seen some of the rows of bowlders forming the rectangular areas. 
The rows which occur at right angles to the ditch are much more 
clearly marked than those parallel to it, and the longer axes of the 
rectangular areas are usually also at right angles to the ditch line. 
On the ground these traces of inclosures can hardly be made out, but 
from an elevated point, such as the mesa on which the rectangular 
ruin overlooking these works is located, they show very clearly and 
have the appearance of windrows. Traces of these horticultural works 
would be more numerous, and doubtless more distinct, were it not that 
a considerable part of the area formerly under cultivation has been 
picked over by the modern settlers in this region, and immense quan- 
tities of stone have been removed and used in the construction of 
fences. This has not been done, however, in such a manner as to leave 
the ground entirely bare, yet bare areas occur here and there over the 
surface, where doubtless once existed a part of the general scheme of 
horticultural works. 

One such bare area occurs close to the edge of the terrace about a 
mile and a half above the mouth of the creek. In its center is a structure 
called for convenience a reservoir, although it is by no means certain 
that it was used as such. It occurs about 100 yards from the creek, 
opposite the Wingtield place, and consists of a depression surrounded 
by an elevated rim. It is oval, measuring 108 feet north and south 
and 72 feet east and west from rim to rim. The crown of the rim 
is o feet 8 inches above the bottom of the depression and about 3 feet 
above the ground outside. The rim is fairly continuous, except at 
points on the northern and southern sides, where there are slight 
depressions, and these depressions are further marked by extra large 
bowlders. At its lowest points, however, the rim is over 2 feet above 
the ground, which slopes away from it for some distance in every 
direction. Plate XLi shows the eastern side of the depression; the large 
tree in the middle distance is on the bank of Clear creek and below 
the terrace. Plate xxii shows the northern gateway or dip in the rim, 
looking southward across the depression. The large bowlders previ- 
ously referred to can be clearly seen. A depression similar to this 
occ'urs on the opposite side of the valley, about half a mile from the 
river. In this case it is not marked by bowlders or stones of any 
description, but is smooth and rounded, corresponding to the surface of 
the ground in its vicinity. In the latter as in the former case, the 
depression occurs on a low knoll or swell in the bottom land, and the 
surface of the ground slopes gently away from it for some distance in 
every direction. 

m ^^^^ 


Tlie purpose of t'lese depressions is not at all clear, and although 
popularly known as reservoirs it is hardly possible that they were 
used as such. The capacity of the Clear creek depression is about 
160,000 gallons, or when two-thirds full, which would be the limit of 
its working capacity, about 100,000 gallons. The minimum rate of 
evaporation iu this region in the winter months is over 3 inches per 
month, rising in summer to 10 inches or more, so that in winter the 
loss of water stored in this depression would be about 10,000 gallons 
a month, while in summer it might be as high as 3.5,000 or even 40,000 
gallons a month. It follows, therefore, that even if the reservoir were 
filled to its full working capacity in winter and early spring it would 
be impossible to hold the water for more than two months and retain 
enough at the end of that time to make storing worth while. It has 
been already stated, however, that these depressions are situated ou 
slight knolls and that the land falls away from them in every direc- 
tion. As no surface drainage could be led into them, and as there is 
no trace on the ground of a raised ditch discharging into them, they 
must have been filled, if used as reservoirs, from the rain which fell 
within the line that circumscribes them. The mean annual rainfall 
(for over seventeen years) at Verde, a few miles farther northward in 
the same valley, is ll'-t4 inches, with a maximum annual fall of 27*27 
inches and a minimum of 4-80 inches. The mean annual fixll (for over 
twenty-one years) at Fort McDowell, near the mouth of the Eio Verde, 
is 10-54 inches, with a maximum of 20-0 inches and a minimum of 4-94 

If these depressions were used as reservoirs it is a fair presumption 
that the bottoms were plastered with clay, so that there would be no 
seepage and the only loss would be by evaporation. Yet this loss, in 
a dry and windy climate such as that of the region here treated, would 
be snfdcient to render impracticable a storage reservoir of a cross sec- 
tion and a site like the one under discussion. Most of the rainfall is in 
the winter months, from December to March, and it would require a 
fall of over 12 inches during those months to render the reservoir of 
any use in June; it would certainly be of no use in July and August, 
at the time when water is most needed, save in exceptional years with 
rainfall much in excess of the mean. 

On the other hand, there is the hypothesis that these depressions 
represent house structures; but if so these structures are anomalous in 
this region. The contour of the ground does not support the idea of 
a cluster of rooms about a central court, nor does the debris bear it out. 
Mr. F. H. Gushing has found depressions in the valleys of Salt and 
Gila rivers somewhat resembling these in form and measurement, and 
situated always on the outskirts of the sites of villages. Excavations 
were made, and as the result of these he came to the conclusion that 

'Report on Rainfall (Pacific coast and western states ajid territories), Signal 0£Gce TJ. S.War 
Dept., Senate Ex. Doc. 91, 50th Cong., lat Seas., Washington, 1889; pp. 70-7.'! (Errata, p. 4). 


the depressions were the remains of large council chambers, as the 
floors were hard, plastered with mud, and dish-shaped, with a fire-hole 
in the center of each; and no pottery or implements or remains of any 
kind were found except a number of "sitting stones." Mr. Gushing 
found traces of upright logs which formed the outer wall of the struc- 
ture; he inferred from the absence of drainage chaunels that the struc- 
ture was roofed, and as the ordinary method of rooting is impracticable 
on the scale of these structures, he supposed that a method similar 
to that used by the Pima Indians in roofing their granaries was 
emi)loyed, the roof being of a flattened dome shape and composed of 
grass or reeds, formed in a continuous coil and covered with earth. If 
the depressions under discussion, however, are the remains of struc- 
tures such as these described, they form a curious anomaly in this 
region, for, as has been already stated, the afduities of the remains of 
this region are with the northern architectural types, and not at all 
with those of the southern. 

There is a thu'd hypothesis which, though not supported by direct 
evidence, seems plausible. It is that the depression of Clear creek, and 
perhaps also the one on the opposite side of the Verde, were thrashing 
floors. This hypothesis accords well with the situation of these depres- 
sions upon the tillable bottom lauds, and with their relation to the 
other remains in their vicinity ; and their depth below the surface of 
the ground woidd be accounted for, under the assumption here made 
of their use, by the high and almost continuous winds of the summer 
in this region. Perhaps the slight depressions at the northern and 
southern side of the oval were the gateways through which the ani- 
mals which trampled the straw or the men who worked the flails passed 
in and out. Whether used in this way or not, these depressions would 
be, under the assumption that the bottom was plastered with mud, not 
only practicable, but even desirable thrashing floors, as the grain 
would be subjected during thrashing to a partial winnowing. This 
suggestion would also account for the comparatively clean ground sur- 
face about the depressions and for their location on slightly elevated 

Scattered over the whole area formerly under cultivation along Clear 
creek are the remains of small, single rooms, well marked on the ground, 
but without any standing wall remaining. These remains are scat- 
tered indiscriminately over the terrace without system or arrangement ; 
they are sometimes on the flat, sometimes on slight knolls. They num- 
ber altogether perhaps forty or fifty. Plate xliii shows an example 
which occurs on a low knoll, shown also in plate xl ; it is typical of 
these remains. It will be noticed that the masonry was composed of 
river bowlders not dressed or prepared in any way, and that the debris 
on the ground would raise the walls scarcely to the height of a single 
low story. 

The location of these remains, their relation to other remains in the 
vicinity, and their character all support the conclusion that they were 



small temporary shelters or farmiug outlooks, occupied only during the 
season when the fields about them were cultivated and during the 
gathering of the harvest, as is the case with analogous structures used 
in the farming operations among the pueblos of to-day. Their number 
and distribution do not necessarily signify that all the terrace was 
under cultivation at one time, although there is a fair iiresuuiption 
that the larger part of it was, and the occurrence of the ditch at both 
the upi^er and the lower ends of the area strengthens this conclusion. 

As it is impossible that an area so large as this should be cultivated 
by the inhabitants of one village, it is probable that a number of vil- 
lages combined in the use of this terrace for their horticultural opera- 
tions; and, reasoning from what we know to have been the case in other 
regions, it is further probable that this combination resulted in endless 
contention and strife, and perhaps finally to the abandonment of these 
fields if not of this region. The rectangular ruin already illustrated is 
situated on a hill south of the terrace and overlooks it from that 
direction ; on the opposite side of Clear creek, on the hill bounding the 
valley on the north, there are the remains of a large stone village which 
commanded an outlook over the terraces in question ; and a little farther 
up the creek, on the same side and similarly situated, there was another 
village which also overlooked them. There were doubtless other vil 
lages and small settlements whose remains are not now clearly distin- 
guishable, and it is quite probable that some of the inhabitants of the 
large villages in the vicinity, like those near Verde, hardly 3 miles north- 
ward, had a few farming houses and some land under cultivation on this 

Thus it will be. seen that there was no lack of cultivators for all the 
tillable land on the terrace, and there is no reason to suppose that the 
period when the land «vas under cultivation, and the period when the 
villages overlooking it were occupied, were not identical, and that the 
single-house remains scattered over the terrace were not built and occu- 
pied at the same period. The relation of the stone villages to the area 
formerly cultivated, the relation of the single-room remains to the area 
immediately about them, the character of the remains, and the known 
methods of horticulture followed by the Pueblo Indians, all support 
the conclusion that these remains were not only contemporaneous but 
also related to one another. 



The masonry of the stone villages throughout all the region here 
treated is of the same type, although there are some variations. It 
does not compare with the fine work found on the San Juan and its 
tributaries, although belonging to that type — the walls being composed 
of two faces with rubble tilling, and the interstices of the large stones 
being filled or chinked with spalls. This chinking is more pronounced 
and better done in the northern part of the region than in the south. 

The rock employed depended in all cases on the immediate environ- 
ments of the site of the village, the walls being composed in some cases 
of slabs of limestone, in other cases of river bowlders only, and in still 
others of both in combination. The walls of the large ruin near Lime- 
stone creek were composed of rude slabs of limestone with an inter- 
mixture of bowlders. The bowlders usually occur only in the lower 
part of the wall, near the ground, and in several cases, where nothing 
exists of the wall above the surface of the ground, the remains con- 
sist entirely of bowlders. A good example of this peculiarity of con- 
struction is shown in plate xliv, and plate lxv shows the character of 
stone employed and also a section of standing wall on the western side 
of the village. A section of standing wall near the center of the ruin is 
illustrated in plate xiii. It will be noticed that some of the walls shown 
in this illustration are chinked, but to a very slight extent. The wall 
represented in plate xlv has slabs of limestone set on edge. This 
feature is found also in other ruins in this region, notably in those 
opposite Verde, though it seems to be more used in the south than in 
the north. An example occurring in the ruin opposite Verde is shown 
in plate xlvi. In this case chinking is more pronounced; the walls are 
from 2 to 2^ feet thick, built in the ordinary way with two faces and 
an interior tilling, but the stones are large and the tilling is almost 
wholly adobe mortar. The two faces are tied together by extra long 
stones which occasionally project into the back of one or the other face. 

The western cluster of the ruin last mentioned, shown on the ground 
plan (plate xvii), has almost all its walls still standing, and the masonry, 
while of the same general character as that of the main cluster, is 
better executed. The stones composing the walls are smaller than those 
in the main cluster and more uniform in size, and the interstices are 
carefully chinked. The chinking is distinctive in that spalls were not 
used, but more or less flattened river pebbles. The diiferent color and 
texture of these pebbles make them stand out from the wall distinctly, 
giving quite an ornamental effect. 


That portion of the standing wall of the rnin opposite Verde, which 
occurs in the saddle northeastward from the main cluster, shown on the 
plan in plate xvii, represents the best masonry fonnd in this region. 
As elsewhere stated, this was probably the last part of the village to be 
built. These walls are shown in jjlate xlvii. It will be noticed that 
the stones are of very irregular shape, rendering a considerable amount 
of chinking necessary to produce even a fair result, and that the stones 
are exceptionally large. The masonry of this village is characterized 
by the use of stones larger than common, many of tliem being larger 
than one man can carry and some of them even larger than two men can 

All the larger and more important ruins of this region are constructed 
of limestone slabs, sometimes with bowlders. The smaller ruins, on 
the other hand, were built usually of river bowlders, sometimes with 
an intermixture of slabs of limestone and sandstone but with a decided 
preponderance of river bowlders. This would seem to suggest that this 
region was gradually j»opulated, and that the larger structures were the 
last ones built. This suggestion has been already made in the discus- 
sion of the ground plans, and it is, moreover, in accord with the history 
of the pueblo-builders farther northward, notably that of the Hopi. 

Plate XXI illustrates a type of bowlder masonry which occurs on 
Clear creek ; plate XLViii shows the masonry of the ruin at the mouth of 
the East Verde, and plate xvi shows that of a ruin at the mouth of Fossil 
creek. In all these examples the stone composing the walls was derived 
either from the bed of an adjacent stream or from the ground on which 
they were built, and was used without any preparation whatever; yet 
in the better examples of this type of masonry a fairly good result was 
obtained by a careful selection of the stones. A still ruder type of 
masonry sometimes found in connection with village ruins is shown in 
figure 290. This, however, was used only as in the example illus- 
trated, for retaining walls to trails or terraces, or analogous structures. 

In a general way it may be stated that the masonry of the village 
ruins of this region is much inferior to that of the San Juan region, and 
in its rough and unfinished surfaces, in the use of an inferior material 
close at hand rather than a better material a short distance away, and 
in the ignorance on the part of the builders of many constructive 
devices and expedients employed in the best examples of pueblo 
masonry, the work of this region may be ranked with that of the 
Tusayan — in other words, at the lower end of the scale. 

There is but little masonry about the cavate lodges, and that is rude 
in character, As elsewhere stated, walled fronts are exceptional in 
this region, and where they occur the work was done very roughly. 
Figure 301 shows an example that occurs in the group of cavate lodges 
already described. It will be noticed that little selection has been 
exercised in the stones employed, and that an excess of mortar has 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

been u.sed to fill iuthe large inteistice.s. Figure 290 (p. 221), whicli show.s 
a storage cist attached to the group of cavate lodges, marked -Z> on the 
map (plate xxv), exhibits the same excessive use of adobe or mnd 
plastering. At several other points in the area shown on this map there 
are short walls, sometimes inside the lodges, sometimes outside. In 

Fig. 301.— Walled front cavate lodges. 

all cases, however, they are rudely constructed and heavily plastered 
with mud; in short, the ma,sonry of the cavate lodges exhibits an 
ignorance fully equal to that of the stone vUlages, while the execution 
is, if anything, ruder. It is singular that, notwithstanding the exces- 
sive use of mud mortar and mud plastering in the few walls that are 
found there, such plastering was almost never used on the walls in the 


interiors of the lodges, perhaps because no liner finish than the rough 
surface of the rock was considered desirable. 

The cavate lodges seem to have been excavated without the aid of 
other tools than a rough maul or a piece of stone held in the hand, and 
such a tool is well adapted to the work, since a blow on the surface of 
the rock is sufficient to bring oil" large slabs. Notwithstanding the 
rude tools and methods, however, some of the work is quite neat, 
especially in the passageways (which are often 3 or 4 feet long and 
quite narrow) and in the smaller chambers. In the excavation of these 
chambers benches were left at convenient jjlaces along the wall and 
piches and cubby-holes were cut, so that in the best examples of 
cavate lodges the occupants, it would seem, were more comfortable, 
so far as regards their habitation, than the ordinary Pueblo Indian of 
today, and better supplied with the conveniences of that method of 
living. It should be stated in this connection, however, that although 
the group of cavate lodges gives an examiile of an extensive work well 
carried out, the successful carrying out of that work does not imply 
either a large population or a high degree of skill; the only thing 
necessary was time, and the amount of time necessary for the work is 
not nearly so great, in proportion to the population housed, as was 
required for the better types of pueblo work in the San Juan country 
(the village ruins of the Chaco canyon for example), and probably no 
more than would be required for the construction of rooms of equal size 
and of the rather poor grade of work found in this region. 

Although no examples of interior wall-plastering were found in the 
group of cavate lodges described, such work has been found in neigh 
boring lodges; and in this group plastered floors are quite cammon. 
The object of plastering the floors was to secure a fairly even surface 
such as the soft rock did not provide, and this was secured not by the 
application of layers of clay but by the use of clay here and there 
wherever needed to bring the surface up to a general level, and the 
whole surface was subsequently finished. This final finishing was some- 
times omitted, and many floors are composed partly of the natural rock 
and partly of clay, the latter frequently in spots and areas of small size. 

The floors were often divided into a number of sections by low ridges 
of clay, sometimes 8 inches broad. These ridges are shown on the 
ground plans (figures 294 to 298, and in ])late xxv). Their purpose is not 
clear, although it can readily be seen that in such domestic operations 
as sorting grain they would be useful. 


The masonry of this region was so roughly and carelessly executed 
that little evidence remains in the stone villages of such details of con- 
struction as door and window openings. Destruction of the walls 
seems to have commenced at these openings, and while there are 



|ETH. ANN. 13 

nuniorous staiidiiij^- walls, some with a heigbt of over 10 feet, no perfecjt 
example of a door or window opening was found. It is probable tbat the 
methods employed were similar or analogous to those used today by 
the Hopi, and that the wooden lintel and stone Jamb was the stand- 
ard type. 

In the cavate lodges window openings are not found; there is but 
oneopening, the dooi w.iy, and thi^ isof <i i)ron(>niii m1 md peculiar type. 

Fig. 302 Bowlders in fontway. cavate lodges. 

As a rule these doorways are wider at the top than at the bottom and 
there are no corners, the opening roughly approximating^ the shape of a 
pear with the smaller end downward. The upper part of the opening 
consists always of the naked rock, but the lower part is generally 




framed with slabs of sandstone. Plate XLix shows an example that 
occurs in the upper tier of lodges at its eastern end. The floor of this 

Fig. 303.— Fraijifd doorway, favate kiilgt'.s. 

lodge is about 2 feet above the bench from which it was entered, and 
tliis sjiecimeu fails to show a feature which is very common in this group 
— a line of water- worn bowlders extending from the exterior to the inte- 
rior of the lodges through the doorway and arranged like stepping 
stones. This feature is shown in figure 302, which represents the door- 
way of group ^, sliown on the general map (plate xxv) and on the detailed 



[ElU ANN 13 

plan, figure 297. Figure 303 shows a type in which the framing is 
extended up on cue side nearly to the top, while on the other side it 
extends only to half the height of the opening, which above the fram- 
ing is liollowed out to increase its width. This example occurs near 
that shown in plate xlix, and the floor of the chamber is raised about 
2 feet above the bench from which it is entered. The illustration gives 
a view from the interior, looking out, and the large opening on the right 
was caused by the comparatively recent breaking out of the wall. 
Figure 303 shows the doorway to the group of chambers marked H on 
the general map, an interior view of which is shown in figure 302. In 
this example the obvious object of the framing was to reduce the size 
of the opening, and to accomplish this the slabs were set out 10 or 12 
inches from the rock forming the sides of the opening, and the inter- 
vening space was filled in with rubble. Plate xxxii, which shows the 
interior of the main room in group D, shows also the large doorway 
on the north. 

It will be noticed that these doorways all conform to one general 
plan and that this plan required an opening considerably larger in its 

upper third than in the lower two-thirds 
of its height. This requirement seems 
to be the counterpart or analogue of the 

- U h-'^'-QT 'ii ^Z^^ notched doorway, which is the standard 

, J'^-rr-i — Si — -TTJlJcBr type in the clitf ruins of Canyon de 

Chelly and other regions, and still very 

_„__^^ common in Tusayan (Moki). Figure 304 

"^t^ lif^"""' allows a notched doorway in Canyon de 

-^' — B3^'-<i" (jiielly and figure 305 gives an example 

of the same tyjie of opening in Tusayan. 
The object of this peculiar shape in the 
regions mentioned has been well estab- 
lished,' and there is no reason to sujjpose 
that similar conditions and a similar 
object would not produce a similar 
result here. This type of opening had 
its origin in the time when the pueblo builders had no means, other 
than blankets, of temi)orarily closing door openings and when all the 
supplies of the village were brought in on the backs of the inhabitants. 
In order to secure protection ngainst cold and storm the opening was 
made of the smallest possible size consistent with its use, and the upper 
part of the opening was made larger in order to permit the introduc- 
tion of back loads of faggots and other necesbaries. This purpose 
would be almost as well served by the openings of the cavate lodges as 
by the notched doorway, and at the same time the smallest possible 
opening was exposed to the weather. The two types of openings seem 

FlQ. 304.-Notilifil iliHirway in 
Canyon du Clit;ll\ . 

'A study of Pueblo Architecture, by Victor Mindeleif : 
Washington, 1891, pp. 1-228. 

8th. Ann. R«p. Bur. Eth. for 1886-1887; 





simply to be two different methods f>f aceomplisliiiig the same purpose — 
one in solid rock, the other in masonry. That it was considered desirable 
to reduce the openings as much as possible is evident from the employ- 
ment of framing slabs in the lower portions, reducing the width of that 
part generally to less than a foot, while the upper portions are usually 
3 feet and more in width, and the absence of framing slabs in the 
upper part of the openings was probably due to their use as suggested; 
no slabs could be attached with sufiBcient firmness to resist the drag 
of a back load of wood, for example, forced between them. The strict 
confinement of door openings to one type suggests a short, rather than 
a long, occupancy of the site under discussion, a suggestion which is 

Fio. 305,— Notched doorway m Tnsayan. 

borne out by other details; and this unity of design renders it dififlcult 
to form a conclusion as to the relative age of the two types of open- 
ings under discussion. So far as the evidence goes, however, it sup- 
ports the conclusion that the doorways of the cavate lodges were 
derived from a type previously developed, and that the idea has been 
modified and to some extent adapted to a different environment ; for 
if the idea had been developed in the cavate lodges there would be a 
much greater number of variations than we find in fact. There can be 


DO doubt, however, that the cavate lodge doorways represent an earlier 
type in development, if not in time, than the notched doorways of 


Nowhere in the village ruins or in the cavate lodges of the lower 
Verde were any traces of chimneys or otlier artificial smoke exits found. 
The village ruins are too much broken down to permit definite state- 
ment of the means employed for smoke exits, but had the inhabitants 
employed such exits as are in use in the pueblos today some evidence 
of them would remain. Probably there was no other exit than the door, 
and perhaps trapdoors or small openings in the roofs, such as were 
formerly employed in the inhabited pueblos, according to their tradi- 
tions. In the cavate lodges no exit other than the door was possible, 
and many of them are found with their walls much blackened by smoke. 

The fireplaces or fire holes of the cavate lodges have already been 
alluded to, and one of the best examples found is illustrated in plate 
XXXII, and the location of a number of others is shown on the gen- 
eral plan. Thest fireplaces are located not in the center of the cham- 
ber, but near the principal doorway, and doubtless the object of this 
location was to facilitate the escape of the smoke. Fire holes were 
never located in interior rooms. The fireplace illustrated in plate xxxii 
has been already described (p. 227); it was excavated in the solid rock 
of the floor and was lined with fragments of pottery laid in mud mortar 
as closely as their shape would permit. A part of this pottery lining 
can be seen in the illustration. When the room was cleared out the 
fire hole was found to be about half full of fine ashes. 


The rums of the lower Verde valley represent a comparatively late 
period in the history of the Pueblo tribes. The period of occupancy 
was not a long one and the population was never large, probably not 
exceeding at anytime 800 or 1,000 souls, possibly less than 700; nor 
were the dwellings in that region all occupied at the same time. 

There is no essential difference, other than those due to immediate 
environment, between the architecture of the lower Verde region and 
that of the more primitive types found in other regions, Tusayau for 
example. Tlie Verde architecture is, however, of a more purely abor- 
iginal type than that of any modern pueblo, and the absence of intro- 
duced or foreign ideas is its chief characteristic. There are no chim- 
neys, no adobe walls, no constructive expedients other than aboriginal 
and rather primitive ones. The absence of circular kivas' or sacred 
council chambers is noteworthy. 

The circular kiva is a survival of an ancient type — a survival sup- 
ported by all the power of religious feeling and the conservatism in 
religious matters characteristic of savage and bai'barous life; and while 
most of the modern pueblos have at the present time rectangular kivas, 
such, for example, as those at Tusayan, at Zufii, and at Acoma, there is 
no doubt that the circular form is the more primitive and was formerly 
used by some tribes which now have only the rectangular form. Still 
the abandonment of the circular and the adoption of the rectangular 
form, due to expediency and the breaking down of old traditions, was 
a very gradual process and proceeded at a different rate in different 
parts of the country. At the time of the Spanish conquest the pre- 
vailing form in the old province of Cibola was rectangular, although 
the circular kiva was not entirely absent; while, on the other hand, in 
the clifi" ruins of Canyon de Chelly, whose date is i^artly subsequent to 
the sixteenth century, the circular kiva is the prevailing, if not the 
exclusive form. But notwithstanding this the Hopi Indians of Tusayan, 
to whom many of the Canyon de Chelly ruins ai'e to be attributed, today 
Lave not a single circular kiva. The reason for this radical departure 
from the old tj'pe is a simple one, and to be found in the single term envi- 
ronment. The savage is truly a child of nature and almost completely 
under its sway. A slight difference in the geologic formations of two 
regions will produce a difference in the arts of the inhabitants of tliose 

'As this term bus been alresidy defined, it is bere used "nitbout further explaDation. For a full dis- 
cussion of tbese structures, see "A Study of Pueblo Architecture," by Victor Mindeletf, in 8th Ann. 
Eep. Bur. Eth., 188(>-87, Washington, 1891. 

13 ETH 17 


regions, provided the occupjincy be a long one. lu tlie case of the 
Tusayau kivas the rectangular form was imposed on the builders by the 
character of the sites they occupied. The requirement that the kiva 
should be under ground, or partly under ground, M'as a- more stringent 
one than that it should be circular, and with the rude appliances at 
their command the Tusayan builders could accomplish practically 
nothing nnless they utilized natural cracks and fissures in the rocks. 
Hence the abandonment of the circular form and also of the more 
essential requirement, that the kiva should be inclosed within tiie walls 
of the village or within a court; the Tusayan kiviis are located indis- 
criminately in the courts and on the outskirts of the village, wherever 
a suitable site was found, some of tlieiu being i^laced at a considerable 
distance from the nearest house. 

It wdl be seen, therefore, that it is impossible to base any chronologic 
conclusions on the presence or absence of this feature, notwithstanding 
the undoubted priority of the circular form, except in so far as these 
conclusions are limited to some certain region or known tribal stock. 
If it be assumed that the Verde ruins belong to the Tusayan, and all 
the evidence in hand favors that assumption, the conclusion follows 
that they should be assigned to a comparatively late period in the his- 
tory of that tribe. 

That the period of occupancy of the lower Verde valley was not a 
long one is proved by the character of the remains and by what we 
know of the history of the i)ueblo-building tribes. There are no very 
large areas of tillable laud on the lower Verde and not a large number 
of small ones, and aside from these areas the country is arid and for- 
bidding in the extreme. Such a country would be occupied only as a 
last resort, or temporarily during the course of a migration. The term 
migration, however, must not be taken in the sense iu wliich it has been 
apijlied to European stocks, a movement of jieople en masse or iu several 
large groups. Migration as used here, and as it generally applies to 
the Pueblo Indians, means a slow gradual movement, generally without 
any definite and ultimate end in view. A small section of a village, 
generally a gens or a subgens, moves awaj- from the parent village, 
perhaps only a few miles. At another time another section moves to 
another site, at still another time another section moves, and so on. 
These movements are not i)ossible where outside hostile j^ressure is 
strong, and if siu'h pressure is long continued it results iu a reaggre- 
gatiou of the various scattered settlements into one large village. Such 
in brief is the process which is termed migration, and which has cov- 
ered the southwest with thousands of village ruins. Of course larger 
movements have occurred and whole villages have been abandoned iu 
a day, but as a rule the abandonment of villages was a gradual process 
often consuming years. 

Before the archeologic iuvestigation of the i>ueblo region commenced 
and when there was little knowledge extant by which travelers could 


clieck their conclusions, tlie immense number of ruins in that region 
was commonly attributed to an immense populatiou, some writers plac- 
ing the number as high as 500. 000. Beside this figure the present pop- 
ulation, about 9,000, is so insignificant that it is hardly surprising that 
the ancient and modern villages were separated and attributed to 
different tribal stocks. 

The process briefly sketched above explains the way in whicli village 
ruins have their origin; a band of 500 village-building Indians might 
leave the ruins of fifty villages in the course of a single century. It is 
very doubtful whether the total number of Pueblo Induius ever exceeded 
30,000. This is the figure stated by Mr. A. F. Bandelier, whose inti- 
mate acquaintance with the eastern part of the pueblo region gives Ins 
opinion great weight. The apparently trifling causes which sometimes 
result in the abandonment of villages have been already alluded to. 

Tlie lower Yerde forms uo exception to the general rule sketched 
above. Scattered along the river, and always located on or immedi- 
ately adjacent to some area of tillable land, are found many small ruins, 
typical examples of which have been described in detail. These form 
the subordinate settlements whose place in the general scheme has been 
indicated. The masonry is generally of river bo wldeis only, not dressed 
or jirepared in any way. The number of these settlements is no greater 
than would be required for one complete cycle or period, although the 
evidence seems to support the hypothesis that the movement com- 
menced in the northern part of the region and pi'oceeded southward in 
two or perhaps three separate steps. It is possible, however, that the 
movement was in the other direction. This question can be settled only 
by a thorough examination of the regions to the north and south. 

There are two, possibly three, points in the region discussed where 
a stand was made and the various minor settlements were abandoned, 
the inhabitants congregating into larger bands and building a larger 
village for belter defense against the common foe. These are located 
at the extreme northern and southern limits of the region treated, 
opposite Verde and near Limestone creek, and possibly also at an 
intermediate point, the limestone ruin above Fossil creek. These more 
important ruins are all bviilt of limestone slabs, and the sites are care- 
fully selected. The internal evidence supports the conclusion that the 
movement was southward and that in the large ruin near Limestone 
creek the inhabitants of the lower Verde valley had their last resting 
place before they were absorbed by the population south of them, or 
were di-iven permanently from this region. The strong resemblance 
of the ground plan of this village to that of Zuiii has been already 
commented on, and it is known that Zuni was produced in the way 
stated, by the inhabitants of the famous "seven cities of Cibola," except 
that in this case Zuni was the second site adopted, the aggregation 
into one village, or more properly a number of villages on one site, 
having taken place a few years before. The fact that ZuEii dates only 


from the beginning of tlie last century should not be lost sight of in 
this discussion. 

The inhabitants of the Verde valley were an agricultural people, and 
even in the darkest days of their history, when they were compelled 
to abandon the minor settlements, they still relied on horticulture for 
subsistence, and to a certain extent the defense motive was subordi- 
nated to the requirements of this method of life. There can be no 
doubt that the hostile pressure which produced the larger village.^ was 
Indian, probably the Apache and Walapai, who were in undisputed 
possession at the time of the American advent, and but little doubt 
that this pressure consisted not of regular invasions and set sieges, 
but of sudden raids and descents upon the fields, resulting in the car- 
rying off of the produce and the killing of the producers. Such raids 
were often made by the Navajo on Tusayau, Zuni, and the eastern 
pueblos and on the Mexican villages along the Eio Grande for some 
years after the American ()ccu])ati()n, and are coiitinued even today in 
a small way on the Tusayau. Tlie effect of such raids is cunuilative, 
and it might be several years before im]iortant action would result on 
the part of the village Indians subjected to them. On the other hand, 
several long seasons might (■lai)se during which comparative imniuiiiiy 
would be enjoyed by the village. In the lower Verde there is evidence 
of two such periods, if not more, and during that time the small pueb- 
los and settlements previously referred to were built. Xone of these 
small settlements was occupied, however, for more than a few decades, 
the ground i^lans of most of them indicating an even shorter period. 

That cavate lodges and cliff-dwellings are simply varieties of the 
same phase of life, and that life an agricultural one, is a conclusion 
supported by the remains in the lower Verde valley. The almost entire 
absence of cliff-dwellings and the great abundance of cavate lodges 
has already been commented on, and as the geologic formations are 
favorable to the latter, and unfavorable to the former on the Verde, 
whereas the Canyon de Ohelly, where there are hundreds of cliff-dwell- 
ings and no cavate lodges, the conditions are reversed, this abundance 
of cavate lodges may be set down as due to an accident of environ- 
ment. The cavate lodge of the Rio Verde is a more easily constructed 
and more convenient habitation than the cliff-dwelling of Canyon de 

An examination and survey of the cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly, 
made some years ago by the writer, revealed the fact that they were 
always h)cated with reference to some area of adjacent tillable land and 
that the defensive motive exercised so small an influence on the selec- 
tion of the site and the character of the buildings that it could be 
ignored. It was found that the clitt'-dwellings were merely farming 
outlooks, and that the villages proper were almost always located on 
the canyon bottom. With sliglit modifications these conclusions may be 
extended over the Verde region and applied to the cavate lodges there. 




V,,' r < 

.- "» t ' 





The relation of these lodges to the village ruins and the character of 
the sites occupied by theui support the conclusion that they were 
farming outlooks, prol)al)ly occupied only during the farming season, 
according to the methods followed by many of tlie I'ueblos today, and 
that the defensive motive had little or no intlueuce on the selection of 
the site or the character of the structures. The bowlder-marked sites 
and the small single-room remains illustrate other phases of the same 
horticultural methods, methods somewhat resembling the "intensive 
culture," of modern agriculture, but requirin g further a close supervision 
or watching of the crop during the jieriod of rii)ening. As the area 
of tillable land in the pueblo region, especially in its western part, is 
limited, these requirements have developed a class of temporary struc- 
tures, occupied only during the farming season. In Tusayan, where 
the most primitive architecture of the pueblo type is found, these 
structures are generally of brush; iu (Janyon de Chelly they are clift- 
dwellings; on the Kio Verde they are cavate lodges, bowlder-marked 
sites and single house remains; but at Zuni they have reached their 
highest development in the three summer villages of Ojo Caliente, 
Nutria, and Pescado. 

Since the American occu]>ancy of the country and the consequent 
removal of the hostile pressure which has kept the Pueblo tribes in 
check, development has been rapid and now threatens a speedy extinc- 
tion of pueblo life. The old Laguna has been abandoned, Acoma is 
being depopulated, the summer pueblos of Zuni are now occupied all 
the year round by half a dozen or more families, and even in Tusayan, 
the most conservative of all the pueblo groups, the abandonment of the 
home village and location in more convenient single houses has com- 
menced. It is the old process over again, but with the difference that 
formerly the cycle was completed by the leaggregation of the various 
families, and little bands into larger groups under hostile pressure from 
wilder tribes, but now tliat pressure has been permanently removed, and 
in a few years, or at most in a few generations, the old pueblo life will 
be known only by its records. 






lutroiliietory note 269 

DwelliiiKH 269 

Eartli lodges 269 

Lodges of bark or mats 271 

Skill lodges or tents 271 

Furnitnio and implements 275 

Fireplaces 275 

Beds and bedding 275 

Cradles 275 

Children's swings 270 

Brooms 27<i 

Pottery 276 

Mortars and pestles 276 

Spoons, ladles, and drinking vessels 277 

Water vessels 277 

Other vessels 278 

Hoes and axes 278 

Kn i ves 278 

Implements connected with fire 279 

Smoking paraphernalia 279 

Equipage for horses 280 

Traveling gear 281 

Boats 281 

Musical instruments 281 

Weapons 283 

Clubs 283 

Tomahawks 28 1 

Spears 284 

Bows 285 

Arrows 286 

Qvii vers 287 

Shields and armor 287 

P^irearms 288 




Fig. 306. Yellow .Smoke's earth lodge 270 

307. Ground plan of 0.sage lodge 271 

308. Omaha teut 272 

309. Exterior parts of au Omaha tent 273 

310. jejequde's tent 274 

311. Omaha cradle— plan 276 

312. Omaha cradle — side view 276 

313. Omaha mortar 277 

314. Omaha pestle 277 

315. Omaha calumet 279 

316. Omaha ])ipe used ou ordinary occasions 280 

317. Skin drum 282 

318. Box drum 282 

319. Omaha large flute 283 

320. Ouiaha club (ja"-daona) 283 

321. Omaha club (ja"-daana) 284 

322. Omaha club (weaqifade) 284 

323. Omaha bow (za"zi-mande) 285 

324. Omaha bow (ia5ia"-maude ) 285 

325. Omaha hunting arrow 286 

326. Omaha war arrow 286 

327. Omaha style of hide-^ace 286 



By James Owen Dorsey 


The accoinpanying paper is one of the results of personal iuvestiga- 
tioiis among tlie Omaha of Nebraska and cognate tribes of Indians, 
beginning in 1878 and continued from time to time during late years. 

While the paper treats of the Omaha tribe, much that is said is 
applicable to the Ponka, as the two tribes have long had similar envi- 
ronments and a common dialect, for, until 1877, their habitats were 
almost (contiguous, and since 1880 about one-third of the Ponka tribe 
has been dwelling on its former reservation near the town of Niobrara, 

Acknowledgments are due Dv. (). T. Mason for many valuable sug- 
gestions early in the progress of tlie work. 


The primitive domiciles of the Omaha were chiefly (1) lodges of earth 
or, more rarely, of bark or mats, and (2) skin lodges or tents. It may be 
observed that there were no sacred rites connected with the earth 
lodge-building or tent-making among the Omaha and Ponka. 

Eakth Lodges. 

When earth lodges were built, the people did not make them in a 
tribal circle, each man erecting his lodge where he wished; yet kin- 
dred commonly built near one another. 

The earth lodges were made by the women, and were intended prin- 
cipally for summer use, when the j^eople were not migrating or going 
on the hunt. Those built by the Omaha and Ponka M^ere constructed 
in the following manner: The roof was supported by two series of ver- 
tical posts, forked at the top for the reception of the transverse con- 
necting pieces of each series. The number in each series varied accord- 
ing to the size of the lodge; for a small lodge only four posts were 
erected in the inner series, for an ordinary lodge eight were required, 
and ten generally constituted the maximum. When Mr. Say' visited 

' James' account of Long's Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in 1819-'20. 



the Kiiusa Indians, lie occupied a lodge in wliicli twelve of these posts 
placed in a circle formed the outer series, and eight longer ones con- 
stituted the inner series, also describing a circle. The wall was 
formed by setting upright slabs of wood back of the outer posts all 
around the circumference of the lodge. These slabs were uot over G 
feet in height, and their tops met the cross timbers on which the willow 
posts rested. Stocks of hard willow about 2 inches in diameter rested 
with their butts on the tops of the upright slabs and extended ou the 
cross timbers nearly to the summit. These poles were very numerous, 
touching one another and extending all around in a radiating manner, 
supporting the roof like rafters. The rafters were coxered with grass 
about a foot thick; and over the whole lodge, including the sides or 
slabs, earth was piled from a foot to 2 feet in depth. Such a covering 
lasted generally about twenty years. A hole in the middle served as an 
exit for the smoke. 

Fig. 1)06. — Yellow Smoke's earth lodge. 

Ill addition to the lodge proper there was a covered way about 10 feet 
long and 5 feet wide, the entrance to which had a covering of tanned or 
dried buffalo hides. Tliis covering consisted of two hides hanging 
side by side, with the inner borders slightly overhqjijiug. They were 
fastened to the passageway at the top and at the outer sides, but were 
loose at the bottom where they overlapped. This part was raised by a 
person entering the lodge. A similar covering was ])laced at the inte- 
rior end of the passageway. 

Subsequently to 185.5, the Omaha dwelt in three villages composed of 
earth lodges, as follows: (1) Biku'de, a village near the agency; (2) 
"Windja'ge, Standing Hawk's village, near the Presbyterian mission 
house; aud (3) Ja^fa'te ("Wood Eaters," named after an insect found 


under the b;irk of trees SanSvSouci's village, uear the town of Decatur, 

Earth lodges were generally used for large gatherings, such as feasts, 
councils, or dances. Occasionally there was a depression in the center 
of the lodge which was used as a fireplace; but it was not over inches 
deep. Each earth lodge had a ladder, made by cutting a series of deep 
notches along one side of a log. On a bluff near the Omaha agency 
I found the remains of several ancient earth lodges, with entrances on 
the southern sides. Two of these were 75 feet and one was 100 feet in 
diameter. In the center of the largest there was a hollow about 3 feet 
deep and nearly 4 feet below the surface outside the lodge. 


The Omaha sometimes make bark lodges for summer occupancy, as 
did the Iowa aiul Sak. jjiu'(|!ipu jiu'ga, or low lodges covered with 
mats, were used by tlie Omaha iu former day;;. Such lodges are still 
common among the Winnebago, the Osage, and other tribes. The 
ground plan of such a lodge forms an ellipse. The height is hardly 
over 7 feet from the ground. The tent poles are arranged thus: Each 

Fig. TO7.— Groimd jilan nl'Osag*^ lodjre. 

pole has one end planted iu the grouud, the other end being bent down 
and fastened to the pole immediately opposite; a number of poles thus 
arranged iu pairs formed both wall posts and rafters. 

Generally there was one fireplace and one smokehole in such a lodge; 
but when I visited the Osage iu 18S3, I entered a low lodge with two 
fireplaces, each equidistant from its end of the lodge and the entrance, 
each fireplace having its smokehole. 

Ski.v Lodges or Tents. 

The tent was used when the people were migrating, and also when 
they were traveling in search of the buffalo. It was also the favorite 
abode of a household during the winter season, as the earth lodge 
was generally erected in an exposed situation, selected on account of 
comfort in the summer. The tent could be pitched in the timber or 
brush, or down in wooded ravines, where the cold winds never had full 
sweep. Hence, many Indians abandoned their houses iu winter and 
went into their tents, even when they were of canvas. 

The tent was commonly made of ten or a dozen dressed ov tanned 
buffalo skins. It was iu the shape of a sugar loaf, and was from 10 to 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

12 feet higli, 10 or 15 feet in diameter at the bottom, and about a foot and 
a half in diameter at the top, which served as a smokehole (;ihuj{a"). 
Besides the interior tent poles (:jici — 3, figure 309) and the tent skin 
(;iha — 1), the tent had the ■jifuma^ha", or the place where the skins were 
fastened together above the entrance (4). The ^i<J-uma"ha" was fastened 






-CZ, rj-t) ll.>J '90 

Fig. 308. — Omaha tent (from a pliotojrraph by W. H. Jackson). 

with thec^ihuf ubaxa"(5), which consisted of sticks or iiieces of hide thrust 
crosswise through the holes in the tent skins. The bottom of the tent 
was secured to the ground by pins (:>ihufugada° — G) driven through 
holes (:jihugaq<(-uge) in the bottom of the skins, made when the latter 
were tanned and before thej' had become hard. The entrance (jijebe) whs 



geuerally opposite the quarter from wbicli the wind was blowing. A 
door flap (|ijebeg(|'a"7 — ) huug over tlie eutrauce; it was made of skiu 
with the hair outside, so as to turn water, and was held taut by a stick 
fastened to it transversely. The bottom of the door flap was loose, but 
the top was fastened to the tent. 

The smokehole was formed by the two (jihugab(|;i°(('.a(9), or triangular 
ends of tent skins, immediately above the entrance and }i(j',uma"ha°. 
When there was no wind both of the !}ihugabfi"(('a were kept open by 
means of the (jihu(('ubaji° (8) or exterior tent poles, which were thrust 
through the ujiha, or small sacks, in the corners of the '^ihugab(|'i"fa. 
When the wind blew one of the !jihn(f'ubaji" was raised to the wind- 

FlG. 309. — Exterior imrts ufan Umalia tent. 

ward and the other was lowered, ])ulling its skin close to the tent and 
leaving an opening for the escape of the smoke; but if the wind came 
directly against the entrance both the flaps were raised, closing the 
smokehole to prevent the wind from blowing down it. When the wind 
blew the people used nandicfagaspe to keei) the bottom of each tent 
skin in place. These consisted of twisted grass, sticks, stones, or other 
heavy objects. 

Figure 310 represents the tent of jejequde, an Omaha. The banners 
or standards, which were carried by the leaders of a war party or a 
party going on a dancing tour, are depicted with their decorations of 
strips of red and blue Indian cloth. Sometimes these standards were 
ornamented with feathers instead of with cloth. Each standard could 
be used in four war expeditions. 
13 ETH 18 



(eth. ANN. 13 

No totem posts were in use among the Omaha. The tent of the prin- 
cipal man of each geus was decorated on the outside with his gentile 
badge, which was painted on each side of the entrance as well as on 
the back of the tent.' The furniture of the sacred tents resembled that 
of the ordinary ones. 

Before the introduction of canvas tents by the whites no needles or 
thread were used l)y the Siouan tribes. The women used sinew of the 
deer or buffalo instead of thread, and for needles they had awls made 
of elk horn. 



Fig. 310. — jejequde's tt^ut. 

Since there were no outbuildings, public granaries, or other structures 
of this description, each household stored away its own grain and other 
provisions. There were no special tribal or communal dwellings; but 
sometimes two or more households occupied a single earth lodge. 
When a council was held, it took place in the earth lodge of one of the 
head chiefs, or else two or three common tents were united, making one 
large one.- There were no public baths, as the Missouri river was 
near, and they could resort to it whenever they desired. Dance houses 
were improvised either of earth lodges or skin tents. 

Sweat lodges were in the form of low tents (^iufipu).^ Stones were 
not boiled for the sweat-lodge, but were put into the fire to be heated. 
They were removed from the lire by means of sticks called i"'ebasi^a''. 

'Third Aim. Kep. Bur. Ethnology for 1882- '83, p. 230: also "A Study of Siouan Cults," in Eleventh 
Ann. Kt-p. I'.nr. Etbnolojiy, lS8n-'90. \i. 3r<l. 
'' Third Ann. Kep., op. cit., p. 294. 
'Contril.lltioiis to North Ainerli-an Kthnohigy, vol. vi. ISIIU, jip. l.")2, Uii), anil 231. 


;iik1 tlieu water from the kettle was poured ou them, creating steam. 
Cedar fronds were dropijed on tlie stones, causing a perfume to arise. 


Within the tent, in the center, was the flrephice (une(('e), formed by 
excavating a small hollow. Beside this was erected a forked post 
(isag(('c), on which was hung the apparatus for suspending a kettle 
over the fire. This ai)paratus was called (j'exe u(J'Ugacke by the Poiika, 
literally, " that by means of which the kettle is hung." The Omaha 
have two names for it, uha" u(|'ugacke, and ufugackegfe, the last syllable 
of the lattei' name referring to the attitude of the post. Around the 
fireplace was a circular space for the fset of the people as they sat 
about the fire. The couches of the occupants of the tent were arranged 
outside of and all around this circular space. 

Keds and Beddino. 

A couch was formed by laying down two or three winter hides dried 
with the hair on. These hides wen^ placed around the fireplace at a 
safe distance. In the earth lodges, according to Joseph La Fleche, the 
Omaha used sahi, or grass mats, for seats, as is the present custom of 
the Winnebago; but at night they reclined on dressed hides with thick 
hair on them, and covered themselves with similar hides. 

For pillows they used ibehi" or i"belii". When the vegetation 
was about 3 inches high in the spring, the Indians killed deer and 
pulled off the hair in order to remove the thin skin or tissue next 
to it. This latter, when thoroughly dried, is smooth and white, resem- 
bling parchment. It was used for pillows and moccasin-strings. When 
used for pillcws the case was filled with goose feathers or the hair of 
the deer until it was about 2 feet long and inches high. During the 
day, and whenever there was occasion, they were used as seats; but if 
none could be had, the people sat ou winter robes or hides forming the 
couclies.' Back of the couches and next to the interior tent-poles were 
])laced tlie baggage, sacks of corn, and other household i)roperties. 

The upright tent is one foi-m of the Dakota ''wake'ya," the i)lnr:ilof 
which, "wake'yapi," undoubtedly gave rise to the familiar ''wick'iup" 
of the plains, and also to "waka'-yo" of Morgan.' 


A board of convenient size, usually ahout a yard long and a foot wide, 
was selected to form a cradle or u^uhe. No pillow was needed. A 

' Hammocks and bodateads wvrt- unknown prior to their introduction by tho traders and other white 
'Contributions t4) Nortli American Eliiuoloj^.v, vol. iv., 1881, p. 114. 



[ETH. ANN. 13 

soft skin (daq(f'uqaha pi") covered with plenty of thick hair was laid on 
the board, and on it was placed the infant. 

In tlie annexed figures, a is the indua(f'isi''ka"he, the object painted 
on tlie board at the end where the infant's head is laid; h is the inde- 


Fl«. .111.— 0m.ilia rra^lle— plan. 

ifidindi" (''that which is drawn taut over the face''), the two strings 
of beads and sinew or thread (sometimes made of red calico alone), 
which keep in place the fan, etc.; the fan (indeagani), which is sus- 
pended from a bow of wood, {v) is about 6 inches square, and is now 

a c oi 

Fig. 312. — Omaha cradle — side view. 

made of interwoven sinew on which beads have been strung. Occasion- 
ally thimbles and other bright objects dangle from the bottom of the 
fan. The ifafi.stage (d) is the band by which the infant is fastened 
to the cradle. 

('Hii.DKKx's Swings. 

For swings the ends of two withes of bufialo hide were secured to 
four trees or posts which formed the corners of a parallelogram. A 
blanket was thrown across the withes and folded over on them. The 
infant was laid on top of the fold and swung from side to side without 


Brooms were of two kinds. One form was made of sticks tied to- 
gether, and was used for sweeping the ground outside of the tent or 
earth lodge, and the interior of the earth lodge, except the fireplace. 
The other kind was made of goose or turkey feathers, and was used for 
sweeping the fireplace of an earth lodge. 


Pottery has not been made by the Omaha for more than fifty years. 
The art of making it has been forgotten by the tribe. 

MoRTAR.s AND Pestles. 

A mortar was made by burning a large hole in a round knot or piece 
of wood about 7 inches in diameter. The lower end was sharpened 




I J 

to a point, wliich was thrust into the grouiul when needed for use. 

After putting corn in a mortar of this description, the woman grasped the 

wooden pestle in the middle, with the larger 
end upward : the smaller end, 
which was about an inch in 
diameter, was put into the mortar. 
The operation of ])Ounding corn 
among the Omaha was called 
" he." The mortar (uhe) and pes- 
tle (wehe) were both made com- 
monly of elm, although some- 
times they were fashioned of 
white oak. Mortars were of 
various sizes, some of them meas- 
uring 2 feet in diameter. Pestles 
were always of hard and haavy 
wood, and fully 3 feet long, taper- 
ring from 4 inches to an inch in diameter. 


i'lo. 3ia. — Omaba mortar. 

Spoons,, and Drinking Vessels. 

Spoons were made of horn, wood, or pottery. The black spoons made 
of buffalo horn (^ehe sab6), are not used by such Omaha as belong to the 
Buffalo gentes (liikesabe, (f'atada, j^esinde, etc.) which may not touch 
a buffalo head. Other horn spoons of light color are made of cow horn. 
These are of modern origin. Wooden spoons (ja";ehe) were made of 
knobs or knots of trees. Spoons made of buffalo horn are found among 
the Omaha and Pouka, but the Osage, Kausa, and Kwapa use clam 
shells (^iliaba, in (pegiha; tciihaba, tciihuba, in Kansa), so the Kansa 
call a small spoon, tciihaba jinga. Spoons of buffalo horn had their 
handles variously ornamented by notches and other rude carving, often 
terminating in the head of a bird, the neck or handle of each being 
elevated at an angle of oO'^ or 60° with the bowl, which was about 3 
inches in width by about 5 in length. As the handle of such a spoon 
usually terminates in a head or hook, it was imj»ossible for it to slip 
into the bowl when the hook rested on the outside of the rim of the 

Food was served in bowls of a very wide and simple form and of 
various sizes, generally carved out of large knots of wood. These 
served as drinking cups (ni'i(fata"), but now cups of tin or earthenware 
are used for that purpose. 

Water Vessels. 

When pottery was made, they used bowls and kettles. Some used 
wooden bowls of diflereut sizes, the largest being about 2 feet in 
diameter. When they went on the hunt, they used the inijeha (or 
sack made of the muscular coating of the buft'alo paunch, by tilling 


witli f^rass to make it staud out and keep its shape until dried). When 
the inijeha was filled with water the mouth wa.s tied, and it was kept 
covered and in the .shade that it might remain cool. After being used 
for a few days it became strong smelling, and was thrown away, another 
taking its place. Some preferred the "!jenan'de uqij'a'ha fa"" or peri 
cardium(!) of the buffalo, which is like sinew. This does not smell 
unpleasant, even when used for seven or ten days. But at the expira- 
tion of that time it is unfit for further service. 
Jugs have been introduced by the traders. 

Other Vksskls. 

Provision sacks or parfleche cases were made of dried buffalo hide. 
When used for carrying the dried meat, they were called weabasta. 
After two or three years' use they became soft and were fit only for 
making moccasin soles. These sacks had the hair taken off:', and were 
sometimes made in trunk fashion. 

Fruit baskets were of tliree kinds. The Ponka made them of the 
bark of a tree, called tawa'a"he, which is found on the old Ponka reser- 
vation in Dakota. Northern Indians make boats of this bark. The 
Omaha do not find the tree on their land, so they make the fruit baskets 
of other kinds of bark. The three kinds of baskets are as follows: 
Na"'pa ufise, used for chokecherries ; agfan'kamauge u(('ise, used for 
raspberries; and bact iifise, used for strawberries. When the Ponka 
wished to make the baskets, they stripped off the bark in horizontal 
sections, not pulling upward or downward. 

In modern times the Omaha have learned to make sacks of thread 
of different colors drawn from black, red, blue, and white blankets. 
Different figures are woven. Each sack is about a foot deep, 10 inches 
from the mouth to the opposite side, and from 2 to 2^ feet long. The 
opening is on one of the long sides, and when the articles are put in a 
gathering string is drawn and tied. 

HoE.s AND Axes. 

For hoes, the Omaha used the shoulder blades of the buffalo. Axes 
and hatchets are now made of iron, hence, the Omaha name, ma°'ze-pe, 
sharp iron. But the Kansa have the ancient name, ma°'hi-spe, answer- 
ing to the Dakota, wa"hi'" kpe, sharp flint. The hatchet is distin- 
■ guished from the ax by adding "jinga, " small. Some of the stone axes 
and hatchets have been found on the Omaha reservation, but they could 
hardly have been used for cutting. It is not known what tools were 
used for felling trees. 


Knives were made of stone. A prominent butte, near the old Ponka 
agency, Nebraska, is known as "Mahi"-;u," signifying blue knife, from 
the character of the stone with which its surface is covered. It is 


several miles froiii the inmitli of Ponka creek and nearly opposite the 
mouth of Choteau creek, South Dakota. 

Implements Connected with Fire. 

lu former ages, the (pegiha made fire by rubbiug or turning a stick 
rf)un(l and round between the hands. On the present Omaha reserva- 
tion, and in that region, the Omaha use elm roots for that purpose. In 
the country called jizabahehe, near the source of Elkhorn river, there 
is a grass known as "duaduiihi," which has about a hundred fine 
shoots from each root, which is half the size of the head. The stalk was 
used for hand drills and fire sticks. One stalk was cut almost flat, and 
the man ])uts his feet on the ends to steady them. Then, holding the 
other stick in his hands, with one end touching the stalk on the ground, 
he turned it round and round till the friction produced fire. Some 
times a small quantity of dry sand was placed on the flat stick. The 
.same flat stick answered for several occasions. When tbe cavity made 
by turning the hand drill became too large, the point of contact was 
shifted to another i)art of the flat stick, and so on until the whole of that 
stick was used, when it was thrown away and auother was obtained. 
Duaduahi, according to Mr. Francis La Flesche, may be found in Judi- 
ciary square, Washington, District of Columbia. After the coining of 
the white man, but before the introduction of friction matches, which 
are now used l\v the whole tribe, the Omaha used flints and tinder for 
making fire. 

Spits for roasting, etc., naqpe, or webasna", were made of any kind 
of wood. 

For tongs they used the dedifa(f;isaude ("flrehokler"), made by slit- 
ting one end of a stick. This implement was also called, ja" jiiiga nini 
ibistaC'the stick that presses the fire against the tobacco "), because 
it was used for lighting V)ipes. 

Smoking Paraphernalia. 

The pipes in use among the Omaha are of three kinds: the sacred 
pipe (niniba wa(iiibe, mysterious pipe), including the war ])ipes and 
those used by the chiefs in niakint; peact'; tlie niniba weawa" or 


Fig 315.— Oinaba calumet 

calumet (illustrated in figure 315), used in the calumet dance or dance 
of adoption,' and the hatchet pipe or ma"zepe niniba, introduced since 
the coming of the white man. One form of the pipe used on ordinary 

'See "Omaha Sociology, ' Third Anu. Rept. Bur. Ethnology, cbap. vi. 


occasions is showu iu figure 316. This pipe has a bowl of c-atlinite, 
and the stem is decorated with liorsehair. 

Tobacco pouches (niniujiha) were made of deer or antelope skin, and. 
were ornamented with porcupine quills or a fringe of deerskin. Some- 

Fig. 316. — Omaha pipe used on ordinary occasions. 

times buffalo bladder's were used for this purpose. The women used 
them as receptacles for their porcupine (juills. 


Saddles (ciiuakj'igfe) were in use before the coming of the whites. 
They were made of wood, around which was wrapped hide, while still 
"^aha-nujfa" (green or soft). According to Joseph La Fleche these 
.<?addles did not rub sores on the backs of the native horses (Indian 
ponies), but Dougherty' said, in 1819, "The Indians are generally cruel 
horse-masters, perhaps in a great measure through necessity; the 
backs of their horses are very often sore and ulcerated, from the friction 
of the rude saddle, which is fashioned after the Spanish manner, being 
elevated at the pummel and croup, and resting ou skin saddle cloths 
witliout padding." They ride very well, and make frequent use of the 
whip and their heels, the latter being employed instead of spurs. 

For bridles and halters they used strips of hide, out of which material 
they made also lariats. The bridle used consisteil of a withe, one end 
of which was wrapped two or three times around the animal's lower 
jaw, while the other was held iu the hand, forming but a single rein. 
This did not hinder the rider from guiding his horse, as he was able to 
turn hiiu to the left by pressing the single rein against the animal's 
neck, as well as by the use of the right heel against its side. When he 
wished to turn to the right, he pulled the rein and pressed his left heel 
against the horse's side. 

Whips were of three kinds. The wahi wegasapi was attached to a 
bone handle. The handle of a ja^'uke^i" w6gasapi was made of com- 
mon wood. That of a za"zi wegasapi was made of Osage orange wood, 
which is very hard. The whip was attached to the wrist by a broad 
band, which passed through a hole near the end of the handle. The 
handle was about 15 inches long and was very stout. A specimen that 
has been deposited in the National Museum (a gift to the author from 
an Omaha) has a lash 2 feet long, composed of 8 thongs one fifth of an 
inch wide. These are plaited together in one rounded plait for 18 
inches, the rest of the lash being in 2 plaits of 4 thongs each, knotted 
near the ends. 

The lasso was called ma^'tanah ifize, i. e., "that by which (a) wild 
(horse) is taken." It was made by taking the hair from the head of 

I Long, S. H. i Exp. Eocky Mts., vol. I, p. 291, Phila., 1823. 


a buffalo and plaiting it into a very strong rope as thick as one's 
tbiiuib. Tbis rope was called "}aba-(('isa"," and was utilized by tlie 
Omaha and Ponka instead of the common lasso for catcbing wild horses 
in northwestern Nebraska. One end of the rope was formed into a 
noose large enough to slip over a horse's head, and the ends of this 
noose were secured to a long pole by small cords. The other end of 
the rope, arranged in a coil, was fastened to the belt or waist of the 
man. He rode with the pole held in one hand and tried to thrust the 
noose in front of a horse. When he succeeded in passing the noose 
over the head of an animal, he threw away the stick, which had become 
separated from the noose, and held the rope alone, which he pulled 
toward him. When the horse was caught, the man made an indu^ici" 
(bridle or face cover), being careful to place some buffalo hair over the 
nose and under the chin, to guard against paining the horse, whose 
eyes remained uncovered. 

Trappings for the saddle (sln'de-ehe^'e) were used. Some years ago 
a specimen of Omaha trapping was presented by the writer to the 
Anthropological Society of Washington, and subsequently was depos- 
ited in the National Museum. 

Traveling Gear. 

Snowshoes (s6-hi°be) were worn by the Omaha and Ponka when they 
traversed a region north of their modern habitat. 

Por traveling on foot a staff (himang()-e) was used when it was 
necessary to pass over mountains; also when heavy loads had to be 
carried. This staif differed from the crutch (i-maiigfe). 

The women had macai[a", or straps, for aiding them in carrying loads 
of wood, etc. 


When they wished to cross streams they made hide boats, or 
maudeha. These were manulactured from dried buffalo hides, which 
were sewed together with sinew, and so tightly that no water could 
penetrate the seams. Ten branches of red willow were placed within, 
the ends being bent upward and fastened by withes to two other sa^)- 
lings, which extended the whole length of the boat at the inside of the 
gunwale. The ten pieces were the ^ici-ikidiida". The rudder or steering 
oar (]^'isa'"(j;6) was fashioned like the oars (mandu^'ugahi), with the 
blade flat and of the breadth of two hands. The rowers (u^iigahi akd) 
sat near the bow, and the steersman ((|-isa"'(j'a aka) took his seat at the 

Musical Instruments. 

Battles were of five kinds, jexe were generally gourds; wata"' 
dexe, gourd rattles, were always round, and were partially tilled with 
seed, fine shot, or gravel, j^ahdnujia dexe, green-hide rattles, were of 
two sorts, one of which is "figiije," bent a little. Specimens of this 
form are in the National Museum. 



[ETH. A.NN. 13 

Two kinds of rattles were called '4ac^ge, i. e., "deers-claws," from 
tlie composition of one variety, though the other was made of molars 
of the elk. 

The Omaha used three styles of drums. The <!!6xe-gaj[u b^aska, or 
flat drum, is illustrated by a specimen (no. 21675) in the National 
^luseum. The (j6xe gajpi gadaje is made of buffalo hide, cowhide, or 

tlie skill of a horse. An example 
of this drum (no. 2-4682) is also in 
the National Museum, anil is illus- 
trated by the accompanying figure 
317. The ja'" ((-exe-ganu, or >[i'ige 
^•exega:j[U, is a wooden or box drum, 
represented by the accompanying 
figure 318, also from a specimen (no. 
58610) in the National Museum. 

Whistles were made of elder 
(ba^uci hi, or popgun wood) by 
pushing out the pith. No holes 
were made in the sides of tlie tube. 
Nisude jau'ga, or lai'ge flutes, 
were made of red cedar. A branch 
Fig. 317. -Skill drum. was cut off, rouuded, Split OJJCn 

with a knife, and hollowed out; then six holes were made in the side 
of one of them, and the halves were stuck together again. When one 
of these instruments is blown it produces quavering notes. The best 
si)ecimeus were made by ^i1fi"-;an'ga, Big Pawnee. 

rio. 318 Box drum. 

The large flute is illustrated in figure 319. ' Wahi nisude, or bone 
flutes, were made of the long bones from the eagle wing. These small 
flutes have only one hole. Eeed flutes, ^iq^e nisude, were made of a 
kind of reed which grows south of the Omaha territory, probably in 

1 Compare Eee life, " AMM 129-8429. Gray and Matthews," in the National Museum. 



Kansas. Tlie Omaba obtained tlie reeds from some of tlie southern 
tribes and made them into tintes having but one hole each. 

KiG. 319 Omaha large Huti-. 


The ja"w"eti", " striking- wood,'" is a four-sided club. It is made of 
ash, and is as long as from the elbow to the tips of the lingers. The 
ja^-daona, " wood with a smooth head," is a club made of ironwood, 

Fig. 320.— Omaha club (.ja"-d.<ioua) . 

which is very hard. According to the late Joseph La Fleche, the 
Omaha form of this weapon had a steel point projecting from the ball. 



(EIH. ANN. 13 

Figures 320 and 321 are forms of the Ja°-dAoua which may be seeu iu the 
National Museum (nos. 2C49 and 22419). Tlie \vea<i((-aae, another kind 
of war club, is made of some kind of liard wood. There are two vari- 
eties, one of which is shown in figure 322 (National Museum no. 23729). 
The other has a ball carved at the endof a straight handle, with a wooden 

Fig. 321.— Oiiuiha clul) (ja°-dajnii). 

point (of one piece with the ball and handle) projecting from the ball, 
making an angle of about 130° with one side of the handle. There is a 
steel point in.serted in the ball, lormiug an angle of about 110^ with the 

Fig. 322.— Oiuali.a club (weaqifnde). 

other side of the handle. The i^'wate-jiii'ga is .something like a slung 
shot. A round stone is wrapped in a piece of hide which is fiisteued 
to a wooden handle abont 2 feet long. 


The heads of tomahawks as well as of battle-axes were at first made 
of stone; but within the last century and a half they have been fash- 
ioned of iron. 


Lances, darts, or spears are designated by the general term man'dghi. 
The ja"'-man'dehi are made of, and are from to 8 feet long. There 


are two kinds, of one of which the handle is round, and about an 
inch in diameter, and the point is flat and about the width of three 
lingers at its juncture with the handle. 

Besides these there are the lances, called waqfexe-f^zs, of which 
there are two varieties. One consists of a straight pole, which has 
been thrust through a piece of buffalo hide that has its long end sewed 
together, forming a sort of covering. To this hide are fastened feath- 
ers of the crow and mi"'xa-sa", or swan, in alternate rows or bunches. 
Between the feathers are fastened square jiieces of blanket. About 
the middle of the pole a space of nearly (> inches is left without feath- 
ers, and this is the place where the spear is grasped. When the pole 
was not set into a metal point the lower end was cut very sharp.' The 
other variety, or mandehi (j'iguje, " bent spear," is the weapon wbicli 
the Dakota call "wahukeza."' It is ornamented with eagle feathers 
placed at intevals, one being at the end of the curved part; and it 
generally terminates at the bottom in an iron point. It is possible for 
one of these waq^'execj-aze to reach a man about G feet distant; and 
even mounted men have been killed by them. Spears are used also 
in some of the dances. Around the shaft is wrapped the skin of a 
swan or brant. The end feather at the top is white; the other feathers 
are white or spotteil. The bent spear is no longer employed by the 
Omaha, though the Osage, Pawnee, and other tribes still use it to a 
greater or lesser extent. 



Bows (man-de) are of two kinds. One is the man do or za°zi-mand6 
(bow-wood bow), having an unbroken curve past the grip to within an 

Fig. ^23.— Oluaha buw (zu"zi-mau(lt-). 

inch or two of each nock.^ The other kind is the jaj{a"-mande, so called 
because it has deer sinew glued on its back.^ Bows were made of hick- 
ory, ash, ironwood, or za"zi, the last being greatly preferred. It is a 
wood resembling that of the Osage orange, with which some persons 

Fig. 324.^-Omaha bow (iaiia"-maude), 

confound it; but it is black and much harder than the former, the 
Osage orange wood being yellow, soft, and easily cut. The za"zi is 
probably that which Dougherty^ called "bow-wood (Madura aurantiaca 
of Nuttall)." 

'See First Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology, 1879-'80: 1881, PI. x, " Tolkotin cremation.' 
^This may be the "self-bow" mentioned in the American Naturalist for July, 1886, p. 675. 
^This i.s the sinew-backed bow abore mentioned. 
^Long's Expedition, op. cit., vol. I, p. 290. 



|ETH. ANX. 13 

Bowstrings were iiiadi* of the twisted sinew of the elk iiiul buti'alo, 
as among other tribes. 

The arrows (lua") used in former days were of several kinds. The 
hunting arrow, used for killing the buttalo, was generally about 2 feet 
long, of the usual cylindric form, and armed with an elongate triangu- 
lar point, made at first of flint, afterward of sheet iron. The shoulders 
of tlie arrow were rounded instead of angular, as in the ordi- 
nary barbed form. The point, or head, was firndy secured 
to tiie shaft by deer sinew wrapped around the neck of the 
point, and over that was spread some cement, made in a 
manner to be afterward explained. The flight of the arrow 
was equalized by three half-webs of feathers, neatly fast- 
ened near its base m the usual manner. 

Another kind of hunting arrow was the hide uazi(|-e, 

whicli was altogether of wood. About G inches from the 

^-^■-*'"'*''" point the shaft was triangular or ouadrangnlar: and the 

uting arrow. ^ ^ l ^ T 

l^oint was made by holding the shaft to a fire and 
turning it round and round till the heat had 
reduced it to the proper shape and had hard- 
ened it. This was used for killing flsli, deer, 
and small game. 

Tlie war arrow (b) difl'ered from that u.sed in 
hunting in having a barbed point, which was 
very slightly attached to the shaft, so that if 
it penetrated the body of an enemy it could 
not be withdrawn without leaving the point 
in the wound. 

Children used the hide-jAce, or target arrow, when they began to learn 
the use of the bow. With this a boy could kill small birds and animals. 




Flo, 326.- 

-Omalia war anow. 



Fig. 327.— Ouialia stylu ui' hlde.iace. 

The I'onka used to make arrowshafts (ma''sa) of ja"-'qude-hi, ''gray 
wood," juneberry wood, M'hich grew in their country, but is not found 
among the Omaha. Most of the Omaha made their shafts of the 
ma"'saqtihi. or " real arrow-wood,"' ( Viburnum) as that was the wood best 
suited for the ])urpose. Sometimes they were made of chokecherry 
wood; and Joseph LaFleche informs me that he has made them of ash 
and hickory. 

Arrowshafts' were held lengthwise directly m a line with the eyes of 
the workman, who sighted along them to see if they were straight. If 
one was bent, he held one end of it between his teeth, while he i)ressed 
against the rest of it with his hands. They were polished by means of 
the i)olishers, or aia"'-(j'iq((-ade, two pieces of sandstone, each of which had. 


a groove in the middle of one side. grooves were brought to 
gether, and the arrow was drawn between them. 

War arrows had crooked lines drawn along the shafts from the points 
to the other ends, down which, so I was informed by the Indians, it 
was intended that the blood of a wonnded foe should trickle. 

Arrowheads (mahi"-si), when made of flint, as at the first, were called 
"i""C' mahi"si," stone arrowlieads. In more recent times, they were 
manufactured of pieces of sheet iron; as, for example, hoops of pails 
and barrels. 

Arrow cement (hi"'pa), for attaching the heads to the shafts, was 
usually made from the skin taken off a buffalo or elk head. This was 
boiled a long time, till ready to fall to pieces. When tlie gelatinous 
matter forming the cement rose to the top of the water, a stick (called 
hi"p;i-ja"jin'ga) was thrust in and turned round and round, causing tlie 
material to be wrapped around it. When cooled it was smoothed with 
the hand. Then the act was repeated till a large quantity was collected 
on the stick. Wlien needed for use, it was warmed by placing either 
in the mouth or in hot water. The skin of the big turtle was also used 
for making cement. 

A set of arrows were called, collectively, "ma"wi'"da"." A set gen- 
erally consisted of ten arrows, but the number varied; sometimes there 
were two, four, or even twenty. When a man had arrows left in his 
quiver, he compared them with that which was in the slain animal. 
When he had none left, he appealed to some one who knew his style of 

There were no clan or gentile marks on arrows. One set was distin- 
guished from another by the order of the paint stripes on them, by the 
kind of feathers used, by the mode in which the arrowheads were made, 
etc. The Oto made bad arrows; those of the Pawnee were better, but 
they were inferior to those made by the Dakota, Ponka, and Omaha. 

The feathers, half-webs generally, put on arrows were those ot the 
eagle, buzzard, wild turkey, great owl, and goose. Sometimes hawk 
or crow feathers were employed. 


Quivers (ma^'jiha) for men were made of buffalo hide; but boys' 
quivers were made either of otter skins or of the skins of cougars, with 
the tail of the animal hanging down from the ni)per extremity. A skin 
case was attached to the quiver for carrying the bow when not in use. 
The wrist was defended from the i)ercussiou of the bowstring by the 
leather wristguard or A(|ande da. 

Shields and Armor. 

Shields (^ahawagfe) were made of the liides of buffalo bulls. They 
were round and very thick, reaching to the waist of the bearer. Arrows 
did not penetrate them. Joseph La Fleche never heard of the use of 
defensive armor, such as helmet and mail, among the Omaha and Ponka. 


He liad heard of a Pawuee who made a coat from four elk skins, two 
forming the front and two the back. Between each pair of skins was 
phiced sand. A hehnet was made in like manner. It covered the l)Hck 
of the head and extended over the forehead, coming down as far as the 
eyes. When the Pawnee noticed an arrow coming toward him, he 
bowed his head forward. 

Firearms were introduced among the Omaha prior to 1819, when 
Dougherty says that they preferred those called "Mackinaw guns." 




13 ETH 19 


Introduction 295 

Location and character 295 

History and literature 295 

Description 298 

The Casa Grande group 298 

Caaa Grande ruin 306 

State of preservation 306 

Dimensions 307 

Detailed description 309 

Openings 314 

Conclusions 318 




Plate LI. Map of Casa Grande group 298 

LII. Ground plan of Casa Grande ruin 302 

LIII General view of Casa Grande ruin 305 

LIV. Standing wall near Casa Grande 307 

LV. Western front of Casa Grande ruin 309 

L VI. Interior wall of Casa Grande ruin 310 

LVII. Blocked opening in western wall 312 

LVIII. Square opening in southern room 314 

LIX. Remains of lintel 317 

LX. Circular opening in northern room 319 

Fig. 328. Map of large mound 301 

329. Map of hollow uiimud 304 

330. Elevations of walls, middle room 315 



By Cosmos Mindelepf 



The Casa Grande ruin, situated near Gila river, in southern Arizona, 
is perhaps the best known specimen of aboriginal architecture in the 
United States, and no treatise on American antiquities is complete with- 
out a more or less extended description of it. Its literature, which 
extends over two centuries, is voluminous, but of little value to the 
practical scientific worker, since hardly two descriptions can be found 
which agree. The variations in size of the ruin given by various 
authors is astonishing, ranging from 1,500 square feet to nearly 5 acres 
or about 200,000 square feet iu area. These extreme variations are 
doubtless due to difference of judgment as to what portion of the area 
covered by remains of walls should be assigned to the t'asa (Jraude 
proper, for this structure is but a portion of a large group of ruins. 

So far as known to the writer no accurate plan of the Casa Grande 
ruin proper has hitherto been made, although plans have been i)ub- 
lished; and very few data concerning the group of which it forms a 
part are available. It would seem, therefore, that a brief report pre- 
senting accurate plans and careful descriptions may be of value, even 
though no pretention to exhaustive treatment is made. 


The earlier writers on the Casa Grande generally state that it was 
in ruins at the time of the first Spanish invasion of the country, in 1540, 
and quote in su^jport of this assertion Castaueda's description of a ruiu 
encountered on the march.' Castaiieda remarks that, "The structure 
was in ruins and without a roof." Elsewhere he says that the name 
"Chichilticale"was given to the place where they stopped because the 
monks found in the vicinity a house which had been inhabited by a 
people who came from Cibola. He surmises that the ruin was formerly 

' Castaneda in Temaux-Compana Voyage de Cibola. FrencL text. p. 1 , pp. 41, 161-162. (The original 
text — Spanish— is in the Lenox Librar.v ; no English translation has yet been published. 


296 CASA GRANDE EUIN. (eth.ann.13 

a fortress, destroyed long before by the barbarous tribes which they 
found in the couutry. His description of these tribes seems to api)ly 
to the Apache. 

The geographic data furnished by Castaneda and the other chroni- 
clers of Coronado's expedition is very scanty, and the exact route fol 
lowed has not yet been determined and probably never will be. So far 
as these data go, however, they are against the assumption that the 
Chichilticale of Castaiieda is the Casa Grande of today. Mr. A. F. 
Bandelier, whose studies of the documentary history of the southwest 
are well known, inclines to the opinion that the vicinity of Old Camp 
Grant, on the Eio San Pedro, Arizona, more nearly fill the descriptions. 
Be this as it may, however, the work of Castaneda was lost to sight, and 
it is not until more than a century later that the authentic history of the 
ruin commences. 

In 1694 the Jesuit Father Kino heard of the ruin, and later in the 
same year visited it and said mass within its walls. His secretary and 
usual companion on his missionary journeys, Mange by name, was not 
with him on this occasion, but in 1697 another visit was paid to the 
ruin and the description recorded by Mange ' in his diary heads the 
long list of accounts extending down to the present time.^ Mange 
describes the ruin as consisting of — 

A large edifice, the principal room in the center being four stories high, and those 
adjoining it on its four sides tliree stories, with walls 2 varas thick, of strong 
argamaso y bare (adobe) so smooth on the inside that they resemble planed boards, 
and so polished that they shine like Puebla pottery. 

Mange also gives some details of construction, and states that in the 
immediate vicinity there were remains of twelve other buildings, the 
walls half fallen and the roofs burned out. 

Following Mange's account there were a number of descriptions of 
no special value, and a more useful one written by Padre Font, who in 
1775 and 1776 made a journey to Gila and Colorado rivers and beyond. 
This description^ is quite circumstantial and is of especial interest 
because it formed the basis of nearly all the accounts written up to the 
time when that country came into our possession. According to this 
authority — 

The house forms an oblong square, facing exactly the four cardinal points, and 
round about it there are ruins indicating a fence or wall which surrounded the 
house and other buildings. The exterior or plaza extends north and south 420 feet 
and east and west 260 feet. 

Font measured the five rooms of the main building, and recorded 
many interesting details. It will be noticed that he described a sur- 

'An Euf^lisb translation is, given by H. H. Bancroft, Works, iv, p. 622, note. Also by Bartlett, 
Personal Narrative, 1854, vol. ii, pp. 281-282; another was published by Schoolcraft, Hist. Cond. and 
Pros, of Am. Ind., vol. iii, 1853, p. 301. 

^Quite an extensive list is given by Bancroft (op. cit., pp. 622-625, notes), and by Bandelier in Papers 
Arch. Inst, of Araer., American series, i, p. 11, note. 

3A number of copies of Font's iTournal are known. Bancroft gives a partial translation in op. cit., 
p. 623, note), as does also Bartlett (op. cit., pp. 278-280) ; and a French translation is given by Temaox 
Compans, ix. Voyages de Cibola, appendix. 


rounding: wall inclosing a comparatively large area; and nearly all the 
writers who published accounts prior to our conquest of the country in 
1846 based their descriptions on Font's journal and erroneously applied 
his measurement of the supposed circumscribing wall to the CasaGi'ande 

The conquest of the country by the "Army of the West" attracted 
attention anew to the ruin, through the descriptions of Colonel Emory 
and Captain Johnston. The expedition passed up the Gila valley, and 
Colonel Emory, in his journal, gives a fanciful illustration and a slight 
description. The journal of Captain Johnston contained a somewhat 
better description and a rough but fairly good sketch. The best descrip- 
tion of that period, however, was that given by John Russell Bartlett, 
in his "Personal Narrative,'' published in 1854. 

Bartlett observed that the ruin consists of three buildings, "all 
inckided within an area of 150 yards." He described these buildings 
and gave ground plans of two of them and elevations of the principal 
structure. He also gave a translation of a ijortion of Font's journal, 
as well as the previous description of Mange. He surmised that the 
central room of the main building, and perhaps the whole structure, 
was used for the storage of corn. 

Bartlett's account held place for nearly thirty years as the main reli- 
ance of compilers, and it forms today one of the most circumstantial 
and comprehensive descriptions extant. Other descriptions appeared 
at intervals of a few years, some compiled from Bartlett and Font, 
others based on personal observation, but none of them containing 
anything new, until the account of Mr. A. F. Bandelier, published 
some ten years ago,' is reached. 

Mr. Bandolier described the large group, of which the Casa Grande 
forms a part, and gave its dimensions as 400 meters (1,300 feet) north 
and south by 200 meters (650 feet) east and west. He also described 
and gave measurements of the Casa Grande proper and discusses its 
place in the field of aboriginal architecture. In a later publication^ he 
discussed the ruin at somewhat greater length, and presented also a 
rough sketch plan of the group and ground plans of the Casa Grande and 
of the mound north of it. He gave a short history of the ruin and quite 
an extended account of the Pima traditions concerning it. He consid- 
ered the Casa Grande a stronghold or fortress, a place of last resort, 
the counterpart, functionally, of the blockhouse of the early settlers of 
eastern United States. 

In 1888 Mr. F. H. Gushing presented. to the Congres International 
des Americanistes ^ some "Preliminary notes" on his work as director of 
the Hemenway southwestern archeological expedition. Mr. Gushing 
did not describe the Casa Grande, but merely alluded to it as a sur- 

•Archfeological Inst, of Amer., 5tli Ann. Eep. , 1884. 

^Papers Arch£eol. Inst, of Amer., Amer. ser., iv, Cambridge, 1892, p. 453 et seq. 

•Berlin meeting, 1S88: Compte- Rendu, Berlin, 1890, p. 150 et seo. 

298 CASA GRANDE RUIN. |eth.ann.13 

viving example of the temple, or priucipiil structure, which occurred 
in coujuuctioii with uearlj^ all the settlements studied. As Mr. Cush- 
ing's work was devoted, however, to the investigation of remains anal- 
ogous to, if not Identical with, the Gasa Grande, his report forms a 
valuable contribution to the literature of this subject, and although 
not everyone can accept the broad inferences and generalizations 
drawn by Mr. Gushing — of which he was able, unfortunately, to present 
only a mere statement — the report should be consulted by every stu- 
dent of soathwesteru archeology. 

The latest contribution to the literature of the Gasa Grande is a 
report by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes,' also of the Uemenway expedition, 
under the title "On the present condition of a ruin in Arizona called 
Gasa Grande." Two magnificent illustrations are presented, engrav- 
ings from photographs, showing general views of the ruin, as well as a 
number of views depicting details, and the ground plan presented at 
the end of the report is the best so far published. It is unfortunate 
that this author was not able to give more time to the study of the ruin ; 
yet his report is a valuable contribution to our knowledge concerning 
the Gasa Grande. 



The Gasa Grande has been variously placed at from 2 leagues to 2 
miles south of GUa river. The writer lias never traversed the distance 
from the ruin to the river, but the ruin is about a mile from Walker 
ranch, which is well known in that neighborhood, and about half a 
mile from the river. This question, however, is not of much impor- 
tance, as the ruin is easily found by anyone looking for it, being located 
directly on one of the stage routes from Gasa Grande station, on the 
Southern Pacific railroad, to Florence, Arizona, and about 9 miles 
below, or west of, the latter place. 

The name Gasa Grande has been usually applied to a single struc- 
ture standing near the southwestern corner of a large area covered by 
mounds and other debris, but some writers have applied it to the south- 
western portion of the area and even to the whole area. The latter 
seems the proper application of the term, but to avoid confusion, where 
both the settlement as a whole and that portion which has formed the 
theme of so many writers are referred to, the settlement will be desig- 
nated as the Gasa Grande group, and the single structure with stand- 
ing walls as the Gasa Grande ruin. 

Probably no two investigators would assign the same limits to the 
area covered by the group, as the margins of this area merge imper- 
ceptibly into the surrounding country. The accompanying map (plate 
Li) shows this area as interpreted by the writer. The surface covered 

'Jour, of Amer. Etbn. and Arch., Cambridge, 1892, vol. ii. page 179 etseq. 



by well defined remains, as there shown, extends about 1,800 feet north 
and soutli and 1,500 feet east and west, or a total area of about 65 

The Casa Grande ruin, as the term is here used, occupies a position 
near the southwestern corner of the group, and it will be noticed that 
its size is insignificant as compared with that of the entire group, or 
even with the large structure in the north-central part of it. The 
division of the group into northern and southern portions, which has 
been made by some writers, is clearly shown on the map; but this 
division is more apparent than real. The contour interval on the map 
is one foot — a sufficiently small interval to show the surface configura- 
tion closely and to bring out some of its peculiarities. Depressions are 
shown by dotted contours. It will be noticed that while most of the 
mounds which mark the sites of former structures rise but 10 feet or 
less above the surrounding level, the profiles vary considerably, some 
being much more smoothed off and rounded than others, the former 
being shown on the map by even, "flowing" contours, while the latter 
are more irregular; and it will be further noticed that the irregularity 
reaches its maximum in the vicinity of the Casa Grande ruin proper, 
where the ground surface was more recently formed, fi'om the fall of 
walls that were standing within the historical period. 

External appearance is a very unsafe criterion of age, although in 
some cases, like the present, it aiiords a fair basis for hypothesis as to 
comparative age; but even in this case, where the various portions of 
the group have presumably been affected alike by climatic and other 
influences, such hypothesis, while perhaps interesting, must be used 
with the greatest caution. Within a few miles of this place the writer 
has seen the remains of a modern adobe house whose maximum age 
could not exceed a decade or two, yet which presented an appearance 
of anticiuity quite as great as that of the wall remains east and south- 
east of the Casa Grande ruin. 

The application of the hypothesis to the map brings out some interest- 
ing results. In the first place, it may be seen that in the lowest mounds, 
such as those in the northwestern corner of the sheet, on the southern 
margin, and southwest of the well-marked mound on the eastern mar- 
gin, the contours are more flowing and the slojjes moi'e gentle than in 
others. This suggests that these smoothed mounds are older than the 
others, and, further, that their present height is not so great as their 
former height; and again, under this hypothesis, it suggests that the 
remains do not belong to one period, but that the interval which 
elapsed between the abandoument of the structures whose sites are 
marked by the low mounds and the most recent abandonment was 
long. In other words, this group, under the hypothesis, affords another 
illustration of a fact constantly impressed on the student of southwest- 
ern village remains, that each village site marks but an epoch in the his- 
tory of the tribe occupying it — a period during which there was constant, 

300 CASA GRANDE RUIN. 1eth.aj.n.13 

incessant change, new bands or minor divisions of the tribe appearing on 
the scene, other divisions leaving the parent village for other sites, and 
the ebb and flow continuing until at some period in its history the 
population of a village sometimes became so reduced that the remainder, 
as a matter of precaution, or for some trifling reason, abandoned it en 
masse. This phase of pueblo life, more prominent in the olden days 
than at present, but still extant, has not received the prominence it 
deserves in the study of southwesteru remains. Its effects can be seen 
in almost every ruin ; not all the villages of a group, nor even all the 
parts of a village, were inhabited at the same time, and estimates of 
population based on the number of ruins within a given region, and 
even those based on the size of a given ruin, must be materially 
revised. As this subject has been elsewhere' discussed, it can be dis- 
missed here with the statement that the Casa Grande group seems to 
have formed no exception to the general rule, but that its population 
changed from time to time, and that the extent of the remains is no 
criterion of the former populatioTi. 

It will be noticed that in some of the mounds, noticeably those in the 
immediate vicinity of the Casa Grande luiii, the surface is very irregu- 
lar. In this instance the irregularity indicates a recent formation of 
surface; for at this point many walls now marked only by mounds were 
standing within the historical period. External contour is of course a 
product of erosion, yet similarity of contour does not necessarily indicate 
either equal erosion or equal antiquity. Surface erosion does not become 
a prominent factor until after the walls have fallen, and one wall may 
easily last for a century or two centuries longer than another similarly 
situated. The surface erosion of a standing wall of grout, such as these 
under discussion, is very slight; photographs of the Casa Graude ruin, 
extending over a period of sixteen years, and made from practically 
the same point of view, show that the skyline or silhouette remained 
essentially unchanged during that period, every little knob and pi'ojec- 
tion remaining the same. It is through sapping or undermining at the 
ground siu-face that walls are destroyed. An inspection of the illustra- 
tions accompanying this paper will show what is meant by sapping: 
the external walls are cut away at the ground surface to a depth vary- 
ing from a few inches to nearly 2 feet. After a rain the ground, and 
that portion of the walls at present below its surface, retains moisture 
much longer than the part of the walls which stands clear ; the mois- 
ture rises by capillary attraction a foot or two above the ground surface, 
rendering the walls at this level softer than elsewhere, and as this por 
tion is more exposed to the flying sand which the wind sweeps over the 
ground it is here that erosion attains its maximum. The wall is gradu- 
ally cut away at and just above the ground surface until finally the base 
becomes too small to support it and it falls en masse. Then and not 
till then surface erosion becomes an important factor and the profile of 

I See pp. 179-261 of this Report, "Aboriginal Kemains in Verde Valley." 




the mass becomes finally rounded. But it will be readily seen that a 
slight difterence of texture, or thickness, or exposure, or some trifling 
difference too minute for observation, might easily add many decades 
to the apparent age of a mound. The walls once fallen, however, the 
rounding or smoothing of the mounds would probably proceed at an 
equal rate throughout the group, and study of the profile gives a fairly 
good estimate as to the comparative age of the mounds. On this basis 
the most ancient mounds are those specified above, while the most recent 
are tliose in the immediate vicinity of the Casa Grande ruin. This esti- 

FlG. 328. — Map of large mound. 

mate accords well with the limited historical data and with the Pima 
traditions, which recount that the Casa Grande ruin was the last inhab- 
ited village in this vicinity. 

Probably intermediate in time between the CaSa Grande ruin and 
the rounded mounds described above should be placed the large struc- 
ture occupying the northern-central part of the map. This mound is 
deserving of more than a passing notice. It consists of two mounds. 

302 CASA GRANDE RUIN. (eth.ann.13 

each four or five times tlie size of the Casa Grande niin, resting on a 
flat topped pedestal or terrace about 5 feet above the general level. The 
summits of these mounds, which are nearly flat, are some 13 feet above 
this level. The sides of the mounds slope very sharply, and have suf- 
fered somewhat from erosion, being cut by deep gullies, as shown in 
figure 328, which is an enlargement from the map. It has been stated 
that these structures were mounds, pure and simple, used for sacrifice 
or worship, resembling somewhat the well-known pyramid of Cholula; 
but there is no doubt that they are the remains of house- structures, 
for a careful examination of the surface on the slopes, reveals the ends 
of regular walls. The height is not exceptional, the mound on the 
east being less than 3 feet lower, while the one on the southeast lacks 
less than 4 feet of its height. The characteristic feature, however, 
and one difficult to explain, except on the hypothesis stated, is the 
sharp slo])e of the sides. It will be noticed that the raised base or ter 
race on which the mounds are located is not iierfectly flat, but on the 
contrary has a raised rim. This rim seems quite inconsistent with the 
theory which has been advanced that the terrace was built ui) solidly 
as a terrace or base, as in that case it would seem natural that the slope 
from the base of the mounds to the edge of the terrace would be con- 

There is an abundance of room between the crest of the rim and the 
base of the terrace for a row of single rooms, inclosing a court within 
which the main structures stood, or such a court may have been cov- 
ered, wholly or partly with clusters of rooms, single storied outside, but 
rising in the center, in two main clusters, three or more stories high. Such 
an agglomeration of rooms might under certain conditions produce the 
result seen here, although a circumscribing heavy wall, occupying the 
position of the crest of the rim and inclosing two main clusters each 
rising three or more stories, might also produce this result. The diifi- 
culty with the latter hypothesis is, however, that under it we should 
expect to find a greater depression between the base of the mounds 
and the edge of the terrace. The most reasonable hypothesis, there 
fore, is that the space between the base of the mounds and the edge 
of the terrace was occupied by rooms of one story. This would also 
help to explain the steepness of the slopes of the mounds themselves. 
The walls of the structures they represent, being protected by the 
adjacent low walls of the one-story rooms, would not suffer appreciably 
by imdermiuing at the ground level, and if the central room or rooms 
of each cluster were higher than the surrounding rooms, as is the case 
in the Casa Grande ruin, the exterior walls, being usually heavier than 
the inner walls, would be the last to succumb, the clusters would be 
filled up by the disintegration of the inner walls, and not untU the 
spaces between the low one-story walls surrounding the central cluster 
were nearly filled up would the pronounced disintegration of the outer 
walls of the structures commence. At that period the walls were prob- 



Contour Interval, I. Foot. 




ably covered aud protected by debris droi)piug- from above, and possi- 
bly the profile of the mounds was already established, being only 
slightly modified by sui-face erosion since. 

About the center of the .eastern side of the terrace, and also on the 
western side, the water which falls on the surface of the structure is 
discharged through rather pronounced depressions at these points. 
These depressions are not the work of running water, though doubtless 
emphasized by that agency, but represent low or open spaces in the 
original structure, probably passageways or gateways. Furtherniorcj 
before or inside each gateway there is a slightly depressed area, just 
where we would expect to find it under our hypothesis, and showing 
that the process of filling in is not yet completed. If the structure 
were to remain undisturbed for some decades longer these spaces would 
doubtless be filled up from material washed from the mounds, giving 
eventually a contiuuous slope from the base of the mounds to the edge 
of the terrace. 

On the eastern margin of the map and in the southeastern corner 
two small aud sharply defined mounds, diflering in character ii-om any 
others of the group, are represented. That shown on the eastern mar 
gin rises about G feet and the other about 10 feet above the surround- 
ing level, and both stand out alone, no other remains occurring within 
a hundred yards in any direction. These moun ds seem a thing apart 
from the other remains in the group ; and it is probable that they repre- 
sent the latest period in the occupancy of this site, or possibly a period 
subsequent to its final abandonment as a place of residence. Analogous 
remains occur in conjunction with some large ruins in the north, and 
there they represent single rooms, parts of the original stiucture kept 
in a fair state of preservation by occasional rejiairs while the remainder 
of the village was going to ruin, and used as farming outlooks long 
after the site was abandoned as a place of residence. As these farming 
outlooks have been discussed at some length in another paper ' it is 
not necessary here to enlarge upon their function and the important 
part they play in Pueblo architecture. If the high mounds in question 
mark, as supposed, the sites of farming outlooks such as those which 
are found in the north, they indicate that the occupancy of the region 
in which they occur was continued after the abandonment of the Casa 
Grande structure by the people who built it or by people of similar 
habits and customs. 

An inspection of the map will show a number of depressions, some of 
quite large area, indicated by dotted contour lines. The principal one 
occurs a little west of the center of the area, and is worth more than a 
passing notice since similar structures are widely distributed through- 
out this region. It may be roughly characterized as a mound with 
excavated center. The ground for some distance about the structure 
(except for two depressions discussed later) is quite flat. From this 

> A study of Pueblo Architecture; 8th Ann. Eep. Bur. Eth., 1891, pp. 86, 227, and eUeyrhere. 



[ETH. ANN. i:i 

flat surface as a base tlie structure rises to a height of 5 feet. From 
the exterior it has the ai)pearance of an ordinary mound, but on reach- 
ing the top the interior is found to be hollowed out to a depth which 
even at the present day is below the surrounding surface, although not 
below the depressions adjoining. The main structure or mound is 
shown in figure 329 (an enlargement from the map). It measures on 
top of the crest 150 feet from north to south and about 80 feet from 
east to west, but covers a ground area of 200 feet by 120 feet or over 
half an acre. The crest is of the same height throughout, except for 
slight elevations on the eastern and western sides and a little knoll or 

Fig. 329 Map of hollow mound. 

swell in the southwestern corner. There is no indication of any break 
in the continuity of the crest such as would be found were there open- 
ings or gateways to the interior. The bottom of the depression in the 
main structure is at present about a foot below the surrounding ground 
surface, but It must have been originally considerably more than this, 
as the profile indicates long exposure to atmospheric erosion and conse. 
quent filling of the interior. No excavation was made and the character 
of the construction can not be determined, but the mound is apparently 
a simple earth structure — not laid up in blocks, like the Casa Grande 

'^C^lt!' \'?^v^^^^^W'"''' 

;-•; . 

, i- 




• ,- A 





To the east and to tlie west are two large depress'ous, each about 5 
feet below the suriounding ground surface, evidently the i)laces whence 
the material for the construction of the mound was obtained. Yet the 
amount of material removed from these excavations must have been 
considerably in excess of that used in the construction of the mound, 
and this excess was doubtless utilized in neighboring constructions, 
since it is hardly to be supposed that it was carried away to any con- 
siderable distance. 

The purpose of this hollow mound, which is a fair type of many simi- 
lar structures found in this region, is not clear. Mr. Frank Hamilton 
Gushing, while director of the Hemenway southwestern archeological 
expedition* found a uiimber of these structures and excavated some of 
them. From remains thus found he concluded that they were sun- 
temples, as he termed them, and that they were covered with a roof 
made of coiled strands of grass, after a manner analogous to that in 
which pueblo baskets are made. A somewhat similar class of struc- 
tures was found by the writer on the upper Rio Verde, but these were 
probably thrashing floors. Possibly the structure under discussion 
was for a similar purpose, yet its depth in proportion to its size was 
almost too great for such use. The question must be left for determina- 
tion if possible by excavation. 

In the southern central part of the map is shown another excava- 
tion, covering a larger area than any of the others, of very irregular 
outline and from 3 to -i feet deep. It is apparently older than the others 
and j)robably furnished the material for the house structures northeast 
and southwest of it. Bordering the depression on the south there are 
some low mounds, almost obliterated, which probably were the sites of 
other house structures. 

Scattered about the area shown on the map there are several small 
depressions, usually more regular in outline than those described. The 
best example is situated near the northeastern corner of the area. It 
is situated in the point of alow promontory, is about .S feet deep, almost 
regularly oval in outline, and measures about 50 by 100 feet. A. similar 
depression less than 2 feet deep occurs near the northwest corner of the 
area, and immediately south of the last there is another, more irregu- 
lar in outline, and nearly 3 feet deep. There are also some small 
depressions in the immediate vicinity of the Oasa Grande ruin and of 
the mounds north of it. 

With a single exception none of these depressions are so situated that 
they could be used as reservoirs for the storage of water collected from 
the suriace, and the catchment area of the depressions is so small and 
the rate of evaporation in this area so great that their use as reservoirs is 
out of the question. It is probable that all of the smaller depressions 
represent simply sites where building material was obtained. Possibly 
the ground at these points furnished more suitable material than else- 
where, and, if so, the builders may have taken the trouble to transport 
13 ETH 20 

306 CASA GRANDE RUIN. [eth.ann.IS 

it several liuiidrecl yards rather than follow the usual practice of usiii}; 
material within a few feet of the site. This hypothesis would exphiiu 
the large size of the depressions, otherwise an anomalous feature. 


The area occupied by the Oasa Grande ruin is insignificant as com- 
pared with that of the entire group, yet it has attracted the greater 
attention because it comprises practically all the walls still standing. 
There is only one small fragment of wall east of the main structure 
and another south of it. 

The ruin is especially interesting because it is the best preserved 
example now remaining of a tyi)e of structure which, there is reason to 
believe, was widely distributed throughout the Gila valley, and which, 
so far as now known, is not found elsewhere. The conditions under 
which pueblo architecture developed in the north were peculiar, and 
stamped themselves indelibly on the house structuies there found. 
Here in the south there is a radical change in physical environment: 
even the available building material was different, and while it is prob- 
able that a systematic investigation of this field will show essentially 
tlie same ideas that in the north are worked out in stone, here 
embodied in a different material and doubtless somewhat modified to 
suit the changed environment, yet any general conclusion based on the 
study of a single ruin would be unsafe. In the present state of knowl- 
e<lge of this field it is not advisable to attempt more than a detailed 
description, embodying, however, a few inferences, applicable to this 
ruin only, which seem well supported by the evidence obtained. 

The Gasa Grande ruin is located near the southwestern corner of the 
group, and the ground surface for miles about it in every direction is 
so flat that from the summit of the walls an immense stretch of country 
is brought under view. On the east is the broad valley of Gila river^ 
rising in a great plain to a distant range of mountains. About a mile 
and a half toward the north a fringe of cottonwood trees marks the 
course of the river, beyond which tlie plain continues, broken some- 
what by hills and buttes, until the view is closed by the Superstition 
mountains. On the northwest the valley of Gila river runs into the 
horizon, with a few buttes here and there. On the west lies a range 
of mountains closing the valley in that direction, while toward the 
southwest and south it extends until in places it meets the horizon, 
while in other places it is closed by ranges of mountain blue and misty 
in the distance. In an experience of some years among northern ruins, 
many of them located with special reference to outlook over tillable 
lands, the writer has found no other ruin so well situated as this. 

The character of the site occupied by the ruin indicates that it 
belongs to a late date if not to the final period in the occupancy of this 

! . 


region, ;i period when by reason of natural increase of numbers, or 
perhaps aggregation of related gentes, the defense motive no longer 
dominated the selection of a village site, but reliance was placed on 
numbers and character of structures, and the builders felt free to 
select a site with reference only to their wants as a horticultuial peo- 
ple. This period or stage has been reached by many of the Pueblo 
tribes, although mostly within the historical period; but some of them, 
the Tusayau for example, ai-e still in a i)rior stage. 

A ground plan of the ruin is shown in plate Lii, and a general view 
in plate liii. The area covered and inclosed by standing walls is about 
4.'i feet by 59 feet, but the building is not exactly rectangular, and the 
common statement that it faces the cardinal jjoints is enoneous. The 
variation from the magnetic north is shown on the ground plan, which was 
made in December, 18!)(). The building comprised three central rooms, 
each approximately 10 by 24 feet, arranged side by side with the longer 
axes north and south, and two other rooms, each about 1) by 35 feet, 
occui)ying respectively the northern and southern ends of the building, 
and arranged transversely across the ends of the central rooms, with 
the longer axes running east and west. Except the central room, which 
was three stories in height, all the rooms were two stories above the 
ground. The northeastern and southeastern corners of the structure 
have fallen, and large blocks of the material of which they were com- 
posed are strewn upon the ground in the vicinity. It is probable that 
the destruction of these corners prior to that of the rest of the build 
ing was due to the disintegration of minor walls connected with them 
and extending, as shown by the ridges on the ground plan, north 
ward from the northeastern corner and eastward from the southeast- 
ern corner. These walls doubtless formed part of the original struc- 
ture and were probably erected with it; otherwise the corners of the 
main structure would not have been torn out or strained enough to 
lall before the rest of the building was affected. 

It IS not likely that tlie main building originally stood alone as at 
present. On the contrary there is every reason to suppose that it was 
connected with other buildings about 75 feet east of it, now marked by 
a bit of standing wall shown on the map (plate Li), and probably also 
with a small structure about 170 feet south of it, shown in plate Liv. 
These connections seem to have been by open courts inclosed by walls 
and not by continuous buildings. The court east of the ruin is well 
marked by the contours and seems to have been entered by a gateway 
or opening at its southeastern corner. 


It is probable that the area immediately adjacent to the ruin, and 
now covered by mounds, carried buildings of the same time with tlie 
main structure and was occupied contemporaneously with it or nearly 
so. This area, well marked on the map, measures about 400 feet 

308 CASA GRANDE RUIN. [etu.axn. 13 

noi'tb aud south, aud 240 feet east and west. It is not rectangular, 
although the eastern and western sides, now marked by long ridges, 
are roughly ijarallel. The northeastern corner does not conform to a 
rectangular plan, and the southern side is not more than half closed 
by the low ridge which extends i)artly aci'oss it. This area is doubt- 
less the one measured in 1770, by Padre Font, whose description was 
copied by later writers, and whose measurements were api)lied by Hum- 
boldt and others to the ruin itself. Font gave his measurements as 
those of a circumscribing wall, and his inference has been adopted by 
many, in fact most, later writers. A circumscribing wall is an anom- 
alous feature, in the experience of the writer, and a close inspection of 
the general map will show that Font's inference is hardly justified by 
the condition of the remains today. It seems more likely that the area 
in question was covered by gioups of buildings and rows of rooms, 
connected by open courts, and forming an outline sometimes regular 
for a considerable distance, but more often irregular, after the manner 
of pueblo structures today. The long north and south ridge which 
forms the southeastern corner of the area, with other ridges extending 
westward, is quite- wide on top, wide enough to accommodate a single 
row of rooms of the same width as those of the ruin, and it is hardly 
reasonable to suppose that a wall would be built 10 or 12 feet wide 
when one of 4 feet would serve every purpose to which it could pos- 
sibly be put. Furthermore, the supposition of an inclosing wall does 
not leave any reasonable explanation of the transverse ridges above 
mentioned, nor of the long ridge which runs southward from the south- 
eastern corner of the ruin. 

The exterior walls i-ise to a height of from 20 to 25 feet above the 
ground. This height accommodated two stories, but the top of the 
wall is now 1 to 2 feet higher than the roof level of the second story. 
The middle room or space was built up three stories high and the walls 
are now 28 to 30 feet above the ground level. The tops of the walls, 
while rough aud much eroded, are approximately level. The exterior 
surface of the walls is rough, as shown in the illustrations, but the 
interior walls of the rooms are finished with a remarkable degree of 
smoothness, so much so as to attract the attention of everyone who 
has visited the ruin. Mange, who saw the ruin with Padre Font in 
1097, says the walls shine like Puebla pottery, and they still retain 
this finish wherever the surface has not cracked off. This tine finish 
is shown in a number of illustrations herewith. The walls are not of 
even thickness. At the ground, level the exterior wall is from 3i to 4i 
feet thick, and in one place at the southern end of the eastern wall, is 
a trirtc over 5 feet thick. The interior walls are from 3 to 4 feet thick 
at base. At the top the walls are reduced to about 2 feet thick, partly 
by setbacks or steps at the floor levels, partly by exterior batter, the 
interior wall surface being approximately vertical. Some writers, not- 
ing the incliuatiou of the outer wall surface, and not seeing the interior, 


have inferred that the walls leaned considerably away from the perpen- 
dicular. This inference ha.s been strengthened, in some cases, by an 
examination of the interior, for the inner wall surface, while linely 
finished, is not by any means a plane surface, being generally concave 
in each room; yet a line drawn from floor level to floor level would be 
very nearly vertical. The building was constructed by crude methods, 
thoroughly aboriginal in character, and there is no uniformity in its 
measurements. The walls, even in the same room, are not of even 
thickness, the floor joists were seldom on a straight line, and measure- 
ments made at similar x'laces, e. g., the two ends of a room, seldom 

A series of precise measurements gives the following results: Out- 
side eastern wall, at level 3 feet above center of depressed area adjoin- 
ing the ruin on the east, 59 feet; western wall at same level, 59 feet 
1 inch ; northern and southern walls, at same level, 42 and 43 feet re- 
si)ectively. These measurements are between points formed by the 
intersection of the wall lines; the northeastern and southeastern corners 
having fallen, the actual length of standing wall is less. At the level 
stated the northern wall measures but 34 feet 4 inches, and the south- 
ern wall 30 feet 10 inches. A similar irregularity is found in the 
interior measurements of rooms. The middle room is marked by an 
exceptional departure from regularity in shape and dimensions. Both 
the east and west walls are bowed eastward, making the western wall 
convex and the eastern wall concave in reference to the room. 

Precise measurements of the middle room at the second floor level, 8 
feet above the base previously stated, are as follows : Eastern side, 24 
feet 8i inches; western side, 24 feet 2 inches; northern side, 9 feet 3^ 
inches; southern side, 9 feet 1 inch. The eastern room is a little more 
reguliir, but there is a difference of 11 inches between the measurements 
of the northern and southern ends. A sinnlar difference is found in the 
western room, amounting there to 6 inches. The northern and southern 
rooms do not aflbrd as good bases for comjiarison, as a corner is missing 
in each ; but measurements to a point where the interior wall surfaces 
would intersect if iirolonged, show variations of from 6 inches to a foot. 
The statement that the ruin exhibits exceptional skill in construction 
on the part of the builders, is not, therefore, supported by facts. 


The Casa Grande ruin is often referred to as an adobe structure. 
Adobe construction, if we limit the word to its x)roper meaning, con- 
sists of the use of molded brick, dried in the sun but not baked. 
Adobe, as thus defined, is very largely used throughout the southwest, 
more than nine out of ten houses erected by the Mexican population 
and many of those erected by the Pueblo Indians being so constructed ; 
but, in the experience of the writer, it is never found in the older ruins, 
although seen to a limited extent in ruins known to belong to a period 

310 CASA GRANDE RUIN. [eth.ann. 13 

subsequent to the Spanish conquest. Its discovery, therefore, in the 
Casa Grande would be important ; but no trace of it can be found. The 
walls are composed of huge blocks of earth, 3 to .5 feet long, 2 feet high, 
and 3 to 4 feet thick. Tliese blocks were not molded and placed iu 
situ, but were manufactured in i)lace. The method adopted was prob- 
ably the erection of a framework of canes or light poles, woven with 
reeds or grass, forming two parallel surfaces or planes, some 3 or 4 feet 
apart and about 5 feet long. Into this open box or trough was rammed 
clayey earth obtained from the immediate vicinity and mixed with 
water to a heavy paste. When the mass was sufficiently dry, the fraana- 
work was moved along the wall and the operation repeated. This is 
the typical pis(5 or rammedearth construction, and in the hands of 
skilled workmen it suffices for the construction of quite elaborate build- 
ings. As here used, however, the appliances were rude and the work- 
men unskilled. An inspection of the illustrations herewith, especinlly 
of plate LV, showing the western wall of the ruin, will indicate clearly 
how this work was done. The horizontal lines, marking what may be 
called courses, are very well defined, and, while the vertical joints are 
not apparent in the illustration, a close inspection of the wall itself 
shows them. It will be noticed that the builders were unable to keep 
straight courses, and that occasional thin courses were put iu to bring 
the wall up to a general level. This is even more noticeable iu other 
parts of the ruin. It is probable that as the walls rose the exterior 
surface was smoothed with the hand or with some suitable implement, 
but it was not carefully finished like the interior, nor was it treated 
like the latter with a specially prepared material. The material em- 
ployed for the walls was admirably suited for the purpose, being 
when dry almost as hard as sandstone and practically indestructible. 
The manner in which such walls disintegrate under atmospheric influ- 
ences has already been set forth in detail in this report. An inhab- 
ited structure with walls like these would last indefinitely, provided 
occupancy continued and a few slight repairs, which would accom- 
pany occupancy, were made at the conclusion of each rainy season. 
When abandoned, however, sapping at the ground level would com- 
mence, and would in tune level all the walls; yet in the two centu- 
ries which have elai^sed since Padre Kino's visit — and the Casa Grande 
was thenaruin — there has been but little destruction, the damage done 
by relic hunters in the last twenty years being in fact much greater 
than that wrought by the elements in the preceding two centuries. The 
relic hunters seem to have had a craze for wood, as the lintels of open- 
ings and even the stumps of floor joists have been torn out and carried 
away. The writer has been reliably informed that as late as twenty 
years ago a portion of the floor or roof in one of the rooms was still iu 
place, but at the present day nothing is left of the floors except marks 
on the vertical walls, and a few stumps of floor joists, deeply imbedded 
in the walls, and so high that they can not be seen from the ground. 




'■"-'S^-^**'*--'^^- tai-lfe-— IrtT-^':^-^^ 


i ^ 





The floors of the rooms, wliicih were also the roofs of the rooms below, 
were of the ordinary ])ueblo tyiie, employed also today by the Ameri- 
cau and Mexican population of this region. In the Casa Grande ruin 
a series of light joists or heavy poles was laid across the shorter axis 
of the room at the time the walls were erected; these ])oles were 3 to 6 
inches in diameter, not selected or laid with unusual care, as the holes 
in the side walls which mark the places they occupied are seldom in a 
straight line, and their shape often indicates that the ])oles were quite 
crooked. Better executed examples of the same construction are often 
I'ouiid in northern ruins. Over the primary series of joists was placed 
a layer of light jxiles, lA to 2 inches in diameter, and over these reeds 
and coarse grass were spi-ead. The ])rints of the light j)oles can still 
be seen on the walls. The floor or roof was then finished with a heavy 
coating of clay, tiodden down solid and smoothed to a level. A number 
of blocks of this final floor finish, bearing the impress of the grass and 
reeds, were found in the middle room. There is usually a setback in 
the wall at the floor level, but this practice was not followed in all the 

The position of the floor is well marked in all cases by holes in the 
wall, into which beams projected sometimes to a depth of 3 feet, and by 
a peculiar roughness of the wall. Plate LVi shows two floor levels, 
both set back slightly and the ui)per one strongly marked by the rough- 
ness mentioned. This roughness apparently marks the thickness of the 
floor in some cases, yet in others it is much too thick for a floor and 
must have had some other purpose. The relation of these marks to the 
beam holes suggests that in some cases there was a low and probably 
narrow bench around two or more sides of the room; such benches are 
often found in the present Pueblo villages. 

The walls of the northern room are fairly well preserved, except in the 
northeastern corner, which has fallen. The principal floor beams were 
of necessity laid north and south, across the shorter axis of the room, 
while the secondary series of poles, li inches in diameter, have left 
their impression in the eastern and western walls. There is no set- 
back in the northern wall at the first floor level, though there is a very 
slight one in the southern wall; none appears in the eastern and west- 
ern walls. Yet in the second roof level there is a double setback of 9 
and 5 inches in the western wall, and the northern wall has a setback 
of 9 inches, and the top of the wall still shows the position of nearly all 
the roof timbers. This suggests — and the suggestion is supported by 
other facts to be mentioned later — that the northern room was added 
after the completion of the rest of the edifice. 

The second roof or third floor level, the present top of the wall, has 
a decided pitch outward, amounting to nearly o inches. Furthermore, 
the outside of the northern wall of the middle room, above the second 
roof level of the northern room, is very much eroded. This indicates 
that the northern room never had a greater height than two stories, but 
probably the walls were crowned with low parapets. In this connec- 

312 CASA GRANDE IIUIN. (eth.ann. i:i 

tion it may be stated that a calculation of the amount of debris within 
the building and for a distance of 10 feet about it iu every direction, 
the interior floor level being determined by excavation, showed an 
amount of material which, added 1o the walls, would raise them less 
than 3 feet; in other words, the present height of the walls is very 
nearly the maximum height. 

Subsequent to this examination the ruin was cleared out by con- 
tractors for the Government in carrying out a jilan for the repair and 
preservation of the ruin, and it was reported that in one of the rooms 
a floor level below that previously determined was found, making an 
underground story or cellar. This would but slightly modify the fore- 
going conclusion, as the additional debris would raise the walls less 
than a foot, and in the calculation no account was taken of material 
removed from the surface of the walls. 

In supi)ort of the hypothesis that the second roof level of the northern 
room was the top roof, it may be stated that there is no trace of an 
opening in the walls above that level, except on the western side. 
There was a narrow opening in the western corner, but so well filled 
that it is hardly perceptible. Doubtless it formed a niche or opening 
in the parapet. 

The southern wall on the first roof level still preserves very clear 
and distinct impressions of the rushes which were used in the con- 
struction of the roof. In some cases these impressions occur 3 inches 
above the top of the floor beams, in others directly above them, show- 
ing that the secondary scries of poles was very irregularly ])laced. 
In the eastern and western walls the impressions of rushes are also 
clear, but there they are parallel with the wall surface. The rushes 
were about the thickness of a i)encil. 

The floor joists were 3 to 4 inches in diameter, and as a rule pro- 
jected into the wall but 5 to 8 inches. In some places in the northern 
wall, however, they extended into the masonry as much as 3 feet 3 
inches. The beams were doubtless cut by guess, at the place where 
trees of the requisite size were found, according to the method em- 
ployed by the Pueblo Indians today, and if, as supposed, the northern 
room was built after the rest of the structure, the excess iu length 
would necessarily be found in the northern wall. 

In the roof construction previously described rushes or canes formed 
the third member, and in the northern room the wall is rough immedi- 
ately above the impressions of rushes, and projects 8 to 12 inches. 
This feature is well marked; it may be a remnant of the clay covering 
of floor or roof, but it is almost too thick for that and possibly marks 
the position of a low bench, as previously suggested. The bottoms of 
the openings come just to or a trifle above the top of this marking. 

The walls of the western room were smoothly finished and the finish 
is well preserved, but here, as in the northern room, the exterior wall 
of the middle room was not finished above the second roof level, and 






there is no doubt that two stories above the ground were the maximum 
height of the western rooms, excluding the parapet. The eastern wall 
presents a marked double convexity while the western wall is compara- 
tively straight in a horizontal line, but markedly concave vertically 
above the first roof level. Below this level it is straight. The floor 
beams were from 3 to 6 inches in diameter. The marks in the eastern 
wall show that the beams projected into it to a nearly uniform depth 
of 1 foot 4 inches. In the western wall, however, the depth varies from 
1 to 3 feet. The beams which entered the eastern wall were veiy 
irregnliirly placed, the line rising in the center some 3 or 4 inches. 
The beams of the second roof level show the same irregularity and in 
the same place; possibly this was done to correct a level, for the same 
feature is repeated in the eastern room. 

The walls of the southern room are perhaps better finished and less 
well constructed than any others in the building. The beam holes in 
the southern wall are regular, those in the northern wall less so. The 
beams used averaged a little smaller than those in the other rooms, and 
there is no trace whatever in the overhanging wall of the use of rushes 
or canes in the construction of the roof above. The walls depart con- 
siderably from vertical plane surfaces; the southern wall inclines fully 
12 inches inward, while in the northeastern corner the side of a door- 
way iirojects fully 3 inches into the room. The broken condition of the 
southern wall indicates carelessness in construction. The weakest 
point in pise construction is of course the framing around openings. 
In the southern wall the openings, being doubtless the first to give 
way, are now almost completely obliterated. In the center of the wall 
there were two openings, one above the other, but not a trace of lintels 
now remains, and the eastern half of thawall now stands clear from 
other walls. Probably there was also an opening near the southwestern 
corner of the room, but the lintels giving way the wall above fell down 
and, as shown on the ground plan (plate lii), filled up the opening. 
This could happen only with exceptionally light lintels and exception- 
ally bad construction of walls; one of the large blocks, before described 
as composing the wall, must have rested directly above the opening, 
which was practically the same size as the block. 

The walls of the eastern room were well finished, and, except the 
western wall, in fairly good preservation. The floor beams were not 
placed in a straight line, but rise slightly near the middle, as noted 
above. The finish of some of the openings suggests that the floor was 
but 3 or 4 inches above the beams, and that the roughened surface, 
already mentioned, was not ])art of it. The northern wall of this room 
seems to have run through to the outside, on the east, as though at 
one time it formed the exterior wall of the structure; and the eastern 
wall of the building north of this room is separated from the rest of 
the wall by a wide crack, as though it had been built against a smooth 
surface. The western wall of this room shows clearly that in the con- 

314 CASA. GRANDE RUIN. [eth.ann.IS 

structioii of the buildiug the floor beams were laid on the tops of the 
walls, and that the intervening spaces were filled with small lumps of 
material up to a level with or a little above the upper surface of the 
beams, the regular construction with large blocks being then resumed. 
In the middle room many blocks bearing the imprint of grass and 
rushes were found, and the rough marking ot the walls just above the 
floor beams is covered in places in this room with masonry composed 
of these grass marked blocks projecting some distance into the room, 
indicating that in this room at least they mark the position of a bench. 
These blocks occupy the whole thickness of the setback at the second 
roof level — perhaps an indication that the upper story was added after 
the building was occupied. 


The Casa Grande was well provided with doorways and other open- 
ings arranged in pairs one above the other. There were doorways 
from each room into each adjoining room, except that the middle room 
was entered only from the east. Some of the openings were not used 
and were closed with blocks of solid masonry built into them long 
prior to the final abandonment of the ruin. 

The middle room had three doorways, one above the other, all open- 
ing eastward. The lowest doorway opened directly on the floor lev^el, 
and was 2 feet wide, with vertical sides. Its height could not be 
determined, as the top was completely broken away and merged with 
the opening above, but the bottom, which is also the floor level, is 6 
feet 9 inches below the level of the first roof beams. The doorway of 
the second story is preserved only on the northern side. Its bottom, 
still easily distinguishable, is 1 foot G inches above the bottom of the 
floor beams. It was not over 2 feet wide and was about 4 feet high. 
The upper doorway is still well preserved, except that the lintels are 
gone. It is about three inches narrower at the top than at the bottom 
and about 4 feet high. 

In addition to its three doorways, all in the eastern wall, the middle 
tier of rooms was well provided with niches and holes in the walls, 
some ot them doubtless utilized as outlooks. On the left of the upper 
doorway are two holes, a foot apart, about 4 inches in diameter, and 
smoothly finished. Almost directly above these some 3 feet, and 
about 2 feet higher than the top of the door, there are two similar 
holes. Near the southern end of the room in the same wall there is 
another round opening a trifle larger and about 4i feet above the floor 
level. In the western wall there are two similar openings, and there is 
one each in the northern and southern walls. All these openings are 
circular, of small diameter, and are in the upper or thii-d story, as shown 
on the elevations herewith, figure .'530. The frequency of openings in 
the upper or third story and their absence on lower levels, except the 
specially arranged openings described later, supports the hypothesis 
that none of the rooms except the middle one were ever more than two 




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,• ff. 

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i >t > 





stories liigh and that the wall lemaiiis above the second roof level 
represent a low parapet. 

Ill the second story, or middle room of the middle tier, there were 
no openings except the doorway in the eastern wall and two small 
orifices in the western wall. In the middle of this wall there is a niche 
about KS inches below the roof, and a foot below this is a round cornered 
opening measuring about 7 by 8 inches extending through the wall. 
This opening was on a level with another in the western wail of the 
western room, and commanded a far-reaching though contracted view 
toward the west. Below and a little northward is a similar though 
somewhat larger opening corresponding to an opening in the western 
wall of the western room. 



East Wall. 

Fig. J30.—Elevatiuiis of walls, middle ruoin. 

The upper doorway in the western wall of the western room is much 
broken out, but the top can still be traced. It was 4 feet oi inches in 
height and 1 foot 11 inches wide at top. The opening was blocked 
by solid masonry built into it and completely filling it up to within 10 
inches of the top. This upper space, which is on a level with the upper 
hole in the middle room, seems to have been purposely left to allow an 
outlook from that room. The filling block is level on top and flush 
with the wall inside and out. At a height of 12 inches above the 
lower edge of the floor beams below it, and perhaps 3 inches above the 
floor, is the lower edge of a roughly square opening a foot across, cut 


ont from the block itself and inclined slightly downward toward the 
exterior. It was plastered and smoothly tiuishcd. This opening cor- 
responds to the one in the middle room already described. This fill- 
ing block, with the orifice under discussion, is shown in figure 330, and 
in detail in plate lvii 

The lower doorway, shown in figure 330, is much broken out, and 
although now but 2 feet li inches wide at its narrowest jiart, no trace 
of the original surface remains on the northern side. The opening was 
4 feet 6J inches high and probably less than 2 feet wide, with vertical 

In the western wall of the southern room there was but one opening. 
This is about 9 inches square, finished smoothly, and occurs in the upper 
room, about 6 feet 5 inches above the floor. It is shown in plate lviii. 
The doorway between this room and the western room was smoothly 
finished and is in good order except the top, which is entirely gone. It 
was covered with double lintels made of poles 2 to 4 inches in diameter, 
the lower series about 3 inches above the top of the door. The open- 
ing was originally filled in like that described above, leaving only 8 or 
10 inches of the upper part open. The lower part of the block was 
pierced by a square hole, like that in the western room, but this has 
weathered or been broken ont and the block has slipped down, so that 
now its top is 1 foot 5i inches below what was formerly the top of the 
opening. The top of the filling block is still smooth and finished and 
shows across its entire width a series of prints probably of flat sticks 
about an inch and a half wide, though possibly these are marks of some 
finishing tool. The marks run north and south. 

The opening below the one just described was so much filled up at 
the time of examination that none of its features could be deter- 
mined, except that it was bridged by two tiers of sticks of the usual 
size as lintels. The subsequent excavation before referred to, however, 
apparent!}' disclosed an opening similar to the one described, and, like 
it, tilled nearly to the top with a large block. 

A little west of the middle of the northern wall there are three niches, 
arranged side by side and about (U feet above the first roof beams. 
The niches are 10 inches high, a foot wide, and about a foot deep, and 
are about 8 inches apai't. They are smoothly finished and plastered, 
but were roughly made. 

The eastern opening in the northern wall, opening into the east room, 
is well preserved except the top, which is missing. It measured 4 feet 
2J inches in height and 1 foot 11 inches wide at the bottom, the top 
being nearly an inch narrower. It carried two tiers of lintels of me- 
dium size. 

The gap in the southern wall of the southern room, shown in the 
plan, though now open from the ground up, represents the location of 
two doorways, one above the other. Eemains of both of these can still 
be seen on the ends of the walls. No measurements can be obtained. 


The large fallen block near the southwestern corner of the room, which 
undoubtedly slipped down from above, shows a finished surface at the 
ground level inside, but above it no trace of an opening can be seen, 
possibly because the ends of the walls above are much eroded. 

The upper opening in the eastern wall of the eastern room was apiiar- 
ently capped with a single lintel composed of five sticks 4 to 6 inches 
in diameter laid level on the top of a course of masonry. The bottom 
of the opening is filled either with washed-down material or with the 
remains of a block such as that previously described. This opening is 
the most irregular one in the building, the top being nearly 4 inches nar- 
rower than the bottom, but the northern side of the opening is vertical, 
the southern side only being inclined inward. The opening was 4 feet 
11 inches high andl foot 8i inches wide at the bottom. The opening 
immediately below that described, which was the ground floor entrance 
from the east, is so much broken out that no evidence remains of its 
size and character. There appears to have been only one row of liutel 

The eastern opening in the southern wall of the northern room is well 
preserved, the lintels having been torn out by relic hunters witliout 
much destruction of the surrounding masonry. It was neatly finished, 
and its bottom was probably a little above the first roof level. The 
edges of the openings were made straight with fiat sticks, either used 
as implements or incorporated into the structure, and forming almost 
perfectly straight edges. Marks of the same method of construction 
or finish are apparent in all the other openings, but the remains are 
not so well preserved as in this instance. Possibly the immediate lin- 
tels of o])enings were formed of thin flat sticks, as the lintel poles are 
often some inches above the toj) of the opening. In this opening the 
supporting lintel was formed of a number of poles 2 to 4 inches in 
diameter, irregularly placed, sometimes two or three in vertical series 
with very little tilling between them. This construction has been char- 
acterized as a Norman arch. The opening was originally 1 foot 11 
inches at the top and 4 feet 6 inches high. The bottom is li inches 
wider than the top. 

The upper opening in the western end of the southern wall is much 
like that just described. A small fragment of masonry above the lin- 
tel remains, and this is within a quarter of an inch of the top of the 
opening. Abo\e the ojiening there was a series of rough liutel poles, 
3 to 5 inches in diameter, arranged in three tiers with 4 to (j inches of 
filling between them. Prints of these sticks are left in the wall and 
show that some of them were quite crooked. Probably they were of 
mesquite, obtained from the immediate vicinity. The edges of the 
openings were finished with flat sticks, like those described, and its 
bottom was 6 inches to a foot above the floor. The height of the open- 
ing was 4 feet 3 inches and its width at the top 2 feet, at the bottom 2 
feet 14 inches. 

318 CASA GRANDE RUIN. [eth.ann, 13 

The opening immediately below the last described is filled with d6bris 
to the level of the lintel. Above this, however, there is a series of tiirce 
tiers of sticks with to 8 inches of masonry between them vertically, 
sometimes hxid side by side, sometimes separated by a foot of masonry. 
Some of these lintel poles, as well as those of the opening above it, 
extend 3 feet into the wall, others only a few inches. The lower sides 
or bottoms of the holes are washed with pink clay, the same material 
used for surfacing the interior walls. Perhaps this was merely the 
wetting used to make succeeding courses of clay stick better. This 
opening is shown in plate Lix. 

Near the middle of the northern wall there are two openings, one 
above the other. The upper opening was finished in the same manner 
as those already described. But two tiers of poles show above it, though 
the top is well preserved, and another tier may be buried in the wall. 
There are indications that the opening was closed by a block about 2 
feet thick and flush with the outside. The height of the opening was 
4 feet 5 inches, width at top 1 foot 4i inches, and at the bottom 1 foot 
10 inches. It narrows a little from north to south. 

The lower opening is so much broken out that little remains to show 
its character. There is a suggestion that the opening was only 2 feet 
high, and there were probably three tiers of lintels above the opening, 
the top of which was 2i feet below the roof beams, but the evidence is 
not so clear as in the other instances. 

In the middle of the western wall, at a height of 5 feet 8 inches above 
the first roof level, there is a large, roughly circular opening or window, 
14 inches in diameter. This is shown in plate lx. It is smoothly fin- 
ished, and enlarges, slightly, outward. 


As before stated, any conclusions drawn from a study of the Casa 
Grande itself, and not checked by examination of other similar or 
analogous ruins, can not be considered as firmly established, yet they 
have a suggestive value. 

From the character of the remains it seems probable that the site of 
the ruins here designated as the Casa Grande group was occupied a 
long time, not as a whole, but piecemeal as it were, one part being occu- 
pied and abandoned while some other part was being built up, and 
that this ebb and flow of population through many generations reached 
its final period in the occupation of the structure here termed the Casa 
Grande ruin. It is probable that this structure did not exist at the 
time the site was first occupied, and still more probable that all or 
nearly all the other sites were abandoned for some time before the 
structure now called the Casa Grande was erected. It is also proba- 
ble that after the abandonment of the Casa Grande the ground about it 
was still worked by its former population, who temporarily occupied, 
during the horticultural season, farming outlooks located near it. 

L**«K(***S5T'^'''*'^,;- ■ •^B|yvi^flr*^--;Y<;<f^««*««"3st;^ ■• ^ 

I ii ^iMi 

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The methods employed in the constructioa of the buildings of the 
Casa Grande were thoroughly aboriginal and characteristically rude in 
application. A fair degree of adaptability to purpose and environment 
is seen, indicating that the Casa Grande was one, and not the first, 
building of a series constructed by the people who erected it and by 
their ancestors, but the degree of skill exhibited and amount of inge- 
nuity shown in overcoming difficulties do not compare with that found 
in nmny northern ruins. As architects, the inhabitiints of the Casa 
Grande did not occupy the lirst rank among pueblo-builders. 

It is probable that the Casa Grande ruin as we see it today shows 
very nearly the full height of the structure as it stood when it was 
abandoned. The middle tier of rooms rose to a height of three stories; 
the others were but two stories high. It is also probable that the 
building was enlarged after being once completed and occupied. At 
one time it probably consisted of four rooms on the ground plan, each 
two stories high. The northern tier of rooms was added afterward, 
and ijrobably also the third room in the central tier. 

The Casa Grande was undoubtedly built and occupied by a branch 
of the Pueblo race, or by an allied i)eople. Who these people were it 
is impossible to determine finally from the examination of one ruin, but 
all the evidence at hand suggests that they were the ancestors of the 
present Pima Indians, now found in the vicinity and known to have 
formerly been a pueblo building tribe. This conclusion is supported 
by the Pin;a traditions, as collected by Mr. Bandelier, who is intimately 
acquainted with the documentary history of the southwest, and wliose 
knowledge of the Pima traditions is perhaps greater than that of any- 
one else now living. In his various writings he hints at this connec- 
tion, and in one place he declares exi)Iicitly that the Casa Grande is a 
Pima structuie. None of the internal evidence of the ruin is at vari- 
ance with this conclusion. On the contrary, the scanty evidence is 
in accord with the hyi>othesis that the Casa Grande was erected and 
occupied by the ancestors of the Pima Indians. 




13 ETH 21 321 



Introductory 325 

The survival of early Zufii traits 325 

Outline of Spanish-Zuni history 326 

Outline of pristine Zufii history 341 

Outline of Zuni niytho-sociologic organization 367 

General explanations relative to the text 373 

Myths 379 

The genesis of the worlds, or the beginning of newness 379 

The genesis of men and the creatures 379 

The gestation of men and the creatures 381 

The forthcoming from larth of the foremost of meu 381 

The birth from the sea of the Twain deliverers of meu 381 

The birth and delivery of men and the creatures 382 

The condition of meu when first into the world of daylight born 383 

The origin of priests and of knowledge 384 

The origin of the Raven and the Macaw, totems of winter and sunuuer.. 384 
The origin and namingof totem-clans and creature kinds, and the division 

and naming of spaces and things 386 

The origin of the councils of secrecy or sacred brotherhoods 387 

The unripeness and instability of the world when still young 388 

The hardening of the world, and the first settlement of men 388 

The beginning of the search for the Middle of the world, and the second 

tarrying of men 390 

The learning of war, and the third tarrying 390 

The meeting of the People of Dew, and the fourth tarrying 390 

The generation of the seed of seeds, or the origin of corn 391 

The renewal of the search for the Middle , 398 

The choosing of seekers for signs of the Middle 398 

The change-making sin of the brother and sister 399 

The birth of the Old-ones or ancients of the Ka'ka 401 

The renewal of the great journey, and the suudering of (he tribes of men. 403 

The origin of death by dying, and the abode of souls and the Ka'ka 404 

The loss of the great southern clans 405 

The saving of the father-clans 405 

The awaiting of the lost clans 406 

The straying of K'yiik'lu, and his plaint to the Water-fowl 406 

How the Duck, hearing, was fain to guide K'yiik'lu 407 

How the Kainbow-worm bore K'yiik'lu to the plain of Ka"hluelane 408 

The tarryiug of K'yiik'lu in the plain, and his dismay .1 409 

How the Duck found the lake of the dead and the gods of the Ka'ka 409 

How the gods of the Ka'ka counselled the Duck 410 

How by behest of the Duek the Ka'yemiishi sought K'yiik'lu to convey 

him to the lake of the dead 410 

How the Ka'yemiishi bore K'yiik'lu to the council of the gods 411 

The council of the Ka'ka, and the instruction of K'yiik'lu by the gods . .. 412 



Myths — Continued. Page 

The instruction of the Kayemiishi by K'yiik'lu 413 

How the Kayemiishi bore K'yiik'lu to his people 413 

The return of K'yiik'lu, and his sacred instructions to the people 413 

The enjoining of the K'yiik'lu iCmosi, and the departure of K'yiik'lu and 

the Old-ones 414 

The coming of the brothers itnahoho and the runners of the Ka'k.l 414 

The dispatching of the souls of things to the souls of the dead 415 

The renewal of the great journeying, and of the search for the Middle 415 

The warning-speech of the gods, and the unfailing of men 416 

The origin of the Twin Gods of War and of the Priesthood of the Bow 417 

The downfall of Han"hlipir)k'ya, and the search anew for the Middle.. .. 424 
The wars with the Black people of the high buildings and with the 

ancient woman of the K'yiikweina and other Ka'k^kwe 424 

The adoption of the Black people, and the divisidn of the clans to search 

for the Middle 425 

The northward eastern journey of the Winter clans 426 

The southward eastern journey of the Summer clans 426 

The eastward middle journey of the People of the Middle 427 

The settlement of Zuni-laud, and the building of the seven great towns 

therein 427 

The reunion of the People of the Middle with the Summer and Seed peoples. 428 
The great council of men and the beings for the determination of the true 

Middle 428 

The establishment of the fatliers and their tabernacle at Halonawan or 

the Erring-place of the Middle 429 

The flooding of the towns, and the bnildiugof the City of Seed on the 

mountain 429 

The staying of the flood by sacrifice of the youth and maiden, and the 

establishment of Halona Iti waua on the true Middle 429 

The custom of testing the Middle iu tlie Middle time 429 

The cherishing of the Corn maidens and their custom as of old 430 

The murmuring of the foolish anent the custom of the Corn maidens 430 

The council of the fathers that the perfection of the custom be accom- 
plished 431 

The observance of the 'Hlahekwe custom, or dame of the Corn maidens. . 431 
The sending of the Twain Priests of the Bow, tliat tliey bespeak the aid 

of Paiyatuma and his Flute people 432 

The finding of Paiyatuma, and his custom of the flute 433 

The preparations for the coming of Paiyatuma and his People of the Flute. 434 

The coming of Paiyatuma and his Dance of the Flute 435 

The sacrilege of the youths of the dance, and the fleeting of the Maidens of 

Corn 435 

The mourning for loss of the Maidens of Corn 435 

The seeking of the Maidens of Corn by the Eagle 436 

The seeking of the Maidens of Corn by the Falcon 437 

The seeking of the Maideus of Corn by the Raven 438 

The beseeching of Paiyatuma, and his reversal of the peoples' evil 439 

The seekiug of the Maidens of Corn by Paiyatuma 442 

The finding of the Maidens of Corn in Summerland 443 

The return of the Maidens of Corn with Paiyatuma 443 

The presentation of the perfected seed to the fathers of men, and the 

passing of the Maidens of Seed 443 

The instructions of Paiyatuma for the ordinances and customs of the 

corn perfecting 445 

The final instructions of Paiyatuma, and his passing 446 


By Frank Hamilton Gushing 


During the earlier years of my life with the Zuni Indians of western- 
central New Mexico, from the autumn of 1S79 to the winter of 1881 — 
before access to their country had been rendered easy by the comple- 
tion of the Atlantic and Pacific railroad, — they remained, as regards 
their social and religious institutions and customs and their modes of 
thought, if not of daily life, the most archaic of the Pueblo or Aridian 
peoples. They still continue to be, as they have for centuries been, the 
most highly developed, yet characteristic and representative of all these 

In fact, it is principally due to this higher development by the Zuiii, 
than by any of the other Pueblos, of the mytho-sociologic system dis- 
tinctive in some measure of them all at the time of the Spanish con- 
quest of the southwest, that they have maintained so long and so much 
more completely than any of the others the primitive characteristics of 
the Aridian phase of culture; this despite the fact that, being the 
descendants of the original dwellers in the famous "Seven Cities of 
Cibola," they were the earliest known of all the tribes within the ter- 
ritory of the United States. Like the other Pueblos, the Zuuiaus, 
when discovered, were found living in segregated towns; but unlike 
the other groups (each separate community of any one of which was 
autonomous except on rare occasions) they were permanently and 
closely confederated in both a political and hierarchical sense. In other 
words, all their subtribes and lesser towns were distinctively related 
to and ruled from a central tribe and town through priest-chiefs, repre- 
sentative of each of them, sitting under the supreme council or septu- 
archy of the "master ijriests of the house" in the central town itself, 
much as were the divisions and cities of the great Inca dominion in 
South America represented at and ruled from Cuzco, the central city 

and province of them all. 


326 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. [eth.akn,13 

It thus happened that, although one or another of the Zuui sub- 
tribes was at ditterent times partially and temporarily conquered by 
the Spaniards, they were never as a whole people subdued; and, 
although missions and chapels were ultimately establislied at one and 
another of their towns by the Franciscan friars, they were never all of 
them immediately under mission influence and surveillance at any one 
time until a comparatively recent date. The evidences and tragic 
consequences of this may be traced throughout the history of Spanish 
intercourse, and as the measure of its eifect in minimizing the influence 
of Spiinish thought and example on Zuni culture and habits is of 
great importance in determining to what extent the following sacred 
myths may be regarded as purely aboriginal, a brief outline of this 
history is regarded as desirable. 


The first discovered of the Seven Cities of Cibola or Zuiiiland, called 
by the Zunis themselves Shiwona, was by native account the most east- 
erly of their towns, the K'yii'kime of tradition and the Caquima of 
later Spanish record. According also to native tradition it was entered 
by Estevanico, the negro spy of Fray Marcos de Niza, and the Black 
Mexican of Zuni story, in the spring of 1539. The negro was forthwith 
killed by the inhabitants; but the friar, following him shortly after, 
saw from the mesa heights to the southward one of the seven villages, 
and, making good his escape, reported his discovery to the viceroy of 
Mexico, Don Antonio de Meudoza. 

Only a year later the largest of the westerly towns, H.iwik'uh 
(Aquico) was stormed and its inhabitants partly subdued, partly driven 
away to the great tribal stronghold, Thunder mountain, by that val- 
iant knight, Don Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, and his vanguard 
of hardy mail-clad soldiers. The little army occupied as headquarters, 
for several months, the town they had captured, and later the more 
numerous rear of the army were quartered at the more central and 
eastern town of Miitsaki (Muzaque). During this time Coronado and 
his comrades in arms were able to reassure and pacify the natives, 
insomuch that when, two years afterward, they were returning through 
Zuniland en route to Mexico from the conquests of the farther Pueblos 
and their vain search for the golden province of Quivira, they were 
entreated to remain and join the tribes. But Fray Juan de Padilla, 
the heroic priest of the expedition, had found more fertile fields to the 
eastward, and only three or four Mexican Indian allies of the Spaniards 
were fain to stay. 

When, in 1581-'82, Francisco Chamuscado and his 9 soldiers reck- 
lessly penetrated those vast and lonely wilds of the southwest (in 
1S88 I sketched his graven signature and those of many of his succes- 
sors on El Moro, or the Rock Mesa of Inscriptions, 35 miles east of 

rcsHiNo] ZUNI HISTORY, 1582-1628. 327 

Zufii) and passed through the couiitry of C/ibola, he was not hindered 
by its people. And when Antonio de Espejo, in 1582, with scarcely 
more of a company, was on his way toward Tusayau or the Hopi 
country, in the northwest, he stopped at the central town of Alona 
(Hiilona) and was well received. To this day the marks, said by the 
Zuflis to have been made by the "iron bonnets of his tall warriors," are 
shown on the rafters of one of the low, still used prehistoric rooms 
facing the great northern court (once the central and main one) of 
Zuiii, and attest to the hospitality so long ago accorded them there. 

Again, in the autumn of 1598, Juan de Onate and his more consid- 
erable force of soldiers and priests, after their general tour of formal 
conquest in the other Pueblo provinces, were met as they approached 
the Zuiii towns by delegations of singing priests and warriors, and 
were received with such showers of white jirayer-meal on entering that 
they had to j)rotect themselves from these offerings, as they supposed, 
of peace. This incident, and that of the ceremonial hunt and feast given 
them afterward, signifies conclusively the estimation in which, up to 
that time, the Spaniards had been held by the priestly elders of Zuni- 
land. Precisely as the returning Ka'kakwe, or mythic-dance drama- 
tists, personating gods and heroes of the olden time are received twice 
yearly (before and after the harvest growth and time), so were these 
soldiers and friars received, not as enemies nor as aliens, but as verita- 
ble gods or god-men, coming forth at the close of autumn from out the 
land of day, whence come the ripening breaths of the Frost gods! 

As yet, tlie Franciscan friars, although sometimes baptizing scores 
of the Zuni — much to their gratificatiou, doubtless, as quite api)ropriate 
behavior on the part of such beings when friendly, — had not antag- 
onized their ancient observances or beliefs ; and the warriors who accom- 
panied them had never, since the first of them had come, and after 
fighting had laid down their dreadful arms and made peace and left 
hostages, albeit mortals like themselves, with their forefathers — had 
never again raised their fearful batons of thunder and fire or their 
long blades of blue metal like lightning. 

But all this was soon to change. When, nearly a quarter of a cen- 
tury later still. Fray Alouzo de Benavides became father-custodian 
of New Mexico, he undertook to establish missions throughout the 
country. More than twenty missionaries were introduced into the 
Pueblo provinces by him, and soon afterward Esteban de Perea brought 
thirty more from Spain and old Mexico. Among the latter were Fray 
Martin de Arvide and Fray Francisco de Letrado. Fray Letrado was 
assigned to ZuFd some time after 1628. By the end of the following 
year the Indians had built for him at H.ilona the little Church of the 
Purification or of the Immaculate Virgin, and at Hawik'uh the church 
and conventual residence of the Immaculate Conception. 

Fray Francisco was an old man and very zealous. Unquestionably 
he antagonized the native priests. It is as certain that, at first welcoui- 

328 ZUNI CEEATION MYTHS. [eth.ann. 13 

ing liiiii, tliey gradually caine to look ui)on his religion as no less that 
of mortal men than their own, and to regard its magic and power of 
appeal to the gods as of small account in the making of rain or the 
qnelling of war and soi'cery. Wherefore, although baptized by dozens as 
thej- had been, they brooked but ill the compulsory attendance at mass 
and other observances and the constant interferencej? of the father and 
liis soldiers (for a small escort, unluckily, accompanied him) with their 
own acts of worship. When in the winter of 1630 Fray Martiude Arvide 
joined Fray Letrado at H.lwik'uh, on the way to establish missions 
among the Zipias, a pueblo people said by the Zunis to have lived con- 
siderably to the southwestward of them at that time, and called by them 
Tsipiakwe (" People-of-the-coarse-hanging-hair"), he foresaw for his 
brother and himself speedy maityrdom. He had but fairly departed 
when, on the Sunday following, the ])eoi)le delayed attending mass, and 
Fipy Francisco, going forth to remonstrate with them, met a party of 
the native religionists armed with bows and arrows and in mood so 
menacing that in expectancy of death he knelt where he had stood, 
clinging to his crucifix, and, continuing to entreat them, was trans- 
fixed by many arrows. 

Thus speedily was slain the first resident priest of Zuni ; thus were 
the Zunis themselves disillusionized of their belief in the more than 
mortal power of the Spaniard and the deific character of his religion; 
for they broke up the ornaments of the altar, burned the church, and 
then sallied forth to follow Fray Martin. They overtook him at night 
five days later, attacked his party while in camp, overawed and killed 
outright his two soldiers, and, joined by his traitorous "Christian 
Indians," one of whom, a half-blood, cut off his hand and scalped him, 
they killed also this venerable friar and hastened back to their town. 
There the ceremonial of the scalp dances of initiation were performed 
over the scalps of the two friars, an observance designed both as a com- 
memoration of victory and to lay the ghosts of the slain by completing 
the count of their unfinished days and makinj;- them members by adop- 
tion of the ghostly tribe of Zuni. The scalp-dance is also supposed to 
proclaim in song, unto the gods and men, that thenceforward their 
people are of the enemy, and unto the gods of the enemy that the 
gods of Zuni are victors over them, whereof and wherefore it will be 
well for them to beware. Thus the estimation in which the Spaniard, 
and especially his religious representatives, were ever afterward to be 
held was fixed on those fixtal days at the close of February, 1030. 

Now again, after this demonstration, the Zunis, as in the days of the 
great flood, when men had disobeyed the gods, as when Coronado 
advanced on Hawik'uh, so soon as they had comi)leted the rites of 
purifying and baptizing the scalps, betook themselves to Thunder 
mountain nnd thereon intrenched themselves. 

It was not until after two years had passed that they were attacked 
there, but not overcome, by Tomas de Albizu and his soldiery and 


induced by the priests who accompanied him, and whom the Indians, 
knowinj;- them to be uniirmed, allowed to approach, to hold parley. It 
is probable that Don Tomas, finding it impossible to storm their rock 
successfully, promised that if they would yield the wretched mestizo 
who had cut off the hand and torn away the scalp of Fray Martin, he 
and his people would leave them in peace. At any rate, the mutilator 
of the friar was yielded, aud in due course was hanged by the Spanish 

Then gradually the Zutiis descended from their stronghold and a few 
years later were peacefully reoccupying the largest four of their towns. 
More than thirty years elapsed before the missions of the Purifica- 
tion at Halona and the Immaculate Conception at H^iwik'uh were 
reestablished. In 1670 Fray Juan Galdo was the resident priest at 
the one, and at the other Fray Pedro de Avila y Ayala. But in the 
autumn of the year named a numerous band of Apache-Navajo attacked 
the towu of HAwik'uh, and, making for the lower courts where stood 
the church and coiivent, they dragged Fray Avila from the altar, at 
which he had sought refuge, clinging to the cross and an image of the 
Virgin, and, stripping him, beat him to death with one of the church 
bells at the foot of the cross in the courtyard hard by. They then 
plundered and burned the church, threw the image of the Virgin into 
the flames, and, transfixing the body of the priest with more than 200 
arrows, cast upon it stones and the carcasses of three dead lambs. The 
mutilated corpse was thus found the following day by Fray Galdo and 
carried to Iliilona for sejjulture in the Church of the Purification 

After this tragic occurrence the pueblo of HAwik'uh was abandoned 
by the missionaries aud for a short time at least by its native inhabitants 
as well. Nevertheless, it seems highly probable that other ZuQis, if not 
indeed some of the townspeople themselves, had to do with the tragic 
affair just related, for there is no evidence that, although the people 
of HAwik'uh were numerous, any of them came to the rescue of the 
father, or that tlieir towu was sacked, whereas the church was plun- 
dered aud burned. 

They do not seem, however, to have done injury to the priest of 
Halona, for just previously to the sunuuer of 1680 when they, in com- 
mon with all the other Pueblo Indians, joined in the revolt against 
Spanish rule and religion, they were tolerating the presence of Fray 
Juan de Bal at this town and of another priest, it seems, at Hdwik'uh. 

When the message strands of that great war magician. Pope of 
Taos, who had planned the rebellion and sent forth the knotted strings 
of invitation and warning, were received by the Zufiis, their leaders of 
one accord consented to join the movement and sped the war strands 
farther on to the Tusayan country, there insisting with the less cour- 
ageous Hopi that they join also, and ultimately gaining their at first 
divided consent. 

330 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. [eth.ann. 13 

Wlieu all the knots had been numbered and untied, then, to a man, 
the Zuuis arose to slay Spaniards wheresoever they might encounter 
them. They forthwith killed Fray Juan de Bal, the priest of H^lona, 
burning his church and destroying the chapels in the lesser towns 
round about. Not content with this, they dispatched warriors to the 
Tusayan country to see to it that the Hopi remain faithful to their 
promise and vigorously to abet them in its fulfilment. 

It fared far otherwise witli the priest of Ilawik'uh. Although his 
name is unknown, and although it has been doubted that any other 
missionary than Fray Juan of Halona was with the Zunis at the time, 
or tliat the mission of HAwik'uh was ever occupied after the death of 
Fray Pedro de Avila, yet VetaTicurt's chronicles are explicit in stating 
the contrary, and that, although the Church of the Conception was again 
burned, the priest escaped. This latter statement is substantially true 
if we may trust Zuni tradition, which is very detailed on this ])oint, and 
which is trustworthy on many another and better recorded point of even 
remoter date. 

The elder Priests of the Bow — three of whom were battle-scarred 
warriors of nearly a hundred winters at the time of my initiation 
into their order — told me that one of their gray-robed tiitatsikwe 
(" fathers of drink," so named because they used cup-like vessels of 
water in baptizing), whom their ancients had with them at Hawik'uh 
in the time of the great evil, was much loved by them; '' for, like our- 
selves," they affirmed, "he had a Zufii heart and cared for the sick 
and women and children, nor contended with the fathers of the people; 
therefore, in that time of evil they spared him on condition " — pre- 
cisely the rather sweeping condition these same veterans had in 1880 
imposed on me ere they would permit of my adoption into one of their 
clans — " that he eschew the vestment and usages of his peojile and kind, 
and in everything, costume and ways of life alike, become aZufu; for 
as such only could they spare him and nurture him." Not so much, I 
imagine, from fear of death —for the dauntless Franciscan friars of those 
days feared only God and the devil and met martyrdom as bridegrooms 
of the Virgin herself — as from love of the Zunis, if one may judge by the 
regard they eveii still have for his memory, and a hojie that, living, he 
might perchance restrain them, alike to the good of their people and his 
own people, the father gave way to their wishes; or he may have been 
forced to accede to them by one of those compulsory adoptions of the 
enemy not uncommonly practiced by the Indians in times of hostility. 
Be this as it may, the Zuiiis abandoned all their towns in the valley, and 
taking the good priest with them, fled yet again to the top of their 
high Mountain of Thunder. Around an ample amphitheater near its 
southern rim, they rebuilt six or seven great clusters of stone houses 
and renewed in the miniature vales of the mesa summit the reservoirs 
for rain and snow, and on the crests above the trickling spring under 
their towns, and along the upper reaches of the giddy trail by which 


the heights were scaled they reared archers' booths and heaps of sling- 
stones and lunnitious of heavy rocks. 

There, continually providing for the conflict which they knew would 
sooner or later reach even their remote fastnesses (as speedily it began 
to reach the Rio Grande country), they abode securely for more than ten 
years, living strictly according to the ways of their forefathers, wor- 
shiping only the beloved of war and the wind and rain, nor paying 
aught of attention to the jealous gods of the Spaniard. 

Then at last Diego de Vargas, the recouquistador of New Mexico, 
approached Zuiiiland with his force of foot soldiers and horsemen. 
The ZuFiis, learning this, poisoned the waters of their springs at Pescado 
and near the entrance to the valley with yucca juice and cactus spines, 
and, they say, " with the death-magic of corpse shells ; so that the horses 
and men, drinking there, were undone or died of bloating and bowel 
sickness." lu this latter statement the historians of Vargas aud the 
ZuiJi traditions agree. But the captain-general could not have stormed 
the Eock of Cibola. With the weakened force remaining at his com- 
mand his efforts were doubly futile. Therefore, where now the new 
peach orchards of the Zuiiis grow on the sunlit sand slopes, 80(» feet 
below the northern crest of the mesa their fathers so well defended in 
those days, Vargas cam])ed his army, with intent to besiege the heathen 
renegades, and to harass and pick off such stragglers as came within 
the range of his arquebuses. 

Now, however, the good friar whom the Indians called Kwan 
Tatchui Lok'yana ("Juan Gray-robed-father of-us "), was called to 
council by the elders, aud given a well-scraped piece of deerskin, 
whitened with prayer meal, and some bits of cinder, wherewith to make 
markings of meaning to his countrymen. And he was bidden to mark 
thereon that the Zuuis were good to those who, like him, were good to 
them and meddled not; nor would they harm any who did not harm 
their women and children and their elders. And that if such these 
captains and their warriors would but choose and promise to be, they 
would descend from their mountain, nor stretch their bowstrings more. 
But when they told their gray father that he could now join his people 
if that by so doing he might stay their anger, and told him so to mark 
it, the priest, so the legend runs, "dissembled and did not tell that 
he was there, only that the fathers of the Ashiwi were good now;" for 
he willed, it would seem, to abide with them all the I'est of his days, 
which, alas, were but few. Then the hide was tied to a slingstone 
and taken to the edge of the mesa, and cast down into the midst of 
the watchful enemy by the arm of a strong warrior. And when the 
bearded foemen below saw it fall, they took it up and curiously 
questioned it with their eyes, and finding its answers perfect and its 
import good, they instant bore it to their war captain, and in token of 
his consent, they waved it aloft. So was speech held and peace forth- 
with established between them. 


That without casualty to the Zunis an iiuderstanding was in some 
way soon reached between them and Vargas, the chroniclers of the 
expedition agree with this Zuni legend; and before the end of the 
century the Indians had all descended to the plain again and were 
gathered, except in seasons of planting and harvest, chiefly at three 
of their easternmost towns, and the central one of Hdlona Itiwana, 
the ZuiJi of today. After the reconcjuest at least some of the missions 
were rehabilitated, and missionaries dwelt with the Zuiiis now and 
again. But other chiefs than those chosen by the i>riestly elders of 
the people were thenceforward chosen by the Spaniards to watch the 
people — goberuador, alcalde, and tenientes, — and these in turn were 
watched by Spanish scldiers whose conduct favored little the foster- 
ing of good will and happy relations; for in 1703, goaded to despera- 
tion by the excesses of these resident police, the Zuiiis drove at least 
three of them into the church and there massacred them. Then, 
according to their wont, they fled, for the last time, to the top of Thun- 
der mountain. 

When they finally descended they planted numerous peach orchards 
among the cliffs and terraces of Grand mountain and Twin mountains 
to the northward of Zuni, and there also laid out great gardens and 
many little cornfields. And with the pretext of wishing to be near 
their crops there, they built the seven S6noli 'Hluelawe (the "Towns 
of Sonora"), so named because the peach stones they had planted 
there had been brought from Sonora, Mexico. But their real object 
was to escape from the irksome and oft-repeated spyings ui)on and 
interdictions of their sacred observances and mythic drama-dances, 
which, as time went on, the Spanish frailes, supported by the increasing 
power of the authorities at Santa Fe in the first half of the eighteenth 
century, were wont to make. So, in hidden and lone nooks on the 
mountains, where their fine foundations maj- be seen even now, the 
Indian priests had massive kivas built, and there from year to year 
they conducted in secret the rites which but for this had never been 
preserved so perfectly for telling, albeit only in outline, in the following 
pages. But even thus far from the mission and its warders the plume- 
wands of worship, which in earlier times had been made long (each one 
according to its kind as long as from the elbow to the tip of one finger 
or another of him who made and sacrificed it), now liad to be cut short 
and made only as long as the hands and the various fingers of those 
who made them; for the large plumed messages to the winds and 
spaces often betrayed the people, and they must now needs be made of 
size convenient for burial or hiding away in crannies or under bushes 
as near as might be to the shrines of the sacred precincts where once 
the fathers had worshiped so freely. 

Toward the end of the centiuy, between 1775 and 1780, the old 
Church of Our Lady of Guadalupe, which now harbors only burros 
and shivering dogs of cold winter nights and is toppling to ruin in 


the middle of the grand plaza of Zuui, was built aud beautifully deco- 
rated with carved altar pieces and paintings, gifts from the King of 
Spain to the Indies and work of resident monks as well. Its walls 
were painted — as the more receut plasteriugs scaling off here and 
there reveal — by Zuiii artists, who scrupled not to mingle many a 
pagan symbol of the gods of wind, rain, and lightning, sunlight, storm- 
dark and tempest, war-bale aud magic, and, more than all, emblems 
of their beloved goddess-virgins of corn-growing with the bright- 
colored Christian decorations. And doubtless their sedulous teachers 
or masters, as the case may have been, understanding little, if aught, 
of the meanings of these things, were well pleased that these reluctant 
proselytes should manifest so much of zeal aud bestow such loving care 
on this temple of the holy and only true faith. 

In a measure the padres were right. The Indians thenceforward did 
manifest not only more care for the mission, but more readiness to 
attend mass and observe the various holy days of the church. To be 
baptized and receive baptismal names they had ever been willing, nay, 
eager, for they were permitted, if only as a means of identification, to 
retain their own f,ik''ya sMiwe ("names totemic of the sacred assem- 
blies"), which names the priests of the mission innocently adopted for 
them as surnames and scrupulously recorded in the quaint old leather- 
covered folios of their mission and church. Thus it chances that in 
these faded but beautifully and piously indicted pages of a century 
ago I find names so familiar, so like those I heard given only a few 
years since to aged Zuili friends now passed away, that, standing out 
clearly from the midst of the formal Spanish phrases of tliese old-time 
books, they seem like the voices of the dead of other generations, and 
they tell even more clearly than such voices could tell of the causes 
which worked to render the Zunis of those times apparently so recon- 
ciled to Spanish teaching and domination. 

For it is manifest that when, as the meaning of his name informs us, 
the chief priest of the Ka'kakwe, or mythic drama-dancers of a hun- 
dred years ago, entered the Church of Our Lady of Guadalupe and 
was registered as " Feliciano Pautiatzanilunquia " (PAutia Tsani Ltin- 
k'ya), or "Felix Of-the-sacred-dancers-glorious-sun-god-youth," neither 
he nor any of his attendant clan relatives, whose names are also 
recorded, thought of renouncing their allegiance to the gods of Zuni 
or the ever sacred Ka'ka; but that they thought only of gaining the 
magic of purification aud the name-potency of the gods of another 
people, as well as of securing the sanctification if not recognition of 
their own gods and priests by these other gods and priests. 

That this was so is shown also by the sacred character almost inva- 
riably of even the less exalted tribal names they gave. Thus, those 
belonging not to the priesthood, yet to the "midmost" or septuarchial 
clans, as "Francisco Kautzitihua" (Kiiutsitiwa), or "Francis Giver 
of-the-midmost-dance," and "Angela Kahuitietza" (KAwiti Etsa), or 

334 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS |eth,ann. 13 

"Angelina Of-the-midmost-dance Little maiden;" and those belonging 
to yet other clan divisions and the Ka'ka, like " Manuel Layatzilunquia" 
(Laiyatsi Lunk'ya), or " Emanuel Of-the flowing plume Glorious-tall- 
bearer," and "Maria Laytzitilutza" (Laitsitilutsa), or "Mary Of-the- 
soft-flowing- plume Little-bearer;" and, finally, even the least sacred 
but mythically alegoric clan names, such as "Manuel Layujtigua" 
(La-yuhtiwa) or "Emanuel IMume-of lightness," a name of the Eagle 
clan and upper division of the tribe; and "Lucia Jayatzemietza," 
(Haiya Tsemi l5tsa) or "Lucy Of-green-growing-things-ever-thinkiug 
Little-maiden," which, alluding to the leaves of growing corn and vines 
when watched by the young unmarried girls, is one of the Corn or Seed 
clan names belonging to the southern division. Only very rarely were 
the colloquial names one hears most often in Zuni (the sacred and 
totemic names are considered too precious for common use) given for 
baptismal registration. I have found but two or three. One of these 
is written " Estevan Xato Jasti" (Nato Hastiij) or "Stephen Old- 
tobacco," a ifavajo sobriquet which, in common with the few others 
like it, was undoubtedly offered reluctantly in place of the "true 
and sacred name," because some i-elative who had recently borne it 
was dead and therefore his name could not be pronounced aloud 
lest his spirit and the hearts of those who mourned him be disturbed. 

But the presence of these ordinary names evidences no less than that 
of the more " idolatrous " ones, the uncompromisingly paganistic spirit 
of these supposedly converted Indians, and the unmodified fashion of 
their thoughts at the period of their truest apparent allegiauce, or at 
least submission, to the church. Hence I have not hesitated to pause 
somewhat in the course of this introductory sketch to give these exam- 
ples in detail, particularly as they evidence not merely the exceeding 
vitality of the native Zuiii cult, but at the same time present an expla- 
nation of the strange spectacle of earnest propagandists everywhere 
vigilantly seeking out and ruthlessly repressing the native priesthood 
and their dances and other ceremonials, yet, unconsciously to them- 
selves, solemnizing these very things by their rites of baptism, offi- 
cially recognizing, in the eyes of the Indians, the very names and titles 
of the ofQciators and offices they otherwise persecuted and denounced. 
It was quite of a piece with all this that during the acts of worship 
performed in the old church at that time by the Zuuis, whilst they 
knelt at mass or responded as taught to the mysterious and to them 
magic, but otherwise meaningless, credo, they scattered in secret their 
sacred white prayer-meal, and invoked not only the souls of their dead 
priests — who as caciques or rulers of the pueblo were accorded the 
distinction of burial in the church, under their very feet — but also, the 
tribal medicine-ijlumes and fetiches hiddeu away under the very altar 
where stood the archenemy of their religion ! 

So, in following further the Spanish history of Zuni, we need not be 
surprised that all went well for a while after the completion of the church, 


and that more than twenty priests were at one time and another resi- 
dent missionaries of Zufii. Nor, on the other hand, need we be surprised 
that when in the early part of the present century these missionaries 
began to leave the pagan surnames out of their registers giving Spanish 
names instead — began to suspect, perhaps, the nature of the wall paint- 
ings, or for some other reason had them whitewashed away — and sought 
more assiduously than ever, in the deepest hiding places of the many- 
storied pueblo, to surprise the native priests at their unholy pagan prac- 
tices, that the records of baptisms in the old books grew fewer and 
fewer, and that as the secular power withdrew more and more its sup- 
port of the clergy, the latter could no longer control their disaffected 
flock, and that finally the old mission had to be abandoned, never again 
tobereoccupied save on occasions of the ijarochial visits of priests resi- 
dent in far-away Mexican towns or in other Indian pueblos. 

Nevertheless, although the old church was thus abandoned and is 
now utterly neglected, there lingers still with the Indians a singular 
sentiment for it, and this has been supposed to indicate that they retain 
some conscious remnant of the faith and teachings for which it once 

It is true that the Zunis of today are as eager as were their fore- 
fathers for baptism and for baptismal names additional to their own. 
But it must be remembered that baptism — the purification of the head 
by sprinkling or of the face by washing with medicine-water, was a 
very old institution with this people even before the Spaniards found 
them. With them anyone being named anew or assuming a new per- 
sonality or office is invariably sprinkled or washed "that he be the 
more cleanly revealed and the better recommended in his new guise 
and character to the gods and spirits" invoked for the occasion, 
"and thus be constantly recognized by them as their child, named of 
themselves, and so be made a special recipient of their favor." This 
custom is observed, indeed, on many occasions, as on reaching puberty 
or before any great change in life, or before initiation into the sacred 
societies, as well as both before and after war, and especially before 
and after performance in the sacred dances. The head and face of 
every participant in these mythic di-amas is washed or sprinkled when 
he is being painted and masked to represent or to assume the presence 
and personality of the god for whom he is to act or by whom he is to 
be possessed. 

Thus it may be seen that this custom probably had its rise in the 
simple and necessary act of washing the face for painting before the 
performance of any ceremony calling for the assumption of a new role, 
and in the washing away of the paint, when the ordinary condition of 
life was to be resumed after such performance. Thus, too, it may be 
seen that baptism as practiced by the early Franciscan missionaries 
must have seemed not only familiar to the Zunis, but also eminently 
proper and desirable on occasion of their accepting the benefits of initia- 

336 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. |ctii. an.n. 13 

tiou into what they supposed was the Ka'ka, or oue of the general sa- 
cred societies of these other people. No wouder, then, that when about 
to be baptized they insisted on giving their own sacred names of the Ka'- 
ka, if only as a surety of their full recognition under them in this new 
Ka'ka, no less than under the new names they were about to receive. 

It is also true that the Zuiiis do not again burn the dead and cast 
their ashes into the river, nor bury the bodies of the clan elders, or the 
priests of the tribal septuarchy, in their own houses, as they did ere 
the time of Coronado, or " under the ladders," as their funereal rituals 
continue nevertheless to say they do. They bury all, now, in the little 
strip of consecrated ground out in front of the church; ground already 
so overfilled with the bones of past generations that never a new grave 
is made that does not encroach on other graves. Bones lie scattered 
all about there, rubbish accumulates, the wooden cross in the center of 
the place is frequently broken, and the mud walls inclosing it are 
sometimes allowed to fall to the ground. Yet in vain I urged them if 
only for sanitary reasons to abandon burying their dead there, and 
inter them in the sand hills to the south of the pueblo. "Alas! we 
could not," they said. "This was the ground of the church which was 
the house of our fathers wherein they were buried, they and their chil- 
dren, 'under the descending ladders.' How, if we bury our dead in 
lone places, may they be numbered with our 'fathers and children 
of the descending ladders!' " 

But far from indicating any lingering desire for " Christian burial," 
this is a striking example of the real, though not apparent, persistence 
of their original mortuary customs. For they still ceremonially and 
ritualistically "burn" their ordinary dead, as did their forefathers 
when first compelled to bury in the churchyard, by burning some of 
their hair and personal effects with the customary clan offerings of 
food and property, and casting the ashes of all into the river; and it 
matters not where these, who virtually exist no more, but are, in their 
eyes, consumed and given to the waters, are buried, save that they be 
placed with the priestly dead of today, as the " children " or ordinary 
dead were placed with the priestly dead in the days of the " Misa 
k'yakwe " or " Mission-house people." So, too, the priests of today, or 
the tribal fathers, are still painted with the black of silence over their 
mouths and the yellow and green of light and life over their eyes and 
nostrils, as are the gods, and are ritualistically buried " under the lad- 
ders," that is, in their own houses, when actually buried in the church- 
yard. Thus, when the gods are invoked, these, as being demigods, 
still priests of the beloved, are also invoked, first, as " Fathers and chil- 
dren of the descending ladder," then as souls in the clouds and winds 
and waters, " Makers of the ways of life." So the whole burial ground 
of the church is, in the estimation of the Zuiii, a fetich whereby 
to invoke the souls of the ancestors, the potency of which would be 
destroyed if disturbed; hence the place is neither cared for nor 


abaudoned, though recognized even by themselves as a " direfal place 
ill daylight." 

It is iimcli the same with the old chuicli. A few years since a party 
of Americans who accompanied me to Zafii desecrated the beautiful 
antique shrine of the church, carrying away " Our Lady of Guadalupe 
of the Sacred Heart," the guardian angels, and some of the painted bas- 
reliefs attached to the frame of the altar. When this was discovered 
by the Indians, consternation seized the whole tribe; council after coun- 
cil was held, at which I was alternately berated (because people who 
had come therewith me had thus "plundered tlieir fathers' house"), 
and entreated to plead with " Wasintona" to have these ''precious 
saints and sacred masks of their fathers" returned to them. 

Believing at the time that the Indians really reverenced these things 
as Christian emblems, and myself reverencing sincerely the memory of 
the noble missionaries who had braved death and labored so many- 
years in the cause of their faith and for the good of these Indians, I 
promised either to have the original relics returned or to bring theiui 
new saints; and I also urged them to join me in cleaning out the old 
church, repairing the rents iu its walls and roof, and plastering once 
moi'e its rain-streaked interior, lint at this point their mood seemed 
to change. The chiefs and old men pnft'cd their cigarettes, unmoved 
by the most eloquent appeals I could make, save to say, quite irrele- 
vantly, that I " talked well," and that all my thoughts were good, very- 
good, but they could not heed them. 

I asked them if they did not care for their missa k^ijakiri or mis- 
sion-house. "Yea, verily," they replied, with fervor. "It was the 
sacred place of our fathers, even more sacred than were the things 
taken away therefrom." 

I asked if they would not, then, in memory of those 'fathers, restore 
its beauty. 

"Nay," they replied, "we could not, alas! for it was the missa-house 
of our fathers who are dead, and dead is the missa-house! May the 
fathers be made to live again by the adding of meat to their bones? 
How, then, may the missa-house be made alive again by the adding of 
mud to its walls?" 

Not long afterward there was a furious night storm of wind and rain. 
On the following morning, great seams appeared in the northern walls 
of the old building. I called a council of tlie Indians and urged that 
since they would not repair the missa-house, it be torn down; for it 
might fall over some day and kill the women and children as they 
X)assed through the narrow alley it overshadowed, on their way to 
and from the spring. Again I was told that my words were good, 
but alas! they could not heed 1 hem; that it was the missa-house of 
their fathers ! How, if they took it away, would the fathers know their 
own I It was well that the wind au<l rain wore it away, as time wasted 
away their fathers' bones. That mattered not, for it was the work of 
1.'5 ETH 22 

338 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. (etii.ann. 13 

the beloved, whereof they, the fathers, were aware, but for themselves 
to move it suddenly away, that were worse than the despoiling of the 
shrine; for it was the house of the fathers, the shrine only a thing 
thereof, not a thing of the fathers as verily as was the house itself. 

Fronitlieir point of view this reasoning of the Indians was perfectly 
cousisteut, based as it was on their belief that the souls of their ances- 
tors were mediators and that their mortal remains and the places and 
things thereof were means of invoking them, quite as sacrifices are 
supposed to be, for the time being, the mortal and mediate i)arts of 
the gods and spirits to which they have been oflered, hence a potent 
means of invoking them. This is shown much more clearly in the otdy 
other instance of seeming reverence for the church that I can pause to 

The Zunis are (-areful to remove all traces of Catholicism, or rather all 
symbols of the Mexican religion, from their i)ers()ns or vicinity during 
the performance of their sacred dances or rites, seeing to it that no ^lexi- 
<;an word, even, is ever spoken in the presence of the Ka'ka. If a Mex- 
ican or anyone suspected of being a Mexican happens to approach their 
town during a ceremonial, he is met by watchful sentinels and led, no 
matter what his rank, condition, or haste, to some sequestered room, 
where, although coui'teously treated and hosjntably entertained without 
charge, he is securely locked up and rigorously guarded until after the 
dance or other observance is over. ''The fathers of these ^Mexicans 
did violence to our fathers," say the Indians in explanation, " when that 
our fathers of old called the sacred Ka'ka. Therefore, in those days 
our fathers sought to hide the dancers from their eyes. (Jur fathers 
come nigh in breath, when now we call the Ka'ka, and they aid our 
songs and i)rayers to the beloved Gods of Rain and Wind. How, if 
they see we have departed from their customs, and reveal these things? 
Then will they be sad at our forgetfulness of their ways, and filled with 
fear lest these evil pi-ople, beholding, do sacrilege to their precious 
Ka'ka, and will flee away, nor aid our songs and i)rayers for rain, nor 
our calls for their beloved presence I" 

Nevertheless, in autumn, when the harvest is over, one may seethe 
dilapidated little figure of Saint Francis borne about the pueblo on the 
eve of the " Feast of the Dead;"' and one may see here and there can- 
dles burning, or such poor substitutes for them as the Indians can get; 
and here and there also old rosaries and a few brass crucifixes revealed. 
Before they fell, one heard, as the night wore on, the ancient church 
bells hammered; and half forgotten, wholly unintelligible phrases of 
church Latin chanted. But all this is not in memory of a "saint's 
day," as Avould seem, or as one would be told were he injudiciously to 
inquire. It is tiie feast and drama of the beloved dead of all days 
past. And whilst the dead of long, very long ago, must first be sum- 
moned by means of thtMr ancient relics which best they knew — the 
tribal medicines and fetiches, and the songs to them belonging — yet the 


"old ones of the inissa times knew also these things of the missa; and 
so, that they be lured near and come not as strangers, but find means 
of recognition and movement (manifestation) to us, and happily receive 
our offerings of food to the fire, they must (in place of the summoning 
songs and drums and rattles) hear the church bells and chants of the 
Spaniards and see the things which they, perforce, held to most famil- 
iarly and M'ith least fear and secrecy in times of festival while yet they 
lived in daylight.'' 

I need not add that this fully accounts tor the contradictory behavior 
of the liuliaus in reference to the old church, the burial ground, and 
other things pertaining to it. The church could not be rebuilt. It had 
beeu dead so long that, rehabilitated, it would be no longer familiar to 
the "fathers" who in spirit had witnessed its decay. Nor could it be 
taken suddenly away. It had stood so hmg that, missing it, they 
would be sad, or might perhaps even abandon it. 

The Zuni faith, as revealed in this sketch of more than three hun- 
dred and fifty years of Spanish intercourse, is as a drop of oil in water, 
surrounded and touched at every point, yet in no place penetrated or 
changed inwardly by the flood of alien belief that descended upon it. 
Herein is exemplified anew the tendency of j)riinitiveininded man to 
interpret unfamiliar things moi-e directly than simi)ly, according to their 
appearances merely, not by analysis in our sense of the term; and to 
make his interpretations, no less than as we ourselves do, always 
in the light of what he already familiarly believes or habitually thinks 
he knows. Hence, of necessity he adjusts (jther beliefs and opinions 
to his own, but never his own beliefs and opinions to others; and 
even his usages are almost never changed in spirit, however much so in 
externals, until all else in his life is changed. Thus, he is slow to adopt 
from alien peoples any but material suggestions, these even, strictly 
according as they suit his ways of life; and whatever he does adopt, or 
rather absorb and assimilate, from the culture and lore of another ])eo- 
ple, neither distorts nor obscures his native culture, neither discolors 
nor displaces his original lore. 

All of the foregoing suggests what might be more fully shown by 
further examples, the .aboriginal and uncontammated character — so far 
as a modern like myself can represent it — of the myths delineated in 
the following series of outlines. Yet a casual visitor to Zuni, seeing 
but unable to analyze the signs above noted, would be led to infer quite 
the contrary by other and more patent signs. He would see horses, 
cattle and donkeys, sheep and goats, to say nothing of swine and a 
few scrawny chickens. He would see peach orchards and wheat fields, 
carts (and wagons now), and tools of metal ; would find, too, in queer out- 
of-the-way little rooms native silversmiths plying their primitive bel- 
lows and deftly using a few crude tools of iron and stone to turn their 
scant silver coins into bright buttons, bosses, beads, and bracelets, 
■which every well-conditioned Zuni wears; and he would see worn also, 

340 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. [eth.ann. 13 

especially by the men, clotliiug- of gaudy calico and other thin products 
of the looms of civilization. Indeed, if one did not see these things 
and rate them as at first the gifts to this people of those noble old 
Franciscan friars and their harder-handed less noble Spaiush com- 
panions, infinitely more pathetic than it is would be the history of the 
otherwise vain effort I have above outlined; for it is not to be for- 
gotten that the principal of these gifts have been of incalculable value 
to the Zuhi. They have helped to preserve him, through an era of mm 
external conditions, from the fate that met more than thirty other and 
less favored Pueblo tribes — annihilation by the better-armed, cease- 
lessly prowling Navajo and Apache. And for tiiis ahme, their almost 
solo accomplishment of lasting good to the ZuFu, not iu vain were 
spent and given the lives of the early mission fatliers. 

It is intinuited that aside from adding such resources to the tribe 
as enabled it to survive a time of fearful stress and danger, even the 
introduction of Spanish plants, animals, and pioducts did not greatly 
change the Znrds. This is truer than would at first seem possible. The 
Zuni was already a tiller of the soil when wheat and peaches were 
given him. To this day he plants and irrigates his i)eaoh and 
wheat crops much as he anciently planted and watered his corn — in 
hills, hoeing all with equal assiduity; and he does not reap his wheat, 
but gathers it as he gathers his corn in the ear. Thus, only the kind of 
grain is new. The art of rearing it and ways of husbanding and using 
it remain unchanged. The Zuni was already a herder wlien sheep and 
goats were given him. He had not only extensive preserves of rabbits 
and deer, but also herds — rather than flocks — of turkeys, which by day 
were driven out over the plains and mesas for feeding, and at night 
housed near the towns or in distant shelters and corrals. It is probable 
that his ancestry had even other domesticated animals. And he used 
the flesh of these animals as food, their feathers and fur as the materials 
for his wonderfully knitted, woven, and twilled garments and robes, as 
he now uses the mutton and goat meat for food, and the wool of the 
sheep for his equally well-knitted, woven, and twilled, though le.-s 
beautiful, garments and robes. Thus, only the kinds (and degree 
of productivity) of the animals are new, the arts of caring for them 
and modes of using their products, are unchanged. This is true 
even in detail. When I first went to live with the Zunis their sheep 
were plucked, not sheared, with flat strips of band iron in place of 
the bone spatuhe originally used in plucking the turkeys; and the 
herders always scrupulously picked up stray flecks of wool — (tailing 
it "down," not hair, nor fur — and spinning it, knitting, too, at their 
long woolen leggings as they followed their shee|), all as their fore 
fathers used ever to pick up and twirl the stray feathers and knit at 
their down kilts and tunics as they followed and herded their turkeys. 
Even the silversmiths of Zuni today work coins over as their ancestors 
of the stone-using age worked up bits of copper, not only using tools 


of stone and bone for the purpose but using even the iron tools of the 
Spaniard mostly in stone-age fashion.' 

This applies equally to their handling of tlie hoes, hatchets, and 
knives of civilized man. They nse their hoes — the heaviest they can 
get — as if weighted, like the wooden and bone hoes of antiquity, ver- 
tiiially, not horizontally. They use their hatchets or axes and knives 
more for hacking and scraping and chipping than for chopping, hewing, 
and whittling, and ill such operations they prefer working toward them- 
selves to working from themselves, as we work. Finally, their garments 
of calico and muslin are new only in material. They are cut after the 
old fashion of the ancestral buckskin breeches and sliirts, poncho coats 
of feathers and fur or fiber, and down or cotton breech clouts, while in 
the silver rings and bracelets of today, not only the shapes but even 
the half-natural markings of the original shell rings and bracelets sur- 
vive, and the silver buttons and bosses but perpetuate and multiply 
those once made of copper as well as of shell and white bone. 

Tims, only one absolutely new practical element and activity was 
introducedby the Spaniards— beasts of burden and beast transporta- 
tion and labor. But until the present century cattle were not used 
natively for drawing loads or plows, the latter of which, until recently 
being made of a convenient fork, are oidy enlarged harrowing-sticks 
pointed with a leaf of iron in i)lace of the blade of flint; nor were carts 
employed. Burdens were transported in panniers adapted to the backs 
of burros instead of to the shoulders of men. 

The Zuni is a splendid rider, but even now his longest journeys are 
made pn foot in the old way. Ue has for centuries lived a settled 
life, traveling but little, and the horse has therefore not played a very 
conspicuous part in his later life as in the lives of less sedentary peo- 
ples, and is consequently unlieard of, as are all new things — including 
the greatest of all, the white man himself — in his tribal lore, or the 
folk tales, myths, and rituals of his sacred cult-societies. All this 
strengthens materially the claim heretofore made, that in mind, and 
especially in religious culture, the Zufu is almost as strictly archaic as 
in the days ere his land was discovered. 


If a historic sketch of Spanish intercourse with the Zuni people indi- 
cates that little change was wrought on their native mood by bo many 
years of alien contact, an outline of their pristine history, or a sketch of 
their growth and formation as a people, will serve yet further to show 
not only how, but also why, this was so, as well as to explain much in 
the following outlines of their myths of creation and migration, the 
meaning of which would otherwise remain obscure. 

•Some of the primitive Zuni methoils of working metals are incidentally described 
in my paper entitled "Primitive Copper-working, an Experimental Study," in The 
Auieric;iu Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1894, pp. 193-217. 


Linguistically the Ziini Iiidian.s of today stand alone, unrelated, so 
far as lias heretofore been determined, to any other Indians either seden- 
tary, like theniselves, or unsettled, like tlie less advanced peoples of the 
plains. Nevertheless, although they as yet thus constitute a single 
linjiuistic stock, there are i)resent and persistent among them two 
distinct types of physique and numerous survivals — inherited, not 
borrowed — of the arts, customs, myths, and institutions of at least two 
lieoples, unrelated at first, or else separate and very diversely condi- 
tioned for so long a i)eriod of their iireunited history that their develop- 
ment had progressed unequally and along quite different lines, at the 
time of their final coalition. That thus the Zunis are actually descend- 
ants of two or more peoples, and the heirs of two cultures at least, is 
well shown in their legends of ruins and olden times, and especially in 
these myths of creation and migration as interpreted by archeologic 
and ethnographic research. 

According to- all these tokens and evidences, one branch of their 
ancestral people was, as compared with the other, aboriginal in the 
region comprising the present Zuni country anil extending far toward 
the north, whence at some remoter time they had descended. The other 
branch was intrusive, from the west or southwest, the country of the 
lower Rio Colorado, their earliest habitat not so clearly defined and 
their remoter derivation enigmatical, for they were much more given to 
wandering, less advanced in the peaceful arts, and their earliest ruins 
are those of comparatively rude and simple structures, hence scant and 
difficult to trace, at least beyond the western borders of Arizona. Con- 
sidering both of these primary or parental stocks of the Zuni as having 
been thus so widely asunder at first, the ancestral relations of the aborig- 
inal or northern branch probably ranged the plains north of the arid 
mountain region of TJtali and Colorado ere they sought refuge in the 
desert and canyons of these territories. Yet others of their descend- 
ants, if still surviving, may not tinlikely be traced among not only 
other Pueblos, but and more distinctly among wilder and remoter 
branches, probably of the Shoshonean stock. The ancestral relations 
of the intrusive or western branch, however, were a people resembling 
the semi-settled Yumans and I'imans in mode of life, their ruins com- 
bining types of structure (characteristic, of both these stocks; and if 
their descendants, other than Zunis themselves, be yet identified among 
Yuman tribes, or some like people of the lower Colorado region, they 
will bo found (such of them as survive) not greatly' changed, probably, 
from the condition they were all in when, at a very distant time, their 
eastward faring kinsfolk, who ultimately became Zunis, left them there. 

It is quite certain that relatives, in a. way — not ancestral — of the 
Zunis still exist. Not many years before Fray Marcos de Xiza discov- 
ered Cibola, the Zunians con([uered some small towns of the Keres 
to the south southeastward of the Zufii-Cibola country, and adopted 
some of the survivors and also some of their ritual-dramas — still per- 


formed, ami distinctively Keresaii in kind — into tlieir own tribe. Pre- 
viously to that — previously, indeed, to tbeir last and greatest union with 
the settled i)eople mentioned as the aboriginal Zuni — a. large body of the 
western branch and their earlier fellows (called in the myths of crea- 
tion "Our lost others") separated from them in the country south 
and west of the l\io Puerco and the Colorado Ohicpiito, and went, not 
wholly as related in the myths, yet quite, undoubtedly, far away to 
the southward. I have identified and traced their remains in Arizona 
toward and into Mexico as far as the coast, and if, as the Znnis still 
believe, any of them survive to this day, they are to be looked for lower 
down in Mexico or in the still farther south, whither, it is said, they 
disappeared so long ago. But. as before intimated, these relatives (by 
adoption iu the one case, by derivation in the other) were not, strictly 
speaking, ancestral, and thus are barely alluded to in the myths, and 
therefore concern us less than do the two main or parental branches. 

Of these, the one which contributed more largely in numbers, certain 
culture characteristics, and the more peaceful arts of life to make the 
Zanis what they were at the time of the Spanish conquest, was the 
aboriginal branch. The intrusive or western branch is, strange to say, 
although least numerous, the one most told of in the myths, the one 
which speaks throughout them in the first person ; that is, which claims 
to be the original Shiwi or Zuni. Of this branch it is unnecessary to 
say nnich more here than the myths themselves declare, save to add 
that it was, if not the conquering, at least, and for a long time, the 
dominant one; that to it the Zunis owe tbeir vigor and many, if not 
most, of tlieir distinguishing traits; and that, coming as they did from 
the west, they located there, and not iu the north, as dul all these other 
Pueblo Indians (iucludiug even those whom they found and prevailed 
over, or were joined by, in the present land of Zuni), the place where 
the luinnxn family originated, where the ancestral gods chietly dwell, 
and whither after death souls of men are supposed to return anon. 

According to their own showing in the myths they were, while a 
masterful people, neither so numerous at the time of their connng, nor 
so advanced, nor so settled, as were the peoples wliom they "overtook" 
from time to time as they neared the land of Zuni or the " Middle of the 
world." They did not cultivate the soil, or, at least, apparently did not 
cultivate corn to any considerable extent before they met the first of 
these peoples, for, to use their own words, they were " ever seeking seeds 
of the grasses like birds on the mesas." 

There is abundant reason for supposing that tlie "elder nations" — 
these peoples whom they " overtook," the " People of tiie Dew," the 
" Black people," and the " Corn people " of the " towns budded round" — 
were direct and comparatively unchanged descendants of the famous 
clilf dwelleis of the Maucos, San Juan, and other canyons of Utah. 
Colorado, and northern New Mexico. The evidences of this are numer- 
ous and detailed, but ouly the principal of them ueed here be examined. 

344 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. [eth.ann. is 

The ruins of tbese rouuded towns of the Corn tribes which Hernando 
de Alvarado and Fray Juau de I'adilla saw in lo-tO while yoiiig soutli- 
eastward from Zuai, are especially characteristic of the Zuni region, 
and extend quite generally both southward toward the Rito Quemado 
and the Salinas in western central New Mexico, and, by way of the 
€haco, northward nearly to the Colorado boundary. They are as often 
ihalf round as they are wholly oblong or circular, and even when com- 
pletely rounded or oval in outline are usually divided into two semicir- 
cular parts by an irregular court or series of courts extending lengthwise 
through the middle, and thus making them really double villages of the 
half-round type. 

A comparison of the ground plans of these round or semicircular 
ruins with those of the typical cliflt' ruins i-eveals the foct that they 
■were simply cliff towns transferred, as it were, to the level of the open 
plains or mesa tops. Their outer or encircling walls were, save at the 
extremities of the courts, generally unbroken and perpendicular, as 
uninterrupted and sheer, almost, as were the natural cauyon walls sur- 
rounding to the rearward The older clitf towns to which they thus cor- 
responded and which tliey apparently were built to replace; and the 
houses descended like steps from these outer walls in terraced stories, 
facing, like the seats of an amphitlieater, the open courts, precisely as 
descended the terraced stories of the cliff dwellings from the encircling 
rock walls of the sheltered ledges or shelves on which they were 
reared, necessarily facing in the same numner the open canyons below. 
Thus the courts may be sujjposed to have replaced the canyons, as the 
outer walls replaced the clitts or the back walls built nearest them in 
the rear of at least the deeper village caves or shelters. 

Other structural and kindred features of the cliff towns are fo".ud to 
be equally characteristic of the round ruins, features which, originating 
in the conditions of building and dwelling in the cliffs, came to be 
perpetuated in the round towns afterward built on the plains. 

So limited was the foothold afforded by the scant ledges or iu the 
sheltered but shallow hollows of the cliffs where the ancient cliff 
dwellers were at first forced as a measure of safety to take refuge and 
finally to build, that they had to economize space to the utmost. Hence 
in part only the women and chihlreu, being smaller and more in need 
of protection than the men, were accommodated with dwelling places 
as such, the rooms of which were so diminutive that, to account for 
them, theories of the dwarfish size of the cliff dwellers as a i-ace have 
been common. As a further measure of economy these rooms were 
built atop of one another, sometimes to the height of several stories — 
uji, in fact, to the very roof at the rear of the cavern in most cases^ 
and theuce they were terraced toward the front in order that light 
and air might be admitted as directly as possible to each story. 

For the double jmrpose of a(!commodating the men and of serving 
as assembly rooms for councils and ceremonial functions, large circular 


clianibers were cdiistiacted almost always out in front of the terraced 
dwelling cells of the womeu aud cliildreu, and thus in the more exposed 
months of the caverns or shelters the villages nestled in. These round 
assembly rooms or kivas were often, indeed, built up from sloping por- 
tions of the sheer outer edge of the village cave shelf, in order to be as 
much as i)ossible on a level with or even below the limited ground space 
between them and the houses farther back, so that the front along the 
lower and outermost row of tiiese house cells might remain oj)en and 
unobstructed to passage. 

The dwelling rooms or house cells themselves were made as nearly 
rectangular as was practicable, for only jjartitious divided them ; but 
of necessity such as were placed far back toward or against the encir- 
cling and naturally curved rock walls, or the rear nuxsonry walls, built 
in conformity to their curvature in all the deeper caves, had small 
triangular or keystone shape spaces between their partitions. These, 
being too small for occupancy even by children, were used as store- 
rooms for grain aud other household supplies. When the cave in 
which a village was built happened to be very deeji, the liviug rooms 
could not be carried too far back, as neither light nor sufticient air 
could reach them there; hence here, chiefly against the rear wall or the 
cave back itself, were built other storerooms more or less trapezoidal 
in shape, according to the degree of curvature in the rock face against 
which they were built, or, as said before, of the rear wall itself, which 
in the deejier caves often reached from floor to roof and ran parallel to 
the natural semicircular back of the cavern. 

Against the rearward face of such back walls when present (that is, 
between them and the rear of the cave itself), behind the village 
projier, if space further permitted, small rooms, ordinarily of one story, 
or pens, sometimes roofless, were built for the housing of the flocks of 
turkeys which the cliff dwellers kept. Beyond these poultry houses 
was still kept, in the deeper village caves, a space, dark and filled with 
loose soil and rubbish, in which certain of the dead, mostly men, wei'e 
buried ; while other dead were interred beneath the floors of the lower- 
most rooms, when the soil or sand tilled in to level up the sloping 
rock bottom of the shelter was sufficiently deep to receive them. 

A noteworthy peculiarity of the doorways in the upper stories leading 
toward tlie rearward storerooms already described was that they were 
often made T-shai)e; that is, very narrow at the bottom and abruptly 
widened at the top. This was done in order to avoid the necessity of 
making these openings for entrance and egress too large proportionally 
to the small size of the rooms. Tlius, neither were the walls weakened 
nor were the inmates needlessly exi)osed to cold; for fuel, even of the 
lightest kind, was gathered with risk and trans])orted thither with 
great difticulty, and the use of it was therefore limited to cookery, and 
yet a person bearing a back load of corn or other provender might, by 
stepping first one foot, then the other, through the narrow lower portion 


of such a doorway, then stooping with his bhiiiket oi- basket load, pass 
throngli without inconvenience or the necessity of unloading. 

Nearly all of these features — so suited to, and some of them evidently 
so unavoidable with, a people building eyrie-like abmles high up on 
limited sloping ledges in pockets of the cliffs — were, although they were 
totally vmnecessary to the dwellers in the half-round or double half- 
round towns of the ])lains, where space was practically unlimited and 
topographic and other conditions wholly different, nevertheless charac- 
teristic of these also. 

Not only were tlie external walls of these old villages of the plains 
semicircular, as though built in conformity with the curved rock walls 
of the hollows in the cliffs, but they were continuous. Tliat is, in all 
the rounded town ruins, except those wiiicli seem to have been recon- 
structed in more recent times, the outer walls were, built first as great 
semicircular inclosures, hollow artificial cliffs, so to say, and afterward 
the house walls were built up against them inside, not into them, as 
tliey would have been had these outer and the inner walls been built up 
together. Moreover, not only were the ground plans of these towns of 
the x)lains semicircular, as though built in conformity with the curved 
rock walls of hollows in the cliffs in ancestral fashion, but the store- 
rooms were also still tucked away in the little flaring spaces next to 
these now outer and surrounding walls, instead of being placed near 
the more convenient entrances fronting tlie courts. The huts or sheds 
for the turkeys, too, were ydaced not in the inclosures of the courts, 
but against and outside of these external walls of the villages; and 
while many of the dead were buried, as in the cliff" houses, under the 
floors of the lowermost rooms, others of tliem, almost always men, and 
notably victims of war or accident, were still buried out beyond even 
the turkey huts. So both the turkey huts and some of the graves of 
these round villages retained the same i)ositions relative to one another 
and to the "rearward" of the dwellings that hail very naturally been 
given them in the cliff villages; for in these, being behind the houses 
and in the rear of the caves, they oitcupied the most protected areas; 
while in the round villages, being behind the houses, they were thrown 
quite outside of the villages, hence occupied the most exposed positions, 
which latter fact would appear inexi)licable save by considering it as 
a survival of cliff-town usage. 

The kivas, or assembly rooms of the round villages, were placed gen- 
erally in IVont of the houses facing the courts, as of old they had beeu 
builfc in the mouths of the caverns, also in front of the houses facing 
the canyons. Moreover, they were, although no longer in the way, 
wholly or in part subterranean, that is, sunk to the level of the court 
or plaza, as in the cliff towns they had been built (except where crowd- 
ing rendered it necessary to make them two-storied, as in some cases) 
up the front slopes only to the heiglit of the general cave floor or of 
the lowermost house foundations. 


Finally, there were no doorways iu the lower stories of the rounded 
villages, the roofs of which were reached by ladders: but iu the upper 
stories there were passages, some of which, although here no louger so 
needfully small, were still economically fashioned as of old — wide at 
the top, narrow at the base, like the T-shape granary avenues of the 
cliff ruins. 

The closeness of correspondence of all these features in the round 
ruins to those in the clitt' ruins (features which in the round ruins appear 
less iu place than in at least the older cliff ruins) would seem to justify 
my conclusion, earlier stated, that the round towns were simply out- 
growths of the cliff villages, transplanted, as it were, into the plains; 
for all of these features, as they occur in the old cliff ruins, can, with 
but a single exception (that of the circular form of the kivas or assem- 
bly chambers, which, as will presently be shown, were surviviils of a yet 
older phase of building), be accounted for as having originated from 
necessity, whereas iu the round ruins they could not have originated 
even as possible expedients, since they were unsuitable save by having 
become customary through long usage. 

I liave reasserted this fact because the theory that all cliff dwellings 
were but outlying places of refuge or the hunting and farming stations 
of larger pueblos iu their neighborhood, strongly fortihed by position 
in order that the small parties occupying them now and then for longer 
or shorter seasons might find safe retreat in them, has been advanced 
quite successfully. As this theory is not unlikclj to gain a consider- 
able hearing, it is necessary to demonstrate even more fully the fact 
that at least the round towns did not give their structural character- 
istics to such of the northern cliff ruins as resembled them in plan, and 
that therefore the latter are to be regarded as actual cliff-dweller 
remains. In the southern portions of New Mexico and Arizona, as ou 
the u]ipcr Salado and iu canyons of the Sierra Madre, still farther south, 
all the cliff dwellings and villages were built without reference to the 
curved forms of the caverns iu which they occurred.' That is, they 
rigidly retained the rectangular pueblo form of arrangement cbai^ac- 
teristic of the larger ruins in the valleys and plains around them. 
Hence for this and for other reasons they may be regarded as pueblos 
transferred to the clift's, such outposts of the larger inxeblos of the 
plains as it is claiiiied all cliff dwellings were. So, also, as hitherto 
intimated, many of the later cliff dwellings, even of the north, have 
rectangular pueblo additions below them in the cauyons or above 
them on the mesas, and some of the village ruius iu the cave shelters 
themselves are almost faithful miuiature reproductions iu general plan 
of the large pueblos of the plains near at hand; but in the one case 
the pueblo additions above and below were comparatively modern, and 
indicate either that the cliif dwellings they are adjacent to continued 

'See Bauflelier, Final Report of Investigatious among the Indians of the South- 
western United States, etc., Part ii, pj). 425-428. 

348 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. [eth. ann. 13 

to be occupied down to the time of later true juieblo building', or tliat 
tliey were reoccupied from comparatively mod ru pueblos and that all 
additions made were constructed according to customary later forms 
of building. In the other case, that of the rectangular structures in 
semicircular cave shelters, either a return to cliff dwelling from pueblo 
dwelling is indicated, or, as with the southern cliff villages, these also 
were outposts of comparatively modern kinds of jjueblos occurring in 
the neighborhood. Such, for example, was the case with nmuy of the 
cliff dwellings of the Tsegi or Canyon de Chelly, some of which con- 
tinued to be occupied long after the more easterly towns of the San 
Juan were abandoned, and others of which were reoccupied, i)robably 
by Tusayan Indians, in comparatively recent time. 

The occurrence of sepnlchers in or near almost all the San Juan cliff 
ruins would alone indicate that they were central and permanent homes 
of the people who built and occupied them. The surviving Pueblo 
Indians, so far as I am aware, never bury in or near their outlying 
towns. Invariably the dead are taken to the centi al pueblo home of 
the tribe for sepulture, as there only may they become tribal fetiches 
in the manner I have heretofore indicated, and be properly renounced 
by the clans of kin at their place of birth and rearing. If, then, all 
the cliff towns were merely outlying strongholds, no interments of the 
original inhabitants would be found in them save those of children per- 
chance born and reared in them. In fact, this is precisely the case with 
some, of the towns in question, those above described as manifestly 
settlements from later true pueblos. 

Another feature of the older cliff' dwellings is still more significant in 
this connection — the presence of the kiva ; for the kiva or sacred asseni. 
bly room was never, for mythic and sociologic reasons, built in tempo- 
rary or outlying settlements. The mere council chamber was sometimes 
present in these, but the true kiva never, so long as they remained resorts 
of more central pueblo towns, for each kiva of such a town located 
a division of the tribe as pertaining to one or another of the quarters 
or mythic divisions. Hence, as might be expected, in the more south- 
erly cliff dwellings belonging to more recent pueblos no kiva is ever 

The evidence furnished by the kivas is significant in other ways, for 
in connection with the above theory the claim has also been advanced 
that the cliff' villages were occui)ied for only brief periods at best; 
that they do not, as assumed by me, repieseut a phase — so much as 'an 
incident^in the development of a people. Aside from the linguistic, 
sociologic, and other evidence I have to offer later on that of not oidy 
these kivas, but also of certain other features of the ruins themselves, 
is decidedly indicative of both long and continuous occupancy; and an 
examination of this evidence helps to an nnderstanding of the culture 
growth of the early cliff dwellers as being not that of Pueblos at first, 
but that of Pueblo ancestry, Pueblos developing. 


Ofcnrring' in the uiitlst of tlie greater groups of northern cliff dwell- 
ings, no less than somewhat more scatteriugiy and widely distributed 
to sit least as far south as the middle of Arizona, are remains of cave 
dwellings of an older type. They are usually lower down in tlie cliffs, 
although tliey once occurred also in the larger and more accessible of 
the caverns now occupied by later cliff-house remains, underneatli or 
amid which remains they may still in i)laces be traced. These rude 
and very ancient cave dwellings mark tlie beginnings of the cliff occu- 
pancy. In all essentials they correspond to the modern cave dwellings 
of the Sierra ]\Iadre in Sonora, Mexico, so admirably described by my 
friend. Dr. Carl Lumholtz, as built and still lived in by the Tarahumiiri 
and Tepehuani Indians, who survive either in the state of these first 
cliff dwellers of the north, or, as is more probable, have naturally and 
independently resorted to a similar mode of life through stress of similar 

Like the Tarahumari, these ancient i^eople of the north ;it first 
resorted to the caves during only portions of the year — during the 
inclement season after each harvest, as well as in times of great danger. 
At other times, and during the hunting, planting, and seed-gathering 
seasons particularly, they dwelt, as do the Tarahumari, in rancherias, 
the distinctive remains of which lie scattered near and far on the 
plateaus and jjlaiiis or in the wide valleys. But the caves were their 
central abodes, and the rancherias, frequently shifted, were simply out- 
lying stations such as are the farming hamlets of the modern pueblos. 

The earliest of these dwellings in the caves were at first simi>le huts 
disposed separately along the rear walls of these recesses in the cliffs. 
They usually had Inundation walls, approximately circular in plan, of 
dry-laid stones, upon which rested npi^er converging courses of cross- 
laid logs and sticks, hexagonal and pen-like covers surmounted, as were 
the rancherias of the open plains, by more or less high-pitched roofs of 
thatch^here in the shelters added rather for protection from cold than 
from storms of rain and snow. 

But in course of time, as the people dwelling, when needful, in these 
secure retreats increased in numbers, and available caves became filled, 
the huts, especially in the more suitable shelters, were crowded together 
in each, until no longer built separately, but in irregularly continuous 
rows or groups at the rear, each divided from others by simple, gener- 
ally straight, partitions, as are the dwelling divisions of the Tarahumari 
today. But unlike the latter, these hut-like rooms of the northern cave- 
dwellers were still rounded outwardly, that is, each hut (where not con- 
tiguous to or set in the midst of others, as was the case with those along 
the front), retained its circular form. The partitions and fimndation 
walls were still built low, and still surmounted by converging cross-laid 
upper courses of logs or saplings and roofs of thatch. As with the 
Tarahumiiri, so with these earliest clift" dwellers of the north; their 
granaries were far more perfectly constructed than their own abiding 

350 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. [eth.anx. 13 

places. To adequately protect tlieir store oi provision from seed- 
devouring' animals, no less tliau from the elements, it Ijecanie necessary 
to place it iu dry crannies or pockets of the cliffs near at band, [ue- 
ferably in recesses as far back iu their caves as possible, and also to 
seal it up in these natural receptacles. At first (as may be seen in 
conuectiou with the caves of Las Tusas, Arizona, containing some of 
the oldest and ludest separate hut remains I have yet examined) the 
mouths of these receptacles were walled up with dry-laid stones, care- 
fully chinked, and i)lastered inside with mud, precisely as were the 
granary pockets of the Havasui)ai Indians seen by me in 1881. Later, 
while still the houses continued to be mere low-walled and partitioned 
sheds or huts of dry masonry, these granaries came to be quite well 
constructed, of uiudlaid walls, and were enlarged, as stores increased 
with increase of settlement and tillage, until they had to be built out- 
ward from the niclieslike good sized, slightly tai)eringbins, protruding 
somewhat from the cave walls, and (inally forming, as do the granaries 
of the Tarahumari today, miniature prototypes of the perfected single 
cliff house of a far later day. 

In times of great danger small children were not infrecjuently 
bestowed for safe-keei)ing in the larger of these little granary rooms in 
the deepest recesses at the rear of the earliest cave villages, as the 
finding of their remains without burial token iu such situation has 
attested; and thus the folk tales which modern Pueblos tell of chil- 
dren left in the granary rooms and surviving the destruction or flight of 
their elders by subsisting on the scant store remaining therein (later to 
emerge — so the stories run — as great warrior-magicians and deliver their 
captive elders), are not wholly without foundation in the actual past of 
their ancestry. It was thus that these first cliff dwellers learned to build 
walls of stone with mud mortar, and thus, as their numbers increased 
(through immunity from destruction which, ever better, these cliff holds 
aftbrded), the women, who from the beginning had built and owned the 
granaries, learned also to build contiguously to them, in the depths of 
the caverns, other granary-like cells somewhat larger, not as places of 
abode, at first, but as retreats for themselves and their children. 

It is not needful to trace further the development of the cliff village 
proper into a home for the women and children, which first led to the 
tucking of storerooms far back in the midst of the houses; nor is it 
necessary to seek outside of such simple beginnings the causes which 
first led to the construction of the kivas, always by the men for them- 
selves, and nearly always out in frtjiit of the house cells, which led to the 
retention for ages of the circular form in these kivas and to the survival 
in them for a longtime (as chambers of council and mystery, where the 
souls of the ancients of men comnuined in these houses of old with the 
souls of their children's grandchildren ) of the cross-laid upper courses of 
logs and even the roofings of thatch. Indeed, it is only in some way like 
this, as survival through slowevolution of archaic structures forworship, 


that the i)eisisteuce of all these strauge features — the retention for use of 
tbe meu, the i)ositiou in front of the houses, the converging hexagonal 
log wall caps, the unplastered roofing of thatch — until long after the 
building of houses for everyday use by the women, with walls contin- 
uous fi'om iloor to ceiling, with flat and mud-plastered roofs and smooth 
finishing inside and out, manifest themselves. 

Of equal signilicauce with this persistency of survival in the kiva, as 
to both structural tyije and function, of the earliest cave-dwelling hut- 
roouis through successively higher stages in the development of cliff 
architecture, is the trace of its growth ever outward; for in nearly or 
quite all of the largest cliff ruins, while as a rule the kivas occur, as 
stated, along the fronts of the houses — that is, fiirthest out toward the 
mouths of the caverns — some are found quite far back in the midst of 
the houses. But in every instance of this kind which I have examined 
these kivas farthest back within the cell cluster proper are not only the 
oldest, bat in other ways plainly mark the line of the original boundary 
or frontage of the entire village. And in some of the largest of these 
ruins this frontage line has thus been extended; that is, the houses 
have grown outward around and past the kivas first built in front of 
them, and then, to accommodate iucreased assemblies, successively 
built in front of them and in greater numbers, not once or twice, but 
in some cases as many as three, four, and in one instance five times. 

All this makes it i)lain, I think, that the cave and cliff dweller mode 
of life was a phase, not an incident merely, iu the development of a 
people, and that this same people in general occupied these same caves 
continuously or successively for generations — how long it is needless 
here to ask, but long enough to work up a(la])tively, and hence by 
very slow degrees, each one of the little natural hints they received 
from the circumstances and necessities of their situation iu the caves 
and cliffs into structural and other contrivances, so ingenious and suit- 
able and so far-fetched, apparently, so long used, too, as to give rise 
to permanent usages, customs, and sociologic institutions, that it has 
been well-nigh impossible to trace them to such original simple begin- 
nings as have been pointed out in the case of a few of them. 

The art remains of b(Mh the earliest cave dwellers and of the cliff 
dwellers exhibit a like continuity of adaptive development; for even 
where uses of implements, etc., changed witli changing conditions, they 
still show survivals of their original, diverse uses, thus revealing the 
antecedent condition to which they were adapted. 

Moreover, this line of development was, as with the structural fea- 
tures already reviewed, unbroken Irom first to last — from cave to 
cliff', and from cliff to round town conditions of life; for the art 
remains of the round ruins, of which I recovered large numbers when 
conducting the excavations of the Hemenway expedition in ruins east 
of Zufii, are with scarcely an exception identical, in tyi)e at least, with 
those of the cliff' ruins, although they are more highly develoi)ed, espe- 

352 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. ' [eth.ann.13 

cially the jiotteries, as uatuially tliey came to be uTider tbe less restricted, 
more favorable couditious of life iu the opiu plaius. Everything, in 
fact, to be learned of the round-ruin people points quite unmistakably 
to their descent in a twofold sense from tlie cliff-dwelling peojjle; and 
it remains necessary, therefore, only to account for their change of hab- 
itat and to set forth their supposed relationship finally to the modern 
Znni pueblos. 

In earlier writings, especially in a "Study of Pueblo Pottery,"' 
where the linguistic evidencie of the derivation of the Zuuis from cliff- 
dwelling peoples is to some extent discussed, I have suggested that 
the prime cause of the abandonment of tlie cliffs by tlieir aycestry was 
most probably increase of i>opulation to beyond the limits of available 
building area, and consequent overcrowding in the cliff's; but later 
researches have convinced me that, although this was no doubt a potent 
factor ill the case and ultimately, in connection with the obvious 
advantages of life iu more accessible dwelling places, led by slow 
degrees, as tbe numbers and strength of the cliff' villages made it possi- 
ble, to the building of contiguous pueblos both above their cliff's on the 
mesas and below them in the valleys, still it was by no means the only 
or tlie first cause of removal from these secure strongholds. Nor is it 
to be inferred from the evidence at hand that the cliff dwellers were 
ever driven forth from their almost inaccessible towii.s, either by stress 
of warfare or by lack of tbe means of subsistence, as has been so often 
supposed. On the contrary, it is certain that long after the earliest 
descents into the plains had been ventured, tbe cliffs continued to be 
occupied, at first and for a very long period as the permanent homes 
of remnant tribes, and later as winter resorts and places of refuge in 
times of danger for these latter tribes, as well as, perhaps, for their 
kinsfolk of the plains. 

It is by this supposition only that tbe comparatively modern form 
of the square and terraced pueblos built contiguously to the latest 
abandoned of the cliff' towns may be explained. For when tbe cliff 
dwellers had become numerous enough to be able to maintain them- 
selves to some extent out on the open plains, it has been seen that they 
did not consider their villages safe and convenient or quite right unless 
builded strictly, iu both general form and the relative arrangement 
of parts, as had been for many generations their towns in tbe cliffs — did 
not, it is reasoiial)le to suppose, know at once how to build villages of 
any other form. Thus we may confidently regard these round towns as 
the earliest built by the cliff dwellers after they first left the cliff's. 

Tbe direction in which tiiese cavoid or cliff-forin or rounded village 
ruins may be farthest and most abundantly traced, is, as has been said 
before, to the southward into and through the land of Zuui as far as 
the cliffless valleys bordering tbe Rito (Juemado region in southerly 
central New Mexico, wherein lies the inexhaustible Lake of Salt, which 

' Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1882-83. 


the early Spauish chronicles mentiou as the possession and source of 
supply of the "salt in kernels" of the Zuui-Cibolans. 

Not only did a trail (used for such loug ages that I have fouud it 
brokenly traceable for hundreds of miles) lead down from the cliff-town 
country to this broad valley of the Lake of Salt, but also there have 
been found in nearly all the cliff dwellings of the Mancos and San Juan 
section, whence this trail descends, salt in the characteristic kernels 
and colors found in this same source of the Zuni supply. 

This salt, as occurring in the cliff ruins, is commonly discovered 
wrapped in receptacles of corn husk, neatly tied into a trough like 
form or pouch by bands of corn-leaf or yucca fiber. These ponclies 
are precisely like the " wrajjs of the ancients," or packs of corn husk 
in which the sacred salt is ceremoniously brought home in advance of 
the cargoes of common salt by the Zuni priests on each occasion of their 
annual, and especially of their greater quadrennial, pilgrimages (in 
June, after the planting) to the Lake of Salt. And it is not ditHcult 
to believe that both the packs and the pilgrimages — which latter otter 
many suggestive features not to be considered here — are survivals of 
the time when the remoter cliff-dwe ling ancestry of the Zuni Corn tribes 
ventured once in a period of years to go forth, in parties large enough 
for mutual protection, to the far-off' source of their supi^ly of salt. 

Except this view be taken it is ditticult to conceive why the ''time 
after planting" should have become so established by the Zunis (wlio 
are but two days' foot-journey Irom the lake, and visit its neighborhood 
at other periods of the year on hunting and other excursions) as the 
only period for the taking of the salt — to take which, indeed, by them 
or others at any other season, is held to be dire sacrilege. 

But to the cliff dwellers and their first descendants of the farther 
north this period ''after the jjlanting" was the only available one of 
the year; for the journey along their trail of salt must have consumed 
many days, and been so fraught with danger as to have drawn away a 
goodly portion of the warrior population who could ill be spared at a 
later time in the season when the ripening and garnering of the harvest 
drew back upon the cliff-towns people the bands of predatory savages 
who annually pillaged their outlying fields, and in terror of whom they 
for so long a time clung to their refuge in the cliff's. 

Additional considerations lead further to the inference not only that 
the Zuhis inherit their pilgrimages for the salt and the commemorative 
and other ceremonials which have developed around them directly from 
the cliff-dweller branch of their ancestry, but also that these latter were 
led down from the cliffs to build and dwell in their round towns along 
the trail of salt chiefly, if not wholly, by the desire to at once shorten 
and render less dangerous their communal expeditions to the Lake of 
Salt and to secure more exclusive possession thereof. 

These two objects were rendered equally and the more desirable by 
the circumstance, strongly indicated by both the salt remains them- 
13 ETH 23 

354 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. [eth.ans. 13 

selves aud by usages surviving aiuoiig the present Zunis, that iu course 
of time au extensive trade iu salt of this particular variety grew up 
between the clitf dwellers aud more northern and western tribes. 
When found by the Si)aniards tlie Zuni-(Jib(dans were still carrying on 
an extensive trade in this salt, which for practical as well as assumed 
mythic reasons they permitted no others to gather, aud which they 
guarded so jealously that their wars with the Keresan and other 
tribes to the south-southeastward of their country were caused — as 
many of their later wars with the Navajo have been caused — by slight 
encroachments on the exclusive right to the products of tlie lake to 
which the Zunis laid claim. 

The salt of this lake is superior to any other found in the southwest, 
uot excepting that of the Manzano salinas, east of the Rio Grande, 
which nevertheless was as strenuously fought for and guarded by the 
Tanoan tribes settled around these salinas, and had in like manner, 
indeed, drawn their ancestry down from earlier cavate homes in the 
northern mountains. Hence it was preferred (as it still is by both 
Indian and white population of New Mexico aud Arizona) to all other 
kinds, and commanded such price that iu the earlier cliflf-packs I have 
found it adulterated with other kinds from the nearer salt marshes 
which occur in southern Utah and southwestern Colorado. That the 
adulteration of the lake salt with the slightly alkaline and bitter salt 
of the neighboring marshes was thus practiced with a view to eking 
out the trade supply is conclusively shown, I think, by the presence in 
the same cliff homes from which the adulterated specimeus were 
obtained, of abuudaut specimens of the unadulterated salt, and this as 
conclusively shows not only that the cliff dwellers traded in this salt, 
as do their modern Zuni representatives, but also that it was then, as 
now, more highly valued than other kinds of salt iu the southwest. 

The influence on the movements of whole tribes of people which it 
is here assumed such a source of favorite salt supjjly as this exerted 
over the early cliff dwellers, does not stand alone in the history of 
American tribes. It already has been intimated that the Tanoans so far 
prized their comparatively inferior source of salt supply in the salinas 
of the Manzano as to have been induced to settle there and surround 
them with a veritable cordon of their pueblos. 

Another and far more signilicant instance, that of the Cerro de Sal 
in Peru may be mentioned, for in that country not only was salt of 
various kinds to be found in many valleys and throughout nearly all 
the deserts of the Medauo region extending from northern Ecuador to 
southern Chili, but the sea also lay near at hand along the entire 
western border of this vast stretch of country; yet from remote parts 
of South America trails lead, some from the Amazon aiul from Argentina, 
more tliau a thousand Jiiiles away, some from nearer points and from 
all local directions to this famous "Cerro de Sal." The salt from this 
locality was, like that of the Lake of Salt, so highly prizetl that it 


drew aboriginal populations about it in even i)relncan days, and was 
a source of supply, as well as, it is affirmed, of abundant tribute to those 
dominant Pueblos of Soutb America, tie Incas of later days.' 

That the Lake of Salt, as a coveted source, actually did influence the 
earlier descents of the cliff dwellers, and did lead to the building and 
occuiiancy by them of the long lino of ruins I have described, rests, 
finally, on linguistic no less than on such comparative evidence as has 
already been indicated. In turn, this leads to consideration of the 
larger and at ijresent more pertinent evidence that these dwellers in 
the round towns were in part ancestors of the Zufiis, and that thus, as 
assumed at the outset, the Zunis are of composite, at least dual, origin, 
and that their last, still existing, phase of culture is of dual derivation. 

The archaic and sacred name for the south in Zuni is AlahohiJcwin 
tdhiKi, hut the name more commonly employed — always in familiar or 
descriptive discourse — is Muk'-yaiakicin tdhna (that is, the "direction 
of the salt-containing water or lake,'' from ma, salt; k'yai'a, water, or 
lake-containing or bearing; /iwiw, place of, and tdhna, jwint or direc- 
tion of). That this name should have displaced the older form in familiar 
usage is significant of the great importance attached to their source of 
salt by the early Zunis; yet but natural, for the older form, Alaho'in- 
kwin tdhna, signifl'es "in the direction of the home (or source) of the 
coral shells," from dlaho, glowing red shell-stuff; hikirht. abiding place 
ot, or containing place of, and tdhna. This source of the diahoice or 
coral red shells (which are derived from several species of subtropical 
mollusks, and we e so highly prized by the southwestern tribes that the 
Indians of the lower Colorado traded in them as assiduously as did 
those of the cliffs and round towns in salt) has been for generations the 
Gulf of California and tlie lower coast to beyond Guaymas. 

It is not improbable, then, that this archaic and now exclusively rit- 
ualistic expression for the southward or the south is a surviving para- 
phrase of the name for south (or of the source in the south of the red 
shells), formerly known to the western branch of the Zuni ancestry, and 
once familiarly used by them to designate also, perhaps, the direction 
of the source of their chief treasure (these coral red shells of aboriginal 
commerce), as in the Gulf of California, which was then south of tliem, 
but is now due west-southwestward from them. 

What renders this supposition still more probable, and also strength- 
ens the theory of the dual origin of many parallelisms in Zuni culture, 
observances, and phraseology, is not so much the fact that this name 
for red shells and the archaic Zuni name for red paint, dhona, resem- 
ble in sound and meaning the Yuman ahowata, ahauti, etc., for red 
paint, nor yet the tact that such resemblance extends to manj^ archaic 
and other terms, for example of relationship in the Zuiii as compared 

'A parallel world example of the Inrtuence of salt sources on the movements of 
primitive peoples may be Ibnnrt in the fact that all the great historic trade routes 
across Asia were first established along salt trails of prehistoric times. 


especially witli corresponding terms in the Yavapai Tulkepaiya and 
other dialects of tlie Yunian. In fact, all the terms in Zuni for the four 
quarters are twofold and different, according as used familiarly or rit- 
ualistically. That for west, for instance, is in the archaic and ritual- 
istic form, K''ydlisMinl;tJc'\n idhna, and signifies "direction of the home, 
or source of mists and waters, or the sea;" which, when the Zufii abode 
in the farther southwest near the Pacific, was the ajipropriate name for 
west. But the familiar name for west in modern Zuni is Siinhakic'in 
tdhna, tlie "direction of tlie place of evening," which is today equally 
appropriate for their plateau-encircled home of the far inland. 

"North," in the arcliaic form, is now nearly lost; yet insome of the 
more mystic rituals it occurs as both Wlmaiyawan tdhna ( Wihutaiya 
is "north" in the Yuma), "direction of the oak mountains," and Yii'la- 
tcaunanlcwin tdhna, literally "direction of the place of the mountain 
ranges," which from the lower Colorado aud southern Arizona are toward 
the north, but from noi-thern Zuni are not so conspicuous as in the 
other direction, as, for instance, toward the southwest. On the other 
hand, if we consider the familiar phrase for north, P'ish'lanhir'iH tdhna, 
"direction of the wind-swei)t plains," or of the "plains of the mightiest 
winds," to have been inherited from the aboriginal round-town Zunis, 
then it was natural enough for them to have named the nortli as they 
did; for to the north of their earlier homes in the cliffs and beyond lay 
the measureless plains where roamed the strong Bison (4od of Winds, 
whence came his fierce northern breath and bellowings in the roar of 
storms in winter. 

The east, in common language, signifies "direction of tlie coming of 
day;" but in the ritual speech signifies "direction of the plains of day- 
light" — a literal description of the great Y'uma desert as seen at day- 
break from the Colorado region, but scarcely applicable to the country 
eastward from ZuQi, which is rugged and broken until the Llanos 
Estacados of Texas are reached. 

The diverse meaning of terms in Zuni architecture is no less signifi- 
cant of the diverse conditions and opposite directions of derivation of 
the Zuni ancestry. If the aboriginal branch of the Zuni were derived 
from the dwellers in the northern cliff towns, as has been assumed, 
then we would expect to find surviving in the names of such structural 
features of their pueblos as resulted from life in the clifts linguistic 
evidence, as in the structures themselves material evidence, of the fact. 
Of this, as will presently be shown, there is an abundance. 

If the intrusive branch of the Zuni ancestry were, as has also been 
assumed, of extreme southwestern origin, then we should expect to find 
linguistic evidence of a similar nature, say, as to the structural modifi- 
cations of the cliif-dweller and round-town architecture which their 
arrival at and ultimate position in these towns might lead ustoex])ect 
to find, and which in fact is to be abundantly traced in later Zuni ruins, 
like those of the historic Seven Cities of Cibola. 


The couditions of life and peculiarities of building, etc., iu the cav'es 
anil cliffs, then iu the round towns, have been commented on at some 
length iu previous pages, and sufficiently described to reader intelligi- 
ble a presentation of this linguistic and additional evidence iu regard 
to derivation from that direction; but it remains for me to sketch, as 
well as I can in brief, the more significant of such characteristics of 
the primitive Yuman house and village life as seem to bear on the 
additional linguistic and other evidence of derivation also from the 
opposite or Eio Colorado direction, for both clews shouhl be presented 
side by side, if only for the sake of contrast. 

These ancient people of the Colorado region, Yuman or other, had, 
as their remains show (not iu their earliest period, nor yet in a later 
stage of their development, when a diverging branch of them — "Our 
lost others'" — had attained to a high state of culture iu southern 
Arizona and northern Mexico, but at the time of their migration iu 
part Zuhiward), houses of quite a different type from those of the 
north. They were mainly rancherias, that is, more or less scat- 
tered over the mesas aud plains. They were but rarely round, com- 
monly parallelogrammic, and either single or connected iu straight 
L -shape or double L -shape rows. The foundations were of rough 
stones, designed pi-obably to hold more firmly in place the cane- 
wattled, mud plastered stockades which formed the sides and ends as 
well as (in the house rows) the partitions. They owed their rectangular 
shapes not to crowding, but to develoj^ment from an original log-built 
house type — iu the open (like the rancheria house type of the Tara- 
humari), to which may also be traced their generally greater length 
than width. They were single storied, with rather flat or slightly 
sloping roofs, although the high pitched roof of thatch was not wholly 
unknown, for it was still employed on elevated granaries; but some- 
times (this was especially the case with single bouses) the stockade 
posts were carried up above this roof on three sides, and overlaid with 
saplings on which, in turn, a bower of brush or cane or grass was con- 
structed to protect from the sun rather than from rain. Thus a sort of 
rude and partial second story was formed, which was reached from 
below by means of a notched step-log made of a forked or branching 
tree-trunk, the forks beiug jjlaced against the edge of the roof proi)er 
to keep the log (the butt of which rested on the ground) from turning 
when being ascended.- 

Of these single houses the "bowers" described iu the followingmyth 
of the creation of com (see page 391), and tyijically surviving still 
to a great extent in the cornfield or farm huts of modern Zuui, may 
be taken as fair examples; and of the villages or hut-row structures 
of these ancient plains and valley people, an excellent example may 

' See pages 403, 405-400. 

^See Mindelett', Architecture of Tusayau aud Cibola, Eiglitli Aun. Rep. Bur. Etli- 
nology, p. 157. 

358 ZUXI CREATION MYTHS. lErn. asn.13 

be fouiul ill tlie long-liouses of the Mohave and other Ymnaii.s of the 
valley of Colorado river. Both these hut-row houses and the siugle room 
houses were generally surrounded by low walls of loose stone, stone 
and mud, stockade and mud, or of mud alone; and as often as not one 
side or the front of a but within su(-h a Avall iiiclosure was left entirely 

Thus the outer wall was intended in ])art as a slight ]U-otection from 
the wind, and probably also to guard from flooding during the sudden 
showers which sometimes descend in torrents over Arizona plains. 
They may also have been designed to some extent for protection from 
the enemy; for these people were far more valiant fighters than their 
ultimate brethren of the north, and dejtended for protection less on 
security of position than on their own prowess. Only during times of 
unusual danger did they retire to fortified lava buttes (or, when near 
them, to deep but more or less oi)en crevices in some of the more exten- 
sive lava fields), where their hut foundations may be found huddled 
together within huge iuclosures of natural lava blocks, dry laid and 
irregular, but some of them skillfully iilanued and astonishingly vast; 
but in these strongholds they never tarried long enough to be influ- 
enced in their building habits sufficiently to change the styles of their 
hamlets in the plains, for until we reach the point in eastern Arizona 
where they joined the " elder nations " no change in ground plan of these 
houses is to be traced in their remains. 

It is necessary to add a few details as to costume, usages, and the 
institutions of these semisettled yet ever shifting people. 

They wore but scant clothing besides their robes and blankets — 
breech-clouts and kilts, short for the men, long for the women, and 
made of shredded bark and rushes or fiber ; sandals, also of fiber ; neck- 
laces of shell beads, and pendent carved shell gorgets. The hair was 
bobbed to the level of the eyebrows in front, but left long and hanging 
at the back, gathered into a bunch or switch with a colored cord by 
the men, into which cord, or into a fillet of ])laited fiber, gorgeous long 
tail feathers of the macaw, roadrunner, or eagle were thrust and worn 
upright. To the crown of the head of the warriors was fastened a huge 
bunch of stripped or slitted feathers of the owl or eagle, called, no doubt, 
then as now by its Yuman name, musema; for it is still known, though 
used in different fashion, as the miimtsemak^ya or mihnpalok^ye by 
the Zuni Priests of the Bow. The warriors also carried targets or 
shields of yucca or cotton cord, closely netted across a strong, round 
hooi)franie and covered with a coarser and larger net, which was only 
a modification of the carrying net (like those still in use by thePapago, 
Pima, and other Indians of southern Arizona), and was turned to 
account as such, indeed, on hunting and war expeditions. 

Their hand weapons were huge stone knives and war clubs shaped 
like potato-mashers, which were called, it would seem, iitekati (their 


Yumau name) for, although changed in the Zufii of today, still strik- 
ingly survives in familiar speech as the expvession itehk^ya or itehk'yatij 
to knockdown flnally or fatally, and in ceremonial allusion (rather than 
luiuie) to the old-fashioned and sacred war clubs (which are of identical 
form) as ifehk^yatdwe, or knocking-down billets, otherwise called face- 
smashers or pulpers. 

They sometimes buried the dead — chiefly their medicine men and 
■women, or shamans; but all others were burned (with them personal 
eftccts and gifts of kin) and their ashes deposited in pots, etc., at 
the heads of arroyas, or thrown into streams. They held as fetiches 
of regenerative as well as protective power certain concretionary stones, 
some of the larger of which were family heirlooms and kept as house- 
hold gods, others as tribal relics and amulets, like the canojjas and 
huacas of ancient Peru. These nodules were so knobbed, corrugated, 
and contorted that they were described when seen elsewhere by the 
early Spanish writers as bezoars, but they were reallj' derived from 
the sources of arroyas, or mountain torrents, in the beds of which they 
are sometimes found, and being thus always water-worn were regarded 
as the seed of the waters, the source of life itself. Hence they were 
ceremoniously worshiped and associated 'with all or nearly all the 
native dances or dramaturgies, of which dances they were doubtless 
called by their old time x^ossessors "the ancients," or " stone ancients," 
a name and in some measure a connection still surviving and extended 
to other meanings with reference to similar fetich stones among the 
Zunis of today. 

From a study of the remains of these primitive Arizonian ancestors 
of the Zufus in the light of present-day Zuni archaisms, and esiiecially of 
the creation myths themselves, it -would be possible to present a much 
fiiller sketch of them. But that which has already been outlined is suffi- 
ciently full, I trust, to prove evidential that the following ZuTu expres- 
sions and characteristics were as often derived from this southwest- 
ern branch as from the cliff dweller or aboriginal branch of the Zuni 
ancestry : 

The Zuni name of an outer village wall is hek^yapane, which signi- 
fies, it would seem, "cliff- face wall;" for it is derived, apparently, from 
hmne, an extended vcall; and dk^yapane, the face of a wide cliff. Thus 
it is probably develoiied from the name which at first was descriptive 
of the encircling rear wall of a cave village, afterward naturally contin- 
ued to be applied to the rear but encircling or outside wall of a round 
town, and hence now designates even a straight outer wall of a village, 
whether of the front or the rear of the houses. 

The name for the outer wall of a house, however, is heine, or heline, 
which signifies a mad or adobe inclosure; from Ju'Uwe, mud (or mud- 
andasli) mortar, and uJine, an inclosure. Since in usage this refers 
to the outer wall of a house or other simple structure, but not to that 
of a town or assemblage of houses, its origin may with equal j)ropriety 


be attributed to the mud-plastered corral or adobe sides or inclosures 
of such raiicberias as I bave already described.' 

Again, tbe names in Zuni, first, for a room of a single-story structure, 
and, second, for au inner room on tbe ground floor of sucb or of a 
terraced structure, are (1) telitona, "room or space equally inclosed," 
that is, by four equal or nearly eijual walls; and (2) U'luline, "room 
or space within (other rooms or) an inclosure. Both of these terms, 
although descriptive, may, from their specific use, be attributed to 
single-story raucheria origin, I think, for in the cliff villages there was 
no ground-tloor room. The name for a lowermost room in the cUflf 
villages still seemingly survives in the Zufd name for a cellar, which 
is I'lpaline^ from «, rock, and pdloiye, buried in or excavated within; 
while the clift" name for au upper room or toi)-story room, vshtenu- 
^hlane, from oshten, a cave-shelter or cave roof, and u^hlane, inclosed 
by, or built within the hollow or embrace of, also still survives. Yet 

'In my "Study of Pueblo Pottery," etc. (Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau 
of Ethnology, 1882-83), I have said that "The archaic name for a building or 
walled structure is hhliola, a contraction of the now obsolete term h^sholapone; 
from ht'sho, gum, or resin-like; shdiuie, leaned or placed together convergingly; 
tdpoarte, a roof (covering) of -nood, or a roof (covering) supported by ■wood." 

I regret to say that the etymology of this word as thus rendered was not quite cor- 
rect, and therefore its meaning as interpreted in the passage which immediately fol- 
lowed was also mistaken. It is quite true that hesho signifies gum or resin, etc. 
(referring, as I then supposed, to dhesho, or gum rock, a name for lava; used con- 
structively in the oldest round huts of the basaltic regions) ; but the root he enters 
into many olher compounds, such as not only wax, gnm, pitch, metal (as being rock- 
pitch, that is, melted from rocks), etc., but also mud, clay-paste, mud-mortar, and 
finally adobe, as being dried mud mortar; hence walls nuide either with or of adobe, 
etc. Had I been, at the time of this first writing, as familiar with the language as I 
now am I should not have connected as a single root he and sho, making hrsho (gum 
or pitch) of it. For, as elsewhere stated in the same essay, showe signifies canes, 
(shoole, a cane or reed), and it now appears that the syllable thus derived formed a 
root by itself. But I had not then learned that the greater number of the ruins of 
southern Arizona, especially of the plains, consisted of gabion-like walls, that is, 
of walls made by packing stifl:' earth or rubble mortar or cement between double or 
parallel cane-wattled stockades, and then heavily plastering this exterior or casing 
(as was the case in the main walls of the celebrated Casa Grande and the temple 
mound of Los Muertos); or else, in less massive ruins of lesser walls the cores or 
supports of which consisted of close-set posts lathed with reeds or canes, the mud or 
cement being built up either side of these cores, or, in case of the thinnest walls, 
such as partitions, merely plastered to cither face. 

1 can not doubt that even the grandest and most highly developed of these ruins — 
the Casas Graudes themselves, which look today as if constructed wholly of massive 
masonry — no less than the simplest plastered stockade walls, were developed from 
such beginnings as the mere mud-plastered cane and stockade screens of the ancient 
raniheria builders. Thus, I am constrained to render the primary meaning of 
heahotapoane as approximately " mud-plastered cane and stick structure ;" from heliwe, 
mud mortar; shoue, canes or reeds; tdwe, wood, or tdtawv, wood-posts; pdti, to place 
(leaningly or closely) over against ; and ne, (any) thing m.ade. From this, the generic 
term hc'shota, for walled structure (especially ruined wall-structures), would very 
naturally have been derived, and this might or might not have given rise to the use of 
the prefix he, as occurring in all names for murlar-laid walls. 


other examples of diversely derived lioiise-names in this composite 
phraseology might be added, but one more must suffice. The Zuui 
tiame for a ladder is 'lih'tsUone, apparently from ^hlewe, slats (^hlSma, 
slat), and tsilulinia, hair, liber, or osier, entwined or twisted in. This 
primary meaning of the name would indicate that before the ladder of 
poles and slats was used, rope ladders were commonly in vogue, and if 
so, would point unmistakably to the cliffs as the place of its origin ; for 
many of the cliff dwellings can not now be reached save by means of 
ropes or rope ladders. Yet, although the name for a stairway (or steps 
even of stone or adobe) might naturally, one would suppose, have been 
derived from that of a ladder (if ladders were used before stairs, or 
vice versa if tlie reverse was the case), nevertheless it has a totally 
independent etymology, for it is iyechiwe, from ikoiyuchi, forked log or 
crotch-log, and yehchiwe, walking or footing- notched; that is, notched 
step-log or crotch. And this it would seem points as unmistakably 
to such use of forked and notched step logs or crotch-logs as I have 
attributed to the rancheria builders, as does the "rope-and-slat" ladder- 
name to the use of the very different climbing device I have attributed 
to the cliff dwellers. 

It is probable that when the round-town builders had peopled the trail 
of salt as far from the northward as to the region of Zuiii and beyond, 
the absence of very deep canyons, containing rock-sheltered nooks suffi- 
ciently large and numerous to enable tliem to find adequate accommo- 
dation for cliff villages, gradually led them to abandon all resort to the 
cliffs for protection^made them at last no longer clift' dwellers, even 
temporarily, but true PueWos, or town dwellers of the valleys and plains. 

But other influences than those of merely uatui'al or physical envi- 
ronment were required to change their mode of building, and corre- 
spondingly, to .some extent, their institutions and modes of life from 
those of round-town builders to those of square-town builders, such as 
in greater part they were at the time of the Spanish discoveries. In 
the myths themselves may be found a clew as to what these influences 
were in that which is told of the coming together of the '' People of 
the Midmost" and these "Dwellers-in-the-towns-builded-round." For 
there is evidence in abundance also of other kind, and not a little of it 
of striking force and interest, that this coming together was itself tlie 
chief cause of the changes referred to. It has been seen that the west- 
ern branch of the Zufu ancestry (who were these "People of the Mid- 
most") were almost from the beginning dwellers in square structures; 
that their village clusters, even when several of their dwelling places 
happened to be built together, were, as shown by their remains wherever 
found, built ]jrecisely on the plans of single-house structures — that is, 
they were simple extensions, mostly rectilinear, of these single houses 

Now peoples like of the round towns, no less than primitive 
peoples generally, conceive of everything made, whether structure, 

362 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. [eth.ann.I3 

utensil, or weapou, as animistic, as living. Tliey oouceive of thi.s life of 
things as they do of the lives of plants, of hibernating animals, or of 
sleeping men, as a still sort of life generally, but as potent and aware, 
nevertheless, and as capable of fiinc^tioiiing, not oniy obdurately and 
resistingly but also actively and ijowcrfully in occult ways, either for 
good or for evil. As every living thing they observe, every animal, 
has form, and acts or functions according to its form — the feathered 
and winged bird flying, because of its feathered form; the furry and 
four-footed animal running and leaping, because of its four-footed form, 
and the scaly and flnuy fish swimming, because also of its fins and 
scales and form appropriate thereto — so these things made or born into 
special forms of the bands of man also have life and function variously, 
according to their various forms. 

As this idea of animals, and of things as in other sort animals, is 
carried out to the minutest particular, so that even the diflerences in 
the claws of beasts, for example, are supposed to make the difference 
between their i)owers of foot (as between the hugging of the bear and 
the clutching of the i)anther), it follows that form in all its details is 
considered of the utmost importance to special kinds of articles made 
and used, even of structures of any much used or permanent tyjie. 
Another phase of this curious but perfectly natural attributive of life and 
form-personality to material things, is the belief that the forms of these 
things not only give them power, but also restrict their power, so that 
if properly made, that is, made and shaped strictly as other things of 
their kind have been made and shaped, they will perform only su(!h 
safe uses as their prototypes have been found to serve in performing 
before them. As the fish, with scales and fins only, can not fly as the 
duck does, and as the duck can not swim under the water except so 
far as his feathers, somewhat resembling scales, and his scaly, webbed 
feet, somewhat resembling fins enable him to do so, thus also is it with 
things. In this way may be explained better than in any other way, 
I think, the excessive persistency of form- survival, including the survi- 
val of details in conventional ornamentation in tlie art products of piimi- 
tive peoples — the repetitions, for instance, in pottery, of the forms and 
even the ornaments of the vessels, basketry, or what not, which pre- 
ceded it in development and use and on which it was first modeled. 
This tendency to persist in the making of well-tried forms, whether of 
utensil or domicile, is so great that some other than the reason usually 
assigned, namely, that of mere accustomeduess, is necessary to account 
for it, and the reason I have given is fully warranted by what I know 
of the mood in which the Zuiiis still regard the things they make and 
use, and which is so clearly manifest in their names of such things. It 
is a tendency so great, indeed, that neither change of environment and 
other conditions, nor yet substitution of unused materials for those in 
customary usefor the making of things, will eifect change in their forms 
at once, even though in preserving older forms iu this newer sort of mate- 


rial the greatest amount ot' iiicouvenie.iice be eucouiitereil. There is, 
indeed, but one intlueuce potent enouyli to efl'eet change from one estab- 
lished form to another, and that is acculturation ; and even this works 
but slowly and only after long and familiar intercourse or after actual 
conimiugliug of one peojde with a diversely developed peojjle has 
taught them the safety and efficieucy of unfamiliar forms in uses fa- 
miliarly associated with their owu accustomed but dilierent forms. 
Sooner or later such acculturation invariably effects radical change in 
the forms of tilings used by one or the other of the i)eoi)les thus com- 
uiingling, or by both; though in the latter case the change is usually 
unequal. In the case here under consideration there is to be found 
throughout the nearer Zuni country ruins of the actual transitional type 
of pueblo thus formed by the union of the two ancestral branches of 
the Zuiiis, the round town with its clifl"-like outer wall merging into 
the square, terraced town with its broken and angular or straight outer 
walls; and in these composite towns earliest appears, too, the house wall 
built into (not merely against) the outer walls of the curved ijortions 
no less than into the outer Walls of the squared or straight portions. 

The composite round and S(juare x>neblo ruin is not, however, con- 
fined to this transitional type or to its comparatively restricted area 
wherever occurring, but is found here and there as far northward, for 
instance, as the neighborhood of older cliff ruins. But in such cases it 
seems to have been developed, as heretofore hinted, in the comi)ara- 
tively recent rebuilding of old rounded towns by square-hoitse builders. 
Quite in correspondence with all this is the history of the development, 
from the round form into the square, of the kivas of the later Zuni 
towns; that is, like the towns themselves, the round kivas of the earlier 
round towns became, first in part and then nearly squared in the com- 
posite round and square towns, and finally altogether squared in the 
square towns. This was brought about by a twofold cause. When the 
cliff' dwellers became inhabitants of the plains, not only their towns, 
but also the kivas were eidarged. To such an extent, indeed, were the 
latter enlarged that it became difficult to roof them over in the old fash- 
ion of comjileting the upi^er courses of the walls with cross-laid logs, and 
of roofing the narrowed apex of this coping with combined rafter and 
stick structures; hence in many cases, although the round kiva was 
rigidly adhered to, it was not uufrequently inclosed within a square wall 
in order that, as had come to be the case in the ordinary living rooms, 
rafters parallel to one another and of equal length might be thrown 
across the top, thus making a flat roof essentially like the flat terrace 
roofs of the ordinary house structure. 

It is not improbable that the first suggestion of inclosing the round 
kiva in a square- walled structure and of covering the latter with a flat 
roof arose quite naturally long before the cliff' dwellers descended into 
the plains. It has been seen that frequently, in the larger and longest 
occupied cliff'-towns, the straight- walled houses grew outward wholly 

3G4 ZUNI CKKATION MYTHS. ["h. axn. 13 

arouiul the kivas; mid wlieu tlii« occuned the louiul kiva was thus 
not only surrouuded by a S(iuare iuclosure — Ibriued by the walls of the 
nearest houses, — but also it became necessary to cover this inclosing 
space with a flat roof, in order to render continuous the house terrace 
in which it was constructed. Still, the practice never became general 
or intentional in the earlier cliff- towns; probably, indeed, it became so 
in the now ruined round towns only by slow degrees. Yet it needed 
after this (in a measure) makeshift beginning only such influence of 
continued intercourse between the square-house building people and 
these round-town building people to lead tinaliy to the practical aban- 
donment by the latter of the inner round structure surviving from their 
old-fashioned kivas, and to make them, like the modern Zuni kiva, 
square rather than round. 

An evidence that this was virtually the history of the change from 
the round kiva building to the square kiva building, and that this 
change was wrought thus gradually as though by long-continued inter- 
course, is found in the fact that to this day all the ceremonials per- 
formed in the great square kivas of Zuni would be more approiniate in 
round structures. For example, processions of the performers in the 
midwinter night ceremonials in these kivas, on descending the ladders, 
proceed to their jjlaces around the sides of the kivas in circles, as 
though following a circular wall. The ceremonials of concerted invo- 
cation in the cult societies when they meet in these kivas are also per- 
formed in circles, and the singers for dances or other dramaturgic per- 
formances, although arranged in one end or in the corner of the kiva, 
continue to form themselves in perfect circles; the drum in the middle, 
the singers sitting around and facing it as though gathered within a 
smaller circular room inclosed in the square room. Thus it may be 
inferred, iirst, from the fact that in the structural details of the scuttles 
or hatchways by which these modern kivas are entered the cross- 
logged structure of the inner roof of the earliest cliff kivas survive, and 
from the additional fact above stated that the ceremonials of these 
kivas are circular in form, that the scjuare kiva is a lineal descendant of 
the round one; and second, that even after the round kiva was inclosed 
in the square room, so to say, in order that its roof might be made as 
were the roofs of the women's houses, or continuous therewith, it long 
retained the round kiva within, and hence the ceremonials necessarily 
performed circularly within this round inner structure became so asso- 
ciated with the outer structure as well, that after the abandonment 
entirely, through the influences I have above suggested, of these I'oiind 
inner structures, they continued thus to be performed. 

As further evidence of the continuity of this development from the 
earliest to the latest forms, certain painted marks on the walls of the 
cliff kivas tell not only of their derivation in turn from a yet earlier 
form, but also and again of the derivation from them of the latest forms. 
In the ancient ruins of the scattered round houses, which, it is pre- 


sumed, mark the sites of buildings belonging to the earlier clitf ancestry 
folk on the northern desert borders, there are discovered the remains 
of certain unusually large huts, the walls of which appear to have been 
strengthened at four equidistant points by firndy jilanted upright logs. 
It is probable that, alike in this distribution and in the number of these 
logs, they corresponded almost strictly to the poles of, first, the medicine 
tent, and, second, the medicine earth lodge. When, in a later period of 
their development, these builders of the round huts in the north came 
to be, as has heretofore been described, dwellers in the kivas of the 
caves, their larger, presumably ceremonial structures, while reared with- 
out the strengthening posts referred to, nevertheless contained, as 
appropriate parts, the marks of them on the walls corresponding there- 
to. At any rate, in the still later kivas of the cliffs three parallel marks, 
extending from the tops of the walls to the floors, are found jjainted on 
the four sides of the kivas. Finally, in the modern square kiva of 
Zuiii there are still placed, (ceremonially, once every fourth year, on 
the four sides of the lintels or hatchways, three parallel marks, and 
these marks are called by the Zufn in their rituals the holders-up of the 
doorways and roofs. Many additional points in connection not only 
with the structural details of, but also in the ceremonials performed 
within, these modern kivas, may be found, survivals all pointing, as do 
those above mentioned, to the unbroken development of the kiva, from 
the earth medicine lodge to the finished square structure of the modern 
Zuni and Tusayan Indians. 

It likewise has been seen that through very natural causes a strict 
division between the dwellings of the women and children and of the 
adult male population of the cliff villages grew up. From the relatively 
great numbers of the kivas found in the courts of the round towns, it 
may be inferred that this division was still kept up after the ciitt' 
dwellers became inhabitants of the plains and builders of such round 
towns; for when first the Spaniards encountered the ZuQi dwellers 
in the Seven Cities of Cibola they found that, at least ceremonially, 
this division of the men's quarters from those of the women was still 
persisted in, but there is evidence that even thus early it was not so 
strictly held to on other occasions. Then, as now, the men became per- 
manent guests, at least, in the houses of their wives, and it is prob" 
able that the cause which broke down this previous strict division of 
the sexes was the union of the western or rancheria building branch of 
the Zuiii ancestry with the cliff and round-town building branch. 

In nothing is the dual origin of the Zunis so strongly suggested as in 
the twofold nature of their burial customs at the time when first they 
were encountered by the Spaniards; for according to some of the early 
writers they cremated the dead with all of their belongings, yet accord- 
ing to others they buried theiu in the courts, houses, or near the walls 
of their villages. It has ali'cady been stated that the cliff dwellers 
buried their dead in the houses and to tlie rear of their cavern villages, 

366 ZUNI CREATION MYTH?. (eth, 4nn.)3 

and that, following them in this, the dwellers in the round towns 
buried their dead also in the houses and to the rear — that is, just out- 
side of their villages. It remains to be stated that nearly all of the 
Yuman tribes, and some even of the Piman tribes, of the lower Colorado 
region dis^iosed of their dead chietiy by cremati(m. Investigation of the 
square house remains which lie scattered over the southwestern and 
central poriions of Arizona would seem to indicate that the western 
branch of the Zuni ancestry continued this practice of cremating the 
greater number of their dead. If this be true, the custom on the one 
hand of cremating the dead, which was observed by Castaneda at 
Miitsaki, one of the principal of the Seven Cities of Cibola, and the 
practice of burying the dead observed by others of the earliest Spanish 
explorers, are easily accounted for as being survivals of the dittering 
customs of the two peoples composing the Zufii tribe at that time. As 
has been mentioned in the first part of this introductory, both of these 
very different customs continued ceremonially to be i^erformed, even 
after disposal of the dead solely by burial under the influence of the 
Franciscan fathers came to be an established custom. 

In the Ka'ka, or the mythic drama dance organization of the Zunis, 
there is equal evidence of dual origin, for while in the main the kd'kd 
of the Zunis corresponds to the hatzina of the Kio Grande Pueblo tribes 
and to the Mchina of the Tusayan Indiaus, yet it possesses certain dis- 
tinct and apparently extraneous features. The most notable of these 
is found in that curious organization of priest-clowns, the Ka'yimiishi, 
the myth of the origin of which is so fully given in the following out- 
lines (see page 401). It will be seen that in this myth these Ka'yimiishi 
are described as having heads covered with welts or knobs, that they are 
referred to not only as "husbands of the siicred dance" or the "A-«'fot" 
(from kd'lca and yenuishi, as in dyemdshi, husband or married to) and as 
the Old Ones or A'hliishin-e. 

Throughout the Kio Colorado region, and associated with all the 
remaining ruins of the rancheria builders in central and even eastern 
Arizona as well, are found certain concretions or other nodular and 
usually very rough stones, which today, among some of the Yumau 
tribes, are used as fetiches connected both with water worship and 
household worship. Among the sacred objects said to have been 
brought by the Zuni ancestry from the places of creation are a Jiumber 
of such fetich-stones, and in all the ruins of the later Zufu towns such 
fetich-stones are also found, especially before rude altars in the plazas 
and around ancient, lonely shrines on the mesas and in the mountains. 
These fetich-stones are today referred to as d'^hliishitre, or stone an- 
cients, from rt, a stone, ^hla'shi, aged one, and we, a plural suttix. The 
resemblance of this name to the A'-hldHhiwe as a name of the Ka'ye- 
miishi strongly suggests that the nodular shape and knobbed mask- 
heads of these priest-clowns are but dramatic personifications of these 
"stone ancients," and if one examine such stones, especially when used 


iu connection with the worship and invocation of torrents, freshets, and 
swift-running streams (wlien, like tlie masks in question, they are 
covered with chiy), the resemblance between the fetich-stones and the 
masks is so striking that one is inclined to believe that both the 
characters and their names were derived from this single source. 
From the fact that this peculiar institution of the down-priest organi- 
zation, associated with or, as the ZuPiis say, literally mai-ried to the 
Cachiua, or Ka'ka proper, was at one time peculiarly Zuui, as is averred 
by themselves and avowed by all the other Pueblos, it would seem that it 
was distinctively an institution of the western branch of their ancestry, 
since also, as the myths declare, these Old Ones were born on the sacred 
mountains of the Ka'ka, on the banks of the Colorado Chiquito in Ari- 
zona. Finally, this is typical of many, if not all, features which distin- 
guish the Zuui Ka'ka from the corresponding organizations of other 
Pueblo tribes. 


A complete outline of the mytho-sociologic organization of the Zuni 
tribe can not in this connection be undertaken. A sufficient characteri- 
zation of this ])r()bably not unique combination of the sociologic and 
mythologic institutions of a tribe should, liowever, be given to make 
])laiu certain allusions in the following outlines which it is feared would 
otherwise be incomprehensible. 

The Zuni of today number scarcely 1,700 and, as is well known, they 
inhabit only a single large iiueblo — single in more senses than one, 
for it is not a village of separate houses, but a village of six or seven sepa- 
rate parts in which the houses are mere apartments or divisions, so to 
say. This j)ueblo, however, is divided, not always clearlj' to the eye, but 
very clearly in the estimation of the people themselves, into seven parts, 
corresponding, not perhaps iu arrangement topographically, but in 
sequence, to their subdivisions of the "worlds" or world-quarters of 
this world. Thus, one division of the town is supposed to be related 
to the north and to be centered in its kiva or estufa, which mayor niaj' 
not be, however, in its center; another division rejireseuts the west, 
another the south, another the east, yet another the upper world and 
another the lower world, while a final division represents the middle or 
mother and synthetic combination of them all in this world. 

By reference to the early Spanish history of the pueblo it may be 
seen that when discovered, the Ashiwi or Zunis were living in seven 
quite widely separated towns, the celebrated Seven Cities of Cibola, 
and that this theoretic subdivision of the only one of these towns 
now remaining is in some measure a survival of the original subdivision 
of the tribe into seven subtribes inhabiting as many sejjarate towns. 
It is evident that in both cases, however, the arrangement was, and is, 
if we may call it such, a mythic organization ; hence my use of the term 
the mytho-sociologic organization of the tribe. At any rate, this is 

368 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. (eth.ann.I3 

the key to their sociology as well as to their mythic conceptious of 
space and the universe. In common with all other Indian tribes of 
North America thus far studied, the Zufiis are divided into clans, or 
artificial kinship groups, with inheritance in the female line. Of these 
clans there are, or until recently there were, nineteen, and these in turn, 
with the exception of one, are grouped in threes to correspond to the 
mythic subdivision I have above alluded to. These clans are also, as are 
those of all other Indians, totemic; that is, they bear the names and 
are supposed to have intimate relationship with various animals, plants, 
and objects or elements. Named by their totems they are as follows : 

Ka'lokta-kwe, Crane or Pelican people; Poyi-kwe (nearly extinct), 
Grouse or Sagecock people; Ta'hluptsi-kwe (nearly extinct), Yellow- 
wood or Evergreen-oak people; Ain'slii-kwe, Bear people; Suski-kwe, 
Coyote people; Aiyaho-kwe, Eed-top plant or Spring-herb peoi)le; Ana- 
kwe, Tobacco people; Ta'akwe, Maize-plant people; Tonashi-kwe, 
Badger people; Shohoita-kwe, Deer people; Maawi-kwe (extinct), Ante- 
lope people; Tona-kwe, Turkey people; Yii'tok'ya-kwe, Sun people; 
Apoya-kwe (extinct), Sky people; K'yii'k'yali-kwe, Eagle people; 
Tiik'ya-kwe, Toad or Frog people ; K'yana-kwe (extinct), Water people; 
Chitola-kwe (nearly extinct), Eattlesnake people; Pichi-kwe, Parrot- 
Macaw people. 

Of these clans the first group of three appertains to the north, the 
second to the west, the third to the south, the fourth to the east, the 
fifth to the upper or zenith, and the sixth to the lower or nadir region; 
while the single clan of the Macaw is characterized as "midmost," or of 
the middle, and also as the all-containing or mother clan of the entire 
tribe, for in it the seed of the priesthood of the houses is supposed to 
be preserved. The Zuni explanation of this very remarkable, yet when 
understood and comprehended, very simple and natural grouping of the 
clans or totems is exceedingly interesting, and also significant whether 
it throw light on the origin, or at least native meaning, of totemic sys- 
tems in general, as would at first seem to be the case, or whether, as is 
more probably the case in this instance, it indicates a native classifica- 
tion, so to say, or reclassification of clans which existed before the cul- 
ture had been elaborated to its present point. Briefly, the clans of the 
north — that is, those of the Crane, the Grouse, and Evergi-een-oak — 
are grouped together and are held to be related to the north because of 
their peculiar fitness for the region whence comes the cold and wherein 
the season of winter itself is supposed to be created, for the crane each 
autumn api)ears in the van of winter, the grouse does not flee from the 
approach of winter but puts on his coat of white and traverses the 
forests of the snow-clad mountains as freely as other birds traverse 
summer fields and woodlands, caring not for the cold, and the ever- 
green oak grows as green and is as sturdy in winter as other trees are 
in spring or summer; hence these are totems and in a sense god-beings 
of the north and of winter, and the clanspeople named after them and 



considered as, mytbically at least, their breath-children, are theretore 
grouped together and related to the north and winter as are their 
totems. And as the bear, whose coat is grizzly like the evening twilight 
or black like the darkness of night, and the gray coyote, who prowls 
amidst the sagebrush at evening and goes forth and cries in the night- 
time, and the spring herb or the red-top plant, which blooms earliest 
of all flowers in spring when first the moisture-laden winds from the 
west begin to blow — these and the i^eople named after them are as 
appropriately grouped in the west. The badger, who digs Lis hole on 
the sunny sides of hills and in winter appears only when the sun shines 
warm above them, who excavates among the roots of the juniper and 
the cedar from which fire is kindled with the fire drill ; the wild tobacco, 
which grows only where fires have burned, and the corn which anciently 
came from the south and is still supposed to get its birth from the 
southland, and its warmth — these are grouped in the south. The tur- 
key, which wakes with the dawn and helps to awaken the dawn by his 
cries; the antelope and the deer, who traverse far mesas and valleys in 
the twilight of the dawn — these and their children are therefore grouped 
in the east. And it is not diflicult to understand why the sun, the sky 
(or turkis), and the eagle appertain to the upper world; nor why the 
toad, the water, and the rattlesnake appertain to the lower world. 

By this arrangement of the world into great quarters, or rather as 
the Zuiiis conceive it, into several worlds corresponding to the four 
quarters and the zenith and the nadir, and by this grouping of the 
towns, or later of the wards (so to call them) in the town, according to 
such mythical division of the world, and finally the grouping of the 
totems in turn within the divisions thus made, not only the ceremonial 
life of the people, but all their governmental arrangements as well, are 
completely systemized. Something akin to written statutes results 
from this and similar related arrangements, ibr each region is given its 
appropriate color and number, according to its relation to one of the 
regions I have named or to others of those regions. Thus the north is 
designated as yellow with the Zunis, because the light at morning and 
evening in winter time is yellow, as also is the auroral light. The west 
is known as the blue world, not only because of the blue or gray twi- 
light at evening, but also because westward from Zuuilaud lies the 
blue Pacific. The south is designated as red, it being the region of 
summer and of fire, which is red; and for an obvious reason the east 
is designated white (like dawn light); while the upi)er region is many- 
colored, like the sunlight on the clouds, and the lower region black, 
like the caves and deep springs of the world. Finally, the midmost, 
so often mentioned in the following outline, is colored of all these 
colors, because, being rei)resentative of this (which is the central world 
and of which in turn ZuJii is the very middle or navel), it contains all 
the other quarters or regions, or is at least divisible into them. 
Again, each region — at least each of the four cardinal regions, namely, 
13 ETH 24 

370 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. 1eth.ann.13 

north, west, south, aud east — is the home or center of a special element, 
as well as of one of the four seasons each element i)roduces. Thus the 
north is the place of wind, breath, or air, the west of water, the south 
of fire, and the east of earth or the seeds of earth; correspondingly, 
the north is of course the place of winter or its origin, the west of 
spring, the south of summer, and the east of autumn. This is all 
because from the north and in winter blow the fiercest, the greatest 
winds or breaths, as these people esteem them; from the west early in 
spring come the moistened breaths of the waters in early rains; from 
the south comes the greatest heat that with dryness is followed by 
summer, aud from the east blow the winds that bring the frosts that 
in turn mature the seeds and perfect the year in autumn. By means 
of this arrangement no ceremonial is ever performed and no council 
ever held in which there is the least doubt as to the position which a 
member of a given clan shall occupy in it, for according to the season 
in which the ceremonial is held, or according to the reason for which 
a council is convened, one or another of the clan groujjs of one or 
another of the legions will take precedence for the time; the natural 
sequence being, however, first the north, second the west, third the 
south, fourth the east, fifth the upper, and sixth the lower; but first, 
as well as last, the middle. But this, to the Zuni, normal sequence of 
the regions and clan groups, etc., has been determined by the ap^iarent 
sequence of the iihenomena of the seasons, and of their relations to one 
another; for the masterful, all conquering element, the first necessity of 
life itself, and to all activity, is the wind, the breath, and its cold, the 
latter overmastering, in winter all the other elements as well as all 
other existences save those especially adapted to it or potent in it, like 
those of the totems and gods aud their children of the north. But in 
spring, when with the first appearance of the bear and the first sup- 
posed growls of his spirit masters in the thunders and winds of that 
time their breaths begin to bring water from the ocean workl, then the 
strength of the winter is broken, and the snows thereby melted away, 
and the earth is revivified with drink, in order that with the warmth of 
summer from the south things may grow and be cherished toward their 
old age or maturity and perfection, and finally toward their death or 
sleeping in winter by the frost-laden breaths of autumn and the east. 
Believing, as the Zunis do, in this arrangement of the universe and 
this distribution of the elements and beings chiefly concerned in them, 
and finally in the relationship of their clans and the members thereof 
to these elementary beings, it is but natural that they should have 
societies or secret orders or cult institutions composed of the elders or 
leading members of each group of their clans as above classified. 
The seriation of these secret and occult medicine societies, or, better, 
perhaps, societies of magic, is one of the greatest consequence and 
interest. Yet it can but be touched upon here. In strict accordance 
with succession of the four seasons and their elements, and with their 


suijposed relationsbip to these, are classified the four fuudamentai activi- 
ties of primitive life, namely, as relating to the north and its masterful- 
ness and destructiveness in cold, is war and destruction ; relating to the 
west is war cure and hunting ; to the south, husbandry and medicine ; to 
the east, magic and religion ; while the above, the below, and the middle 
relate in one way or another to all these divisions. As a consequence 
the societies of cold or winter aie found to be grouped, not rigidly, but 
at least theoretically, in the northern clans, and they are, respectively: 
'Hlewe-kwe, Ice-wand people or band; Achia-kwe, Knife people or 
band; Ka'shi-kwe, Cactus people or band; for the west: Pi'hla-kwe, 
Priesthood of the Bow or Bow people or band (Api'hlan Shiwani, 
Priests of the Bow); Siiniyak'ya-kwe, Priesthood of the Hunt or 
Coyote i)eople or band; for the south: Make'hlana-kwe, Great fire 
(ember) people or band; Maketsdna-kwe, Little fire (ember) people 
or band; of the east: Shiwana-kwe, Priests of the Priesthood people 
or band; tJhuhu-kwe, Cottonwood-down people or band; Shumekwe, 
or Ka'ka'hlana-kwe, Bird-monster people or band, otherwise known as 
the Great Dance-drama people or baud ; for the upper region : Newe- 
kwe, Galaxy people or band or the All-consumer or Scavenger people or 
band (or life preservers); and for the lower regions: Chitola-kwe, Eat- 
tlesnake people or band, generators (or life makers). Finally, as pro- 
duced from all the clans and as representative alike of all the clans 
and through a tribal septuarchy of all the regions and divisions in the 
midmost, and finally as representative of all the cult societies above 
mentioned is the Ka'ka or Akaka-kwe or Mythic Dance drama people 
or organization. It may be seen of these mythosocioiogic organiza- 
tions that they are a system within a system, and that it contains also 
systems within systems, all founded on this classification according 
to the six-fold division of things, and in turn the six-fold division 
of each of these divisions of things. To such an extent, indeed, is 
carried this tendency to classify according to the number of the six 
regions with its seventh synthesis of them all (the latter sometimes 
apparent, sometimes nonai»pearing) that not only are the sulKlivi- 
sions of the societies also again subdivided according to this arrange- 
ment, but each clan is subdivided both according to such a six-fold 
arrangement and according to the subsidiary relations of the six i)arts 
of its totem. The tribal division made up of the clans of the north 
takes precedence ceremonially, occupying the position of elder brother 
or the oldest ancestor, as the case might be. The west is the younger 
brother of this; and in turn, the south of the west, the east of the 
south, the upper of the east, the under of them all, while the middle 
division is supposed to be a rei>resentative being, the heart or navel 
of all the brothers of the regions first and last, as well as elder and 
younger. In each clan is to be found a set of names called the names 
of childhood. These names are more of titles than of cognomens. 
They are determined upon by sociologic and divinistic modes, and are 


bestowed in childbood as the "verity names" or titles of tlie children to 
whom given. But this body of names relating to any one totem — for 
instance, to one of the beast totems — will not be the name of the totem 
beast itself, but will be names both of the totem in its various con- 
ditions and of various parts of the totem, or of its functions, or of its 
attributes, actual or mythical. Now these parts or functions, or attri- 
butes of the i)arts or functions, are subdivided also in a six-fold manner, 
so that the name relating to one member of the totem — for example, like 
the right arm or leg of the animal thereof — would corresjjond to the 
north, and would be the first in honor in a clan (not itself of the northern 
group); then the name relating to another member — say to the left leg 
or arm and its powers, etc. — would pertain to the west and would be sec- 
ond in honor; and another member — say the right foot — to the south and 
would be third in honor; and of another member — say the left foot — 
to the east and would be fourth in honor; to another — say the head — 
to the upper regions and would be fifth in honor; and another — say the 
tail — to the lower region and would be sixth in honor; while the heart 
or the navel and center of the being would be first as well as last in 
honor. The studies of Major Powell among the Maskoki and other 
tribes have made it very clear that kinship terms, so called, among other 
Indian tribes (and the rule will apply no less or perhaps even more 
strictly to the Zunis) are rather devices for determining relative rank or 
authority as signified by relative age, as elder or younger of the jier- 
son addressed or spoken of by the term of relationship. So that it is 
quite impossible for a Zuni speaking to another to say simjjly brother; 
it is always necessary to say elder brother or younger brother, by 
which the speaker himself affirms his relative age or rank; also it is 
customary for one clansman to address another clansman by the same 
kinship name of brother-elder or brother- younger, uncle or nephew, 
etc.; but according as the clan of the one addressed ranks higher or 
lower than the clan of the one using the term of address, the word- 
symbol for elder or younger relationship must be used. 

With such a system of arrangement as all this may be seen to be, with 
such a facile device for symbolizing the arrangement (not only according 
to number of the regions and their subdivisions in their relative succes- 
sion and the succession of their elements and seasons, but also in colors 
attributed to them, etc.), and, finally, with such an arrangement of names 
correspondingly classified and of terms of relationship significant of 
rank rather than of consanguinal connection, mistake in the order of 
a ceremonial, a procession or a council is simply impossible, and the 
people employing such devices may be said to have written and to be 
writing their statutes and laws in all their daily relationships and utter- 
ances. Finally, with much to add, I must be content with simply 
stating that the high degree of systemization which has been attained 
by the Zunis in thus grouping their clans severally and serially about 
a midmost group, we may see the influence of the coming together of 


two diverse peoples acting upon each other favorably to the develop- 
ment of both in the application of such conceptions to the conduct 
of tribal affairs. It would seem that the conception of the midmost, 
or that grouj) witliin all these groups which seems to be made up of 
parts of them all, is inherent in such a system of world division and 
tribal subdivision corresponding thereto; but It may also well be that 
this conception of the middle was made more prominent with the Zunis 
than with any other of our southwestern peoples through the influ- 
ence of the earthquakes, which obviously caused their ancestors from 
the west again and again to change their places of abode, thus empha- 
sizing the notion of getting nearer to or upon the lap or navel of the 
earth mother, where all these terrific and destru(;tive movements, it was 
thought, would naturally cease. 

Be this as it may, this notion of the " middle" and its relation to the 
rest has become tlie central fact indeed of Zuui organization. It has 
given rise to the septuarchy I have so often alluded to; to the ofQce of 
the mortally immortal K'yiik'lu, keeper of the rituals of creation, from 
which so much sanction for these fathers of the people is drawn ; to the 
consequent fixing in a series like a string of sacred epics, a sort of 
inchoate Bible, of these myths of creation and migration; and finally, 
through all this accumulated influence, it has served to give solidarity 
to the Zufil tribe at the time of its division into separate tribes, making 
the outlying pueblos they inhabited subsidiary to the central one, and 
in the native acceptation of the matter, mere parts of it. 


As the space originally apportioned to this merely preliminary essay 
on the Myths of Creation has already been greatly exceeded, the con- 
sideration even in outline of the cultural characteristics of the Zunis, 
which would do much to further illumine the meaning of the myths, 
must be left to the second jiaper of the series. This will constitute a 
key or appendix to the present paper, and will contain such glossaries 
and detailed explanations as will render, it is hoped, all obscure passages 
clear, and will at the same time give my authority for framing and 
translating the myths as I have. 

Chiefly, however, it will in turn introduce a third paper on the sacred 
dances or creation dramas of the Ka'ka, which originally the myths 
themselves (as the source of the songs, rituals, and forms of these 
dramas) were designed to introduce. Lastly, the whole series are but 
preliminary to a very extensive work on the subject which I contem- 
plate producing so soon as health and opportunity for further researches 
among the ZuQis will permit. 

As inclusive of the dramaturgies or dances, and nearly all other 
ceremonials of the Zufiis, this subject of their creation myths is almost 
inexhaustible. I, at least, can not hope to complete it, and I have 

374 ZUNI CEEATION MYTHS. [eth.ann.13 

therefore choseu to treat it ia its relation especially ti) their so-called 
(lances, particularly to tiiose of the Ka'ka. 

With other ijrimitive peoples as with the Zuiiis, there seems to be 
no bent of their minds so strong or pervasive of and influential upon 
theirlives as the dramaturgic tendency. That tendency to suppose that 
even the phenomena of nature can be controlled and mad e to act more 
or less by men, if symbolically they do first what they wish the elements 
to do, according to the ways in which, as taught by their mystic lore, 
they suppose these things were done or made to be done by the ances- 
tral gods of creation time. And this may be seen in a search ing analysis 
not only of the incidents and symbolisms in folktales a s well as myths 
of such primitive peoples, but also in a study of tiie moods in which 
they do the ordinary things of life; as in believing that because a stone 
often struck wears away faster than when first struck it is therefore 
helpful in overcoming its obduracy to strike it — work it — by a prelimi- 
nary dramatic and ritualistic striking, whereupon it will work as though 
already actually worked over, and will be less liable to breakage, etc. 

All this and much more to the same effect will be illustrated in the 
papers which I have mentioned as designed to follow the present one. 

There remain still a few points in this preliminary paper which must 
be commented upon — points regarding my own hand in the work chiefly. 
I use very freely such terms as "religious," "sacred," "priest," and 
"god," not because they always express exactly the native meaning, 
but for the reason that they do so more approximately than any other 
terms I could select. The fearful and mysterious, the magical and 
occult, all these and many other elements are usually included in 
the primitive man's religion, and hence terms like " sacred" must be 
given a less restricted value than they have in our speech or culture. 

Again, while the Zufii word shiwani, "priest," literally signifies 
guardian and possessor, as well as maker or keeper of the flesh, or seed 
of life of the Zufiis, it must not be supposed to i-epresent a medicine- 
man, shaman, or sorcerer — for all of which there are specific difterenti- 
ated terms in the Zuni tongue. Those who bear that title are also 
divided into four classes, but among all these the functions of possess- 
ing a shrine, being ritualists, performing before the altars, and leading 
as well as ordering all organized sacerdotal ceremonials, is common. 
Therefore the simple term " priest," in the Pagan rather than in the 
Christian sense, is the best and truest that can be found. 

Frequently I have occasion to reproduce portions of songs or rituals, 
or, again, words of the Uananii or "Beloved Gods." In the originals 
'these are almost always in faultless blank verse meter, and are often 
even grandly poetic. I do not hesitate either to reproduce as nearly as 
Ijossible their form, or to tax to the uttermost my power of expression 
in rendering the meanings of them where I quote, clear and effective 
and in intelligible English. Yet in doing this T do not have to depart 
very far from "scientific" accuracy, even in the linguistic sense. 


Finally, I have entitled the originative division of this paper " Ont- 
lines of Zuni Creation Myths," because, in the first place, this is but a 
preliminary rendering of these, and, properly speaking, they are a series 
of explanation-myths. Now, while such myths are generally discon- 
nected, often, indeed, somewhat contradictory episode -legends with 
primitive peoples, they are, with the Zuiiis, already become serial, and it 
is in their serial or epic form (but merely in outline) that I here give 
them. Although each is called a talk, and is held specifically by a par- 
ticular organization or social division, yet all are called " the speech." 
This comes about in Zuni by the presence in the tribal organization, as 
already explained, of a class of men and priests there called the " Mid- 
most," or the "All," because hereditary in a single clan (the Macaw), yet 
representative sacerdotally of all the clans and all the priesthoods, which 
they out- rank as "Masters of the House of Houses." 

With them all these various myths are held in brief and repeated in 
set form and one sequence as are placed the beads of a rosary or on a 
string, each entire, yet all making a connected strand. Here, then, we 
see the rudiment or embryo of a sacred epic such as that of the Kya'klu 
or "Speaker of all times whensoever." 

As finally published, this paper will coutain the most ample explana- 
tion of all these points and many others, and will not ask, as it does 
today, catholic judgment and charitable interpretation. 

The so-called dances of the ZuFiis, and presumably those of all similar 
primitive peoples, are essentially religio-sociologic in character and 
always at least dramatic, or, more properly speaking, dramaturgic. It 
follows that to endeavor to describe and treat at all adequately of any 
one such ceremonial becomes a matter of exceeding difticulty, for it 
should involve a far more iierfect scheme of the sociologic organization 
as well as at least a general survey of the mythology and religious 
institutions of the tribe to which it relates, such as I here present, as 
well as an absolutely searching description of all details in both the 
preparation for and the performance of such ceremonial. 

For example, the celebrated Ka'ka or mythic drama-dance organiza- 
tion of the Zuiiis, and for that matter all other of their ceremonials, 
are, any one of them, made up in personnel from specific clans. Thus 
formed, they are organized, and the actors and their parts divided in 
accordance with the groupings of these clans in relation to the symbolic 
regions of the world, or in this case literally septs. Finally, the para- 
phernalia and costumings, no less than the actions, songs, and rituals, 
are as distinctly founded on and related to the legend or legends 

At this point it seems desirable that the sense in which the terms 
"drama," "dramatic," and "dramaturgic" are employed in relation to 
these ceremonials be explained. This may best be done, perhaps, by 
contrasting the drama of primitive peoples, as I conceive it, with that 
of civilized peoples. While the latter is essentially spectacular, the 

376 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. ieth.ann. 13 

former has for its chief motive the absolute and faithful rejiroductiou 
of creative episodes — one may almost say, iudeed, the reviviflcatiou of 
the ancient. 

That this is attempted and is regarded as possible by primitive man 
is not to be wondered at when we consider his peculiar modes of con- 
ception. I have said of the Zunis that theirs is a science of appear- 
ances and a philosophy of analogies. The primitive man, no less than 
the child, is the most comprehensive of observers, because his looking 
at and into things is not self-conscious, but instinctive and undirected, 
therefore comprehensive and searching. Unacquainted as he is with 
rational explanations of the things he sees, he is given, as has been the 
race throughout all time, to symbolic interpretation and mystic expres- 
sion thereof, as even today are those who deal with the domain of the 
purely speculative. It follows that his organizations are symbolic; 
that his actions within these organizations are also symbolic. Con- 
sequently, as a child at play on the floor finds sti(;ks all-sufficient for 
the personages of his jjlay-drama, chairs for his houses, and lines of 
the floor for the rivers that none but his eyes can see, so does the 
primitive man regard the mute, but to him personified, appliances of 
his dance and the actions thereof, other than they seem to us. 

I can perhaps make my meaning more clear by analyzing such a con- 
ception common to the Zuni mind. The Zuni has observed that the 
corn plant is jointed; that its leaves spring from these joints not regu- 
larly, but spirally; that stripped of the leaves the stalk is found to be 
indented, not regularly at opposite sides, but also spirally; that the 
matured plant is characterized, as no other plant is, by two sets of 
seeds, the ears of corn springing out from it two-thirds down and the 
tassels of seeds, sometimes earlets, at the top; also that these tassels 
resemble the seed-spikes of the spriug-grass or pigeon-grass; that the 
leaves themselves while like broad blades of grass are fluted like plumes, 
and that amongst the ears of corn ever and anon are found bunches of 
soot; and, finally, that the colors of the corn are as the colors of the 
world — seven in number. Later on it may be seen to what extent he 
has legendized these characteristics, thus accounting for them, and to 
what extent, also, he has dramatized this, his natural philosophj- of 
the corn and its origin. N^othing in this world or universe having 
occurred by accident — so it seems to the Zuni mind, — but everything 
having been started by a personal agency or sui>erual, he immediately 
begins to see in these characteristics of the corn plant the traces of the 
actions of the peoples in his myths of the olden time. Lo! men lived 
on grass seeds at first, but, as related iu the course of the legends 
which follow, there came a time when, by the potencies of the gods and 
the magic of his own priests or shamans, man modified the food of first 
men into the food of men's children. It needed only a youth and a 
maiden, continent and pure, to grasp at opposite sides and successively 
the blades of grass planted with plumes of supplication, and walking 


or daucing around tliem, holding them fii'mly to draw them upward 
until they had rapidly grown to the tallness of themselves, then to 
embrace them together. Behold! the grasses were jointed where 
grasped four times or six according to their tallness; yea, and marked 
with the thumb-marks of those who grasped them ; twisted by their 
grasp while circling around them and leaved with plume-like blades 
and tasseled with grass-like spikes at the tops. More wonderful than 
all, where their j)ersons had touched the plants at their middles, behold ! 
new seed of human origin and productive of continued life had sprung 
forth in semblance of their parentage and draped with the very iiile of 
their generation. For lo ! that when the world was new all things in 
it were ¥yamna, or formative, as now is the child in the mother's womb 
or the clay by the thoughts of the potter. That the seed of seeds thus 
made be not lost it needed that Paiyatuma, the God of Dew and the 
Dawn, freshen these new-made plants with his breath; that T^natsali, 
the God of Time and the Seasons, mature them instantly with his touch 
and breath ; that Kw^lele. the God of Heat, ripen them with the touch 
of his Fire-brother's torch and confirm to them the warmth of a life of 
their own. Nevertheless, with the coming of each season, the creation 
is ever repeated, for the philosophy of ecclesiasticism is far older than 
ecclesiastics or their writings, and since man aided in the creation of 
the corn, so must he now ever aid in each new creation of the seed of 
seeds. Whence the drama of the origin of corn is not merely reenacted, 
but is revived and reproduced in all its many details with scrupulous 
fidelity each summer as the new seed is ripening. And now I may 
add intelligibly that the drama of primitive man is performed in an 
equally dramaturgic spirit, whether seen, as in its merely culminating 
or final enactment, or unseen and often secret, as in its long-continued 
preparations. In this a given piece of it may be likened to a piece of 
Oriental carving or of Japanese joinery, in which the parts not to be 
seen are as scrupulously finished as are the parts seen, the which is like- 
wise characteristic of our theme, for it is due to the like dramaturgic 
spirit which dominates even the works, no less than the ceremonials, 
of all primitive and semiprimitive peoples. 

So also it seems to the Zufii that no less essential is it that all the 
long periods of creation up to the time when corn itself was created 
from the grasses must be reproduced, even though hastily and by mere 
signs, as are the forms through which a giveu species in animal life has 
been evolved, rapidly reiieated in each embryo. 

The significance of such studies as these of a little tribe like the 
Zufiis, and especially of such fuller studies as will, it is hoped, follow in 
due course, is not restricted to their bearing on the tribe itself. They 
bear on the history of man the world over. I have become convinced 
that they thus bear on human history, especially on that of human cul- 
ture growth, very directly, too, for the Zunis, say, with all their strange, 
apparently local customs and institutions and the lore thereof, are 

378 ' ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. [eth.ann. 13 

representative in a more than merely general way of a phase of culture 
through which all desert peoples, in the Old World as well as in the 
New, must sometime hava'' passed. Thus my researches among these 
Zufiis and my experimental researches upon myself, with my own hands, 
under strictly j>rimiti,ve conditions, have together given me insight and 
power to interpret their myths and old arts, as I could never otherwise 
have hoped to do; and it has also enlarged my understanding of the 
earliest conditions of man everywhere as nothing else could have done. 
The leisure for this long continued research has been due to the 
generosity, scientific disinterestedness, and personal kindness of my 
former chief. Professor Spencer F. Baird, and of my present revered 
director. Major J. W. Powell, whose patience and helpfulness through 
years of struggle, ill-health, and delay could not adequately be repafd 
by even the complete carrying out of the series of works herein pro- 
jected and prefaced. To them and to Professor W J McGee, who has 
aided and fostered this work in every possible way, I owe continual 



Before the begiiming of the new-making, Awonawilona (the Maker 
and Container of All, the All-father Father), solely had being. There 
was nothing else whatsoever throughout the great space of the ages 
save everywhere black darkness in it, and everywhere void desolation. 

In the beginning of the new-made, Awona\viloua conceived within 
himself and thought outward in space, whereby mists of increase? 
steams potent of growth, were evolved and uplifted. Thus, by means 
of his innate knowledge, the All-container made himself in person <and 
form of the Sun whom we hold to be our father and who thus came to 
exist and airpear. With his appearance came the brightening of the 
spaces with light, and with the brightening of the spaces the great 
mist clouds were thickened together and fell, whereby was evolved 
water in water; yea, and the world-holding sea. 

With his substance of flesh (yepnane) outdrawn from the surface 
of his person, the Sun-father formed the seed stuff of twain worlds, 
impregnating therewith the great waters, and lo ! iu the heat of his 
light these waters of the sea grew green and scums {Vyanashotsiyal- 
laice) rose upon them, waxing wide and weighty until, behold! they 
became Awitelin Tsita, the "Four-fold Containing Mother-earth," and 
Apoyan Ta'chu, the "All-covering Father-sky." 


From the lying together of these twain upon the great world waters, 
so vitalizing, terrestrial life was conceived ; whence began all beings of 
earth, men and the creatures, in the Four- fold womb of the World ( Awi- 
ten Tehu'hlnakwi). 

Thereupon the Earth-mother repulsed the Sky-father, growing big 
and sinking deep into the embrace of the waters below, thus separa- 
ting from the Sky-father in the embrace of the waters above. As a 
woman forebodes evil for her first-born ere born, even so did the Earth- 
mother forebode, long withholding from birth her myriad progeny and 
meantime seeking counsel with the Sky-father. " How," said they to 

' As stated more fully iu the iutroiluctory paragraphs, notes giving the etymologies 
of native terms and explaining and amplifying obscure or brief allusions and present- 
ing the special sense in which certain expressions and passages are nsed will be given 
in the second part of this paper, to appear in the future. 


380 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. (eth.ann.1S 

one another, "shall our children, when brought forth, kuow one place 
from another, eveu by the white light of the Sun lather?" 

Now like all the surpassiug beings (pilcwaiyin dhdi) the Earth- 
mother and the Sky-father were ^hlimn.a (changeable), eveu as smoke 
in the wind; transmutable at thought, manifesting themselves in any 
form at will, like as dancers may by mask-making. 

Thus, as a man and woman, spake they, one to the othei-. " Behold ! " 
said the Earth-mother as a great terraced bowl appeared at hand 
and within it water, " this is as upon me the homes of my tiny chil- 
dren shall be. On the rim of each world-country they wander in, ter- 
raced mountains shall stand, making in one region many, whereby 
country shall be known from country, and within each, place from place. 
Behold, again!" said she as she spat on the water and rapidly smote 
and stirred it with her fingers. Foam formed, gathering about the 
terraced rim, mounting higher and higher. " Yea," said she, " and from 
my bosom they shall draw nourishment, for in such as this shall they 
find the substance of life whence we were ourselves sustained, for see ! " 
Then with her warm breath she blew across the terraces ; white flecks of 
the foam broke away, and, floating over above the water, were shattered 
by the cold breath of the Sky-father attending, and forthwith shed 
downward abundantly tine mist and spray! "Even so, shall white 
clouds float up from the great waters at the borders of the world, and 
clustering about the mountain terraces of the horizons be borne aloft 
and abroad by the breaths of the surpassing of soul-beings, and of the 
children, and shall hardened and broken be by thy cold, shedding 
downward, in rain-spray, the water of life, even into the hollow places 
of my lap! For therein chiefly shall nestle our childi-en mankind and 
creature kiud, for warmth in thy coldness." 

Lo ! even the trees on high mountains near the clouds and the Sky- 
father crouch low toward the Earth-mother for warmth and ijrotection! 
Warm is the Earth-mother, cold the Sky-father, eveu as woman is the 
warm, man the cold being! 

"Eveu so !" said the Sky-father; "Yet not alone shalt thou helpful 
be unto our children, for behold ! " and he spread his hand abroad with 
the palm downward and into all the wrinkles and crevices thereof he 
set the semblance of shining yellow corn grains; in the dark of the 
early world-dawn they gleamed like sparks of fire, and moved as hia 
hand was moved over the bowl, shining up from and also moving in 
the depths of the water therein. "See!" said he, pointing to the seven 
grains clasped by his thumb and four fingers, "by such shall our 
children be guided ; for behold, when the Sun-father is not nigh, and 
thy terraces are as the dark itself (being all hidden therein), then shall 
our children be guided by lights — like to these lights of all the six 
regions turning round the midmost one — as in and around the mid- 
most place, where these our children shall abide, lie all the other 
regions of space ! Yea ! and even as these grains gleam up from the 


water, so shall seed-grains like to them, yet numberless, spring up 
from tliy bosom when touched by my waters, to nourish our children." 
Thus and in other ways many devised they for their ofifspriug. 


Anon in the nethermost of the four cave- wombs of the world, the seed 
of men and the creatures took form and increased; even as within eggs 
in warm ijlaces worms speedily appear, which growing, presently burst 
their shells and become as may happen, birds, tadpoles or serpents, so 
did men and all creatures grow manifoldly and multiply in many kinds. 
Thus the lowermost womb or cave-world, which was Anosin tehuli 
(the womb of sooty depth or of growth-generation, because it was the 
place of first formation and black as a chimney at night time, foul too, 
as the internals of the belly), thus did it become overfilled with being. 
Everywhere were unfinished creatures, crawling like reptiles one over 
another in filth and black darkness, crowding thickly together and tread- 
ing each other, One spitting on another or doing other indecency, inso- 
much that load became their murmurings and lamentations, until many 
among them sought to escape, growing wiser and more manlike. 


Then came among men and the beings, it is said, the wisest of wise 
men and the foremost, the all-sacred master, Poshaiyagk'ya, he who 
appeared in the waters below, even as did the Sun-father in the wastes 
above, and who arose from the nethermost sea, and jjitying men still, 
won upward, gaining by virtue of his (innate) wisdom- knowledge issu- 
ance from that first world-womb through ways so dark and narrow that 
those who, seeing somewhat, ci'owded after, could not follow, so eager 
were they and so mightily did they strive with one another ! Alone, 
then, he fared upward from one womb (cave) to another oiit into the 
great breadth of daylight. There, the earth lay, like a vast island in 
the midst of the great waters, wet and unstable. And alone fared he 
forth dayward, seeking the Sun-father and supplicating him to deliver 
mankind and the creatures there below. 



Then did the Sun-father take counsel within himself, and casting his 
glance downward espied, on the great waters, a Foam-cap near to the 
Earth-mother. With his beam he impregnated and with his heat 
incubated the Foam-cap, whereupon she gave birth to iJanam Achi 
Piahkoa, the Beloved Twain who descended; first, tJanam fihkona, 
the Beloved Preceder, then tJanam Ydluna, the Beloved Follower, 
Twin brothers of Light, yet Elder and Younger, the Right and the 
Left, like to question and answer in deciding and doing. To them the 

382 ZUNI CREATION MYTHS. (eth.axn.18 

Sunfatber imparted, still retaining, control-thought and his own knowl- 
edge-wisdom, even as to the offspring of wise parents their knowing- 
ness is imparted and as to his right hand and his left hand a skillful 
man gives craft freely surrendering not his knowledge. He gave them, 
of himself and their mother the Foam-cap, the great cloud-bow, and for 
arrows the thunderbolts of the four quai-ters (twain to either), and for 
buckler the fog-making shield, which (spun of the floating clouds and 
spray and woven, as of cotton we spin and weave) supports as on wind, 
yet hides (as a shadow hides) its bearer, defending also. And of men 
and all creatures he gave them the fathership and dominion, also as 
a man gives over the control of his work to the management of his 
hands. Well instructed of the Sun-father, they lifted the Sky-father 
with their great cloud-bow into the vault of the high zenith, that the 
earth might become warm and thus fitter for their children, men and 
the creatures. Then along the trail of the sun-seeking Poshaiyaijk'ya, 
they sped backward swiftly on their floating fog-shield, westward to the 
Mountain of Generation. With their magic knives of the thunderbolt 
they spread open the uncleft depths of the mountain, and still on their 
cloud-shield— even as a spider in her web descendeth — so descended 
they unerringly, into the dark of the under-world.. There they abode 
with men and the creatures, attending them, coming to know them, 
and becoming known of them as masters and fathers, thus seeking the 
ways for leading them forth. 


Now there were growing things in the depths, like grasses and crawl- 
ing vines. So now the Beloved Twain breathed on the stems, of these 
gi-asses (growing tall, as grass is wont to do toward the light, under 
the opening they had cleft and whereby they had descended), causing 
them to increase vastly and rapidly by grasping and walking round 
and round them, twisting them upward until lo ! they reach forth even 
into the light. And where successively they grasped the stems ridges 
were formed and thumb-marks whence sprang branching leaf-stems. 
Therewith the two formed a great ladder whereon men and the crea- 
tures might ascend to the second cave-floor, and thus not be violently 
ejected in after-time by the throes of the Earth-mother, and thereby be 
made demoniac and deformed. 

Up this ladder, into the second cave-world, men and the beings 
crowded, following closely the Two Little but Mighty Ones. Yet many 
fell back and, lost in the darkness, peopled the under- world, whence 
they were delivered in after-time amid terrible earth shakings, becoming 
the monsters and fearfully strange beings of olden time. Lo! in this 
second womb it was dark as is the night of a stormy season, but larger 
of space and higher than had been the first, because it was nearer the 
navel of the Earth-mother, hence named K'olin tehuli (the Umbilical- 
womb, or the Place of Gestation). Here again men and the beings 


increased and tbe clamor of tlieir complainings grew loud and beseech- 
ing. Again the Two, augmenting the growth of the great laddei-, guided 
them upward, this time not all at once, but in successive bands to 
become in time the fathers of the six kinds of men (the yellow, tlie tawnj- 
gray, the red, the white, the mingled, and the black races), and with 
them the gods and creatures of them all. Yet this time also, as before, 
multitudes were lost or left behind. The third great cave-world, where- 
unto men and the creatures had now ascended, being larger than the 
second and higher, was lighter, like a valley in starlight, and named 
Awisho tehuli — the Yaginal-womb, or the Place of Sex-generation or 
Gestation. For here the varioiis peoples and beings began to multi- 
ply apart in kind one from another; and as the nations and tribes of 
men and the creatures thus waxed numerous as before, here, too, it 
became overfilled. As before, generations of nations now were led out 
successively (yet many lost, also as hitherto) into the next and last 
world-cave, T(5pahaian tehuli, the Ultimate-uncoverable, or the Womb 
of Parturition. 

Here it was light like the dawning, and men began to perceive and to 
learn variously according to their natures, wherefore the Twain taught 
them to seek first of all our Sun -father, who would, they said, reveal to 
them wisdom and knowl